Reactionary Mind in Reactionary Times

What is the reactionary mind?

Many people identify the reactionary mind with conservatism or, more generally, right-wing ideology. It tends to be defined by such facets as dominance hierarchy, power disparity, nostalgia, obfuscation, etc; maybe also things like alienation as well. And the overlap with all things right-wing might be largely correct in the most extreme cases, at least in present WEIRD society.

Still, one might note that this reactionary mind is the complete opposite of the traditional mind. The recuperation of traditionalism is a superficial facade, and progressivism or anything else can just as easily be recuperated (more about this further on). Within the reactionary worldview, there is a ‘radical’ impulse to remake the world and then to erase all evidence of what came before — or rather counter-radical that, in reacting to the radical, takes on much of the radical style; in any case, often more destructive of the traditional than any radical.

With constant misdirection, this is how ideological realism operates in the Burkean moral imagination, along with related to what I call symbolic conflation (“Why are you thinking about this?”). Reactionaries are mercurial shapeshifters and so can appear in various guises (Reactionary Revolutionaries, Faceless Men, and God in the Gutter). It’s a socio-ideological version of a personality disorder.

When someone goes reactionary, it’s like a fairy abduction. They look and sound like the person you knew, but they no longer act like them. Something about them seems off, distorted, or deranged. Their psyches are thrown off balance where certain aspects are suppressed and others exaggerated. I’ve personally known people who this has happened to. In some cases, it was the standard pattern of right-wing media remaking a person (Fox effect, cultivation theory) and erasing the memory of who they used to be (kind, tolerant, easygoing, etc) and replacing it with something else (mean world syndrome).

But I’ve also seen people go reactionary just from general overwhelming stress.

It can be quite disturbing when the old personality collapses and shatters with something new forming out of the remnants. In talking to the individual, you keep looking for the person they used to be and you briefly might get in the groove of the kinds of conversations you once had. Yet something is now off. It feels wrong, disturbing. Who they were before wouldn’t respond in the way they do now. Some fundamental piece of them is gone or utterly transformed.

The stress of their life has completely taken over and there is a permanent edginess they carry with them. A wall has been raised that you can’t penetrate, that maybe even they can’t penetrate either. It’s a person who has become so scarred that all that is left of them is defense reaction and survival mode. It’s one of the saddest things to experience, especially when you used to like the person they once were. It requires mourning a loss, even as they remain alive — similar to seeing a loved one slip away into dementia.

One way to think of the reactionary is as a psychological complex. In Jungian terms, a complex is a constellation of emotionally-driven, unconscious ideas and ways of thinking, perceptions and narratives, tendencies and impulses. They’re organized around a common theme or mood. It’s a psychological pattern that hangs together, in how it can get deeply and powerfully entrenched. It locks into place a set of personality traits and behaviors.

Once you’ve identified a complex, then the outward expressions of it can start to make sense. This allows you to sense motivations and predict what follows from them. In being observable across individuals, societies, and times, the reactionary mind could even be considered an archetype. It represents a deeper but common potential in human nature, if exaggerated.

In the following, we won’t attempt a technical analysis, rather just a meandering exploration of its causations and implications in the real world.

How is the reactionary expressed and enacted?

Let’s return to defining the phenomenon in more conventional terms.

In Corey Robin’s theory, the reactionary seems more or less equivalent to social dominance orientation (SDO). But there is also a clear element of low ‘openness to experience’ (FFM), that is to say social conservatism and right-wing* authoritarianism (RWA). As SDOs tend to be authoritarian leaders, RWAs are typical authoritarian followers (see note at end).

When combined, SDO and RWA form what’s called a Double High. These are the people found on the far right, from Adolf Hitler to Steve Bannon. Hence, I’d argue that it’s this mix that most strongly defines the reactionary overall. But admittedly, the most potent aspect seems to be SDO, as it corresponds to dark personality (Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy, sadism) and low ‘honesty-humility’ (HEXACO). On the other hand, the RWA component pushes toward the driven edginess of a true believer. A reactionary wants something to believe in, if they might randomly grasp whatever is available in trying on different beliefs.

More important is the act of believing than exactly what is believed. They have a talent for acting with conviction, acting as if something is true.

Yet SDO and dark personality is where the tricksiness and shiftiness comes from. This is the constant game-playing, manipulations, deceptions, and shit-fuckery. It’s why they’re extremely hard to pin down. And it’s what makes reactionary fantasizing so potent and mesmerizing. They have a way with not only nostalgia but also moral panic, culture war, folk devils, scapegoating, and such. They know how to reach deeply into the psyche and grab it by the balls.

Reactionaries naturally think in simplistic and punchy narratives. That is in contrast to the liberal mind that tends to fall back on abstractions and facts, on principles and ideals, on analysis and argument. Though to give credit where it’s due, if the non-reactionary narratives of liberals may have be less immediate impact, they work their magic over the long term. But reactionaries are more concerned about the here and now. They can be quick on their toes.

Also, this slipperiness is why reactionary rhetoric and narratives are more convenient than fundamental. Consider an observation made of Nazis. A visitor to Germany noted that Nazi propaganda was all over the place. There was no consistency and coherency to it. Everything was tailored to the audience, to what was going on in the world, and to the topic or issue at hand. There is a sensitivity of sorts to the reactionary mind, even while it’s often used toward blunt ends of tugging and inciting emotions.

The reactionary mind cares only about the effect and result. What holds it all together is simply authoritarianism itself (RWA + SDO).

Understand that authoritarianism is, first and foremost, a mentality and worldview. This is a deeper understanding of ‘ideology’. It might make more sense with familiarity of Louis Althusser’s theory of interpellation. It’s about a voice of authority that hails the individual, in attempting to command and compel them.

But one is only actually hailed if one turns toward the voice, in acknowledging it has any claim over you. Assuming one is conscious, informed, and attentive, a hail can be identified and then treated with care, either to accept it or ignore it. Of course, ignoring an authoritarian hail might end badly, if you’ll have the satisfaction of maintaining your liberty of the soul to the bitter end. Authoritarians, once in power, are known to imprison, torture, banish, and kill those who fail to be properly interpellated into the authoritarian identity.

Yet interpellation can be a perfectly innocent process as it underlies all social identities, including those that are happy and beneficial. In a liberal and egalitarian society, one wouldn’t mind being hailed into an identity of mutual support, collective action, and public good.

Please, I beg you. Find a voice of authority that can hail the American population into functioning liberal democracy and egalitarian justice. Stop for a moment to contemplate the words of those like Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X, or following the death of his brother the last haunting speeches of Robert F. Kennedy. These people put their lives on the line because, through the power of oratory, they hoped to hail in a new vision for society.

That is why they were assassinated. Their voices of authority were too powerful and persuasive, too radical and dangerous. They represented a non-reactionary alternative to the reactionary system and those who ruled it.

The reactionary and what it’s reacting to

As one would expect, the reactionary is defined by what it’s reacting to in any given moment.

In Western countries like the United States for several generations, reaction has focused on both what has been dominant in the West (or at least in the Western imaginary, if not always in political practice), from liberal democracy to economic progressivism, and what has been dominant among the West’s Cold War enemies, primarily ‘communism’ (or rather what went for it: state capitalism? red fascism? neo-feudalism?).

So, reactionaries sometimes, as an instinct, take up opposing positions or else an oppositional attitude. On this level, they can’t help but be contrarians, often rather trollish. But their reaction isn’t arbitrary and random.

In reacting, they are still defined by what they’re reacting to. They never escape the gravity well of the dominant paradigm. And so they endlessly co-opt from the focus of their reaction, the shadow of their own mania falling back upon themselves (The Many Stolen Labels of the Reactionary Mind). Reaction is their only core motivation and so they need something exciting to react against, without which they are overtaken by boredom and ennui (Boredom in the Mind: Liberals and Reactionaries; Violent Fantasy of Reactionary Intellectuals; & The Fantasy of Creative Destruction).

Along these lines, this explains why reactionaries constantly try to elicit reaction from others (Reactionaries Seeking Reaction). It’s not only that Donald Trump needs to foment violence to justify violence. More than anything, he needs to stage a performance of violence, whether or not it erupts into real violence. The purpose is for narrative spin and, in the reactionary imagination, the only worthy narrative is melodramatic and over-the-top (e.g., Fox News falsely portraying Portland, Oregon as a post-apocalyptic hellscape ravaged by antifa hordes burning down the city).

The reactionary mind needs to be constantly fed with its hunger is never sated.

About being shaped by the object of reaction, they put their mark on everything, like a muddy dog shaking mud about as it runs through the house. This is true in relation to classical liberalism and libertarianism, what some right-wingers claim as being right-wing. Both of these once were radical ideologies on the left in representing a degree of extremism never before seen. Or consider that free trade was once seen as democratic and liberatory in being anti-authoritarian, anti-elitist, and anti-imperialist (Marc-William Palen, Pax Economica). The initial adherents challenged the reactionary dominance hierarchies of their own era.

Early liberals were egalitarian and anti-authoritarian in advocating for positions that, in many ways, remain radical to this day: direct democratic self-governance (even majoritarianism), broader suffrage, feminism, abolitionism, low inequality, access to commons, reparations for stolen commons (e.g., Thomas Paine’s citizen’s dividend), opposition to aristocracy and plutocracy, fear of corporate capitalism, secularist separation of church and state, critique of organized religion and a priestly class, etc.

And early libertarians were anti-statist socialists (Property is Theft: So is the Right’s Use of ‘Libertarian’). Once upon a time, libertarianism actually meant liberty for all (as free markets meant freedom for all), not dishonest rhetoric used in defense of liberty as a privilege of the few. Reactionary recuperation is how, in practice, elite claims of ‘liberty’ so easily morphed into the oppressive reality of neoliberalism (e.g., Ronald Reagan), techno-feudalism (e.g., Peter Thiel), and on and on.

Reactionaries can and will claim anything, or otherwise leave ideological and rhetorical chaos in their wake. We need to learn to ignore words and claims.

You know someone’s true nature by what they do and support, who they work and ally with, and what are the the consistent results. We should distrust those who speak of equality of opportunity and positive freedom, yet the policies and systems they promote always end with increasing oppression, disadvantage, and inequity. Actions and effects are how we observe and measure, determine and judge the reality of motivations and causes.

In co-opting and recuperating ideological labels and rhetoric, reactionaries are posturing. They  don’t actually adhere to liberalism and libertarianism of any kind (or ‘free markets’ and such), but in the Western mainstream those are the only respectable positions. So, they put on these ideologies like costumes to hide their true ideologies of authoritarianism and domination.

But once they think they’re in a strong position, the masks come off (e.g., the fascism of Donald Trump, Elon Musk, and cronies). To paraphrase Maya Angelou, when you see their true face, believe it the first time. Watch carefully and don’t ignore it. Take heed and take it seriously.

Reactionary (pseudo-)leftists

This reactionary tendency, though, applies more broadly. It’s a psychological potential in everyone.

In general, reactionaries are unprincipled because that is simply how reactionary psychology operates. This is why, for anyone seeking to be principled, creeping reaction in the psyche can be one of the greatest concerns. It’s hard to defend against the enemy within, but it’s necessary.

A certain kind of leftist, for example, reacts to liberalism and so embrace an illiberalism that easily becomes anti-leftist as well (Does Liberalism Matter to Leftism?) — one could argue that, ultimately in practice, there is no illiberal leftism as there is no inegalitarian liberalism. On a left-wing Reddit group I recently visited, the commenters were so obsessed with opposing and owning the libs that, in reaction, they ended up voicing views that sounded surprisingly right-wing. What they were reacting to is what really mattered to them.

And in the past, I’ve been attacked and blocked on the largest left-wing subreddits for advocating leftist principles like practical egalitarianism in the real world, full and direct worker control of the means of production, and such (Leftists For Leftism Against Leftists). To these (pseudo-)leftists, there is a taint to everything liberal: socially liberal tolerance and inclusivity, liberal proceduralism and democratic process, open-minded cooperation and collaboration — what seems like a basic good society to my mind.

Apparently, the only authentic leftism would be authoritarian and totalitarian. Somehow, tankies have come to dominate left-wing groups and forums. But I’d argue tankies aren’t really leftists in any meaningful sense. [One might wonder if they’re controlled opposition, maybe promoted in the way the CIA did with postmodernists to suck out the air from leftist debates and to silence Marxists.] They’re just authoritarians who are nostalgic for old authoritarianism like the USSR, if that is just something convenient to project upon. Even Stalinism, one suspects, would be gladly sacrificed when the moment demanded something else. Authoritarianism is the means and end. All else is details.

Their supposed leftism, one could argue, has become more of a posture and maybe always was. The leftist paraphernalia is incidental, as it’s not based on any leftist principle.

A centralized economy alone does not leftism make since an economy could be similarly centralized by a monarchy, empire, theocracy, or fascist state; or even ‘privately’ by monopolistic inverted totalitarianism. But in a leftist system, the economy would be controlled by the workers and the people, not by a ruling elite, no matter the ideological garb they wear and the rhetoric they hide behind. Real world leftism would require democratic (i.e., liberal) processes, transparency, accountability, and separation of powers that would tend toward decentralization. It would liberate and empower local populations (e.g., workers operating their own workplaces).

These illiberal left-wingers (or pseudo-leftists) are the kind who could switch to being right-wingers without missing a beat. And there are many such ‘conversions’ (Why do you think people become ex-leftists?). Their criticism of the right-wing, be it corporate capitalism or fascism, is not a disagreement over authoritarianism and dominance. They  simply want totalitarian power of their own preferred variety, one that would privilege and embolden people like them, maybe as a vanguard elite.

Were they to gain such a ruling position, they’d never give up that power. As demonstrated in Stalinism, the Leninist vanguard elite became a permanent ruling class who existed separate from and above the masses. It was never going to be a temporary, transitional elite who would eventually usher in real communism of, for, and by the people.

A left-wing vision was never the plan. Or else it’s just that some reactionaries are so unconscious that they don’t know themselves what motivates them. A few of them might sort of believe the lies they tell others, in the way that a successful con artist first cons himself. But such a con is merely method acting. Once the end is achieved, the act is no longer needed.

