Books by Michael Morys-Twarowski
Dzieje Księstwa Cieszyńskiego
Dzieje Księstwa Cieszyńskiego (Dobra Prowincja, 2023)
Barbarica. Tysiąc lat zapomnianej historii ziem polskich
Barbarica. Tysiąc lat zapomnianej historii ziem polskich (Znak, 2023)
Dzieje rodu Tomanków ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego od XVII do początku XX wieku
Dzieje rodu Tomanków ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego od XVII do początku XX wieku (Chorzów: Muzeum „Górnośląski Park Etnograficzny w Chorzowie”, 2020)
History of the Tomanek family from Ropica (Ropice) in Cieszyn Silesia from 1671, when they purcha... more History of the Tomanek family from Ropica (Ropice) in Cieszyn Silesia from 1671, when they purchased a mill in the village, to the beginning of the 20th century. It includes 407 biographical notes and is the most extensive study devoted to the history of the peasant family from the former Duchy of Cieszyn.
Wójtowie na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 1864–1918. Studium prozopograficzne (Kraków: Historia Iagellonica, 2018), 1.
[Vol. 1: Synthesis + Biographical entries (Aleksandrowice - Iskrzyczyn)]
The work presents the c... more [Vol. 1: Synthesis + Biographical entries (Aleksandrowice - Iskrzyczyn)]
The work presents the community of village mayors (German: Gemeindevorsteher, Polish: wójt/przełożony gminy, Czech: starosta) in Cieszyn Silesia, the eastern part of Austrian Silesia, one of the crown countries of the Austrian monarchy. The starting date of the work marks the beginning of municipal self-government in this region, the final date is related to the breakup of the Habsburg monarchy and the division of Cieszyn Silesia between Poland and the Czech Republic (Czechoslovakia).
The preliminary step was to list the heads of all municipalities in Cieszyn Silesia in the years 1864–1918, and then develop their biographical notes according to the standard adopted in prosopographical research. This includes data such as date and place of birth and death, information about parents and wives, denomination, occupation, affiliation at county level (Bezirk) and country level (Kronland), political (national) views, manifestations of social activities, and decorations. In this way, I developed biographical notes of 1332 village mayors.
In the first chapter, I pay attention to the characteristics of the region, such as: denominational structure, language structure, as well as development of national movements, social structure (essentially no nobility), high level of literacy, and industrialization. I also discuss crucial legal provisions regarding the heads of municipalities during this period, as well as the situation in practice. For example, three-year terms have often been extended due to electoral protests or the arbitrariness of the Municipal Department.
In the second chapter, I discuss the municipal elections in Cieszyn Silesia in 1864–1918 in the light of legislation (law in books) and practice (law in action).
In the third chapter, I discuss a group of village heads in terms of age, marital status, occupation, education and place of origin. Municipal heads were typically people between 35 and 70 years of age. The majority of village heads were married. In a group of 1332, only a few (around 6) were bachelors. In the case of candidates from peasant families, being married was an asset; in the case of the widely understood administrative staff associated with the Cieszyn Chamber (German: Teschner Kammer), the Larisch family or industrial plants — not so much. Representatives of the rich local peasantry prevailed. Due to the fact that in the sources the same person was referred to as a landowner (German: Ackerbauer, Polish: siedlak), farmer (German: Gärtler, Polish: zagrodnik) or homeworker (German: Häusler, Polish: chałupnik) it is difficult to provide accurate data. Tenants and landowners, as well as the archduke and count’s officials, seldom became village heads, however they often ruled the community from the backseat, e.g. as councilors. In villages where industrial plants were established, the local peasant elite lost their village heads status. In Třinec, from 1867, village heads were chosen from members of the administrative staff of the local ironworks; in Chybie, since the early 20th century — staff from the local sugar factory. In Hrušov, from 1872, village heads came from the Miller family, owners of the soda factory, or their employees. In Polská Ostrava from 1879 and in Orlova from 1910, clerical staff of the local mines. In Baška and Ustroń, people associated with the local ironworks became village heads, but at the beginning of the 20th century, local peasants began holding office again. Almost all of those officials were able to read and write (about 1% of illiterates were found, compared to 80% in Galicia in 1881). At least over 20 municipal heads from local peasant families attended high school. A dozen, mainly associated with industrial plants, had higher education. Most of the village heads came from Cieszyn Silesia. The rest came from Moravia (16), Bohemia (10), Austria (6), Galicia (6), Opavian Silesia (4), Prussian Silesia (2), and even Italy (1). It was not possible to determine the place of origin of all of them, but the above data reflects trends. Interestingly, mass migration from Galicia to the area of Zagłębie Karwińsko-Ostrawskie (Czech: Ostravsko-karvinská uhelná pánev) did not influence the makeup of the local government. What’s more, if the village heads were from outside the region, they were most often Czechs working in industrial plants.
