Washing the Rice Bowls

A close friend from my college days, “Lia”, contacted me a few weeks back to let me know that her mom had died. It wasn’t unexpected. Well into her nineties, she had been in poor health for the last few years.

After a long phone call, I sat in silence for awhile. Then, I went into the kitchen and took my time carefully washing some good, short-grain, sweet, sushi rice. A single serving and some filtered water went into the cooker. What emerged went into a lone, blue rice bowl.  I ate the rice in silence.

And then, I carefully washed the bowl.

I met Lia’s mom during either my first or second year in college in southern California.  Lia was a Chem, and I had a couple of classes with her before I decided to ditch the idea of a Pre-Med. She was also a fairly serious student, though surprisingly adventurous in her free time.

On several occasions, I accompanied Lia to her parents’ home, usually after her father had been admitted to the hospital due to a recurring leukemia. She’d look in on her mom and make sure that she was alright. And then Lia and I would head off to do something together.

Lia would always apologize for the side-trips, but I really didn’t mind. Her mom was an intelligent and curious person, and I liked talking with her. One Fourth-of-July, I even accompanied Lia for a family gathering at her parents’ home.

The years in college passed, and Lia moved on to a career and a graduate program in the Bay Area. Meanwhile, I finagled my way into my own thing. But we stayed in touch, getting together several times every year. It was just around the time I’d started my own graduate work that Lia’s dad died. She said that she was surprised how much it had affected her.

A few months later, I was making one of my twice-weekly trips down the I-5, shuttling some mechanical parts from my project through California’s central valley. It was a hot and gray summer day, and the air-conditioner on my old Toyota pickup consisted of a spray-bottle filled with water and a rolled-down window through which a familiar stench assaulted my senses.

I still remember the moment as I drove past Kettleman City, which was at the time a literal pile-of-shit. I looked over to see the cattle populating a vast feed-lot next to the highway, standing shoulder-to-shoulder upon a mountain of their own excrement. Suddenly, every uncertainty and self-doubt, every second-guess or frustration, every fear of utter failure flooded into my awareness like the smell of inevitable slaughter. This was my life.

A few hours later, I dropped off the parts at Cal Poly Pomona, where they would be re-machined according to a twice-weekly schedule. Their replacements in the rotation were loaded into the back of my old truck, ready for the trip back up in a few days. And then, I sat in the college parking lot, overwhelmed by the thought of driving through city traffic back to my place near the university. I just couldn’t go any further. And then I remembered that Lia’s mom lived not too far from the college.

For the next several months, I stopped by to visit with her at least once a week, usually right after my Cal Poly drop-offs. Most of the time, I would only stay for an hour or so, long enough to decompress from the tedium of my drives. But there were a couple of times when we talked for hours, sometimes eating dinner together while sharing stories about our lives. One night, she asked about my Buddhist upbringing, curious how it had colored my perspective of life. My response was to share a parable that my dad had told me when I was young…

A devoted young monk had come to a monastery, committed to finding enlightenment. To this end, he had taken upon himself the task of meditation upon rubbing bricks together until they were as polished as mirrors. Of course, this was an impossible task, and so the monk meditated constantly. Day and night, he rubbed bricks together, scraping them back-and-forth until they were ground into dust.

Eventually tiring of the young monk’s incessant grinding, the other monks went to their teacher, imploring him to do something. The perpetual noise was keeping others awake at night and interfered with their own meditations. And the new monk neglected the temple, contributing nothing while creating a terrible mess. And so the teacher went to speak with him.

Have you found anything in your meditations?” he asked the young monk.

The young monk responded that he had not. “I don’t understand,” he continued. “I have committed myself entirely to this meditation, but it has not brought me any closer to enlightenment.”

Perhaps you are meditating on the wrong thing?” advised the teacher.

Then upon what should I meditate?” asked the young monk.

His teacher raised a hand toward the monastery. “What needs doing?” he asked.

The young monk was puzzled, but looked around and saw a stack of rice bowls next to a wash-basin. “The rice bowls need washing,” he replied.

