French in Louisianan schools: What kind of language,
pedagogy and policy?
Nicolas Martin-Minaret
To cite this version:
Nicolas Martin-Minaret. French in Louisianan schools: What kind of language, pedagogy and policy?.
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French in Louisianan
schools:
What kind of language,
pedagogy and policy?
Nicolas Martin-Minaret
June 2013
1
ABSTRACT
The situation of the French language in the American state of Louisiana, the linguistic
policies enacted by the administration and its academic processing is highly
representative of lots of countries or regions, and will be examined in this study.
Having been a teacher within the CODOFIL program (which recruits native-speaker
teachers, mostly from France and Belgium), working in New Orleans for two years,
successively in a charter school and in a Recovery District school with students
ranging from 4 to 18 year-old, I had time to observe the process from inside: students,
parents, teachers, school administrators, CODOFIL and the Louisiana Board of
Education’s behaviors, preconceived ideas and orientations.
On the other side, living among Louisianans, it was fairly easy to measure the vitality
and the varieties of French in the state, as well as the different linguistic levels and the
social values of linguistic interaction through different codes.
Being from Poitou proved useful, allowing a good understanding of the Cajun speech
and a better comprehension of code-switching meanings and values; and I felt that
being part of a diglossing1 and culturally oppressed and undervalued community (the
Poitevin one) helped me identifying similar social trends in the local social and cultural
groups.
This study, as stated, will focus on the French language and its varieties in Louisiana,
and will just skim through some other aspects of the local linguistic spectrum, but
further studies and analysis should be done to have a more complete understanding of
language dynamics:
Diglossia: “a situation in which two languages (or two varieties of the same language) are used
under different conditions within a community, often by the same speakers. The term is usually
applied to languages with distinct ‘high’ and ‘low’ (colloquial) varieties, such as Arabic”,
http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/diglossia
1
2
In Louisiana there is a large and growing Latino community (with Spanish present in
business and services); a phonetically and sometimes grammatically local form of
English (extending throughout the southern states), its more extreme version being
attributed to white countrymen derogatorily known as ‘rednecks’, is present too;
Ebonics is widely used by the black community (the aim of this study not being
arguing if it is either a Creole form of speech or just “broken English”, I will just signal
the use by the Afro-American community - usually that group belonging to lower
classes – of a non-standard English language). Some of the immigrant groups,
especially the more numerous ones such as the Vietnamese, also maintain a certain
use of their language (data for 2004)2:
Rank Language
Population
PopulationPercent Of Reported Languages
1.
Only English
3,771,00390
90.80%
2.
French
194,314
4.68%
3.
Spanish Or Spanish
105,189
2.53%
Creole
4.
Vietnamese
23,326
0.56%
5.
German
8,047
0.19%
6.
Chinese
5,731
0.14%
7.
Arabic
5,489
0.13%
8.
French Creole
4,470
0.11%
9.
Italian
3,730
0.09%
10.
Tagalog
3,335
0.08%
Therefore, observing different socio-linguistic processes across the state and the
country is an essential key to understand the dynamics and to take measures that help
to promote local language, and especially French varieties in Louisiana.
2
http://www.justia.com/us-states/louisiana/#quick
3
CONTENTS
1. Introduction………………………………………………………………….5
2. History of the French language in Louisiana…………………………….6
2.1.
Origins……………………………………………………………….6
2.2.
Diversity……………………………………………………………..9
2.3.
Language practice evolution (identity awareness)…………….11
2.4.
Legal status………………………………………………………..17
3. Public administrative bodies in charge of education and schools’
status……………………………………………………………………….20
3.1.
Federal government………………………………………………20
3.2.
State government…………………………………………………20
3.3.
Local administration………………………………………………21
4. Language policies and their consequences……………………………23
4.1.
Academic policies toward languages…………………………...23
4.2.
Language status in school……………………………………….23
4.3.
Pedagogy………………………………………………………….25
4.4.
Means and resources…………………………………………….29
4.5.
Results……………………………………………………………..30
5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………31
6. References………………………………………………………………...34
1. INTRODUCTION
4
Louisiana had been since its origins a contact area between languages and
civilizations (Choctaw, Chitimachas, Caddos, French, Spaniards, Cajuns,
Anglo-Americans, Afro-Americans, Caribbean Creoles, Latin-Americans,
etc.) in a fast changing American continent, especially in its northern part,
since European explorers and colonists set foot on those lands.
The status of the piece of land which converted itself into the State of
Louisiana, member of the United States of America, varied across time; the
languages spoken there and their statuses varied as well, but not necessarily in
a synchronic way.
Since 1968, the state policy toward French, particularly in the schools of the
Pelican State, have changed radically, as has, progressively, the image of the
language in the speakers’ mind. James R. Domengeaux’s input as president of
the CODOFIL (Council for the Development of French in Louisiana),
spearhead of the state effort to enhance the use and preservation of French
language in Louisiana, has been important.
Two centuries after the annexation of the territory to the United States of
America and after more than 40 years of CODOFIL activity, it is time to
observe the present linguistic situation in Louisiana, the pedagogy used in
schools and the results of the language policy led by the State administration
and enforced by the Department of Education of the State of Louisiana.
In that spirit, and after two years in daily contact with Louisianans, inside the
school system (I taught French Language and Social Sciences in French, part
of the immersion program), working with young children or teenage-students,
integrated at the same time into the university as a master student, involved in
some cultural events, I was able to perform an overall observation, almost an
audit, of the work done, or intended to be done, in the field of languages and
education. A quick analysis of the results balanced to the input, and more
specifically the financial investment and economic burden of those policies
will follow in this research.
5
That thesis was an opportunity to present a short study on that case, with the
further idea for it to be of interest and help for decision makers and academics.
Locating that main part of the study, i.e. the present situation and the
CODOFIL involvement until today, at the end of a long political, cultural and
demographic time line is essential. Without that long evolution and those
developing trends, today’s situation, and today’s school programs, would be
most likely radically different. Analyzing taking into account a maximum of
various factors is needed to cast a new light on the linguistic politics and social
trends found in Louisiana. It is essential to understand the present policies as
a result of a long process, but as a reaction too, reaction provoked by different
factors, like the activism of a part of the population and new awareness of the
political leaders about the cultural and linguistic questions; in a country vastly
marked by a non-intervention stance, playing sometime against minority
languages, sometime in their favor3 4.
