The Use and Perception of English In Brazilian Magazine Advertisements

The Use and Perception of English In Brazilian Magazine Advertisements by Amanda Lira Gordenstein Montes A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Approved April 2014 by the Graduate Supervisory Committee: Patricia Friedrich, Chair Aya Matsuda Barbara Lafford Akua Duku Anokye ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY May 2014  ABSTRACT This study investigates the uses of English in advertising in Brazil and the attitudes of Brazilians towards the use of different difficulty levels of English in advertising. Using a two part, mixed-methods approach, drawing from quantitative and qualitative methods, I utilized a corpus study to examine English uses in Brazilian magazines and a survey to investigate the difficulty of English slogans as a determinant for people’s attitudes towards English in advertising. For the first part, three major Brazilian news magazines, Veja, Época, and ISTOÉ were used. From three issues of each magazine, results showed that 57% of the advertisements in all nine magazines contained English in different parts of the advertisements, with most occurrences in the product name, followed by the body copy, headline, subheadline, and slogan. English was used to advertise a number of different product types, but was especially used for advertising cars, electronics, events, and banks. It was also found that the majority of English was used for its symbolic representations of modernity, prestige, globalization, and reliability. Using a survey for the second part of the study, I investigated how Brazilian participants judged four advertisements that featured English slogans that were comparable to slogans judged to be easy or difficult to understand in a similar study conducted by Hornikx, van Meurs, and de Boer (2010). Participants were offered attitudinal choices to mark off on a 4-point Likert scale, where they indicated their attitudes towards the English slogans provided. They were also asked to determine if they understood the slogans and to translate them to indicate their actual understanding of the slogans. Participants showed more positive attitudes towards the uses of English than i negative attitudes. The survey provided evidence that with the very low numbers of correctly translated slogans, many participants believed they understood the slogans, which could prove to be more of an indicator of positive attitudes than their actual understanding of the slogans. This project provides an example from one Expanding Circle context touched by the far-reaching influences of World Englishes. ii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Much of the support that I have received in this growing experience at Arizona State University is owed to my advisor, Dr. Patricia Friedrich. I am eternally grateful for the opportunity I have had to learn from her innovative perspectives. I appreciate her moral support, encouragement, trust, academic guidance, and constructive feedback throughout this process. I would also like to thank my other committee members: Dr. Aya Matsuda, who has been a wonderful influence on me at ASU through her expertise in World Englishes and her willingness to always offer her support and advice; Dr. Barbara Lafford, whose expertise in second language and sociolinguistic research has allowed me to become a more effective researcher, and Dr. Duku Anokye-- I thank her for so graciously and generously joining my committee near the end of this process. Many thanks to Dr. Kellie Rolstad, Dr. Jeff MacSwan, and Dr. Amy Markos-- for playing a part in my first years here; I am grateful for their guidance and support. Also, thank you to Dr. Donaldo Macedo, without his advocacy and mentoring; I would never have come to ASU. There is no proper way to thank my parents Solange and Arnold. They are my inspiration and the main reason for my perseverance. I thank them for listening to me for endless hours and offering their professional and personal guidance; for their generosity, love, encouragement, and devotion to me. I will always be in their debt. To my sister Rebeca and my brothers Sam and André. Each of them has been there for me in their own loving ways. I appreciate their support throughout the years and for all of their efforts to keep us connected--they have been an integral part in what has helped me push through this process. Thank you also to all my extended family-- iii including sisters-in law, nieces, nephews, aunts, uncles, and cousins-- they all played a role in getting me here. Thanks to tio Guilherme, tia Graça, Marina, and my grandfather Anselmo for always having their door open to me through my research process. My deepest gratitude goes to Célio--my dear friend and boss, and one of the kindest and most humble people I know. His generosity in allowing me to conduct my study with his students was invaluable, and I will forever cherish my time spent with him. Thank you so very much to the students who so graciously volunteered their time to be part of my study. Thank you to my fellow colleagues here at ASU-- there are too many brilliant people to name! I am thankful for having had the opportunity to feel welcomed and part of two academic communities-- Applied Linguistics and Language and Literacy. They have been a wonderful support network for me throughout this process-- I will miss the great times with all of my friends from both of these graduate programs. To my encouraging and patient husband, Alex. I will never forget his gesture to move here to Arizona as a token of his unyielding love and unconditional support of my goals, and as a result, this has also become a time of renewal and academic and professional growth for him-- I am so proud and grateful. iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES..............................................................................................................xi LIST OF FIGURES...........................................................................................................xii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................1 Background..................................................................................................1 Statement of the Problem.................................................................3 Purpose of Study..............................................................................5 Research Questions..........................................................................6 Part 1....................................................................................7 Part 2....................................................................................7 Overview of Chapters .................................................................................8 2 FRAMING OF THE STUDY..................................................................................9 English in Brazil: A Sociolinguistic Profile.................................................9 A Brief History of English in Brazil..............................................10 The Brazilian Variety of English...................................................14 English Loanwords ...........................................................14 Brazilian Portuguese-Accented English............................18 Users and Uses of English in Brazil..............................................22 English in the Educational System....................................23 The National Curriculum.......................................23 v CHAPTER Page Elementary and Secondary Education..................25 Higher Education..................................................26 Other English Schools...........................................27 Interpersonal Function..........................................28 Symbolic Function................................................29 Innovative Function..............................................31 Attitudes Towards English.............................................................34 English is Rampant................................................34 Knowing English is Critical...................................36 English in Global Advertising...................................................................37 Symbolic Function of English in Advertising...............................37 Globalization..................................................................................41 American/British Culture...............................................................42 English Language Display............................................................44 A Historical Perspective of Advertising in Brazil....................................47 Theoretical Framework.............................................................................56 World Englishes.............................................................................57 Language Display.........................................................................57 Semiotics.......................................................................................58 3 PART 1: THE MAGAZINE CORPUS.................................................................61 Research Design.........................................................................................61 Corpus............................................................................................63 vi CHAPTER Page Veja....................................................................................63 Época.................................................................................64 ISTOÉ.................................................................................65 Advertisements..............................................................................65 Parts of Advertisements.....................................................66 Products Advertised...........................................................67 Linguistic Considerations for What "English" Is...........................68 Summary of Analysis Process.......................................................69 Results........................................................................................................70 Number of Advertisements Containing English............................70 Types of Products with English.....................................................71 Parts of Advertisements with English............................................73 Data Analysis.............................................................................................74 The Percentage of Ads with English..............................................74 The Types of Products That Use English in Ads...........................75 Parts of Ads Where English is Found............................................81 Ways English is Used in Different Parts of Ads............................84 Product Name.....................................................................84 Body Copy.........................................................................86 Headline.............................................................................88 Subheadline.......................................................................91 Slogan...............................................................................93 vii CHAPTER Page 4 PART 2: THE SURVEY.......................................................................................96 Research Design.........................................................................................96 Participants.....................................................................................97 Product Names for Advertisements...............................................98 Images used in Advertisements..................................................100 Slogans Used in Advertisements................................................100 How Participants' Attitudes Were Measured..............................102 Considerations For the Use of a Four-point Likert Scale...........105 How Comprehension Was Measured..........................................106 Open-Ended Question.................................................................107 The Demographic Data...............................................................107 Results......................................................................................................107 Data Analysis...........................................................................................115 'Perceived Comprehension' and Attitudes....................................115 'Actual Comprehension' and Attitudes.........................................118 Translations That Were Provided....................................119 Consumer Inclination to Buy Products.......................................122 5 CONCLUSION....................................................................................................125 Summary of Main Findings: The Corpus................................................125 Research Question 1: What Percentage of the Advertisements in the Magazines Contains English? ...........................................125 Research Question 2: What Types of Products viii CHAPTER Page Use English in Their Advertisements?........................................127 Research Question 3: In What Parts of the Advertisements is English Used? .........................................................................130 Summary of Main Findings: The Survey.................................................131 Research Question 1: Are Participants More Likely to Have Positive Attitudes Towards Advertisements with "Easier to Understand" Slogans Rather Than "Difficult to Understand" Slogans?.......................................................................................132 Research Question 2: Do Brazilians Feel Inclined to Purchase Products with English in Their Slogans?.....................................133 Alternative Finding......................................................................134 Connecting the Corpus to the Survey: Implications................................135 Limitations of the Study...........................................................................137 Suggestions for Further Research............................................................139 A Final Word...........................................................................................140 REFERENCES................................................................................................................142 APPENDIX A TABLE 5..............................................................................................................149 B TABLE 6..............................................................................................................152 C TABLE 7..............................................................................................................155 D CORPUS DATA FROM MAGAZINES.............................................................158 E IRB PROTOCOL.................................................................................................170 ix APPENDIX Page F CONSENT COVER LETTER FOR SURVEY (PORTUGUESE).....................172 G CONSENT COVER LETTER FOR SURVEY (ENGLISH TRANSLATION).............................................................................174 H SURVEY (PORTUGUESE)................................................................................176 I SURVEY (ENGLISH TRANSLATION)............................................................185 J SURVEY RESULTS...........................................................................................187 K PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS (PORTUGUESE)................193 L PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS (ENGLISH TRANSLATION).............................................................................195 M PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC DATA ........................................................197 x  LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Examples of Common Loanwords (From Brazilian Marie Claire, August 2012)............................................................16 2. Percentage of the Advertisements in Magazines Containing English.......................71 3. Types of Products with English in Advertisements..................................................72 4. English in Different Parts of Advertisements............................................................74 5. Ways English is Used in Products Names in Ads for International Products.........149 6. Ways English is Used in Product Names in Ads for Brazilian Products.................152 7. Products with English in the Body Copy.................................................................155 8. Perceived and Actual Comprehension of Slogans...................................................109 9. Participants' Attitudes Towards Slogans..................................................................111 10. Comprehension and Attitudes Towards Slogans.....................................................112 11. Consumer Inclination to Purchase Products with Slogans Featured in Ads............115 12. Common Slogan Translations Provided by Participants.........................................120 xi  LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Kachru's Three Concentric Circles of English.............................................................2 2. First Edition of O Cruzeiro Magazine.......................................................................48 3. Buick Advertisement Published in São Paulo in 1935..............................................51 4. Cesar Dog Food Advertisement from 1990s.............................................................55 xii  CHAPTER 1 Introduction Background Foreign languages have been used in advertising for as long as product advertising has been in existence, as discussed by Wustmann (1903) (as cited by Gerritsen et al., 2007, p. 294) about the uses of foreign words in German advertisements and by Pound (1913) (cited by Piller, 2003, p. 171) on the use of Spanish in advertisements in the United States. English is currently the most widely used language in advertising in non-English speaking countries (Gerritsen et al., 2007) and Brazil is no exception to these findings: English can be seen in much of the country's advertising. When considering the role of English in Brazil, as a non -local language, a person needs to contextualize Brazil in its place on the world stage in relation to the role played by English. Within the framework proposed by Kachru (1986), Brazil is located within the Expanding Circle. Kachru (1986) proposes three concentric circles to describe the different realities of English use around the world, which can be seen in Figure 1. His focus in creating the concentric circles is on functions, history, and status in various regions. In the middle of the three circles is the Inner Circle, which includes countries where English is considered the main, native language, such as England, USA, Australia, and Canada. Just outside the Inner Circle is the Outer Circle, which consists of countries with a history of English colonization, where English may be considered one of the main languages. India, Nigeria, and Singapore are examples of countries in the Outer Circle. The last circle is the Expanding Circle, which includes countries such as Brazil, Japan, and France, where English is an important language in business, science, technology and 1 education, but where it usually has no history of colonization on local populations, is viewed as an international language, and is taught as a foreign language (hereafter FL) (Crystal, 2003). English use in the Outer and Expanding Circles are indicators of what Kachru (1986) calls an "outward-looking attitude" of modernization and mobility. Figure 1. Kachru's three concentric circles of English. As discussed by Ustinova (2008) the present uses of English represent a new type of bilingualism in which English functions as the language that links a place to the world and acts as the connector to the global community, while the region's language acts as the language enabling access to the local community. Baumgardner (2008, p. 24) further elaborates that languages in the advertising context have been transformed from codes used for communication into "idealized stereotypes of otherness." Furthermore, under 2 this influence of what Hsu (2008) calls "hyper-globalization" (p. 155) glocalization also occurs in order to satisfy both local and global needs through the nativization process that English undergoes. Adhering to the perceived importance that using English in advertising is believed to give a brand more power in the consumer market, English is a tool used to give customers the sense that they are using a global brand even when that may not be the case (Micu & Coulter, 2010). Statement of Problem There is an abundance of research that points to the symbolic function of foreign languages. This symbolism makes a product appealing by triggering associations consumers have with the language (Eastman & Stein, 1993; Haarmaann, 1989; Kelly- Holmes, 2000, 2005; Piller, 2001; Ray, Ryder, & Scott, 1991). However, Hornikx, van Meurs, and de Boer (2010) state that there is a general lack of empirical evidence associated with the symbolic function of English as a non-local language in advertising; furthermore, researchers often make claims about the associations people make with English having to do with modernity, prestige, and globalization (Overdotter Alm, 2003; Bhatia, 1992, 2001; Kelly-Holmes, 2005; Piller, 2001), but don't often empirically test this hypothesis. Furthermore, there is a general lack of concrete evidence to support the claims that have been made by the above referenced researchers about the secondary importance of consumers' comprehension of messages conveyed in an advertisement. Moreover, there is also a lack of evidence to confirm that advertisers do not emphasize intelligibility when choosing to feature English in their advertisements. As stated by Kelly-Holmes (2000): 3  In intercultural advertising (however) language now seems to be used primarily for its symbolic value, while the communicative or utility value of the particular words has come to be obscured or mystified through the process of fetishization to the point where it becomes irrelevant. The language appears to achieve value independently and this value is not the product of its communicative value, but rather of its symbolic value in the process of intercultural advertising communication. (p. 71) This raises questions about how consumers with lower proficiency in a language used in an advertisement may react to that particular use of the language. It is well understood that languages in advertising work as symbols for a desired effect sought by the advertiser, but it is less understood just who exactly is the audience receiving this desired effect. In other words, does the symbolic function have its intended effects on all that are exposed to the advertisements or does consumer proficiency in a particular language affect this perception? It is a question worth asking, and one that has by no means been answered thoroughly by researchers. Furthermore, if incomprehensibility of an advertisement were to be a factor preventing consumers from investing in a product, why would advertisers choose to use English in advertising in Expanding Circle countries where English is not widely understood? In Brazil, there is no known research that has investigated whether or not the comprehension of English affects a person's perception of a product being advertised. As a context with extensive uses of English, Brazil is an important country in which to further investigate the ways that English is used in advertising and whether the attitudes Brazilians have towards English in advertising are affected by their comprehension of the language. 4 Purpose of Study Based on the aforementioned question about the effect of lower English comprehension on product appeal, the purpose of this study was to investigate two domains. The first had to do with the uses of English in magazine advertisements. Before investigating the attitudes of Brazilians associated with English in advertising, it is important to examine just how the language is presently being used. The second domain of the present study examined the attitudes of Brazilians towards the use of English in advertisements. The main purpose of this second part was to establish whether comprehension of English has an effect on consumers' attitudes towards advertisements featuring English. In addition, Hornikx et al. (2010, p. 175) state that, "the dominant framework argues that the comprehension and difficulty of English does not matter because English serves a symbolic function," which leads to a further consideration of whether the difficulty of the English used in an advertisement makes a difference in a consumer's attitude towards the product. The first part of this study begins with the analysis of the uses of English in advertisements in magazines, in order to understand how English is presently being used in Brazilian magazine. From this, I was able to understand the level of comprehension that was expected of different readers. This could be determined based on the ways English was used and how it appeared to intentionally target certain audiences. This research idea is important because although much work has been conducted on English in advertising in a variety of global contexts, not many researchers have taken into account consumers' attitudes towards these advertisements. Popular notions about English in advertising were also questioned, primarily whether it is possible that too 5 much reliance has been placed on the idea that consumers' comprehension of English is of secondary importance, by comparing consumers with different comprehension levels of English to determine if they displayed different attitudes towards advertisements using English. Moreover, there have been no studies of this sort that have focused on Brazil, a country that has been gaining attention in the recent years as a major global player (Fishlow, 2011). This project could not only potentially be utilized to inform advertisers, but also to provide evidence to either support or debunk claims about the symbolic uses of languages. Furthermore, insights into attitudes towards English in advertisements work to enrich the existing data available in contact linguistics, sociolinguistics, and language spread. In a world that has become infinitely more connected through the Internet, citizens emerge who are increasingly exposed to languages other than their own. As a result of this global exchange of ideas, environments are becoming more multilingual, making it important that more research should explore the differences in how bilingual consumers with differing knowledge of languages perceive and process non-local languages in advertising. Research Questions In light of this study's purposes, the questions that were essential to acquiring the knowledge that was sought through this research have been divided into two parts. In the first portion of this project, the uses of English in Brazilian magazine advertisements were analyzed. The first part was modeled after a study conducted by Gerritsen et al. (2007). The second portion of this project sought to answer questions that were analyzed through the use of a survey with the study's participants. This second portion sought to 6 answer questions about the attitudes of participants towards English in advertisements as well as to determine the effects of comprehension of English on these attitudes. The following are the questions that were used as the basis for the two parts of the study and were analyzed accordingly. Part 1. The main research question that was investigated by this portion of the study was: How is English used in Brazilian magazine advertisements? This question was broken down through the following sub-questions: 1) What percentage of the advertisements in the magazines contains English? 2) What types of products use English in their advertisements? 3) In what parts of the advertisements is English used? Are there differences in the uses of English in different parts of the advertisements? If so, is there evidence to show that the English being used is for the purpose of attracting the reader's attention or to give off a symbolic representation (e.g.: is the English in the headline or slogan?)? Part 2. The main research question for this portion was: Does comprehension of English affect Brazilians' attitudes towards the use of English in advertising? The following sub-questions were applied in order to best answer the above research question: 1) Are participants more likely to have positive attitudes towards advertisements with "easier to understand" slogans rather than "difficult to understand" slogans? 2) Do Brazilians feel inclined to purchase products with English in their slogans? 7 Overview of Chapters This research study contains five chapters. In Chapter 2, I present the relevant background and theoretical influences for this study. The background information is provided through a sociolinguistic profile of English in Brazil, a brief explanation of English in advertising in other global contexts, and a historical account of advertising in Brazil. This is followed by a discussion of the theoretical influences that drive this study, which are grounded in the theoretical foundations of the World Englishes paradigm, language display, and semiotics. In Chapter 3, I introduce the first part of this study, which is an analysis of the English found in magazine advertisements. This includes the research design, discussion of results, and data analysis of the types of products that used English in their advertisements, the number of advertisements with English, the parts of the advertisements that featured English, and the ways English was used within the advertisements with English. What follows in Chapter 4 is the second part of the study, which includes the research design, the results, and the data analysis of the survey that was applied in order to establish the relationships between participants' comprehension and attitudes towards English in advertising. In Chapter 5, the two parts of the study are tied together in the conclusion, with discussions of the main findings from each of the two parts and explanations of how the two parts of this research connect to each other. The chapter wraps up with discussions of the limitations of this research project, suggestions for further research related to this topic, and some final thoughts. 8  CHAPTER 2 Framing of the Study English In Brazil: A Sociolinguistic Profile In this part of the present study, I present a sociolinguistic profile of English in Brazil, which consists of a of discussion of the history of English in Brazil, the Brazilian variety of English, users and uses of English, and attitudes towards English. A sociolinguistic profile provides information about the ways a language functions within a context. Ferguson (1966) devised a formula for sociolinguistic profiles that was explained as: A full-scale description of the language situation in a given country constitutes a useful and important body of data for social scientists of various interests. The question that is raised is whether it is feasible to summarize such a description in a quasi-mathematical way which will make it more convenient in characterizing a nation and more helpful for cross-national comparisons. (p. 309) Extending Ferguson's definition of a sociolinguistic profile is the framework suggested by Kachru (1986) and adopted by Berns (1990), in which languages within a context have four functions: the instrumental, interpersonal, regulative, and innovative functions. A number of others have also written sociolinguistic profiles of English, using this framework, in countries such as Brazil (Friedrich, 2001), Colombia (Vélez-Rendón, 2003), Argentina (Nielsen, 2003), Kenya (Michieka, 2005), Afghanistan (Sediqi, 2010), and Japan (Matsuda, 2000). The purpose for using such a framework as the basis for this paper is to extend on work previously done by Friedrich (2001), and to provide a point of 9 comparison for other sociolinguistic profiles using the type of framework that is described here. A brief history of English in Brazil. Brazil, an immense country of eight million square kilometers (Chaves, 2010), and about half of the South American continent, is bordered mostly by Spanish-speaking nations, but is the only Portuguese speaking country in Latin America. On the surface, Brazil may appear to be a linguistically homogeneous country with no apparent issues pertaining to intelligibility. Massini-Cagliari (2004) argues that this is both right and wrong, and that although Brazil is vastly made up of Portuguese speakers that will never learn another language, it is not a monolingual country. As Bianconi (2008) has stated, upon the arrival of the Portuguese in 1500, there were approximately 1,500 languages present in Brazil, with up to 700 of these languages in the Amazon area alone. In present-day Brazil it is believed that there are 200 languages in use, of which 170 are indigenous languages. To best understand the presence of the English language in Brazil, and how it plays a role in its rich linguistic history, it is helpful to look back at the history of this relationship. According to Lima (2008) the relationship between England and Brazil began around 1530 when the Englishman, William Hawkins, a slave trader, embarked on his first journey of the Brazilian coast. His three subsequent trips to Brazil proved to be lucrative, establishing a positive relationship between England and the Portuguese colony of Brazil. Hawkins opened the way for other voyagers looking to take advantage of the abundant riches offered by the vast land of Brazil, namely the redwood, pau-brasil, from which Brazil received its name (Oliveira, 1999). 10  At the start of the 19th century, a series of events allowed for the further strengthening of the relationship between England and Brazil. With France blocking commerce between England and Europe, the relationship between Brazil and England was threatened. As a consequence, the Portuguese were forced to position themselves against their English allies, in order to avoid conflict with the French. Dom João VI, the Prince of Portugal, escaped to Brazil as a way to avoid a war with France, thus allowing the English to establish houses of commerce in Brazil. With this rise in commerce also came jobs that English companies offered to Brazilians; a requirement for many of these jobs was training in English. Because of this need for English, the prince established two language schools in 1809, one for French and one for English. This was the first time languages other than Latin and Greek were taught in Brazil (Pereira, 2010). In 1837, with the formation of the prestigious Colégio Pedro II, a well-known school in Rio de Janeiro where English has been a part of the curriculum since its establishment, a struggle began to keep the teaching of modern languages in schools as well as new considerations for teaching methodologies. Modern languages were taught in the same manner as classic languages such as Greek and Latin, with focus on text translation and reading. English had not yet surfaced as a global language; French held that distinction among elite members of society and was the language required for admittance into higher education (Leffa, 1999). According to Oliveira (1999) the formation of the Republic of Brazil in 1889 and the overthrow of the monarchy that ended the reign of Emperor Dom Pedro II, an influential military leader and minister named Benjamin Constant initiated the exclusion of modern languages such as English, German, and Italian from the school curriculum, 11 thus implementing a scientifically based curriculum. Nevertheless, this exclusion was short-lived, and the teaching of modern languages was reinstated in 1892 by another minister named Amaro Calvalcanti. The presence of the English language gained ground in the 1930s. In this period the influence of England became overshadowed by the rising political power and prestige of the United States. A push to emphasize the importance of English was also a strategy to counterbalance the international supremacy of Germany (Schütz, 2012). It was at this point that English began to share space with the French language as the prestigious language of the elite classes. Along with these changes came a modification in the school curricula, which emphasized modern languages over classical languages, and a shift in the chosen language-teaching model, which favored direct teaching in the target language, and was adopted by Colégio Pedro II. Due to the prestigious reputation of Colégio Pedro II, understood to be a model for high quality education, this change served as a model for other schools to follow suit. As Oliveira (1999) explains, another consequence of the political and economical shift occurring in the world and locally came the creation of independent English courses and the birth of the Rio de Janeiro chapter of Sociedade Brasileira de Cultura Inglesa (the Brazilian Society of English Culture) in 1934, as a way to spread and promote the English language and culture. A year later, the Sociedade Brasileira de Cultura Inglesa also established another chapter in São Paulo, and in 1938, the first binational institute the Instituto Universitário Brasil- Estados Unidos (Universitarian Institute Brazil-United States), later known as the União Cultural Brasil-Estados Unidos (Cultural Union Brazil- United States), was also established in São Paulo. 