Comparative Romance linguistics

RÉSUMÉ
La métaphore mobilise les possibilités de la pensée afin de transmettre l’idée humaine de la manière la plus belle et la plus efficace. En tant que trop, cette figure de pensée non seulement ne transgresse pas la norme, mais au contraire crée une norme idéale. Présentant le modèle le plus parfait de la communication humaine, la métaphore est le résultat de l’évolution de la cognition. Par ses qualités expressives, sa beauté, son attrait et sa haute éloquence, la métaphore est rhétorique, et par sa capacité à exprimer avec précision des idées scientifiques et philosophiques profondes, elle est cognitive. Située au carrefour de la rhétorique et de la linguistique cognitive, la métaphore est un trop de nature anthropocentrique.

Aujourd’hui, le refus du paradigme linguistique fondamental d’accepter la différenciation classique entre langage propre et langage figuré apporte un éclairage sur de nombreux points. Selon nous, le langage métaphorique, traditionnellement considéré comme figuré, est en réalité la source même du langage véritable. Aucun autre langage ne peut exprimer la cognition humaine fondée sur la vérité avec autant de précision que la métaphore. Même les sciences exactes comme les mathématiques ou la cybernétique se trouvent sous la domination d’une cognition hautement métaphorique. La linguistique cognitive, dont on affirme que les bases ont été posées par l’ouvrage de G. Lakoff et M. Johnson Les métaphores dans la vie quotidienne, n’est pas née dans le vide. En réalité, la cognition, partie intégrante de l’intellect humain, a toujours existé grâce à la rhétorique et a servi à l’évolution de l’existence humaine.

L’étude de la métaphore au carrefour de la rhétorique et de la linguistique cognitive implique à la fois un retour aux traditions en linguistique et l’ouverture de nouvelles perspectives.

Mots-clés : trop supérieur, langage métaphorique, langage véritable, cognition, altération.

This research into the expletive demonstrative pronouns consists of a comparison between the varieties of Italian language in Florence and Pistoia and the dialect of Salerno. The linguistic analysis points out the use of this pronouns like extra-phrasal elements with explicative semantic function. They are used only during the conversations, but not in the monologues. unlike the expletive pronouns in the non-pro-drop languages like English, French and Northern Italian dialects, in which these pronouns are expressed in both situations. The form quello, I have observed in the varieties of Italian Language of Florence and Pistoia, as well as chello/chillo I have observed in the dialectal variety of Salerno, correspond to the expressions il fatto è che.../sta di fatto che… In italian language spoken in Florence and Pistoia the expletive demonstrative pronoun quello is exclusively used in the initial position of the main clauses, otherwise in the dialect of Salerno it can occur also in the causal, temporal and completive clauses, in which the expletive demonstrative pronouns occupy the subject (or topic) position between the complementizer and the verb and they are used with explicative semantic function and their use is optional and limited to the conversation.

This essay is the result of a field research concerning the dialect of Pon-tecorvo (province of Frosinone), which had as its objective to shed light on the phenomenological framework of this variety through a detailed examination of its peculiar features clearly identifiable in the tonic vocalism and in unstressed vocalism. The examination of the phenomenology of the Pontecorvo variety con-tinued with the consonantism, including traits such as lenition, rhotacism, beta-cism, gammacism, assimilation, the evolution of some Latin nexuses subjected to regular passage to dialectal outcomes, palatalization and metathesis, verbal morphology, the forms and use of definite and indefinite articles, as well as the enclysis of the possessive, and morphosyntax with auxiliary constructs and verbal constructions of different types.