2. HISTORY OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN
LOUISIANA
2.1. Origins
When the French explorer René-Robert Cavelier de La Salle, in 1682,
reached the mouth of the Mississippi River, the area was sparsely
populated by Native Americans (mainly Choctaw, Chitimacha and
Caddo). The European population of the area remained, at first, sparse as
well, limited to soldiers, administrators, merchants and trappers.
The foundation of the city of New Orleans in 1718, on a strategic land,
between the Lake Pontchartrain and the Mississippi River, proved decisive
3
http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2001-05-09-spanish-usat.htm
The non-intervention has played in favour of Spanish in the USA, by letting services being set up in
that language to serve Latin-Americans, allowing some states to give it a certain semi-official
recognition (New Mexico, Texas), but has played against many other languages, like French and
Native American languages for example, letting communities face a massive influx of allophones on
there territory and a new language market value.
4
6
in the development of the colony. Indeed, despite no great increase in the
colony’s population, the city quickly converted itself into the new capital
of a gigantic territory, and, more importantly, into the main gate to
Louisiana, with colonists and goods going through its port.
At the 1735 census, the colony, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Great
Lakes, had 2450 French settlers (from different regions of the kingdom,
with minimal dialectological influences so) and 4225 black slaves; 799
Whites were living in New Orleans with 925 black and 26 native American
slaves. To that number, around a thousand soldiers have to be added, plus
illegal or unregistered residents.
It is, however, to be compared to the 400 settlers of the territory in 1713,
before the foundation of New Orleans; and those colonists, were, according
to the Governor Antoine de La Mothe, “of the worst kind”, and they were
mixing with local Native American (and later black) women.5
That ethnic mix and the cultural processes going with it explain why, from
the 18th century to the present, the Native American Houma nation of
Louisiana (as well as other, smaller groups) spoke French, progressively
forgetting its Choctaw language.
The cession of the territory to the Kingdom of Spain in 1763 did not change
the trend: the language used in daily and social life remained French, and
to keep the population satisfied, the governor had to speak its language.
The position of French language was reinforced by further migrations, the
most notable one in 1755: the Great Upheaval; Acadians from what is
today Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick were
expelled from their land. Many sought refuge on the shores of Louisiana.
They brought with them their own language variety: Cajun French.
5
http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/amnord/louisiane-2historique.htm
7
Another major event was the arrival, between 1793 and 1809 (the last
waves arriving when Louisiana was already an American territory) from
Hispaniola Island (the French colony of St Domingue), of white planters
(White Creoles and their black slaves) fleeing the revolt of the slaves and
the Haitian revolution. These newcomers doubled, in a few years, the
population of New Orleans (in 1810, the city had 24 552 inhabitants, and
among them only 3 200 English speakers), greatly developed the cotton
plantations, and added to the linguistic trend leading to the development
and reinforcement of what is considered as two varieties of French in
Louisiana: Creole and Colonial (or Plantation) French, the former being
mostly the language used by the black slaves, the latter by the white
plantation owners.
German, Irish, Scottish, Sicilian, Swedish and Spanish migrants added,
over time, to the ethnic mix in Southern Louisiana, but were quickly
assimilated into the French speaking majority. Toponymy is pretty clear
about those arrivals, with, for example, a town called Des Allemands in
the Acadiania region, Saint Charles and Lafourche parishes.
In 1803, the total population of the Territory of Louisiana was 43 000,
almost all French speakers.
From that time English speaking settlers arrived in Louisiana, but the
American Civil War (1861-1865) was a turning point. White Creoles
gave up their language and blend with their white Confederate neighbors.
More and more migrants arrived in southern Louisiana following the
development of transport infrastructure and industry. From that point,
however, the integration of the newcomers has been done through the
English language, French losing its position as language of society and
progress.
2.2. Diversity
8
Three varieties of French language have been historically used on
the territory of modern days U.S. state of Louisiana, and are today
collectively referred to as Louisianan French:
a) Colonial (or Plantation) French.
This variety was the first to be spoken in Louisiana. It roughly
copies the standard French of the time it was brought to that part of
the New World. Colonial French evolved over time, especially in
the mid-19th century, in response to different factors (continuing
immigration, influence from France, etc). A parallel could be
established with the development of Canadian French in Quebec:
with a larger population and a different historic process, Colonial
French could have developed into a very local form. Instead, the
vast majority of its speakers, being the white Louisianan gentry,
progressively integrated themselves in the English-speaking upper
class, with the remainder of the community mostly merging with
the Cajuns. But that form of French is still be used (rarely) by
speakers of other varieties as prestige dialect (leading to diglossia,
which
can
be
even
triple:
Cajun
or
Creole/Colonial
French/American English).
b) Cajun French6.
The presence of this variety is the result of the Acadian migration
after the Great Upheaval. As its name indicates, Cajun (from
Cadien, pronounced “Cadgien” in Acadian French, therefore
“Cajun” in English) is the local form of the language developed in
Acadia (the modern day Maritime Provinces of Canada), as a result
of the merging of the Poitevin (also known as Pictavian) and
6
http://appl003.lsu.edu/artsci/frenchweb.nsf/$Content/Cajun+French+Glossary?OpenDocum
ent
9
French languages with diverse influences (English and Native
American, mostly).
This variety often proved hard to understand for European
CODOFIL teachers (from France and Belgium), but is highly
intelligible for someone speaking both the French and Poitevin
languages.
Cajun is by far the most spoken variety of French in Louisiana: the
community is evaluated at around 430 000 people, but according
to the U.S. Census, only 250 000 Louisianans declared that they
speak French (in its Cajun form for the overwhelming part) at
home. It can be spoken by people of mixed race and by
Amerindians.
c) Louisianan Creole.
The language should not be confused with the ethnic groups
referring to themselves by the term “Creole”; while white Creoles
(white settlers born in the colonies) traditionally spoke Colonial
French, Creole French is the language of black and colored
(mulatto and other mixed races) Creoles. It is similar to Caribbean
French-based creoles, particularly to Haitian. The number of
speakers is around 70 000 today.
The two latter varieties being associated with lower classes, they
manage to survive due to poor schooling conditions, social and/or
geographical isolation and tighter social links. As an example, the
Houma Nation was segregated up to the middle of the 20th century;
therefore, its members could not attend regular schools. This saved
the social language from official education policies.
To further complicate this panorama, some people identifying
themselves as (Colored) ‘Creoles’ speak Cajun, especially in and
around Lafayette.