12  In 1942, a reform called the Leis Orgânicas do Ensino (Unified Laws of Teaching) was enacted by the minister Gustavo Capanema, to standardize all primary and secondary schools. Under this reform, schools were designated in the middle grades to provide ginásio (gymnasium), while the higher grades were divided between the clássico (classical), emphasizing modern and classical languages or the científico (scientific) curriculum. During this period, until 1961, emphasis on language teaching (in favor of scientific and humanities based curricula) was greatly de-emphasized (Oliveira, 1999). Oliveira (1999) further explains that with the switch to primary and secondary schools as a replacement for the ginásio and científico in the passing of the Lei de Diretrizes e Base (Law of Guidelines and Foundations) (LDB) in 1961, the teaching of modern languages was made only a partial requirement. Subsequently, in 1971, FLs were taken out of the primary grades altogether and the amount of time spent on FLs in secondary grades was reduced to one hour per week. Lima (2008) explains that it was not until 1996 that the LDB once again reestablished the grade designations to fundamental (elementary grades) for ages 6-14 and médio (higher grades) for ages 15-17. These new designations emphasized the importance of FLs, primarily English, in the lower grades and the obligatory teaching of a modern language in the higher grades. The FL of choice was mostly English. The new LDB guidelines also gave schools the option to provide a second FL to students, this being described as an option left up to schools to decide upon, based on the resources available. The Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais, or PCNs (National Curricular Parameters), were created in 1999 to complement the new LDB. The PCNs describe the 13 position of FLs as something that must be relevant to the populations in question and describes the effective use of FLs as something that is reserved to a small segment of the population, thus defining the need for FLs as low. The PCNs placed great emphasis on the teaching of reading and writing, since the average Brazilian would have little opportunity to use an FL for oral communication; furthermore, the written language is essential for passing college entrance exams (Leffa, 1999). With the new parameters also came issues of unqualified teachers and inadequate programs and supplies. The new parameters marked a period of transition for educators and raised issues of the inadequacy of FL teaching that are still being discussed and negotiated by scholars, educators, and policymakers to this day. The Brazilian variety of English. As a country of the Expanding Circle, in which English is not a local language, there is not a widespread belief that a Brazilian English variety exists. Nevertheless, Brazilians make creative use of the English language and make it their own through the use of English loanwords in Brazilian Portuguese (hereafter BP) and through BP-accented English, which is English that is made Brazilian through the nativization of a variety of linguistic properties. English loanwords. Many times, loanwords that are integrated into BP will stay in their original form, but many times may be altered in lexical meaning, phonological production, and usage. BP contains examples of loanwords that are established enough in the local language that may be viewed as part of it, while others are context-specific and only function effectively in specific discourse communities. Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano (2001) discuss the roles played by English in different discursive groups as a means of identity negotiation. They point out that academic circles, homosexual 14 communities, computer users, and Internet chatters are some notable groups that use English in different ways. In Brazilian culture, loanwords used as slang are appropriate for the discourses in which they are used. For example, as Diniz de Figueiredo (2010, p. 10) has discussed, an English speaker may go to Brazil and find that a word here and there is in English, but the speaker won’t comprehend the "social and cultural meaning that it has in that particular linguistic, sociocultural environment unless s/he is familiar with it." Thus, not all English loanwords used in Brazil are familiar to all Brazilians, but are specific to certain discourse communities. An inventory compiled in Table 1 lists some English loanwords from the Brazilian version of the magazine Marie Claire that are commonly used in Brazil and could be classified as part of the first type of loanword–– words common enough to be understood by a large fraction of the population. 15 Table 1 Examples of Common Loanwords (from Brazilian Marie Claire, August 2012) Beauty Standard Fashion Standard Techno Standard Miscellaneous Standard -logy lazer lazer fashion stylish tablet tablet shopping shopping center botox botox girlie girlie online online top super model make makeup punk punk blog/ blog/ lifestyle lifestyle blogueira blogger spray spray look look site site/ closet closet website blush blush sexy sexy zoom zoom congrats congrats (camera) / congratu- lations designer designer kit kit short shorts tattoo tattoo bracelet bracelet hype in style/ must- have blazer blazer As discussed by Major (2001) a significant attribute of loanword phonology in any language has to do with the nativization process that the words undergo, which has shown that loanwords usually do not incorporate anything from the second language (L2) 16 system and instead take on the features of the first language (L1). The phonological changes that can be observed in English loanwords are in the changes in syllable-timing and substitution of certain sounds, and often involve what Kennedy (1971, p. 327) calls "the softening of abrupt consonantal shocks, especially at the beginning and end of words, with the following results: piquenique 'picnic' esporte 'sport'." A typical example of sound substitution is in the word night. This word is pronounced “[naItʃi]” instead of the “standard” pronunciation “[naIt]”, because in most dialects of BP the pronunciation of a [t] is as [tʃ] when followed by an [i], which can also be said for the loanword light and another common one, diet. Moreover, the [i] at the end of night psychologically holds the place at the end of the word to account for the non-existence of [t] sounds at the end of words in BP since it is a syllabic language, as previously discussed by Kennedy (1971). Furthermore, both vowel and consonant sounds undergo substitution when used in loanwords, and take on the features of BP phones. As argued by Diniz de Figueiredo (2010) some loanwords do not always hold the exact meaning of the 'loaner' word, but for the most part the loanword is related in lexical meaning to its original word, many times to only one definition of many associated with that original word. Examples of words that take on a more narrow meaning than the original are: point, which means 'a cool place to go', night, which means 'a party', and frozen, which is specifically 'a frozen alcoholic beverage'. Furthermore, in his research of Brazilian websites' use of English loanwords as slang, Diniz de Figueiredo (2010) found that of the 32 loanwords he analyzed, only four differed from their original loaner words. Three types of suffixation added to loanwords were described by Diniz de Figueiredo (2010) and are as follows: 17 1) -ar, -ear (verbal suffixation) added to show an action, e.g.: bikear: to ride a bike, nerdear: to surf the net. 2) -zinho, -zinha (diminutive), e.g.: brotherzinho: little brother or little friend 3) -aço (augmentative), e.g.: fakezaço: very fake Diniz de Figueiredo (2010) elaborates that most suffixes are added to loanwords after they have already been borrowed. There are rare examples of loanwords such as funkeiro (a person involved in a Brazilian style of music called funk) and streeteiro (a skateboarder) that receive eiro (a person that does something, like -er in English) as an original element of the loanword. Furthermore, as shown above, changes made to loanwords regarding orthography pertain to morphological adaptations, such as suffixation, that are made to some loanwords in order to fit into the syntactic structure of BP to show that the word is a diminutive, or to change the part of speech of the word. Brazilian Portuguese-accented English. Because English holds no official standing in Brazil, the variety of English used by Brazilians is popularly believed to be modeled on "native-speaker" models such as American English or British English. Nevertheless, BP inevitably has a strong influence on the English of Brazilians. The BP influences in Brazilians' English can be detected in phonology, morphology and syntax, on a pragmatic level, and in semantic and lexical differences they display. It is important to note that these linguistic characteristics are examples of descriptive suppositions of what may be observed, are not the norms used by Brazilian speakers of English, and may to some extent be seen in BP-accented English. BP- accented English possesses phonological characteristics that Major (2001) discusses as the typical transfer that can be observed in language contact situations. The 18 phonological characteristics observed of Brazilians' English, some of which are discussed by Major (2001), could be classified as follows: 1) Vowel assimilation: Bad [bæd] [bɛd] 2) Vowel Insertion: Big Mac [bIgmæk] [bigimaki] 3) Consonant substitution: eat [iyt]  [iytsh], this [ðIs] [dis] 4) Underdifferentiation: dead /dɛd/ & dad /dæd/  [dɛd] 5) Phonotactic Interference picnic [pIknIk]  [pikiniki] The examples given in the first category, vowel assimilation, the second category, vowel insertion, and the third category, consonant substitution, are examples of transfer of L1 rules from BP. The fourth category, underdifferentiation, is an example of an instance where the L2 has a distinction in sound that doesn't exist in the L1, which is shown through the English phonemes /ɛ/ and /æ/ may be replaced by Portuguese /ɛ/, which is a little closer to English /ɛ/ than /æ/. Sound patterns in English are different from BP, thus the syllable and word patterns in English are often adapted to the patterns of the L1, resulting in output such as one seen in the fifth example, phonotactic interference. Characteristics of syntax and morphology that can be observed in Brazilian English speakers' production also have to do with nativization. Most of these characteristics are viewed as errors in the classroom and use models from the Inner Circle as "correct" models of English (Mompean, 1991). Schütz (2012) offers an extensive list of the possible morphological and syntactic manifestations presented by Brazilian speakers of English. These manifestations are viewed as common errors made by Brazilians; a condensed version of the typical Brazilian English that may be observed is 19 described by Schütz (2012). Here are his examples and my translations. 1. Formulation of interrogatives without the use of auxiliary movement, e.g.: "You are a student?" 2. The use of double negatives, e.g.: "I don't know nothing" 3. Knowing when a noun is a non-count noun, e.g.: There are many furnitures here. 4. Using prepositions in, on, and at interchangeably for some situations. Examples 1, 2, and 3 are items that result from the transfer of syntactic structures from BP. Example 4 occurs because of the limited appropriateness of these items within a structure. In BP the uses of similar prepositions are not always used in the same ways as these. Furthermore, English may have uses for some of these prepositions that don't instinctively make sense to many people, such as using "on the bus" when really one gets "in the bus". There are some instances of semantic and lexical differences that can be seen in BP- accented English, results of transfer from BP expressions, which are worth mentioning: 1. Use of "one" to represent "a/an" e.g.: "There was one girl in the classroom" = "There was a girl in the classroom" 2. "I'm doing great, thanks to God" = "I'm grateful to be doing well" 3. "Take care!" = meant as a warning like, "Watch yourself!" 4. Using make, take, do, and get interchangeable or in unusual places, e.g.: "I'm going to take some water" = "I'm going to get some water" Furthermore, there are many cognates between BP and English, because of the high frequency of Latin-derived words in both languages. In English, many of the words 20 that are cognates of more everyday BP words are considered more formal when utilized in English. Because of this, BP-accented English possesses a high number of lexical items that may be described as "highly academic". Unfortunately, there are also many words that are false cognates, and will not match lexically when one relies on this transfer when speaking English. False cognates, however, are very rare, and although it is helpful to be aware of their existence, it is important to note that their occurrence is virtually insignificant (Schütz, 2012). On a pragmatic level there are many cultural representations that may transfer to English. However, as Novinger (2004) found, Brazilians are, collectively, a very adaptable group that pay attention to their own ethnocentric communication uses when communicating with members of other cultural groups. This may perhaps be a clue to how a Brazilian may negotiate English depending on the interlocutors involved. If the exchange is intracultural, and with another Brazilian, the use of English is more likely to be influenced by the Brazilian cultural ways of the speakers. Conversely, since most aspects of pragmatics––largely unconscious acts that denote a person's intention in an utterance––are at times paralinguistic, and may be influenced by previously acquired information, one may not be aware of one's own pragmatic qualities that are born out of one's native culture. Nevertheless, there are many ways that BP-accented English can be observed. For example, polite language is usually used when talking to older people or people of authority. Examples of this polite language can be observed through the use of titles such as Sir, Mr., Madam, Ms., Mrs., Teacher (the polite way of addressing one's teacher in Brazil), or even Dr. (not always a signifier of an academic degree in this case, but a 21 honorific signifier of a position of authority such as a lawyer, manager, or police chief). Additionally, very prominent features of Brazilian culture are indirectness, collectivism and the desire to please, all features that can be observed in the pragmatics communicated in BP-accented English. For example, a Brazilian may be invited to a party and will accept the invitation, with little or no intention of actually attending the party. Novinger (2004) explains: In accordance with Brazil’s high-context communication style, a courteous response such as “Maybe” or “I will try” is clearly understood as “No” to a person familiar with Brazil’s culture and contextual ritual. A person from a low-context culture such as the United States, England, or Germany will typically ignore the ritual because he or she is accustomed to focusing on the words. The listener takes the words literally, treats them as being information-specific, and is then disappointed. (p. 159) Novinger (2004) points out that such uses of language are not only the result of a culture that is high-context and has an indirect pragmatic style but one that is also amiable and well intentioned. Thus, transfer from BP is not merely seen in more observable linguistic representations such as phonology or syntax, but also on a pragmatic level. Users and uses of English in Brazil. The functions of English, an essential part of a sociolinguistic profile, were suggested by Kachru (1986) and adopted by Berns (1990). They describe English as having four functions: the instrumental, interpersonal, regulative, and innovative. In Brazil, English can be observed in all of these functions except the regulative function, which is described by Kachru (1986) as the use of English 22 in the legal system and administration. Kachru (1986) defines the instrumental function as the status given to English in the educational system as a medium of instruction. This function in Brazil is limited to international/bilingual schools and specific university classes that use English as a medium of instruction and is less prevalent in Brazil than other functions such as its use in education as an FL, its interpersonal and innovative functions and its symbolic function. English in the educational system. As with other Expanding Circle countries, the main function of English in Brazil is as an FL. Although English is not commonly used as the medium of instruction in Brazilian schools, it presently holds an important role as the most commonly taught FL in Brazil. English language courses are present in public and private elementary and secondary schools and English is the most sought out language in higher education and private commercial language institutes (Bohn, 2003). The national curriculum. On December 20, 1996 a law called the Lei das Diretrizes e Bases da Educação (Law of Guidelines and Foundations of Education) was passed enforcing the compulsory teaching of an FL to all students starting in the fifth grade. Under the new law, beginning in the middle grades, schools also began to offer a second FL, within the limitations of what schools were able to implement, which would last for the last three years of required compulsory education. It was left up to the communities to choose the FL to be offered, with English being the most frequently chosen language to date. According to Naves and Del Vigna (2008) the quality of the teaching of FLs after the passing of this law has been less than favorable under the law's requirements. The schools that have been observed to have students with the most 23 success in the acquisition of English are free schools that take on a philosophy of holistic education that caters to individual students' interests. As previously mentioned, with the passing of the PCNs, FLs were recognized officially as a part of this document through the section Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCNs): Língua Estrangeira (National Curriculum Parameters: Foreign Language). The document put forth ideas about the need for an FL curriculum that is critical in its teaching by exposing students to ideas about the hegemonic powers of languages like English, and the importance of mother tongue development, with an emphasis on language as a social practice. In addition, a socio-interactional approach was agreed upon as the ideal theoretical framework from which teachers should base their pedagogical practices. Bohn (2003) summarizes the PCNs' emphasis on FL teaching with a focus on language as a social practice with the following language objectives: 1. A multilingual world of which the learner is part; 2. Global comprehension; 3. Meanings expressed, rather than correction of form; 4. Development of learners’ ability to perceive the foreign language as an opportunity for communication and participation; 5. Learners’ ability to share the values of a plural world and to comprehend and identify their role in such a world; 6. Recognizing that the development of foreign language competence will allow learners to access cultural values and goods and products from different parts of the world; 24 7. Interconnectedness of foreign language systemic and communicative knowledge and mother tongue knowledge and language practices; 8. Critical awareness of language use and language variation; 9. Development of critical reading ability to enhance learners’ professional capacity and their continuous knowledge development; 10. Learners’ communicative capacities to prepare them for diverse/multicommunicative situations. (p. 167) No specific activities were proposed for the application of these objectives, leaving teachers to interpret how best to put the objectives into practice. In turn, the ideas put forth by the PCNs left much to be desired by educators, and an open dialogue has taken place among applied linguists and educators about the ways that these objectives can best be carried out. Furthermore, the evaluation criteria proposed by the PCNs emphasize unity between the classroom practices and the ways students are evaluated, with a stress on the affect that is intrinsically tied to the language acquisition process as a factor to be considered when choosing appropriate practices for teaching and evaluation. Elementary and secondary education. As previously discussed, FL education is compulsory beginning in the fifth grade. Before the fifth grade (ages 11-12), there are no laws requiring FL inclusion in the national public school curriculum. Even without having to adhere to the laws imposed on public schools, not all private schools include FL as a part of the elementary school curriculum. Oliveira e Paiva (2005) argues that there is no existing research to prove that there are any differences in language acquisition development when FLs are introduced to children below the fifth grade. Furthermore, she argues that the majority of private elementary schools that offer English 25 generally adopt the teaching of decontextualized, isolated vocabulary through games and songs, mostly leaving out the use of social opportunities for interaction while using the English language. Thus, Oliveira e Paiva (2005) views this as a marketing ploy to attract parents to schools, offering them the idealized vision of privileging their children with the opportunity to learn English from an early age. In secondary education, students may feel the pressure to acquire high levels of proficiency in English for the purpose of succeeding in higher education. Many universities require Basic English on entrance exams. Therefore, secondary students that are afforded the opportunity to receive English instruction outside of the required curriculum of school, raise their chances for admission to certain academic programs at university level. Higher education. Although the PCNs do not specify any guidelines for higher education regarding FL teaching, Bohn (2003) points out that students are required to demonstrate basic reading skills in an FL for entrance into government-funded universities, suggesting that many of these entrance exams make knowledge of English, specifically, a requirement for admission. Furthermore, most universities require students to study an FL for the duration of their university studies, the requirements ranging from being optional to being a university requirement, with the duration lasting from one semester to the entire program of study. Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano (2001) also point out that English is a requirement for most MA and PhD programs, most of which require not only the ability to use oral English but also the ability to effectively read and write in English. Programs with an emphasis on technical and biological sciences frequently require a working knowledge of an FL as an admission requirement, 26 and frequently have visiting professors that conduct classes in English (Oliveira e Paiva & Pagano, 2001). Furthermore, many technical fields in higher education utilize textbooks in English, so that students lacking proficiency in English may have a very difficult experience understanding class content, limiting their ability to participate in class discussions. Other English schools. English language institutes are very common in Brazil. Some examples of nationally recognized schools are Cultura Inglesa, CCAA, Wizard, and Wise Up, which provide courses for both children and adults. Locally-run institutes also exist all over the country. With the lack of adequate FL teaching in both public and private schools, wealthier students’ families are the ones that can afford to seek outside English lessons, making this economic divide even more apparent. Bearing these factors in mind, Bohn (2003) also explains that it is easy to ascertain that having knowledge of English in Brazil is a status symbol, and given the lack of appropriate EFL pedagogy, is a privilege that is reserved for those who can afford additional language learning training. Because of the growing demand for English in schools and job opportunities, Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano (2001) report that in 2001 there were 3,000 English courses in São Paulo, the largest city in Brazil. Nevertheless, the opportunity to learn English outside of what is offered in schools doesn’t always put students under the guidance of strong pedagogical models of language teaching either. FL teaching in Brazil is something that has faced many issues and teaching controversies, some of which have been described by Bohn (2003), and include: 27  the optimal time for the introduction of FL teaching into the curriculum; a lack of consensus among teachers and applied linguists on the methodologies that produce the best results; the role of grammatical knowledge and language awareness in the acquisition process, and what sequence, if any, should be followed in the presentation of teaching materials. (p. 160) A small number of institutes also offer immersion programs, usually aimed at adult professionals needing to improve their English for their jobs. In these programs, students spend anywhere from a weekend and up to a week in an "English language village" where no language other than English is permitted for the duration of the program. These programs are designed for students with an intermediate level of English; thus these students are able to take advantage of the immersion environment to develop the English they have already acquired. The general idea of these programs, as described by their websites, is to unblock students' fears of speaking English, thus helping students to overcome affective issues of feeling insecure about speaking English, with much of their emphasis being on oral English. Some programs of this type are English Village, Nexus Institute, Language Land, and CELIL. Interpersonal function. Kachru (1986) describes the interpersonal function as the role played by a language that connects different linguistic and cultural groups. In Brazil, English plays a role as an international language that allows Brazilians to communicate with non-BP speakers both in and out of Brazil. Many Brazilians travelling outside of Brazil will find that English is very useful, even in countries where English is 28 not the local language. Knowledge of English can also be useful for communicating with non-Brazilians traveling in Brazil. As discussed by Friedrich (2000) English is viewed as an important component of professional success and mobility. Situations regarding professional mobility are similar in other Latin American Expanding Circle countries such as Argentina (Nielsen, 2003), Colombia (Vélez-Rendón, 2003), and Ecuador (Overdotter Alm, 2003) all of which cite knowledge of English as an important factor for professional success. Rajagopalan (2003) also discusses the importance that Brazilians place on having knowledge of English as a prerequisite or at least as a desired skill for most white-collar and some blue- collar jobs. Rajagopalan (2003) also discusses the widespread perception that English is the key to a promotion or a raise and that not having a good level of English proficiency and general comfort using the language severely hinders their chances to grow within their companies. Furthermore, the ability to use English comfortably in presentations, emails, meetings with members of international sectors of their companies, and in conference calls is increasingly becoming not just a priority, but also a requirement for many of the corporate jobs occupied by Brazilians. Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano (2001) also describe English as the language of science. It is the official language of Ciência e Cultura (Science and Culture), the journal associated with the largest scientific association in Brazil, as well as many other Brazilian scientific journals. As a consequence of this emphasis on English, scientists publish articles in English as a means of reaching a wider audience and of being published in more reputable journals. This emphasis on publishing in English is also due to the pressure put on scientists to be recognized; something that is accomplished by being 29 published and cited––and re-cited––in certain journals. Furthermore, conference presentations are often presented in English, as well. Symbolic function. The symbolic function is characterized by what Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano (2001) describe as the impression that is delivered by a language within a context. This impression is one of 'English affiliation' with comprehension of English being of secondary importance. English in Brazil also plays the symbolic function as a marker of status and "high living." Rajagopalan (2003), Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano's (2001) claim that as long as the message is recognized to be in English it is not important that the target audience understand the lexical meaning behind it. An example of this symbolic function can be found in English in advertisements. Friedrich (2002) views the use of various languages in Brazil’s advertisements as a great use of creativity. Brazilians utilize languages to activate the stereotypical images that consumers have of these languages. Some examples noted by her are of indigenous languages to make products look natural, French for its elegance, and of Italian for being viewed as artistic. Although stereotypical, these uses of creativity are a welcomed addition to the linguistic landscape of Brazil. Furthermore, because of the low English proficiency levels of the overall Brazilian population, English use is mostly comprised of one or two words or short phrases, remaining relatively intelligible to people and transmitting a positive effect. Friedrich (2002) also explains that the use of English in print is more common than its use in television advertisements. It is also common to see English business names mostly in shop signs and billboards in Brazil's linguistic landscape. As observed by Thonus (1991) business names using English-inspired words were not very high at the time she reported on it, with Rio 30 de Janeiro having 9.75% of its businesses with names containing English. Oliveira e Paiva and Pagano (2001) also mention that in São Paulo, 15% of the names of bars and shops contain English. Friedrich (2002) discusses the two major types of borrowing in business names that she has observed in Brazil's linguistic landscape. She describes the first as names that intentionally use English related to the business itself. Two examples fitting this trend are two stores in Rio de Janeiro named Babies and Alphabeto, both of which are children's stores. Alphabeto uses a 'ph', or English-like spelling of the Portuguese word alfabeto. The other major type of borrowing is made up of names that sound like English or use actual English, but are not suitable for the brand they are representing. An example of this is a hair salon called Zap, which may leave an English speaker puzzled over the choice of a name that is seemingly unrelated to the beauty industry. English writing can also be found on products. Friedrich (2002) explains that similarly to advertisements, the comprehension of English is not important when the choice is made to use English for a product's name. In addition, she argues that print media has a more powerful effect in the way that English "sounds" to consumers, thus placing an emphasis on the printed use of product naming on labels. Innovative function. Creative use of English by Brazilians for Brazilian audiences has a notable history in Brazil. English has left its influence on Brazilian music, with contemporary Brazilian singers such as Marisa Monte, Céu, Caetano Veloso, and Bebel Gilberto having success by occasionally using English in their music. Heavy metal in Brazil, particularly the Brazilian group Sepultura, who use English exclusively because they believe it fits their musical genre better than BP. The singer/songwriter, 31 Mallu Magalhães, has also been known to write original English lyrics and to sing in English more often than in BP. Another group that has begun to have international success is Rosie and Me, a folk rock group from the city of Curitiba that writes and performs exclusively in English. The use of English in Brazilian music has been observed by Oliveira e Paiva (1995) as having emerged in the 1920s and has continued to be observed in samba music, a musical genre considered one of the main representations of Brazilian popular culture. Oliveira e Paiva (1995) examines the ways that English is used in lyrics protesting what samba artists have viewed as the linguistic imperialism brought on by the spread of English. Oliveira e Paiva (1995) further elaborates her point that through samba artists' limited understanding of English speaking cultures, a stereotyped and symbolic view is being communicated. Some examples of artists from the 1930s and 1940s that partook in this protest were Assis Valente, who wrote "Brasil Pandeiro" and "Goodbye, Boy", known for being performed by Carmen Miranda, and "Alô, John" and "OK" both by Jurandir Santos. The songs cited point to the samba genre's overall disapproval of the fascination with all things American and their effort to preserve Brazilian culture, but also their unintentional reinforcement of the ideologies found in the class divisions of English users and of English as the language belonging to the elite classes. These types of musical objections to English can also be observed in the present day and have occurred since their emergence in the 1920s, with a popular example being Zeca Baleiro and Zeca Pagodinho's "Samba do Approach" in which the two popular singers use English loanwords throughout the song as a way of criticizing the excessive use of English in the everyday BP of middle class Brazilians. 