Then wash the rice bowls,” implored his teacher.

It was around a year later, my graduate work since finished and having moved on to another project in Seattle, when a mysterious box arrived in the mail. Inside was a single rice bowl, and a note from Lia’s mom. She thanked me for coming to visit her during what she explained had been a low point in her life, after having lost her husband. Convincing her to “wash the rice bowls”, she said, had given her something worthwhile upon which to meditate.

I wrote Lia’s mom a long letter that night, letting her know that the favor had been reciprocated.  In a moment of lost direction, it had allowed me the chance to see my own rice bowls.

And then, I called my dad.

Disgovernance

Last Friday morning, Hong Kong’s Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, announced that she was invoking a British colonial era law in order to bring an end to eighteen weeks of violent protests and rioting, by banning the public wearing of masks.  Predictably, tens-of-thousands of masked protesters then took to the streets in open defiance.  And during the night, groups of radicals rampaged through locations across the city, vandalizing infrastructure and mainland-Chinese associated banks and businesses in some of the worst violence since the protests began.

As of Saturday morning, Hong Kong’s metro system was entirely shut down due to massive damage to its stations, and at least one mainland bank was left with only a single functioning facility.  Subsequent days and nights have continued the pattern.

Hong Kong, along with New York and London, is one the world’s three great economic hubs.  Close to 8-million people, including citizens, immigrants, ex-pats and foreign service workers live within its boundaries, with more than 68,000 occupying a single square-mile of its most densely inhabited neighborhoods. This makes it among the most densely populated places on Earth. And yet, the city functions with impressive efficiency through an infrastructural system that’s considered among the very best in the world.

Recently, however, the city seems to be self-destructing as massive waves of violent, mostly younger protesters have taken to its streets.  This has come after months of peaceful protests, followed by what are now eighteen-weeks of increasing violence by more radical groups.  These radical protesters have changed tactics to include the destruction of infrastructure, including government offices, surveillance cameras, and Hong Kong’s metro system which is a source of government income.  They have also damaged mainland-Chinese associated banks and businesses, attacked individuals who express pro-mainland or merely anti-violence sentiments, and even confronted police in their own stations.

In a testimony to self-restraint, or perhaps just good luck, no one has yet been killed.  But two teens have so far been shot by police.  And Hong Kong’s police force, which was once touted as among the very best anywhere in the world, has also suffered.  Visibly overwhelmed and frustrated by the sheer magnitude of the task, they also receive little public support for their efforts.  News-coverage of masked and body-armored officers assaulting unarmed bystanders and huddled metro passengers, as well as the very news-reporters recording their actions has done little to bolster their image as icons of civil order.

Depending upon the source, the versions of why this is happening differ greatly. The mainland-Chinese narrative is that foreign governments are attempting to interfere in China’s domestic affairs by promoting chaos and discontent.  The US State Department has officially labeled this a, “People’s Republic of China propaganda campaign falsely accusing the United States of fomenting unrest in Hong Kong. ” In the US, most news-services even paying attention merely present the protesters as something like a modern-day version of the students at Tiananmen Square. The reality is far more complex.

While Hong Kong exists as an impressive, if imperfect demonstration of Western-style capitalism, it has never existed as a Western-style “liberal democracy”. As a British colony, its citizens had only limited access to government representation, with a governor appointed by a distant British parliament. Any local influence came primarily from Hong Kong’s wealthy land-owners, establishment and industries. A move toward increasing elected governance really only began when it became clear that Hong Kong would be returned to China in 1997.

At present, Hong Kong ostensibly operates under the “Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China”, a document negotiated in 1990 between the British government and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) then under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership of Deng Xiaoping. Commonly known as, “One Country, Two Systems”, it effectively states that while there is only one “China” under the tacit leadership of the CCP, that Hong Kong would retain its own unique economic and administrative systems for a period of fifty-years.

Democratic self-governance for Hong Kong is reflected in various portions of the document, such as Article 45, which reads in part: “The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.” Regardless, after twenty-two years, Hong Kong’s Chief Executive is merely appointed by a committee of non-elected members approved by the mainland.