Reacting to reactionaries makes one a reactionary

As part of a reactionary society, we are immersed in all things reactionary and surrounded by reactionary forces. If we aren’t careful, it’s easy to fall into reaction. Then we internalize the reactionary and our behavior feeds into it. We become vectors of its spread. The reactionary is a virulent mind virus.

In hoping to get more involved as a leftist, I’ve come across leftists — or at least those claiming to be leftists — who seize control of left-wing activist groups and online forums. They demand that others submit to their identities, interests, needs, and agendas. This is not what it means to be an ‘ally’. In reality, an alliance is a relationship of mutuality, and that requires egalitarianism on a pragmatic level of how people relate to one another as genuine and worthy equals.

But to a reactionary, everything is about others submitting to them or to their preferred authority, no matter how they rationalize it. Inverting a dominance hierarchy still leaves us with a dominance hierarchy. Just as a victim becoming a victimizer keeps the wheel of the victimization cycle spinning.

This is why, after declaring ‘Never Again’, the Holocaust can’t be used as an eternal get out of jail free card that rationalizes all horrors Israelis commit against others. As Zionism was founded on fascism, it can never be made into liberal Zionism. There is no such thing as liberal fascism, as there is no such thing as illiberal and inegalitarian leftism.

Besides blatant hypocrisy, there are more subtle expressions of reaction.

In a discussion, Jimmy Dore was talking with Chris Hedges (The Liberal Class’s Ultimate Betrayal (w/ Jimmy Dore) | The Chris Hedges Report). They’re both alternative political commentators, if of far different calibers. The former, as sort of leftist in a confused way, opposes the Democratic Party. And so he dismisses anything related to Russia, since the DNC elite are against Russia.

The enemy of my enemy is my friend, so goes the thought process.

So, he waves away Russiagate and makes excuses for Russian actions. This is in spite of decades of overwhelming evidence tying Donald Trump to Russian oligarchs and organized crime, along with evidence of Trump having laundered money through foreign casinos and property sales. Plus, there were the weird happenings like the collusion between the Republican Manafort Firm, the Democratic Podesta Firm, and Putin-related figures who were meddling in Ukraine prior to the war.

By the way, Trump was one of the first clients of the Manafort firm back in the 1980s. So, he and Paul Manafort had long been in the same social, economic, and political network of cronies. Trump wasn’t directly tied into Manafort’s Ukranian activities that led to prosecution and imprisonment. But Manafort did later work as a campaign adviser for Trump. Then as president, Trump pardoned him because that is what friends do.

Whether or not Russiagate was simply devious political machinations and maneuverings by the DNC elite, no informed and honest person could deny that something important was going on there. And without doubt, the entire Trump family has been criminally corrupt for generations (Trump Family And Elite Corruption; Trump is Innocent of the Crime of Liberalism; & A Deep Dive Into the Deep State).

This is a case where, when there is smoke, there is fire.

Dore ends up being a pseudo-leftist version of Tucker Carlson. Dore and Carlson, while both anti-Zionists, are strangely quite friendly and forgiving toward Russia. They’ll both repeat Kremlin talking points, for whatever reason. So, it’s not a principled opposition to violent and brutal tyranny. It just depends, in each situation, exactly what they’re reacting to.

The reactionary makes us stunted and stupid

This is typical of one variety of leftist that still identifies with the Stalinism and Maoism, in spite of the fact that both Russia and China are now capitalist economies (i.e., market economies with corporate ownership and without worker control of the means of production). In their hatred of Western imperialism, they’ll embrace non-Western imperialism, as if the problem isn’t imperialism itself but the entirety of Western civilization that must be destroyed by any means necessary.

These leftist or pseudo-leftist reactionaries want good imperialism that is supposedly just and effective, whatever they think that means. They’ll praise Stalinist USSR and Maoist China as having lifted millions out of poverty while ignoring the millions starved to death. So, justice according to whose benefit and effective to what end?

They’ll support almost anyone and anything that represents a challenge to the hegemonic West. Their stance is simply about this anti-Western reaction without it being clear, maybe even in their own minds, what they’re ultimately for.

There are no clear inherent principles underlying why one kind of imperialism and/or capitalism is good and another bad, why American and Israeli oppression (War On Terror, CIA covert operations, Zionist genocide of Palestinians, etc) is evil but Russian and Chinese oppression (police-surveillance states, multiple wars of aggression including in Ukraine, persecution of Uyghurs, etc) is great.

But it’s not only what they support and oppose or their supposed motivation for doing so. We need to look past the ideological window dressing. In the end, all reactionaries, no matter their words and outward appearance, are more alike than not.

When under the thrall of the reactionary mind, people become unconsciously stupid, clueless, and obtuse, sometimes willfully and shamelessly so. It comes down to suppression of ‘openness to experience’ (and its twin trait ‘intellect’), which means the stunting and compromise of difficult cognitive abilities requiring greater cognitive load, nuance, complexity, flexibility, curiosity, and cognitive empathy.

Then these cognitively deficient individuals are likely to get stuck in dogmatic positions that are polarized.

This is what happens when people are severely and/or chronically stressed, alienated, oppressed, subjugated, shamed, disenfranchised, impoverished, overworked, exhausted, malnourished, sickly, media-saturated, and a thousand other forms and factors of harm and hopelessness, of degradation and desperation. Much of this is cumulative and transgenerational, systemic and environmental, structural and institutional, pervasive and inescapable.

At the worst extreme, it’s what’s referred to as shit life syndrome. It’s a totalizing hell on earth. Think of American Jim Crow, Nazi ghettoes, South African apartheid, and Israeli occupation. It can also merely be economic abandonment, such as in American Appalachia and the Global South.

The saddest part is how these bad conditions can bring out the worst in people, all across a society. There is a strong link between such things as poverty and inequality on one hand and low IQ and racism on the other. We humans didn’t evolve to handle such extreme levels of stress, conflict, and desperation. It warps the mind in a thousand different ways.

For those of us who are more fortunate, as we resist the reactionary mind and its allure, we should strive toward compassion in understanding what drives people into that mentality. But for the grace of God goes I.

Non-reactionary leftism depends on better conditions

That is where we get a certain strain of the reactionary mind that includes but goes beyond the MAGA demographic. It’s not enough to disparage the ‘basket of deplorables’.

What we need is understanding, so as to alter the conditions that elicit it. People are simply responding as best they can to sometimes impossible situations. The reactionary is one possible outcome of what happens when people get overwhelmed, when they give into cynicism. It’s better to judge the conditions that cause it than to judge those caught up in it. It’s only at the level of conditions that we have the leverage of influence.

As with the reactionary right, many people drawn to left-wing politics do so because they’ve had hard lives. Being damaged, it’s unsurprising that they’re often more than a bit illiberal (and inegalitarian), especially as they identify liberalism with classism. The fact of the matter is liberal-mindedness, indeed, is a privilege of optimal (or at least relatively better) conditions.

But if this were a liberal society, be it social democracy or democratic socialism with greater public good (public welfare, public health, etc), that liberal-mindedness and the conditions that support it would be a birthright for all. Until then, we have to deal with the world as it is and hence people as they are. Those negatively affected by these liberal-suppressing conditions, however, are the last to have the self-awareness and psychological insight to grasp the state they’re in or how to change it.

Knocking out ‘openness to experience’ weakens cognitive empathy, of which is essential for understanding oneself as much as understanding others. With extreme stress, people tend to look for risks, threats, dangers, and competitors outside of themselves. And that might be fine if they looked in the right places, such as among the elite who are the actual cause of their problems.

It’s too bad that there aren’t more people, particularly American leftists, who understand this (We Need To Talk About Health; Social Science As Intellectual Self-Defense; Sick Individuals = Authoritarian Societies; Filth of Rome, Health of Alexandria; & Life History Theory and Strategies: Part 1).

I know some hardcore, radical left-wingers who have hardscrabble working class lives. Everything about their modern lives is out of sync with evolutionary norms of human flourishing. Unsurprisingly, such people tend to have physical and mental health issues. And their behavioral patterns aren’t necessarily constructive by most measures.

Besides overall unhealthy lifestyles, such as drinking and smoking or drug abuse in some cases, they often eat a poverty diet and that typically means a Standard American Diet (SAD). Or else they have horrible sleep patterns with their circadian rhythm being off, from excess blue light at night and other problems such as working odd shifts or multiple jobs. And like so many others, nature deficit disorder is the norm.

Ideas like this, that nature is healing, can sound like liberal self-improvement or new agey woo-woo; in either case, a distraction from the supposed real issues of economics and politics (i.e., historical materialism). Who has time for mere health when there is class war going on and we’re fighting for survival?

In their concern for material problems, most leftists have a superficial conception of the material world. They launch themselves into battle without first surveying the battlefield. Or else they only look in one direction, not seeing the terrain behind them.

Old school leftism and public health

Interestingly, that wasn’t always the case.

Earlier last century, democratic socialists, in backing Milwaukee municipal socialism or Scandinavian social democracy, tended to prioritize public health in terms of practical improvements of living conditions. If they probably didn’t intellectually know that disease and dis-ease causes malignant psychology and society, they did see firsthand how mass sickliness could rip apart a society.

They had the advantage, in living in that first moment of mass urbanization and industrialization, to sense what had been destroyed and lost. There was still a living memory, if declining quickly, of what the previous collective and communal health looked like and felt like. Whereas today, we are simply lost in mind-numbing sickliness at a level that debilitates us with psychotic disconnection from reality, where the abnormal has become the new norm.

It’s ideological realism as mind virus.

That doesn’t have to be the case, though. There are factors under our control, most of the time. For instance, one can eat healthily by focusing on low-carb, nutrient-dense whole foods that typically are cheaper than ultra-processed foods (pork, chicken, lard, butter, etc; and, before prices rose, eggs). I get that many in the lower classes simply eat for convenience as life is already difficult enough. And preparing a meal from scratch is unattractive when collapsing at home after a day’s work.

It’s easier than it might seem (e.g., put a beef roast in a slow cooker before work). And it would pay off in the long-term. A better diet would increase energy, mood, and motivation. If stuck in a vicious cycle, one has to actively intervene to reset one’s situation into a virtuous cycle. But it might be hard for people in such a situation to imagine life could ever be different so as to take that first step.

Certainly, the entire system engenders pessimism and cynicism, apathy and resignation. And, besides, it’s hard for most people to think of the food system as part of social control (Ancient Dietary Ideology Persists). Underestimating this factor is common, if some leftists have long known that who ever controls the food supply controls a population, similar to who controls the vote counting controls elections and hence controls voters.

This is why leftists speak of worker control of the means of production. Basically, there is no freedom without control, without autonomy and agency, without self-determination and self-governance. It’s not only the means of production but the means of anything and everything (e.g., the need to democratize the education and media systems).

What could be added is that it’s not just control of people physically but also mentally, both psychologically and neurocognitively.

What few understand is how powerfully diet and nutrition can alter psychology and behavior (Mark Hyman, Food Fix; Georgia Ede, Change Your Diet, Change Your Mind; Christ Palmer, Brain Energy; Weston A. Price, Nutrition and Physical Degeneration; & Mary Ruddick, “The Sherlock Holmes of Health”). This includes in relation to morality, ethics, and prosociality.

Revolution of mind as an expression of public health

The typical leftist is so narrowly obsessed with conventional left-wing literature, political actions, and organizing that they have little other knowledge. Some of them commit themselves to the activist cause to the detriment of their own health, sometimes as self-conscious martyrdom. All that is likely to achieve is to make them even more illiberal or otherwise inconsistent, in reactionary style. Or else simply weaken their capacity to maintain the fight in the long run.

Without realizing it, they undermine their own leftist project.

If we had a healthier left-wing movement and a healthier society overall, we might have not only a more liberal and egalitarian leftism but also a less fractured and divisive leftism, a more functional and effective leftism (Magic Trick). I’ve repeatedly argued there is a simple reason that the American colonists successfully revolted as the English did not at the time (even when Thomas Paine returned home to England with the intention of inciting revolt), that the American Revolution avoided a vengeful and punitive bloodbath as happened in the French Revolution.

My theory is that it all has to do with American colonists having been among the healthiest people in the West at the time. Besides low infectious disease rate, Americans were the tallest Westerners in the world at the time. That is partly what made George Washington so impressive, as only some Native Americans had greater stature than him.

Unlike in the British Isles and the European mainland, most Americans had low population density, much open space to farm, and access to an abundance of natural resources: clean water, wild plants, seafood, wild game, beef, pork, chicken, eggs, dairy, etc — and, as a side note, beef consumption has an interesting history behind it (Ancient Dietary Ideology Persists). Continuing into the 1800s, the average American ate animal foods, often meat, with every meal. To put it another way, for breakfast, they didn’t slice up a banana with corn flakes and pour soy or rice milk on it, nor did they eat candy-like granola bars.

That extremely superior health gave them strength, endurance, and confidence. But it also probably made them more liberal-minded. As the revolutionary veteran Levi Preston put it, they knew they could govern themselves, they intended to do so, and they were willing to kill anyone who tried to stop them (Spirit of ’76).

It’s the same potent sense of virility and machismo that led Genghis Khan and the Mongols to conquer much of Asia and Europe, that drove Geronimo and the Apaches to outfight, outmaneuver, and outpace US cavalry even when crossing deserts on foot. It’s not just the willingness to fight but the capacity to do so and win, no matter that the opposing force may be larger.

Americans, Mongols, and Apache were regularly confronted by larger forces and yet repeatedly were able to overpower and outlast them. A population at peak health wouldn’t tolerate Donald Trump’s regime of MAGA, DOGE, and ICE. There would already be bloody fights in the streets or maybe heads rolling. That was what happened at other times in American history, long after the American Revolution.

Think of the Coal Wars. Those coal miners were still eating a nutrient-dense and animal-based diet from hunting, trapping, fishing, and subsistence farming. It’s not merely that those coal miners had guns and numbers, along with solidarity, for they also had the bravado to stand up to corporate goons, Pinkertons, and the US military. They refused to act as if they were defeated because defeat wasn’t an option, wasn’t allowable.