32  In the 1970s a phenomenon occurred under the pressures of censorship and the repression brought by the military dictatorship (Oliveira e Paiva & Pagano, 2001). Led by the singer/composer Morris Albert, several Brazilians composed and sang songs in English using English sounding pseudonyms. The most recognized artists of this kind were Forrest, Pete Dunaway, Mark Davis and Dave Maclean as well as the groups Light Reflections, Sunday, Lee Jackson, and Pholhas. These singers had much success on the radio and were included on the soundtracks of soap operas of the time, with most people completely unaware that the artists that they enjoyed listening to were actually Brazilian. Perhaps the most surprising example above, Mark Davis, who is today known for singing in BP, is the popular singer and public figure, Fábio Júnior. Many of these artists had international ties, were following a trend for a public preference for music in English, and were also benefitting by having their music available in stores when it was quite difficult to access music from outside Brazil. The 1970s are also known for the cultural movement of Tropicalismo, in which English use was a way for artists to acknowledge the fusion of several cultures within Brazilian culture. Another use of creativity in Brazil is that of ‘English sounding’ names. Borrowed names can be a way to be seen as modern, in this case, American (Thonus, 1992). The use of English names in Brazil reflects the desire to assign names that are unique in their context, and the sociopsychological effect that is gained by the use of such names. The use of English can be seen in both male and female names but is found more frequently in male names and can be observed on a continuum of pseudo-Portuguese to pseudo- English names with any combination of orthography from either language and originating 33 in either language. Thonus (1992) offers five major categories for the types of borrowing she observed in her study of male names, which are as follows: 1. Names identical to English names in current use (47%); 2. English names with Portuguese spellings (15%); 3. Names with suffixes of English origin (34%); 4. Portuguese names with pseudo-English spellings (2%); 5. English names with pseudo-English spellings (2%) (p. 178). Some name examples provided by Thonus (1992) are: Bryan and Fred, type 1; Jônatha and Péterson, type 2; Faberson and Érisson, type 3; Raffael and Thyago, type 4; Davyd and Welingthon, type 5. Attitudes towards English. Attitudes towards English in Brazil have made it to the center of the Brazilian media and are discussed on the Internet in blogs, newspaper and magazine articles, and in academic articles. Arguments against its hegemony and the regulation of the use of loanwords are at the forefront, while there is also a general sentiment that English is an important language to know in order to be successful in a global world. Although there is a common understanding that English has spread into the everyday life of Brazilians, views towards this spread are commonly viewed either that English use is rampant or that knowing English is critical. These two standpoints will be discussed next. English is rampant. English has had an effect on Brazilian culture over the past several years in several ways. Some of the instances of this influence are in loanwords, shop signs, advertisements, music, television, magazines, newspapers, and in clothing. Oliveira e Paiva (1995) points to this influence as evidence of the hegemonic power of 34 North America on the world. There are segments of the Brazilian population that have shown distrust towards the role that English now currently plays and fear, as discussed by Rajagopalan (2003, p. 95) that English "may negatively impact on Portuguese, the country's official language, and with it, who knows, ultimately the very integrity of their nation." Those who oppose the growing prevalence of English warn of linguistic imperialism and linguicide that they fear English may inflict on BP. A policy called Lei dos Estrangeirismos (The Law of Foreign Borrowings) was first proposed in 1999 by the Congressman Aldo Rebelo and was passed in 2003 to ban the use of foreignisms in public spaces for anyone living in Brazil for more than one year. The law, however, is still awaiting further approval by the Chamber of Deputies (Massini-Cagliari, 2004; Diniz de Figueiredo, 2010). Rebelo claimed that the influx of loanwords seeping into the BP of 'educated' Brazilians was ruining the integrity and purity of the local language. He proposed that instead of using borrowings from other languages people should use equivalent BP words or look for ways to make terms more like BP. He declared that there was no need to use borrowing and that the effect of his law would be to promote nationalism. The new version of this law, which was approved by the senate in 2003, was put forth under the guise of uniting the country’s citizens and strengthening its relationships with other Portuguese-speaking communities. In the new version, foreign borrowings would be restricted in official documents, the media, and advertisements. Such official regulations on language use have come under much scrutiny by Brazilian linguists who cite a lack of language expertise in the proponents of such laws (Rajagopalan, 2003). 35  Rajagopalan (2003) also points to the downfall of the teaching of FLs other than English as a point of concern for many. For example, Brazilians who grew up before English became the more dominant FL, lament the days when French was the FL of choice. Since that time French has been eliminated as the language that diplomats training for overseas assignments must learn, having been replaced by English and Spanish. Knowing English is critical. Because many Brazilians view English as the language that drives globalization, a correlation is often made between success and proficiency in the language. As Crystal (2003, p. 7) has stated, “language exists only in the brains and mouths and ears and hands and eyes of its users. When they succeed, on the international stage, their language succeeds.” Moreover, the current status of English as the global language has nothing to do with its structure or ease of acquisition; it has to do with its speakers’ economic, military, and political influence in the world. In addition, there is an accepted worldview that knowledge of English can work as a passport into these higher levels of culture, politics, and economic matters (Macedo, Dendrinos, & Gounari, 2003). For Brazilians who share this view, English is considered an essential part of any education. Quero (2013) discusses the results of questionnaires conducted in Rio de Janeiro's international airport, which showed tourists' overwhelming displeasure with the lack of English displayed by the Brazilians during that year's carnaval festivities. Although there is an overwhelming sentiment that English is important in Brazil, due to the PCNs, FL teachers are encouraged to support ideas of critical consciousness where the emphasis is not one of complacency for knowing English but one of allowing 36 students to engage critically with the language so they will understand that language use is a social practice (Oliveira e Paiva, 2009). Ideally, through this lens, students' awareness of the power of English will allow them to look critically at this reality, and allow them to empower themselves. By seeing English with an awareness of its global influence, students are encouraged to see how they can also view the language as their own, not always looking to "native speakers" as models for "correctness", but to themselves as creators, owners, and users of the language. English In Global Advertising It is common knowledge that English is the most widely used foreign language in advertisements in non-English speaking countries. In order to comprehend the ways English has been used and the motivations for using it in advertising in non-English- speaking countries, this portion of the literature review offers observations made by researchers in various countries. The first area is a discussion of the symbolic function that English has so widely been found to represent in advertising, more specifically its use as a social stereotype representing such things as modernity, prestige, and globalization, but also other attributes such as technology, fashion, youth, and progress. To further elaborate on this, there will be brief discussions of the role globalization plays with English in advertisements and the roles of American or British cultures to activate ethno-cultural stereotypes in advertising. Another area of focus is on language display and on the parts of an advertisement English is found. Symbolic function of English in advertising. The symbolic function has been discussed in a more general way in the above sociolinguistic profile and will be discussed with a focus on advertising as studied by researchers in several different countries. 37 Kachru (1986) defines the symbolic function of English as the status given to English as a representation of modernity and prestige. Kelly-Holmes (2000) refers to this idea as 'language fetish'. In applying this term, borrowed from Marx's process of 'fetishization', it is described by Kelly-Holmes (2000) as: something that mystifies the social relations by which commodities have been produced (mainly through the exploitation of labour). They come to be independent things in themselves and are simply accepted as part of the natural order, with a seemingly naturally ordained value and existence, with the ability to reproduce, to have properties inherent in themselves, to exist independently (and un-contestedly). (p. 70) In other words, when English is used in an advertisement, there is a common societal understanding of the symbolic uses behind that choice. Its use becomes associated with an internalized and largely unconscious associations made about different languages, which advertising recreates and reinforces in our global consciousness. Kelly- Holmes (2000) provides examples of these language associations, such as associations with Germans as the experts in cars, engineering and beer and with the French symbolizing the mastery of the culinary world. Ruellot (2011) points to business efficiency, technological advance, and sophistication as the principal impressions left by English that are effectively communicated in advertisements to French consumers. Moreover, associations with modernity, prestige, and globalization are seen as the main motivations for advertisers' uses of English. These different associations have to do with the sociolinguistic and psychological impact associated with English, and have been studied in several contexts 38 worldwide. English is often used in advertising for its neutrality and familiarity on a global scale, in addition to the aforementioned reasons of prestige and modernity associated with its use (Kachru, 1986). According to Ruellot (2011), by using English business jargon, advertisers in France give consumers the impression that they are competent in this field. Moreover, as stated by Martin (2006) and confirmed in a study conducted by Ruellot (2011), English borrowings have grown significantly in French business advertisements in recent years, with the percentage of advertisements with English business terms rising from 13.3 in 1999 to 17.5 in 2007. Some of the terms Ruellot (2011) cites for high usage in business ads are: boss, business, coach, consulting, leadership, manager, marketing (p. 13). Bhatia (1992) and Martin (2002) have also found that the use of English in advertisements has been linked with consumers' positive perceptions of technology. Products that benefit from the use of English in French advertisements are cars, computers, cosmetics, sunglasses, and kitchen appliances (Ruellot, 2011). According to Ruellot (2011) the many technological products that originate in the US and have English names, have resulted in many countries that have chosen to keep the product names they were originally given. This also has to do with the predicted risk of losing consumer recognition when new names are given to familiar products such as bluetooth or tablet. Another highly documented positive association with English has to do with prestige and sophistication. Advertisers are eager to market their products using English, but an English that is intelligible; therefore much care is given to the choices made with the English. The types of products that benefit from these associations are traditionally perfume, cosmetics, clothing, and jewelry and more recently, real estate, resorts, spas, 39 and furniture (Ruellot, 2011). English has been used in French advertisements for many years, but has grown even more in recent years. English is used for its associations with prestige and sophistication, even with limitations put on advertisements by the Toubon Law (1994), which regulates the use of foreign languages in official documents, including advertising. Some advertisers have been able to evade the Toubon Law successfully (Martin, 2002; Ruellot, 2011). Examples of the power of the symbolism of English can be seen all around the world in advertising. In China, Gao (2005) cites modernity as the main reason for using English in advertisements, despite the love/hate attitude toward English that exists in China. Baumgardner and Brown (2012, p. 136) discuss some of the uses of English in Iranian advertisements that can be linked to "modernity, Europeanization, and reliability." As for Taiwan, Hsu (2008, p. 158) offers insights directly from copywriters who cite "internationalism, premium quality, and exquisite taste" as reasons for using English in advertisements; the Ford Motor Company showed an increase in sales in Taiwan when they began using English in their advertisements. Piller (2003) cites English as a languages associated with a cosmopolitan identity, youth, and sophistication, which when used in German and Japanese advertisements is intended to trigger these feelings in consumers. Likewise, countries such as Colombia, Mexico, Finland, and the Congo are also cited for occurrences of English in advertisements for its 'irresistible allure' and many of the aforementioned symbolic functions associated with its use in advertisements (Kasanga, 2010). The most important aspect of the symbolic function of English in advertisements is that its success is discourse driven. Examples of symbolic uses of English in the 40 Expanding Circle show uses of English that could be interpreted as 'incorrect English' or 'strangely placed' to English speakers from the Inner Circle. Examples of this cited by Eastman and Stein (1993) have been observed in Colombia where words in English will be followed with an apostrophe for no lexical reason, as in an advertisement for a bakery called American' Cheesecake. Another example comes from Japan where the word new is often used in advertisements, but not to denote that a product is new, but that the product can be associated with modernity. These types and uses of English are not created to be approved or criticized by those Inner Circle speakers that come in contact with English in advertisements in the Expanding Circle. English in these contexts is not targeted at 'native speakers' and is not even targeted at those who speak English at all. These uses of English are also not used in order to make the target audience want to be a part of the cultures associated with English; they are used to give the product the intended allure that is associated with English within that context. English when used in this way is nativized to the local context, and is accepted within that context as part of the local culture. Globalization. In international advertising, the use of English is a tool for globalization; it also satisfies the local needs of a particular place. Thus, if a product is international, it can be advertised using English that is simple enough to be intelligible to a wider global audience, but also to a local audience. As discussed by Ruellot (2011), adaptations are often made to international advertisements, in order to satisfy local needs through changes made to the English used in the advertisements as well as the imagery choices that are made. In France, instances of localized English in advertisements have increased by 4.37% from 1999 to 2007 (Ruellot, 2011). When using an advertisement as 41 part of a worldwide campaign, many agencies will choose to forego adaptation, and will run the same advertisement globally. This allows advertisers to financially save on the extra costs of translations and adaptations. Martin (2002) cites the use of English in French advertisements for technological products as a direct way to symbolize globalization. This strategy has been used due to advertisers' beliefs that in a globalized market consumers have converged and will react favorably to the same advertisement, and therefore the same language (Gerritsen et al., 2007). However, the groups being targeted by advertisers are not homogenous and cannot all be approached with the same advertising strategies. Advertisers consider English an international language that is widely understood by consumers, and therefore is an appropriate vehicle for globalization. Gerritsen et al. (2007) also argue that by using English, advertisers avoid having to choose between formal and informal pronouns associated with languages such as German and French, for example. American/British culture. Often when a product is from the US or the UK this is enough to motivate advertisers to keep the advertisement in English. Furthermore, there is often no way to describe the product in the language of the place where the product is being advertised; often a specific word in the native language is much longer and too complicated. It should be noted, however, that in using English in advertisements, it has been found that advertisers more often aim to activate social stereotypes associated with English, and not necessarily the ethno-cultural stereotypes that have to do with American or British cultures. When a non-local language other than English is used in an advertisement, the decision to use that language usually has to do with ethno-cultural stereotypes associated with that language. An example of this is with the use of Italian, 42 which is used to activate stereotypes about Italy, such using Italian in pasta commercials to show that Italians have great pasta (Gerritsen et al., 2007). Piller (2001) argues that English is the only known language that has been found to represent a social stereotype rather than an ethno-cultural one. However, there are examples of English that is used as an ethno-cultural stereotype as with other languages. Martin (2005) points to the use of English in advertisements for the American cigarette brand Marlboro in France as a way to communicate to French consumers a sense of authenticity in the brand. Kelly-Holmes (2000) has also found instances where English is used for both its social stereotypes and ethno-cultural stereotypes, as is the case for an example in an advertisement for a Rover car in Germany. Rover is known for its prestige and also for being an English car. The advertisers take advantage of both of these points when utilizing English to highlight both the traditional reliability associated with English culture, but also the prestige of using an English slogan. The idea discussed by Kuppens (2009) is that English cannot be used to represent British or American cultures exclusively. It is somehow seen as a 'neutral' or 'bicultural' language that belongs to everyone and to nobody at the same time (Kuppens, 2009). Therefore, although it is used to activate social stereotypes of modernity, prestige, and globalization, it is important to examine from where these social stereotypes originated. It is widely perceived that English is the global language, marking it and its speakers as 'superior'. The idea of putting languages on a spectrum of importance or status brings up ideas of 'linguistic imperialism', but it is this internalized view that many people have that advertisers capitalize on. Ideas of prestige may come from perceptions associated with 43 the US, therefore, as long as English is perceived to be prestigious, it will continue to sell products. Moreover, Kuppens (2009) also explains that the perceptions of modernity may come from the idea that the US is considered the modern country. English language display. Piller (2003) discusses the experience of looking at print advertisements: the observable components are typically the headline, pictures or illustrations, the body copy, the name of the product, and the standing details of the product. Piller (2003) also explains that from these elements, the product name is where a foreign language is most often seen. English is most often seen in the headline, slogan, and brand name for an advertisement, so that the language is used for what Eastman and Stein (1993) call 'language display' purposes, rather than to communicate a message, something that would typically be found in the body copy (Vettorel, 2013). Yet, as described by Vettorel (2013, p. 262) English in Italian advertisements has increasingly acquired a larger discursive role that goes beyond lexical borrowings and has taken on a range of functional domains that include "linguistic puns, wordplay and intertextual references to films, songs and other pop genres." Language display is described by Ustinova (2008) in the following way: There is a certain priority in which people scan print advertisements: first, headline; second, illustration; third, first line of the copy and then the logo (Wells et al. 1998: 460). Headline plays the most important role in a display because it identifies the product and makes the point of the message. Sub-heads and captions help lure the reader into the body copy. Product name is usually reinforced by a wrapper or a label. Slogans use rhyme, rhythm, alliteration and puns to be memorable. In print 44  advertisements, the eight structural properties are found in abundance and bear clear delineation, though in modern advertisements the text size is diminishing (Bhatia 2000: 202, 207). (p. 80) Ustinova's (2008) definition of language display differs from that of Eastman and Stein (1993) in its emphasis on the physical components of an advertisement, while Eastman and Stein (1993) define language display as the associations that one group makes of another group's language and bases the language uses to communicate these images. In the present study, the definition of language display that will be used is Eastman and Stein's (1993), while the phenomena described by Ustinova (2008) will be referred to as parts of an advertisement. Both definitions are important to this study, because they both have an effect on an advertisement's success. The placement of English in an advertisement can result in its success or failure, whether speaking of the part the English plays in an advertisement or the desired effect intended by its use. In order for English to be used effectively, it must either give the intended symbolic representation––whether having to do with its image or the aesthetic qualities of the writing itself––or its use must be intelligible to those being targeted (Bhatia, 1992). English is seen at different levels of linguistic representation, from the phonological level to the orthographic level, and to the morphosyntactic level, and is seen in variations of all the parts, even, at times, in all the parts at once (Baumgardner & Brown, 2012). Baumgardner and Brown (2012) also state that what determines where English is used within a part of an advertisement has to do with the origin of the advertisement and the product, many times determined by whether or not the advertisement is being run globally. If it is being run globally there is often less chance 45 that the advertisement will be locally adapted. Some of the changes cited that have to do with orthography point to the Internet and the perceived familiarity that people have with English conventions; therefore, English conventions can be used and appear familiar to a non-English speaking population (Ustinova, 2008). English has also been used commonly at the morphosyntactic level, which is described by Vettorel (2013, p. 267) as the "integration of English words into the grammatical structure of the host language." The use of English in this way is an effective way to communicate the intended language display, due to its integration into the local language, thus maintaining the intelligibility of the advertisement. English use at this level can be observed in examples from Brazil discussed by Friedrich (2002) such as the use of light and diet with soft drinks and other foods. A nativized syntactic structure is adopted in these cases, instead of taking the English syntactic structure that places the adjective before the noun, such as is commonly used in products such as Diet Coke. Instead, the names of such products are adapted in order to satisfy the syntactic structure of Portuguese, resulting in the change in adjective positions as can be seen in Coca-Cola Diet or Pepsi Light. Another example researched by Baumgardner (2008) shows adaptation at the morphosyntactic level in the headline from a Mexican print advertisement for shampoo which reads, Luce tu cabello con un look increíble! The use of look in its noun form has been adapted to fit Spanish syntactic rules of placing the noun before the adjective that modifies it, as is also commonly done in Brazil to satisfy Portuguese syntactic rules. Ustinova (2008) also notes the common blending of English and Russian, with English influences in the morphological structure of a Russian word in Russian advertisements, 46 which can be seen in computer and business terminology. Definitions for parts of an advertisement will be discussed in more depth in Chapter 3, and were briefly discussed here in order to clarify the definition of language display. A Historical Perspective Of Advertising In Brazil Advertising in Brazil had its origins in the early 1800s. The first newspaper published in Brazil was the Gazeta do Rio de Janeiro in 1808 in Rio de Janeiro, which featured advertisements to sell and purchase land, real estate, and slaves (Severino, Gomes, & Vincentini, 2011). According to Severino, Gomes, and Vincentini (2011) it was O Diário do Rio de Janeiro, first released in 1821, which was the first to be considered an advertising newspaper. It featured advertisements in the form of classifieds with no illustrations and lengthy written information, which advertised real estate, carriages, slaves, personal craftsmen and contractor services. These services were also seen advertised in billboards, signs, and brochures around the same time period. At the turn of the twentieth century came transformations that would forever change the face of advertising. Magazines, such as A Revista da Semana (Magazine of the Week), began to be published, featuring page-long advertisements featuring two colors, with advertisements for medicine becoming increasingly common (Severino, Gomes, & Vincentini, 2011). With this came the first known advertising agency, Eclética Publicidade, in 1914 in São Paulo, which represented such companies as Ford, Quaker, Palmolive, and Texaco. At first, agencies worked as facilitators for companies to secure advertising space in newspapers, which was followed by the collaboration with companies on the creation of advertisements, a practice more commonly seen today. Furthermore, fine artists were 47 usually directors of art departments and poets and writers worked as the first advertisement writers. Soon after, in the 1920s, the magazine O Cruzeiro, that was modeled after the colorful and abundantly illustrated American magazine Life, launched, becoming the most important magazine of the first half of the twentieth century. Consequently, it became a popular advertising venue aimed at a population that was modernizing and undergoing urbanization (Bastos de Quadros Junior, 2001). Below, in Figure 2, is an image of the cover of the first edition of O Cruzeiro, before the "O" (masculine article "the") was added. Figure 2. First edition of O Cruzeiro magazine. 48  In the 1930s a new type of advertising made its mark with the emergence of the radio. These new advertisements were able to appeal to consumers' senses like never before, through the use of sound, which came in the form of announcements, music, spots, and jingles, thus making the brands advertised more memorable to consumers. The most advertised brands on the radio were Casa Colombo, Bromil, Cigarros Veado, Biotônico Fountoura, Nestlé, Coca-Cola, and Guaraná Antárctica (Severino, Gomes, & Vincentini, 2011). Also around the same time, changes began taking place in agricultural exporting as well as in the international and domestic industrial sectors that controlled the economy. This marked the arrival of J. Walter Thompson, an American advertising agency, which installed itself in São Paulo in 1930. With the arrival of J. Walter Thompson came a new standard in advertising that included the latest market strategies and research techniques (Rodrigues, 2002). The reason for the expansion was that General Motors, one of the agency's major clients, had opened a manufacturing plant in Brazil. Similarly, N. W. Ayer & Son, another American agency, opened up a branch in Brazil in order to serve their major client, Ford Motor Company. This was followed by McCann Erickson, which went to Brazil to serve Standard Oil. These agencies, eager to dominate the Brazilian market used localization techniques, which required that an advertisement's contents be adapted to the local environment (Rodrigues, 2002). An example of this can be seen in Figure 3, which shows a couple with what appears to be a Brazilian backdrop with a headline and body copy most likely written for a Brazilian audience, rather than a simple translation of an English-language advertisement into BP. Winsor Inves (1937) analyzed the prominence of American products advertised in the Brazilian market and reported that from 21 49 newspapers and ten leading magazines, 64% of the advertisements were for American products such as automobiles, electronics, gasoline, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and food in the year of 1937. However, after a short period of success, due to the Great Depression, these American advertising branches, as well as the car manufacturing companies, had to close their branches in Brazil soon after establishing themselves there. 50 Figure 3. Buick advertisement published in São Paulo in 1935. 51  The period between 1940 and 1950 is marked by two major events in the advertising industry. The first was the introduction of Coca-Cola to the Brazilian market in 1941. The public was not easily sold on Coca-Cola at first, cold drinks not being commonplace at the time, but the persuasive powers of advertising have been credited for the adoption of Coca-Cola into the everyday lives of Brazilians (Rodrigues, 2002). The establishment of the Associação Brasileira de Agências de Publicidade (Brazilian Association of Advertising Agencies) (ABAP) in 1949 was the other major event of that decade (Brito, 2007). Brito (2007) claims that the purpose of the creation of ABAP was to establish consistent norms for the relationships between advertising agencies and radio stations, newspapers, and magazines. Television brought new changes to advertising, incorporating moving images and sound all at once. With the first television making its debut in 1950, along with the first television station, TV Tupi, television became the greatest source of Brazilian advertising. Midway through the 1950s, the president at the time, Juscelino Kubitschek, famous for his slogan “50 anos em 5” ("50 years in 5"), and eager to live by his motto that promised great change in a short time, opened up the market to foreign companies, offering them economic incentives if they chose to establish themselves in Brazil. With this, the automobile industry reestablished itself in Brazil, subsequently advancing the advertising industry, which soon prospered in promoting automobile companies. Brazilian advertising agencies also began to find success alongside the multinational companies that were dominating the scene, one in particular, Alcântara Machado/Periscinoto, was founded in 1956 to promote Volkswagen (Bastos de Quadros Junior, 2001). The 1960s have been noted for being the beginning of what Brazilian advertising 52 more or less looks like in the present day, due to advertising guidelines that were put in place in 1968 (Severino, Gomes, & Vincentini, 2011). Brito (2007) explains that the guidelines were established to determine the ratio of commercials to programming, with the airtime being sold in blocks to different advertising agencies. By the same year, television advertising accounted for 45% of the spending by advertisers, 39% was spent on print advertisements, and 16% on radio advertising (Black, 1977). It was also during this period that photography began to overtake drawings within advertising. Along with television advertising came the telenovelas, or soap operas, Brazil's most popular television programming to this day. The most crucial time for agencies to air their advertisements became this evening hour of the nightly novelas. In addition to this, more and more strategies were used to appeal to Brazilian consumers; soccer games being another prime situation for advertising, as well as the yearly carnaval. Using these passions along with the beautiful European photography that was overtaking the industry in the 1960s, the country experienced what O'Barr (2008) describes as a 'creative boom'. As a result, by 1966, despite the beginning of the military dictatorship in 1964, there were eight American agencies installed in Brazil, which accounted for half of the country's advertising at the time (Black, 1977). Black (1977) explains that by the end of the 1960s, 99% of Brazil's advertising sector was controlled by foreign capital. In the 1970s there was a shift in the way advertisers addressed consumers. Traditionally, the consumer had always been addressed formally in advertising. A shift to a more colloquial manner of addressing the reader and listener became the new trend. This new style was witty, appealing, and culturally relevant and it positively attracted new consumers (O'Barr, 2008). In fact, the international corporations looking to create advertisements that would 53 be appropriate for the entire Latin American market were discovering that the advertising in Brazil was becoming so culturally relevant that they had to be specifically tailored to a Brazilian population that had a distinct sense of humor as well as language that set them apart from other Latin American countries. This, coupled with the military dictatorship, which put restrictions on foreign imports, and lasted until 1985, posed challenges for international corporations looking to prosper in the Brazilian market. The 1990s brought about a new phase in advertising that had once again opened up after the end of the dictatorship. However, the obstacles that multinational corporations and advertisers had previously faced with the unique language and culture of Brazil remained a challenge (O'Barr, 2008). Nevertheless, because of Brazil's immense population, which accounted for more than half of the population of Latin America, Brazilian advertising became more visually based, in order to effectively accommodate all of the Latin America market. One such example can be found in the featured advertisement for Cesar Dog Food, in Figure 4. By allowing the photograph to be the main focus of the advertisement, issues with creating advertisements that could be used throughout Latin America were partially remedied. Brito (2007) explains that along with this alignment and internationalization in advertising came the widespread use of cable and satellite television, and most importantly, the Internet. It was during this time that Brazilian advertising underwent a period of great creativity and as a result, appreciation from the public. So much, in fact, that several advertising executives won awards for their exceptional uses of creativity in advertising, one prominent one being at the Cannes Festival (Brito, 2007). 54 Figure 4. Cesar Dog Food advertisement from 1990s. This brief history of Brazilian advertising shows that as long as there has been advertising in Brazil there has existed an intermittent connection to English and to the United States. Whether this link has had to do with the products featured in the advertisements or with the influence of advertising agencies from abroad, the overarching sense was that whether or not English was featured in advertisements, its influence always hovered above waiting to sweep down and conquer the market. An example of this is with the off and on again success of the American automobile industry in Brazil, and its larger influence on the many agencies that eventually became major players in the advertising sector. From a historical perspective, advertising agencies originated in England in 1786, and soon made their way to the United States with the establishment of Volney B. Palmer 55 in 1840, followed by J. Walter Thompson in 1864 (Mattelart, 1991). Mattelart (1991) suggests that very early on, the American advertising industry established global control by creating subsidiaries in places like Brazil, and as a result, has been responsible for laying the foundations of the advertising industry there and in other places like India. However, with this history of hegemony over Brazil's advertising sector, it would be unwise not to emphasize the success enjoyed by domestic agencies, particularly since the late 1970s. The Brazilian approach of managing the advertising market was built on the training provided by the American advertising industry, and has acquired these skills to create an industry that is its own, which is best described by Mattelart (1991): But beyond the differences in scale, informatics and aerospace as much as television and advertising are built on the appropriation of the know-how of the big industrial countries. In the domain of industries involved in visual production, however, this stage has long ago been left behind, and Brazil has succeeded in producing a style and genres quite its own. (p. 43) From the language of the technical terms belonging to the advertising sector, to the techniques that are used to persuade the consumer, to the methods employed to make an advertisement attractive, advertising in Brazil has been established using American norms. Nevertheless, once Brazil’s unique cultural traits were able to appropriately fuse with the hegemonic voice of English, the Brazilian advertising sector became the lively, creative field that will be discussed in the research presented in the following chapter. Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework for this two-part study was developed out of the literature review that I have provided for this chapter. The theoretical lens that was used 56 for the methodological approaches in this study are situated within the World Englishes paradigm (Kachru, 1982), uses ideas about the ways language is used in advertising based in language display (Eastman & Stein, 1993), as well as Danesi's (1999; 2007) view that uses semiotics to explain English in advertising. World Englishes. The present study is situated within the World Englishes paradigm, which addresses ideas about the links between language and identity within a context (Kachru, 1982). As explained in the literature review, the World Englishes paradigm examines the functions of English within specific language contexts. This study investigates English for its symbolic function, which is where advertising fits in. This framework provided by the World Englishes paradigm supports this study because in investigating the uses of English in advertising in the first part of this study and the attitudes of Brazilians to English slogans in the second part, English used in this context was assumed to be symbolic, one of the uses for English in the Expanding Circle described within the World Englishes paradigm. This symbolism is represented through uses of language display. Language display. Language display, which addresses the strategies that are used to attract consumers to advertisements, is also used to support this study (Eastman & Stein, 1993). This view of the function of English in specific contexts is appropriate for this study because it describes the main way English functions in advertising in a country like Brazil. The main tenet of this language use strategy is that in order for a language to be described as being used for language display, there must be limited contact with proficient speakers of the language. When applied to advertising, it is best described by Eastman and Stein (1993) in the following way: 57  The displayer's intention is not to negotiate a definition of self as a member of another speech community but to be seen as an individual with attributes associated with that community of speakers. The purpose is not to communicate linguistically across social boundaries but to impress socially within one's own linguistic territory. (p. 188) In applying this explanation of language display specifically to advertising, it is when a foreign language is used within an advertisement to communicate certain attributes associated with that language, in order to communicate the desired image associated with the language in question. Language display will be used in this study to refer to the phenomenon of a community's shared belief of what desirable attributes a foreign language represents within a specific social context. In applying this specifically to the advertising context associated with this study, English is used for language display to represent a widely understood symbolic representation as described in the World Englishes paradigm, which is best communicated outside of the native context with which that language is associated. This view of language within a social context is further supported through ideas from studies in semiotics. Semiotics. The present study is rooted in the field of World Englishes, with an understanding that English in Brazilian advertising is mainly used for language display. Furthermore, in order to extend the theoretical foundation of this study, the tenets of semiotic studies offer additional support for the ways that English is used as a symbol to represent an intended image (Danesi, 2007). In order to further clarify the applicability of semiotics as a means to approach this particular study, a more elaborate summary of its 58 tenets are discussed here, with emphasis on the specific aspects that are relevant to English in advertising in Brazil. Semiotics is the study of signs that work as representations of 'contextualized truths' (Danesi, 1999). As (Danesi, 1999) explains, humans are not born with innate ideas about what constitutes 'the truth'. The infinite amounts of behaviors that humans can potentially adopt only reach their capacity through the cultural contexts that support such behaviors. According to Danesi (1999) there are two types of meaning in semiotics, the denotative and the connotative. The denotative meaning refers to what is indicated, or 'denoted' through something specific, or how something makes you feel, how you perceive or observe it, and what it makes you think about. An example of this would be with the color green. Green is a color that can be represented in its different shades in the color spectrum. This is the way that the denotative meaning of green is characterized: through its representations in one's mind. A sign can also have connotative associations, which refers to the different levels of meaning something represents. The color green could trigger different perceptions, but for many it may be associated with nature, or someone could be reminded of the expression "green with envy", or a person described as green is one that is inexperienced in something. These are culturally rooted examples that have been provided for green. The color green is associated with royalty in Aztec culture because of the green feathers worn by chieftains, while in many cultures it is purple that triggers royalty, an example of the culturally rooted associations that are created for colors. There are essentially three states of connotative representations: the extensional, the emotive, and the symbolic (Danesi, 1999). The extensional process is best explained 59 using an example provided by Danesi (1999, p. 27). He discusses the extensional significance of the word house when used in a phrase such as "the house roared with laughter;" having an extension upon the denotative meaning of a house representing how it is usually perceived, as a certain type of "structure". In this example, house acquires an extended definition. It is now represented as a structure that is occupied by people. The emotive process represents the emotions that can be associated with something. An instance of this in keeping with Danesi's (1999) examples using house, is his example of a person looking at a house, to which the person expresses doubt as to whether the structure is a house or a garage, only to be reassured by another person, with another emotive connotative representation of conviction, that the structure is definitely a house and not a garage (p. 27). Danesi's (1999, p. 27) last example using house, has to do with the symbolic process, which could be exemplified by the example "the house of God." In order for this expression to be considered symbolic, there must be an understood social context in which house is understood to mean church. According to Beasley and Danesi (2010, p. 26), semiotics in advertising is effective because it "utilizes mythic themes to construct its messages." When applying semiotics to this study, English is used as an effective tool of persuasion due to the positive associations Brazilians have with the language. Thus, by using English, advertisers lure consumers with the false belief that they require the advertised product due to its elevated image. In turn, in using the tenets proposed in semiotics, English was viewed through a lens that views uses of English in Brazilian magazine advertisements as mythic uses of language within a social context that reveres that language as a tool for activating connotative representations that are emotional and symbolic. 60  CHAPTER 3 Part 1: The Magazine Corpus Research Design This study in its entirety was initially inspired by a course I took in World Englishes in the fall of 2010. In the course, I discovered a whole new area of sociolinguistics, which has been one of my areas of interest for quite some time. I knew that I wanted to study some sociolinguistic aspect of Brazil, but it was not until this course that I found my niche. Finally, I was able to use two parts of my identity, English speaker and Brazilian, to study a topic of great interest to me due to its relevance to my life. It was not until that World Englishes course that I began consciously to take note of something that I had always casually been aware of, the pervasive presence of English in advertising in Brazil. As my interest in English in this subject began to grow, a certain pesky question came to me several times; do typical Brazilians understand the English that they are regularly exposed to in advertisements, and if they do, does this affect their attitudes towards the advertisements? As I began researching this topic, I came across the work of Hornikx et al. (2010), the only study I encountered that asked a similar question related to the preference for English that is easy rather than difficult to understand, and furthermore, the preference that their Dutch participants had for easy to understand English over Dutch in advertising. It was with this inspiration that I was able to come to this dissertation topic. Nevertheless, I knew that in order to successfully research what is the second part of this study, I would have to become comfortable with the way that real Brazilian advertisements presently look. This is how the present portion of the study 61 developed––an examination of advertisements in Brazilian magazines. With this foundation, I was able to build a concrete basis from which to base the way that I would approach the second part of this study. With this portion of the study, I was able to collect concrete numbers from which to base the already known supposition that there is a great amount of English used in Brazilian advertising. English in advertising has been the subject of interest of many researchers around the world, but there are not had many studies enumerating English uses in magazine advertising. I felt that it was important to contribute more data supported by a linguistic context. This portion of the research project is an analysis of a corpus of English use in advertisements in Brazilian news magazines. This part was partially inspired by a study conducted by Gerritsen et al. (2007), in which the researchers conducted an analysis of English in magazine advertisements in issues of Elle magazine in Spain, the Netherlands, Germany, France, and Belgium. The study was justified as a glimpse into one specific social domain, advertising, as a way to exemplify the idea that English has penetrated into society as a whole. Because advertising is a domain that all of society is exposed to, it can serve as a telling example of this penetration of English into the world's cultures. Gerritsen et al. (2007) aimed to compare the frequency and uses of English across the different European contexts included in the study. This portion of the research project is mixed methods in nature, in that it draws from both quantitative and qualitative methods of research. When looking at the research questions, in order to see the ways that English was used in magazine print advertisements, observations of the ways that language display was utilized in the advertisements were essential to fully answering the questions. Thus, in addition to 62 enumeration of how much English was used in the magazines, there was also a need for familiarization with the patterns that could be seen in this English use after becoming accustomed to it from looking at numerous examples. The number of times that English was used in different parts of advertisements, such as the headline, sub-headline, body copy, or logo was examined, but not merely for the purpose of reporting this quantitative data, but for the purpose of analyzing the patterns and inclinations of advertisers, as well as to determine the patterns in motivations for using English. The types of advertisements using English that could be observed in this study were introducing products and the intended effect they were supposed to have on consumers. Overall, the analyses of the magazines was undertaken for more than enumeration of a quantitative nature, it was an important part of this two part project with the goal of determining the legitimacy of the research that points to English use in advertising as a representation of prestige, high quality, modernity, and globalization (Piller, 2003). Corpus. In order to conduct this portion of the study, I selected three different magazines. The three magazines are the popular weekly news outlets, Veja, Época, and ISTOÉ. Three editions of each were used ranging from December 2012 to August 2013. The three magazines show similar data concerning readership, which is shared in order to contextualize the types of advertisements that are found within them. All the demographic information shared within this corpus section was obtained from the websites of the magazine publishers. Veja. Veja is a notoriously known for being politically right-leaning, with a readership of 10,448,135, consisting of mostly middle to upper-middle class readers. Of 63 these readers, 47% are male and 53% are female. This readership consists of a range of age groups as displayed below: Age 2-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-34 35-44 45-49 50+ range % of 0 4 7 11 24 20 9 26 Readers As can be seen from the table, the highest concentration of readers lies in the group above 50 years old, with readers between 25-34 following close behind. Época. Época is also known for being a politically right-leaning magazine, its readership consisting of 4,065,000 readers. Of these readers, 48% are male and 52% are female, which is comparable to the readership of Veja. Also comparable to Veja is the social class of readers, also consisting of readers from mostly middle, middle-upper, and upper class readers. The age groups of Época readers are displayed below: Age 10-17 18-24 25- 34 35-44 45+ range % of 11 18 22 21 28 Readers Also similar to Veja, Época also has the highest number of readers falling into the highest age group, also with readers from the 25-34 age group falling into second place. 64  ISTOÉ. ISTOÉ is considered politically central, but like the other two magazines also leans a bit to the right of the political spectrum. It has a readership of 1, 501, 075, a significantly lower readership than the other two magazines, with the majority of readers also being overwhelmingly from the middle to upper classes. As has been reported, these magazines are almost evenly split in regards to readership by both genders, with ISTOÉ also having a similar split of 49% male and 51% female. The age of readers is as follows: Age 20-29 30-39 40-49 50+ range % of 20 24 21 29 Readers Though the highest number of readers is also in the over 50 group, the other groups are not accurate when comparing to the numbers from the other two magazines because of the range differences in the ways the magazine websites divulge their information. There is an almost evenly split readership among the representative age groups of ISTOÉ readers, as can be seen in the table above. Advertisements. All advertisements that took up at least one full magazine page were included in this study. The decision to make this restriction was for the purpose of eliminating the chances of including advertisements that could be deemed less professional, which was a consideration also made by Gerritsen at al. (2007). Advertisements promoting the magazine and its publisher were also not included, because these advertisements usually consist of several images of the variety of 65 magazines available by the same publisher, which was not cohesive with the other types of advertisements within the corpus. Parts of advertisements. Of the advertisements, the ones containing English were categorized by the part of the advertisement in which the English was found. For this research project, the parts of the advertisements that were focused on were the most visible ones, such as: product name, headline, subheadline, body copy, and slogan. These terms as they are used within this study were operationalized in order to conduct a consistent and organized analysis of the magazines and were modeled after terms provided by Bhatia (1992) and Baumgardner and Brown (2012). Product name includes the brand name of the product, such as the make of a car such as Hyundai, or a laundry detergent Vanish, but also includes the model of the car, which would be a description of the product, making an example of this the Hyundai HB20S or an example of laundry detergent, such as Vanish Crystal White. The headlines were classified as the words in the advertisement that draw the most attention and are usually supposed to make the consumer understand what they are expected to get out of the product. The subheadline, which is not present in many advertisements, is present to support the information in the headline and is usually comprised of smaller text than the main headline. The body copy is all the additional information in an advertisement that is contained in text form as a way to inform the consumer about the product. Some advertisements contain a very long and descriptive body copy, while some contain a few simple sentences, or none at all. The slogan is the linguistic identifier in the form of a phrase or sentence that triggers consumers' associations with the product. 66  Products advertised. Of the 235 advertisements across the nine magazines, 146 contained English. The 146 advertisements containing English were divided into categories by the types of products they advertise. The following categories were established (in descending order of occurrence of advertisement type): 1) Car: 28 2) Electronics: 16 3) Fair/Festival/Concert/Tournament: 15 4) Bank/Financial Institution: 13 5) Wireless Carrier/Mobile Phone: 8 6) Television show/channel/service: 7 7) Corporate Company: 5 8) Trucking Company: 3 9) Household Appliances: 3 10) Watches: 3 11) Hair Products: 3 12) Deodorant: 3 13) Restaurant: 3 14) Hotels/Resorts: 3 15) Adult Diapers (same one in 2 different magazines): 2 16) Airline: 2 17) Real Estate: 2 18) World Cup 2014: 2 19) Book: 2 67 20) Beauty Products (creams): 2 21: College/Program: 2 22) Water Park (same one in 2 different magazines): 2 23) The following all had one advertisement for the named product type (19 products): perfume, hospital, post office, chocolate, sunglasses, laundry detergent, auto care, shoes, energy source (windmill energy), gas station, software, clothing, vitamins, luggage, razor, medicine, bus line, jewelry, and furniture. Although some of the magazines that were included in this corpus were from different months, there was quite a bit of overlap in the advertisements. Many of them repeated, particularly the ones that were seen with the most frequency, such as the car and electronics advertisements. Regardless of this overlap, all advertisements were counted from the nine magazine issues. The inclusion of all of the advertisements featuring English was considered important to have an accurate enumeration of its occurrence, as well as to examine the types of advertisements that occurred most frequently across all of the magazines. Linguistic Considerations of What "English" Is In determining the types of English that would be included in this study, considerations were made about borrowings and loanwords that are established enough in the local language to be considered a part of it (see Chapter 2 for a discussion of this phenomenon). In order to take an objective stance on this topic it was determined that words that are originally from English, regardless of how established in the local language, would be included in this study and counted as English. An example of this is with names of electronics such as tablet and smartphone, or expressions such as test- 68 drive that are frequently used as established loanwords. Words such as these were counted as part of the corpus. This decision was made because though these words are now part of the BP language, it is important to note their origin and therefore the penetrating influence of English on societies' sociolinguistic realities. What was not included were names, as in surnames, that could be associated with English but that did not carry a lexical meaning in English, such as Johnson. Everything else that could be considered English was included as part of the corpus. This distinction between established loanwords and English used for language display (Eastman & Stein, 1993) was not a factor when the choice was made about what "English" to include as part of the corpus. However, this distinction was considered in the data analysis of uses of English and in which parts of the advertisement the English was found. This consideration was emphasized in order to determine if there were distinctions in the types of products that used different types of English and if they were purposely used for symbolic purposes or for motivations of product description, which is when loanwords would more likely be used. Summary Of Analysis Process The magazines analyzed were compared in order to 1) determine which types of advertisements, and as a consequence, what types of products used the most English and 2) to speculate the reason for such results. The types of advertisements across the nine magazines were also compared to determine if the magazines contained English-using advertisements that promoted the same types of products. In short, in the analysis of these magazines, all of the advertisements were counted and the ones that contained English were analyzed to determine which parts of the advertisements contained English 69 and what kinds of advertisements contained English. Finally, a discussion was included to speculate on the possible reasons why English was used to promote the specific types of products in the advertisements analyzed. Other considerations that were discussed included the types of products and if any presumed English comprehension was likely expected of consumers, as well as the uses of language display and loanwords within the advertisements. Results Number of advertisements containing English. Table 2 shows what percentage of the advertisements in the nine magazines in the corpus contained English. As can be seen in the table, the use of English in advertisements was quite high across all three magazines and in each of the three issues of the three magazines. The range of the use of English in the advertisements in these nine magazines was that 47% to 79% of the total advertisements contained English in them. In all three issues of each magazine, Veja contained English in 64% of the advertisements, 55% of the advertisements in ISTOÉ contained English, and 53% of the advertisements in Época contained English. It should also be noted that there were no advertisements that were exclusively in English in any of the magazines. All of the data presented are of advertisements that contain both English and Portuguese or another language. 70  Table 2 Percentage of the Advertisements in Magazines Containing English Magazine/ Veja Veja Veja ISTOÉ ISTOÉ ISTOÉ Época Época Época TOTAL Date of May 8, June 26, July 17, Dec 12, April 3, Aug14, June 3, June 24, July 1, Issue 2013 2013 2013 2012 2013 2013 2013 2013 2013 No. of 29 29 30 36 17 23 32 36 20 252 Ads No. of Ads 23 17 16 16 10 14 15 21 11 143 containing English Percent (%) 79 59 53 44 59 61 47 58 55 57 Types of products that use English in advertisements. Table 3 shows the results for the types of products that were featured in all of the advertisements in the corpus, including the ones with and without uses of English. The product type with the most occurrences of English was car advertisements. Those advertisements were closely followed by advertisements for electronics, events such as festivals, banks, wireless carriers, television related, and corporate companies. The ways that English was used will be discussed in the data analysis portion to follow. Nevertheless, it is important to mention that the types of advertisements that were present in the magazines used in this corpus present explanations about the reasons for the types of advertisements that occurred within the magazines as well as the ways that English was used, either for language display or for informational purposes, and definitely aimed at a certain type of reader. 71 Table 3 Types of Products With and Without English in Advertisements Product Type Total # of Total number of Total number of Percentage Ads for advertisements Advertisements of Ads w/ Product without English with English English Type For Ad Type (%) Car 28 2 26 93 Electronics 16 0 16 100 Fair/Festival/Concert/Tournament 19 4 15 79 Bank/Financial Institution 19 6 13 68 Wireless Carrier/Mobile Phone 10 2 8 80 Television show/channel/service 11 4 7 64 Corporate Company 17 12 5 29 Trucking Company 4 1 3 75 Household Appliances 5 2 3 60 Watch 3 0 3 100 Hair Products 3 0 3 100 Hotels/Resorts 4 1 3 75 Deodorant 3 0 3 100 Restaurant 6 3 3 50 Adult Diapers 2 0 2 100 Airline 6 4 2 66 Real Estate 2 0 2 100 World Cup 2014 2 0 2 100 Book 4 2 2 50 Beauty Products (creams) 2 0 2 100 College/Program 5 3 2 40 Water Park 2 0 2 100 Perfume 3 2 1 33 Hospital/Healthcare 12 11 1 8 Post Office 3 2 1 33 Chocolate 1 0 1 100 Sunglasses 1 0 1 100 Cleaning Product 2 1 1 50 Auto Care 1 0 1 100 Shoes 3 2 1 33 Software 1 0 1 100 Clothing 5 4 1 20 Vitamins 1 0 1 100 Luggage 1 0 1 100 Razor 11 0 1 100 Medicine 1 0 1 100 Bus line 1 0 1 100 Jewelry 3 2 1 33 Furniture/Mattress Company 2 1 1 50 Alcoholic Beverage/Wine 2 1 1 50 Pet Store 1 0 1 100 Meat 5 5 0 0 Government Ad/Program 12 12 0 0 TOTAL: 235 89 146 62% 72  Parts of advertisements with English. Table 4 shows the parts of the advertisements where English was found in the nine magazines. The number of advertisements in which English occurred is shown first, then the number of times and percentages of the parts of the advertisements English could be found are then displayed, regardless of whether certain advertisements had occurrences of English in more than one part. Therefore, when showing the percentages of the amounts of times English could be found in certain parts of the advertisements, the percentages shown were indicators of the English that was found in that part of the advertisement, keeping in mind that English may have been found in one, two, or even three parts of some of the advertisements. Lastly, the total number of advertisements containing English was shown, displaying the amount of times and percentages of the overall occurrences of English in different parts of the advertisements. English was found in advertisements with the following hierarchy for the different parts: Product Name-->Body Copy --> Headline--> Subheadline--> Slogan This hierarchy shows that there is some inclination on the part of advertisers to use English for the purpose of catching consumers' attention. English was found overwhelmingly in the product name, followed closely by the body copy of the advertisements in the corpus. The body copy is a part of an advertisement that is used to convey more detailed information and to elaborate on the product's specifications, thus the use of English in this portion is not commonly used for catching one's attention. Conversely, English in a product's name is very much for the purpose of catching consumers' attention. Examples from the corpus to show the uses of English for symbolic representation versus to communicate a message will be discussed in the data analysis to follow. 73  Table 4 English in Different Parts of Advertisements Magazine/ # of Ads Product Headline* Sub- Slogan* Body Issue with Name headline* Copy* English * * Veja 8-May-13 23 12/52% 5/22% 1/4% 3/13% 11/48% Veja 26-Jun-13 17 8/47% 2/12% 0/0% 0/0% 11/65% Veja 17-Jul-13 16 10/63% 11/69% 0/0% 3/19% 10/63% ISTOÉ 12-Dec- 16 8/47% 3/18% 8/50% 4/24% 3/18% 12 ISTOÉ 3-Apr-13 10 3/30% 1/10% 8/80% 1/10% 1/10% ISTOÉ 14-Aug- 14 5/36% 3/21% 2/14% 2/14% 5/36% 13 Época 3-Jun-13 15 10/67% 1/7% 0/0% 1/7% 8/53% Época 24-Jun-13 21 10/48% 2/10% 3/14% 4/19% 16/76% Época 1-Jul-13 11 4/36% 1/9% 2/18% 1/9% 5/45% TOTAL # ads 143 70/49% 29/20% 24/17% 19/13% 68/47% with English in part / % of ads with English in indicated parts (Note: *The number before the / indicates the # of times English was found in the indicated part and the # after / indicates the percentage of ads from the indicated magazine that contain English in the indicated part (some ads contain English in >1 place, therefore totals do not add up) Data Analysis The percentage of advertisements with English. The number of advertisements that contain English can be found in Table 2. Table 2 shows that 57% of all of the advertisements in the corpus contained English. According to Mooij (2011) English in 74 advertising is used for two main reasons: to get the attention of the consumer and to be cost effective by using international advertisements in several countries. Thus, also according to Mooij (2011) the high frequency of English in advertisements could be seen as an advertising strategy to get the attention of the consumer, which will be remembered by consumers as long as the English use is relevant to the product advertised. As explained by Piller (2003), English in German advertising has increased tremendously since the 1940s, which has been similarly documented in countries around the world. This increase in English has been documented in Korea (Jung, 1999), Japan (Takashi, 1990a, 1990b, 1991, 1992; Wilkerson, 1997), Russia (Izyumskaya, 2000), Spain (Aldea, 1987; Haensch, 1981; Pratt, 1980), and Switzerland (Cheshire & Moser, 1994). Furthermore, much of this growth in English in advertising can be attributed to what Martin (2008) considers developments such as the internet, and advances in science, technology, and international business, all of which contains much technical vocabulary in English. Ruellot (2011) also makes claims about this increase of English usage in advertising in the realms of information technology and business, noting increases of English in advertising in France going from 3.2% to 4.2% from 1999 to 2007, respectively. In light of the rising use of English in advertising, the results seen here for the number of advertisements containing English within the corpus was not unusually high, but a number consistent with global trends in the ever-growing presence of English in advertising. The types of products that use English in advertising. Similarly to Gerritsen et al.’s (2007), the corpus for this study revealed that the product types advertised using English were rarely used for its associations with speakers of English. English was used 75 primarily to attract the reader's attention and to convey prestige, modernity, reliability, and globalization. Many instances of English within the corpus were also consistent with what Gerritsen et al. (2007, p. 309) call "difficult or clumsy to translate into the local language." These types of English uses are directly related to the types of products advertised. Many of the uses of English that were found in car, electronics, and mobile phone advertisements were specifically related to these product types and were names of features associated with the product types. The following is a discussion of the types of products advertised and the justifications for the uses of English, which addresses the second research question for this portion of this project. The advertisements with the most English were those marketing cars. These were mostly for car companies not directly linked to the English language by country of origin. In fact, 26 out of 28 car advertisements featured English, and of the eleven car companies featured in the 26 car advertisements that featured English, only three were for the American cars, Chevrolet, Jeep, and Ford, while only one was for the British car Range Rover. The other seven car companies featured were Volkswagen (German), Hyundai and Kia (South Korean), Peugeot and Renault (French), and Toyota and Mitsubishi (Japanese). As explained by Ruellot (2011) the use of English in car advertisements has to do with the company's desire to communicate the car's technological performance, and by using English this image is automatically triggered in the consumer's mind. Technological products such as electronics had the second highest amount of English use in this study, featuring English in all 16 advertisements for electronics. Bhatia and Ritchie (2008, p. 18) cite the main perception given off by English in an advertisement to promote a technological product is that of "future and innovation." 