The Last King of Commagene

24 06 2010

It has been a while since I blogged, and especially since I blogged about a coin.  Below, however, is an interesting one.  As anyone who has read my blogs from the past knows, I am interested in coins with a connection to the biblical world of the first century and also holed coins. Once a coin becomes holed, it leaves the realm of exchange and takes on a different meaning.  My sense is that it became token (memento) and/or amulet.  Holed coins, therefore, are freighted with extra meaning, especially for the person who drilled the hole and displays the coin as bodily decoration.  Of course one has very little if any evidence for why this particular coin was significant to wear—although a lack of evidence does not stop good guesses. 

 

This bronze coin, well worn, was minted by the Kingdom of Commagene (it would be part of what is today south-central Turkey) which was a client-kingdom of Rome.  It was minted in 72 C.E.  The obverse portrays Epiphanes and Callinicus riding horses.  They were the sons of the last king of Commagene named Antiochus IV Epiphanes 38-72 C.E.  The reverse has a Capricorn right with a star above and anchor below.  All of these symbols are within a wreath.

Here are the interesting connections.  The Commagene kingdom and the Herodian kingdom were closely allied.  Epiphanes was betrothed in 43/44 C.E. to a daughter of the Judean king Agrippa I.  Her name was Drusilla.  Does her name sound familiar?  It should; she is mentioned in the New Testament in Acts 24:24:  “Some days later when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, who was Jewish, he sent for Paul and heard him speak concerning faith in Christ Jesus.”  In this reference, Drusilla is in the city of Caesarea and is married to Antonius Felix a Roman prefect under Emperor Claudius who governed Judea from 52-59 C.E.  Epiphanes never married Drusilla; the wedding was called off because Epiphanes refused to embrace Judaism.  However, interestingly, Drusilla does marry a Gentile and pagan in the form of Felix (Josephus provides some background on this “magical” match, Jewish Antiquities, xx.7.2).  How was this marriage looked upon by the average Judean? 

Evidently, no hard feeling existed between the Commagenes and Herodians since Epiphanes was sent several years later by his father to assist Titus in the siege of Jerusalem.  Eventually in 72 C.E., Vespasian, abolished the Commagene kingdom and made it part of Roman Empire via the province of Syria.

Perhaps this last point may have caused a person to drill a hole in this coin.  It is clear that the hole was drilled from the obverse side which would imply that this side was the important one.  The person wanted to preserve as best as possible the image of the two heirs to the throne Epiphanes and Callinicus on their horses. When the kingdom was annexed, this coin was a reminder of the dynastic hope of the Commagenes.  Perhaps this coin was in the possession of one of the numerous retainers who owed their allegiance to the Commagenes and hoped for their return to power.





Taxes: Ancient and Modern

15 04 2010

Since today is April 15, Tax Day, I thought it might be appropriate to blog about taxes, especially in relationship to the ancient world.  Taxes, of course, are not modern phenomena.  The extraction of funds from the general public for use by the state (or elites) has a long history.  One specific tax related to the ancient Mediterranean world and the first century was the Fiscus Judaicus.  For an excellent overview of this tax and its implication in the first century, see the recent dissertation from Rijksuniversiteit Groningen by Marius Heemstra, How Rome’s Administration of the Fiscus Judaicus Accelerated the Parting of the Ways Between Judaism and Christianity:  Rereading 1 Peter, Revelation, The Letter to the Hebrews and the Gospel of John in Their Roman And Jewish Contexts (2009).  This dissertation has a fascinating thesis and is quite well done.  (We presented papers in the same section of the Society of Biblical Literature Annual Meeting last year in New Orleans).

The Fiscus Judaicus was the tax levied by Vespasian after the Judean War and the destruction of the Temple (Josephus, Jewish War, 7.218). This tax in essence replaced the Temple tax.  The money collected for this tax, ironically, helped reconstruct the temple of Jupiter in Rome which had been destroyed in the civil war of AD 69.  One can only image the chagrin of the Judeans who were force to pay this tax.  One of the differences between the Temple tax and the Fiscus Judaicus is that the Temple tax was only required of Judean men while the Fiscus Judaicus taxed men, women, children, and even Judean slaves.

This Temple tax consisted of a half shekel (or the equivalent, two Roman denarii or two Attic drachmas).  The Fiscus Judaicus tax, while based on the Temple tax, varied over the years.

