Just now there is an orgy of opinion-writing about homelessness.
The issue is topical because of the death of Courtney Herron, of no fixed address, whose savagely beaten body was recently found in Royal Park in Melbourne.
On top of the usual stuff about toxic masculinity, Catherine Lumby and a journalist weighed in with a piece sporting the headline: “Next time you have a meeting dominated by men, consider how it is affecting homelessness.”
The basic thesis seemed to be encapsulated in this passage:
Domestic violence is experienced by one in six Australian females – with an incident occurring every two minutes in this country. Domestic violence is also the dominant pathway to homelessness for women.
Ask most people why people are homeless and they are likely to say it’s because of drug and alcohol addiction or mental health issues. In fact, research initiated by the bipartisan Council of Australian Governments found that domestic and family violence is the leading cause.
It seems unbelievable, but one in three Australian women have experienced physical violence from the age of 15. It’s a tough statistic to get our heads around. And even tougher when you realise that most of that violence occurs at the hands of men they trust – those they are in an intimate relationship with or related to.
The most common reason women give for seeking support from government funded homelessness services is domestic or family violence.
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There are women living on the street with their children. Living in their cars. Afraid to go to homeless shelters because they don’t want to deal with more violence and they want to protect their children.
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Why are women still relegated to the lower ranks of organisations despite their educational and professional achievements? Why is feminised labour like childcare, primary school teaching and nursing still undervalued? Why do we accept indirect discrimination in hiring practices?
And why do we think it’s OK for women and children to be treated as property? This is at the heart of domestic and family violence. It’s a hard truth.
Which is why we should all take a turn participating in or supporting the Vinnies Sleepout and spending some time thinking about that truth. And thinking about how we might more urgently address female disadvantage in the workplace as a way to tackle the root causes of domestic violence and homelessness.
There has also been quite a lot of recent publicity of studies showing increases of homelessness amongst older women. An instance here.
There are a lot of different kinds and causes of homelessness.
The homelessness of Courtney and her alleged assailant seem pretty clearly to have been an caused by a mixture of “drug and alcohol addiction or mental health issues” of the sort to which Lumby and her co-author refer.
Another quite common type of homelessness is that recounted by Wendy Squires in The Age, of which she writes:
I don’t want to dwell on how and why I ended up homeless. It was an escalation of parental circumstance from which I felt I had no choice but to flee.
That was when she was still at school. That strikes me as a kind of liminal phase not so remote from just “leaving home” and likely to be relatively surmountable – provided all other things are equal or a bit better than equal. You are young; you don’t have much ballast or stuff.
The growing homelessness of older women is mostly part of the general category of homelessness arising from poverty. Whilst female disadvantage obviously contributes to this for women, homeless men still outnumber homeless women in all age groups, according to ABS 2016 figures.
Every private-rental low-income tenant is just a no-grounds termination or a tipping-point financially adverse event away from homelessness – and that’s a lot of people. It is futile for most such people to even contemplate seeking public housing – the queues for that are as meaninglessly long as the “queues” for offshore refugees.
The statement that “domestic or family violence” is the “most common reason” women give for seeking support from government funded homelessness services has to be read in that light: the general homeless mostly do not even bother seeking such assistance. The figures must be skewed by women with children who do because they actually have a chance of receiving it.
In my own little sallies into the criminal law, I have seen more than enough of the vulnerability of the druggy and mentally disturbed homeless. The lower reaches of the criminal law are awash with it. Police know about it though they become hardened to it in their role as society’s garbage collectors and boundary enforcers. The criminalisation of drug law has a large part to play.
A particularly grim example, though hardly in the lower reaches of the criminal law, is described in unusual detail in [2018] NSWSC 978 – in which, after a 7-week judge-alone trial, Justice Hamill dealt in agonising detail (as he was required to) with the last days of Mark Dower and the responsibility of Mark Jenkin for Dower’s death.
Dower had spent some years teaching English as a foreign language in Finland. You’d have to be a reasonably personable and educated person to do that, and also, one would think, quite adventurous. He had married; he had a daughter. His wife died. His life fell apart. He became an alcoholic and also had mental health problems. He returned to live in the Wollongong area where (I infer) he had grown up.