76 Furthermore, researchers such as Ruellot (2011), Bhatia (1992), and Martin (2002) associate the positive perceptions consumers have of technological products directly with English use in advertising. The products in the corpus that were categorized as electronics did not include mobile phone carriers, which received their own category and enumeration. Almost half of the advertisements featuring electronics were promotions for sales at large Brazilian houseware retailers such as Casas Bahia and Ponto Frio. Within those advertisements the uses of English dominated the descriptions of the products included in the sales. The other half of the electronics advertised using English were Dell tablets and laptops, HP tablets and printers, a credit card machine, design software, and a Canon camera. The third highest occurrence of English was found in fourteen advertisements for a variety of events, also a very high number, considering that there was a total of nineteen advertisements in this category, with only four that did not feature English. The majority of those advertisements, for all nineteen, were for international or large sports events such as the World Cup, the Confederations Cup, the Masters Cup Tennis Tournament, the Copa do Nordeste (Brazilian northeast soccer tournament), the Copa Petronas de Marcas (car race), and the Indy 2013 (car race). The remaining advertisements featuring English in this category were for specific events such as a concert, three festivals, and business competitions or awards. The reasons for using English in advertisements for sports events could be because some of the events such as the World Cup are international, with English working as the lingua franca of the event. However, for more local sporting events, such as local soccer tournaments and car races, English could be used for the 77 purpose of elevating the status of the event and allowing it to appear more international or prestigious (Ovesdotter Alm, 2003). English is used to promote banks or financial institutions in thirteen out of a total of nineteen bank advertisements within the corpus, which was the fourth highest number of advertisements featuring English, within a type of advertisement. The advertisements in this category were for four Brazilian banks: Itaú, Banco do Brasil, Bradesco, and Caixa; one Swiss bank, Credit Suisse; also one Spanish bank, Santander. Since none of the banks in this corpus were associated with English-speaking countries, the use of English in these particular advertisements could have to do with the reliability that is associated with English use and the prevalence of English in the world of international business, of which financial institutions are a part (Martin, 2008). Although wireless carriers and mobile phones could technically be categorized with electronics they were given their own category because of their ubiquity and their unique advertising strategies. Although most of the wireless carriers promoted themselves with the names of their companies, there was an overwhelming tendency to give the mobile devices associated with the wireless plans being promoted the main spotlight and it is with these mobile devices that English use could be observed in most cases. The parts of the advertisements in which English was found will be discussed when regarding the third research question for this research project. Like the other technology-associated products in the corpus, the use of English had to do with the overwhelming use of English in the names of products and their features in technology. Some examples were in the frequent occurrences of smartphone (a type of wireless 78 phone), dual chip (a phone equipped with two SIM cards), Galaxy (the name of a popular wireless phone) and Full HD (phone picture feature). The wireless carriers featured in the advertisements, Oi, Vivo, and TIM are some of the top domestic wireless competitors in Brazil, with their advertisements clearly targeted at the Brazilian consumer. Nevertheless, the use of English in the promotion of the mobile phones featured in the advertisements was quite prevalent. This focuses the same motivations that can be cited for English uses with other technology. The English used in these advertisements is understood by the consumer to be naming a product that can be associated with its global appeal with features with names in English that need no translation because simply by using English consumers have the perception they are using an advanced, highly technological product (Bhatia & Richie, 2008). Uses of English in advertisements promoting television shows or channels, services, cable and satellite providers had the sixth highest number of advertisements containing English in the corpus. English use was present in seven out of eleven of this advertisement type, mostly in the names for television channels such as Band Sports, National Geographic Channel, and Universal Channel and for cable/satellite providers Net and Sky. The National Geographic Channel and Universal Channel are international cable television channels available in Brazil that have chosen to keep their English names. Such a decision was most likely motivated by their desire to be recognized globally by one name, preserving the desirable image, the global associations, and therefore the prestige that is transmitted by keeping the original names for these channels. Corporate companies had the seventh highest number of advertisements with English, with five advertisements within this category. The business world has long been 79 cited for using technical terms in English as a large part of their jargon. Examples of this are in terms discussed by Ruellot (2011) such as business, marketing, manager, broker, consulting which are all loanwords associated with the business sector. As discussed by Bhatia (2001) English used to promote the business world denotes competence, efficiency, organization, quality, safety, protection, functionality, and pragmatism. In the advertisements from the corpus in this category, there was a noted pattern that confirms the findings from other researchers, with English used to give an air of competence. Though with less frequency, English was also used in advertisements for trucking companies, household appliances, watches, hair products, deodorant, restaurants, hotels and resorts, airlines, real estate, books, beauty creams, university programs, and even advertisements for adult diapers and a water park. The assortment of different types of advertisements on this list point to the pervasiveness of the influence of English across the advertising world, regardless of the product type. Some examples of the varied assortment of products on this list point to English used to denote reliability for products such as the trucks, appliances, and real estate; to show sophistication and prestige for watches, restaurants, airlines, resorts, and hotels. Undoubtedly, the uses of English for all of these products were to show some level of attraction and reliability. As can be seen from the percentages recorded in Table 3, the advertisement types with large amounts of English-containing messages were not automatically the types of advertisements with the highest percentages of English as compared to the total advertisements within certain categories. In other words, some of the advertisement types that featured English in 100% of the advertisements were for product types with low occurrences in the corpus. Examples of this were with watch, hair product, adult 80 diaper, deodorant, and real estate advertisements. All of these product types featured English in all of their advertisements, but had very low overall numbers of advertisements represented in the corpus. As shown in Table 3, there were also eleven product types that had higher occurrences of advertisements with no English. Some examples of this are the following: out of seventeen advertisements for corporate companies, there were twelve advertisements with no occurrences of English; eleven out of twelve advertisements featured no English for hospital and healthcare advertisements; twelve out of twelve advertisements featured no English for government program advertisements; four out of six airline advertisements did not contain English, and five out of five advertisements for meat contained no English. The justification that could be given for the prevalence of native language use in advertisements for product types such as hospitals/healthcare and government programs has to do with the motivations behind these types of advertisements. These advertisements highly benefit from being clear in their message to readers, and are not promoting products as much as conveying important information that could benefit readers' health, wellbeing, or socioeconomic standing. The motivations behind all of these uses, as well as for other product types from the corpus, will be discussed at more length in the section, "ways English is used in different parts of the advertisements." Parts of the advertisements where English is found. As explained by Cook (1992), when seeing an advertisement, the consumer must feel the presence of an authoritative voice that stands firmly behind its product. By using English, advertisers represent this authority, which has been found to be most effective when used in a slogan, 81 which Piller (2003) views as the part of an advertisement that most effectively represents the identity and philosophy of a brand. According to the Structural Dependency Hierarchy of English in advertising, which was created by Bhatia (2001), the order in which English is most frequently seen in advertising worldwide follows the following hierarchy: product name ---> company name/logo (which I have enumerated as part of product name) --> label (product packaging)--> header (which I have separated into two categories-- headline and subheadline) -->slogan -->body of ad (which includes a description of the product and is what I call the body copy). In the corpus used in this study, as shown in the results and in Table 4, the frequency of English in the advertisements in the corpus that contained English within them, was found in the following hierarchy: Product name-->body copy --> headline--> subheadline--> slogan These results demonstrate the high frequency of English in parts of advertisements that have been shown to have contrasting motivations for English use. The product name is the part of the advertisement that is at the top of Bhatia's (2001) hierarchy and represented 49% of the instances of English. On the other hand, the body copy is less for attention grabbing and more for communicating the important details about a product, and English was represented in 47% of the advertisements with English. It was in these contrasting parts of the advertisements that English was most found, which may show inconsistent motivations for English use in Brazilian advertising, but could also be interpreted within the confines of Bhatia's (2001) hierarchy. The corpus data showed a very similar hierarchy to Bhatia's (2001) Structural Dependency 82 Hierarchy, with the exception of the unusually high frequency of English found in the body copy of many advertisements in the corpus. The other three advertisement parts, the headline, subheadline, and slogan, contained English in 20%, 17%, and 13% of the advertisements that contained English, respectively. These three parts held the same order in the hierarchy as the parts in Bhatia's (2001) hierarchy. To further explain the position of the body copy within my own study's hierarchy, I offer an interpretation outlined by Ovesdotter Alm (2003). As discussed by Bhatia (2001) and subsequently interpreted by Ovesdotter Alm (2003) to justify the high frequency of English seen in the body copy of her own corpus of Ecuadorian magazine print advertisements, Ovesdotter Alm (2003) suggests the following: Incorporated words is the most frequent category in this study contradicts Bhatia's (2001: 206) Structural Dependency Hierarchy. Accordingly, one might suggest that Bhatia's Structural Dependency Hierarchy could be augmented with the category incorporated words as the lowest introductory level where English most easily penetrates into advertisements, i.e. even before entering product names (or brand names) and company names/logos. This suggestion does not imply that Bhatia has overlooked this phenomenon. On the contrary, Bhatia (2001) writes about the global use of certain English vocabulary in advertising, but does not include this phenomenon in his Structural Dependency Hierarchy. However, it is possible that incorporated words are more frequent in Expanding Circle countries as in Latin America, because English and 83  knowledge thereof is more restricted to some social strata in this context. (p. 150) Ovesdotter Alm's (2003) use of incorporated words is explained as elements of what are referred to in this study as the body copy. To justify the similarities between the present study and the above study conducted in Ecuador it could be said that the penetration of English in the body copy also relates to the growth of the economy of Brazil which has led to the population's increased knowledge and use of English–– although the proficiency level of English is still relatively low for the overall population. (Diniz de Figueiredo, 2010). Ways English is used in different parts of the advertisements. Product name. Piller (2001) maintains that the main motivation behind the use of English in advertising is to get the attention of the reader. The product name is an advertising part that is associated with its uses as an attention-getting device. Some speculation about the motivations for the use of English for product names seen in the corpus of this research project can be explained from analyzing the ways English was used in the product names. The products in Table 5 (see Appendix) from the corpus have names that show language display (Eastman & Stein, 1993), of international products or companies that benefit from keeping their original or recognized global names. All product names in Table 5 are associated with a product that is an international brand and the use of English in the name is most certainly for language display in conjunction with brand recognition. If a global brand were to modify the product name too much it would be unrecognizable and thus lose its associations as a global product in the eyes of the consumer (Ustinova, 2008). There is no implicit comprehension expected 84 on the part of the reader of the English used in a product name, only an assumed recognition of the brand's associations as an international brand. It is important to note that the corpus for this project consisted of print advertising from Brazilian magazines with an assumed Brazilian readership, not an international readership, therefore, English proficiency is neither assumed nor required for the readers of ISTOÉ, Veja, or Época. As discussed by Baumgardner (2008) the use of English for a foreign product is to accentuate the high quality and elegance of the product, and English loanwords are not usually present in these instances of English use. The names of the brands in Table 5 could certainly be translated to Portuguese and thus be intelligible to the average Brazilian reader, yet these types of translations would more than likely be strange to the local consumer accustomed to seeing English in advertising and could possibly be a detriment to the product's brand recognition and consequently its success. The product names in Table 6 (See Appendix) are of Brazilian brands, and show similar motivations for language display in English as the international brands from the corpus, with the exception of the few instances of loan words that can be seen in some of the product names. It could be argued that these instances of English use are also for language display like most instances of English in product names but that a few of the product names use English borrowings that may have been familiar to those who coined them and therefore are also familiar to consumers. Sometimes the use of one English word that is not an established loanword, paired with a Portuguese one could assist with comprehension. For example, the bankcards Itaúcard and Bradesco Prime are from nationally recognized banks that use their names in conjunction with the English words card and prime. In these instances the English could be for language display to convey 85 the image of reliability and sophistication. There is little doubt that the primary use of English in these product names was motivated by the image that can be transmitted by the use of English, prime examples being Decanter Wine Show New World, Christmas Fair, Lilly's Closet, and H.Stern "My Collection"; all of which are brands that benefit from the image of sophistication and 'fetishization' (Kelly-Holmes, 2000) that is associated with English and thus with the brands. Body copy. The body copy of this study's corpus is all of the accompanying text that explains the product, along with the standing details such as contact information, which is sometimes considered part of the body copy and at other times separate from it. In this study the body copy includes these standing details and when the amount of English within the advertisements was counted, each part with English was counted only once per advertisement, and the number of words within each part was not counted individually. In the body copy of the advertisements in this study's corpus three types of information in English were found. 1) Ancillary Information about the company: "A Start Alliance Member" (TAM Airlines); "Master Swiss Chocolatier" (Lindt Lindor); "Empowering Brazilian Infrastructure" (Siemens Windmill Energy); 2) A single word or phrase that is a feature of the product or describes the product either in isolation or within a longer Portuguese explanation of the product: "tablet", "smartphone", "dual chip" (Oi Wireless Carrier); "frost free", "twin cooling" (refrigerator features at Ponto Frio appliance sale); "Optical Parking System", "Comfort Blinker" (Volkswagen Cross car) 3) Statement to motivate or inform consumer: 86 "Faça um test-drive" ("Take a test-drive", Jeep Grand Cherokee); "Disponível na App Store, Google Play" ("Available at the App Store, Google Play", Imovelweb- realty) Certain factors could contribute to the prevalence of English in the body copy of the advertisements in the corpus. The definition used for body copy is broad and includes parts that can also be considered the standing details, which were not separately enumerated in this study. It is also important to point out that there were no body copies that were long explanations of a product that were exclusively in English. All long explanations of products were mostly in Portuguese, with English loanwords or English terms within them, as well as many descriptions of product features that were in English. Many of these were for car advertisements, the type of product with the most instances of English within the corpus. Another significant connection that could be made to Bhatia's (2001) Structural Dependency Hierarchy is his explanation of the unlikely high occurrence of English in the body copy of advertisements as in the corpus of this study. Bhatia (2001) explains that ``if one finds the incidence of English in the main body of an ad, one can predict that all the domains of advertisement for that product are within the reach of English" (p. 207). This is very much the case for the advertisements in this study's corpus with incidents of English in the body copy. Of the 68 advertisements with English in the body copy, 46 of them also had English in different combinations of parts of the advertisements, as can be seen displayed in Table 7 (See Appendix). The use of English in the body copy shows a pattern of interdependence with the other parts of the advertisement. The English in the body copy is usually the name of something related to the product, which confirms that more English can be found in the names of products or 87 brands––whether in the main name of the product or in another product related to the main brand being advertised. A typical example of this is in advertisements for sales at electronic or appliance stores that feature the product included in the sales. In these types of advertisements the featured product contained English within their names or product descriptions. There were few cases that were outside of this norm, as in numbers 22, 53, and 54 in Table 7. These three examples show the use of English loanwords that are established in BP, which could also be a way of confirming Bhatia's claim. If the words are established within the local language, this could be interpreted as "within the reach of English" (p. 207). Headline. English occurred in 20% or in 29 of the total advertisements in the corpus. According to Imber and Toffler (1987) the headline is the most important element of an advertisement apart from the product's name, because it is the part that invites the reader to continue reading the advertisement, which is done using attention- getting words like "new", "amazing", or "revolutionary" (p. 226). By this definition it can be concluded that English in this corpus was used more often for symbolic language display purposes than for attracting readers' attention, due to the low numbers of English use in the headlines. However, the examples of advertisements with English in the headlines had occurrences of incorporated words within phrases or sentences, many of which could have been used for attention-getting purposes. Some typical examples from the corpus that used the representative methods of utilizing English in the headline are in the nine examples that follow. 1. In an advertisement for Oi, a wireless carrier, the headline "Conheça uma superoferta da Oi. Smartphones que podem até sair de graça." ("Get to know a super offer from Oi. 88 Smartphones that can even be for free.") is presented. This is an example of the use of the term smartphone, which is an instance of borrowing that has become part of the BP vocabulary. Because the emergence of smartphones is relatively new, so is the emergence of the usage of this term, which can also bring speculation about the consumer being targeted by advertisements for smartphones. With the readership of the magazines used for this study's corpus being made up of adults from a range of ages, and not necessarily younger readers, it can be concluded that the term smartphone is one that is familiar to readers over the age of 45, who comprise a large number of the magazines' readers. The use of this term in this adverstisement's headline is mostly because it is a loanword, and not an attention-getter used as language display, and moreover, the rest of the headline is also in BP. 2. The headline "Compre O Seu Samsung Galaxy S4 No Magazine Luiza." (Buy your Samsung Galaxy S4 at Magazine Luiza) is using the name of the mobile phone Galaxy S4 in its advertisement because the store's intention is to advertise the product, independent of the name that has been given to the mobile phone. Nevertheless, the name of this product has not been changed for the local Brazilian market, and this is most likely for language display. Because of the choice made by Samsung to keep the name Galaxy S4, the intention there is undoubtedly for the image of the product to appear global, sophisticated, reliable, and technologically advanced. 3. The following is a headline for the Mitsubishi Pajero Full. "Mitsubishi Pajero Full. Tecnologia de 2013." ("Mitsubishi Pajero Full. Technology from 2013.") The headline features the product's name as an attention-getter. The product's advertisement not only benefits from this through the placement of the name in the headline, but also because the 89 name is in English, which is used for language display. Because the term "full" is ambiguous when applied to a car, or could possibly signify that the vehicle is "fully loaded", it suggests that it is used symbolically with no presumed comprehension of the term from the reader. 4. The headline used by the bank, Santander, shows language display at its finest. "Santander: Eleito Pelo Financial Times, O Banco Mais Sustentável das Américas..." ("Santander: Elected by the Financial Times, The Most Sustainable Bank of the Americas"). This headline features the English name of the British English-language newspaper, Financial Times, as a method of "name dropping" as a way to emphasize the prestige of the bank and its influence as a global brand. Moreover, by mentioning the newspaper in the context of the bank being named the most sustainable bank by a prestigious publication such as that, it elevates the status of the bank twofold. 5. "FROM/DE FBR- família no Brasil TO/PARA FMO-família em Miami ou Orlando" ("FROM FBR family in Brazil TO FMO family in Miami or Orlando"). This use of language display by Gol, a Brazilian airline, is used in a subtle yet deliberate way. The insinuated message in this headline is that the reader is sophisticated and globalized enough to have family that lives in Miami or Orlando, and also makes use of English to emphasize this connection to globalization. 6. "FOX ROCK IN RIO" (VW Fox). Volkswagen makes use of the name of a popular music festival "Rock in Rio" to exhibit a headline with dual meaning. The use of Rock in Rio is language display, and the other meaning of the headline, that the Fox "rocks" is also language display. The word rock as a noun referring to the music genre is a long established loanword in BP. However, one of the slang usages used to describe "a person 90 that is great" as someone that "rocks" is slowly infiltrating into BP and may also soon become an established loanword. 7. The way that Plentitud Active uses the headline "é underwear" ("it's underwear") to promote its incontinence product, or adult diapers, it has consciously attempted to make an otherwise taboo or embarrassing product to some consumers appear more sophisticated and appealing. This use of English is an example of language display. 8. Range Rover and Tresemmé use a similar language display strategy in their advertising campaigns. The headlines "Novo Range Rover Vogue. Simply the Best." and "Novo Split Remedy" both utilize the Portuguese word for new, (novo) and have decided to use it as an attention-getting device. Both companies have chosen to use the local language for this word and to use English in the rest of the headline, as a strategy to get the reader's attention while using language display through English. 9. The advertisement for the magazine Dinheiro Rural uses the following headline: "Sua Empresa Não Nasceu Para Ser Commodity" (Your company wasn't born to be a commodity"). The term commodity is in English as a way to show the magazine's authoritative position in the business world by using a common business term for language display. Subheadline. When an advertisement contains English in a headline and a subheadline, sometimes the two usages are used to oppose one another. Because the purpose of a headline is to stand out to the reader as the first and sometimes only thing seen, the subheadline is for the consumers who choose to keep reading past the headline, and is explained by Imber and Toffler (1987) to be used for the purpose of expanding or adding new ideas to the headline. The corpus of this study had almost the same number 91 of occurrences of English in the subheadline as in the main headline, with 29 occurrences of English in the headline and 25 in the subheadline. It is possible that because the subheadline is technically a part of the headline that the attention-getting purpose for using English in the headline may also apply to the subheadline. The subheadline generally follows the headline and is sometimes written in smaller or different colored text from the main headline. Some examples below from the corpus are shown with the main headline followed by the underlined subheadline, to differentiate itself from the headline. 1) DÊ O MELHOR BARBEAR DE GILLETTE PARA O MELHOR PAI DO MUNDO: O SEU. NO DIA DOS PAIS, PRESENTEIE O SEU COM GILETTE FUSION PROGLIDE. (GIVE THE BEST SHAVE FROM GILLETTE TO THE BEST DAD IN THE WORLD: YOURS. ON FATHERS' DAY, GIVE YOURS GILLETTE FUSION PROGLIDE.) 2) QUANDO NENHUMA PALAVRA FOR SUFICIENTE PARA DESCREVER, USE UM SOM: CLICK. CANON. QUALIDADE PROFISSIONAL E FACILIDADE DE COMPACTA NO MESMO CLICK. (WHEN NO WORD IS SUFFICIENT TO DESCRIBE, USE A SOUND: CLICK. CANON. PROFESSIONAL QUALITY WITH THE EASE OF A COMPACT IN THE SAME CLICK.) 3) Advertisement for TRESemmé: DOMINE OS SEUS CABELOS. CONTROLE DE FRIZZ POR ATÉ 48 HORAS. (DOMINATE YOUR HAIR. FRIZZ CONTROL FOR UP TO 48 HOURS.) The aforementioned examples feature typical subheadlines. Only 17% of the advertisements with English featured it within the subheadline. The first subheadline example for Gillette Fusion Proglide features the name of the product in the subheadline, and the other two examples feature the loanwords click and frizz. The use of both click and frizz are cleverly used, in that BP features the well established loanwords, clique and 92 frisado, both example of a loanwords that contain sounds and suffixation (in the use of - ado) that have undergone substitution (Kennedy, 1971), but have kept their original forms in these subheadlines. The original English words are so similar to the commonly used loanwords in both spelling and lexical meaning that by keeping them in their original forms advertisers benefit from using English for its image while also ensuring that the chosen words are intelligible to readers. Moreover, the use of frizz in its noun form is also as commonly used as frisado in its adjective form, which is the equivalent of the English word frizzy. For the first two examples, the English use in the subheadline is also used in the headline. The English use in these cases is to support and further strengthen the claim made by the headline. For the third example, the introduction of the word frizz is also to support the statement made by the headline, which claims the product's effectiveness at controlling one's hair. In addition, as a visual method for supporting the headline, the subheadline in all three examples is written in smaller print than the headline. The use of incorporated words is utilized by all three subheadlines, for the last two examples the English use is supported by the headline and subheadline, which contain sufficient Portuguese to make the uses of English intelligible. The first example, on the other hand, does not contain English that is necessarily intelligible, but the use of English in this case is more for language display. The name Gillette denotes a quality product in the Brazilian market, so much that the generic name for a razor in Brazil is commonly referred to as a gillette. Slogan. Slogans were the parts of the corpus with the fewest occurrences of English in the advertisements. There were a total of nineteen occurrences of English use 93 in slogans, which is only 13% of the advertisements. Of these nineteen slogans, there were many that also occurred several times throughout the different magazines. For example, there were several advertisements for Hyundai, Dell, and HP within the corpus all of which used the same slogan for all of their products, a common tactic for brand identification and continuity (Imber & Toffler, 1987). The slogans from the corpus were all for global brands and were all made up of memorable taglines such as the following: Find New Roads (Chevrolet) New Thinking, New Possibilities (Hyundai) The Power to do more (Dell) Make it Matter (HP) Kia Soul- The Power to Surprise Tissot T-Race Watch- In Touch With Your Time Ford- Go Further-global Are you? (Dodge Durango) Western Union- Moving Money Fast (Moving Money for Better) The slogans used by these companies are similar in tone and mark their brands as global, regardless of their origin. As explained by Piller (2001) "the language used in the slogan of an advertisement becomes the language of the advertisement’s ‘master voice,’ the voice that expresses authority and expertise" (p. 160). It is because of this that one may expect more frequent occurrences of English in the slogans of advertisements hoping to express this type of authority. It should also be noted that of the above examples, all of the slogans except two were easily located and identified as the standing slogans used by these products on a global level. Of those examples, the two slogans that could not be 94 found with an Internet search, and were perhaps slogans that have been globalized for the Brazilian market were for Western Union, the slogan "Moving Money Fast" could not be located, and instead the slogan that came up several times was "Moving Money for Better", a more linguistically complex slogan that perhaps was judged too confusing for an international market. Moreover, the slogan "Are you?", which was the advertisement for the Dodge Durango, also could not be located with an Internet search. Instead, the slogan that stands in consistently for Dodge cars is "Grab Life by the Horns", which may have also been judged to be too linguistically complex for a global market. As can be observed from all of the slogans, they are all simple phrases intelligible enough to be featured in global advertising, even with comprehension being of secondary importance. 95  CHAPTER 4 Part 2: The Survey Research Design This project depends upon the interdependence and coherence of two parts. The first part looked only at the advertisements but the second part emerged from it; there, I offered a glimpse into how a small sample of Brazilians' attitudes towards English use in advertising can be used to make conclusions about the role of their comprehension of English in advertising as connected to the attitudes they displayed. To determine the position of English in advertising within the norms proposed by the tenets of language display, World Englishes, and semiotics, I looked at advertisements as examples; I also wanted to understand how some of the people targeted by the advertisements might have felt about such uses. In this part of the research project I will also explain the origin of my curiosity about English and advertising in Brazil. A carefully planned survey of a large amount of data can measure attitudes in a reasonably accurate and objective manner (Dörnyei, 2003). My survey used carefully constructed, closed-ended questions, which limited the possibility of subjective analyses of attitudes and translations. By providing the participants with a majority of this type of question, I was able to keep coding and tabulation as objective as possible. The one open- ended question that was provided for the participants could arguably also be viewed as closed-ended if the participants simply provided one -word positive or negative responses. This part of the project was predominantly quantitative in nature, due to the established variables that were enumerated in order to carry out an analysis that examined the relationships between two main variables: attitudes and comprehension (Dörnyei, 2003). There were also qualitative elements incorporated in this project, that were utilized 96 for the purpose of providing anecdotal descriptions of reactions that participants shared about the elements of the advertisements featured in this project. This project is based on data collected in the summer of 2012 in Minas Gerais, Brazil. The first part of this project was outlined in the previous chapter in the analysis of the magazine corpus. This portion of the study was conducted as a means to supplement the data that was collected in the previous section. The following sections contain the design of this survey, the results, and the analysis of those results. Participants. In the second part of this study, survey data was collected from volunteers from groups of students from three branches of a language school in Minas Gerais, Brazil, in the summer of 2012. One of the branches of the language school offers weeklong English immersion courses for adult professionals from all over Brazil, but mostly from the south and southeast regions of Brazil. The other two branches offer regular night courses for local students of all ages. There were 69 participants, participants being the term that will be used to reference the students that volunteered to partake in this study, of which 24 were females and 45 were males. These participants consisted of the following age ranges: Age Range Number of Participants 18-24 35 25-31 11 32-38 10 39-45 9 46-52 4 Total number of participants ⇒ 69 97  Due to the voluntary nature of this study, the ages of the participants were more concentrated in the lower age ranges, particularly the 18-24 age range, because the participants that were available and make up the larger part of the student body of the language institute night classes, are college-aged students taking courses to improve their English for instrumental purposes. The participants were all students of English that self- indentified their proficiency levels, all of them based on their class placements within the language institute. There were 27 basic level students, 31 intermediate students, and 12 advanced students. Though the goal was to include a more evenly distributed representation of English proficiency levels, the comprehension of the tasks in which the participants partook did not require specific proficiency levels, therefore this factor was not considered a hindrance to the goals of this study. The participants were also highly educated, with 17 participants holding post-graduate degrees of some sort, 17 participants holding Bachelor's degrees, 31 who were attending university, and 2 holding high school diplomas. A detailed table with this demographic data can be found in the Appendix. Product names for advertisements. The advertisements that were created for this portion of the study were for four different types of products. All four of the advertisements were for fictional products. One was "Sandy's Hamburgers"; another was for a tablet, called the "Ion Tablet"; the third was for orange juice called "Suco de Laranja California" (California Orange Juice); the last was for jeans called "Custom Jeans". The use of four fictional products had to do with my intention to avoid the possibility of participants being presented with products that were familiar to them. I decided this to avoid the possibility of participants being influenced by their previously formulated associations and opinions of already established or "real" products when 98 being asked to describe their impressions of them. The four products were intentionally created for four diverse products, with the expectation that this would elicit different kinds of impressions from the participants who were from a variety of ages, educational backgrounds, professions, and places of residence. Moreover, the names created for the products were carefully chosen after examining real advertisements for comparable products. The use of the name "Sandy" in "Sandy's Hamburgers" was for the purpose of being consistent with associations Brazilians may have with hamburgers as a representation of American food, and the name Sandy having a stereotypically "all- American" feel to it, much like "Wendy's" or the Brazilian hamburger restaurant "Bob's". The tablet name "Ion" was selected for the associations that the word ion has with something technologically advanced. The use of the name "California" for the name of the orange juice was also selected to give a feeling of Americanism. Although much of the world's orange juice is from Brazil, California also has stereotypical associations of warm weather, beaches, and fresh fruit such as oranges. The last product name, "Custom Jeans", was selected upon seeing that many jeans had similar sounding names that give impressions of high quality, personalization, and style. Furthermore, the choice to have English or "Anglo" associations in the names of the products was also carefully considered depending on the product. The only product that used a Portuguese name was suco de laranja (orange juice), since I judged that not all the participants would have proficiency levels advanced enough to know what orange juice meant in English. The other three products: jeans, a tablet, and hamburgers are all loanwords that are established enough in BP, and should be familiar to the participants. This was the reason for the decision to keep these product names in English; to further establish the associations that 99 the participants had with the products they were asked to evaluate. Images used in advertisements. The choice to use images with the advertisements was carefully considered for the roles that these images could possibly play in the comprehension and attitudes of the participants. Real advertisements almost always feature images of some sort; therefore, the choice to include images was made so that participants would regard the products as they would real products. The images selected were real color photographs of the products featured in this research project and were purposely simple and clean, in an attempt to not distract the participants from the purpose of the tasks presented to them. Furthermore, the use of images provided contextualization for the participants, especially for those with levels of English proficiency that could benefit from the context clues provided as a strategy for comprehension of the English that was be presented to them (Peregoy & Boyle, 2013). All of the images used were retrieved from the website freedigitalphotos.net, were cited at the bottom of the survey, and approved for use by the Office of Research Integrity and Assurance. Slogans used in advertisements. The four slogans that were used for the advertisements are the following: 1) A Better Idea 2) Wearing Is Believing 3) Sheer Eating Pleasure 4) Once Drunk, Forever Smitten These four slogans vary in difficulty levels. The first two slogans (1, 2) were coded as "easy to understand" and the last two (3, 4) were coded as "difficult to 100 understand". The difficulty levels of the slogans were based on the difficulty levels that were determined for almost identical slogans used in a study by Hornikx et al. (2010). Hornikx et al. (2010) conducted pretests to determine the difficulty of the slogans created for their own research project in the Netherlands. The following describes the process undergone by Hornikx et al. (2010): As there are no objective criteria for determining the difficulty of a foreign language utterance, actual consumer response was measured. In a pretest, 36 Dutch participants (age: M = 29.33, SD = 8.76) translated 18 authentic English slogans from car advertisements. Six slogans were selected for inclusion in the main experiment based on the number of correct translations into Dutch. Three slogans that were translated in accordance with the researchers’ translation by the majority of the participants were considered “easy”: “A better idea,” “Driving is believing,” and “Find your own road.” Three slogans that were incorrectly translated by the majority of the participants were considered “difficult”: “Relieve gas pains,” “Sheer driving pleasure,” and “Once driven, forever smitten. (p. 8) From the above slogans featured in the study conducted by Hornikx et al. (2010), four slogans were selected or altered for this study. The two slogans that were determined to be "easy to understand" were "A Better Idea", which remained like the original slogan and "Driving is Believing", which became "Wearing is Believing". The other two slogans that were altered were “Once Driven, Forever Smitten”, which became "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten" and "Sheer Driving Pleasure", which became "Sheer Eating Pleasure". These last two slogans were selected and adapted for this study from 101 the researchers' slogans that were considered "difficult". In adapting the slogans for this study, the only modifications that were made were with lexical items, so as to keep the slogans in their designated difficulty levels. In this case, the three revisions that were made were in similar types of verbs as the ones that were used in the original slogans, making it so that driving became wearing, driven became drunk, and driving, in another slogan, became eating. The choice to use slogans as a way to show English in advertising was based on two factors. The first was the most apparent; slogans were used because this portion of the study was inspired by the study done in by Hornikx et al. (2010), which measured the appreciation of English slogans of Dutch participants. In order to partially replicate that study, the use of not only slogans, but also slogans based on those researchers’ slogans was applied here. The second factor that allowed me to decide to use English slogans rather than headlines or another part of an advertisement, had to do with the intention of utilizing the directness and authority that are associated with slogans (Piller, 2001). How participants' attitudes were measured. For the first set of questions, a four-point Likert scale was used in order to compare the responses of the participants in a systematic fashion. The following questions, which were given to the participants in Portuguese, were included after each of the four advertisements featured, and are listed here in English. All of the text written in Portuguese in the surveys was written by me, then given to a bilingual English-Portuguese speaker with native-level written proficiency in both languages, who revised and backtranslated the text for accuracy and for approval from the Institutional Review Board. Each advertisement was followed by the ensuing set of directions and attitudinal questions. 