If they hadn’t been willing to fight and die, we wouldn’t today have many of our workers rights. Will future generations be able to say that about us? So far, it’s not looking like it.

What underlies the health of the non-reactionary?

Obviously, much else is involved. We need to understand not only that people were different in what they did but what made that possible and probable.

The health-induced liberal-mindedness means that, far beyond merely being able stand their ground and fight, they also were able to organize and act collectively toward a constructive goal of betterment for all. That’s prosocial behavior, a culture of trust. Rather than bickering and splintering into identity politics, those prior generations of left-wingers had something we now lack. No matter how hard we try, we can’t regain that special quality without re-establishing the healthy conditions that made it possible in the past.

This health factor constantly gets overlooked. This is partly because conventional views of health are likely incorrect, as we’re in the middle of a replication crisis in numerous fields like nutrition studies. In Bowling Alone, Robert Putnam discussed the Italian-American residents of Roseto, Pennsylvania. In the immediate post-war period, they were the healthiest population in the US.

But they didn’t fit the profile of how health was understood then and now.

Many worked in a nearby toxic factory. Drinking alcohol and smoking tobacco was common. And they ate a diet that supposedly everyone knew was death-dealing: plenty of noodles, lots of animal foods, traditional processed meats (probably with ground organ meats), and lard used to cook everything in. The Rosetans, on average, even had a fair amount of belly fat, one of the supposedly greatest indicators of health risk.

If all these were factors that should’ve sent the Rosetans to an early grave, then it must’ve been something else that was saving them. Putnam speculated it was their close-knit communities, regular socializing, and civic organizations. As the title suggests, these people were bowling in leagues, rather than alone.

Without a doubt, that was a major influence. We are social creatures, after all.

But as others have noted, all those animal foods might also have been a saving grace (Research On Meat And Health; & Blue Zones Dietary Myth). These Italian-Americans, unlike most other Americans at the time, were still eating a traditional diet of nutrient-dense foods. They were eating a diet closer to the early American coal miners and American Revolutionaries, Apaches and Mongols.

Maybe there is something to the traditional diet, along with a traditional lifestyle in general. As an ethnic immigrant population, those Rosetans had maintained much of their old world customs, way of life, and social relations.

I bet they had large extended families and multigenerational households. Without a doubt, many of them still gardened, hunted, and fished. In general, they likely spent a lot of time outside and often walked to places, as it was a period when there still were neighborhood churches, stores, schools, and parks. It would’ve been a real community, more similar to how humans had been living for millennia.

Relative to today, their lives were super unstressed and little time was spent consuming (or rather being consumed by) manipulative, propagandistic media. They probably only worked 40 hour work weeks and so had lots of free time to spend with family, friends, neighbors, and fellow congregants. Because of the highest labor membership in US history, they surely had great pay, lifetime job security, awesome benefits, great healthcare, and a guaranteed retirement.

All of that was on top of the social democracy and welfare state established by Franklin Delano Roosevelt and progressive leadership across the country: anti-poverty programs, nutritional fortification of foods, Social Security, Medicare, GI Bill, nearly free college education, massive funding into R&D, and on and on and on.

To be self-aware and wary but not fearful

It was an era of optimism, positive feeling, progress, and public good. Indeed, basic metrics of health and prosperity were improving on all accounts, with even a growing black middle class. Post-war Americans were already well into the liberal consensus that would last some more decades before being dismantled.

If our present personality tests had been around at the time and a researcher had gotten data, one suspects that most post-war Americans would’ve been higher on ‘openness to experience’ (and possibly ‘honesty-humility’) with those like the Rosetans being among the highest. That would’ve contributed to the success of organized labor at the time. If Putnam doesn’t talk about it, Roseto probably had been a labor union stronghold.

The point to all of this goes back to my original observations.

As with MAGA on the far right, the extreme illiberal and authoritarian leftism we see dominating many activist circles would be far less of a thing under better conditions. But we also wouldn’t see the reactionary attitudes among the DNC elites and Democratic partisans. This reactionary mind in all its forms, rather than being limited to a single group like MAGA, has become a contagion that has taken over our society.

We on the broad left shouldn’t get too self-righteous. In these hard times, we need to humble ourselves to see our situation with clear eyes, so as to be on guard. We can’t fight what we don’t understand. Otherwise, we’ll tire ourselves out while swinging at shadows. That is when we can slip into the reactionary mind without realizing it.

We need to be on guard so as to better defend what matters most. But we simultaneously must avoid falling into fear. That is yet another reactionary trap. Our concern is what we’re striving toward, not merely what we’re fighting against. Even as the reactionary is an obstacle, reactionaries aren’t our primary concern. Defeating them won’t alone get us to where we want to go.

Our lodestone is the hopeful vision of a better society. It’s about remaining open. It’s the power of radical imagination, to see beyond what is to what might be. One has to fall in love with possibility.

* * *

*Note:

According to the researcher Bob Altemeyer, the ‘right-wing’ in RWA doesn’t only refer to recent history of the political right. Instead, it’s based on the original definition from revolutionary era France. To be on the right side of power means that one believes perceived legitimate authority, however defined, should have their total domination submitted to or else enforced.

Hence, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong were right-wing leaders in this sense. The Russian and Chinese people weren’t give a democratic choice of self-determination and self-governance. All the decisions were made in top-down fashion by a ruling elite.

Even as as Stalinism and Maoism are conventionally described as left-wing, the authoritarianism they represent is both inegalitarian and illiberal. Sure, some might argue (if I’d argue otherwise), a left-winger possibly might be illiberal and still genuinely be far on the left. But for certain, there is no such thing as leftism without egalitarianism. Intrinsically, dominance hierarchies and power disparities are anti-leftist, by definition.

If an elite — private and plutocratic or public and political — controls the economy (means of production, natural resources, etc) and in particular controls capital (i.e., fungible wealth), then that is the capitalist class by definition. This is why Stalinism is often called state capitalism or red fascism. China has become even more fascist in that there are semi-privately-owned corporations, but the ‘owners’ are entirely beholden to and controlled by the state. That is similar to how capitalism operated in Nazi Germany.

So, the Soviet and Chinese ruling elite having wielded or still wielding a centralized economy were or are acting as capitalists, if the capitalism was or is monopolized by the state instead of by corporations. Ironically, many communists have predicted that capitalism always results in monopolies. Stalinism and Maoism proved that to be true, as they resulted in a monopoly of state capitalism. The communist alternative is still waiting to be attempted at the large scale.

Constitutionalism: Elitism Versus Populism

The following is part of a CUNY talk about American democracy, as moderated by Katrina vanden Heuvel. In the section shared below, Corey Robin answers a question about the Supreme Court. He talks about the relatively recent change in how the Court is expected to be the official interpreter of the Constitution, something the Anti-Federalists feared would happen, in their defense of true federalism. It’s the accrual of centralized power.

What Robin calls populist or interdepartmental constitutionalism is what’s more commonly known as living constitutionalism, the great enemy of conservatives. As part of the Anglo-American tradition, it comes out of Quaker constitutionalism; in which a constitution is believed to be a living covenant between a living God and a living generation of a specific community of people. That is how Anti-Federalists treated any public document as the basis of governance.

The Quaker-raised John Dickinson wrote the draft of the Articles of Confederation, what was the first constitution of the United States of America; literally describing a confederation of independent and autonomous nation-states. As a living constitution, it was not considered to be written in stone, to be submissively worshipped as a holy text. Under the Articles, any generation of any of the nation-states could at any moment rescind their consent to be governed by it. What was freely given could be freely taken back.

Following Robin’s comments, Jamelle Bouie added some thoughts. He did reference the Anti-Federalist criticism of bowing down to the dead hand of corpses; i.e., the written word of documents and laws treated as absolute, infallible, and unchanging, as if they were divine authority. He also made the Anti-Federalist argument that the constitution, like the government, is made to serve the people; not the other way around. But interestingly, neither Robin nor Jamelle even once mentioned the Anti-Federalists.

Democratic self-governance is the “mother principle” of republicanism, and hence the reason the constitutional order failed from the beginning, as having replaced the Anti-Federalist principles of the Articles. Such was the retrospective judgment according to Thomas Jefferson, writing in 1816 (“You’re the only people alive on the earth today.”). The Spirit of ’76 didn’t survive in the Constitution, as a piece of paper, but in the “in the spirit of our people” and in the “will of the people.”

Today, this way of thinking is mostly limited to the political left. Whereas the right, in their historical ignorance and amnesia, claim that living constitutionalism is unAmerican. In fact, this is the original intent of the original founding documents; the Declaration of Independence written by the Anti-Federalist Thomas Jefferson (influenced by his Anti-Federalist friend Thomas Paine); and the Quaker-inspired Articles of Confederation that was revised by Anti-Federalists. Robin and Jamelle suggest that we should return to our American roots.

Of course, that is a challenging prospect. The Anti-Federalist vision has always been central to American culture, as informing and inspiring the public mind and imagination. Those like Paine and Jefferson thought governance should be direct and local, as close to the people as possible. But neither of the main parties any longer consistently represent this.

Still, there are recent examples that demonstrate Anti-Federalism in action. It is Anti-Federalist when state governments legalize or decriminalize marijuana usage, while the national government enforces a war on drugs. It is Anti-Federalist when local governments declare themselves a Sanctuary City and refuse to cooperate with ICE agents. This is the people and their most immediate representatives challenging the constitutional order, those who interpret it, and those who enforce those interpretations.

This is an old conflict. Many early revolts were about constitutional issues. The Anti-Federalists were all about the problems of taxation without representation; and in fact fewer Americans had a political franchise after the ratification of the Constitution than under the British Empire. This is what motivated such things as Shays Rebellion, in refusing to submit to what was unconstitutional under the prior Articles of Confederation. And when slaves revolted, again and again, they were refusing and refuting the entire basis of slavery explicitly written into the Constitution. Their interpretation was to claim freedom.

There are more mundane examples or at least ones that don’t involve violence, just plain civil disobedience at a community level. When states first passed abortion bans in the late 1800s to early 1900s, many city and county authorities refused to enforce these laws and doctors continued the practice according to local consent and custom. At the time, there was no constitutional decision on the matter, certainly not by the Supreme Court. But it was about the constitutional order, about at what level should such decisions be made.

Each state has its own constitution, after all. And maybe even cities should have constitutions. Jefferson thought that not only the national government but also the state governments were too distant from the people, who should be able to easily and quickly travel to participate in direct self-governance; think of New England town hall democracy. Even many counties were too large for Jefferson’s taste. Basically, democracy is first and foremost about a community of people. Jefferson may have been taking this inclination to an extreme, but one has to admit that the most well functioning democracies typically are tiny countries, smaller than most U.S. states.

In the broad sense of constitutionalism as a living agreement of a living generation, it’s simply what we’ve collectively agreed upon and continue to consent to, whether or not it’s ever been written down and formalized as a law-like document. Even the U.S. Constitution has no direct legal authority, as its more of a patriotic mission statement, a public declaration of shared ideals and principles, commitments and aspirations. It only gains legalistic force with interpretation, upon which laws are written or rationalized.

Also in line with communal civil disobedience, a specific historical case involved Prohibition, definitely a case of the national government and one of the earliest enactments of the war on drugs. In Templeton, Iowa, the local population was close-knit, largely an ethnic immigrant population from the same area of Europe. They were known for making the whiskey called Templeton Rye, and they had no interest in stopping; in fact, they continued to do so right out in the open.

So, they avoided moving their product across the county line and certainly not getting anywhere near the state line, instead having the Mafia do the transportation for them. This kept it a problem of local law enforcement and courts, and hence out of the hands of the Feds. What this meant is that any Templeton resident who was caught and brought up on charges would simply face a jury of his or her peers in that county; that is to say their family, friends, and neighbors would determine their fate. This loyal community repeatedly refused to prosecute, and maintained this stance until Prohibition ended.

This was one of the original reasons for a jury of peers, as a last option of veto power. The Anti-Federalists got their love of a jury of peers from the Country Party ideology of the Radical Whigs. It was an old stopgap on abusive power and overreach. It may be a ruling elite who passes and enacts the laws, but it is the people who hold the final judgment in enforcement. In that context, it becomes apparent the unconstitutional danger of secret prisons and courts (e.g., Gitmo).

What is constitutional, in how the ruling elite interpret it, depends on how far the powerful think they can go, what they try to get away with, and what they are allowed to get away with. The constitution is always under negotiation and that is determined also by how much push back is given not only from local governments but, more importantly, from the people. If the people refuse to cooperate and assent, then there is no constitutional order.

That is how constitutional interpretation happens in the real world, but it’s rarely acknowledged and so remains invisible. Those in power don’t want we the people to know we have final veto power on all constitutional decisions. If we refuse to accept our responsibility as the self-governed, then our consent to be governed means nothing, other than fear of punishment if we don’t obey. This is why the ruling elite find it necessary to use propagandistic media to suppress and silence the leftist moral supermajority, since there is so much Americans wouldn’t tolerate if they realized most other Americans also opposed it.

Such a docile population wasn’t the aspiration of the Anti-Federalists. Jefferson assumed, or rather hoped, that every generation would have its own constitution, and that before long there would already have been multiple constitutions as has been the case in many other Western democracies. There is no such thing as a constitution for all time, one ring to rule them all. Even our present Constitution is jerry-rigged and, in endless ways, contradicts or overturns any number of the various original intents as espoused by various American revolutionaries, founders, and signers.

Effectively, it’s no longer the same constitution, with an overlay of numerous numerous changes through amendments, precedents, and interpretations. And the only power it holds over us is our own interpretation of it. The question is are we freely choosing our constitutional order, through conscious intent, or have we simply been indoctrinated into mindless and cowardly submission. Whatever is the case, the moral responsibility remains in our own hands, we the people, we the living generation.