While animacy is considered to be one of the decisive factors for Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Spanish, many authors have capitalized on the fact that inanimate objects also can be marked to a certain degree . However, there is still little empirical evidence for many of the claims put forward by these authors. This paper presents an experimental elicitation paradigm which operationalizes and tests a series of claims from the literature, providing quantitative production data on six relevant syntactic configurations: canonical transitive sentences, socalled reversible-symmetrical predicates, complement small clauses, accusative-with-infinitive structures, secondary predication with tener, and ditransitive sentences. The experiment was conducted in parallel in Madrid, Montevideo, Lima, and Mexico City, in order to verify claims regarding regional differences of DOM as well. The results show that regional differences are detectable for some constructions but play a minor role overall. Inanimates in canonical transitive sentences and reversible-symmetrical predicates show more variation than would be expected according to the literature, whereas the remaining constructions behave rather categorically. This paper argues that these findings have consequences for the different competing accounts of Spanish DOM and need to be incorporated accordingly. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by the Open Library of Humanities.

The author analyzes the contribution offered by Gerhard Rohlfs to the studies of Balkan linguistics, in particular as regards the pastoral lexicon in Balkan, and in Greek and Romance varieties in contact in southern Italy. In particular the zoonyms referring to the Caprine subfamily (Caprinae) are compared in the two linguistic areas. Zoonyms show a great variability at the interdialectal, intradialectal, and idiolectal level and reflect a taxonomy characterized by an internal hierarchy that includes specializations related to gender, growth stages, external characteristics of animals, such as color, any defects or physical peculiarities useful to distinguish each member of the flock.

In this work we show that Old Italo-Romance varieties have two types of pragmatic related movement to the left periphery of both the clausal and nominal domains: one that focuses the moved constituent itself and another that marks the moved constituent as background, resulting in emphasis of the non-moved portion. While Focus fronting does not obey the U20 restriction originally proposed in Cinque ( ), Isogloss 2024, 10(3)/2 Balsemin, Pinzin & Poletto (back)grounding does. This counters the idea that only meaningless movements (i.e., movements deriving the canonical word order of a language) need to obey the U20 restriction, since some meaningful movements do as well. After having examined the properties of both types of constructions, we derive the distinction on the basis of the type of feature that triggers the movement. While operators like Focus have their own feature, which is read by the labeling algorithm, all other cases of movement must use the label of the lexical head, which therefore must be contained in the moved subtree. Hence, (back)grounding must drag along the lexical head to be labeled, while Focus does not need to.

In this article, we argue that a set of unexpected contrasts in the interpretation of clitic-left-dislocated indefinites in Greek and Italian derive from structural variation in the nominal syntax of the two languages. Greek resists nonreferential indefinites in clitic left-dislocation, resorting to the topicalization of an often bare noun for nonreferential topics. By contrast, clitic left-dislocation is employed in Italian for topics regardless of their definite/indefinite interpretation. We argue that this contrast is directly linked to the wide availability of bare nouns in Greek, which stems from a structural difference in the nominal syntax of the two languages. In particular, we hypothesize that Greek nominal arguments lack a D layer. Rather, they are Number Phrases. We situate this analysis in the context of Chierchia’s (1998) typology of nominals. We argue that, on a par with Italian nouns, Greek nouns are [−arg, +pred]. However, they do not employ a syntactic head (D) for ...

The purpose of the article is to outline the development of the common language neologism cultura del descarte, coined by the former Archbishop of Buenos Aires, Jorge Bergoglio, in his homilies, into a theological-scientific term during his time as Pope Francis. The term was first introduced to an international audience in the apostolic exhortation Evangelii Gaudium (2013), and subsequently in the encyclicals Laudato si' and Fratelli Tutti. More recently, we have seen the use of cultura del descarte and its Italian translation cultura dello scarto in theological publications, but also in sociology. In a second part, the question of the translation of this term into several Romance and Germanic languages, as well as into Latin, will be addressed. This includes the derivations that are also used in a terminological sense (such as verb: descartar, adjective: descartable, descartado; noun: descarte). Finally, it will be shown why the frequently used German translation equivalent Wegwerfkultur ’throwaway culture’ leads only to a limited understanding of Pope Francis' theological approach, what is actually the case in the German-speaking world.