2.3. Language practice evolution (identity awareness)
10
Counties and parishes with the highest proportion of French-speakers in the USA
(speakers of French-based creoles not included)7:
St. Martin Parish, Louisiana (pop. 48,583) - 27.4% French-speaking
Evangeline Parish, Louisiana (pop. 35,434) - 25.7% French-speaking
Vermilion Parish, Louisiana (pop. 53,807) - 24.9% French-speaking
Aroostook County, Maine (pop. 73,938) - 22.4% French-speaking
Lafourche Parish, Louisiana (pop. 89,974) - 19.1% French-speaking
Acadia Parish, Louisiana (pop. 58,861) - 19.0% French-speaking
Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana (pop. 41,481) - 17.6% French-speaking
Assumption Parish, Louisiana (pop. 23,388) - 17.6% French-speaking
St. Landry Parish, Louisiana (pop. 87,700) - 16.7% French-speaking
Coos County, New Hampshire (pop. 33,111) - 16.2% French-speaking
Jefferson Davis Parish, Louisiana (pop. 31,435) - 16.2% French-speaking
Lafayette Parish, Louisiana (pop. 190,503) - 14.4% French-speaking
Androscoggin County, Maine (pop. 103,793) - 14.3% French-speaking
As one can observe, all the most French-speaking counties (or parishes) of the USA
are located in Southern Louisiana with the exception of three New England counties
bordering Canada, but none of them is even close to having a French speaking
majority.
Percentage of Standard French and/or Cajun French speakers in Louisiana
parishes8:
- Brown 20 to 30%
- Red 16 to 20%
- Orange 11 to 15%
- Yellow 4 to 10%; - Grey Less than 4%
7
8
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_language_in_the_United_States
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Louisiana_French.svg
11
Figures from the United States Census report that roughly 250,000
Louisianans claimed to use or speak French in their homes.
On the national level, the 2008 figures indicated that 1,979,951 people used
French in their home on a daily basis (up form around 1.6 million in 2000),
and in 2000 the US Census Bureau listed French as the fourth most-spoken
language in the nation after English, Spanish and Chinese (inclusive of all
varieties).
Many residents of Acadiana, mostly elderly individuals, are bilingual, having
learned French at home and English in school. In recent years the number of
speakers of Cajun French has diminished considerably, but efforts are being
made to reintroduce the language in schools. As shown in the map below,
French is not currently the majority language anywhere in Louisiana.
However, lots of people still identify as Cajuns, and recent bills allow
Louisianans to have “I’m a Cajun” written on their I.D. cards9, and even to use
a French language license plate for their cars10, with the motto and the state
name in French :
9
http://www.nola.com/politics/index.ssf/2013/05/bill_putting_im_a_cajun_on_dri.html#incart_river_default
http://blog.eogn.com/eastmans_online_genealogy/2009/05/celebrate-your-ancestry-on-your-license-plate.html
10
12
However, percentages and quantity of speakers are two different things, as shown
below:
Cities with larger populations, like New Orleans or Baton Rouge for instance, have
respectively 5500 and almost 8000 French speakers in their territory. It is interesting
to notice that sizeable communities are present even in the far north of the state, around
the major cities of Shreveport and Monroe, mainly due to Hurricane Katrina
evacuations11. Today there are more French speakers in Caddo parish (around
Shreveport) than in Plaquemines (Mississippi Delta)!
The number of people who speak Cajun and Creole has declined dramatically over the
last sixty years, accelerating through urbanization and coercion, a process slowly
started in the second half of the 19th century. The language was not transmitted
between generations, parents believing that it would be a burden and that English
language fluency was the key to economic success and social achievement. Regular
pressure
from
state
policies
(English-only
schools,
English-only
official
communications, etc) comforted Cajuns and Creole parents in their conceptions12.
11
http://sdsu-dspace.calstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10211.10/579/Saenz_Arthur.pdf?sequence=1
Ward, Roger K. (1997), ‘The French Language in Louisiana Law and Legal Education: A
Requiem,’ Louisiana Law Review Volume 7 Number 4, LSU.
12
13
In 1921 the Louisiana Legislature passed a law prohibiting the usage of French in
public schools. This law was accompanied by a general social opinion in Louisiana
that those Louisianans who spoke French were uneducated or unintelligent. Today,
some adults are trying to (re)learn the language, helped by a dynamic culture (music,
festivals, cuisine, theater, etc.), but it is still rare to hear young people speaking Cajun
or Creole (and even French).
According to my own experience, speaking French in public places, with friends for
example, sometimes proves efficient in finding French speakers: they are often eager
to start a conversation in French if they hear you speaking the language.
The identity perception of the community has changed too: if 40 years ago Cajuns
generally said that they were not Americans (as a common saying of that time stated
in Cajun: “les Amaricains ça reste après Les Avoyelles”), today younger generations
generally identify themselves with the cultural mainstream of the U.S.A. (but still
consider themselves as Cajuns, even if they do not speak the language, as shown in
the statistics and by the symbols widely used across the state: flag, license plate,
stickers, etc.)13.
Ethnic Cajuns make up roughly half of the state population, but only 8% of the
community speaks French today. Language transfer is the main issue, not immigration.
The situation of the Cajun community is reminiscent of cases in France, and
particularly its socio-linguistic configuration in Brittany14.
The promotion of Louisiana’s French roots has done much, since 1968, to spur a
decaying pride in that heritage, and today, identification as “Cajun” or “Creole” is
pretty strong, especially in Acadiana15.
13
http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/nutr216/ref/nutr216_ref/cajun_henry.pdf
http://www.unine.ch/dialectologie/broudic.pdf
15
Tamara Lindner (2008) ‘Attitudes toward Cajun French and International French in South
Louisiana: A study of high school students’ , Indiana University, p. 254
14
14
Around Louisiana, and more specifically in the Acadiana region and in New
Orleans, French appears more often, symbolically, on public and private
signs16:
In downtown New Orleans, in and around the French Quarter, all street signs
are bilingual: the French form is smaller, and placed atop the English name17:
16
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Louisiana.JPG
http://www.allposters.com/-sp/French-Market-Place-Street-Sign-New-Orleans-Louisiana-UsaPosters_i4888045_.htm
17
15
It is the opposite in Lafayette, where the French form, usually historic,
is the larger one18:
The famous Mardi Gras keeps its French name too, as do many cultural events.
Some radio stations such as KRVS, which broadcasts avariety of programming
in English and French, and Radio Louisiane offer programs in French.