102 Select the words that describe your impression of the slogan above (Using 1=Strongly Disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3 =Agree, 4 = Strongly Agree- please select only one number for each of the descriptions chosen) 1 2 3 4 Glamorous: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sensual: ___ ___ ___ ___ Cosmopolitan: ___ ___ ___ ___ Elegant: ___ ___ ___ ___ Happy: ___ ___ ___ ___ Fun: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sad: ___ ___ ___ ___ Modern: ___ ___ ___ ___ Arrogant: ___ ___ ___ ___ Irritating: ___ ___ ___ ___ Poetic: ___ ___ ___ ___ Nice: ___ ___ ___ ___ Strange: ___ ___ ___ ___ Tacky: ___ ___ ___ ___ The use of the above adjectives was partly modeled after a study conducted by Gerritsen et al. (2000) on the attitudes of Dutch participants to English in advertisements. The researchers explained their choices for the adjectives that were used to elicit the attitudes of the participants in the following way: 103  These adjectives were chosen because they are often used in discussions on the use of English in Dutch texts. Four of these adjectives can be qualified as positive ("poetic," "easy going," "functional," and "sympathetic") and four as negative ("irritating," "superfluous," "affected," and "arrogant"). A one on the five-point scale stood for "I agree completely" and a five for "I do not agree at all". (p. 23) Many of the adjectives selected for this particular study (glamorous, sensual, cosmopolitan, elegant, happy, fun, modern, nice) were chosen as examples of some of the attitudes associated with the English language in several studies (Overdotter Alm, 2003; Bhatia, 1992, 2001; Kelly-Holmes, 2005; Piller, 2001) and for the associations made with the symbolic uses of languages in advertisements (Haarmaann, 1989; Kelly-Holmes, 2000, 2005; Piller, 2001; Ray, Ryder, & Scott, 1991). Because these studies found that there are several positive associations that have been made with English use in advertising, it justified the choice to include more positive adjectives than negative ones. Furthermore, three of the adjectives were also borrowed from the above referenced study conducted by Gerritsen et al. (2000), two of them for being negative (arrogant, irritating), and the other (poetic) because it was perceived as a word that could elicit interesting results from the participants' attitudes about whether or not English use in a Brazilian context is considered poetic. Negative attitudes were also evident through the selections the participants made using the 4-point scale. Possible negative attitudes towards English in the advertisements were mostly displayed if the participants selected "1" (strongly disagree) or "2" (disagree) for adjectives with positive associations. Other adjectives (sad, strange, tacky) were selected to give participants the opportunity to 104 assess the advertisements in these negative ways, without feeling that they were not given the option to do so explicitly. On the other hand, to reiterate a previous point, even if I had not included any negative adjectives it was apparent when participants believed something was, for example, "tacky" by selecting that they "strongly disagree" that the slogan presented to them was "elegant". In other words, negative attitudes were easily apparent from the choices selected on the Likert scale. Considerations for the use of a four-point Likert scale. The decision to use a four-point scale, or a forced Likert scale, rather than a five-point Likert scale, was made in order to eliminate the possibility of neutral answers. Thus, attitudes towards products were selected based on the agreement or disagreement towards the descriptions, without the option of a neutral choice of indifference towards the English in the advertisements presented. Garland (1991) concluded the following upon examining the desirability of a mid-point on a rating scale: this research provides some evidence that social desirability bias, arising from respondents' desires to please the interviewer or appear helpful or not be seen to give what they perceive to be a socially unacceptable answer, can be minimized by eliminating the mid-point ('neither... nor', uncertain etc.) category from Likert scales. (p. 3) In making the decision to not provide a neutral choice to participants came the consideration that by not being given the option to not agree or disagree, the participants could possibly feel coerced or manipulated to select the only choices provided to them, and with this, a possible limitation could show itself in this study. 105  How comprehension was measured. Following the questions concerning attitudes, the survey contained three more questions, two of them pertaining to the participants' comprehension of the English used in each advertisement. The two questions used to measure the participants' comprehension levels were the following: 1) Are you able to translate the English in the advertisement? Yes___ No___ I don't know___ 2) What do you think is meant by the English in the advertisement? These two questions were included with the intention of gauging what Hornikx et al. (2010) call 'perceived' and 'actual' comprehension. The first question asked participants if they were able to translate the English in the advertisement, this being the 'perceived comprehension': by answering this question there would still be no proof whether the participants could or could not translate the slogans simply by answering 'yes' or 'no'. The second question was included as a way to give concrete evidence of whether participants could translate the slogan: what they thought was meant by the English in the slogan. The way the participants translated the slogans was used to measure their 'actual comprehension', which was readily detected from the accuracy of their translations; in order for participants to be rated as having comprehended the slogan in question, they had to translate it with exact accuracy. Any translations that approached accuracy but lacked parts of the slogan that communicated the nuanced meanings of the slogans were marked as inaccurate. This decision was based on the need for accuracy in quantifying the data, and was motivated by my intention to be truly objective. Discussions about the words in the slogans that proved to be difficult to participants are examined in the results and data analysis portions of this chapter. 106  Open-ended question. Following the comprehension questions, one last question was included after each of the four advertisements: "Do you think that consumers would be inclined to buy a product with this type of slogan?" This question intended to elicit more open-ended responses. Furthermore, it gave participants one last opportunity to evaluate the effectiveness of the English in a given slogan in persuading consumers to purchase the advertised product. Participants could simply state 'yes' or 'no' or could elaborate on their answers for this particular question. The demographic data. The last page the participants were asked to fill out on the survey was a brief demographic questionnaire that asked participants to indicate the following: nationality, place of residence, gender, age, education level, and profession. They were also asked to specify whether they had ever spent time living outside of Brazil, and if yes, where and the amount of time they spent living there. Lastly, they were also prompted to indicate their English proficiency level, experience with the English language, other language(s) spoken other than Portuguese and English and their experience with the language(s). Results Table 8 shows the results for the participants' 'perceived' and 'actual' comprehension of the slogans featured in the advertisements for this portion of the study. The four slogans were not equally comprehended. The two easy slogans were correctly translated at a higher rate than the difficult slogans. Across the four slogans there were 113 total responses that showed positive responses for 'perceived comprehension' paired with incorrect translations of the slogans. This showed an inverse relationship between 107 the 'perceived' and 'actual' comprehension with the highest occurrence, but also showed that none of the participants provided correct translations when they answered "no" for ‘perceived comprehension’. Therefore, although the highest number of participants believed they could translate the slogans but were not actually able to do so, 72 of the responses across the four slogans also showed that when the participants believed they could not translate the slogans, they were correct in their beliefs. In most of the cases where participants were unsure whether they could translate the slogans, it was because they could not. On the other hand, seven participants were able to translate one of the easy slogans, "Wearing is Believing", after indicating that they were unsure if they could. 108 TABLE 8 Perceived and Actual Comprehension of Slogans Comprehension Easy Slogan Easy Difficult Difficult Slogan Slogan Slogan Perceived/Actual A Better Idea Wearing Sheer Once Drunk, is Eating Forever Believing Pleasure Smitten Yes/Correct translation 5 14 2 1 Yes/Incorrect or no 45 22 23 23 translation Unsure/Correct translation 0 7 0 0 Unsure/Incorrect or no 9 6 20 23 translation No/Incorrect or no 10 20 23 19 translation No/Correct Translation 0 0 0 0 TOTAL Responses 69 69 68 66 *Different totals denote 0 left blank 0 left 1 left blank 3 left blank blank responses by blank participants Note: Perceived comprehension- yes, no, unsure= response to question, "Can you translate the slogan in the advertisement?" 109  Table 9 shows the results of the attitudes of participants towards the slogans in the advertisements featured in this part of the study. Table 9 shows results for the first research question, which asked if participants are more likely to have positive attitudes towards advertisements with 'easy to understand' slogans rather than 'difficult to understand' slogans. Table 9 shows the number of responses that were selected for the four points on the Likert scale. The attitudinal adjectives were organized in the table by showing the adjectives from the survey that were associated with positive attitudes first, followed by the adjectives associated with negative attitudes. The overall results showed that more participants had positive rather than negative attitudes towards the slogans, but did not have a high propensity to 'strongly agree' with the positive attitudes either. Of the four slogans, the one that was received most positively was one of the easy slogans, "A Better Idea". This was followed by one of the difficult slogans "Sheer Eating Pleasure", followed by an easy slogan "Wearing is Believing", and lastly the other difficult slogan "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten". Although the highest number of positive attitudes was towards an easy slogan, the second highest number of positive attitudes was towards a difficult slogan, with the attitudes towards the other two––one easy and one difficult––not showing significant differences in the number of participants that held positive attitudes as related to difficulty of slogan. Thus, with the exception of the slogan "A Better Idea", it cannot be concluded that the difficulty of the slogans played a significant role in the participants' attitudes towards them. A more elaborate discussion of these results is offered in the data analysis section of this portion of the study. 110 Table 9 Participants' Attitudes Towards Slogans Choices on Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree Likert Scale ⇒ Slogans*⇒ A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D Attitudes⇓ Glamorous 10 15 17 19 16 21 20 28 28 21 20 13 13 5 8 3 Sensual 29 13 48 31 27 31 9 25 10 14 8 9 2 5 2 0 Cosmopolitan 13 11 19 19 24 28 12 24 21 20 26 16 7 5 6 3 Elegant 6 5 16 11 10 29 21 28 42 25 18 20 13 5 10 3 Happy 8 9 5 7 19 23 11 18 40 26 35 27 4 6 12 10 Fun 9 15 7 13 30 25 17 25 25 20 30 23 6 4 11 2 Modern 3 9 7 12 7 24 23 34 30 28 23 14 23 6 13 3 Poetic 30 32 44 32 16 18 16 21 16 12 5 7 4 0 1 2 Nice 3 9 7 4 8 14 14 16 48 40 41 41 8 2 5 3 Positive 111 118 170 148 157 213 143 219 260 206 206 170 80 38 68 29 Adjectives TOTALS Strange 40 22 36 29 24 30 21 23 0 9 6 9 3 2 2 4 Tacky 42 23 33 22 24 28 25 23 2 10 5 13 1 3 3 4 Sad 35 30 47 34 21 29 14 20 5 4 2 9 2 2 2 0 Arrogant 39 28 37 36 26 31 24 24 1 4 2 4 2 0 3 0 Irritating 41 32 42 41 22 28 9 21 3 2 5 2 2 0 2 0 Negative 197 135 195 162 117 146 93 111 11 29 20 37 10 7 12 8 Adjectives TOTALS (* Note: Letters correspond to the following slogans: A = "A Better Idea", B = "Wearing Is Believing", C = "Sheer Eating Pleasure", D = "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten") 111  In Table 10 the participants' comprehension of the slogans as they related to their attitudes towards the slogans are displayed. Though there were not considerable differences in the low levels of comprehension shown by the participants, the two 'easy slogans' had higher numbers of comprehension, with "A Better Idea" being translated correctly by 7% of the participants and "Wearing is Believing" with a much higher level of comprehension had 30% of the participants translating it correctly. The other two difficult slogans were translated correctly by only 3% for "Sheer Eating Pleasure" and 2% for "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten". Table 10 Comprehension and Attitudes Towards Slogans Slogans Attitudes Type Slogan Correctly Positive Negative Translated Easy A Better 7% 69% 31% Idea Wearing is 30% 59% 41% Believing Difficult Sheer Eating 3% 62% 38% Pleasure Once Drunk, 2% 53% 47% Forever Smitten (Note: Percentages for attitudes were calculated by combining the answers from the Likert scale, depending on whether they showed positive or negative attitudes) In order for the translations to be considered correct, the participants had to translate the slogans with 100% accuracy. There were several instances of translations for all four slogans that were close approximations, but in order to be consistent across the four slogans, only translations that captured the messages accurately were considered 112 correct. Some translations that were considered close approximations are some of the following examples: 1) For "A Better Idea": "uma boa ideia" ("a good idea") was provided by 15 participants; "a melhor ideia" ("the best idea") was provided by 20 participants. 2) For "Wearing is Believing": "usando e acreditando" ("wearing and believing") was provided by 5 participants; "você pode se acreditar" ("you can if you believe") and "vestindo estará livre"("wearing you will be free") were provided by one participant each; "acreditando no conforto" ("believing in comfort") was provided by 2 participants. 3) For "Sheer Eating Pleasure" there were a number of translations provided. The first was "prazer em comer" ("pleasure in eating"), which was provided by 21 participants; different variations of "sanduíche bom/saboroso/gostoso" ("good/tasty/delicious sandwich") were provided by 11 participants; "prove/experimente o hamburguer" ("try the hamburger") was provided by 8 participants; "momento de diversão" ("moment of entertainment") was provided by 3 participants, and one participant translated the slogan as "comer puramente" ("eat purely"). There were three instances where the participants mistook the word sheer to mean share and one instance of a participant that took sheer to mean cheer. 4) For "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten" there were 8 participants that provided variations of the translation "nunca será esquecido" or "uma bebida inesquecível", which both reference a drink that "will never be forgotten" or is "unforgettable". Nevertheless, these results did not show a substantial relationship between the role comprehension played in determining the attitudes displayed by participants. The results did show that the attitudes displayed by participants were more positive than 113 negative, in enumerating the overall perceptions selected from the Likert scale of the survey. However, the results were also not considerably higher for positive attitudes than negative attitudes. This is an issue that will be discussed further in the data analysis to follow. In answering the second research question, which asked whether Brazilians feel inclined to purchase products with English in their slogans, the participants were asked, "Do you think consumers would be inclined to purchase a product with this type of slogan?" on their surveys. The results to this question can be found in Table 11. The results show that participants felt favorably towards the inclination of Brazilian consumers to purchase the products based on their uses of English slogans. As can be seen in Table 11, for all four slogans, the participants answered, "yes", with more frequency than "no" or "unsure". Although more participants provided positive responses for this question, the two slogans that showed the highest number of negative attitudes from participants were, "Wearing is Believing" and "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten" (see Table 10). When looking to Table 11, it can be seen that those two slogans were also the two slogans with the most number of participants that believe that consumers would not be inclined to purchase the product advertised, showing a connection between negative attitudes and participants' negative responses for consumers' inclinations to purchase a product. 114 Table 11 Consumer Inclination to Purchase Products with Slogans Featured in Advertisements Slogan Yes No Unsure Total A Better Idea 39 11 7 57 Wearing is 35 23 7 65 Believing Sheer Eating 53 9 4 66 Pleasure Once Drunk, 35 20 8 63 Forever Smitten Data Analysis 'Perceived comprehension' and attitudes. English is used in advertising for its appeal to global consumers; intelligibility of English uses and the comprehension of lexical items are of secondary importance (Piller, 2001; Kelly-Holmes, 2000). In examining the results of this study, it can be said that there is not a noteworthy link between the participants’ comprehension of the slogans' messages and their attitudes towards the slogans; the participants appeared to have positive attitudes towards the slogans regardless of whether they understood them or not. Nevertheless, there was a strong propensity for participants to have a high ‘perceived comprehension’ of the slogans, which shows a possible link between what consumers believe they understand and the likelihood that the advertisements will appeal to them. The participants' mostly positive attitudes towards the slogans and their high tendency to believe that they understood them could or could not be considered a critical connection, but is certainly worthy of speculation and discussion. 115  The slogan towards which the participants held the most positive attitudes, "A Better Idea", with 69% of the attitudes displayed being positive, was one which only 7% of the participants were able to translate correctly. On the other hand, 50 out of 69 of the participants thought they could translate the slogan and 9 were unsure if they could. Of those 59 participants who believed they could translate the slogan or were unsure, only 5 were actually able to translate the slogan accurately. This could be revealing the connection between readers' perceptions of an advertisement––that they believe they understood its message––and their attitudes towards the advertisement in question. If the participants believed they understood the message of the slogan, they were more likely to have positive attitudes towards it. More evidence of this can be seen in the results of the remaining slogans. For the slogan "Wearing is Believing", 36 out of the 67 participants that answered that question believed they could translate the slogan, 13 were unsure if they could and 59% of the participants showed positive attitudes towards the slogan. For "Sheer Eating Pleasure", of the 69 participants, 25 believed they could translate the slogan, and 20 were unsure, with 62% of the participants showing a positive attitude towards the slogan. Though this particular slogan showed a slightly higher percentage of participants with a majority of positive attitudes towards the slogan, the ‘perceived comprehension’ was lower than for the two easy slogans and the 20 participants that showed their uncertainty by indicating they were 'unsure' if they could translate the slogan had more participants than those that indicated they could not translate the slogan at all. The other difficult slogan, "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten", also had 24 participants (of the 66 that answered this question) that indicated 'yes' for their ‘perceived comprehension’ and 23 that indicated they were 'unsure'. For this slogan, 53% of the 116 participants indicated mostly positive attitudes, showing that for this particular slogan there were fewer positive attitudes than the other three slogans, but that the participants, nonetheless, still indicated more positive attitudes than negative. Overall, for all four slogans, there were more participants with high ‘perceived comprehension’ than not, as well as more participants with positive attitudes than not. If a link was to be made with these two results, it could be speculated that because more participants believed they understood the slogans they were reading, they also had more positive impressions of those slogans. In the Dutch study that inspired this one, Hornikx et al. (2010) found (similarly to this study) that "the perception people have of difficulty of an English slogan may be more important for their appreciation of the English slogan than their actual ability to paraphrase the slogan correctly" (p. 183). Moreover, Hornikx et al. (2010) also found that the ‘perceived comprehension’ of their slogans had a greater effect on determining their participants' appreciation of the slogans than whether or not the slogans were easy or difficult. Furthermore, though Hornikx et al. (2010) found that their participants appreciated slogans that were considered 'easy' at higher rates than the ones that were considered 'difficult', these differences were very small. Hornikx et al. (2010) speculated that the slogans' characteristics could have an effect on their participants' appreciation more than the difficulty of the slogans. Based on the results of this study, there is not enough evidence to make similar definitive statements about the slogans investigated. Furthermore, regardless of the careful planning that took place in adapting the original slogans from the study conducted by Hornikx et al. (2010) for this particular study, this did not guarantee that the slogans remained within the same difficulty levels as the 117 original slogans. Therefore, this was an important factor that was kept in mind in analyzing the participants' impressions of the slogans as related to the slogans' levels of difficulty. Nevertheless, the slogans with the two highest numbers of positive attitudes were an "easy" one, "A Better Idea" (69% positive attitudes) and a "difficult" one, "Sheer Eating Pleasure" (62% positive attitudes). Perhaps the participants were attracted to these slogans because of the products advertised or by other unknown factors, which could explain the higher number of positive attitudes, which were also not significantly higher than the results for the other two slogans. The slogans themselves did not show significant differences in 'actual comprehension' that would set them apart from the other two slogans, while "A Better Idea" did show a high number of participants that had high 'perceived comprehension' (50/69); but "Sheer Eating Pleasure" did not differ greatly from the other two slogans in 'perceived comprehension'. 'Actual comprehension' and attitudes. Because there were very few participants who translated the slogans correctly, their attitudes towards the slogans could offer important insights for the overall picture of the analysis of the overarching question: "does comprehension of English affect Brazilians' attitudes towards the use of English in advertising?" None of the participants were able to translate all four of the slogans correctly. There were 22 participants who were able to translate any combination of the four slogans correctly. Of these participants, 15 had 'perceived comprehension' that indicated that they believed they could translate the slogan while 7 of them were unsure that they could. Though previous discussion indicates that an affirmative answer for 'perceived comprehension' is very clearly not an indicator for a correct translation in the 118  'actual comprehension', for the most part the participants who were able to translate the slogans correctly were confident of this possibility. The survey results of these participants can be seen Table 9 and Table 10, which show that there were more participants with positive attitudes across the four slogans but that there were still quite a few that displayed negative attitudes, as well. In considering results for the attitudinal adjectives with positive associations (i.e. glamorous, sensual, cosmopolitan, elegant, happy, fun, modern, poetic, and nice) I found that the results showed higher numbers of participants with negative attitudes that selected "Strongly Disagree" and "Disagree" in higher rates than the combined numbers of participants that selected "Strongly Agree" and "Agree" for these attitudes. However, the attitudinal adjectives with negative associations (i.e. strange, tacky, sad, arrogant, and irritating) showed very low numbers of participants that selected "Strongly Agree" and "Agree" for these attitudes, with a much larger number of participants that selected "Strongly Disagree" and "Disagree" for these attitudes. It was due to the participants' very strong inclinations to disagree that the slogans in the survey represented the negatively associated adjectives presented to them that the overall results showed more positive attitudes than negative attitudes. Translations that were provided. Apart from "Wearing is Believing", the other three slogans had very few correct translations from which to make any conclusions about the connection between 'actual comprehension' and attitudes. What can be concluded about why so few participants were able to translate the other slogans is likely to have something to do with certain lexical items within the slogans. As discussed in the 'Results' section, there were a number of translations given by participants that were very 119 close in meaning to the actual slogans, and others that showed words that were mistakenly perceived to be other more familiar words. Table 12 outlines the lexical items that were frequently observed as having interfered with the participants' 'actual comprehension'. Table 12 Common Slogan Translations Provided by Participants Slogan with difficult Common incorrect English Definition lexical item underlined translation A Better Idea 1) "A melhor ideia" "The best idea" Wearing is Believing 1) "Usando e acreditando" "Wearing and believing" Sheer Eating Pleasure 1) Prazer em comer" 1) "Pleasure in 2) Variations of Sanduíche eating"/"Eating pleasure" gostoso" 2) "Delicious sandwich" 3) "Prove o sanduíche" 3) "Try the sandwich" Once Drunk, Forever 1) "Uma bebida 1) "An unforgettable Smitten inesquecível" drink" 2) "Drink it once 2) "Beba uma vez e sempre and you will always queira" want it" For the slogan "A Better Idea", the lexical item that was closely translated was "better", which many participants translated incorrectly in terms of the type of noun they used. Instead of "better" many participants wrote "best". In order for the translation to be considered correct it would have to look like the following: 120 Correct translation: Uma Ideia Melhor A (feminine article) idea (noun) Better (comparative adjective) Although the word melhor is used to indicate both "better" and "best" in BP, the difference between the two would be indicated through the syntactic order of which the items are placed as well as through the use of the article "a" (feminine article- the) to indicate that something is "the best" at the superlative level and the use of melhor to signify "better" in a comparative manner by placing the adjective after the noun. Though the article "a" would translate as the BP article um (masculine)/uma (feminine), several participants nevertheless translated it as "a", the feminine article for "the". There appears no legitimate linguistic explanation for the error seen in "wearing is believing", with the only possible explanation having to do with the participants' perceptions that it is structurally awkward. Perhaps the participants felt perplexed upon seeing this slogan and speculated that it could not signify what was written, and that, perhaps, "is" functioned in a different manner. This is one speculative argument, of course, as there appears to be no concrete explanation for the mistake except the lack of comprehension that was displayed by the participants' inability to translate the slogan correctly. An unforeseen difficulty that I confronted as a researcher was my familiarity with the structure of the Portuguese language. Though I have always looked to my multilingualism as an indispensable tool for research of this type, the translations that were provided proved to be the most difficult part of this project to adhere strictly to the objectivity required to employ the survey method. To understand where the participants' 121 errors came from I was forced to comply strictly with my translation guidelines that called for 100% accuracy for translations, without making any exceptions for translations that could have been viewed as acceptable approximations. Consumer inclination to buy products. For the second research question, which asked if Brazilians felt inclined to purchase products with English in their slogans, the participants were asked, after the prompts related to the first research question, to answer the question: "do you think that consumers would be inclined to purchase a product with this type of slogan?” Those results are displayed in Table 11 and show that more participants answered this question favorably for all four slogans. The two slogans with the highest favorable answers were "A Better Idea", with 39 participants that indicated that consumers would be inclined to purchase the product and "Sheer Eating Pleasure", with 53. These two slogans were also those with the most positive attitudes. This could be seen as one indicator of the connection between the participants' attitudes and their views about what makes a product worth purchasing. It should be noted that the other two slogans did not show numbers that were much lower, with "Wearing is Believing" and "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten" both having 35 participants that indicated that consumers should purchase the products based on their slogans. However, it should also be noted that concerning these two slogans there were also moderately high numbers of participants who did not believe consumers should purchase the products based on their slogans, with 23 for "Wearing is Believing" and 20 for "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten". Of the 69 participants, 31 of them offered additional information when considering the question of consumers' inclinations to purchase the products because of 122 the slogans featured. There were many participants that offered alternative explanations why or why not consumers should purchase the products advertised. One participant lamented that although consumers would feel inclined to purchase the Ion Tablet they were unlikely to understand the slogan, "A Better Idea" from the advertisement, while another felt that the slogan transmitted the feeling of something technologically advanced, fun, and attractive, and for this, they would feel inclined to purchase it. In contrast, others felt the image was the selling point that called consumers' attention to the advertisement, and not the slogan. Of these impressions, there were feelings that the slogan's appeal was attractive because of its associations with technology––one of the reasons advertisers use English in global advertising––while its appeal as fun and attractive are more general motivations for using English in an advertisement (Piller, 2001). On the other hand, those who believed that it was not appealing to consumers thought that consumers would not feel inclined to purchase the Ion Tablet because of their lack of comprehension of the slogan, or that, overall, the advertisement was unappealing as a whole. For Custom Jeans, there were similar explanations for those who felt that the slogan "Wearing is Believing" was appealing to consumers. Some commented on its appeal to younger consumers who wear jeans. While the question of comprehension was also considered for this slogan, participants indicated that those consumers who understand the slogan would feel inclined to purchase the product. Still others considered the image attached to the advertisement too weak to attract consumers, noting that the use of a model would help the attractiveness of the overall advertisement. Some participants 123 noted that the slogan was confusing or that the advertisement would have to be extraordinary to stand out above all the jean brands that already exist. The explanations for those who believed consumers would feel inclined to purchase hamburgers from Sandy's for its slogan "Sheer Eating Pleasure", commented on its appeal to consumers in a hurry or with "fast" lifestyles, while others also commented on the appeal of the image that accompanied the advertisement. Those who offered explanations why consumers would not feel inclined to purchase Sandy's hamburgers made mention of the misleading slogan that appealed to the consumer as if hamburgers are a healthy meal or harbored negative feelings towards the general lack of health associated with hamburgers. Interestingly, the slogan is, in fact, only attempting to appeal to the reader's feelings of giving in to the enjoyment of food that is delicious. It makes no reference to health, showing that the lack of comprehension of the message communicated in the slogan could displease some consumers that may feel there is deceitful intent behind the use of an English slogan for this product. The Suco de Laranja California advertisement was the least attractive of the advertisements, judging from the attitudes displayed by the participants. Because of this, many explanations offered by the participants reflected on the lack of appeal of the slogan and the image attached. Others commented on the slogan "Once Drunk, Forever Smitten" as a slogan that was difficult and therefore unappealing or had opinions attached to orange juice, in general, whether positive or negative. One person pointed to the slogan's lack of emphasis on quality or health benefits as a reason for its lack of appeal, while another found the advertisement "sad" and generally unattractive. 