The article offers an edition of seven letters from the 1340s written by Venetian merchants trading in the eastern Mediterranean as part of a liga overseen by Fresco Quirini, a well-known figure in the study of Venetian economic history. The edition of each document is followed by a linguistic and content commentary.

This article is dedicated to a particular development of the verb HABĒRE attested in Southern Italian dialects, where some varieties display innovative forms ending with a vowel [a] and specialised in auxiliary function.
Such a paradigm can be observed in Neapolitan dialect, both in the type aggia fà having temporal, deontic or epistemic meaning ‘(I) will do’, ‘I have to do’ or ‘I shall do’; and in the type aggia fatto ‘I have done’. But the phonology of this language variety does not allow an unproblematic recognition of the phonetic data, or a straightforward interpretation of them: more notably, the latter pattern, where actually observed, has been since now interpreted as a restoration of a final secondary a, reacting to the final vowels centralisation characterising the Southern Italian dialects.

This paper discusses the contemporary use of the Portuguese simple and two compound pluperfect forms (with the auxiliary verbs 'ter', and 'haver') of the indicative mood in written texts. Four topics are addressed. First, the claim that the simple pluperfect is currently a defective paradigm lacking the third person plural; this claim is confirmed and substantiated by looking at specific distinguishing contexts in corpora. Secondly, the competition between the three pluperfect forms, in written contemporary European and Brazilian Portuguese; it is shown that contrary to some frequent comments in the literature all three forms still have widespread usage, and occur in a relatively balanced way, in the type of registers considered (newspaper writing, modern literary texts, modern literary translations), in both varieties of the language. Thirdly, as regards semantic polyvalence, the possible existence of a deictic rather than anaphoric (temporal) pluperfect; it is argued that this type of pluperfect does indeed exist, and deserves separate grammatical recognition. Fourthly, the well-known cases of ambiguity in structures with pluperfect and temporal locating adjuncts, where the latter can act either as markers of the past perspective point required by the pluperfect, or as markers of the location time of the described eventualities; facts in English and Portuguese are compared, with some differences highlighted.

Cuvinte-cheie: limbă literară gramatică stilistică cultivarea limbii abatere Rezumat În lucrări normative mai recente ale limbii române, felul în care se discută despre secvența dar și indică o acceptare a acesteia între construcțiile coordonatoare copulative, alături de cele organizate în perechi corelative. Ca și în cazul lui nu numai ..., dar și, implicarea corectă în discurs a locțiunii conjuncționale dar și este cu necesitate controlată de conținutul semantic adversativ latent al conjuncției dar din structura ei. În uzul cotidian, pot fi identificate însă exprimări în care emițătorul nu mai ține seama de faptul că dar și "focalizează membrul sintactic pe care îl precedă, prezentîndu-l ca fiind mai puțin probabil, deci mai semnificativ". În asemenea situații, dar și apare ca exces verbal, în locul conjuncției coordonatoare simple și. Tendința ar putea fi justificată de nevoia emițătorului de a compensa, prin nota formală și aglomerare lexicală, simplitatea (uneori pauperitatea) conținutului de transmis.

Entre 1900 et 1925, la Dalmatie est le théâtre d’un conflit. L’affrontement n’est pas guerrier, mais diplomatique: à qui de la Yougoslavie ou de l’Italie reviendra cette côte de l’Adriatique? À grand renfort de travaux scientifiques, des universitaires, italiens comme yougoslaves, s’activent alors à démontrer l’appartenance de la région à l’un ou l’autre des deux États. Les argumentaires mobilisés s’articulent autour d’une puissante ressource idéologique: la nation. Cet ouvrage attire l’attention sur les engagements de deux importantes figures de la linguistique de l’époque: Matteo Bartoli et Aleksandar Belić. Pour le premier, l’ancestral langue dalmate est le témoignage d’une italianité éternelle, pour le deuxième, tout y est slave…