Today the image sticking to French language in Louisiana is radically
different. It used to be seen as a backward language. Today it is a highly
cultural language, and speaking French is seen as a sign of greater culture19.
It is interesting to note that the Spanish speakers in Louisiana saw their proportion
almost double in ten years (1990 – 2000) while the percentage of the population that
speaks French decreased a bit over the same period (however, the number of speakers
remained stable). One possible explanation is an increased number of LatinAmericans driving down the raw percentage of French speakers without changing
their actual numbers.
Nevertheless, Cajun and Louisianan Creole are still considered endangered.
18
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Street_signs_Lafayette.jpg
Tamar Lindner (2008) ‘Attitudes toward Cajun French and International French in South Louisiana:
A study of high school students,’ Indiana University, p. 185.
19
16
Around 5% of the Louisiana population speaks French at home while roughly 7% are
partial speakers and/or use another language at home.
It is also interesting to look at the private sector; it is often - and every passing day a
bit more – bilingual, but in Spanish. Indeed, it is today easy enough to live in New
Orleans or Baton Rouge speaking only Spanish: banks, insurances, shop retailers, even
mechanics will speak Spanish. However, it is much more complicated – if not
impossible – to live in those cities speaking only French. The difference is explained
by the fact that a lot of the Latin Americans living in those cities have a low command
of the English language, while almost all French speakers are bilingual. Another point
is that Spanish speakers do not give up their language: it is a community language, a
tool for solidarity, and there is a very high rate of transmission from generation to
generation.
Spanish speakers represent between 2.5% and 4.5% of the total state population (the
first number is from the census, the last one is an estimate), and more than 10% of the
Greater New Orleans population.
2.4.Legal Status
-
Policy toward French
French was tolerated in the 19th century, in (semi-)official translation, in public
services, and in school: It was officially banned from schools in 1920, and the students
caught speaking French were punished.
The radical change occurred with the creation of CODOFIL in 1968, with the clear
aim of reversing past trends and encouraging French in schools through immersion
programs or language classes.
-
Law
By law, French has no official status whatsoever in Louisiana. Public service, such
as trials, must be conducted in English), but it is provided that people unable to speak
English will be given a translator.
Where French has a privileged position, on the legal ground, it is for administrative
advertisement: it must be done in English, but it may be duplicated in French:
17
§ 204 of article 12 of the constitution:
A. When advertisements are required to be made in relation to judicial process, or in
the sale of property for unpaid taxes, or under judicial process or any other legal
process of whatever kind, they shall be made in the English language and may in
addition be duplicated in the French language.
B. State and local officials and public institutions are reconfirmed in the traditional
right to publish documents in the French language in addition to English.20
Louisiana, like most U.S. states and the federal government, has never declared any
"official language" as such. When it joined the Union in 1812 it was the first state to
join with a non-English-speaking majority and, for that reason, Congress required the
state's first constitution to safeguard the rights of English speakers:
Article 6
That all laws that may be passed by the legislature, and the public records of the
State, and the judicial and legislative written proceedings of the same, shall be
promulgated, preserved and conducted in the language in which the constitution of
the United States is written.
All laws and official documents had to be published in English (and the constitution
was written only in that language) but no prohibition of also publishing them in other
languages appeared. Until the Civil War, Louisiana continued to publish documents
in French and its legislature continued to operate bilingually out of practical necessity
as many officials did not speak English. Louisiana's 1845 constitution made these
practices an official requirement, as both a recognition of French language rights and
a pragmatic measure. In 1847 a law even formally authorized bilingual instruction in
the state's public schools.
The 11th and last state constitution (1974) claims, in English, that:
20
http://www.axl.cefan.ulaval.ca/amnord/louisiane_lois-div.htm#Les_communications_officielles_
18
Article 12
§ 4. Preservation of Linguistic and Cultural Origins
The right of the people to preserve, foster, and promote their respective historic
linguistic and cultural origins is recognized.
This principle is reinforced and specified in Louisiana's Revised Statutes (43:204):
When advertisements are required to be made in relation to judicial process, or in the
sale of property for unpaid taxes, or under judicial process or any other legal process
of whatever kind, they shall be made in the English language and may in addition be
duplicated in the French language. State and local officials and public institutions are
reconfirmed in the traditional right to publish documents in the French language in
addition to English.
It is the only text with a linguistic value in the state Constitution and the French
language is not mentioned but the Louisiana’s Revised Statutes reconfirmed the
possibility offered to public servants and institutions to publish in French (in addition
to English) but no obligation whatsoever appears.
Article number 7, which addresses education, does not mention language either.
Nevertheless, the Code Civil Louisianais, basis of the civil law in Louisiana, is written
in French, and the original French version is the official text. However, modifications
to the Code have been made in English and pressure from the surrounding Common
Law, (a result of the Federal Government trying to homogenize most of American
laws) is playing against the French language.
The 11th of January 2004, the newly elected governor of Louisiana, Kathleen
Babineaux Blanco, took the oath of office in English and French.
19
3. PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BODIES IN CHARGE OF EDUCATION
AND SCHOOLS’ STATUS.
3.1. Federal government
As stated on the Department of Education website and summarized here, the
role of the federal administration is:
[...] to promote student achievement and preparation for global competitiveness by
fostering educational excellence and ensuring equal access21.
Education is primarily a State and local responsibility in the United States. It is States
and communities, as well as public and private organizations of all kinds, that establish
schools and colleges, develop curricula, and determine requirements for enrollment
and graduation.
The federal government does not have a directive role in education, but can help in
setting standards and rules, and found projects and scholarships. Some educational
programs, like “no child left behind” can have an important impact on school programs
and pedagogy.
3.2. State Government
In Louisiana, the State Legislature delegated part of its executive powers,
specifically concerning the teaching of languages in school, to the Coucil for the
Development of French in Louisiana (CODOFIL), created in 1968. This marked a
radical change in the state position on the French language. The stated goal of the
council was to "do anything possible and necessary to encourage the development,
usage and preservation of French as it exists in Louisiana”.22
There are three main lines in CODOFIL’s policies: generalization of French teaching
in elementary schools and high schools, restoration of ethnic pride, and development
and popularization of cultural events.
21
https://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/fed/role.html
Clarence's Guide to the Cajun French Language, Cajun Phrases, and Cajun Dictionary, qtd. in
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cajun_French and http://www.codofil.org/
22
20
It is actually CODOFIL and not the state itself that sets language policy: the only
political stance the state of Louisiana officially takes today is that of non-interference,
as in the vast majority of the US states.