The fourth chapter is devoted to religious issues. In villages with a definite predominance (over 60%) of one religion (Catholic or Protestant), a representative of that denomination was elected. In cases where a representative of a different denomination was elected, in about 71% it was a representative of the local peasant family (24 cases out of 34 in Catholic cities, or 71%, 13 out of 18 in Protestant towns, or 72%). It is important to note here that in these places, representatives of Jewish communities were elected, and even one follower of Old Catholicism. In mixed towns (where neither Catholics or Protestants account for more than 60% of the population), there is a greater religious solidarity of the latter, who in 9 places held office throughout the period in question (Catholics managed that in 3 places). There were municipalities where Catholic and Protestant peasant elites were able to get along without major problems. Some village heads belonged to multi-denominational families. Seven Protestant village heads (including 1 convert) were married to a Catholic, 4 Catholic village heads were married to Protestants, 1 Catholic village head was married to a Jew. Four Protestant village heads were sons of Catholic women, 1 Protestant village head was the son of a Catholic man, and 2 Catholic village heads were sons of Protestant women. Seven of the village heads were Jewish. In the Czech press, this fact was criticized, while Polish press was only outraged when Jews who lived in towns where the Polish population dominated supported the German party.
In the fifth chapter, I analyze the political (national) views of municipal heads. At that time, the political scene in Cieszyn Silesia was mostly divided by nationality, hence the parties: German liberal (within it also the pro-German Silesian People’s Party [Polish: Śląska Partia Ludowa]), Polish (Catholic and Protestant fractions, later also the „Freistadt radicals” [Polish: radykałowie frysztaccy] who joined forces with the Protestants), Czech and socialist (within it Czech, Polish and German fractions). Village heads constitute a sample representative enough that it was possible to establish a relationship between political views, religion and nationality (in this case, it is assumed that nationality is determined by the native language).
In the sixth chapter, I looked at the village heads’ kindred. I include relatives and family members to the fourth degree of Roman computation, as well as witnesses at weddings and godparents. It is possible to estimate carefully that the „circle of relatives” of a municipal head was approximately 100–150 people. It turns out that out of 1332 village heads in Cieszyn Silesia in the years 1864–1918 at least 1006 had another village head in their circle, which is almost 76%. Then I tried to correlate various “kindred circles” in order to create “large kindred circles”. The most numerous “large Catholic kindred circle” included 618 village heads who formed some kind of ties with 863 other village heads of the same denomination (or 72%). By analogy, the most numerous “large Protestant kindred circle” included 254 who had 393 other village heads in their social circle, or 65%. Adding interfaith relationships, the largest “kindred circle” numbered a total of 875 village heads, which is 66% of all known village heads in Cieszyn Silesia in 1864–1918. A given village head’s “kindred circle” included village heads of different denominations, nationalities and political affiliations. And while contemporary press referred to denominational, linguistic (ethnic) and political solidarity in the context of elections, in the case of the relatives of individual municipal heads, these issues had little importance. Outside the „kindred circles” were primarily the duke’s and count’s officials (the „green army”) as well as fabricants and management of industrial plants, who — making use of the electoral law — eliminated representatives of local peasant elites in areas affected by industrialization. Also, there was a small group of Jewish village heads outside the clans, who were probably not related nor affiliated to each other.
In the seventh chapter, I discuss strategies to achieve the office of village head. Often, it was key to establish an alliance with the „green army” (officials of the Teschner Kammer or Count Larisch) or an alliance with the „black army” (the clergy). From around 1880, the elections began to become politicized, and from around 1900 in almost every town the elections were already a battlefield for parties. Often voters were persuaded by election promises, alcohol (vodka and beer), and even sweets.
Chapter eight presents the standing of village heads in the rural community. The office came with a certain degree of authority, but among them one can also find alcoholics and unreasonably litigious men eager for physical violence. They often broken laws, for example by rigging contests. Residents often repaid in kind: some village heads were insulted or beaten up, and there were even assassination attempts.
It is the first prosopographical study devoted to village heads of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Other scientists may ask different research questions; therefore, it is also material for comparative research. It’s not just about historians. This study presents how the inhabitants of Cieszyn Silesia learned local democracy. This allows for insight into the timeless mechanisms associated with the functioning of a municipal government.