This tax continued into the time period of Emperor Nerva at which point it was abolished (AD 96).  This event was of such importance it was commemorated on a coin minted in Rome.  See below.

The inscription on the reverse is FISCI IVDAICI CALVMNIA SVBLATA which translates as “the removal of the wrongful accusation of the Fiscus Judaicus.”  Note the date palm tree; a typical symbol used for Judea.





The Ides of March: Caesar and Christ

15 03 2010

Today is the Ides of March.  On this day Julius Caesar (100-44 BCE) was assassinated by a group of conspirators, lead by Marcus Junius Brutus  (85-42 BCE), who felt as if the old Republic of Roman was crumbling and a new entity, a kingdom, was arising in its place with Julius Caesar as King/Tyrant.

Nowhere explicitly is Julius Caesar mentioned in the NT; however, the future Roman domination of Judea that characterizes the social context of the NT is a ripple effect from Caesar.  (One might also note the influence, perhaps, on the name of one centurion of the Augustan Cohort who is named Julius [Acts 27:1, 3]).

An exhibit at the British Museum is displaying the only known gold coin which commemorates this event. The coin was pierced in antiquity and perhaps worn as a talisman in order to celebration “liberation.”  Numerous silver coins commemorating this event are extant.  This coinage was minted by the conspirators who felt they were liberating Rome from a tyrant.  (Of course, Octavian [the future Caesar Augustus] and Marc Antony felt differently).  For the next several years Rome was involved in civil war.  This link to the Guardian details this particular gold coin and its background.





Jesus and Caesar’s Coin

16 10 2009

While working on my paper for the SBL meeting in New Orleans, I chased a little rabbit about the coin of Caesar in Mark 12:13-17 (parallel,  Matthew 22:15-22 and Luke 20:20-26).   I had never really paid attention to that fact that not only does Jesus make reference to the image on the coin, but also to the inscription.   Most preachers/teachers are good at quoting an abbreviated part of the verse, “Whose likeness/image is on this coin,” but neglect to add “and inscription.”  Jesus  seems to be implying that both he and his audience would have recognized the inscription.  Would Jesus and his audience have read and understood a Latin inscription?  Probably not, so it is unlikely the coin used for illustrative purpose was a denarius carrying a Latin inscription.  (Beside, denarii did not circulate in the East this early.  This fact undercuts the “typical” Tribute Penny, that is denarius, associated with Tiberius).   The coin was most likely a tetradrachm minted in Antioch.  This particular coin would have had a Greek inscription, which is an inscription both Jesus and the audience were more likely to have understood.  Perhaps they would have understood it only too well: obverse, TIBEPIOS SEBASTOS KAISAP (Tiberius Augustus Caesar); reverse, THEOS SEBASTOS KAISAP (God Augustus Caesar).  See Peter E. Lewis, “The Actual Tribute Penny,” Journal of the Numismatic Association of Australia, Vol. 10 (July 1999), 3-13.  While Lewis does not approach this text-segment with New Testament exegetical skill, he still makes some interesting observations.  It is extremely difficult to find image of this coin.  However, an excellent example, copyrighted by the American Numismatic Society, is available via the link I created:  Antioch Tetradrachm.





Of Shipwrecks and Coins

2 06 2009

The narrative of Paul’s shipwreck (Acts 27:1-28:16) is one of the outstanding stories in the New Testament. As is quite fitting, studies on this passage often turn to literary works in the ancient world for details related to sea travel and shipwrecks. Evidently these narratives were quite popular. And of course, there are the archaeological remains of shipwrecks; first-century shipwrecks dot the bottom of the Mediterranean Sea. I certainly would not have wanted to insure a ship in the first century.

One might also at least give a brief nod to a little considered source for shipwrecks in the ancient world and that is the iconography found on ancient Roman coins. Actually ship motifs were a popular reverse type found on many Roman imperial coins. Yet reverses related to shipwrecks are, of course, difficult to find. Actually the ability to correlate reverses on Roman coins with specific events is extremely difficult; unfortunately we have little knowledge what provoked most of the images on coin reverses.  However, one coin minted under Marcus Aurelius (121-180 C.E.) probably does reference a shipwreck, one that the emperor was luck to have survived. The coin below illustrates this event.

aurelius155 This coin is a dupondius.  The obverse is the laureate head right of Marcus Aurelius.  The inscription reads M ANTONINVS AVG GERM SARM TRP XXXI.  The reverse depicts a galley with four rowers sailing right.  The god Neptune is before them (in the coin Neptune has been decapitated because of the hole).  The inscription reads FELICITATI AVG P P.    The inscription would translate as something like “to the good luck of the Augustus, Father of the Country.”