Present-day German adheres to the Verb-Second (V2) rule, generating the finite verb in V before relinearizing it to C,
with only one constituent targeting Spec,CP in main clauses. However, recent studies have identified several mis
matches between structural and linear syntax in the CP domain. While various proposals have addressed these indi
vidual patterns, configurations with multiple intrasentential phenomena that violate the V2 constraint have been
largely neglected. This paper proposes a model within the cartographic framework to derive complex CP linearizations
in German. This approach excludes polyadic – i.e., dyadic or multiple – fronting, integrates cyclic movement (internal
Merge) and multiple base-generation (external Merge), and effectively applies the bottleneck effect to account for the
observed derivations. The findings reveal that all possible linearizations are complex variants of the basic V2 pattern,
offering a nuanced understanding of the CP domain’s structural complexities.

This paper discusses the lexical constraints regulating the occurrence of indefinite null objects in European Spanish in comparison to European Portuguese. Based on previous research and corpus data, we suggest that the distribution of indefinite null objects is determined by the lexical constraints governing the distribution of object bare nouns. We propose that a predicate's ability to allow for certain types of bare nouns predicts its capacity to permit corresponding indefinite null objects. Specifically, predicates that allow for object bare plurals and object mass nouns also allow for indefinite null objects referring to these types of bare nouns, while those permitting bare singulars allow for indefinite null objects referring to all types of bare nouns. Conversely, predicates that do not allow for any kind of object bare nouns do also not allow for indefinite null objects. The theoretical advantage of this proposal is that the distribution of indefinite object drop in Spanish is derived from the distribution of object bare nouns, not from a newly posited grammatical mechanism. Additionally, we propose a universal implicational hierarchy wherein languages with fewer restrictions on object bare nouns are more likely to allow for indefinite null objects. Our examination of European Portuguese data shows that EP is more permissive with regard to indefinite null objects and supports this hierarchy account, demonstrating its applicability to crosslinguistic patterns of different types of null objects and object bare nouns. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by the Open Library of Humanities.

The primary aim of this thesis is to document several key morphosyntactic characteristics of the southern Italo-Romance variety of Eolian, spoken in the archipelago of the Eolian Islands. Its recent origin and hybrid-style grammar, described in previous studies, leads to an exploration of its morphosyntactic similarities to the two macro-groups of southern Italian dialects, the upper southern and the extreme southern ones (USIDs and ESIDs, respectively). This framing has also guided the selection of the four phenomena studied in this project – in which the two groups tend to differ –, which include (a) the use of possessives with kinship terms, (b) the distribution of past tense forms, (c) finite and non-finite complementation, and (d) pseudocoordination. Each section consists of a description of data obtained through fieldwork and offers an analysis rooted in the cartographic framework. A comparative approach, applied to a broad range of Romance varieties, and an attention to diachrony, are fundamental for an understanding of the greater empirical and theoretical significance of Eolian, which in several cases yields data otherwise undocumented in the literature, along with novel insights applicable to other varieties. While dialect groups and language families undoubtedly eschew monolithic categorization, the process of comparison and generalization is embraced as a valuable tool to study variation in Romance.

In Chapter 2, the unusual coexistence of postnominal possessives (u frate mia, lit. ‘the brother my’, fratema, lit. ‘brother-my’) and prenominal ones (me frate ‘my brother’), in Eolian found only with kinship terms, is interpreted as an ongoing change in progress, accelerated in recent years due to more intense contact with neighboring Sicilian varieties, where the prenominal type is used. This situation will be shown to parallel distinct contact scenarios featuring other eastern Romance varieties. In Chapter 3, the use of the synthetic past tense form (fice ‘I did’) with (present) resultative value, along with the observation that multiple reflexes of HABEO FACTUM (> aju fattu ‘I have done’) coexist in synchrony, prompts a revisitation of the diachrony of past tense forms in some southern Romance varieties. In Chapter 4, it will be shown that in always preceding left-dislocated constituents, Eolian’s two finite complementizers (ca/che ‘that’), taken together, constitute a conservative dual complementizer system that is distinct from heretofore documented modern Romance varieties. A greater use of non-finite complementation, with respect to both USIDs and Balkan-style ESIDs, is also witnessed. Chapter 5 will examine the two productive types of pseudocoordination found in Eolian (interpreted as a form of monoclausal subordination with two finite verbs, V1 and V2, often connected via a linking element, e.g. vaju a mmanciu ‘I go and eat’). While in the first type, the V1 (found with GO and COME, which inflects) is considered to be a functional head, in the second (found with RETURN, which is invariable), the V1 is argued to have grammaticalized to the point of becoming a ‘deficient’ aspectual adverb, due in part to its use with non-finite V2s, unexpected within Romance.