Wójtowie na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 1864–1918. Studium prozopograficzne (Kraków: Historia Iagellonica, 2018), 2.
[Vol. 2: Biographical entries (Istebna - Pogwizdów)]
Wójtowie na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 1864–1918. Studium prozopograficzne (Kraków: Historia Iagellonica, 2018), 3.
[Vol. 3: Biographical entries (Polska Lutynia - Żywocice) + Conclusions + Summary (in English)]
Dzieje rodu Morysów ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego od XVIII do początku XX wieku
Dzieje rodu Morysów ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego od XVIII do początku XX wieku (Chorzów: Muzeum „Górnośląski Park Etnograficzny w Chorzowie”, 2016).
In the history of Cieszyn Silesia representatives of peasant families performed a significant rol... more In the history of Cieszyn Silesia representatives of peasant families performed a significant role, unlike in the former lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Their role was particularly important in the period after the abolition of serfdom in 1848 and constitutional reforms of the 1860s, which changed the political landscape of the Austrian Empire.
The following book is a monograph of a peasant family from the discussed region. It presents the history of the Morys family, starting with Tomasz (ca. 1706- 1750), the carpenter and the owner of the land in Leszna Górna (Horní Líštná / Ober Lischna), to the generation that entered adulthood in the early twentieth century. The main part of the monograph is preceded by an introduction, which includes a description of literature and primary sources for genealogical research on peasant families from Cieszyn Silesia.
The origin of Tomasz could not be determined. He could have come from Brzezinka (Birkenau), currently located within administrative boarders’ of Gliwice, and be a brother of Franciszek Józef Morys, a parish priest of Leszna Górna parish. However, it cannot also be ruled out that he arrived to Cieszyn Silesia from nearby Moravia, where families bearing the surname Morys also appeared. This direction of our study is also supported by the family’s tradition.
The fate of the representatives of the Morys family allowed us to capture some common features that are characteristic of peasants from Cieszyn Silesia:
1) The reluctance to share the land resulted in a situation that even children of wealthy farmers often fell to the status of landless population.
2) The abolition of personal serfdom in 1781 increased mobility of family members.
3) Most of the representatives of the Morys family were Catholics, but as a result of marriages with Protestant women (Evangelists of Augsburg Confession) there emerged a Protestant branch of the family settled in Cisownica (Zeislowitz). This is an interesting example, because usually multi-confessional peasant families in Cieszyn Silesia were the fruit of the Counter-Reformation (1609-1781), when a large part of peasants moved from Lutheranism to Catholicism, and the rest of them remained Protestants.
4) Although they belonged to the Polish language group, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century they represented different political attitudes. Brothers: Jan Morys (1874-1939), Józef Morys (1883-1945), farmers from Puńców (Puntzau), and Karol Morys (1886-1948), a teacher, supported the Polish national movement. Furthermore, Jerzy Morys and his son Paweł Piotr Morys (1875-1938), farmers in Zamarski (Zamarsk) belonged to the Association of Silesian Catholics (Związek Śląskich Katolików) representing the Catholic wing of the Polish national movement. Meanwhile, Andrzej Morys (1876-1950), who was a mayor of Cisownica, was a supporter of pro-German Silesian People's Party (Śląska Partia Ludowa) led by Józef Kożdoń. However, in the face of the changing political situation, he publicly renounced cooperation with supporters of Józef Kożdoń in May 1920.
5) The local Polish intelligentsia in Cieszyn Silesia had peasant roots. In the line of the Morys family from Puńców (Puntzau) there was a tradition that one of the children chose the teaching profession. Those were subsequently: Jerzy (1846-1890), the head master of schools in Olbrachcice (Albrechtice / Albersdorf) and Gnojnik (Hnojník / Hnojník), Karol (1886-1948), the head master of schools in Łąki (Louky nad Olší / Lonkau) and Karol (1904 -1999), a teacher in Kończyce Wielkie (Gross Kuntschitz), Pogwizdów (Pogwisdau) and Cieszyn.
6) In terms of the tradition of giving names the Morys family did not stand out from other peasant families living in this part of Cieszyn Silesia. Male names were dominated by Jan and Jerzy, rarely Adam, Andrzej and Paweł. Later, under the influence of the Habsburgs, both those prevailing in Vienna, and those bearing the title of the Dukes of Cieszyn, the name repertoire was expanded by Józef, Franciszek, Karol and Rudolf. Meanwhile, female names were dominated by Maria (in the nineteenth-century documents written sometimes as Marianna), Anna, Zofia and Ewa. Names like Helena and Katarzyna occurred rarely. In the nineteenth century, Jerzy Morys (1846-1890), a teacher, was more inventive in naming his children, which was fairly typical for this professional group.