The record of this shipwreck come from Historia Augustus (a late fourth-century document), “Life of Marcus,” chapter XXVII:  “After settling affairs in the East he came to Athens and had himself initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries . . . . Afterwards, when returning to Italy by ship, he encountered a violent storm on the way.  Then, upon reaching Italy by way of Brundisium, he donned the toga, and bade his troops do likewise . . . . When he reached Rome he triumphed . . . Presently he appointed Commodus his colleague in the tribunician power, bestowed largess upon the people, and celebrated marvelous games . . . ”

The event of the shipwreck must have happened around the fall of 176 C.E. when the Emperor was returning from the east.  These coins were probably minted around the end of 176 and may have been presented as good-luck presents on 1 January 177.  The holed nature of this coin may indicate that it was used as a good luck charm, maybe by someone who was a frequent traveler via the Mediterranean Sea.  Perhaps it was holed by a servant or soldier who was on board this galley and survived.

This coin is a tangible example of the precarious nature of sea travel, even for those at the top  of the hierarchy of power.  The Emperor credited his salvation from a near disaster by the hands of the gods Neptune and Felicitas.  Paul in his own shipwreck owed his salvation to an intervention and revelation from God:   “For this very night there stood by me an angel of the God to whom I belong and whom I worship, and he said, ‘Do not be afraid, Paul; you must stand before Caesar; and lo, God has granted you all those who sail with you'” (Acts 27:23-24).

One last interesting reference to gods in relationship to Paul’s shipwreck is that the ship that eventually conveyed Paul to Italy was “a ship of Alexandria with the Twin Brothers as figure-head” (Acts 28:11b).  The Twin Brothers are Castor and Pollux and are often called the Dioscuri.  These two gods were  a frequent motif on Roman coins.  The denarius below from the Roman Republic (46 B.C.E.) illustrates an example of the Dioscuri.

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The Year A.D. 69

31 05 2008

In the first century, each year holds it own interest and special fascination, but 69 CE is of special interest because it is often designated as the year of the four emperors.  A recent book on the topic is by Gwyn Morgan, 69 A.D.:  The Year of the Four Emperors (Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 2006).  Morgan writes a running commentary on the gaining (and in three cases losing) the purple as represented by Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian.  He utilizes five sources Tacitus, Suetonius (Roman), Plutarch, Dio Cassius (Greek), and Josephus (Judean).  He especially focuses on Tacitus’ accounts (Josephus is cited the least). 

I am always interested in how a scholar utilizes numismatics in reconstructions and interprets the past.  Morgan downplays almost all numismatic evidence.  As he notes, ‘The most eye-catching artifacts to have come down to us, . . . the coins struck by the emperors, remain our least helpful guides to specific events despite all the work devoted to them by numismatists” (p. 3).  While coins may not on every occasion give reference to specific events, they do give an overall sense of the propaganda that emperors attempted to distribute to the general public.  Morgan is very dismissive of the propaganda element saying, “. . . the minting authority was conveying some kind of general message, and apparently the consumer was supposed to swallow this message without demur, but that is about all we can say” (p.3).  He is selling short what we can say and reasonably know about the messages imperial coinage conveyed. 

Morgan, whose interest is focused on the literary documentation, illustrates his lack of numismatic insight when he does on the rare occasion make mention of numismatic references.  For example, he writes, “The question is for whom the message on the denarii was meant.  Silver coinage was hardly seen by the common people. Mostly it ended up in the hands of the soldiery and the of the upper classes” (p. 97).  This assertion seems easily refuted.  When troops did have silver, they did spend it, and it did make its way into circulation among the non-elites.  Also here is just one easily found example of where non-elites possess denarii.  In the Gospel of Matthew 20:1-15 is the parable of the “Workers in the Vineyard.”  In this well known parable, day laborers, probably dispossessed landless peasants, are hired to work in a vineyard.  This group would be on one of the lowest levels of non-elites; without land, they are nobodies and very vulnerable.  Yet each laborer in the parable at the end of day will possess a denarius. 

Even though Morgan has little use for numismatics, his book is a fine survey of the events of this crucial year in the first century.  It is worth the read for orienting a reader to the dynamics within the context of the Empire.  If one especially likes British linguistic eccentricities, which I do, this book is also interesting since Morgan frequently throws in Britishism, such as “lickspittle.”  Try to find a way this week to work this word into your conversation.