Dower became homeless and fell into a terrible milieu of drug users and ex-cons in a public housing estate at Mangerton, an inner western suburb of Wollongong.
There was no need for Dower to be homeless on economic grounds. Courtesy of his time in Finland, he was a man with two pensions. This seems to have become well-known in Mangerton.
Dower was ripe for exploitation and he was exploited. To his new protectors, and particularly to Mark Jenkin, he became a cash cow escorted to the ATM at milking time or forced to hand his keycard over for Jenkin’s use.
In 2015, aged just 53, Dower died in Jenkin’s flat where he had been for a bit under a week.
Jenkin claimed that he had been caring for Dower and that Dower didn’t want to be taken to hospital because he was afraid of being subjected to electric-shock therapy (which he had been in the past). Hamill J did not accept this because Dower had presented himself at hospital on numerous occasions, including on one occasion where he said he had been assaulted by a “martial arts expert” to whom he had lent money to to feed the assailant’s drug addiction. (The hospital presentations had abated during a period when Jenkin had been in custody.)
Dower had told an old school friend that Jenkin was standing over him for his money but that he was scared to go to the police because he feared Jenkin would kill him if he did so. He also told a shop-keeper about it one time when he was unable to repay credit he had been extended.
Dower’s fear that Jenkin would kill him had he gone to the police was not so fanciful as you might think.
RS, described by Jenkin in intercepted calls as “a fuckin’ street-working fuckin’ junkie fuckin’ deadset moll” had turned up at Jenkin’s flat just after Dower’s death. Not long after this, Jenkin lost his key to the flat when he himself was assaulted in retaliation for a burglary he had committed of an ex-girlfriend’s place. As a result Dower’s body, by this stage almost a week in Jenkin’s bath, needed to be taken out of the flat through the window. RS helped Jenkin do this. The body was left in a laundry block at the flats which Jenkin had taken over as his own by placing a padlock on it.
Presumably Jenkin was planning to dispose of the body further, but before he got around to it he was arrested for the burglary. A bit over a week later, RS anonymously tipped the police off that there was a dead body in Jenkin’s laundry.
Rumours reached Jenkin in gaol that RS was “going crown.” She was (unless others and Jenkin have remained stumm) the only person who had actually seen Dower dead in Jenkin’s flat. Phone calls by Jenkin from gaol were intercepted in which Jenkin urged his step-brother to shut RS up for good by giving her a “hot shot.” The step-brother tried to source some heroin but the supplier told the court she wouldn’t sell it to him as she hadn’t sold to him before and wasn’t going to start then.
That seems a surprising twist of heroin-dealing ethics and you have to seriously wonder about it, though it could just have been prudence. The dealer understood that ice rather than heroin was the step-brother’s drug of choice though she denied selling the step-brother anything.
Hamill J’s judgment includes an almost comical roll-call of the numerous witnesses who were potentially unreliable because they were drug users, alcoholics, suffered from mental problems or had drug-addled memories, who may have been concerned to minimise their own involvement in the circumstances surrounding Dower’s death or any conspiracy to murder RS or whose evidence for the prosecution might have been given in return for leniency about their own involvement or in relation to other matters.
There is a lot more forensic detail in the judgment about the indignities (and worse) to which Mr Dower was subjected whilst he was in the flat. Videos probably taken by Jenkin were recovered from a phone which was in his possession at his arrest. It must have been heart-breaking for Dower’s daughter, whose identity has been suppressed.
Justice Hamill suspected that Jenkin in fact struck a blow which killed Dower (in which case he would have been guilty of murder), but because it was a circumstantial case and other potential mortal assailants could not be excluded, Hammil J found Jenkin guilty of manslaughter on the basis that Jenkin had assaulted Dower when he was in the flat and failed to obtain medical assistance for him, as a result of which Dower died. It’s the same basis on which, for example, parents who fail to take their children to a doctor can be found guilty of manslaughter.
Jenkin was also found guilty of conspiracy to murder RS.
He received a total sentence of 19 years with a 14-year non-parole period.