7) The author of the monograph managed to positively verify the family tradition, provided by Karol Morys (1904-1999), the author's great-grandfather, concerning the blood kinship between the lines of Morys family from Puńców and Cisownica. The last common ancestor of both lines was Jan Morys, born in 1734. This is an interesting starting point for further research on the genealogical memory of peasants.
Papers by Michael Morys-Twarowski
Dzieje rodu Palarczyków z parafii cierlickiej na Śląsku Cieszyńskim od XVIII do początku XX wieku,” Rocznik Muzeum Górnośląski Park Etnograficzny w Chorzowie 11 (2023): 133–183
The Palarczyk family was a peasant family originating from the village of Szobiszowice (Soběšovic... more The Palarczyk family was a peasant family originating from the village of Szobiszowice (Soběšovice). The article presents the history of the first generations of the family (until the end of the 18th century) and the fate of the most famous family line, descending from Jan (1705–1765), an innkeeper in Stanisłowice (Stanislavice) and Kocobędz (Chotěbuz). The most famous representative of the family was Karol (1879–1940), a farmer in Goleszów, and a member of the National Council of the Duchy of Cieszyn.
Additionally, two general issues were raised using the example of the Palarczyk family. The first is the functioning of peasant elites in the Duchy of Cieszyn, the second – language issues. The Palarczyk family in Szobiszowice spoke Czech (Moravian), whereas the Palarczyk family from the Cierlicko parish spoke Polish. A detailed analysis confirms the clear Czech/Moravian-Polish linguistic border indicated, among others, by church sources and the topography of Reginald Kneifel. At the same time these findings force us to reject the theses about the supposed “linguistic transition area” to the west of the Olza River.
“Dzieje Rudnika do 1848 roku,” in Rudnik. Dzieje wioski od czasów najdawniejszych do współczesnoś... more “Dzieje Rudnika do 1848 roku,” in Rudnik. Dzieje wioski od czasów najdawniejszych do współczesności, ed. Wojciech Święs (Rudnik – Hażlach, 2023), 13–38.
[co-author: Maksymilian Stańczak] “Zarys dziejów rodu Buzków ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego do połowy XIX wieku,” in Dla polskiej i śląskiej ojczyzny. Józef Buzek (1873–1936), eds. Renata Czyż, Adrian Korczago (Bielsko-Biała, 2023): 50–83
“Źródła i opracowania do genealogii galicyjskich emigrantów w Księstwie Cieszyńskim,” in Galicja. Dziedzictwo monarchii Habsburgów w perspektywie badań genealogicznych, ed. Przemysław Jędrzejewski (Kraków, 2023), 223–232.
The article discusses the issues of genealogical research in the area of the former Duchy of Cies... more The article discusses the issues of genealogical research in the area of the former Duchy of Cieszyn, part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, directly adjacent to the area of Galicia. It is also an extensive answer to the questions of where and what sources and publications should be used if we want to complete the lineage of the Galician family about the representatives of the Cieszyn line (“Cieszyn” in the sense inhabiting the Duchy of Cieszyn, not only Cieszyn itself ). A large part of immigrants in Cieszyn Silesia in the 19th century were newcomers from Galicia.
“Dwadzieścia lat później. Datacja „urbarza cieszyńskiego z 1621 r.”,” Studia Źródłoznawcze 60 (2022): 63–74.
The urbarium (register of fief ownership) of the ducal estate of Cieszyn (Teschen), known as the ... more The urbarium (register of fief ownership) of the ducal estate of Cieszyn (Teschen), known as the ‘Cieszyn Urbarium of 1621’, has survived in a copy made in 1653. The document contains the updates made in the original and, as a result, includes data from different years. For Cieszyn and its suburbs, these are obligations initially entered in 1621 but also those updated (perhaps as late as 1643). For the villages, the data generally refers to the year 1643, but there may be single entries from an earlier period concerning updates (from around 1635?), which had become obsolete before 1643. The only village with its obligations recorded according to the actual state of 1621 is Bażanowice because it soon passed into the hands of the nobility, and there was no need to update the data on its inhabitants. This example shows that the urbarium was a ‘living document’ constantly updated.