Additionally, some Louisiana universities, like LSU, offer courses in Cajun French;
however, they remain marginal and focus primarily on culture.
3.3. Local administration (parish)
Each parish of Louisiana has its own school board, the body which manages
public school budgets, teachers, materials, and quality controls.
The education system, prior to university, is divided into three kinds of schools:
a) Public schools
The term "public school" is used for primary and secondary schools which are
funded and/or run by a governmental entity.
Public schools in the United States are typically administered by a three-tiered model,
at the federal level by the United States Department of Education, at the state level by
state education agencies (Louisiana Department of Education in this case), and at the
local level by local education agencies (school boards). The state superintendent of
schools, appointed or elected, usually coordinates the state department of education,
the state board of education, and the state legislature. Statewide education policies are
then entrusted to local school boards, associated with the various parishes of
Louisiana.
There are 1,574 public schools in Louisiana, serving 727,594 students.
b) Charter schools
Charter schools are primary or secondary schools that receive public money
(and like other schools, may also receive private donations) but are not subject to some
of the rules, regulations, and statutes that apply to other public schools. They are,
however, responsible for producing certain results, which are set forth in each school's
charter. Charter schools are opened and attended by choice. While charter schools
21
provide an alternative to other public schools, they are part of the public education
system and are not allowed to charge tuition. Where enrollment in a charter school
exceeds capacity, admission is frequently allocated by lottery. In a 2008 survey of
charter schools, 59% reported that they had a waiting list, averaging 198 students.
Some charter schools provide a curriculum that specializes in a certain field, e.g. arts
and mathematics. Others attempt to provide a better and more efficient general
education than nearby public schools.23
In the USA, around 5000 charter schools exist, serving 1.3 million students. That
number represents only 2% of the national figure. Only in New Orleans does a
majority of students attend charter schools.
Schools within the New Orleans Public Schools (NOPS) system are governed by a
multitude of entities, including the Orleans Parish School Board, which directly
administers 4 schools and has granted charters to another 12, and the Recovery School
District of Louisiana, which directly administers 33 schools and has granted charters
to another 37. The Recovery School District consists of schools with lower academic
results, many in poor areas with difficult social backgrounds. Following Hurricane
Katrina, the state seized the opportunity to extend its direct control through the RSD,
taking charge in the rebuilding and the administration of damaged schools.
c) Private schools
Private schools are those which are privately funded, without taxpayer
assistance. Those school typically charge tuition to finance their activities.
There are 483 private schools in Louisiana, serving 145,216 students. There are 11
Blue Ribbon schools (achieving superior standards of academic excellence), 16 allgirls schools, 13 all-boys schools, and 25 Montessori schools.24
The École Bilingue de la Nouvelle-Orléans is the only private school accredited by
the State of Louisiana and the French government.
23
24
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charter_school
http://www.privateschoolreview.com/state_private_schools/stateid/LA
22
4. LANGUAGE POLICIES AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES
4.1. Academic policies toward languages
French is currently the second-most studied foreign language in the US, behind
Castilian (Spanish).
In the fall of 2009 there were 216,419 American university students enrolled in French
courses, the second-highest of any language (behind Spanish).
Historically, in the USA, languages usually do not occupy a very important place in
education programs (it is an elective subject, while Science, Mathematics, Social
Sciences English and Physical Education are mandatory), especially after the No Child
Left Behind bill, focusing on rather low standards, mainly in reading, writing and
counting25. Louisiana has tried to support French classes through the CODOFIL and
some political actions (mostly symbolic), like 1980’s Resolution 161. The fact that the
State of Louisiana created a state agency to manage and develop the French language
in Louisiana shows a certain will to reach that goal. However, the lack of guidelines,
checks and controls over the agency and its results indicates that the state does not
attach too much importance to CODOFIL’s mission, as shown too by the drastic
budget cut in 201226.
A drastic change in the status of the French language in Louisiana schools has taken
place in the last century: in 1916 it was forbidden to speak French in schools (the pupil
could get suspended), and in public buildings; this was reinforced with the anti-French
1921 constitution. In 2011, a state law passed by the legislature required the extension
of immersion programs into 22 South Louisiana parishes by the fall of 201527.
25
http://www2.ed.gov/policy/elsec/guid/states/index.html
http://www.nola.com/politics/index.ssf/2012/06/codofil_stunned_by_gov_bobby_j.html
27
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/education/july-dec11/french_12-06.html
26
23
4.2. Language Status in School
The position of French language in schools is highly variable. There are few
immersion schools with a real program and students in their immersion section. Most
of those students do not have a French speaking background, as most of them are not
of French descent (Sicilians, African Americans, Asian, Anglo-Saxons, etc)28. Often,
even those bearing French names seldom hear the language in their family and
community, though this varies with the location of the school. Someone living in
Lafayette will have many more opportunities to hear Cajun and Creole French than in
New Orleans or Baton Rouge.
For some schools with immersion programs in place, only a minority of students are
actively involved. Recruitment for these sections are voluntary and, for older students,
usually dependent on good performance in other fields. In the aftermath of Katrina,
French immersion sections in the areas struck by the hurricane were often very low on
students, especially in New Orleans. As an example of the general trend I will shortly
write about my experience in two different schools, Hynes Charter School and
Schaumberg. In 2005-2006, Hynes Charter School had two 11 year-old students in its
very rudimentary semi-immersive class, with only two subjects taught: social sciences
and French language.
Private and charter schools have a greater autonomy regarding the subjects taught, and
controls are rare or done by incompetent and/or ineffective staff29
30
. At H.C.
Schaumburg (part of the Recovery School District, in north-eastern New Orleans) the
director of the school originally wanted a Spanish teacher: After a 30 second-talk with
an employee of the School Board, she accepted to switch to French, showing that the
topic did not really matter and that French or Spanish were not, anyway, a “real” part
of the curriculum.