Ministère de l'Éducation Nationale 1. DESCRIPCIÓ DEL DOCUMENT I DEL MATERIAL QUE L'ACOMPANYA L'estudi fins ara inèdit que presentem es conserva actualment a la Biblioteca Nacional de Catalunya reproduït en 56 folis mecanografiats amb la signatura 9153, i atribuït a Emmanuel Companys. Segons informa el registre de la biblioteca, hi ingressà el 2009, quan l'Institut Cervantes de Tolosa de Llenguadoc donà els fulls a la biblioteca nacional. Sembla que el fons és el resultat de la documentació aplegada pel llibreter català Josep Salvador, que participà en l'organització dels Jocs Florals celebrats el desembre de 1952 a la susdita vila. Els folis són d'un paper molt fi, d'un blanc apagat sense marques d'aigua, de 210 × 270 mm, utilitzat a França fins el 1967 per a la correspondència comercial. Es conserva al mateix paquet documental un sobre marró de mida quartilla timbrat a Foix el 24-10-5[2],

Towards microvariation offers a comprehensive view about the multifaceted phenomenon known as Differential Object Marking (DOM) across the diverse spectrum of Romance languages. Edited by Monica Alexandrina Irimia and Alexandru Mardale, this volume comprises studies that investigate the intricate dynamics of DOM, shedding light on its syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and diachronic dimensions. Through a combination of empirical data and theoretical insights, the contributors present a meticulous examination of the complexities of DOM, posing a question about traditional assumptions and paving the way for a deeper understanding of this linguistic phenomenon. At the heart of this volume lies a concerted effort to explore the microvariation of DOM within the Romance language family. While previous studies have predominantly focused on major varieties such as Standard Spanish, Differential Object Marking in Romance: Towards microvariation takes a more inclusive

Il contributo rappresenta un saggio di analisi della tradizione romanza della Descriptio de locis sanctis di Rorgone Fretello, uno dei più fortunati trattati-itinerari mediolatini di Terra Santa. Sono dunque presi in esame alcuni passaggi significativi della Terre de Promission, versione antico-francese dell’opera, e della Fazienda de Ultra Mar castigliana, che si avvale ampiamente della Descriptio. Attraverso un punto di vista comparatistico, il saggio si propone di mettere in evidenza punti di contatto e elementi di divergenza tra le due opere, con particolare attenzione al ruolo dello spazio geografico e al culto delle reliquie.

The review compares three approaches to the classification of non-dominant languages ​​in Europe. The first of the publications is based on A. Duličenko's theory of microlanguages, while the second is based on Romanist positions. The third tries to combine experiences from research on Slavic and non-Slavic languages. The author of the review comes to the conclusion that researchers dealing with the same issue within different research traditions (e.g. Slavic studies vs. Romance studies) do not know each other, or they may believe that the given issue is not studied at all in another field. The author tries to show, which are the reasons of the differences in the interpretation of the same phenomena from different perspectives.

he world, as we experience it is literally generated from cortical representations. Within the predictive coding framework, odd as it seems, what we perceive is a virtual reality constructed from the mind's own building materials. Mark Solms, The Hidden Spring 1 Up until the second half of the 19 th century, the use of 'exemplary' in reference to stories or tales seems not to have been customary in English culture. At least according to Walter K. Kelly 2 , the translator of Miguel de

This article builds on Šimon Ondruš's linking of the progress and periodization of Indo-European studies with attempts to reconstruct a short text in the Indo-European protolanguage, the tale of sheep and horses first introduced by August Schleicher. It is shown that there coexist two attitudes in the development of the field, formulism and realism. Existing text reconstructions in the Indo-European and other protolanguages are tentatively classified according to the way and degree to which they advocate realism.

