Papers by Panayote Dimitras
Le mouvement néo-orthodoxe en Grèce
Differents points de vue sur la force d'attraction qu'exerce aujourd'hui l'Eglise... more Differents points de vue sur la force d'attraction qu'exerce aujourd'hui l'Eglise orthodoxe sur l'intelligentsia grecque en recherche. Il se passe quelque chose en Grece depuis un an environ. Un dialogue encore balbutiant semble s'ebaucher entre les gens dits "de gauche", intellectuels et artistes, et les gens d'Eglise, y compris les moines. Une redecouverte de l'orthodoxie s'est produite en reaction aux phenomenes d'alteration de la vie nationale et de sa culture profonde. Il s'agit non seulement d'une confrontation entre chretiens et marxistes grecs, mais aussi de l'examen d'un certain mouvement de pensee anti-occidentaliste. On pressent le jaillissement d'une spiritualite qui se veut integrale, unissant l'enracinement dans la tradition monastique et le combat revolutionnaire. (A suivre).
Parallel Report on Greece's compliance with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
Page 1. GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM) MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP GREECE (MRG-G) Address: PO Box 60820... more Page 1. GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM) MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP GREECE (MRG-G) Address: PO Box 60820, 15304 Glyka Nera Telephone: (+30-1) 347.22.59. Fax: (+30-1) 601.87.60. Internet Addresses: Balkan ...
Nationalism of Majorities and Minorities in the Balkans
Greece
Electoral Studies, Dec 1, 1994
Political Change in Greece
It is difficult to write about changes in public attitudes from the 1960's to the 1980's, as ther... more It is difficult to write about changes in public attitudes from the 1960's to the 1980's, as there were practically no public opinion surveys in Greece until 1974; furthermore, even since then, most of the relatively few surveys conducted have focused on party political and ideological matters, and only occasionally one finds questions on social attitudes. It is therefore unavoidable that parts of this chapter will be based on impressionistic and subjective interpretations of public opinion trends, hopefully often convergent with the views of other students of Greek politics and society. Consequently, one can fairly describe the prevailing public mood in Greece during the 1960's on the basis of the positions of the two larger political families, the Right and the Center, which commanded the support of more than 80% of the voters in relatively freely contested elections. The dominant common characteristic was anti-communism and the resultant unconditional commitment to the Western alliance. Following the Civil War that lasted longer and cost more lives than World War II, the victors, to which both right and centre belonged, opted for a continuous persecution and practical exclusion from public life of the vanquished, rather than for a gradual reconciliation. Besides, 'the fear of communism reinforced the role of the Monarchy rightly thought, because of the actual allegiance of the Army to the Crown, as the pillar of the established order 1. In addition and for the same reason, 'many politicians formerly of republican convictions rallied to the Monarchy 1 (Meynaud, 1965, p.315). This exaggerated and monolithic belief in a communist threat made all reformist and progressive ideas suspect. The two main political parties, the 64
Reflecţii asupra politicii drepturilor minorităţilor în statele Europei Centrale şi de Est (Reflections on the politics of the rights of minorities within Central and Eastern Europe)
Polis: Revista de Stiinte Politice, 2013
La no-implementación por parte de Grecia de las Decisiones Internacionales Cuasi Judiciales relativas a los asuntos de los "rromà
I Tchatchipen Lil Ada Trin Tchona Rodipen Romani Revista Trimestral De Investigacion Gitana, 2011
La Gr�ce en qu�te d'une politique ind�pendante
Electoral Systems in Greece
Eastern European Development and Public Policy, 1994
Since 1926, when the paper ballot finally replaced the lead ballot throughout the country, Greece... more Since 1926, when the paper ballot finally replaced the lead ballot throughout the country, Greece has seen 22 parliamentary elections and 17 electoral systems, which fall into three categories: plurality systems, ‘simple’ proportional representation, and ‘reinforced’ proportional representation. In this chapter we will explain the characteristics of the three categories, detail the similarities and differences among the various versions of each category, and evaluate the electoral systems’ effects on seat distribution as well as on the evolution of political forces and on government formation. We will also argue that the frequent changes of the electoral laws were mostly due to three reasons: the search for government stability (53 cabinets in 50 ‘democratic’ years), the marginalization of ‘undesirable’ political forces, and minimization of the outgoing governments’ potential seat losses.
Participation and Political Equalityby Sidney Verba; Norman H. Nie; Jae-on Kim
WEST EUROPEAN PACIFISM AND THE STRATEGY FOR PEACEby Peter Van den Dungen
Boekbesprekings/Book Reviews
South African Journal of Sociology, 1978
Anyone who feels Turkish
Index on Censorship, 2001
La fabrication du baklava, ou la pâtisserie électorale grecque
Espaces Temps, 1993
L'histoire des decoupages electoraux en Grece est pleine de rebondissements. Plusieurs princi... more L'histoire des decoupages electoraux en Grece est pleine de rebondissements. Plusieurs principes successifs, correspondant aux visees politiciennes des legislateurs, ont modifie la logique du systeme et ont suscite de puissantes protestations. Le paradoxe est que, si le respect de l'egalite demographique et des limites administratives n'a nullement empeche les charcutages, ceux-ci n'ont pas toujours profite a leurs auteurs. La confrontation de la cuisine electorale aux complexites du territoire produit donc une alchimie difficile a maitriser par ses apprentis sorciers.
Reflections on Minority Rights Politics for East Central European Countries
Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported?, 2002
Greece
Electoral Studies, 1989
Electoral Studies, 1990
On 5 November 1989, the Greeks went to the polls to elect the 300 deputies of their uni-camera1 P... more On 5 November 1989, the Greeks went to the polls to elect the 300 deputies of their uni-camera1 Parliament for the second time in 1989. The first time was on 18 June 1989, held concurrently with the election of the 24 Greek representatives to the European Parliament: the inconclusive results of the June election and the parties' reaction to them made the November election unavoidable, just as, for identical reasons, the November election led to a new election on 8 April 1990. The lOO-day Government Following the 'hung' Parliament that emerged after the June 1989 election, an odd governmental coalition between the centre-right New Democracy (ND) and the mainly communist Progressive Left Coalition (henceforth Coalition) was formed (on 2 July 1989) to democratize public life and to provide enough time to the Parliament to implement 'the law on the criminal responsibility of the ministers' so as to purge public life from the various scandals'.' That government, headed by ND deputy Mr Tzannis Tzannetakis, resigned on 7 October, having accomplished its task and even having deregulated television in the process. In the meantime, the Parliament had indicted the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) leader Mr Andreas Papandreou, his former deputy prime minister Mr Koutsogiorgas, and his former ministers Messrs Petsos, Roumeliotis and Tsovolas for alleged involvement in the Koskotas scandal, and Mr Papandreou for alleged wiretapping. On 12 October, after fruitless exploratory mandates given to the three party leaders, President Christos Sartzetakis swore in a service government headed by the President of the Supreme Court Mr John Grivas, dissolved the Parliament and called early elections for 5 November. The elections were to be held with the same electoral system as in June 1989,' since a PASOK effort to have the Parliament amend the system by replacing the Hagenbach-Bischoff quota (commonly known in Greece as the 'plus one') by the Hare quota in the first distribution of seats failed for procedural reasons. Such an amendment would have made it impossible for any party with less than 49 per cent of the votes to command an overall seat majority in the Parliament.
Greece
Electoral Studies, 1994
Greece
Electoral Studies, 1984
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Papers by Panayote Dimitras