Cappadocia and the NT World

21 05 2008

It has been awhile since I noted a numismatic point of interest related to the New Testament.  The coin below is one that stimulated my thinking along several different trajectories related to first century and the New Testament. 

This coin is a silver drachm.  The obverse is the laurate head of Vespasian (69-79 CE) and the reverse depicts Mount Argaeus.  On the summit of the mountain is Helios with a radiate crown; he is standing left and holding a globe in the right hand and a sceptre in the left.  (There are two scratches in the field on the reverse). The coin was minted in the Roman province of Cappadocia at Caesarea around 75-76 CE. 

Cappadocia (earlier called Mazaka and today known as Kayseri) is mentioned twice in the NT, Acts 2:9 and 1 Peter 1:1.  The iconography of the coin provides a subtle look into the NT world.  Especially for Judeans living in the Diaspora, the portrait of the emperor Vespasian would certainly bring to mind the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem that occurred only a few years earlier.  In fact a specific legion that had participated in the Jewish War was relocated for punishment to the province of Cappadocia.  Josephus records this account in The Jewish War, 7:3, “Recollecting too that the twelfth legion [the Fulminata] had under the command of Cestius succumbed to the Jews, he [Titus] banished them from Syria altogether–for they had previously been quartered at Raphanaeae–and sent them to the district call Melitene, beside the Euphrates, on the confines of Armenia and Cappadocia.”   

It has been suggested that bulk of imperial coinage circulating in Asia Minor was supplied from the time of Tiberius to the time of Gordian III by the mint at Caesarea.  The importance of this fact is that the coins and their accompanying images would have easily circulated in the first century through many of the cities in which the early Jesus movement was being established.  Some of these cities would certainly have included the seven cities noted in the Apocalypse. 

The most prominent image on the reverse is perhaps the god Helios (Sol) standing on Mount Argaeus with a radiate crown and holding a globe and sceptre (E. A. Sydenham, The Coinage of Caesarea in Cappadocia [London, 1933], 10).  The description of the Son of Man in Revelation 1:12-16 includes a figure that might call to mind Helios, “and his face like the sun shines in its power” (16b).  As is typical many commentaries go to literary sources to find the background or allusion to this image.  David Aune is typical, Revelation, WBC, vol. 1, page 99; e.g., Dan 10:6.  But the combination of the rest of the features of the Son of Man, i.e., bronze feet, and the seven stars in his hand, might also call to mind this statue on Mount Argaeus.  (Mount Argaeus is often portrayed with a star a top it). One might also consider that Mount Argaeus was the highest mountain in Asia Minor and was covered by snow year round.  The image of snow is also associated with the Son of Man. 

Some have suggest that the figure is not a representation of Helios but the Genius or Spirit of Argaeus (Peter Lewis and Ron Bolden, The Pocket Guide to Saint Paul: Coins Encountered by the Apostle on His Travels [Wakefield, 2002], 67).  It could be that the Romans were attempting to bring about a synthesis of Jupiter, Helios and Argaeus via the image of the radiated statue on the mountain.  Whatever the exact identity of the figure on Mt. Argaeus, the Son of Man would certainly stand in antithesis to this image.





Critique

10 04 2008

I am always interested in how NT background works utilize numismatic evidence.  Frequently the material culture represented by numismatics is given only a few pages; these pages are typically devoted to the various denominations in circulation and where coin references are found in the NT.  Most information is minimal.  A case in point is found in James S. Jeffers’ book The Greco-Roman World of the New Testament Era:  Exploring the Background of Early Christianity (Eerdmans, 1999).  This book has many good qualities, but the information related to ancient numismatics is wrong several times within the short coinage section (pp. 149-154).  Here are a few examples.  On page 149 Jeffers writes, “He [Herod the Great] was the first Jewish ruler to use the Greek language on his coins, instead of Hebrew, and the first to put a date on his coins.”  Actually the first Jewish ruler to use Greek on his coins was Alexander Jannaeus (Yehonatan) 103-76 BCE.  See the reverse and observe of the coin below.

This is a bronze prutah.  On the obverse is an anchor with the Greek inscription “of King Alexander.”

On the reverse is a star with eight rays surrounded by a stylized diadem.  The Hebrew inscription reads “Yehonatan the King.”