This paper deals with a focusing strategy, focus fronting, whereby the focused information unit precedes the finite nucleus. Our principal concern is with the micro-parametric variation between Nuorese Sardinian, Sicilian, and Italian, three Romance languages which display focus fronting to different extents and in different modalities. We claim that whereas focus fronting in Sardinian occurs in the pre-core slot, thus paralleling fronting in German , in Sicilian focus fronting distinguishes between contrastive and completive focus. The locus of contrastive focus fronting is the pre-core slot, whilst completive focus fronting places the focused information unit in the first position in the core (Bentley 2008). The contrast between Sardinian and Sicilian illustrates two V2 strategies; one is defined by the placement of the finite nucleus in the core-initial position ([ pre-core Slot X] [ core [nucleus]…]), whilst the other is defined by the placement of the finite nucleus in the second position of the core ([ core X [nucleus]…]). In Italian, fronting is highly constrained, affecting only wh-and contrastive units, and leaving scope for SVO order in almost all its instances. The proposed analysis is compatible with the current understanding of fronting in Medieval Romance .

ROMANISTICA COMENIANA is a peer-reviewed academic journal, published since 2018 by the Department of Romance Languages at the Faculty of Arts, Comenius University in Bratislava. It is concerned with Romance linguistic and cultural areas, especially in the context of mutual relations, analogies, and di erences with Central Europe and its languages. The journal publishes original articles on linguistics, literary science, translatology, didactics, intercultural relations, and history; survey articles; reviews of publications (within three years of their publication), and reports on relevant and current events in Romance studies. The journal is published twice a year and accepts texts in Slovak, Czech, the Romance languages and English.

ROMANISTICA COMENIANA is a peer-reviewed academic journal, published since 2018 by the Department of Romance Languages at the Faculty of Arts, Comenius University in Bratislava. It is concerned with Romance linguistic and cultural areas, especially in the context of mutual relations, analogies, and di erences with Central Europe and its languages. The journal publishes original articles on linguistics, literary science, translatology, didactics, intercultural relations, and history; survey articles; reviews of publications (within three years of their publication), and reports on relevant and current events in Romance studies. The journal is published twice a year and accepts texts in Slovak, Czech, the Romance languages and English. Články │ Articles Literatúra a kultúra | Literature and Culture Le roman médiéval : un perpétuel transfert culturel The medieval romance: an endless cultural transfer Sára Horváthy L'exophonie chez Sekiguchi Ryōko : transfert de saveurs Sekiguchi Ryōko's exophony: transfer of avours Anna Bourges-Celaries Les transferts culturels dans l'oeuvre de Dany Laferrière Cultural transfers in the work of Dany Laferrière Květuše Kunešová Le Secret d'un grand conteur (1971) et les transferts culturels franco-tchécoslovaques The Secret of Great Narrator (1971) And French-Czechoslovak cultural transfers Anastasia Mamaeva Ré échir à l'exil : un dé pour aujourd'hui Thinking about exile as a challenge for today