“Paweł Terlica – ostatni morawski pastor w Księstwie Cieszyńskim,” in Lekarz i duchowny na prowincji / Lékař a duchovní v provincii, eds. Anna Czerniecka-Haberko, Barbara Szargot, Norbert Morawiec, Janusz Spyra (Częstochowa, 2022), 311–322.
The article presents a biography of Paweł Terlica (Paul Terlitza; 1810–1888). Born in Vestin, Mor... more The article presents a biography of Paweł Terlica (Paul Terlitza; 1810–1888). Born in Vestin, Moravia, Terlica spent most of his life in the Duchy of Cieszyn. He was pastor in Goleszów since 1838. In 1883 Terlica was elected the senior of (Austrian) Silesia.
The paper answers why he was the last pastor from Moravia in the history of the Duchy of Cieszyn. The author examines his attitude towards national issues. Like many pastors from this region, Terlica sympathized with the (pro)German fraction. The article also deals with Terlica's genealogy, as many of his relatives were pastors in the Duchy of Cieszyn (father-in-law, brother-in-law, two sons-in-law etc.).
“Tomiczek Franciszek, krypt. F.T., pseud. Iłowniczan (1865–1927), działacz społeczny,” in Polski słownik biograficzny (Warszawa – Kraków, 2022): 54:348–350.
Biogram. / Biographical Entry.
“Tomiczek Stanisław Ludwik, pseud. Stanisław (1902–1941), działacz społeczny,” in Polski słownik biograficzny (Warszawa – Kraków, 2022): 54:350–351.
Biogram. / Biographical Entry.
“Wacławikowie – ród chłopskich „zapiśnikarzy” ze Śląska,” Rocznik Muzeum Górnośląski Park Etnograficzny w Chorzowie 10 (2022): 9–23.
A number of peasant notes from the 18th and 19th centuries, whose authors are called “Cieszyn fol... more A number of peasant notes from the 18th and 19th centuries, whose authors are called “Cieszyn folk writers” (cieszyńscy piśmiorze) or “note takers” (zapiśnikarze), have been preserved in Cieszyn Silesia. In recent years, this phenomenon has been most extensively discussed by Janusz Spyra in the study: Historiografia a tożsamość regionalna w czasach nowożytnych na przykładzie Śląska Cieszyńskiego w okresie od XVI do początku XX wieku (Eng. Historiography and Regional Identity in Modern Times on the Example of Cieszyn Silesia in the Period from the 16th to the Beginning of the 20th Century). This article brings minor factual supplements to the mentioned study. The author discusses the fate of “writers” from the Wacławik family. They were Andrzej (d. 1777) from Pielgrzymowice in Prussian Silesia, his (presumed) son Jerzy (d. 1780, 1792 or 1793), a crofter in Pielgrzymowice, and his grandson Paweł (1768–1850), who settled in Cieszyn Silesia (first he lived in Zamarski, later in Hażlach). Particular emphasis was placed on genealogical issues.
“Tichy Katarzyna, w zakonie Maria Helena (1822–1896), przełożona generalna Sióstr Miłosierdzia św. Karola Boromeusza na Śląsku,” in Polski słownik biograficzny (Warszawa – Kraków, 2021): 53:544–545.
Biogram. / Biographical Entry.
“Thun-Hohenstein z domu Larisch von Mönnich Gabriela Ludmiła Maria (1872–1957), działaczka społeczna i charytatywna,” in Polski słownik biograficzny (Warszawa – Kraków, 2021): 53:536–538.
Biogram. / Biographical Entry.
“Droga do deklaracji z października 1918 roku. Środowisko wójtów wsi polskich w 2. połowie XIX i na początku XX wieku,” Cieszyńskie Studia Muzealne / Těšínský muzejní sborník 7 (2020): 133–142.
“The ‘Kindred Circle’ of Village Mayors in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Example of Cieszyn Silesia, 1864–1918,” Acta Poloniae Historica 121 (2020): 27–41.