124  CHAPTER 5 Conclusion The purpose of this study was to investigate the ways that English is used in advertising in Brazil and to determine the effect of comprehension on attitudes of Brazilians towards English in advertising. As this study concludes, the findings from the two parts inform each other and raise new questions about the roles of English in advertising. This chapter will consist of a summary and discussion of the main findings of the present research project. In this discussion, I will establish the main developments that have come out of the two parts of this project as separate parts. This will be followed by the connections I have made between the two parts, with explanations of the possible implications for the existence of English in advertising in Brazil. I will conclude by outlining the limitations and suggestions I have established for further research on themes that have developed in this research process. Summary Of Main Findings: The Magazine Corpus In revisiting the main research question (how is English used in Brazilian magazine advertisements?) I realize that a number of findings that have emerged from this part of the project. In the following sections I address the main findings by reviewing the sub-research questions that allowed me to examine the main research question from this portion of the study. Research question 1: What percentage of the advertisements in the magazines contains English? Most of the magazines featured more advertisements with English than advertisements without English––47% to 79% of the total advertisements, with an average of 58% of the advertisements containing English out of all of the 125 magazines in the corpus. According to Gerritsen et al. (2007) this result would be considered high as compared to other researchers' findings. In discussing their own high numbers of English occurrences in Elle magazine––which showed that 67 % of all the advertisements contained English––Gerritsen et al. (2007) had this to say: This percentage is high, particularly when compared to the results reported in other studies, which state that 30 per cent or less of advertising contains English (Switzerland: Cheshire and Moser, 1994; Spain, Italy, Germany, Netherlands: Gerritsen, 1995; Gerritsen et al., 2000; France: Martin, 2002). Only Piller (2001) claims that between 60 and 70 per cent of the advertisements that appear in Germany contain English. (p. 307) Some of the reasons for these differences in amounts of English- containing advertising from the different research studies could have to do with a few different factors. The corpora used could be one of the factors. Gerritsen et al. (2007) found that Elle magazine contained high numbers due to its readership: Elle is targeted at young women, a population believed to have much familiarity with the English language. Elle contains many advertisements for beauty and fashion, which is an advertising genre known for high occurrences of English (Gerritsen et al. 2007). Other studies (see Ovesdotter Alm, 2003; Bhatia, 1992; Baumgardner, 2008; Ruellot, 2011) of English in advertising have focused on a variety of different types of print advertising, from newspaper advertisements, to women's magazines, to randomly selected examples of advertisements. Some 126 researchers have speculated that the variety of results from different researchers' projects could be due to their chosen types of corpora. Indeed, it can be said that regardless of the amounts of English in different advertisements from around the world, English in non-local contexts remains the most preeminent language in advertising. In magazines like Veja, Istoé, and Época, which assume no English proficiency from its readers, the large amount of English can point to its historically rooted presence in advertising, the positive stereotypical images that have been shown to successfully be activated in consumers, as well as the rise of globalization, of which English functions as the lingua franca. Pétery (2011) views the abundance of English in the advertising as the strategic manipulation of the consumer, of which one's identity is "modernized", therefore, detached from one's existing cultural context. Furthermore, the social order is constructed through this overwhelming use of English, most of which is targeted at educated consumers from the middle to upper-middle classes, thus preserving local divisions that already exist, and packaged as a pathway to a global and modern society, when, in fact, the products advertised can only easily be purchased by economically stable consumers. Research question 2: what types of products use English in their advertisements? There were a number of types of products that used English in their advertisements, nevertheless, there were by far more advertisements that featured cars, electronics, mobile phones, fairs/events/festivals, and banks. Because of the types of magazines used for the corpus, it could also be argued that there were generally more of these types of advertisements featured. For example, due to the split in readership regarding gender, there were not many advertisements for women's products, a product 127 type that has been cited (Piller, 2003; Ovesdotter Alm, 2003; Gerritsen et al., 2007) for featuring a high amount of English. There was large variety of product types in the corpus, yet the prevailing ones could all be categorized as unisex, business-oriented, and luxury. All of the high occurrences of English use were in advertisements targeted at both men and women. These products feature the semiotic connotative representations Beasley and Danesi (2010) discuss, but also appear sometimes to make assumptions about consumers' comprehension of English (whether an assumed low or high level of comprehension). These opposing motivations make for interesting uses of English, much of which can be found in the body copy and product names. There were also many product descriptions that featured English in ways that one could assume that comprehension of the descriptions was a factor in the choice to use English. Some examples were in descriptions like frost-free for refrigerators or off-road, power shift, comfort blinker, airbags, test drive, and optical parking system for cars. Interestingly, most of these descriptive features could not be assumed to be understood by readers, yet, because of the prevalence of car and electronic advertisements featuring similar descriptions to these, it can be said that car and electronic companies are well aware that English assists them in selling their products, even if the features are not well-understood. In other advertisements, it was apparent that no comprehension of English was assumed because the English was embedded in incorporated words within Portuguese phrases or were sometimes accompanied by descriptions in Portuguese that could assist the reader in understanding the messages being conveyed. Some examples of the latter are the following: the feature ambi light, which was in an advertisement for an electronics 128 store featuring a Philips television, was accompanied by the explanation "luzes e cores que transbordam da TV" ("lights and colors that overflow from the TV"). This description is directly below the feature ambi light, making it clear that it explains the significance of the term. Another example of this is an advertisement for Christmas Fair, which features the description "Vá a feira certa para o seu Natal e faça excelentes negócios" ("Go to the right fair for your Christmas and do excellent business."). The reader can infer the significance of the product name through the description in the headline. This makes a strong case for the symbolic representation that is prevalent in these product types that most heavily rely on English for selling their image. After all, if the feature must be followed by an explanation in Portuguese, would it not be easier to simply put the description in Portuguese to begin with? The answer, of course, is no. Advertisers have too much to gain from the consumer appeal of English, and would not discard this enhancement of their image by omitting the very element that is allowing for the products' images to appear more prestigious, modern, and of high quality. Furthermore, although I have discussed the existence of Portuguese in the advertisements, strategically placed to assist in English intelligibility, the case remains that the majority of the products (which has been shown at length in previous chapters) make use of English for language display. One conclusion that can be made has to do with readers of news magazines. They are assumed to be interested in current events, politics, and important world issues. Therefore, it could also be expected that these readers have what Kuppens (2009) regards as "cultural and media literacy" that "can only be successful when a certain degree of media literacy is present—for the reader has to be familiar with the intertextual references that are made in order to understand the 129 advertisement" (p. 131). It is the targeted readers, in turn, who determine the types of advertisements featured in these magazines. The readers of these magazines are assumed to come from backgrounds that have afforded them experience, or at the very least, exposure to English. Therefore, it is the assumed background knowledge of readers of the magazines from the corpus that may shed light on the prevalence of English seen in the magazines' advertisements. Research question 3: In what parts of the advertisements is English used? This third research sub-question was followed by these two queries: Are there differences in the uses of English in different parts of the advertisements? If so, is there evidence to show that the English being used is for the purpose of attracting the reader's attention or to give off a symbolic representation? (e.g.: is the English in the headline or slogan?) These questions have been partially addressed in previous discussions. Yet there are other significant findings that came out of this third research question. A case in point is having English in the corpus, no matter which part, was used primarily for language display and supports the theoretical constructs of this study. English was found in all parts of the advertisements but the parts where English was found also points to another finding, which supports ideas by Bhatia (2001) suggesting that English is used primarily in the names of products, and when found in the body copy, it usually indicates there will be English in other parts as well. Furthermore, English used in the Brazilian products from the corpus had very similar motivations in their uses as the international products in the corpus, both mostly for language display, with the products' country of origin not being a determining factor for English use. 130  There was an overwhelming use of language display in all parts of the advertisements, in both Brazilian and international products, with one exception being the rare presence of loanwords in advertisements, many of them for cars, electronics, and mobile phones; all of which are products associated with future, innovation, and modernity (Bhatia & Ritchie, 2008). The main difference between English uses in different parts of advertisements was the higher frequency of loanwords used in the headlines, subheadlines, and in the body copy. The slogans that were featured were many times part of international advertising campaigns that had kept globally run slogans. Because English was used less in the headlines and slogans, it was determined that English was used for its symbolism, rather than as an "attention-getter" as found by Imber and Toffler (1987). The slogans that featured English were not necessarily comprehensible; therefore, I suggest a perspective that contradicts research on headlines and slogans that point to their uses as "attention-getters". Upon seeing a slogan that is not well understood, readers automatically perceive that the language use is there for its symbolism and not to persuade them to believe the message. A slogan that is not intelligible cannot necessarily sway readers to buy a product with its promises but it can certainly attract them to that product due to its aesthetic appeal. I argue that when used in an internationally-run slogan, as was seen in my corpus, English falls into the same category as other advertisement parts, there for language display, to convey an image. Summary Of Main Findings: The Survey The main research question ("does comprehension of English affect Brazilians' attitudes towards the use of English in advertising?") serves as a framework for the two sub-questions from this part of the project. The main finding to emerge was one that was 131 not directly an answer to the two research questions, surprisingly, but more revealing for the study of English in Brazilian advertising than anything else. I concluded that the participants' attitudes had more to do with their perceived comprehension of the slogans than their actual comprehension. There were many more participants that thought they understood the slogans than participants that actually understood them. This finding could be used to justify why participants had more positive attitudes towards the slogans than negative attitudes. In the next two sections, I will address this finding along with other findings as they relate to the sub-research questions. Research question 1: Are participants more likely to have positive attitudes towards advertisements with "easier to understand" slogans rather than "difficult to understand" slogans? The attitudes of participants were not directly related to the difficulty of the slogans presented to them. More participants correctly translated the easier slogans, though only by a very small number, yet the attitudes towards all four slogans showed more positive results than negative. The slogan with the highest level of appreciation ("A Better Idea") was only correctly translated by 7% of the participants, while the slogan with the highest number of correct translations ("Wearing is Believing ") had the third highest level of appreciation, which does not show a high level of positive attitudes as related to the 30% of participants that truly understood the slogan. There were no findings that showed a noteworthy parallel between the ease of the slogans and the participants' attitudes. This finding brings to mind considerations for the types of English that should be featured in Brazilian advertising. Factors that could have affected the attitudes of participants could be unrelated to the difficulty level of the slogans and could be related to their perceptions 132 of other parts of the advertisements, such as the images and the products themselves and what those products represent to certain individuals. Because of all of the findings both from the magazine corpus and the many researchers cited in this project, there is an abundance of established evidence showing that since English in advertising in non- local contexts is used for language display, that intelligibility of English is of secondary importance. The findings that have emerged from this first research question confirm this statement, but are inconsistent with findings from the study by Hornikx et al. (2010), which found that the participants of their study did indeed show a preference for the easier slogans, though not by a very large margin. However, it is important to note a significant difference between this project and the one conducted by Hornikx et al. (2010). Aside from the obvious difference of population, that project being conducted with Dutch participants with much higher levels of English proficiency, there was also their use of English and Dutch slogans. Therefore, Hornikx et al. (2010) sought to establish a preference for English over the local language, while this study did not include the local language in the slogans. Research question 2: Do Brazilians feel inclined to purchase products with English in their slogans? The majority of participants did feel that there was an inclination for consumers to purchase the products advertised in this portion of the study, though there were also many participants that showed negative attitudes in their comments when elaborating further on their answers to this question (a discussion of this can be found in chapter 4). The most significant finding from this section was that there were a number of participants who reacted to the consumer inclinations to purchase the products either in positive or negative ways that were unrelated to the slogans. This 133 brings the consideration that the overall appeal of an advertisement may be as important as effective language use in the different parts of an advertisement, but it must be acknowledged that there is no way of speculating the reasons for participants' motivations for responses based on the data that emerged from this study. This leaves me with considerations for further research (which will be discussed in more detail to follow) related to the effectiveness of English in other advertisement parts. Though the slogans were perceived in ways that were more positive than negative, it is not clear if this is something that had to do with the slogans specifically, with other parts of the advertisements, or with the overall advertisements. Alternative finding. As stated at the opening of the discussion of findings from the survey, the most substantial finding has to do with the results for 'perceived comprehension' of the slogans. The numbers of participants that believed they could translate the slogans was significantly higher than the number of participants that were actually able to do so (see chapter 4 for a more detailed discussion). This points to a consideration that reveals the role of comprehension. Though the symbolic function of English as language display is confirmed by this study, language display may also be effective because the participants believed they understood what was conveyed in the English messages, and as a result reacted positively towards them. Though Hornikx et al. (2010) showed results in their study that pointed to a correlation between 'actual comprehension' and positive attitudes and this study did not, both studies show the same interesting finding which they describe as the following: The effect of perceived comprehension on appreciation was even greater than the effect of the difficulty (easy or difficult) as determined on the 134  basis of correctness of translations in a pretest. This means that the perception people have of the difficulty of an English slogan may be more important for their appreciation of the English slogan than their actual ability to paraphrase the slogan correctly. (p. 183) Ray, Ryder, and Scott (1991) explain that the average person only looks at an advertisement for five to seven seconds. If the person exerts too much effort simply to understand the advertisement's message, the advertisement proves to be unsuccessful. In turn, it is possible that in reading a slogan in English, non-native speakers put as much effort into deciphering the slogan's significance as they deem important. If the general idea of the advertisement is processed successfully in a short time and appeals emotionally to the reader, then the connotational message is transmitted to the reader, resulting in the successful processing of the language's symbolic representations. Furthermore, it is not actual comprehension that is important when the English message is being read, it is the readers' spontaneous decision about whether or not it is imperative that they apply effort into deciphering an advertising message. In those few seconds of language processing, the readers' memory is triggered and they end up remembering the product purely based on the effort that the advertisement demanded of them, as if they 'rehearsed' just enough to remember it later (Ray, Ryder, & Scott, 1991). Connecting the Corpus to the Survey: Implications There are important implications that have emerged as connecting themes between the two parts of this research project. The first has to do with the uses of English in advertising. Researchers cite English uses in advertising for language display, for transmitting a connotational representation as suggested by semiotics, and for its 135 symbolic function. These theoretical perspectives have an important factor in common; the emphasis of the affective value of English. The magazine corpus showed that English was present mostly to activate positive associations with the language, which when related to the survey findings, it can be hypothesized that such uses of English from the corpus would prove to be effective on the participants from the survey. The participants displayed a majority of positive attitudes towards the English used in the advertisements in the surveys; based on this, it could be predicted that the magazine corpus (containing English as it is actually used in Brazilian news magazine advertisements), contains English uses that are, in fact, effective for the intended Brazilian reader. It is also important to point to the demographics of the participants of the survey; middle class, educated, and ranging from ages 18 to 52. These demographics align very well with the typical readers of Veja, Época, and ISTOÉ. Based on this, it is fair to say that these magazines are targeted at readers much like the participants in the survey. This is important because the survey showed that the participants reacted with mostly positive attitudes towards the English slogans––they could possibly react positively towards the English in magazines advertisements like the ones in the corpus. Another implication, also related to the effectiveness of the English uses in magazines on populations like those of the survey participants, points to the secondary importance that should be placed on how the English in an advertisement is used. Because 'perceived comprehension' turned out to be more important than 'actual comprehension' (in the survey), the English in the magazine corpus would likely prove to have English uses that would elicit positive attitudes from consumers like the participants of the survey. The uses of English in the body copy were analyzed and found to be 136 unintelligible at times, particularly in the advertisements for electronics and cars. It could also be predicted––and may already be the case––that advertisers need not worry about these difficult lexical items. If there were to be any parallels between the participants' low comprehension, high 'perceived comprehension', and their tendency to show positive attitudes, it could also be said that advertisements could potentially feature difficult English and its symbolic function would remain valuable. In turn, the advertisement would still be effective in promoting the product's image. Limitations Of The Study This study had some limitations that resulted in suggestions for further research. The main factor that could be judged as a limitation was the use of news magazines. The choice to use news magazines was determined as relevant to this research because of the demographic distribution of the magazines' readership. But it is undoubtedly true that because of the specific types of advertisements found in news magazines, I only attained a partial picture of the ways English is used in Brazilian advertising. Another limitation had to do with the design of the survey. The survey was designed using advertisements that were created exclusively to be used in this study. Therefore, they were not advertisements promoting real products. Although this was a predictable consideration, decided upon so that the participants would not attach any preconceived opinions about real products when taking the survey, this consideration could also be regarded as a limitation, since the participants were not creating data about how English is perceived in real advertisements. As a result, the advertisements may have elicited attitudes from the participants that were based on reactions to the 137 advertisements as potentially containing unprofessional images and/or unappealing overall design. Another factor that could be viewed as a limitation is the choice that was made to include very little Portuguese in the advertisements. The only use of Portuguese was in one of the advertisements, to describe the product type: suco de laranja (orange juice). This choice was deliberately made due to difficulties that were experienced when performing a pilot study of this study where the participants were presented with randomly assigned advertisements, using different language versions of the advertisements––some in Portuguese and some in English. This method was not only disorganized, but raised concerns from the participants about the potential lack of focus on English in the surveys. Because of these reservations, it was decided that in the final implementation of the survey, all participants would be presented with the same advertisements. This also made for a more organized analysis. Though this was a consciously made decision it was made with some hesitation and awareness that the data would not allow me to showcase the factor that participants could show preference for one language over another. Another potential limitation of this study had to do with the demographics of the participants. Because the survey was given on a voluntary basis, there was no initial intervention to control for gender, age, place of residence, and profession, as well as socioeconomic class. As a result, there were fewer women than men and fewer participants over 45 years old than other age groups. Additionally, because the participants were generally from middle class backgrounds, there were also a limited variety of socioeconomic backgrounds represented. With the absence of an even 138 distribution in demographics, data that is already not generalizable to the larger Brazilian population is even less so, due to this limitation. Suggestions for Further Research Due to questions that may have been left unanswered, others that have emerged out of the research process, as well as some that could fill the gaps brought by this study's limitations, I propose three suggestions for further research, which have been informed by both parts of this research project. 1) A project comparing English in advertising from a variety of different magazine genres would allow for comparisons to be made between advertisements targeting different populations. Comparisons could be made between the types of advertisements featured in the magazines, amounts of English in different advertisement parts, and the ways that English is used in different types of advertisements. A project like this would allow for a more well rounded picture of the different ways English is used in Brazilian magazines. 2) In retrospect, the decision to not feature Portuguese in the survey was well thought out, as was the decision to only use English slogans, as opposed to using it in other parts of the advertisements. Because the survey was a partial replication of the survey conducted by Hornikx et al. (2010), the use of English slogans made for a more coherent analysis. Furthermore, as this study has afforded me more knowledge and experience on this topic, I am now able to see the benefits of designing a survey using real advertising elements, using representations of English in different advertisement parts like in the corpus of this study. In addition, to understand more fully the attitudes displayed by participants, it would be interesting to compare their attitudes to English uses in different parts of the 139 advertisements. Furthermore, in staying true to the ways that real advertisements have been designed, this would require that the advertisements contain more Portuguese compared to the real examples in the corpus. 3) Finally, one more idea is proposed. The Expanding Circle is made up of several countries with parallels and contrasts that would be important to examine. As has already been proposed by an acquaintance in the field of World Englishes, a collaborative multi- country project could be conducted to compare the uses of English in Latin American countries, as a way to gain a better understanding of its supposed influence on globalization. Depending on its breadth and duration, this project, could potentially take on aspects of advertising outside of magazines and be extended to the Internet, newspapers, television, and to the linguistic landscapes of different contexts. A Final Word In conclusion, this project has afforded me the opportunity to gain a better understanding of one very specific sociolinguistic context of Brazil. Beyond this project, it has allowed me to question the role of English as an agent for further segregation of populations within Brazil, as well as the icon of imagined and real external and internal pressures to learn English or suffer the consequence of not being considered part of a globalized society. The imposed presence of English in advertising works as one of the representations of this pressure to be globalized, while all the while working as a tool for social and instrumental pressure to fit into a certain segment of society of which knowledge of English is a requirement. Even when English is proposed as an international lingua franca, one must be careful and critical of this position, and above all be aware of the potential impact of this 140 proposal. A country like Brazil, which has undergone the hardships of colonization, could, as some have already, interpret the English language's hegemony as the arrival of a new colonizer. In light of that, it is important to view speakers and learners of English as equal players in the field and not simply as 'recipients' in an underprivileged position that should be grateful for the 'privilege' of being in the presence of the power brought by English fetishization. English, particularly in advertising in the Expanding Circle, occupies a powerful role, but those affected by it should be careful to allow it to enrich their linguistic context, rather than allowing themselves to view its presence as an indicator of a deficit in their own language. 141  References Aldea, S. (1987). Función del préstamo en el discurso propagandístico [The function of loans in advertising discourse]. Miscelanea, 8, 5–19. Bastos de Quadros Junior, I. (2001). 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Washington D. C.: United States Government Printing Office. Wustmann, G. (1903). Allerhands sprachdummheiten. All manner of linguistic stupidities. Leipzig: Grunow. 