28
http://www.justia.com/us-states/louisiana/#quick
http://www.nola.com/education/index.ssf/2013/04/27_million_in_property_lost_or.html#incart_mrpt-2 ;
30
In ‘Lousiana’s hope for a francophone future: exploring the linguistic phenomena of Acadiana’s
French immersion schools’, by Albert Sidney Camp, after going through an extremely bureaucratic
process for authorizations, the author, arriving at Paul Breaux Middle School, realizes that no one
knows about his visit and the administrative staff is not even able to take him to the correct class room
(p. 31)
29
24
In some rare immersion/bilingual schools, French is treated as an “important” subject;
but even when grades are actually taken into account, it is clear that languages are not
a priority to the students, the staff, or the parents. This is obvious when one observe
the typical number of hours taught per week in a well-reputed charter school such as
Hynes, where French is compulsory: an average of 90 minutes a week per class. In
other schools, where the obsession with benchmarks is stronger and the set goal (“no
child left behind” federal policy) is to have a maximum of students reaching the
minimum, and rather low, marks in English and Mathematics (those marks are used
to evaluate schools and to allocate extra money for good results), second-language
education is treated as an unimportant subject. The class is compulsory, so other
teachers are free during this time for planning and meetings, and the school, part of
the Recovery School District, can theoretically offer similar courses as in other
institutions. A similar social trend is underline by Camp and Tornquist in their works:
the middle school immersion in Lafayette was previously at Edgar Martin, but was
moved to Paul Breaux for the sake of social and ethnic mixing.
The result of this policy during my time spent at Schaumberg, has been to relegate
languages, physical education, computer science, and the arts together, with the work
of the teachers in charge of those subjects reduced to supervise the pupils while
teachers of “serious subjects” have their planning time. Apathy from school leaders
obsessed with the federally mandated minimal mark rate in their school (individual
bonuses to some teachers and members of the directing board are allocated based on
the percentage of students passing those marks) leads to inefficiency in the teaching
of French in Recovery School District schools, according to my experience and
observations; calm and order being a real issue in this kind of school, students
genuinely interested in the subject cannot learn, being victims of intimidation,
occasional physical assaults, and surrounded by constant turmoil.
4.3. Pedagogy
Different approaches exist. The two main ones are:
a) French as a foreign language classical classes
25
In this approach, French is taught as any other language would be. No particular
attention is given, nor is it asked for by CODOFIL or the parish. The teacher is the
only one responsible for putting the language into its local cultural context, though
usually the teacher does not even have a deep knowledge of local French-speaking
culture (the vast majority - about 75% - of the French language teachers come from
abroad)31. The size of the class can vary, but the average is about 16 students. This
number can increase to as many as 20 in some cases, most often in public schools.
No definite approach is mandated, and the teacher must, with occasional school
and/or parish participation, set his own goals, materials and techniques and
evaluation standards.
b) Immersion classes
In theory, to be called “immersion”, a minimum of 50% of the courses have to be
taught in French. Ideally, all subjects except English language are taught in French.
3,715 students are currently enrolled in French Immersion programs.
The schools offering immersion programs as of Autumn 2011 were as follows32:
School
Grades
City
Parish
Church Point Elementary
K-4
Church Point
Acadia
Pierre Part Primary
K-4
Pierre Part
Assumption
Pierre Part Middle
5-8
Pierre Part
Assumption
Belle Rose Primary
K-2
Belle Rose
Assumption
Assumption High
9
Napoleonville
Assumption
Winbourne Elementary
K
Baton Rouge
East Baton Rouge
Henry Heights Elementary
K-5
Lake Charles
Calcasieu
Gillis Elementary
K-5
Lake Charles
Calcasieu
Prien Lake Elementary
K-5
Lake Charles
Calcasieu
Moss Bluff Middle
6-8
Lake Charles
Calcasieu
S.J. Welsh Middle
6-8
Lake Charles
Calcasieu
Alfred M. Barbe High
9-12
Lake Charles
Calcasieu
Daspit Elementary
K-6
New Iberia
Iberia
North Lewis Street Elementary
K-6
New Iberia
Iberia
S. J. Montgomery Elementary
K-3
Lafayette
Lafayette
Camp, Albert Sidney (2010) ‘Lousiana’s hope for a francophone future: exploring the linguistic
phenomena of Acadiana’s French immersion schools’, LSU, p. 14
32
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louisiana_French
31
26
School
Grades
City
Parish
Myrtle Place Elementary
K-3
Lafayette
Lafayette
Prairie Elementary
K-5
Lafayette
Lafayette
Evangeline Elementary
K-2
Lafayette
Lafayette
Vermilion Elementary
K-1
Lafayette
Lafayette
Edgar Martin Middle
6-7
Lafayette
Lafayette
Paul Breaux Middle
6-8
Lafayette
Lafayette
Audubon Montessori
K-8
New Orleans
Orleans
Ecole Bilingue de la Nouvelle-Orléans
Nursery-6 New Orleans
Orleans
Hynes Elementary
K-3
New Orleans
Orleans
International High School of New Orleans 9-10
New Orleans
Orleans
International School of Louisiana
K-8
New Orleans
Orleans
Lycée Français de la Nouvelle-Orleans
Pre-K3-K New Orleans
Orleans
Park Vista Elementary
K-2
Opelousas
St. Landry
South Street
K-3
Opelousas
St. Landry
Teche Elementary
4-6
Breaux Bridge St. Martin
Cecilia Primary
K-3
Cecilia
St. Martin
Cecilia Junior High
7-8
Cecilia
St. Martin
Cecilia High School
9-12
Cecilia
St. Martin
The biggest obstacle to a close-to-perfect fluency is that there is a lack of willingness
on the part of French Immersion students to communicate in French outside of the
classroom. But in a society overwelmingly English speaking, having only three
subjects in French (Social sciences, French language and Science), representing
roughly 30% of the school time is barely enough to allow students to reach a
conversational level after the eighth grade; lots of mistakes are still made and there is
very little fluency. Althought, students usually have a very good understanding.
School administration and services are done in English only. Therefore pupils do not
believe in the ‘power of French’ and they would always revert to English among
themselves unless they are constantly supervised. French does not get to the streets, as
a community language. When at a CODOFIL sponsored event outside the school,
parents and students do not speak French between them. Only teachers do so.
Code-switching is quite common too, in class, as Haj-Broussard also noted. They also
mainly use fragmentary sentences, relying on the treacher to complete and help them.
27
Those observations are consistent with the reported findings of Caldas and CaronCaldas during their case study as well as Tarone and Swain.
This can be explained by different factors:
-
The students lack the vocabulary for everyday use, which is usually not taught to them.
-
English is felt as the peer and community language, used for social communication.
-
Most of the time students learn the International French, while the language they are
most likely to face in their immediate environment is either Cajun or Creole French.
-
The pupils lack of curiosity and interest for francophone medias (a good idea would
be to bring the medias into the classroom).
Haj-Broussard observed that elementary immersion students in Acadiana used French
terms for social interaction when they were given a list of appropriate terms, like
expletives for instance.