* * *

Corey Robin:

“There’s been a sea change among progressives in their attitude towards the [Supreme] Court. And I think it’s also generational, actually. I just think among people who are younger than my generation [GenX], it’s much more intuitive that the Supreme is not the friend of freedom, which was not at all the case when I was growing up. There were still those tailwinds from the Warren Court that I think continued up until rulings on gay marriage and all the rest.

“But there are two issues. One is the idea that the Supreme Court is the supreme interpreter of the Constitution. That was up until, again, the Cold War actually, a very contested idea in American politics. Jefferson, Lincoln, FDR, they didn’t — although they were careful not to act against the court, they never accepted in public discourse, in political discourse what both Dwight D. Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy said, which is: It is the job of the Supreme Court to interpret the Constitution and for us to accept the Supreme Court’s ruling. That’s a pretty recent thing.

“So, I think the first thing we have to really try to unpack and get our heads around is what used to be called a kind of either popular constitutionalism or interdepartmental constitutionalism, that we have a system where many different political actors and citizens are in a position to interpret the Constitution. And many of the great reforms of the Progressive era, the wave of constitutional amendments or Reconstruction, that was on the wave of decades of popular agitation, of people reclaiming the definition of the Constitution from the Court; and I think that’s really important.

“And the second thing, I would say, because the first thing is not that controversial anymore. Willie Forbath and Joseph Fishkin had a book last year called The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution. And one of the very persuasive arguments they made is that the real moments of constitutional reform — the big one is Reconstruction, and in the Progressive era there was women’s right to vote, income tax, reform of the Senate, and one other which I’ve forgotten — there was not only a popular constitutionalism, there was an understanding of the relationship between the Constitution and political economy.

“We have gotten into a very strange mode in this country, and I think this is unfortunately the result of the Warren Court and the New Deal where we think of the Constitution and the Court as this, insofar as it is concerned with rights and freedoms, it’s about the rights of the dissenting minorities, the rights of racial minorities, the rights of individuals, and so forth. But if you look at Reconstruction in particular, there was a real sense that what those amendments were about was toppling a racial oligarchy that was supported by all these oligarchic institutions in the economy; and that you need to unite a vision of political economy and the Constitution if you want to have a hope of engendering a popular constitutionalism.

“And one of my concerns during the Trump era was that respect the norms and these kinds of… which we don’t hear much anymore… but I don’t think you can get very far engendering a belief in constitutionalism. I don’t want to say the Constitution ’cause it’s a bit of a disaster. But in constitutionalism, if people aren’t connecting it to the kinds of things that Jamelle was talking about at the beginning about democracy, being a form of collective self-governance and that speaks to the concerns of everyday life.”

Boredom in the Mind: Liberals and Reactionaries

“Hobsbawm was obsessed with boredom; his experience of it appears at least twenty-seven times in Evans’s biography. Were it not for Marx, Hobsbawm tells us, in a book of essays, he never would “have developed any special interest in history.” The subject was too dull. The British writer Adam Phillips describes boredom as “that state of suspended anticipation in which things are started and nothing begins.” More than a wish for excitement, boredom contains a longing for narrative, for engagement that warrants attention to the world.

“A different biographer might have found in Hobsbawm’s boredom an opening onto an entire plane of the Communist experience. Marxism sought to render political desire as objective form, to make human intention a causal force in the world. Not since Machiavelli had political people thought so hard about the alignment of action and opportunity, about the disjuncture between public performance and private wish. Hobsbawm’s life and work are a case study in such questions.”

That is another great insight from Corey Robin, as written in his New Yorker piece, Eric Hobsbawm, the Communist Who Explained History. Boredom does seem key. It is one of the things that stood out to me in Robin’s writings about the reactionary mind. Reactionaries dislike, even fear, boredom more than almost anything else. The rhetoric of reactionaries is often to create the passionate excitement of melodrama, such as how Burke describes the treatment of the French queen.

The political left too often forgets the power of storytelling, especially simplistic and unoriginal storytelling, as seen with Trump. Instead, too many on the left fear the populist riling up of the masses. I remember Ralph Nader warning about this in a speech he gave in his 2000 presidential campaign. There is a leftist mistrust of passion and maybe there is good reason for this mistrust, considering it forms the heartbeat of the reactionary mind. Still, without passion, there is no power of persuasion and so all attempts are doomed from the start. The left will have to learn to fight on this turf or simply embrace full resignation and so fall into cynicism.

The thing is that those on the political left seem to have a higher tolerance for boredom, maybe related to their higher tolerance for cognitive dissonance shown in social science research. It requires greater uncertainty and stress to shut down the liberal-minded person (liberal in the psychological sense). I noticed this in myself. I’m not prone to the reactionary maybe because I don’t get bored easily and so don’t need something coming from outside to motivate me.

But it might go beyond mere tolerance in demonstrating an active preference for boredom. There is something about the liberal mind that is prone to complexity, nuance, and ambiguity that can only be grown amidst boredom — that is to say the open-mindedness of curiosity, doubt, and questioning are only possible when one acknowledges ignorance. It’s much more exciting to proclaim truth, instead, and proclaim it with an entertaining story. This is problematic in seeking political victories, if one is afraid of the melodrama of hard fights. Right-wingers might burn themselves out on endless existential crises, whereas left-wingers typically never build up enough fire to lightly toast a marshmallow.

The political left doesn’t require or thrive with a dualistic vision of opposition and battle, in the way does the political right. This is a central strength and weakness for the left. On the side of weakness, this is why it is so hard for the left to offer a genuinely threatening challenge to the right. Most often what happens is the reactionaries simply co-opt the left and the left too easily falls in line. See how many liberals will repeat reactionary rhetoric. Or notice how many on the political left turned full reactionary during times of conflict (e.g., world war era).

Boredom being the comfort zone of liberals is all the more reason they should resist settling down within its confines. There is no where to hide from the quite real drama that is going on in the world. The liberal elite can’t forever maintain their delusion of being a disinterested aristocracy. As Eric Hobsbawm understood and Karl Marx before him, only a leftist vision can offer a narrative that can compete against the reactionary mind

* * *

“Capitalism is boring. Devoting your life to it, as conservatives do, is horrifying if only because it’s so repetitious. It’s like sex.”
~William F. Buckley Jr., in an interview with Corey Robin

Violent Fantasy of Reactionary Intellectuals

The last thing in the world a reactionary wants is to be bored, as happened with the ending of the ideological battles of the Cold War. They need a worthy enemy or else to invent one. Otherwise, there is nothing to react to and so nothing to get excited about, followed by a total loss of meaning and purpose, resulting in dreaded apathy and ennui. This leads reactionaries to become provocative, in the hope of provoking an opponent into a fight. Another strategy is simply to portray the whole world as a battleground, such that everything is interpreted as a potential attack, working oneself or one’s followers into a froth.

The Fantasy of Creative Destruction

To the reactionary mind, sacrifice of self can be as acceptable as sacrifice of others. It’s the fight, the struggle itself that gives meaning — no matter the costs and consequences, no matter how it ends. The greatest sin is boredom, the inevitable result of victory. As Irving Kristol said to Corey Robin, the defeat of the Soviet Union “deprived us of an enemy.” It was the end of history for, without an enervating battle of moral imagination, it was the end of the world.

A True Story

We Americans are trapped in a cage with a sleeping grizzly bear and a pack of rabid wolves. The DNC careerists hold the keys to the lock.

They keep telling everyone to speak softly and don’t make any sudden moves, for fear of being torn to shreds. When someone suggests they simply unlock the cage door so that we could all safely step outside, they calmly explain that the danger is real but that we need to consider other options first before we go to such extremes.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump punches the bear in the nose and flings his own poop at the wolves, while declaring there is no bear or wolves and even if there were he’d use his business superpowers to make a deal with them. The GOP sycophants defend his bravery in standing up to the libtards telling everyone what to do. Make the Cage Great Again, cheers some in the crowd.

The corporatist news media hacks, a mass of people between them and the now growling animals, with great self-importance fairly report both sides of the disagreement. Meanwhile, the morning talk show hosts halfheartedly debate whether bears and wolves are fake news. Then they cut to an advertisement for a new antidepressant: “Do you feel anxious? Ask your doctor about Xibuprex. Symptoms may include prostate reflux, toenail dysplasia, herniated itching…”

The American people huddle together in separate groups. With passive expectation, their eyes are glued to their smartphones. They watch videos of what is going on around them and scroll through their social media feeds trying to determine which side they agree with by liking the Facebook posts and retweeting the Tweets that align with their preferred ideology or identity politics.

The bear awakens from its slumber. The rabid wolves approach. The cage door remains locked. The crowd nervously shifts this way and then that.

Neoliberal Catastrophism

“It seems like there are an increasing number of areas where the discourse among centrists and liberals follows a fairly similar script. The opening statement is one of unbridled catastrophe: Trump is fascism on the ascendant march! Global warming will destroy us in the next x years! (I’m not making any judgments here about the truth of these claims, though for the record, I believe the second but not the first). The comes the followup statement, always curiously anodyne and small: Let’s nominate Klobuchar. How are you going to pay for a Green New Deal? Don’t alienate the moderates.

“All of these specific moves can be rationalized or explained by reference to local factors and considerations, but they seem like part of a pattern, representing something bigger. Perhaps I’ve been reading too much Eric Hobsbawm for a piece I’m working on, but the pattern seems to reflect the reality of life after the Cold War, the end of any viable socialist alternative. For the last quarter-century, we’ve lived in a world, on the left, where the vision of catastrophe is strong, while the answering vision remains inevitably small: baby steps, cap and trade, pay as you go, and so on. Each of these moves might have its own practical justifications, but it’s hard to see how anyone could credibly conjure from those minuscule proposals a blueprint that could in any way be commensurate with the scale of the problem that’s just been mooted, whether it be Trump or climate change.

“I wonder if there is any precedent for this in history. You’ve had ages of catastrophe before, where politicians and intellectuals imagined the deluge and either felt helpless before it or responded with the most cataclysmic and outlandish utopias or dystopias of their own. What seems different today is how the imagination of catastrophe is coupled with this bizarre confidence in moderation and perverse belief in the margin.

“Neoliberal catastrophism?”

Reactionary Mind Is Not Normal

“To live a modern life anywhere in the world today, subject to perpetual social and technological transformations, is to experience the psychological equivalent of permanent revolution. Anxiety in the face of this process is now a universal experience, which is why reactionary ideas attract adherents around the world who share little except their sense of historical betrayal.

“Every major social transformation leaves behind a fresh Eden that can serve as the object of somebody’s nostalgia. And the reactionaries of our time have discovered that nostalgia can be a powerful political motivator, perhaps even more powerful than hope. Hopes can be disappointed. Nostalgia is irrefutable.”
~ Mark Lilla, Our Reactionary Age

What if we are all more reactionary than we’d like to admit? Related to that, what if we are all more splintered and dissociated as well?

We have this sense of knowing who we are, as though we are singular stable identities. And we defend those identities with ideology or rather with ideological rhetoric, a wall of language with metaphors as the sentries. It is easy to rationalize and narratize, to make coherent the divided self that plagues the modern mind. It makes me wonder that maybe none of us is as we seem. We look at people with serious personality issues and we might call them dissociated or something similar. But what if we are all disconnected on some basic level. If that is our default state, then it isn’t really dissociation for there is no other supposedly normal state to be dissociated from, no unified whole that only later becomes fractured.

I’ve observed those who can say something to another person, walk into the next room, and say the complete opposite to someone else. It’s an amazing thing to see for how naturally it comes. There is no sign of intentional deception or self-awareness. Of course, this is not so easy to observe in oneself. If one were doing the exact same thing, how would one know? Yet we are constantly splitting ourselves off in this manner, just to get by in this complex society. Who we are with family is different than when with friends. And who we are at church is different than when at work. Egoic consciousness (from a Buddhist, Humean, and Jaynesian view) is always a limited construct, not as grand and encompassing as it presents itself.

We are all raised in a society full of lies, half-truths, and just-so stories. When we are young and innocent, we might occasionally challenge authority figures in their dishonesty and deceptions, their self-serving explanations and commands. But the response of authority challenged is almost always negative, if not punishment then gaslighting. This creates each new generation of schizoid adults. Not every kid gets this kind of mind game to the same degree, but I suspect this is what happens to all of us in various ways. It’s the way our society is built.

The trickster quality of the reactionary demonstrates this. And it makes us feel better to accuse those others of being reactionaries. But maybe the reactionary frames everything, existing at the periphery of our vision at the dark, blurred edges of liberal idealism. We live in a society of instability and uncertainty, of stress, anxiety, and fear — the fertile black loam of the reactionary mind. That would explain why it seems so much easier for liberals and left-wingers to become reactionaries than the other way around.

In my gut-level hatred of this reactionary madness, I feel most judgmental of those who turn reactionary, especially those who should know better such as a well-read left-winger mindlessly repeating racist beliefs or a well-educated liberal obliviously being converted while following their curiosity into the “Dark Enlightenment”. It’s sad and frustrating. I can sympathize for the lost souls on the right who were simply born into a world of reaction. They don’t know better. But when those most aware of the dangers of the reactionary mind are lured into its temptations, it further chips away at what little hope I have remaining for humanity. It makes me worry for my own mind as well, as I sense how overpowering reaction can be when one is immersed in it.

Our intellectual defenses are weak. That is what makes the reactionary mind flourish under these unnatural conditions of capitalist modernity. It must be what it was like in the late Bronze Age when the first authoritarian leaders arose in the growing empires. There wasn’t yet the rhetorical capacity among the population to protect against it, as would later develop in the Axial Age. Millennia later, in this ever increasingly reactionary age, authoritarianism grows worse as its rhetorical skill manages to stay one step ahead. We are inoculated only to the reactionary mind as it expressed in the past, ever expecting it to repeat the same way with the Nazi brownshirts goosestepping in the streets.