Le présent volume est le résultat de la conférence quasi éponyme : « Romanska språk i Sverige-tradition och förnyelse » (Les langues romanes en Suèdetradition et innovation), conférence organisée les 20-21 avril 2017 au Département de langues et littératures, l'Université de Göteborg. Après une Introduction, le volume contient 18 contributions, toutes rédigées en suédois et réparties sur trois grandes sections : I L'histoire de la romanistique suédoise des cent premières années (1860-1960) ; II La romanistique en tant que discipline académique : identité et domaines de recherches ; III L'enseignement des langues romanes dans les universités suédoises : perspectives historiques et actuelles. L'ouvrage se clôt sur des réflexions synthétisantes (par un des éditeurs) et une présentation des contributeurs. Comme le souligne Hans Kronning, dans un prolégomène à sa présentation d'un nouveau projet de recherche (voir plus loin), le terme « romaniste » couvre en fait plusieurs notions : a) personne étudiant une langue ou une littérature romane ; b) personne étudiant une suite de langues ou de littératures romanes ; c) personne comparant, sur un ou plusieurs points précis, deux ou plusieurs langues, littératures ou cultures romanes ; d) notion chapeautant a)-c). Le terme « romanistique » présente en principe la même ambiguïté, tout en fonctionnant, semble-t-il, en Suède surtout comme nom d'un domaine de connaissance ou d'une communauté scientifique. Cependant, alors qu'auparavant cette communauté scientifique en linguistique pouvait être vue comme relativement homogène-caractère historique/étymologique/philologique-,de nos jours les communautés scientifiques romanistes paraissent surtout axées sur différents paradigmes méthodologiques comme la syntaxe/sémantique, l'analyse du discours, l'interaction, l'acquisition et apprentissage des langues. Cette collaboration méthodologique excédant souvent le cadre roman, la langue véhiculaire tend alors à devenir l'anglais. Dans la première section du volume, Lars-Göran Sundell rend compte de l'histoire de la romanistique suédoise des cent premières années (1860-1960), vue à travers d'une part l'établissement de chaires à Uppsala et Lund, d'abord, à Göteborg et Stockholm ensuite ; d'autre part l'inspiration fournie par de grands noms de la romanistique européenne, comme Friedrich Diez et Gaston Paris, ce dernier ayant eu plusieurs disciples suédois. Ainsi, les premières chaires suédoises, en « linguistique néoeuropéenne et littérature moderne », comprenaient aussi bien les langues romanes que les langues germaniques ; la division entre les deux familles se fera une trentaine d'années plus tard. Parmi les plus grands noms de cette période, on notera Emmanuel Olde et Edvard Lidfors à Lund, P. A. Geijer et Carl Wahlund à Uppsala, Johan Vising à Göteborg. Au XXe siècle, l'orientation

A tanulmány egy általános szociolingvisztikai helyzetképet vázol fel a romani mint szociológiai értelemben nem domináns, kisebbségi nyelv helyzetéről, különös tekintettel a magyarországi romani változatokra. Először bemutatja a romani nyelv változatosságának néhány aspektusát, majd áttekinti a beszélők számára vonatkozó statisztikai adatokat. Ezt követően vázolja a romani-párú kétnyelvűség főbb jellemzőit, megvilágítva a hatalmi egyenlőtlenségek nyelvi-nyelvhasználati következményeit. Figyelmet fordít azokra a sajátosságokra, amelyekre a romani nyelvi tervezésnek érdemes tekintettel lennie. Végül a romani megőrzését és használatát támogató nyelvi tervezéshez szükséges kutatásokra vonatkozó ajánlásokat fogalmaz meg.

The study outlines a general sociolinguistic overview of the situation of Romani as a sociologically non-dominant minority language, with particular focus on the Romani varieties spoken in Hungary. It begins by presenting dialectal diversity of Romani, followed by a review of statistical data concerning its speakers in Hungary. Subsequently, it describes the main characteristics of Romani-paired bilingualism, shedding light on the linguistic consequences of power inequalities. Special attention is given to the particularities that should be considered in Romani language planning. Finally, the study provides recommendations for research needed to support language planning efforts aimed at preserving and promoting the use of Romani.

The article discusses the relationship between Classical and Romance
philology and methods in linguistic historiography usually adopted in both fields. After an introduction devoted to the relations between the two disciplines in the field of textual criticism, it considers the problem of historical periodization (of Classical and Romance languages), the use of some key terms present in both fields, such as koiné and dialect, and finally the notion of literary vs. non-literary text in its
different meaning in the two fields of research.