In Cieszyn Silesia (the eastern part of the crownland of Austrian Silesia) from the time local go... more In Cieszyn Silesia (the eastern part of the crownland of Austrian Silesia) from the time local government was introduced in 1864 until 1918 it is possible to identify 1332 village mayors (German: Gemeindevorsteher; Polish: wójt; Czech: starosta). Of these, at least 1006 (almost 76 per cent) had another village mayor in Cieszyn Silesia in their 'kindred circle', which includes second-degree relatives according to canonical computation, as well as witnesses at weddings and baptisms of their closest family (children, parents, siblings). The uninterrupted lineage of these types of relationships connected at least 875 village mayors, or 66 per cent of all those known. Thus the partial democratisation at the level of local self-government led to a kind of oligarchy, with the position of the village head being assumed by wealthy peasant families who all had connections to one another. Outside of the 'kindred circle', there were the factory owners and offi cials of archdukes and counts, who took the position of village mayor in industrialised areas, as well as a few Jewish village mayors and probably the majority of village mayors from the mountain villages. The question examined here is whether the situation looked similar in other parts of the Habsburg monarchy, or whether Cieszyn Silesia stood out in this respect. This question remains unanswered due to the lack of analogous studies on village mayors.
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Books by Michael Morys-Twarowski
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The work presents the community of village mayors (German: Gemeindevorsteher, Polish: wójt/przełożony gminy, Czech: starosta) in Cieszyn Silesia, the eastern part of Austrian Silesia, one of the crown countries of the Austrian monarchy. The starting date of the work marks the beginning of municipal self-government in this region, the final date is related to the breakup of the Habsburg monarchy and the division of Cieszyn Silesia between Poland and the Czech Republic (Czechoslovakia).
The preliminary step was to list the heads of all municipalities in Cieszyn Silesia in the years 1864–1918, and then develop their biographical notes according to the standard adopted in prosopographical research. This includes data such as date and place of birth and death, information about parents and wives, denomination, occupation, affiliation at county level (Bezirk) and country level (Kronland), political (national) views, manifestations of social activities, and decorations. In this way, I developed biographical notes of 1332 village mayors.
In the first chapter, I pay attention to the characteristics of the region, such as: denominational structure, language structure, as well as development of national movements, social structure (essentially no nobility), high level of literacy, and industrialization. I also discuss crucial legal provisions regarding the heads of municipalities during this period, as well as the situation in practice. For example, three-year terms have often been extended due to electoral protests or the arbitrariness of the Municipal Department.
In the second chapter, I discuss the municipal elections in Cieszyn Silesia in 1864–1918 in the light of legislation (law in books) and practice (law in action).
In the third chapter, I discuss a group of village heads in terms of age, marital status, occupation, education and place of origin. Municipal heads were typically people between 35 and 70 years of age. The majority of village heads were married. In a group of 1332, only a few (around 6) were bachelors. In the case of candidates from peasant families, being married was an asset; in the case of the widely understood administrative staff associated with the Cieszyn Chamber (German: Teschner Kammer), the Larisch family or industrial plants — not so much. Representatives of the rich local peasantry prevailed. Due to the fact that in the sources the same person was referred to as a landowner (German: Ackerbauer, Polish: siedlak), farmer (German: Gärtler, Polish: zagrodnik) or homeworker (German: Häusler, Polish: chałupnik) it is difficult to provide accurate data. Tenants and landowners, as well as the archduke and count’s officials, seldom became village heads, however they often ruled the community from the backseat, e.g. as councilors. In villages where industrial plants were established, the local peasant elite lost their village heads status. In Třinec, from 1867, village heads were chosen from members of the administrative staff of the local ironworks; in Chybie, since the early 20th century — staff from the local sugar factory. In Hrušov, from 1872, village heads came from the Miller family, owners of the soda factory, or their employees. In Polská Ostrava from 1879 and in Orlova from 1910, clerical staff of the local mines. In Baška and Ustroń, people associated with the local ironworks became village heads, but at the beginning of the 20th century, local peasants began holding office again. Almost all of those officials were able to read and write (about 1% of illiterates were found, compared to 80% in Galicia in 1881). At least over 20 municipal heads from local peasant families attended high school. A dozen, mainly associated with industrial plants, had higher education. Most of the village heads came from Cieszyn Silesia. The rest came from Moravia (16), Bohemia (10), Austria (6), Galicia (6), Opavian Silesia (4), Prussian Silesia (2), and even Italy (1). It was not possible to determine the place of origin of all of them, but the above data reflects trends. Interestingly, mass migration from Galicia to the area of Zagłębie Karwińsko-Ostrawskie (Czech: Ostravsko-karvinská uhelná pánev) did not influence the makeup of the local government. What’s more, if the village heads were from outside the region, they were most often Czechs working in industrial plants.