Corrupt power is what it is. Filled not only with authoritarians but social dominators, psychopaths, narcissists, and Machiavellians. Those people, for all the problems they cause, are a miniscule proportion of the population. They could not rule, could not cause damage if there weren’t those who could be manipulated, riled up, and led to commit horrors upon others… and then the intellectuals and media hacks who come along to rationalize and normalize it all. This is why I fear the reactionary mind, the sway it holds even over those not explicitly reactionary. This is why we desperately need to come to greater self-understanding. Even simpleminded fools like Donald Trump are able to seize power and play us like fools, only because the reactionary mind has seized the entire political establishment and body politic with the grip of a heart attack. The kindly pseudo-liberal reactionaries of the Democratic Party are no better — if anything, far more dangerous for their masked face.

Still, maybe there is a hint of hope. When looking at some other societies, one doesn’t see this kind of full reactionary dominance. I’m particularly thinking of more isolated tribes maintaining their traditional cultures and lifestyles. The example I often turn to is that of the Piraha. Daniel Everett noted how they lacked any evidence of stress, anxiety, depression, and fear of death. And along with this, there was no expression of authoritarianism and social dominance. I’ve pointed out elsewhere that traditional communitarian societies, if they were to survive, could not tolerate psychopathy as we do in such careless fashion. We modern Westerners are far too tolerant of this threat, as if we believe we are above it all. That is a dangerously naive attitude.

Related to this, in understanding human nature, the diversity of identity indicates there is much more we don’t understand. Many hunter-gatherers don’t have rigid ego boundaries, don’t have permanent unitary selves, don’t have a sense of individualistic isolation from others and from the world around them. They aren’t divided, splintered, fractured, or dissociated. An open and loose embrace of a complex psyche is their natural way of being and maybe it is the default position for all humanity. Our carefully constructed egoic structures are rather flimsy, not a great foundation upon which to build a civilization. No wonder we are in a constant state of fear and anxiety, ever worried about the whole thing collapsing down around us. We are without the calm confidence found among many indigenous people who know their place in the world, know they belong without needing the authoritarian control of a clenched fist nor the rhetorical sleight-of-hand of a demagogue to keep everyone in line.

The reactionary mind may be the norm for our society. But it is not normal.

* * *

Let me leave some brief commentary on Mark Lilla and Corey Robin, the two main scholars on the reactionary mind. They are correct to place nostalgia as the taproot of this phenomenon. Lilla is also right to link it back to early thinkers like Plato who reacted, as I see it, to both Athenian democracy and the ancient poetic tradition. But he is wrong to separate the reactionary and the conservative, a mistake Robin avoids.

But I’d argue that Lilla and Robin are further missing out on how the reactionary is linked to the liberal, two sides of the same paradigm. All of these co-arise. The reactionary isn’t only a counter-revolutionary that is only found after the revolution for the leaders who co-opt revolutions typically are reactionaries, from the likes of George Washington to Maximilien Robespierre.

Some conservatives seek to distinguish themselves by identifying as ‘classical liberals’, in the hope of separating their identity from both progressives and reactionaries, but they fail in this endeavor. For one, many of the classical liberals were revolutionaries, as some were reactionaries, since liberalism as a paradigm has been a mix right from the beginning, even in terms of looking to its precursors in the Axial Age.

To demonstrate this confusion of ideological rhetoric, Mark Lilla himself in reacting to the failings of the liberalism he hopes to defend ends up turning to reactionary nostalgia. So, when even a scholar seeking to defuse the reactionary bomb falls prey to it, you know that it is potent stuff not to be handled lightly, even for those who think they know what they’re doing.

* * *

In conclusion, here is my alternative view as an independent. There is something I’ve never seen anyone acknowledge. This is my own insight.

Some see it all beginning with the French Revolution and Edmund Burke’s response. But it’s a bit complex, since Burke himself was a progressive reformer for his era and belonged to the ‘liberal’ party. His reactionary stance came late in life and yet this never led him to abandon his former left-leaning positions. He was a liberal and a conservative and a reactionary, but he was no revolutionary though he initially supported the American Revolution, only because he hoped for progressive reform. The standard story is that reaction was the counter-revolution following revolution. That doesn’t quite make sense of the facts, though. To clarify this, look to the French Revolution. The Jacobins, I’d argue, were reactionaries and counterrevolutionaries.

They were reacting to the old authoritarian regime of French monarchy but not to eliminate rigid hierarchy for they used the same tactics of oppressive violence to defend their preferred hierarchy, precisely as Corey Robin describes the reactionary agenda. It was a power grab and unsurprisingly it led to an even greater anti-democratic authoritarianism. And they were counterrevolutionaries fighting against what the American Revolution had unleashed. The radical and revolutionary social democrat Thomas Paine, we must remember, sat on the right side of the French National Assembly opposite of the Jacobins. The French Revolution didn’t begin with the Jacobins for they only managed to co-opt it long after it had started. They were counter-revolutionaries within the revolution.

I’ve come to a more complex view. I tend toward the theory of Robin. But I don’t entirely agree with him either. My present assessment is that conservatism is the reactionary and the reactionary is simply the other side of liberalism. It’s all of one cloth. They co-arose together (and continue to do so), going back to the precursors in the Axial Age. This puts the liberal in a less comfortably righteous position. There is no liberalism without the anxiety and hence nostalgia that leads to reaction, and conservatism has nowhere else to stand except right in the middle of the chaos.

This comes to a breaking point now that ‘liberalism’ has become the all-encompassing paradigm that rules as unquestionable ideological realism. Reactionary conservatism can offer no alternative but destruction. And liberalism can offer no response but defense of the status quo. So, liberalism becomes increasingly reactionary as well, until there is nothing left other than reaction in all directions, reactionaries reacting to reactionaries.

That is the final apocalypse of the ideological worldview we take for granted. But apocalypse, in its original meaning, referred to a revealing. Just as revolution once meant a cyclical turning that brings us back. Reaction, as such, is the return of the repressed. This is far from nostalgia, even as we have no choice than to carry the past forward as society is transformed. The reactionary age we find ourselves in is more radical than the revolutions that began it. And what, in our projections, is reflected back to us flatters neither the right nor the left.

It’s an ideological stalemate for it never was about competing political visions. All rhetoric has become empty or rather, to some extent, maybe it always was. It never meant what we thought it did. We find ourselves without any bearings or anchor. So we thrash about on a dark sea with a storm brewing. No sight beyond the next wave looming over us, casting its cold shadow, and ready to come crashing down.

* * *

The Reactionary Mind in a Reactionary Age

Reactionary Revolutionaries, Faceless Men, and God in the Gutter

The Ex-Cons
by Corey Robin

Lilla v. Robin
by Henry

Wrong Reaction
by Alex Gourevitch

Why reactionary nostalgia is stronger than liberal hope
by Carlos Lozada

The Shipwrecked Book: Mark Lilla’ Nostalgic Prison
by Robert L. Kehoe III

The Revolutionary Nostalgia That Gave Rise to Trump – and ISIS
by Shlomo Avineri

Is a Conservative Crack-Up on the Horizon?
by Samuel Goldman

“…just order themselves.”

“Walking through the Montreal airport, my 10-year-old observes: “It’s interesting how people, without any signs or directions, just order themselves. It’s almost like they mindlessly work together.”” That was shared by Corey Robin, on Twitter (ignore the fact that airports do have signs and directions, the point being that people who regularly take flights at a particular airport don’t consciously need to pay attention to the signs and directions, as a driver on familiar roads can get to their destination on mental automatic mode). To which David Crespo responded that it “reminds me of what Herbert Simon said about complex behavior coming more from the complexity of the environment than the complexity of the agent.”

Crespo then points to a passage (from The Sciences of the Artificial), ending with this conclusion: “We watch an ant make his laborious way across a wind- and wave-molded beach. He moves ahead, angles to the right to ease his climb up a steep dune let, detours around a pebble, stops for a moment to exchange information with a compatriot. […] It is a sequence of irregular, angular segments — not quite a random walk, for it has an underlying sense of direction, of aiming toward a goal. […] He has a general sense of where home lies, but he cannot foresee all the obstacles between. He must adapt his course repeatedly to the difficulties he encounters and often detour uncrossable barriers. His horizons are very close, so that he deals with each obstacle as he comes to it; he probes for ways around or over it, without much thought for future obstacles. It is easy to trap him into deep detours. Viewed as a geometric figure, the ant’s path is irregular, complex, hard to describe. But its complexity is really a complexity in the surface of the beach, not a complexity in the ant.” That is to say behavior exists within environmental constraints. A simple but profound observation. And often forgotten.

Let me put it into a different context. The ego-mind with its thick isolating boundaries of hyper-individualism, the post-bicameral Jaynesian consciousness of self-authorization (“…just order themselves,” as Robin’s kid observed) — this has never fully taken hold. It’s more of a story we tell ourselves than anything else, not to dismiss the power of stories in constructing social reality nor to dismiss the potent realism of its all too real consequences.

The closest we have to self-aware willpower might be Benjamin Libet’s veto power, that is the inhibition of volition. Not free will but free won’t. Still, that doesn’t tell us the source of inhibition, even as an action being vetoed elicits what is subjectively experienced as consciousness. A point not to ignore is that consciousness doesn’t seem to emerge until that moment of volitionary crisis, when two aspects of self come into conflict. Most of the time, this isn’t an issue. We simply go along, following our routines and scripts, automatons of learned behavior and heuristics.

It’s easy to miss the significance of this. We have no way of pulling back the curtain of our own mind to see what, if anything, is acting behind the scenes. Even probing into the brain can’t pull us up by the bootstraps into this aspirational ideal of self-understanding. Libet simply points to the moment of consciousness as it emerges, in medias res. If nothing else, this demonstrates what we are not, whatever it may or may not say about what we are. The mystery remains (see Conal Boyce, “Recovering from Libet’s Left Turn into Veto-as-Volition“).

We are in the territory of embodied mind and extended mind, of situated cognition. We live in a world of hyper-objects that are cast as shadows by collective hyper-subjectivity, a reminder of other modes of being (such as what Timothy Morton calls entangledness: “Knowing more about hyperobjects is knowing more about how we are hopelessly fastened to them.”), modes of being that if not acknowledged become demonic as forces of nature (e.g., climate change). We are immersed, not standing outside peering in. Some of this is discussed by Patrick Grim in his lecture “Thinking Body and Extended Mind”, as part of The Great Courses’ Mind-Body Series:

“The core of [J.J.] Gibson’s theory of perception is that we don’t perceive objects and don’t operate cognitively in terms of representations. What we perceive, what any animal perceives, are what Gibson terms affordances.

“Squirrels don’t see trees, represent them internally, and calculate how to climb them. What they see is something more immediate and more action-oriented than that. They see a way up. That way up, the thing Gibson says they really see, isn’t an object, but an affordance.

“We don’t see a door hinge to the right, a knob, and calculate that we can get out of the room by turning the knob. We see something much more immediate and much more action-oriented than that. We see a way out. That way out isn’t an object, but an affordance. For Gibson, a mind in the world operates in terms of those performances…”

Ah, a way out. That is a funny phrase, one that caught my attention in a book by Anke Snoek, Agamben’s Joyful Kafka. Although already familiar with Franz Kafka’s fiction, Snoek gave me new perspective (Kindle Locations 358-375):

“Kafka’s ideas on imprisonment, catastrophe, freedom and ways out are not as simple as they might seem on the first reading of, for example, The Trial . The short story ‘A Report to an Academy’ provides further insight into the type of freedom that Kafka had in mind. The hunting expedition of the Hagenbeck Company captured an ape. To train him, they put him in a very small cage on the company’s steamboat, a cage that was too low for him to stand up and too small for him to sit down. At the same time the sailors tormented him. The ape realizes that if he wants to live he has to find a way out. But he does not contrast his distressing situation with freedom: ‘No, it was not freedom I wanted. Just a way out; to the right, to the left, wherever ; I made no other demands ’. 24 The way out is not directed so much to a specific goal, i.e. freedom or return, but is simply a way out.”

This relates to Giorgio Agamben’s notion of ‘gesture’. A gesture is not freedom but a confounding of systems of power and oppression. It’s important to be reminded that, according to Julian Jaynes, post-bicameral consciousness is not only the ground of individualism but authoritarianism as well. Once humans were shook loose from the bicameral mind, new systems of control came to the fore, both in controlling others and controlling the self.

This brings us back to what is doing the controlling. I’d suggest that the divine voices that once directed Bronze Age humans still direct us. The difference is that we internalized them and, in the fashion of Stockholm Syndrome, came to identify with one of our captors, a singular and monolithic egoic tyrant who rules the seat of our soul — that is to say we have been possessed and enthralled ever since. We aren’t free and can’t hope to be free, at least not on the terms of the demiurgic ego-mind. The best we can do is offer a gesture or rather become a gesture, the closest approximation to Libet’s veto power.

Maybe the only way to become truly aware of the self is by becoming aware of the world that surrounds us. The kind of culture and language, social order and environmental conditions, lifeworld and mazeway, reality tunnel and ideology —- however you wish to describe the world we are thrown into by circumstances of inheritance and birth — shapes who we are and how we think, what choices we perceive and how we act. As with the ant, we live moment to moment, not seeing the trajectory of our path from where we came from to where we are going. We are like the river defined by the contours of the land, meandering this way and that, damned up here and flowing over that way, but always heading in a particular direction.

Rather than simplifying down the human to the manageable size of ant-like, maybe this viewpoint has ended up revealing how complex we are in our immensity — far beyond isolated bodies and individual egos. The negative space between confining boundaries is not who we are. Instead, as water is shaped by what contains and directs it, we are the world around us; and as the water seeps into the earth, we are intimately a part of it and embedded within it. This doesn’t make us lesser but greater. The functioning of an airport is no less impressive than the building of a pyramid. Be amazed that we make it seem so simple in our mindlessly working together, somehow getting to where we are going.

