Emotional Torture

When psychologists teach torture:

[…]

The issues of psychologist involvement in “national security” efforts are complex. Although there may be appropriate and ethically acceptable ways for psychologists to participate in such activities, even a cursory historical awareness indicates that such involvement is often ethically problematic. Whether for good or for ill, the CIA has a long record of tapping academic scientists as witting and unwitting consultants and researchers, and of providing protection through cover stories and secrecy. For example, the 1977 Senate investigation of the CIA Behavioral Modification Project (called MKULTRA) disclosed that the CIA had contracted with researchers at over 80 universities, hospitals, and other research-based institutions through a front funding agency. In the Senate hearing, the Director of Central Intelligence stated: “I believe we all owe a moral obligation to these researchers and institutions to protect them from any unjustified embarrassment or damage to their reputations which revelations of their identities might bring.”i But these are not just ploys of the past. Recently, Dr. Belinda Canton, a long-time CIA intelligence manager and a member of the 2005 President’s Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, recommended opportunistic use of scientists as an approach to management of uncertainty: “Identify academics and scientists who may have insights” and note where “opportunities exist to exploit scientific cadre.”ii

This history, along with the current, well-documented authorizations for detainee abuse, should have provided sufficient warning to APA leaders and to individual psychologists about the moral risks in aiding the national security apparatus, especially under the present U.S. administration. But the APA has not taken the lead in helping psychologists confront these dangerous ethical situations. To the contrary, the APA has been insensitive to the use of psychological techniques in torture and to the role of psychologists in aiding that torture. This insensitivity itself has shocked many psychologists here and abroad.

In 2006, Time magazine released the interrogation log of Guantanamo detainee 063, Mohammed al-Qahtani. This log demonstrated that al-Qahtani had been systematically tortured for six weeks in late 2002 and 2003. The log also alleged that psychologist and APA member Maj. John Leso was present at least several times during these episodes. The APA said nothing about this alleged participation of an APA member in documented torture. It is at least 23 months since ethics complaints were filed against Dr. Leso and still the APA has remained silent.

In May 2007, the Defense Department declassified the Office of Inspector General report, documenting the role of SERE psychologists in training military and CIA personnel in techniques of abuse that “violated the Geneva Conventions.” The APA responded with silence. When we inquired about the APA’s reaction, we were told that the organization needed time to “carefully study” the report. It has been 14 months, and to date no APA leader has commented upon the Report.

The APA leadership has failed psychologists and failed the profession of psychology. It has also failed the country. When ethical guidance was required, the APA put its ethical authority in the hands of those involved in the questionable practices that needed investigation. When the evidence became overwhelming that psychologists helped design, implement, and standardize a U.S. torture regime, the APA remained silent. When it was reported that the use of psychological paradigms such as ‘learned helplessness’ have guided psychologists’ manipulation of detainee conditions, the APA continues to ignore or discount these reports. They instead assert that psychologists presence’ at CIA black sites and detention camps “assures safety.” When it became clear that the APA should offer a strong voice and a clear policy prohibiting psychologists’ participation in operations that systematically violate the Geneva conventions and international law, the APA leadership raised concern that a “restraint of trade” lawsuit might be brought against them. These arguments, of course, do not pass the red face test in any discerning forum of world opinion.

[…]

Read the whole article here

“Key” Decision

A key decision at the Federal Court in the case of a US war resister:

A married father of four, [Joshua] Key served as a combat engineer for eight months in Iraq 2003. He said American soldiers committed savage acts against civilians and routinely killed innocent people.

While the board deemed him credible, it nixed his claim for refugee status on the grounds he was not required to systematically commit war crimes even if he had to violate the Geneva Conventions.

Federal Court Justice Robert Barnes disagreed with that analysis.

“Officially condoned military misconduct falling well short of a war crime may support a claim to refugee protection,” Barnes wrote.

Military action that “systematically degrades, abuses or humiliates” either combatants or non-combatants could provide such support, he said.

Lee Zaslofsky, of the War Resisters Support Campaign, was ecstatic on learning of Friday’s ruling.

“Oh my God, that’s wonderful,” said Zaslofsky, who came to Canada from the U.S. in the 1970s to avoid the Vietnam War draft.

“Oh wow. Oh wow. That’s big. That affects all cases.”

Key, a native of Oklahoma, fled to Canada after deserting during a leave in November 2003. Punishing him for following his conscience would be unjust, he said.

“You’re treated unfairly just for not wanting to go kill innocent people.”

In turning down several similar asylum claims, the refugee board has consistently held that the United States is a democracy, which affords deserters due judicial process.

However, the court said the board should hear evidence on whether deserters can rely on the American government to treat them fairly.

“State protection has been a very prominent issue that we have felt has just simply not been given the kind of attention it requires,” Zaslofsky said.

“It doesn’t appear feasible for people like Joshua Key and the other war resisters to rely on state protection that people would normally be able to rely on – even in a democracy like the United States.”

Key’s lawyer, Jeffry House, said the ruling expands a soldier’s right to refuse military service.

“It’s a huge victory for numerous soldiers who are here and maybe others who are thinking of coming here,” House said.

New Democrat politician Olivia Chow called on Prime Minister Stephen Harper to rethink his government’s policy of excluding American war dodgers.

“Rather than wasting time and money for people to go through that whole refugee process, the Federal Court has spoken out loud and clear,” Chow said.

Parliament, she noted, has also passed a resolution calling for deserters to be allowed to stay in Canada.