The fourth chapter is devoted to religious issues. In villages with a definite predominance (over 60%) of one religion (Catholic or Protestant), a representative of that denomination was elected. In cases where a representative of a different denomination was elected, in about 71% it was a representative of the local peasant family (24 cases out of 34 in Catholic cities, or 71%, 13 out of 18 in Protestant towns, or 72%). It is important to note here that in these places, representatives of Jewish communities were elected, and even one follower of Old Catholicism. In mixed towns (where neither Catholics or Protestants account for more than 60% of the population), there is a greater religious solidarity of the latter, who in 9 places held office throughout the period in question (Catholics managed that in 3 places). There were municipalities where Catholic and Protestant peasant elites were able to get along without major problems. Some village heads belonged to multi-denominational families. Seven Protestant village heads (including 1 convert) were married to a Catholic, 4 Catholic village heads were married to Protestants, 1 Catholic village head was married to a Jew. Four Protestant village heads were sons of Catholic women, 1 Protestant village head was the son of a Catholic man, and 2 Catholic village heads were sons of Protestant women. Seven of the village heads were Jewish. In the Czech press, this fact was criticized, while Polish press was only outraged when Jews who lived in towns where the Polish population dominated supported the German party.
In the fifth chapter, I analyze the political (national) views of municipal heads. At that time, the political scene in Cieszyn Silesia was mostly divided by nationality, hence the parties: German liberal (within it also the pro-German Silesian People’s Party [Polish: Śląska Partia Ludowa]), Polish (Catholic and Protestant fractions, later also the „Freistadt radicals” [Polish: radykałowie frysztaccy] who joined forces with the Protestants), Czech and socialist (within it Czech, Polish and German fractions). Village heads constitute a sample representative enough that it was possible to establish a relationship between political views, religion and nationality (in this case, it is assumed that nationality is determined by the native language).
In the sixth chapter, I looked at the village heads’ kindred. I include relatives and family members to the fourth degree of Roman computation, as well as witnesses at weddings and godparents. It is possible to estimate carefully that the „circle of relatives” of a municipal head was approximately 100–150 people. It turns out that out of 1332 village heads in Cieszyn Silesia in the years 1864–1918 at least 1006 had another village head in their circle, which is almost 76%. Then I tried to correlate various “kindred circles” in order to create “large kindred circles”. The most numerous “large Catholic kindred circle” included 618 village heads who formed some kind of ties with 863 other village heads of the same denomination (or 72%). By analogy, the most numerous “large Protestant kindred circle” included 254 who had 393 other village heads in their social circle, or 65%. Adding interfaith relationships, the largest “kindred circle” numbered a total of 875 village heads, which is 66% of all known village heads in Cieszyn Silesia in 1864–1918. A given village head’s “kindred circle” included village heads of different denominations, nationalities and political affiliations. And while contemporary press referred to denominational, linguistic (ethnic) and political solidarity in the context of elections, in the case of the relatives of individual municipal heads, these issues had little importance. Outside the „kindred circles” were primarily the duke’s and count’s officials (the „green army”) as well as fabricants and management of industrial plants, who — making use of the electoral law — eliminated representatives of local peasant elites in areas affected by industrialization. Also, there was a small group of Jewish village heads outside the clans, who were probably not related nor affiliated to each other.
In the seventh chapter, I discuss strategies to achieve the office of village head. Often, it was key to establish an alliance with the „green army” (officials of the Teschner Kammer or Count Larisch) or an alliance with the „black army” (the clergy). From around 1880, the elections began to become politicized, and from around 1900 in almost every town the elections were already a battlefield for parties. Often voters were persuaded by election promises, alcohol (vodka and beer), and even sweets.
Chapter eight presents the standing of village heads in the rural community. The office came with a certain degree of authority, but among them one can also find alcoholics and unreasonably litigious men eager for physical violence. They often broken laws, for example by rigging contests. Residents often repaid in kind: some village heads were insulted or beaten up, and there were even assassination attempts.
It is the first prosopographical study devoted to village heads of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Other scientists may ask different research questions; therefore, it is also material for comparative research. It’s not just about historians. This study presents how the inhabitants of Cieszyn Silesia learned local democracy. This allows for insight into the timeless mechanisms associated with the functioning of a municipal government.
The following book is a monograph of a peasant family from the discussed region. It presents the history of the Morys family, starting with Tomasz (ca. 1706- 1750), the carpenter and the owner of the land in Leszna Górna (Horní Líštná / Ober Lischna), to the generation that entered adulthood in the early twentieth century. The main part of the monograph is preceded by an introduction, which includes a description of literature and primary sources for genealogical research on peasant families from Cieszyn Silesia.