This bilingual coin is a perfect example of the hellenistic influence in Judea.  Perhaps there are examples today of coinage in which two languages are present.  In a very concrete way, the coins of Jannaeus demonstrate how cultures clash and synthesize.

Here is another wrong statement from Jeffers:  “But his son Herod Philip, ruling the largely Gentile area of Ituraea and Trachonitis, put on his coins the image of the emperor on one side and the Jewish temple on the other” (p. 150).  It is true that Herod Philip did utilize the portrait of Roman emperors on his coins (specifically Augustus and Tiberius).  This acknowledgement and nod to the imperial family makes good sense for a patron-client society in which Philip is clearly a client beholding to imperial largess.  What may be most remarkable is that Herod Philip is the first Judean to place his image on a coin.  The last part of Jeffers statement is incorrect.  Philip did not place the “Jewish temple” on his coinage.  Rather, Philip placed a Roman temple on his coins.  It was a temple that he had constructed in the capital city (and mint city) of Caesarea Philippi (Panias).  The coin below is bronze and has a portrait of Tiberius on the obverse and the Roman temple on the reverse.  The lettering between the temple columns indicate that this coin was minted around 33/34 CE

Coins can serve a much more important function in NT background studies than just how much they were worth and what they could buy.  When approached from the four core social institutions of kinship, politics, religion, and economics, they help provide a window into the ideological perspective of at least some of individuals populating the ancient world and the pages of the Bible.  

 





The Symbol of Palms

16 03 2008

Since this is Palm Sunday, I thought it might be appropriate to illustrate via numismatics the powerful symbol of palms in the ancient world.

Of course Palm Sunday is a bit of a misnomer since the use of palms to greet Jesus is only specifically mentioned in the Gospel of John (12:12-19).  In Matt 21:1-9 the crowds greet Jesus with garments and “branches from the trees” (v. 8).  Mark’s account in 11:1-10 records also the reference to garments and adds “leafy branches which they had cut from the fields” (v. 8).  Luke, 19:28-40, omits any reference to branches and only notes the use of garments. 

The numismatic evidence points to the frequent use of a palm branch (lulav) (singular), palm branches (plural) or a palm tree as referencing  the land of Judea.  Interestingly, this symbol was used on coins minted by Romans (prefects and victorious Emperors), Judean client kings, and also Judean rebel leaders.  While these groups would hardly agree on any other issue, they all acknowledged the palm as a fixed symbol for the land and people of Judea.  Just a few numismatic examples of this symbol are below.

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Bronze prutah, minted by Valerius Gratus (15-26 C.E.) under Tiberius

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Bronze prutah, minted by Antonius Felix (52-59 C.E.) under Claudius

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Bronze, full denomination, minted under Herod Antipas, (4 B.C.E to 40 C.E.)

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Bronze, minted by Agrippa the II (55 to 95 C.E.) during the reign of Domitian

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Silver denarius, minted under Titus (79-81 C.E.).  This coin is placed in the Judaea Capta series.  It illustrates Rome’s victory in the Judean War of 66-70 C.E.

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Middle Bronze with the seven branched date palm.  Minted during the Bar Kochba rebellion (132-135 C.E.)

While the palm was a dominant symbol for the land and people of Judea, it was also used in other contexts.  There are earlier usages of the palm during the time of the Roman Republic as illustrated below with a coin minted by the moneyer L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi.  The coin has a rider waving a palm branch while riding a horse.

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The palm branch was also used later on Roman coins.  The coin below was minted by Constantine I (the Great).  On the reverse is a palm surrounded by legionary standards.

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Frequently in Roman usage, the palm is associated with particular goddesses, especially victory, Nike.





Numismatics and Looting

1 02 2008

An important issue related to numismatics and the study of the New Testament is about integrity in the use of sources. There has been an ongoing discussion, often quite heated, between archaeologists and hobbyists related to numismatics. It ultimately revolves around the procuring of coins for hobbyists and how this can destroy the original provenance of the coins. The looting of sites and dispersion of coin hoards can cause the loss of valuable insights into social, cultural and historical backgrounds. It is a crime against history and knowledge to loot, whether looting personally or being the receiver of looted goods. Does one want to eat fruit from a rotting tree? On the other hand, what is one to do with all the millions of coins in private collectors’ hands today (coins that now have no original provenance)? The following blog post by Nathan Elkins is well written and provides many of the bones of contention: “Archaeologist Don’t Care about Ancient Coins?” There are  also some other links within this blog that contribute to an ongoing discussion.








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