* * *

Related Posts:

“Beyond that, there is only awe.”
Edge of the Depths
On Being Strange
Dark Matter of the Mind
Bundle Theory: Embodied Mind, Social Nature
Radical Human Mind: From Animism to Bicameralism and Beyond
The Psychology and Anthropology of Consciousness
Reading Voices Into Our Minds
Lock Without a Key
“How awful for you! By the looks of it, you’ve developed a soul.”
Pacifiers, Individualism & Enculturation
Making Gods, Making Individuals
Spoken Language: Formulaic, Musical, & Bicameral
Music and Dance on the Mind
The Group Conformity of Hyper-Individualism
Delirium of Hyper-Individualism
Individualism and Isolation
Incentives of Individualism

Reactionary Revolutionaries, Faceless Men, and God in the Gutter

“Just as terror, even in its pre-total, merely tyrannical form ruins all relationships between men, so the self-compulsion of ideological thinking ruins all relationship with reality. The preparation has succeeded when people have contact with their fellow men as well as the reality around them; for together with these contacts, men lose the capacity of both experience and thought. The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.”
~ Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism

First there was revolution. And then there was counter-revolution. Therefore, reaction follows what it is reacting to. It is a negation, a lack. It is defined by what it is not, as a shadow is to the light.

This is a simple analysis and, I’d argue, overly simplistic, if not entirely false. It is the narrative reactionaries have been telling about themselves for a couple of centuries. It is also the narrative that Mark Lilla repeats in his recent work, The Shipwrecked Mind, which is a useful survey, summary, and synthesis of modern ideological history but not essentially original in framing.

The problem is the reactionary mind is not a modern invention. Many arguments could be made about when it first emerged. For example, I’d place it firmly in the Axial Age or, better  yet, in that earliest of dark ages when the Bronze Age civilizations collapsed and the Jaynesian bicameral mind was lost. Reactionaries, indeed, are reacting to revolution but what they are reacting to is a revolution of the mind that is millennia old.

By the time Plato came up with his authoritarian republicanism as a reaction to Athenian democracy, the reactionary mind had already been developing for some time. That was the era when, as Julian Jaynes points out, lament rang out across many populations of the silence, loss, or abandonment of the divine. Nostalgia in one of its most potent form was born.

As with Corey Robin, Mark Lilla is right to mark out nostalgia as an expression of the reactionary. But focusing too much on that can be a red herring. Robin is better than Lilla in pointing out that reactionaries can co-opt almost anything, even radical utopianism or revolution itself.

That is where my own thoughts come in. The modern reactionary mind initially took shape not after the early modern revolutionary period but during it — maybe before it, depending on when one defines the beginning of that period. The reactionary mind as a modern phenomenon was well on its way at least by the English Civil War, what some consider the first modern revolution, although some consider the Peasants’ Revolt an incipient form of this societal shift through conflict and class war.

The point is that the French Revolution was late to the game. That reactionaries finally found their voice following that is not entirely relevant to understanding the reactionary mind and its historical development. What the French Revolution does help us with is in showing another example of how reaction arose within the revolution itself, co-opting it as happened with the American Revolution (related to the rarely acknowledged fact that the American Revolution was a precedent for what followed, including large-scale destruction and violence).

Thomas Paine demonstrates the connections well, but his example also serves to show the complex relationship of reaction to revolution. He was a radical in the American Revolution and his radicalism was profound in its democratic vision. When he was welcomed into the French National Assembly during the French Revolution, he actually sat on the right side with the moderate reformers. It was actually his radicalism for democracy that made him moderate or aligned with more moderate forces.

What Paine specifically advocated was a democratic constitution and leniency to the king, rather than violent despotism and violent vengeance. The Jacobins are called radicals but in reality they were reactionaries or at least the leadership was. They were using the same means that the monarchy had used in enforcing power and silencing opponents. So, the Jacobins, as is typical with reactionaries, wanted to create a new and improved version of the old order by ensuring a rigid hierarchy remained. They weren’t interested in democracy, that is for sure.

That is what Mark Lilla misses. The French reactionaries, like the American reactionaries, took over the revolution through political coup — and this happened during the revolution itself, not afterwards. In France, it happened by the Jacobins seizing power. But in the United States, the Federalists did it through an ironically unconstitutional Constitutional Convention and then afterward they crushed the ongoing revolution.

The relationship between revolution and reaction is entangled. If this isn’t understood, it is likely that the reactionary mind itself can’t be understood. This creates a trap for the mind, in not understanding history we dangerously don’t understand ourselves.

Reactionaries aren’t limited to those other people, Hillary Clinton’s “basket of deplorables”. The potential for reaction exists within all of us. A surprising number of Marxists, socialists, communists, and anarchists fell under the sway of early 20th century fascism. The same pattern is seen today with left-wingers who almost unconsciously become fascinated with or drawn toward reactionary thought, often with the rationalization of studying the enemy but it is clear with some that it is more than mere curiosity. The reactionary mind is dangerous for the very reason we see it as something other.

The confusion in all of this is that the reactionary mind is chameleon-like. I’ve come to call them Faceless Men, based on Game of Thrones. Reactionaries rarely present themselves as reactionaries. That means that anyone, under the right conditions, can get pulled into the mindset without realizing it. Reaction is simply an expression of fear an anxiety, once it fully takes hold. The human mind gets weird under high levels of stress (Keith Payne examines one angle on this by way of inequality, in his book The Broken Ladder). It really is that simple.

We need to develop intellectual, ideological, and psychological defenses against the reactionary mind. None of us are born with an immunity. But before we can do that, we have to learn how to identify the pattern of thought and behavior, to discern its incipient forms and the development that follows, to recognize the conditions and causes that make it possible.

This leads to me to another thought. Philip K. Dick has the notion of God in the Gutter. Let me decontextualize it from the monotheistic tradition of deus absconditus. Any powerful ‘god’ that rules over us, over our minds our society, such a ‘god’ is always hidden. And its ability to remain hidden is what I call symbolic conflation, a method of deception, obfuscation, and most importantly misdirection. That is the source of its power. That is also what makes it hard to analyze. Someone like Mark Lilla is taking the reactionary mind at face value, how it presents itself. That is problematic for obvious reasons. Corey Robin is more effective in peeling away the mask to see what is behind.

That is what we all need to be doing in these reactionary times. Lets start rummaging around in the gutter, looking below our normal line of vision, looking through the garbage or what appears to be garbage. But let’s do so with great care. There are both treasures to be found and traps to fall into. So, we should move forward with curiosity and eyes wide open.

Collective Amnesia About Collective Amnesia

At Harper’s, Corey Robin has a piece on collective amnesia, specifically among liberals. It comes down to the incessant march of lesser evilism that inevitably leads to greater and greater evil, until nothing is left remaining but evil’s total dominance.

Each shock of evil normalizes the evil of the past, such that we frogs are slowly boiled alive. Don’t worry, the liberal suggests relaxing in his warm bath, we will revolt later when it finally gets bad enough. But this attitude never allows for self-awareness of complicity, the denial of which makes inevitable further complicity for it is never the right moment to admit guilt, no matter how often in the past it was stated, Never again!

“Strong stuff, suggesting the kind of experience you don’t easily recover from. If such feelings of betrayal don’t overwhelm you with a corrosive cynicism, inducing you to withdraw from politics, they provoke an incipient realism or an irrepressible radicalism… You get to lose your innocence only once… But… American liberalism is also a party of the born-again.

“The United States of Amnesia: true to form, we don’t remember who coined the phrase. It’s been attributed to Gore Vidal and to Philip Rahv, though it also appears in a syndicated column from 1948. But more than forgetfulness is at work in our ceremonies of innocence repeatedly drowned. And while it’s tempting to chalk up these rituals to a native simplicity or a preternatural naïveté — a parody of a Henry James novel, in which you get soiled by crossing the Potomac rather than the Atlantic — even our most knowing observers perform them. . . .

“Donald Trump is making America great again — not by his own hand but through the labor of his critics, who posit a more perfect union less as an aspiration for the future than as the accomplished fact of a reimagined past.

“There can be an appalling complexity to innocence,” the political scientist Louis Hartz observed in his classic 1955 study The Liberal Tradition in America, “especially if your point of departure is guilt.” That nexus of guilelessness and guilt, depth and innocence, is usually Roth country, but in this instance we’ll have to take the master’s tools and use them ourselves.

“Ever since the 2016 presidential election, we’ve been warned against normalizing Trump. That fear of normalization misstates the problem, though. It’s never the immediate present, no matter how bad, that gets normalized — it’s the not-so-distant past. Because judgments of the American experiment obey a strict economy, in which every critique demands an outlay of creed and every censure of the present is paid for with a rehabilitation of the past, any rejection of the now requires a normalization of the then.

“We all have a golden age in our pockets, ready as a wallet. Some people invent the memory of more tenderhearted days to dramatize and criticize present evil. Others reinvent the past less purposefully. Convinced the present is a monster, a stranger from nowhere, or an alien from abroad, they look to history for parent-protectors, the dragon slayers of generations past. Still others take strange comfort from the notion that theirs is an unprecedented age, with novel enemies and singular challenges. Whether strategic or sincere, revisionism encourages a refusal of the now.

“Or so we believe.

“The truth is that we’re captives, not captains, of this strategy. We think the contrast of a burnished past allows us to see the burning present, but all it does is keep the fire going, and growing… [T]he rehabilitation of the last monster allows the front line to move rightward, the new monster to get closer to the territory being defended. That may not be a problem for Roth, reader of Beckett: “Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try again. Fail again.” (Though even Beckett concluded with the injunction to “fail better.”) It is a problem for us, followers of Alcoholics Anonymous: “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.” “

I noticed this scathing critique earlier and was glad to see it. It came to my attention again because he mentioned it in his blog in connection to an interview with Brooke Gladstone. That interview is part of several others (with Max Fischer, Deb Amos, and Sinan Antoon) in response to the 15th anniversary of the Iraq War.

Maybe no new insight is offered, but at the very least it is an important reminder. Not only is there collective amnesia for, as a society, we keep forgetting how often our collective amnesia has repeated in the past. We don’t know what we don’t know partly because we keep forgetting what we forgot.

Corey Robin also writes at Crooked Timer. And John Holbo at that site wrote about the Harper’s piece. In the comments section, there is debate about whether Trump is exceptional and, if so, for what reason. Should we be surprised or shocked? And about what exactly? Beyond that, what is the right context for understanding?

The comments section is filled with people who, for all their disagreement, know political and economic history. But even with the above average commentary and debate, it felt dissatisfying. There was little discussion of the fundamental causes of human behavior, of what makes the human mind tick, of the social sciences and related fields. The focus was almost entirely on externals, except for a few comments.

To some extent, that is even my complaint of Corey Robin. It is common on the political left, that is to say almost as common as on the political right. It’s easier to focus on externals and, with politics, the distraction of externals is endless. But for this reason, we rarely touch upon root causes. Robin’s theory of the reactionary mind goes a long way to explain conservatism and the modern mind in general, including amnesia among liberals (not that Robin talks about the reactionary in quite so expansive terms). Yet this analysis can only go so far because it never extends beyond the history of politics and economics.

A few comments by the same person, Lee A. Arnold, comes the closest to stepping outside of this intellectual blindspot:

Polanyi, The Great Transformation chapter 20 characterizes fascism as a spontaneous emotional “move” arising from within individuals, and uses the political conditions only to discard them. It is not a movement that requires a vanguard or imperial aspirations. The ONLY thing characterizing the rise of fascism, in the dozen or more countries in which it arose, was the sudden failure of the market system…”

Fascism is a socio-emotional disease that is ever-latent but suddenly arises within individuals and overcomes enough of them to make political control possible. Elites do not stop it, because it the disease overcomes them too. It is a paradoxical move: it offers an “escape from an institutional deadlock… yet… it would everywhere produce sickness unto death.” (Polanyi). Whether there is an external threat or an internal threat or both, it doesn’t matter, it’s all the same.”

The very recent spate of commentators (here, and elsewhere) writing that fascism has been avoided in the US (or even go so far as to write that it cannot happen) rely upon a misunderstanding of what fascism was, or take too large a comfort in a narrow diversion from it. That may not be good enough, next time. Far from being silly, I see this as Corey Robin’s basic point, too.”

I imagine that the intellectual confusion and dismissal was similar in the 1920’s-30’s. It’s interesting that today so many intellectuals think that fascism originated from outside the individual, as some sort of organized imposition of structure by a vanguard. So today, we will see it coming: “It can’t happen here.” (Or else they think that our current democratic institutions and media culture are strong enough and varietal enough to withstand it.)

“But the evidence is that fascism arose spontaneously within individuals. It’s almost a pure emotion in the anger & hatred quadrant. It suddenly swept up a lot of people into supporting “doing something”, to cut through the confusion and deadlock. Yet it emotionally disregards facts, logic, science, humane values. It’s not a political-economic form in the same category with liberalism, conservatism, capitalism, socialism.”

That is related to what Robin gets at. Fascism is simply one extreme variety of the reactionary mind. The reactionary is never constrained to the mainstream conventions of ideological rhetoric and political forms. That is because the reactionary, by definition, is the result of the failure (or perceived failure) of the mainstream project of social order.

Still, even this doesn’t dig deep enough. I end up getting more insight about what motivates politics and economics from those studying philology, linguistic relativism, social psychology, anthropology, cultural history, and consciousness studies. The failure of our society is better explained by the likes of Julian Jaynes (The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind), Iain McGilchrist (The Master and His Emissary), Lewis Hyde (Trickster Makes This World), James Gilligan (Preventing Violence), Keith Payne (The Broken Ladder), Johann Hari (Lost Connections), Sebastian Junger (Tribe), etc.

These other viewpoints are more likely to offer insight about collective amnesia. The typical political and economic analysis might, in some cases, be part of the problem. Karl Marx who, in emphasizing material conditions, gets portrayed as a reductionist by his critics and yet he went beyond most on the political left by presenting what is called ‘species-being’ — as I described it:

“The basic idea is that what we produce creates a particular kind of society and shapes human nature. We produce the kind of person that is needed for the world we bring into existence. And so the kind of person that is produced is incapable of seeing beyond the social and material world that produced him. We build our own prisons, even as there is hope for us to build new worlds to inhabit and new ways of being.”

So what produces a social identity that is prone to such extremes of collective amnesia? I’m specifically referring to what manifests in our society at the seeming peak or breaking point of this post-Enlightenment liberal age (or, if you prefer, this late stage of capitalism). If we could make sense of that, then much else would become easier to disentangle.