Pupils declared to Camp that they do not have big comprehension problems with
teachers from France, Belgium, Canada or Africa, but that they have a hard time
understanding their Cajun family.
Those statements underline again the dilemma faced by the CODOFIL: what kind of
French for the school?
28
Immersion Parishes33
As a comparision, in the immersive Diwan schools in Brittany, only the French
language subject is taught in French. It is believed that, as French is everywhere
outside the school, then the institution has to provide a fully immerse environment as
a ‘compensation’, increasing Breton language exposure. People cleaning the school,
working in the canteen or supervising the recess can all be adressed in breton, and the
language is felt as a community one, with students often speaking in the target
language between them, reaching great level of proficiency at the end of high school.
Standard Breton is used in written material given, but teachers are free to use any
dialect they like, and they are often encouraged to use the local one.
4.4. Means and resources
There is a massive investment in order to bring native speakers from
French speaking countries (from France, Belgium and Canada, mostly. Note
that the same kind of program exists for Spanish too); and scholarships are
given to local students to go and study in French-speaking countries.
Despite this, nothing is really done to have proper materials, especially books
translated or written in French, in order to develop a well-organized immersion or
second language program. Instead, teachers are asked to provide material for
33
http://www.frenchinlouisiana.com/
29
themselves, translating, printing, and working around the limitations of the school’s
resources.
This situation is damaging the education system in different ways:
-
French seems to be a language which is not taken seriously, as the state and
the schools do not allocate necessary resources or proper material in this
language to reach stated goals.
-
Teacher must spend a great deal of time to prepare their class, for lack of
directly available material; this time is not invested in the preparation of
alternative approaches and activities, and can deter some French speaking
teachers from teaching in French, as it would be an extra burden for them.
-
There is no central control over the material presented to students, and as such
there can be a great deal of variation between schools and between teachers.
-
While the state of Louisiana insists upon numerous standardized tests for all
students in various subjects, there is no standardized test for the linguistic
abilities of immersion students in their second language.
-
There is still no corpus of systematically gathered data
In June 2012, the financing of the CODOFIL was in the headlines:
Bobby Jindal, governor of the State of Louisiana, decided to curtail the council’s
budget, asserting that “enough founding had been already allowed in the past”. The
CODOFIL budget passed from $257,000 to $157,000, out of a $25.6 billion budget
(around 0,0006%). As a comparison, the sum allocated to CODOFIL was around $1
million per year in the 1980s; it has been steadily declining ever since. As in 2013, the
state has launched the already cited Cajun I.D. card and the French license plate to
finance its activities.
5. RESULTS
Today about 4000 students are enrolled in the French immersion program and
around 50,000 are attending French lessons.
30
Most of the research conducted in Acadiana‟s immersion schools up until this point
has been more sociological or pedagogical and less linguistic in nature.
This lack of published research is particularly significant because Louisiana has the
highest actual number of immersion programs in the United States.
It is in general very likely that a student in Louisiana will encounter the French
language at some point in his career, especially since the place of the language in
public services has been reinforced in 2010.
The immersion program, as in Brittany and many other places, produces good results,
and the grades obtained by the pupils are higher than in English-speaking classes34.
This fact as been clearly explained by Camp: parents choosing to put their children in
an immersion program have a particular cultural and/or pedagogical awareness, and
their average social status is higher than in most English-speaking schools.
Additionally, students struggling in the immersion program are likely to be withdrawn
from it by their parents, thinking their child difficulties are linked to the language
(which is far from being always true).
Unfortunately, there is no global evaluation of the French knowledge at different
education levels, and therefore it is quite difficult to estimate how many students are
actually able to speak French, at what level, and after how many years. There is no
real academic accountability, and neither CODOFIL nor the parishes have organized
a system for it. As a consequence, no one is really able to give concrete numbers, and
when you contact CODOFIL you realize that the staff members cannot answer
questions which should be obvious and basic for them (when contacted, they were
unable to provide accurate numbers, unable to give information about language
proficiency of the students, and unable to point to previous studies). Official
institutions in Louisiana, such as CODOFIL and local school boards, have generally
no or little material, do not know anything about French language curriculum (the
teacher have to fend for themselves), and lack a clear and well planned organization.
There are no real stated aims, no fixed policies, no regular evaluations of results, no
34
http://rennes.aujourdhui.fr/etudiant/annuaire-lycees/lycee/lycee-diwan-carhaixplouguer/palmares.html
31
stately organized program for the French language. But it seems that it has been slowly
beginning to change since 2010, with the project of opening new immersion classes.
6. CONCLUSION
There is a discontinuity of social use because of the variety taught in school.
The language taught does not correspond with the variety traditionally used and
occasionally still heard today. Grand-parents speak a language variety that matches
only partially the one students learn in school: phonetics, vocabulary and grammar can
vary greatly35.
The cultural recuperation and reappropriation program is here facing a dilemma and a
paradox: teaching standard French, as it is done today, is close to teaching a foreign
language. Most people do not see it as a patrimony and heritage tongue. The Spanish
and French languages are not perceived differently by Louisianan students and
education leaders. This contributes to the devaluation of the local language varieties,
which are seen as undeserving of equal treatment in schools, standardization, full
recognition and social development.
Additionally, the raise of the Castilian (Spanish) language throughout the USA and
the vitality of this language among the communities using it are overshadowing
French. Castilian (Spanish) is by far the most popularly studied language in the USA,
although French is more popular in territories with historical French speaking
population, such as Louisiana, Maine or Vermont for instance.
Some militants claim that there is a real need to create a Standard Louisianan French
which would be taught and promoted as proper to the state, in order to recreate the
link between younger and older generations. The publication, in 2009, of the
Dictionary of Louisiana French was a corner stone in that direction36. A link needs to
be rebuilt between the language and the citizens too: a reappropriation process has to
start in order to save an already dying language, and it needs to be done through
attractive social events and activities. Music plays a role in the current cultural
35
http://appl003.lsu.edu/artsci/frenchweb.nsf/$Content/Cajun+French+Definition?OpenDocument
36Valman Albert (2009) ‘Dictionary of Louisiana French: As Spoken in Cajun, Creole, and American
Indian Communities,’ University Press of Mississippi.