Article 68 also states that, “The Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by election.”  But while Hong Kong’s unicameral Legislative Council, or “LegCo”, has seventy seats representing many political parties, thirty are filled through appointments made by various Hong Kong business interests, such as the finance industry, the medical establishment, insurance companies — institutions that have vested interests in maintaining good relationships with the mainland through pro-CCP political parties.  Only the forty remaining seats representing Hong Kong’s geographic consistencies and District Council are elected by popular vote.

Since 2015, all members of Hong Kong’s LegCo have also needed mainland-Chinese approval to take office. In November of 2016 and July of 2017, this resulted in challenges to the elections of twelve pro-democracy and localist members, six of whom were disqualified.  So despite pro-democracy candidates having won the vote in every election, pro-CCP members continue to serve as Chief Executive and to occupy more than half the seats in LegCo.

Protests against mainland interference in the appointment of a Chief Executive had already erupted in 2014.  And then in 2015, five Hong Kong book-traders who had sold publications critical of the CCP were kidnapped by the mainland, resulting in a boiling undercurrent of discontent at mainland-Chinese interference in Hong Kong’s affairs. So for many Hong Kong citizens, a February 2019 attempt by Hong Kong’s government to pass an extradition law that would have allowed its citizens to be transferred to the mainland was seen as a last straw.

After Hong Kong’s government virtually ignored months of massive but peaceful marches including as many as two-million people, the unrest eventually gave way to thousands of mostly younger protesters breaking into the government Legislative Assembly building where symbols of mainland China were openly defaced. By the time the city’s Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, re-emerged from weeks of silence to issue a carefully-worded response, it came as too little and too late. By then, the lid had been removed from the pressure-cooker.

In the months since, Hong Kong’s government has appeared utterly unable to process what has happened, addressing citizens with little more than long periods of silence punctuated by inept and inflammatory statements and edicts.  Whether or not one supports the protests, it’s clear that the city’s disconnected government has lost its credibility among the majority of its own citizens.  Many have now come to see it as an irrelevant institution, moving only at the end of a tight leash held by an even more distant and isolated bureaucracy.

In response, the PRC has quietly doubled the number of soldiers in Hong Kong barracks while moving military equipment into adjacent Shenzhen. However, a military occupation of Hong Kong would likely result in a massive outflow of capital, and perhaps an end to Hong Kong’s place as Asia’s central exchange of hard-currencies. And this is something that the mainland can ill-afford as its economy slows. So as the CCP celebrates seventy-years in power, much of that duration banned as a subject of discussion, Hong Kong presents an embarrassing, if not dangerous demonstration of disconnected governance.


Photos:
Top: Burned Entrance to the Hong Kong MTR’s Causeway Bay Station near Victoria Park on Hong Kong Island on October 4, 2019.  Photo via Studio Incendo.

Middle: Hong Kong special anti-riot forces near Wan Chai MTR station on September 29, 2019, surrounded by thousands of protesters.  A familiar area… to move forward, they will have to take the risk of crossing beneath protesters on a pedestrian overpass.  Photo via Studio Incendo.

Bottom: Official press release photo from the office of the Chief Executive on October 5, 2019, after condemning the previous night’s highly destructive riots.  Two more nights of similar rioting followed.  Unsurprisingly, the press release seems to have disappeared since Carrie Lam insisted that Hong Kong is not in a state of emergency.


My commentary:

I love Hong Kong, and I’m in tears watching its destruction.  It’s the first place aside from Japan and Canada that I remember traveling to as a child.  It’s a beautiful, vibrant, cosmopolitan and widely varied city.  I sincerely hope that it and its people will prosper for many years to come.

I also understand the frustrations of Hong Kong’s citizens.  Hong Kong is culturally distinct from most of the rest of the mainland.  And there’s also the influence of more than a century of British law and governance.  I don’t think it’s realistic for the mainland to expect that Hong Kong will ever function as merely another Chinese city.