The origin of Tomasz could not be determined. He could have come from Brzezinka (Birkenau), currently located within administrative boarders’ of Gliwice, and be a brother of Franciszek Józef Morys, a parish priest of Leszna Górna parish. However, it cannot also be ruled out that he arrived to Cieszyn Silesia from nearby Moravia, where families bearing the surname Morys also appeared. This direction of our study is also supported by the family’s tradition.
The fate of the representatives of the Morys family allowed us to capture some common features that are characteristic of peasants from Cieszyn Silesia:
1) The reluctance to share the land resulted in a situation that even children of wealthy farmers often fell to the status of landless population.
2) The abolition of personal serfdom in 1781 increased mobility of family members.
3) Most of the representatives of the Morys family were Catholics, but as a result of marriages with Protestant women (Evangelists of Augsburg Confession) there emerged a Protestant branch of the family settled in Cisownica (Zeislowitz). This is an interesting example, because usually multi-confessional peasant families in Cieszyn Silesia were the fruit of the Counter-Reformation (1609-1781), when a large part of peasants moved from Lutheranism to Catholicism, and the rest of them remained Protestants.
4) Although they belonged to the Polish language group, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century they represented different political attitudes. Brothers: Jan Morys (1874-1939), Józef Morys (1883-1945), farmers from Puńców (Puntzau), and Karol Morys (1886-1948), a teacher, supported the Polish national movement. Furthermore, Jerzy Morys and his son Paweł Piotr Morys (1875-1938), farmers in Zamarski (Zamarsk) belonged to the Association of Silesian Catholics (Związek Śląskich Katolików) representing the Catholic wing of the Polish national movement. Meanwhile, Andrzej Morys (1876-1950), who was a mayor of Cisownica, was a supporter of pro-German Silesian People's Party (Śląska Partia Ludowa) led by Józef Kożdoń. However, in the face of the changing political situation, he publicly renounced cooperation with supporters of Józef Kożdoń in May 1920.
5) The local Polish intelligentsia in Cieszyn Silesia had peasant roots. In the line of the Morys family from Puńców (Puntzau) there was a tradition that one of the children chose the teaching profession. Those were subsequently: Jerzy (1846-1890), the head master of schools in Olbrachcice (Albrechtice / Albersdorf) and Gnojnik (Hnojník / Hnojník), Karol (1886-1948), the head master of schools in Łąki (Louky nad Olší / Lonkau) and Karol (1904 -1999), a teacher in Kończyce Wielkie (Gross Kuntschitz), Pogwizdów (Pogwisdau) and Cieszyn.
6) In terms of the tradition of giving names the Morys family did not stand out from other peasant families living in this part of Cieszyn Silesia. Male names were dominated by Jan and Jerzy, rarely Adam, Andrzej and Paweł. Later, under the influence of the Habsburgs, both those prevailing in Vienna, and those bearing the title of the Dukes of Cieszyn, the name repertoire was expanded by Józef, Franciszek, Karol and Rudolf. Meanwhile, female names were dominated by Maria (in the nineteenth-century documents written sometimes as Marianna), Anna, Zofia and Ewa. Names like Helena and Katarzyna occurred rarely. In the nineteenth century, Jerzy Morys (1846-1890), a teacher, was more inventive in naming his children, which was fairly typical for this professional group.
7) The author of the monograph managed to positively verify the family tradition, provided by Karol Morys (1904-1999), the author's great-grandfather, concerning the blood kinship between the lines of Morys family from Puńców and Cisownica. The last common ancestor of both lines was Jan Morys, born in 1734. This is an interesting starting point for further research on the genealogical memory of peasants.
Papers by Michael Morys-Twarowski
Additionally, two general issues were raised using the example of the Palarczyk family. The first is the functioning of peasant elites in the Duchy of Cieszyn, the second – language issues. The Palarczyk family in Szobiszowice spoke Czech (Moravian), whereas the Palarczyk family from the Cierlicko parish spoke Polish. A detailed analysis confirms the clear Czech/Moravian-Polish linguistic border indicated, among others, by church sources and the topography of Reginald Kneifel. At the same time these findings force us to reject the theses about the supposed “linguistic transition area” to the west of the Olza River.
The paper answers why he was the last pastor from Moravia in the history of the Duchy of Cieszyn. The author examines his attitude towards national issues. Like many pastors from this region, Terlica sympathized with the (pro)German fraction. The article also deals with Terlica's genealogy, as many of his relatives were pastors in the Duchy of Cieszyn (father-in-law, brother-in-law, two sons-in-law etc.).