148 APPENDIX A TABLE 5 149 Table 5 Ways English is Used in Products Names in Advertisements for International Products PRODUCT NAME TYPE OF PRODUCT COMMENTS Subway Sandwich shop Internationally known brand, language display Gillette Fusion Pro-Glide Men's razor brand recognition, language display Galaxy S4 Mobile phone brand recognition and consistency, language display HP ElitePad Tablet Internationally known brand, language display with "ElitePad" HP Page Wide, HP Deskjet Ink Advantage, HP Printers Internationally known Officejet Pro 8600 Plus brand, language display with model names VW Cross, VW Highline, VW Gol Track, Cars and tractors The car makes are mostly Mitsubishi Pajero Full, VW Voyage, VW internationally known Amarok Trendline, VW Jetta Comfortline, Jeep brands, the model names Grand Cherokee, Hyundai Tucson, Kia Soul, are for language display Renault Duster, Range Rover Vogue, Dodge Durango, VW Constellation Tractor Orient Japan, Tissot T- Race Watches language display Grand Hyatt Residences Luxury Residence Internationally known brand, language display used with "residences" Ibis Hotels Hotel Chain Mostly language display with use of "hotel" Statoil Gas company language display Rexona Men Active, Rexona Women Powder Deodorant/Antiperspirant language display Motionsense System Credit Suisse Bank language display Vanish Crystal White Fabric stain remover language display 150 Plentidud Active Adult diapers language display Centrum Control Vitamins language display Samsung SmartTV 3D television consistency of global product name, language display Shell Gas station Internationally known brand, language display Autodesk Autocad Design Suite Standard 2014 Graphic design software consistency of global product name, language display Western Union Money transfer service language display Go Outside Outdoor equipment book language display Sarah Brightman In Concert Dreamchaser Concert announcement consistency of global World Tour name, language display TreSemmé- Used by Professionals- Split Hair product language display Remedy National Geographic Channel, Universal Cable channels consistency of global Channel names, language display Dove Hair serum, deodorant Internationally known name, language display Bates Motel Television program on language display Universal Channel Confederations Cup International soccer Global event- English tournament used as lingua franca, language display Lonely Planet Travel guide series consistency of global product name, language display Nivea Gel Serum, Nivea Soft Milk Beauty products Product names glocalized to Latin American context, language display Valle Nevado Ski Resort Chile Ski resort Language display Dell laptop Global brand, language display 151 APPENDIX B TABLE 6 152 Table 6 Ways English is Used in Product Names in Advertisements for Brazilian Products PRODUCT NAME TYPE OF PRODUCT COMMENTS Band Sports Sports cable channel language display Correios Brasil Brazilian tennis tournament language display Masters Cup Veneza Water Park Water park language display Medley Pharmaceutical company language display Bus Rapid Transit Bus company language display Extreme Makeover Project to provide business language display consulting H. Stern "My High-end Brazilian jeweler language display Collection" iPlace Apple Reseller brand recognition, language display Highstil Polos & Men's clothing language display Shirts Myriad, Lily Two perfumes from language display Essence Brazilian brand O Boticário Petronas Engine coolant language display Lubrificantes Coolant Christmas Fair Annual Christmas product language display sale Imovelweb Realty company language display, "web"= well-established loan word Decanter Wine Wine tasting event "show"= well established loan word, language Show New World display Lilly's Closet Shoe company language display, "closet"= recognized loan word BrasTemp Smart Dishwasher language display 153 Sensor Sky Cable provider language display Tecnoshow Sale at electronics store "tecno"= short for tecnologia/technology, "show"= PontoFrio "Ponto Frio" well established loan word, language display Itaúcard, Bradesco Banks, bank cards language display Prime Milk Mellow Restaurant language display Burgers 154 APPENDIX C TABLE 7 155 Table 7 Products with English in the Body Copy 1. TAM Only BC 2. Samsung/Vivo H + BC 3. VW Cross PN + BC 4. Oi Only BC * (mobile phones & their features) 5. Orient Japan (2 of the same ad) PN + BC 6. Peugeot 208 S + BC 7. Ponto Frio Only BC* (appliances & their features) 8. VW Highline and Voyage PN +BC 9. Jeep Grand Cherokee PN +BC 10. Correios Only BC * (uses psuedo-English in BC) 11. Lindt Lindor Only BC * (no other English connection) 12. Ford Fiesta S, H, BC 13. McDonald's (2 of the same ad) PN + BC 14. Prada Sunglasses H + BC 15. Santander Only BC *(name of newspaper featured in BC) 16. Copa 2014 Only BC *(mention of official partners) 17. Petronas Lubrificantes Coolant PN +BC 18. Imovelweb PN +BC 19. HP ElitePad PN + BC 20. Vivo "Google Now" (2 of the same ad) PN + BC 21. Chevrolet Cruze Only BC * (features of car) 22. Itaú (2) Only BC * (the word "bike" w/pic & is loanword) 23. VW Fox PN, H, BC 24. Siemens Only BC * (slogan-like information) 25. VW Jetta Comfortline (2 of the same PN + BC ad) 26. Plentitud Active (2 of the same ad) PN, H, BC, S 27. Tecnoshow Ponto Frio PN +BC 28. VW Gol Track PN + BC 29. VW Amorak Trendline PN + BC 30. Autodesk Autocad Design Suite PN + BC Standard 2014 31. Hyundai i30 S + BC 32. Hyundai Tucson PN, S, BC 33. Vivo H +BC 34. P&G Only BC *(P&G brand names) 35. Casas Bahia (4 of the same ad) Only BC* (appliances & their features) 36. Baggagio Only BC *(details of water bottle one can 156  win) 37. Band Sports PN + BC 38. Correios Brasil Masters Cup PN, SH, BC 39. Canon PN, H, SH, BC 40. Copa Petrobras de Marcas Only BC* (name of website) 41. Renault Duster PN + BC 42. Copa do Nordeste Only BC *(PNs of sponsors) 43. Milk Mellow Burgers PN + BC 44. Indy 2013 Only BC* (names of sponsors) 45. Range Rover Vogue PN, S, BC 46. Caixa Only BC *(names of sites to access online banking) 47. Cielo Only BC * (name of card associated with brand) 48. Baita Amigos Only BC * (cable providers that show program) 49. Tissot T-Race PN, H, S, BC 50. Brastemp Only BC * (features of washing machine) 51. Costa do Sauípe Only BC * (names of types of vacation packages) 52. Bus Rapid Transit PN + BC 53. AOC TV Only BC *(talks about "design"- only English word) 54. FDC (business school) Only BC * ("ranking" (loanword), "Financial Times") 55. iPlace PN, SH, BC 56. Grupo Boticário Only BC * (mention of their store "The Beauty Box") 57. Renault SH +BC 58. Romanzza Only BC *(names of products in furniture store) 59. Hyundai Only BC * (sponsor of Confederations Cup) 60. Hyundai HB20 S +BC 61. Dell PN, S, BC 62. Grand Hyatt Residences PN +BC 63. Sarah Brightman In Concert PN + BC 64. Ford EcoSport PN, S, H, BC 65. Toyota Rav 4 SH +BC 66. Internet Segura para Crianças PN, H, BC 67. Prêmio Marketing PN, BC 68. Extreme Makeover PN, BC, SH Note: PN=product name, S= slogan, H= headline, SH= subheadline, BC= body copy; some ads were featured in the corpus more than once from different magazines and are shown here only once with the number of times indicated next to the product name 157  APPENDIX D CORPUS DATA FROM MAGAZINES 158  CORPUS DATA FROM MAGAZINES Magazine #1= VEJA (3 copies) VEJA (1) May 8, 2013 Number of Ads- 29 Number of Ads with English- 23 Number of Ads without English- 6 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 23 Ads: 1) (Bank card)Itau- "Itaucard"-PN 2) (Airline) TAM- "A Star Alliance Member"- BC 3) (Cellphone company/plan) Samsung/Vivo- "smartphone", "tablet", "notebook", "Samsung Galaxy"- H, BC 4) (Car) HB20S (Hyundai car)- "New Thinking, New Possibilities"- S (because this isn't the main headline, it is the Slogan line used for all Hyundai ads) 5) (American sandwich shop)- Subway- "Subway"- PN 6) (Brazilian perfume)- O Boticário- "Myriad", "Lily Essence"- PN 7) (Car) HB20 (Hyundai car)- "New Thinking, New Possibilities"- S (because this isn't the main headline, it is the Slogan line used for all Hyundai ads) 8) (Deodorant) - Rexona- "Rexona Men Active", "Rexona Women Powder Motionsense System"- PN 9) (Car) Volkswagen- "VW Cross"- PN, "Optical Parking System", "Comfort Blinker", "Eco Comfort" (features of the car)- BC 10) (Financial Services) Credit Suisse- "Credit" (part of name) PN 159 11) (Truck) VW Constellation Tractor- "constellation tractor"- PN 12) (Health services at a hospital)- Einstein Saúde- "Burnout"- part of HL 13) (Cell phone company) Oi- "Wifi", "smartphone", "dual chip"- BC (*all established loan words in local language) 14) (Watch) Orient Japan- "Orient Japan"-PN, "Feito com Swarovski Elements"- BC 15) (Car)- Peugeot 208- "Peugeot Assistance"- BC, "Motion & Emotion"- S 16) (Appliance store) Ponto Frio- "frost free", "twin cooling", "air frye", "Full HD", "notebook" (all products features, etc. that are advertised in their Mother's Day sale)- BC 17) (Cars) VW- "Highline" and Voyage" -BC 18) (Cars) Jeep- "Grand Cherokee", "Faça um Test-drive"- PN and BC 19) (Post office)- Correios- "Accenture" (company working with Correios) - this is BC but is also a psuedo-English name 20) (Swiss Chocolates) Lindt Lindor- "Master Swiss Chocolatier"- BC 21) (cell phone for sale almost exclusively on site similar to Amazon) Galaxy S4 and magazine luiza- H, PN, SH 22) (Car) Mitsubishi Pajero Full- PN and H 23) (Fair) Christmas Fair- PN-H VEJA (2) June 26, 2013 Number of Ads- 29 Number of Ads with English- 17 Number of Ads without English- 12 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 18 Ads: 1) (Car) Ford Fiesta- Go Further- S, New- H, Airbags, Sync Media System- BC 2) (Fast Food) McDonald's (Confederations Cup Sponsor)- "Confederations Cup", McDonald's Corporation and Affiliates- BC 160 3) (Sunglasses) Prada- "Torban Grael: Winner Louis vuitton Cup Olympic Sailing Champion Winner Round the World Race"- H, Reliance- Co-injection of nylon and rubber, Rubber anti-fog upper air vents, Anti-slip ear tips- BC 4) (Bank) Santander- "Financial Times"- name of newspaper within BC 5) (World Cup Ad), Hyundai- Official Partner- BC 6) (Whitening Laundry Detergent) Vanish Crystal White- PN 7) (Car products) Petronas Lubrificantes- "Coolant"- PN , "Technology Partner"- BC 8) (Car) VW Gol- Highline, Fox, Voyage- car names- PN 9) (Realty)- Imovelweb- PN- "Disponível na App Store, Google Play"- BC 10) (Tablet) HP- Windows, Docking Station, ElitePad, Smart Jecket, desktop- PN, BC 11) (Decoration Festival)- Festival da Decoração- "Love" - sign being held by model in photo- Image 12) (Electronic Store)- Pontofrio- Smart TV, tablet- PN 13) (Wireless phone carrier) Vivo- "Google Now", Upgrade, Android- PN, BC 14) (Car) Chevrolet Cruze- Airbag, Bluetooth- BC 15) (Airline) Gol- From/To- H 16) (Shoe Exporter) Lilly's Closet- PN 17) (Bank) Itaú- "Bike" -BC VEJA (3) July 17, 2013 Number of Ads- 30 Number of Ads with English- 16 Number of Ads without English- 14 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 161 16 Ads: 1) (bank) Itaú- "Bike"- BC 2) (trucking) VW- "Constellation" -PN 3) (car) VW Fox- "Fox Rock In Rio"- H, "display, airbag, I-System, Eco Comfort"- features of car- BC 4) (windmill energy) Siemens- "Empowering Brazilian Infrasctructure"- BC 5) (anti-wrinkle cream)- Nivea- "Gel Serum", "Plus"- PN 6) (car) VW- Jetta Comfortline- "(Motor) Total Flex, airbags" - BC 7) (car) Dodge Durango- "Are you?" -S 8) (laptop) Dell- "The power to do more"- S 9) (adult diapers) Plentidud Active- PN, "é underwear"- H, "Cotton Flex"- Product detail, BC 10) (laptop sale at electronics store) Tecnoshow Ponto Frio- PN, products: Samsung Ultrabook, Tablet Samsung Galaxy, Features: design, superbright (screen), FastStart Instant on- BC 11) (Car) VW Gol Track- PN, features: I-System w Eco Comfort- BC 12) (World Cup Sponsor) Johnson & Johnson- "FIFA World Cup"- BC 13) (Printer) HP Deskjet Ink Advantage- PN, "Make it Matter"- S 14) (Gas Station) Shell- PN 15) (Car) VW- Amarak Trendline- PN, "Off Road" Feature- BC 16) (Design Software)- Autodesk Autocad Design Suite Standard 2014- PN, features: Showcase, Sketchbook Designer, Mudbox 162 Magazine #2 -ISTOÉ (3 copies) Istoé (1) December 12, 2012 Number of Ads- 36 Number of Ads with English- 17 Number of Ads without English- 18 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 17 Ads: 1) (Car) Hyundai i30- "New Thinking. New Possibilities." -S; (features) Air bags, FIFA World Cup (sponsor)- BC 2) (Car) Hyundai Tucson- PN, "New Thinking. New Possibilities." -S; (features) Air bags, FIFA World Cup (sponsor)- BC 3) (Wireless Carrier) Vivo- Smartvivo- Aqui seu smartphone é mais smart- H; (features) Full HD, 3G Plus BC 4) (Car) Kia Soul- PN; "The Power of Surprise"- S 5) (Men's Clothing) Highstil Polos & Shirts- PN 6) (Pelé as spokesperson for P&G)- P&G, names of P&G products- Oral-B, Soft Color, Ace, Downy, ProSeries, Head & Shoulders, Always, Febreze- BC 7) (Credit Card Machine) Cielo- OuroCard (part of image of cards)-Standing Details/Pic 8) (Electronics store TV sale) - Casas Bahia- Blu-Ray, Full HD-BC 9) (Vitamins) Centrum Control- PN 10) (Money Wiring Services) Banco do Brasil and Western Union- PN; "Moving Money Fast" -S 11) (Outdoor Equipment Guidebook) Go Outside- PN 12) (Luggage Store) Baggagio- porta-laptop-SH, Lindo Squeeze (water bottle)- BC 13) (Sports Channel) Band Sports- PN; Grand Slams, round (in tennis)- BC 14) (Tennis Tournament)- Correios Brasil Masters Cup 2012- PN; Seniors, Beach Tennis- SH; (sponsor brands) Head, Asics- Sound mind, sound body, BrasCourt- BC 163 15) (Water park) Veneza Water Park- PN 16) (Camera) Canon- "Click"- H, SH, BC 17) (Wireless Carrier) Oi- smartphone-SH Istoé (2) April 3, 2013 Number of Ads- 17 Number of Ads with English- 10 Number of Ads without English- 7 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 10 Ads: 1) (Bank) Itaú- "Bike"- BC 2) (cable art channel) Arte 1- Design- SH 3) (Car Race) Copa Petrobras de Marcas- ticketsforfun.com.br, T4F- Time for Fun- BC 4) (Car) Renault Duster- PN, Tech Road (series of cars)- BC 5) (hair products) TreSemmé- Used by Professionals- Split Remedy- PN, H 6) (Electronics store TV sale) - Casas Bahia- Blu-Ray, Full HD-BC, Smart TV 7) (soccer tournament) Copa do Nordeste- sponsors: Nutriday, Sport Plus- BC 8) (hamburger restaurant) Milk Mellow Burgers- PN; The Square Open -Mall, BC 9) (Car Race)- Indy 2013- Band, Band Sports, Enter, Izod Indycar Series- sponsors- BC 10) (Car) Range Rover Vogue- PN; Land Rover- Above and Beyond- S; features: Gasolina Supercharged, Tela touchscreen Dual View- BC Istoé (3) August 14, 2013 Number of Ads- 23 Number of Ads with English- 14 164 Number of Ads without English- 9 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 14 Ads: 1) (mobile banking) - Caixa- Internet Banking Caixa, App Store, Google Play- BC 2) (trucking) VW Constellation- H 3) (Hotel Chain) Ibis Hotels- PN 4) (car) Chevrolet- Find New Roads- S 5) (credit card machine)- Cielo- OuroCard- BC 6) (Hair products) TRESemmé Used by Professionals- Nova linha Keratin Smooth- PN; Frizz-SH 7) (Printer)- HP Page Wide- PN; "Make it Matter"- S 8) (Wine Tasting Event)- Decanter Wine Show New World- PN 9) (TV show)- Baita Amigos- Band Sport (channel) BC; Net, Sky, Neo TV (calble Porviders) BC 10) (Magazine) Dinheiro Rural- "Sua empresa não nasceu para ser commodity" -H 11) (Investment Banking) Bradesco Prime- PN 12) (Men's Razor) Gillette Fusion Pro-Glide- PN, H 13) (Electronics/ Appliance Store) Casas Bahia-Features: Frost Free, Thermo Coffee, Cooktop- BC 14) (graduate programs) FAAP- Marketing, Design-SH 165 Magazine #3- ÉPOCA (3 copies) Época (1) June 3, 2013 Number of Ads- 32 Number of Ads with English- 15 Number of Ads without English- 17 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 15 Ads: 1) (Water park) Beach Park- PN 2) (Deodorant) Rexona Men Aquashield- PN 3) (Watch) Tissot- T-Race- PN, Switch Watches Since 1853- H, In Touch With Your Time- S, Official Timekeeper SBK Superbike Fim World Championship, Get in Touch at- BC 4) (Prescription Medicine) Medley- PN 5) (Washing Machine)- Brastemp- Smart Sensor, Smart Container, Fast Cycle- features described in BC 6) (Costa do Sauípe- promotion for vacations there)- vacation package names: Sauípe Premium, Sauípe Class e Club- feature: Boate Teen, aulas de Stand-up, aulas de stand-up paddle, Sauípe Kids- ALL BC 7) (Busline) -BRT= Bus Rapid Transit- PN, "BRT Standard 2013 Gold"- prize won, BC 8) (TV sale at electronics store) Casas Bahia- Home theater, Full HD- BC 9) (Cable service) Sky- PN 10) (Watch) Orient Japan- PN, Solar Tech, water resistant (features)- BC 11) (TV) AOC, design- BC 12) (Business school), use of word "ranking" (in italics) - BC 13) (Project to Provide Business Consulting)- Extreme Makeover- PN 14) (Television channel) National Geographic Channel- PN 166 15) (Jeweler)- H. Stern "My Collection"- PN Época (2) July 1, 2013 Number of Ads- 20 Number of Ads with English- 11 Number of Ads without English- 9 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 11 Ads: 1) (Bank) Bradesco- "Internet Banking"- SH 2) (Hair Serum) Dove- PN 3) (Home Store ad for electronics)- Casas Bahia- product functions- Frost Free, FlexiMix, Smart Bar, Smart Ice, Brastemp Inverse, timer, 6 Motion, display, Smart Ative, Smart Flex, Smart Touch, fast fill, Smart Wave, Nano Silver (color of dryer), Inox- BC 4) (Apple Store) iPlace- PN, iPad, iSight, FaceTime, App Store, iPad, iPad mini- SH, Premium Reseller- BC 5) (Underwear for incontinence)- Plentitud Active- PN, "é underwear..."- S 6) (Corporate commercial for cosmetic company)- Grupo Boticário- "The Beauty Box" (store that is part of company)- BC 7) (Car) Renault- Motor "Hi-Power"- SH, test-drive- BC 8) (Ad company) Africa Entretenimento- Merchandising, Product Placement- H 9) (TV channel and show)- Universal Channel, Bates Motel- PN 10) (Oil Company) Statoil- PN 11) (Bank) Itaú- Bike- BC Época (3) June 24, 2013 Number of Ads- 36 Number of Ads with English- 21 167 Number of Ads without English- 15 Where is the English is Found: Product Name=PN, Headline= H, Body Copy=BC, Slogan= S (Just Do It), Subheadline=SH 21 Ads: 1) (McDonald's Sponsor Ad for Confederations Cup) PN- Confederations Cup (the cup being sponsored)- BC 2) (Deodorant) Dove- PN 3) (Furniture) Romanzza- Design, Closets, Home Theaters, Home Offices- BC 4) (Wireless Service) Vivo- features: Google Now, Smartphone, Upgrade, Android BC 5) (Sponsor message for Confederations Cup)- Hyundai- "Official Partner", Confederations Cup- BC 6) (Car) Hyundai- "New Thinking. New Possibilities"- S, MOtor Show, Car & Driver, Auto Press, Test Drive- BC 7) (Wireless Carrier) TIM- Transparent Catching (wireless techonology) within description of this technology - in context- SH 8) (Tablet) Dell- "The power to do more"- S, (features of tablet -->) Tablet, Windows, Corning Gorilla Glass, Wireless + Bluetooth, Docking Station, Ethernet- BC 9) (Luxury Residences) Grand Hyatt Residences- PN, (Supporter of this residence)--> Brasil Brokers- BC 10) (Travel Guide) Lonely Planet- PN 11) (Concert Announcement)- Sarah Brightman In Concert -Dreamchaser World Tour- PN, Citi Hall- Venue name; ticketsforfun.com.br (site for tickets)- BC 12) (Car) Ford- "Go Further"- S- Câmbio Sequencial PowerShift- H; Ford Power, Airbag, Sync Media System- BC 13) (Car) Toyota Rav 4- design, test drive- SH; Air Bags, Engine Start Button- BC 14) (Electronics Store TV sale) Casas Bahia- Full HD, Time Machine, Wifi Built-in, Smart TV- features- BC 15) (site to promote child internet safety)- Net Educação- MetLife (sponsor)- BC 16) (Car) VW- Jetta Comfortline- PN; (features) Total Flex, Bluetooth, airbags- BC 168 17) ( Marketing Association Awards) Prêmio Marketing (nativized term) H, BC 18) (Business Competition) Extreme Makeover- PN, BC, SH 19) (Chilean Ski Resort)- Valle Nevado Ski Resort Chile- PN 20) (Body Lotion)- Nivea- Milk, Soft Milk- PN, BC 21) (Printer) HP Officejet Pro 8600 Plus- PN; "Make it matter." -S; 169  APPENDIX E IRB PROTOCOL 170 171  APPENDIX F CONSENT LETTER FOR SURVEY (PORTUGUESE) 172 Pesquisa: A compreensão do inglês de falantes de português brasileiro afeta a sua percepção do inglês utilizado em slogans de propagandas? Prezado Aluno: Sou uma estudante de doutorado trabalhando com a Dra. Patricia Friedrich no departamento de lingüística aplicada na Universidade do Estado de Arizona (Arizona State University). Estou conduzindo uma pesquisa para descobrir se a compreensão do inglês de falantes de português brasileiro afeta a apreciação do inglês em propagandas. Você está convidado a participar desta pesquisa. Vou lhe mostrar algumas propagandas e pedir para você traduzir as palavras que estão em inglês para o português e indicar, baseando-se numa lista de palavras dadas por mim, o que a propaganda representa para você. Adicionalmente, estarei procurando voluntários para responder perguntas numa entrevista de grupo. Sua participação é voluntária. Você tem direito de pular qualquer pergunta que não deseje responder. Se você decidir não participar da pesquisa ou se retirar de qualquer parte da pesquisa a qualquer momento, não haverá nenhuma penalidade. Você deve ter pelo menos 18 anos de idade para participar nesta pesquisa. Eu não vou anotar o seu nome e o nome de sua escola nunca será mencionado como parte de minha pesquisa para que nenhum resultado seja ligado a nenhum aluno desta escola. Assim os resultados desta pesquisa serão completamente anônimos. As conversas que serão gravadas para a entrevista de grupo também serão anônimas. Você tem direito de pedir que as gravações parem a qualquer momento. O gravador estará sempre comigo e as gravações serão utilizadas somente para essa pesquisa. Apesar de não haver nenhum benefício aparente em sua participação nesta pesquisa, a sua participação é uma grande ajuda para mim. Não existe nenhum risco ou incômodo previsível em sua participação. Os resultados desta pesquisa serão usados em minha tese, em apresentações, e/ou em publicações, mas seu nome não será usado. Se você tiver perguntas ou preocupações com a pesquisa, favor entrar em contato com as pesquisadoras por email: Amanda Lira Gordenstein [email protected] ou Patricia Friedrich. [email protected]. Se você tiver perguntas sobre seus direitos como um participante nesta pesquisa ou você acha que você foi colocado em risco, você pode contatar a Diretora do Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa envolvendo Seres Humanos ( Director of Human Subjects Institutional Review Board) no escritório de Integridade e Garantia da Universidade Estadual de Arizona ( Arizona State University Office of Research Integrity and Assurance) telefone- 001-480-965-6788. A entrega deste questionário será considerada como seu consentimento para participar na pesquisa. Atenciosamente, Amanda Lira Gordenstein 173  APPENDIX G CONSENT LETTER FOR SURVEY (ENGLISH TRANSLATION) 174 Study: Does the Comprehension of English of Brazilian Portuguese Speakers Affect their Perceptions of English Slogans in Advertisements? Date: Dear Student: I am a graduate student under the direction of Professor Patricia Friedrich in the Department of Applied Linguistics at Arizona State University. I am conducting a research study to find out if the level of English comprehension affects the perception of advertisements that Brazilians have when there is English being used in them. I am inviting you to participate, which will involve looking at the advertisements that I have created and translating some of their slogans to Portuguese, and checking off the words that describe the advertisements. In addition, I will be asking for volunteers to answer questions in a group interview. Your participation in this study is voluntary. You can skip questions if you wish. If you choose not to participate or to withdraw from the study at any time, there will be no penalty. You must be 18 years old or older to participate in all parts of this study. You will not be providing me with your name and your results are completely anonymous. The group interview portion of this project will also be anonymous, and the conversations will be recorded on a digital audio recorder. You have the right to ask for the recording to be stopped at any time during the interview. The digital audio recorder will be kept with me at all times and will only be used for the purpose of this research project. Furthermore, the name of your school will never be reported as part of my research, so that no results can be linked to any students in this school. Although there are no benefits to you in participating in this research, you will be helping me immensely. In addition, there are no foreseeable risks or discomforts to your participation. The results of this study may be used in my dissertation, in presentations, and/or publications but your name will not be used. If you have any questions concerning the research study, please contact the research team at: 001-617-650-3175 to speak to Amanda Lira Gordenstein or Patricia Friedrich. You may also reach us by email at: [email protected] and [email protected]. If you have any questions about your rights as a subject/participant in this research, or if you feel you have been placed at risk, you can contact the Chair of the Human Subjects Institutional Review Board, through the ASU Office of Research Integrity and Assurance, at 001-480- 965-6788. Return of the questionnaire will be considered your consent to participate. Sincerely, Amanda Lira Gordenstein 175  APPENDIX H SURVEY (PORTUGUESE) 176 Sheer Eating Pleasure! Sandy's Hamburgers Selecione as palavras que descrevem sua impressão do slogan acima (usando 1: discordo totalmente, 2: discordo, 3: concordo, 4: concordo plenamente) 1 2 3 4 Glamoroso: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sensual: ___ ___ ___ ___ Cosmopolita: ___ ___ ___ ___ Elegante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Alegre: ___ ___ ___ ___ Divertido: ___ ___ ___ ___ Triste: ___ ___ ___ ___ Moderno: ___ ___ ___ ___ Arrogante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Irritante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Poético: ___ ___ ___ ___ Simpático: ___ ___ ___ ___ Estranho: ___ ___ ___ ___ Brega: ___ ___ ___ ___ 177 Você consegue traduzir o inglês da propaganda? Sim___ Não___ Não sei___ O que você acha que o inglês da propaganda quer dizer? Você acha que o consumidor estaria propenso a comprar um produto com esse tipo de slogan? Image Courtesy of: Grant Cochrane/FreeDigitalPhotos.net 178  A Better Idea Ion Tablet Selecione as palavras que descrevem sua impressão do slogan acima (usando 1: discordo totalmente, 2: discordo, 3: concordo, 4: concordo plenamente) 1 2 3 4 Glamoroso: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sensual: ___ ___ ___ ___ Cosmopolita: ___ ___ ___ ___ Elegante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Alegre: ___ ___ ___ ___ Divertido: ___ ___ ___ ___ Triste: ___ ___ ___ ___ Moderno: ___ ___ ___ ___ Arrogante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Irritante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Poético: ___ ___ ___ ___ Simpático: ___ ___ ___ ___ Estranho: ___ ___ ___ ___ Brega: ___ ___ ___ ___ 179 Você consegue traduzir o inglês da propaganda? Sim___ Não___ Não sei___ O que você acha que o inglês da propaganda quer dizer? Você acha que o consumidor estaria propenso a comprar um produto com esse tipo de slogan? Image courtesy of: <p><a href="http://www.freedigitalphotos.net/images/view_photog.php?photogid=4061">Imag e: adamr / FreeDigitalPhotos.net</a></p> 180 Once Sipped, Forever Smitten Suco de Laranja California Selecione as palavras que descrevem sua impressão do slogan acima (usando 1: discordo totalmente, 2: discordo, 3: concordo, 4: concordo plenamente) 1 2 3 4 Glamoroso: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sensual: ___ ___ ___ ___ Cosmopolita: ___ ___ ___ ___ Elegante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Alegre: ___ ___ ___ ___ Divertido: ___ ___ ___ ___ Triste: ___ ___ ___ ___ Moderno: ___ ___ ___ ___ Arrogante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Irritante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Poético: ___ ___ ___ ___ Simpático: ___ ___ ___ ___ Estranho: ___ ___ ___ ___ Brega: ___ ___ ___ ___ 181 Você consegue traduzir o inglês da propaganda? Sim___ Não___ Não sei___ O que você acha que o inglês da propaganda quer dizer? Você acha que o consumidor estaria propenso a comprar um produto com esse tipo de slogan? Image Courtesy of: <p><a href="http://www.freedigitalphotos.net/images/view_photog.php?photogid=1526">Imag e: Paul / FreeDigitalPhotos.net</a></p> 182 Wearing is Believing Custom Jeans Selecione as palavras que descrevem sua impressão do slogan acima (usando 1: discordo totalmente, 2: discordo, 3: concordo, 4: concordo plenamente) 1 2 3 4 Glamoroso: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sensual: ___ ___ ___ ___ Cosmopolita: ___ ___ ___ ___ Elegante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Alegre: ___ ___ ___ ___ Divertido: ___ ___ ___ ___ Triste: ___ ___ ___ ___ Moderno: ___ ___ ___ ___ Arrogante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Irritante: ___ ___ ___ ___ Poético: ___ ___ ___ ___ Simpático: ___ ___ ___ ___ Estranho: ___ ___ ___ ___ Brega: ___ ___ ___ ___ 183 Você consegue traduzir o inglês da propaganda? Sim___ Não___ Não sei___ O que você acha que o inglês da propaganda quer dizer? Você acha que o consumidor estaria propenso a comprar um produto com esse tipo de slogan? Image Courtesy of: <p><ahref="http://www.freedigitalphotos.net/images/view_photog.php?photogid=151">I mage: Suat Eman / FreeDigitalPhotos.net</a></p> 184  APPENDIX I SURVEY (ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF QUESTIONS) 185  SURVEY Questions pages 1-4 ENGLISH version Select the words that describe your impression of the slogan above (Using 1:"Strongly Disagree", 2: "Disagree", 3: "Agree", 4: "Strongly Agree". 1 2 3 4 Glamorous: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sensual: ___ ___ ___ ___ Cosmopolitan: ___ ___ ___ ___ Elegant: ___ ___ ___ ___ Happy: ___ ___ ___ ___ Fun: ___ ___ ___ ___ Sad: ___ ___ ___ ___ Modern: ___ ___ ___ ___ Arrogant: ___ ___ ___ ___ Irritating: ___ ___ ___ ___ Poetic: ___ ___ ___ ___ Nice: ___ ___ ___ ___ Strange: ___ ___ ___ ___ Tacky: ___ ___ ___ ___ Are you able to translate the English in the advertisement? Yes___ No___ I don't know___ What do you think is meant by the English in the advertisement? Do you think that consumers would be inclined to buy a product with this type of slogan? 186  APPENDIX J SURVEY RESULTS 187  SURVEY RESULTS Perceived/actual, Y-Yes, N- No, Actual-NT- not translated, U-unsure attitude: P-positive, N- negative, B-both equally, P=PURCHASE (Would consumers purchase a product with this slogan?) Participan 1: 1: P 2: 2: P 3: 3: P 4: 4: P t Eas Attitu Eas Attitu Difficul Attitu Diffic Attitu y de y de t de ult de Jea Tabl ns Hambur OJ et ger 1 U/N P Y U/ P Y U/N P Y U/N B Y Y 2 N/N P U Y/ P U Y/N P Y Y/N P Y N 3(incompl ete-NOT INCLUD ED) 4 Y/N P U U/ B U N/N P Y N/NT P - Y - - - 5 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/Y P Y U/N P Y N 6 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y N/NT N Y Y/N P Y N 7 Y/Y N Y U/ N Y U/N N Y U/N N N Y 8 Y/N P Y N/ P N N/N P Y Y/N P N N 9 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/N P Y U/N P Y N 10 Y/N P Y N/ P Y U/N P N Y/N P N N 11 U/N P U Y/ P Y U/N P Y U/N P U N 188 12 Y/N P Y N/ N N U/N B N N/N B Y N 13 Y/N P Y Y/ B N --- P - N/NT N - Y - - - - 14 Y/Y P Y U/ P Y N/N P Y Y/N N U Y 15 U/N P N U/ P N N/N P Y Y/N P Y N 16 U/N P N U/ P Y N/N P Y -/N P Y N 17 N/N P U N/ P Y N/N P Y N/N P Y N 18 N/N P Y N/ P N N/N P Y N/N P Y N 19 Y/N P Y Y/ N Y Y/N P Y U/N B Y Y 20 U/N P Y U/ P Y U/N P Y U/N B Y Y 21 Y/N P U U/ P Y N/N P Y N/N P Y N 22 Y/N P Y N/- B - U/--- P Y N/- B - Participan 1: 1: P 2: 2: P 3: 3: P 4: 4: P t Eas Attitu Eas Attitu Difficul Attitu Diffic Attitu y de y de t de ult de Jea Tabl ns Hambur OJ et ger 23 Y/Y P Y Y/ N Y U/N P Y U/N P Y N 24 Y/N P N N/ P Y Y/N P Y N/N N N N 25 Y/N P Y U/ P U U/N B U U/N N N N 189 26 Y/N P Y Y/ P U Y/N P Y U/N N U N 27 Y/N P Y Y/ N N U/N B Y U/N N N N 28 Y/N P Y Y/ N Y N/N P Y U/N P Y N 29 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/N P Y U/N P Y N 30 N/N P Y N/ P Y N/N P Y N/N P Y N 31 Y/Y P Y Y/ B Y N/- N Y N/- P Y Y 32 U/- P Y U/ -- Y Y/N P Y N/N -- Y N 33 Y/- P Y N/ P Y N/N P Y Y/-- N Y N 34 Y/N P Y Y/ N Y N/- N Y Y/N P Y Y 35 Y/N P Y U/- P - Y/N P Y Y/-- P - - - - 36 Y/N P N Y/ N N Y/N P Y U/N P N Y 37 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/N B N -- -- - Y - 38 Y/N P Y Y/ N N Y/Y P Y Y/Y P N Y 39 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/N P Y Y/N P Y Y 40 Y/N N N Y/ N U Y/N P Y Y/-- N Y N 41 Y/N B Y U/ P N N/N N Y N/N N N Y 42 Y/N P N Y/ N U U/-- P U Y/N N N 190  Y 43 Y/N N Y Y/ N N Y/N N Y Y/N N Y N 44 Y/N P Y Y/ N N Y/N P Y N/N N N N 45 N/- P Y N/- P N N/-- P Y U/N P Y Participan 1: 1: P 2: 2: P 3: 3: P 4: 4: P t Eas Attitu Eas Attitu Difficul Attitu Diffic Attitu y de y de t de ult de Jea Tabl ns Hambur OJ et ger 46 U/N P Y N/ N N U/N N N U/N N N N 47 N/N B N N/ N N U/N N N U/N P U N 48 Y/N P Y N/- P Y Y/N P Y U/N P N 49 Y/N P U Y/ P Y U/N P Y U/N P Y N 50 Y/Y N N Y/ N U Y/N P Y Y/N N N Y 51 Y/N P Y Y/ P - Y/N P Y Y/N N N N - 52 Y/N P Y Y/ P N U/N N N Y/N P U N 53 N/-- P - N/- N N N/-- P N --/-- N N - - 54 N/- P - N/ P Y N/N P Y Y/N P Y N 55 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/N N Y Y/N B Y Y 56 Y/N P Y Y/ N Y Y/N N Y Y/N N N Y 57 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y Y/N P Y N/N P N 191  Y 58 U/N P Y U/ P Y N/- P Y U/N P Y Y 59 Y/N P N Y/ B N U/- P Y Y/N N Y Y 60 Y/N N Y N/- N N N/- P - N/-- N N - - 61 Y/N P Y Y/ N N U/N N N U/N N Y N 62 Y/N P Y Y/ -- Y U/-- N Y N/-- -- U N 63 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y N/N P Y U/N N U N 64 Y/N P N Y/ P N Y/N P Y Y/N N N N Participan 1: 1: P 2: 2: P 3: 3: P 4: 4: P t Eas Attitu Eas Attitu Difficul Attitu Diffic Attitu y de y de t de ult de Jea Tabl ns Hambur OJ et ger 65 Y/N P Y Y/ P Y U/N N U Y/N N Y N 66 Y/N P Y Y/ N N Y/N N N N/N P Y N 67 Y/N P Y N/- N N Y/N P Y Y/N P Y 68 N/N P N N/- B N U/N P U N/- P U 69 U/N P Y N/- P N N/- B N U/N N Y 70 N/-- P - N/- P Y N/- P Y N/-- P - - - - 192  APPENDIX K PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS (PORTUGUESE) 193  QUESTIONÁRIO SÓCIO-DEMOGRÁFICO DADOS PESSOAIS 1. Nacionalidade: ____________________________________________________________ 2. Local de Residência____________________________ 3. Gênero: Masc_______ Fem_______ 4. Idade: ____________________________________________________________________ 5. Nível de Escolaridade: ____________________________________________ 6. Profissão: _________________________________________________________________ 7. Você já morou fora do Brasil? Não_____ Sim_______--> Nome do lugar e quanto tempo você morou lá ____________ 8. Nível de proficiência em inglês:_____________________ 9. Experiência com a língua inglesa:_________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ __________________________ 10. Outras línguas além do português e inglês e descrição de sua experiência com a(s) língua(s): ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________ 194  APPENDIX L PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS (ENGLISH TRANSLATION) 195  SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE PERSONAL DATA 1. Nationality: ____________________________________________________________ 2. Place of Residence: ____________________________ 3. Gender: Masc_______ Fem_______ 4. Age: _____________ 5. Education Level: ____________________________________________ 6. Profession: _________________________________________________________________ 7. Have you spent time living outside of Brazil? No_____ Yes_______--> Name of place and amount of time spent living there____________ 8. English proficiency level:_____________________ 9. Experience with the English language: ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ _____________ 10. Other language(s) other than Portuguese and English and your experience with the language(s): ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 196  APPENDIX M PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC DATA 197  Demographic Data -24 females -45 males Place of S Age Level Profession Lived English Resi- e of outside Proficie dence x Educa- Brazil? ncy tion Level 1 Poços de F 30 Post- Financial N Interme Caldas, Gradua Analyst diate MG te 2 São F 43 - Business N Interme Paulo,SP Consultant diate 3 Ribeirão F 30 MBA Psychologist N Interme Preto, SP diate 4 São Paulo, F 35 Post- Engineer N Interme SP Gradua diate te 5 Santa Rita F 33 Bachel Psychologist N Basic do or's Sapucaí, MG 6 Santa Rita F 29 Bachel Engineer Y- Perth, Interme do or's Australia- 4 diate Sapucaí, MG months 7 Santa Rita F 23 Post- Secretary N Basic do Gradua Sapucaí, MG te 8 Santa Rita F 21 Some Student N Interme do underg diate Sapucaí, MG rad 9 Santa Rita F 21 Some Business intern N Basic do underg Sapucaí, MG rad 198 10 Santa Rita F 20 Some Student N Basic do underg Sapucaí, MG rad 11 Volta F 20 Some Student N Interme Redonda underg diate , RJ rad 12 Santa Rita F 20 Some Student N Basic do underg Sapucaí, MG rad 13 Santa Rita do F 19 Some Student N ------ Sapucaí, underg MG rad 14 MG F 24 Bachel Administrator N Basic or's 15 Santa Rita F 21 Some Engineering N Basic do underg Intern Sapucaí, MG rad 16 Santa Rita F 24 Some Telecommunica N Basic do underg -tions Tech Sapucaí, MG rad 17 MG F 19 Some Student N Basic underg rad 18 Santa Rita F 19 Some Student N Interme do underg diate Sapucaí, MG rad 19 Santa Rita F 19 Some Student N Basic do underg Sapucaí, MG rad 20 Santa Rita F 19 Some Student N Basic do underg Sapucaí, MG rad 199 21 Santa Rita F 18 Some Student N Basic do underg Sapucaí, MG rad 22 Santa Rita F 44 Master' System Analyst N Advanc do s ed Sapucaí, MG 23 São F 40 Master' Customer N Interme Paulo, s Service diate SP Manager 24 SP, SP M 32 Post- Auditor N Interme graduat diate ed 25 MG M 24 Bachel Software N Advanc or's Developer ed 26 Poços de M 33 MBA Mechanical N Interme Caldas, Engineer diate MG 27 SP, SP M 44 Post- Attorney N Interme graduat diate e 28 SP M 38 MBA Project Y- Interme Manager unspecified diate 29 Rio das Ostras, RJ 39 Bachel Business N Interme M or's Administrator diate 30 Pedralva, M 34 Post- Mechanical N Advanc MG graduat Engineer ed ed 31 SP M 43 ----- Environmental N Interme Engineering diate 200 32 SP M 31 Bachel Business N Interme or's Administrator diate 33 MG M 48 Medica Cardiologist N Interme l diate degree 34 SP M 40 Bachel Mechanical N Interme or's Engineer diate 35 SP, SP M 36 Bachel Agronomic N Interme or's Engineer diate 36 SP M 50 Bachel Maintenance N Interme or's Technician diate 37 Belo M 30 Post- IT Analyst N Advanc Horizont grad ed e, MG 38 Santa M 32 Bachel Systems N Advanc Rita do or's Specialist ed Sapucaí, MG 39 Santa M 29 Post- Engineer N Advanc Rita do Grad ed Sapucaí, degree MG in progres s 40 Santa M 26 Bachel Systems N Advanc Rita do or's Analyst ed Sapucaí, MG 41 Santa M 24 Some Student N Interme Rita do underg diate Sapucaí, rad MG 42 Santa M 21 Some Student N Advanc Rita do underg ed Sapucaí, rad MG 43 Santa M 31 Bachel Systems N Interme Rita do 201  Sapucaí, or's Analyst diate MG 44 Santa M 18 Some Student/Intern N Interme Rita do underg diate Sapucaí, rad MG 45 Santa M 21 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG 46 Santa M 20 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG 47 Santa Rita do Sapucaí, M 20 Some Student N Basic MG underg rad 48 Santa M 20 Some Student N Basic/I Rita do underg ntermed Sapucaí, rad iate MG 49 Santa M 20 Some Student N Interme Rita do underg diate Sapucaí, rad MG 50 Santa M 18 Some Student N Interme Rita do underg diate Sapucaí, rad MG 51 Santa M 18 Some Student N Interme Rita do underg diate Sapucaí, rad MG 52 Santa M 49 H.S. Electronic N Basic Rita do Diplo Technician Sapucaí, 202  MG ma 53 Santa M 25 H.S. Waiter N Basic Rita do Diplo Sapucaí, ma MG 54 Santa M 19 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG 55 Santa M 19 Some Student N Advanc Rita do underg ed Sapucaí, rad MG 56 Santa M 19 Some Student N Advanc Rita do underg ed Sapucaí, rad MG 57 Santa M 19 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG Santa Y- Italy- 4 Rita do years 58 Sapucaí, M 19 Some Student Basic MG underg rad 59 Santa M 18 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG 60 Itajubá, M 34 Post- Engineer N Advanc MG graduat ed e 61 Illegible M 42 Bachel Manager N Basic or's 203 62 São M 30 Bachel Consultant N Basic/I Paulo, or's ntermed SP iate 63 Unspecif M 23 Bachel Engineer N Advanc ied or's ed 64 SP M 34 Post- Administrator N Interme graduat diate e 65 Rondonó M 29 Master' Agronomist/En N Basic/I polis, s gineer ntermed MT iate 66 Salvador M 41 Bachel Auditor Y, Boston, Interme , Bahia or's Chicago, diate Houston- 2 months in each city 67 Santa M 19 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG 68 Campina M 52 Bachel Administrator N Interme s, SP or's diate 69 Santa M 19 Some Student N Basic Rita do underg Sapucaí, rad MG 204