“Historical consciousness can be a conservative force, lessening the sting of urgency, deflating the demands of the now, leaving us adrift in a sea of relativism. But it need not be,” concludes Corey Robin in Harper’s.

“Telling a story of how present trespass derives from past crime or even original sin can inspire a more strenuous refusal, a more profound assault on the now. It can fuel a desire to be rid of not just the moment but the moments that made this moment, to ensure that we never have to face this moment again. But only if we acknowledge what we’re seldom prepared to admit: that the monster has been with us all along.”

That is no doubt true. But stories are a tricky business. The challenge is, in order to understand the present, we need to understand the origins of modern civilization and the modern mind. Most commentary, even on the alternative left, isn’t up to the task. The same old debate continues, as does the collective amnesia. We are stuck in a loop, until something forces us out.

This is not only a lack of understanding but a lack of motivation toward understanding. A revolution of the mind must come first before a revolution of society can follow. That isn’t something we collectively are capable of consciously choosing. What will happen at some point is that our old mindset will entirely fail us and every answer and response we used in the past will prove futile and impotent. Then and only then will we, out of desperation, turn toward the unknown in seeking the radically new. That is how change has always happened, as one would know from studying the deep past.

Until that point of total breakdown, we will go on forgetting and we will go on forgetting what we’ve forgotten. Our entire social order is dependent on it. And at the edge of breakdown, the reactionary mind takes hold and comes into power. The liberal too comes under its sway. It is a sign of the times. But is it the Kali Yuga of the liberal world or the dawning of the next Enlightenment leading to a new revolutionary era? Is there a difference?

* * *

4/1/18 – Let me take a different approach. We are all born into this collective amnesia. And for most of us, our upbringing fails us and our education is inadequate. That was true for me.

As I became more serious in dealing with my own state of ignorance, I became ever more acutely sensitive to the pervasive ignorance that is the foundation of America in particular. Even if that is true of all societies to some degree, I suspect there is something unique about what has been referred to as America’s Fantasyland. The US, in being an extreme expression, potentially can help us understand what plagues most of humanity at this late hour in the liberal age.

It is my love of liberalism that makes me so harsh in my criticisms. I long for a liberalism worthy of the name. But first that requires us to look at what the reactionary mind reflects back to us. It does no good to simply dismiss those others as ‘deplorables’. What gets repressed and projected doesn’t really go away, related to how externalized costs eventually come due.

Corey Robin’s take on liberal amnesia, despite my concerns of certain limitations, resonates with something going on right now. Few seem to be paying attention, specifically not those who have their hands on the wheel or are in a position to take hold of the wheel. Some are asleep, others are texting, and still others are imbibing intoxicants… but I’m suggesting that someone needs to be at the wheel with their eyes on the road. I’m one of those crazy radicals who would rather prevent an accident than deal with the aftermath.

So, first we should all look up and look forward. Where are we heading? And is that where we want to go? If not, why don’t we change direction?

We see a monster in the rearview mirror and, not realizing we are seeing our own reflection, we keep our foot on the gas pedal. Off we speed toward disaster, driven by fear and forgetting that we are the driver. As a society, we never stop going — expressed in the quote used by Robin: “Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try again. Fail again.”

On we go. No one can doubt that we are going somewhere and getting there fast. The wind in our hair and adrenaline in our veins can feel almost like progress, as if we really will outrun our monsters this time. Meanwhile, Trump the egotistic man-child is sitting in the backseat tweeting and asking, Are we there yet?

Writing a post like this is less about in-depth analysis than it is about capturing a mood. I’ve written plenty of in-depth analyses and they have their value. But studying a medical textbook on cardiology is not the same as feeling the beating pulse under your fingertips. In reading Robin’s piece and the responses to it, I could sense the flow of blood at the heart of the issue.

Right there, something can be felt. It’s like the tug of the undertow when you’re standing a few feet out in the ocean water. Viscerally, in that moment, you know the power of the ocean and how easy it is to be swept away. The whole dynamic of the debate is caught in that push and pull. So maybe the debate itself (as framed) can’t avoid that sphere of influence, that narrative attractor. Much of the commentary on the problem is caught up in the problem itself, related to how the reactionary is the other side of the liberal.

This is why the amnesiac can’t escape the condition of amnesia. It’s not something external, like a pair of clothes that can be taken off or a wall that can be knocked down. It is a loss of some part of the self but not really lost, just hidden and forgotten. But anamnesis, remembering of what was forgotten, remains possible… if we could only remember that there was something we forgot and why it mattered so much that maybe we shouldn’t have forgotten it in the first place.

Thinking too much about that, though, makes us feel uncomfortable and we’re not quite sure why. We convince ourselves, once again, that maybe things unknown are best left that way. In a moment of crisis, the memory of something touches the edge of our awareness and yet quickly slips away again. We busy ourselves with other things, the preoccupation of the present eclipsing what came before. That is what responsible adults do, deal with the issues at hand, right?

I like the ocean metaphor. The beach, where land meets water, is our society. The progressive and reactionary is the tide going in and out. This liberal age is the storm wall we built to protect our home. But that storm wall has the unintended consequence of slowly eroding away the sand that forms the beach.

I saw a real world example of this form of erosion. And it was stark.

There is this wealthy estate my grandfather grew up on, as the son of the head gardener. When he was a child, there was a beautiful beach that was part of the estate. And next to the estate is a public beach. The estate owners had a storm wall built which caused their beach to entirely disappear, while the public beach is still there. Only a few feet separate the private property from the public space, but the erosion stops right at the boundary line.

This form of privatization is very much of this liberal age. Before this era, feudalism had its commons. Some speak of the tragedy of the commons, but that is a lie. There was no tragedy of the commons as they were heavily regulated. Those regulations of the commons only disappeared when the commons disappeared. And what followed was the tragedy of privatization, as seen with private developers building storm walls.

It is as pointless to blame the tide coming in, the progressive, as it is to blame the tide going out, the reactionary. It is the storm wall, the liberal paradigm, that frames the action of the tide and determines the consequences. Building the wall higher and stronger to protect us from the worsening effects of storms won’t really save us or our home. Maybe it is time to consider the possibility that the storm wall is the problem and not the natural flow of the tides that get defined by that modern construction.

The erosion of the beach is our collective amnesia. But to make the metaphor more apt, most people would never have a public beach next to them. There would be nothing to be compared against to remind people about what has been lost. And the loss would be gradual, the beach slowly shrinking as the storm wall grew larger. There simply is the loss of the beach along with loss even of the memory of the beach.

The very concept of a beach might disappear from public memory and public debate. Or people might assume that ‘beach’ was always a word referring to that threatening space just beyond the storm wall. Instead of discussing how to save or bring back beaches, political conflict would obsess over blaming the other side and arguing over the increasingly advanced techniques of building storm walls.

Eventually those storm walls would entirely block the view of the ocean, that is to say the view of the world outside of the system we’ve collectively built over the generations. The walls that protect us then would imprison us and enclose our minds, shut down our imaginations. But what fine and impressive walls they are, among the greatest advancements of modern civilization.

Here is the point, the moral of the metaphor.

It’s not that we should stop building great things, as expressions of what we value and envision. And it’s not even that we should specifically stop building walls for they too have their place when built with wisdom and understanding. But that requires us to realize the effect we have on the world around us in what we build and how that affects us in turn. The liberal project needs to be reinterpreted, reimagined, and reinvented. Or failing that, we need a new societal project that would inspire us as once did the liberal dream.

* * *

4/2/18 – On a related thought, Richard Eskow asks, Is the ‘liberal world order’ worth saving? That is a question I’ve often asked myelf and I’ve done so from the perspective of someone who has spent much of his life identified with the liberal world order. To be plainly honest, I like the liberal dream. It’s a beautiful dream.

So, a ‘liberal’ such as myself is implicated in this line of questioning, and the deepest implication is about what this change would mean on a personal level. Is my liberal identity worth saving? And in the long term, can it be saved? Or must we liberals become something new in seeking something new?

Eskow states that, “The “liberal world order” must own up to its mistakes. They were errors of commission, as well as omission. Today’s chaos – from Brexit to Trump – is fallout from a global system that works for the benefit of a privileged few and has failed to offer democratic alternatives to inequality and oligarchy.” That is to say liberals must own up to their mistakes. And in this liberal age, we are all liberals.

So, “Is the “liberal world order” worth saving?” That is a tough question. “Not in its present form,” suggests Eskow. “Yes, it has provided some semblance of order. But order without justice is both unfair and unstable. The unfairness has been apparent for many decades. Now we’re seeing the instability.”

Up to this point, we as a society have been unable to ask this question, much less take it seriously enough to attempt an answer. That is where ignorance and amnesia have left us. But maybe the coming storm, when it blows in our windows and knocks down our walls, will wake us up to the reality that was always there. What was hidden in plain sight will become impossible to ignore, as the costs finally come due.

From Ernest Hemingway’s The Sun Also Rises, there is some oft quoted dialogue. One character asks another, “How did you go bankrupt?” “Two ways,” was the response. “Gradually and then suddenly.” That is how we will emerge from our state of unconsciousness and obliviousness. The experience of anamnesis will be a hammer to our skull. The gradual process has been building up for a long time. And soon the sudden result will finally arrive, appearing as if out of nowhere.

Will the liberal order survive? I guess we’ll find out. Let the awakening begin!

 

 

 

The Fantasy of Creative Destruction

An interesting take on the Nazis and their sympathizers comes from Jorge Luis Borges. What motivates a certain variety of reactionary authoritarianism isn’t straightforward politics. The vision is grander than that, almost a cosmic battle. Issues of who is victorious in war is maybe secondary.

In moments of honest admission, Adolf Hitler explained that the struggle he envisioned went beyond mere national interest. He wouldn’t allow German soldiers in Russia to retreat. Either Germans were superior and would succeed or they were inferior and would lose. His only purpose was to test the German race against foreign races. Let the best people win, that was his attitude. It had apocalyptic implications. Other races had to be destroyed and subjugated. Failing that, the German population must be sacrificed in the attempt. It was total war requiring total commitment.

This is similar to Karen Armstrong’s interpretation of Islamic jihadis. She has pointed out that the 9/11 terrorists seemed to intentionally flout Islamic law, as if they were demanding Allah’s attention and forcing the Divine Hand to intervene. They were trying to call down apocalypse, not unlike American evangelicals hoping to incite violent attack on Israel as they believe must happen prior to the Second Coming. It isn’t mere nihilism.

Some would argue that a similar attitude is held by Trump supporters. Not even those who voted for him, according to polls, thought he would do what he promised. But the one thing that he could accomplish was to destroy a corrupt system. Electing Donald Trump as president was like lobbing a grenade into a bunker. It may be an act of desperation, although it makes perfect sense as an all too human motivation. Studies have shown that individuals are willing to punish perceived wrongdoers even at great costs to themselves. It is what morality becomes when morality has been denied for too long.

In The Dark Knight, Bruce Wayne’s butler Alfred Pennyworth describes the Joker in saying, “Some men just want to watch the world burn.” But that isn’t quite right. In his own words, the Joker explains himself: “Introduce a little anarchy – upset the established order, and everything becomes chaos. I’m an agent of chaos. And you know the thing about chaos – it’s fair.” Exactly! It’s fair. Death and destruction is the last refuge of fairness, what is necessary to bring on justice, even if it is the justice of a mad man’s chaos. The slate must be wiped clean. Then something new can emerge from the ashes. An apocalypse is a revelation.

To the reactionary mind, sacrifice of self can be as acceptable as sacrifice of others. It’s the fight, the struggle itself that gives meaning — no matter the costs and consequences, no matter how it ends. The greatest sin is boredom, the inevitable result of victory. As Irving Kristol said to Corey Robin, the defeat of the Soviet Union “deprived us of an enemy.” It was the end of history for, without an enervating battle of moral imagination, it was the end of the world.

There is a balance point in this, though. It is the fantasy of violence that matters most, the glorious battle that transcends mundane reality. The other way victory threatens is by making the violence all too immediately real. It was easy for Hitler, safely back in Germany, to play out his ideological visions on distant battlefields. When violence gets too close, it simply becomes terrifying. The Nazi sympathizers Borges described had the advantage of cheering on Hitler from a continent across the ocean. But even for them, the possibility of the Nazis actually winning caused trepidation.

* * *

The far right grows through “disaster fantasies”
Armageddon tired of this bullshit.

by Cory Doctorow

[Richard] Seymour’s latest book is Disaster Nationalism: The Downfall of Liberal Civilization, an exploration of the strange obsessions of the right with imaginary disasters in the midst of real ones […] As Seymour writes, these conspiracy fantasies are proliferated by authoritarian regimes and their supporters, especially as real disasters rage around them. […]

Seymour says that this “disaster nationalism” “processes disaster in a way that is actually quite enlivening.” Confronted with the helplessness of a real disaster that can only be solved through the collective action you’ve been told is both impossible and a Communist plot, you retreat to an individualistic disaster fantasy that you can play an outsized role in. Every crisis — the climate emergency, poverty, a toxic environment — is replaced by “bad people” and you can go get them.

For authoritarian politicians, a world of bad people at the gates who can only be stopped by “the good guys” makes for great politics. It impels proto-fascist movements to electoral victories, all over the world: in the US, of course, but Seymour also analyzes this as the phenomenon behind the electoral victories of authoritarian ethno-nationalists in India, Israel, Brazil, and all over the world.

I find Seymour’s analysis bracing and clarifying. It explains the right’s tendency to obsess over the imaginary at the expense of the real.