32
movement but it is far from being enough; even in most “Cajun events” attendees are
unable to speak either the local language or standard French. It is almost always the
elderly who will be eager to talk to you in their mother tongue, though they are often
uncomfortable in standard French and even have trouble speaking a ‘straight Cajun’,
diglossia being extremely present with English everywhere around. In spite of this,
they are usually happy to talk to you in ‘French’ and will engage you in that language
if they hear you speaking it, even in random public places like supermarkets or public
transportation. A pupil interviewed by Camp also told him that he had an interaction
in French at the library with a Canadian national. This behavior shows that a bond still
exists between certain members of the community and their traditional language, and
through it, to the world of Francophonie.
Another issue is that teachers entering and leaving the program with frecuency
(theoritically, foreign teachers are in Louisiana for a maximum of three years) had led
to an instability which hindered the children’s development in French; and in the case
those teachers would be instructed about Louisianan culture and the particularities of
its French language varieties, training would have to be done again with newcomers
after very few years. A way has to be found to help teachers stay in the local education
system for the sake of stability and competence.
33
6. REFERENCES
ANCELET, BARRY JEAN (1988) ‘A perspective on teaching the ‘problem
language’ in Louisiana,’ Carbondale: in The French Review # 61, p.345-356.
BARNETT, C. BRIAN (2010) ‘French immersion teachers’ attitudes toward
Louisiana varieties of French and the integration of such varieties in their classroom:
A quantitative and qualitative analysis,’ (doctoral dissertation), Bloomington:
Indiana University.
BRADSHAW, JIM (1991) ‘Culture, not blood, defines today’s Cajuns,’ Lafayette:
The Sunday Advertiser.
CALDAS, S., & CARON-CALDAS, S. (1999) ‘Language Immersion and Cultural
Identity: Conflicting Influences and Values’. Lafayette: Language, Culture, and
Curriculum #12, p. 42-58.
CAMP, ALBERT SIDNEY (2010) ‘Lousiana’s hope for a francophone future:
exploring the linguistic phenomena of Acadiana’s French immersion schools’
(doctoral thesis), Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University.
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CERQUIGLINI, BERNARD (2010) ‘L’expérience de la minorité : le français,
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http://www.univ-rouen.fr/dyalang/glottopol/telecharger/numero_16/gpl16_02cerquiglini.pdf
34
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Numbers 1&2 (2006), ‘La Louisiane Francophone’, Lafayette: University of
Louisiana.
HAJ- BROUSSARD, MICHELLE (2003) ‘Language, identity and the achievement
gap: Comparing experiences of african-american students in a French immersion and
a regular education context’ (doctoral dissertation), Lafayette: Louisiana State
University.
HEBERT-LEITER, MARIA (2009) ‘Becoming Cajun, Becoming American’, Baton
Rouge, Louisiana State University Press.
HENRY, JACQUES M. and BANKSTON, CARL L. (2001) ‘Ethnic selfidentification and symbolic stereotyping: the portrayal of Louisiana Cajuns,’
London: Routledge
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HENRY, JACQUES M. and BANKSTON, CARL L. (1998) ‘The Silence of the
Gators: Cajun Ethnicity and Intergenerational Transmission of Louisiana French,’
Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development #19, Lafayette: University of
Louisiana.
LINDNER, TAMARA (2008) ‘Attitudes toward Cajun French and International
French in South Louisiana: A study of high school students,’ Bloomington:
University of Indiana Press.
STIVALE, CHARLES J. (2002) ‘Disenchanting Les Bons Temps: Identity And
Authenticity In Cajun Music and Dance,’ Durham: Duke University Press.
TARONE, ELAINE & SWAIN, M. (1995) ‘A Sociolinguistic Perspective on Second
Language Use in Immersion Classrooms,’ The Modern Language Journal #19, p.166178.
TORNQUIST, LISA (2000) ‘Attitudes linguistiques vis-a-vis du vernaculaire
franco-louisianais dans les programmes d’immersion en Louisiane,’ Lafayette :
University of Louisiana.
WARD, ROGER K. (1997), ‘The French Language in Louisiana Law and Legal
Education: A Requiem,’ Louisiana Law Review Volume 7 Number 4, Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State Univeristy.
Online ressources:
Université de Laval, Québec, Canada:
http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/amnord/louisiane-2historique.htm
http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/amnord/louisiane-3pol-lng.htm
US Department of Education:
35
http://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/fed/role.html
http://www2.ed.gov/nclb/landing.jhtml
NEA Academy:
http://www.nea.org/home/16332.htm
Private School Review:
http://www.privateschoolreview.com/state_private_schools/stateid/LA
Hynes Charter School:
http://www.hynesschool.org/french.htm
U.S. Census Bureau:
http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/2011/tables/11s0052.pdf
http://www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/c2kbr-29.pdf
Radios Websites:
http://www.radiolouisiane.com/
http://www.radio-locator.com/info/KRVS-FM
CODOFIL. Conseil pour le développement du français en Louisiane:
www.codofil.org/
State of Louisiana Government:
http://louisiana.gov/
http://www.louisianabelieves.com/
http://web.archive.org/web/19981201222734/http:/www.doe.state.la.us/
About H.C. Schaumburg Elementary School:
http://www.schooldigger.com/go/LA/schools/0005400964/school.aspx
PBS Newshour, online news:
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/education/july-dec11/french_12-06.html
Mutulization of resources for French teaching:
http://www.frenchinlouisiana.com/
http://louisiana.educationbug.org/public-schools/
http://www.nasbe.org/about/34-about/44-what-is-nasbe
The Times Picayune, local newspaper:
http://www.nola.com/education/index.ssf/2012/02/french_officials_tour_language.html
http://www.nola.com/politics/index.ssf/2012/06/codofil_stunned_by_gov_bobby_j.html
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http://www.nola.com/politics/index.ssf/2013/05/bill_putting_im_a_cajun_on_dri.html#incart_river_d
efault
http://www.nola.com/education/index.ssf/2013/04/27_million_in_property_lost_or.html#incart_mrpt-2
Louisiana Statistics:
http://www.justia.com/us-states/louisiana/#quick
USA Today article about Spanish language use in the USA:
http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2001-05-09-spanish-usat.htm
Online review ‘Asteur Amérique: L’expérience nord-américaine’:
http://www.asteur-amerique.org/?Le-francais-en-Louisiane
Online sociolinguistic review ‘Glottopol’ #16:
http://www.univ-rouen.fr/dyalang/glottopol/telecharger/numero_16/gpl16_02cerquiglini.pdf
Lousiana State University, about Cajun:
http://appl003.lsu.edu/artsci/frenchweb.nsf/$Content/Cajun+French+Glossary?OpenDocument
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