Among the violent protesters, however, I feel there’s come to be an unrealistic expectation of what can be accomplished by destroying the city in order to save it.  But government tactics of removing leadership from the various movements have also deprived that same government of routes for negotiation.  All that’s left now is the anger and the fearful division it has created.

Regardless, it’s a fight that can’t be won, not by Hong Kong, and not by the CCP or the PRC.  Hong Kong’s CCP controlled government can’t admit defeat, and needs a way to allow change without losing face.  And I suspect that the PRC would probably lose access to half it’s resource of hard currency if it were to invade.  But without some way to respond to a populace that no longer consider them relevant, if even legitimate, Hong Kong’s current government can but fiddle as the city burns.


Reliable regional news sources:

South China Morning Post (unfortunately)

Hong Kong Free Press (as well)

CNA Asia (Singapore)

Reuters China

 

Awakening


Thankfully, I have an accountant who occasionally whispers into my ear things like, “Don’t be an idiot.” Back when the crowdfunding craze was a new thing, I very nearly invested in a couple of interesting looking projects. Actually, against the advice of my accountant, I invested in one of them anyway. Alas, I suspect that much of the cash went up the creator’s nose. Oh well…

I’ll admit that I’m just not all that good at making accurate judgments about return-on-investment. I look at those Kickstarter pitches… the camera drone that follows its owner, a desktop laser-cutter, that ultimate guitar pedal by the Fuzz-Goddess herself… and I become that five-star general ready to reach for the National Debit card in order to get in on the first Death Star… or whatever it is that actually gets delivered a year after some Chinese factory started cranking out fully functional knockoffs at half the cost.

At least I don’t own a Ferrari – not that it wasn’t considered at one time. There’s also a certain promise invoked in owning such a conveyance, something like having one’s name placed in the pantheon of Italian Fuzz-Goddesses. But lacking the cathedral space in which to enshrine such an object of automotive worship, I settled for a couple of Italian motorcycles. Unfortunately, all they promise are sore body-parts and $290/hr. mechanics with names like Valentino, or Lorenzo…
or Mike.

Nowadays, I’m rather more suspicious of anyone who promises the stars, or even a place among them. While I may not have the best judgment regarding the rate at which Chinese ingenuity can trump California dreams, I can spot at least some of the outright nonsense. Machines to suck water out of the atmosphere, free energy from radio waves, or a new way to mine BitCoins – mostly they’re just good ways to empty wallets. So I leave my wallet at home, and go for a run.

Running past the local church, however, (the driveway of which is probably one of the most dangerous venues for pedestrians on evenings and weekends) brought another wallet-emptier to mind. A Japanese friend living in the US has become deeply involved in one of those American-style multi-level marketing things, banking on its planned expansion into Japan. Of course, there’s a big up-front commitment. And she’s also got to sell her own impassioned enthusiasm to a group of underlings willing to make their own commitments.

I’ve tried explaining how these kinds of “network marketing” pyramid schemes work, but I’ve come to the conclusion that there’s nothing I can say to change her mind. As far as she’s concerned, it’s not a pyramid scheme… it just works in the same way.  As the lady in the San Francisco Chinatown knock-off shop asserted while holding up a “Luis Vuitton” handbag, “Same-same, but different.

Standing at the bar-rail overlooking the stage floor at a California music venue last weekend, I ended up with a contact-high from all the smoke. But I had to admit, it seemed like a happy crowd. I guess life can be terribly frustrating, so it can be helpful to believe in something to give our lives meaning, or just hope…  schemes, pills, or beliefs upon which to pin guarantees of comfort or happiness… or just the latest things with which to placate our boredom. It’s tempting to imagine a savior in some consoling smoke through which to filter our realities.

Perhaps Alaxander Pushkin was right when he proffered to his friend, Anton Chekov, “Better one illusion that exalts than ten thousand truths.” But then, Pushkin was killed in a duel with a man against whom he had little chance of victory. Dying at the age of thirty-seven, defending the honor of his beloved wife, I imagine his last thoughts as the final words from his own poem, Awakening, “Let . . . Let me die, Still unawaken’d.