The metal vultures and the dragon
by Alec Nevala-Lee

In another essay, Borges remembers the man who came to his house to proudly announce that the Germans had taken Paris: “I felt a confusion of sadness, disgust, malaise. Then it occurred to me that his insolent joy did not explain the stentorian voice or the abrupt proclamation. He added that the German troops would soon be in London. Any opposition was useless, nothing could prevent their victory. That was when I knew that he, too, was terrified.” This speaks for itself. But what troubles me the most is Borges’s conclusion:

Nazism suffers from unreality, like Erigena’s hell. It is uninhabitable; men can only die for it, lie for it, wound and kill for it. No one, in the intimate depths of his being, can wish it to triumph. I shall risk this conjecture: Hitler wants to be defeated. Hitler is blindly collaborating with the inevitable armies that will annihilate him, as the metal vultures and the dragon (which must have known that they were monsters) collaborated, mysteriously, with Hercules.

After the war, Borges explored these themes in one of his most haunting stories, “Deutsches Requiem,” in which he attempted to write from the point of view of “the ideal Nazi.” Its narrator, the subdirector of a concentration camp, writes out his confession as he prepares to face the firing squad, and his closing words feel like a glimpse of our own future, regardless of the names of those in power: “Now an implacable age looms over the world. We forged that age, we who are now its victim. What does it matter that England is the hammer and we the anvil? What matters is that violence, not servile Christian acts of timidity, now rules. If victory and injustice and happiness do not belong to Germany, let them belong to other nations. Let heaven exist, though our place be in hell.”

The Reactionary Mind
by Corey Robin
pp. 243-245

As Orwell taught, the possibilities for cruelty and violence are as limitless as the imagination that dreams them up. But the armies and agencies of today’s violence are vast bureaucracies, and vast bureaucracies need rules. Eliminating the rules does not Prometheus unbind; it just makes for more billable hours.

“No yielding. No equivocation. No lawyering this thing to death.” That was George W. Bush’s vow after 9/ 11 and his description of how the war on terror would be conducted. Like so many of Bush’s other declarations, it turned out to be an empty promise. This thing was lawyered to death. But, and this is the critical point, far from minimizing state violence— which was the great fear of the neocons— lawyering has proven to be perfectly compatible with violence. In a war already swollen with disappointment and disillusion, the realization that inevitably follows— the rule of law can, in fact, authorize the greatest adventures of violence and death, thereby draining them of sublimity— must be, for the conservative, the greatest disillusion of all.

Had they been closer readers of Burke, the neoconservatives— like Fukuyama, Roosevelt, Sorel, Schmitt, Tocqueville, Maistre, Treitschke, and so many more on the American and European right— could have seen this disillusion coming. Burke certainly did. Even as he wrote of the sublime effects of pain and danger, he was careful to insist that should those pains and dangers “press too nearly” or “too close”— that is, should they become realities rather than fantasies, should they become “conversant about the present destruction of the person”— their sublimity would disappear. They would cease to be “delightful” and restorative and become simply terrible. 64 Burke’s point was not merely that no one, in the end, really wants to die or that no one enjoys unwelcome, excruciating pain. It was that sublimity of whatever kind and source depends upon obscurity: get too close to anything, whether an object or experience, see and feel its full extent, and it loses its mystery and aura. It becomes familiar. A “great clearness” of the sort that comes from direct experience “is in some sort an enemy to all enthusiasms whatsoever.” 65 “It is our ignorance of things that causes all our admiration, and chiefly excites our passions. Knowledge and acquaintance make the most striking causes affect but little.” 66 “A clear idea,” Burke concludes, “is therefore another name for a little idea.” 67 Get to know anything, including violence, too well, and it loses whatever attribute— rejuvenation, transgression, excitement, awe— you ascribed to it when it was just an idea.

Earlier than most, Burke understood that if violence were to retain its sublimity, it had to remain a possibility, an object of fantasy— a horror movie, a video game, an essay on war. For the actuality (as opposed to the representation) of violence was at odds with the requirements of sublimity. Real, as opposed to imagined, violence entailed objects getting too close, bodies pressing too near, flesh upon flesh. Violence stripped the body of its veils; violence made its antagonists familiar to each other in a way they had never been before. Violence dispelled illusion and mystery, making things drab and dreary. That is why, in his discussion in the Reflections of the revolutionaries’ abduction of Marie Antoinette, Burke takes such pains to emphasize her “almost naked” body and turns so effortlessly to the language of clothing—“ the decent drapery of life,” the “wardrobe of the moral imagination,” “antiquated fashion,” and so on— to describe the event. 68 The disaster of the revolutionaries’ violence, for Burke, was not cruelty; it was the unsought enlightenment.

Since 9/ 11, many have complained, and rightly so, about the failure of conservatives— or their sons and daughters— to fight the war on terror themselves. For those on the left, that failure is symptomatic of the class injustice of contemporary America. But there is an additional element to the story. So long as the war on terror remains an idea— a hot topic on the blogs, a provocative op-ed, an episode of 24— it is sublime. As soon as the war on terror becomes a reality, it can be as cheerless as a discussion of the tax code and as tedious as a trip to the DMV.

The Many Stolen Labels of the Reactionary Mind

Ideological labels are used in an odd way on the political right. They are wielded more as weapons of rhetoric than as accurate descriptions. This relates to Corey Robin’s analysis of the reactionary mind. One of the most interesting things that distinguishes the reactionary from the traditionalist is how easily the reactionary co-opts from the political left.

This is particularly central to American society. The reactionary mind, like fundamentalism, is the product of modernity. And the American experience was born out of modernity, beginning with post-feudal colonial imperialism. The social order and social identity fell into disarray and so political ideology became ever more primary. The reactionary mind is dynamically adaptive, for it shifts according toward which it is reacting. It thrives in instability and will promote instability, even as it scapegoats its enemies for this very same instability that it requires.

Reactionaries are tough opponents. They feel no moral obligation to fight fairly. Nor will they ever state their true intentions. The mindset and worldview preclude it, at the level of consciousness. The reactionary mind is not just a set of tactics but a way of being in the world, a permanent survival mode of mistrust and deception. Labels in themselves mean nothing to the reactionary. They are like crabs, in camouflaging themselves, that attach things to their shells — pieces of coral, anemones, etc. There is a hodge-podge quality to their stated views, a little bit of this and a little bit of that with no need for principled consistency.

The earliest example of this is the fight over Federalism. The war of rhetoric was won by those fighting for centralized power. They didn’t actually want Federalism. What they were attempting to create, as Corey Robin explains so well, was a new form of hierarchy and ruling elite involving the same old pattern of concentrated wealth and power. They were as much attacking the traditional ancien régime (old order) as they were attacking the revolutionary movement. They co-opted from both of their enemies, but over time as traditionalism declined they increasingly focused on co-opting from the political left. This is the reason conservatives today, as reactionary as ever, use rhetoric far to the left of liberals of centuries past.

The first great victory of American reactionaries was in falsely claiming to be Federalists. They did this by co-opting the revolution itself and, by way of the Constitutional Convention, redirecting it toward counter-revolution. This forced their opponents into the position of being called Anti-Federalists, even though their opponents were the strongest defenders of Federalism. The winners not only get to write the history books but also get to do the labeling. The enemies of Federalism defeated Federalism by adopting the word and making it meaningless. It’s a genius subterfuge, a masterful tactic.

This is how a society like ours, founded on liberalism, quickly had its radical liberalism defanged. Thomas Paine, in a short period of time, went from revolutionary hero to social pariah and political outcast. He didn’t fit into the reactionary scheme of the new centralized establishment. Even to this day, the political right goes on trying to co-opt the label of liberalism, despite the absurdity in calling themselves classical liberals. Now a radical progressive and social democrat like Paine was a classical liberal, but he was largely written out of the history books for almost two centuries.

This pattern has repeated throughout Anglo-American history (and I’m sure elsewhere as well). The capitalists originally were strong liberals with a clear progressive bent. Paine, for example, was for free markets. And like Paine, Adam Smith saw high economic inequality as a direct threat to a free society. Yet the reactionaries took over free market rhetoric to promote the inevitable authoritarianism and paternalism of a high inequality society. Because of this, it has become harder and harder to take seriously the rhetoric of free markets — in its being falsely used to defend crony capitalism, plutocratic corporatism, soft fascism, inverted totalitarianism, neoliberal globalization, market fetishism, and crude (pseudo-)libertarianism. There is nothing free, much less classically liberal, about this capitalist realism.

There are more examples. Consider right-wing libertarians and right-wing anarchists (e.g., anarcho-capitalists). Both varieties of right-wingers typically defend the legacy of inequality and injustice. Their labeling themselves as libertarian and anarchist would have been absurd a century ago. Both libertarians and anarchists arose out of the left-wing workers movement in Europe (Property is Theft: So is the Right’s Use of ‘Libertarian’).

This was admitted by the infamous right-winger Murray Rothbard: One gratifying aspect of our rise to some prominence is that, for the first time in my memory, we, ‘our side,’ had captured a crucial word from the enemy. ‘Libertarians’ had long been simply a polite word for left-wing anarchists, that is for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over.” (The Betrayal of the American Right, p. 83). Yet here we are with the political right having successfully co-opted the label of libertarianism and are in the process of co-opting the label of anarchism.

There is nothing they can’t co-opt, once they set their mind to it. This is true even for labels that involve race issues. The theory and label of human biodiversity has become popular among the political right, specifically among alt-righters, the Dark Enlightenment, and other similar types. They use it to promote the cynical worldview of genetic determinism and race realism. The sad part is that the originator of human biodiversity, Jonathan Marks, created the theory specifically to disprove these right-wing claims. The story of this appropriation is told by Angela Saini, in describing Steve Sailer’s email list from the 1990s:

“Others joined in their dozens. By the summer of 1999, Sailer’s roster of members was astounding. Along with prominent anthropologists such as Marks, there was psychologist Steven Pinker, political scientist Francis Fukuyama, and economist Paul Krugman. In hindsight, the large number of economists in the group might have been a warning. There in the mix, too, was the controversial author of The Bell Curve, political scientist Charles Murray. That should have been another red flag. […]

“What intrigued him especially was that Sailer happened to be brandishing Marks’s own neologism, calling his list the Human Biodiversity Discussion Group. […] That school of racism was long dead, he assumed. Yet her on this email list, something strange was happening. Observing the conversations that Sailer steered through the group, Marks noticed the term “human biodiversity” being used differently from the way he had originally intended. Members were using it to refer to deep differences between human population groups. […] When Sailer talked about human biodiversity, he didn’t appear to be using the phrase in a politically neutral way, but as a euphemism. He had spun the language used by liberal antiracists to celebrate human cultural diversity to build a new and ostensibly more acceptable language around racism.

“For those sucked into Sailer’s electronic arena for the intellectual discussion of race, his email list was just a taste of the virulent racism that would later be seen far more often in the shadowy areas of the internet, then more openly on social media and right-wing websites, and finally in mainstream political discourse. Many more soon took hold of the phrase “human biodiversity,” giving it a life of its own online. Today it’s nothing short of a mantra among self-styled race realists. […]

“To be fair, few could have guessed that the email list was a precursor to something bigger. But as the group slowly went defunct, Steve Sailer’s political convictions became increasingly obvious. He and other members of the list went on to become prominent conservative bloggers, writing frequently on race, genetics, and intelligence. […]

“But it all came as a more of a surprise to academics like Jonathan Marks. “I was working on the assumption that these guys were the lunatic fringe. If you had told me twenty years later that they would be part of a political mainstream wave, I would have said you are absolutely crazy. These guys are antiscience. These guys are positioning themselves against the empirical study of human variation and they are clearly ideologues for whom empirical evidence isn’t important,” he says with a laugh. “But I think they were a lot cleverer than us professors” “ (Superior: The Return of Race Science, pp. 88-92).

About his legacy as a scholar, Marks writes: “For me, it increasingly seems as though my lasting contribution will be to have coined the phrase “human biodiversity” in my 1994 book of that name. Unfortunately it has come to mean the opposite of what I meant, due to the distortions of internet racists. In fact, they have even abbreviated “human biodiversity” as a meme for the semi-literate, HBD. […] To have provided racists with a scientific-sounding cover for their odious ideas is not something to be particularly proud of, but I can’t take it back. All I can do is disavow it” (I coined the phrase “Human Biodiversity”. Racists stole it.). That is sad. Yet more of the ideological battleground is ceded to the political right.

With almost fatalistic resignation, the political left accepts defeat too easily. Once again, here we are with the political right having so thoroughly co-opted a label that its very origins is forgotten. It’s a theft not just of a label but the destruction of meaning. It makes genuine debate impossible, and that is the entire point. Reactionaries are constantly seeking to muddy the water. They do everything in their power to control the terms of debate. Their opponents are left in a state of disorientation and constantly on the defense. This is easy for reactionaries to do because they have nothing specific to defend or rather that they keep well hidden what they are defending by way of obfuscation.

The reactionary, by the way, isn’t only limited to the overtly right-wing. The liberal class has a long history of falling under the thrall of the reactionary mind. Jonathan Marks indirectly points out that the New York Times, a few days after declining to publish his above linked essay, “published a column by Bret Stephens on Jewish genius (or, Jewnius©) that actually cited the horrid 2005 paper on that subject by the late biological anthropologist Henry Harpending. Harpending was regarded by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a White Nationalist.

Think about that. The New York Times is what goes for the far left of the supposedly liberal MSM. This is how the corporate media and corporatist politicians, across the narrow ‘spectrum’ of elite opinion, have managed to push the Overton window so far to the extreme right, beyond the bounds of the radical progressivism of the silenced majority (US Demographics & Increasing Progressivism; & American People Keep Going Further Left). The reactionaries aren’t limited to the overtly authoritarian right-wingers and the crazed alt-right. The entire system of concentrated wealth and elite power, including the privileged liberal class, is reactionary. What they are reacting to is not merely the revolutionary left for, more importantly, they are reacting to the threat of the American public.

We on the political left struggle against enforced ignorance and amnesia. This wouldn’t necessarily mean much if these were isolated incidents but that is not the case. The consistent pattern of rhetorical manipulation and ideological game-playing can be seen across the centuries and it has a lasting impact on the entire society, distorting everything and destroying any hope of a free and healthy society. It’s clearly significant in what it says about the modern political right and the consequences it has for the political left. The lesson is this. Never take them at their word. And never fight on their terms. Labels do matter. In language, there is immense power, to be used for good or ill.