The resolution also urges a stay of deportation proceedings against soldiers such as Corey Glass, who is due to be removed from Canada next week.

Canadian Silence, US Cruelty

On Sunday I posted this horrible video of David Addington and John Yoo testifying before the House Judiciary Committee.  Or should I say not testifying.  Now Linda McQuaig has voiced the thoughts I found myself unable to form out of sheer disgust:

Does the president of the United States have the right to order a detainee buried alive?

Oddly, this grotesque question was posed at a U.S. Congressional hearing last week. Even odder was the answer — from John Yoo, former deputy assistant attorney general in the Bush administration, now a law professor at the University of California.

“I don’t think that I’ve ever given the advice that the president could bury somebody alive,” Yoo told a judiciary subcommittee hearing into detainee interrogations.

Well, I guess that’s comforting to know. But it was striking to watch Yoo evade answering whether he considered there was any treatment so vicious and inhuman that it would be beyond the president’s power to inflict it on a detainee, in the interests of national defence.

Apparently there isn’t. In a public debate in 2005, Yoo was asked if he thought it would be lawful for the president to authorize crushing the testicles of a detainee’s child.

It would seem like a simple “no” would suffice. But here’s how Yoo responded: “I think it depends on why the president thinks he needs to do that.”

Asked about that line last week during his Congressional testimony, Yoo didn’t deny saying it, but protested that it was taken “out of context.” Does that mean there’s a context in which a top legal adviser might advise the president that that’s okay?

After 7 1/2 years of George W. Bush, much of the media and political establishment — which have never shown much interest in holding Bush to account — now appear anxious to simply move on. They seem determined to leave unexamined the full cruelty and mendacity of the Bush administration, with its unlawful wars and blatant violations of the Geneva Conventions.

Moving on is a great idea – once there’s been some accountability, with a full public recognition of wrongdoing, and a commitment to bring about change. Otherwise, nothing will have been learned.

The comments of Yoo, who authored top-level internal memos justifying torture and virtually unlimited presidential power, suggest a moral depravity in very high places.

That depravity led to the horrific abuses at Abu Ghraib and at other U.S. prisons in Iraq, Afghanistan, Guantanamo Bay and “black sites” around the world.

The dean of the Massachusetts School of Law, Lawrence Velvel, argues that Bush and top administration officials, including Yoo, should be tried for war crimes. His law school is holding a conference in September to map out ways to try to pursue these prosecutions “if need be, to the ends of the Earth.”

Meanwhile, here in Canada, it seems we’re supposed to avert our gaze. Strong critiques of Bush are slapped down for being “anti-American.”

Certainly, the Harper government, while quick to spot anti-democratic behaviour in Zimbabwe, is blind to it south of the border. Not only has Ottawa failed to join European nations in protesting Guantanamo Bay — and refused to do anything to help the Canadian imprisoned there — it actively co-operates with the United States on security matters and has sent thousands of Canadian troops to Afghanistan to fight in the front lines of Bush’s “war on terror.”

All this is presented as helping our neighbour, and building democracy in Afghanistan. Another way to look at it is that we’re lending support to an administration whose moral compass doesn’t seem to rule out burying people alive or crushing the testicles of children.

[emphasis mine]

Lawyers!

Oh my fecking gawd, watch and listen to the smug, supercilious David Addington, Chief of Staff to Vice President Dick Cheney, refuse to answer a question asked at the hearings of the House Judiciary Committee, to this effect:  Do you agree that it would be legal to torture the child of a detainee to get information from him?  I neither agree nor disagree because you’re asking for a legal opinion and we agreed that I wouldn’t give legal opinions.  [So FUCK you and so THERE]

Oh CRAP!  A lawyer without an opinion?

And listen to John Yoo refuse to answer ONE single question he’s asked by the pesky and getting impatient Rep John Conyers (Conyers for President!).  Could the President order someone to be buried alive?  No President would ever do that?  But if he did, would it be legal?  No President would ever do that.  [ So FUCK you and so THERE]

Yoo does look a bit queasy though, as he imagines how what he says could be used against him at his war criminal trial.

This makes me want to PUKE!  In fact, I may have to go do that now.

Watching Torture, Watching McCain

Glenn Greenwald:

An article by The New York Times‘s Mark Mazzetti this morning discloses a letter (.pdf) from the Justice Department to Congress which asserts “that American intelligence operatives attempting to thwart terrorist attacks can legally use interrogation methods that might otherwise be prohibited under international law.” In other words, even after all of the dramatic anti-torture laws and other decrees, the Bush administration insists that American interrogators have the right to use methods that are widely considered violations of the Geneva Conventions if we decide that doing so might help “thwart terrorist attacks.”

There are two reasons, and two reasons only, that the Bush administration is able to claim this power: John McCain and the Military Commissions Act. In September, 2006, McCain made a melodramatic display — with great media fanfare — of insisting that the MCA require compliance with the Geneva Conventions for all detainees. But while the MCA purports to require that, it also vested sole and unchallenged discretion in the President to determine what does and does not constitute a violation of the Conventions. After parading around as the righteous opponent of torture, McCain nonetheless endorsed and voted for the MCA, almost single-handedly ensuring its passage. That law pretends to compel compliance with the Conventions, while simultaneously vesting the President with the power to violate them — precisely the power that the President is invoking here to proclaim that we have the right to use these methods.   more here

Jane Mayer talks about torture and television, with a focus on 24 , on video,   here