Learne Ád' syntactic influence is to be seen as a special case of language contact, the mechanism of which must form part of a general theory of language change and feature within the histories of individual languages. The identification of`learne Ád' syntactic features is especially problematic in the Romance languages, where Latin is both the lending and the parent language. In this article, I examine one case of learne Ád syntactic influence which interestingly also suffers demise, and show that the many factors involved its rise and fall preclude a simplistic account of learne Ád influence as mere imitative borrowing; they also shed light on the role of structural congruency in such influence and the apparent paradox that a construction can be favoured in one period and abandoned in another. 1. Preliminaries Although in this article I want to consider some of the rather wideranging issues suggested by the title, I will concentrate my attention on just one particular construction in one of the Romance languages,

La teoría de Pylkkänen (2008) explica cómo los argumentos que no son seleccionados por la raíz léxica son introducidos en las estructuras sintácticas. En relación con la introducción de objetos indirectos no argumentales, Pylkkänen propone la existencia de un núcleo funcional aplicativo (SApl), que, dependiendo de dónde se ensamble en la estructura sintáctica, se clasifica como bajo o alto. En cuanto a los SApl bajos, Pylkkänen señala que están restringidos a verbos con argumento interno no estativos. Sin embargo, los datos del español muestran que la situación es más compleja, al menos en esta lengua, y que resulta necesaria una reformulación de dichas restricciones (Cuervo, 2003; Pujalte, 2009). En primer lugar, no todo verbo transitivo eventivo permite el agregado de una frase aplicativa. Y, en segundo lugar, no todos los verbos estativos son incompatibles con dativos no argumentales. Estos hechos podrían constituir un problema, ya que inducirían a modificar la teoría. Mostramos, sin embargo, que los verbos estativos no constituyen un contraejemplo y exploramos una reformulación según la cual se mantiene el requisito de transitividad, pero se extiende la restricción sobre la semántica verbal a todos los predicados atélicos y no solo a los estativos.

The paper examines a syntactic consequence of a typological property of Romanian: the Clitic Doubling construction (=CD), in order to derive a wellknown generalization on CD languages: namely, the fact that CD does not license parasitic gaps (=PG). We propose that the (im)possibility of PG is related to the syntactic structure of the gap’s antecedent and prove that the antecedent of a PG cannot be a clitic-headed DPs, therefore, the type of DP which underlies CD in our analysis. The absence of PGs with CD illustrates a more general phenomenon: DPs which are part of clitic chains do not license PG. This is because clitic-licensed DPs cannot be accommodated inside the vP, but require the formation of a clitic chain, with the clitic in an Inflectional position and the lexical DP out of vP as well. The ingredients of the analysis are the following: a) the analysis of PG’s presented in Nissenbaum (2000) (henceforwards, N); b) a stranding analysis of CD, as applied to Romanian, largely fo...

In generative grammar, the typology introduced by the null subject or pro-drop parameter shows a clear distinction between null subject languages and languages with obligatory subjects. As a consequence, in non-null subject languages the presence of a subject pronoun is always obligatory, even in impersonal constructions, while this is not the case in null subject languages. In this perspective, it seems that the status of a language with respect to the null subject parameter is determined by the presence of expletive pronouns. However, some Romance dialects that are classified a priori as null subject languages show apparent subject pronouns with impersonal verbs, especially with meteorological verbs. This is the case for dialects spoken at the border areas of Occitan, in particular in the north of Occitania. On the basis of a corpus we have recently set up, we examine the distribution and the morphosyntactic behaviour of these elements, which challenge the general dichotomy betwee...

In generative grammar, the typology introduced by the null subject or pro-drop parameter shows a clear distinction between null subject languages and languages with obligatory subjects. As a consequence, in non-null subject languages the presence of a subject pronoun is always obligatory, even in impersonal constructions, while this is not the case in null subject languages. In this perspective, it seems that the status of a language with respect to the null subject parameter is determined by the presence of expletive pronouns. However, some Romance dialects that are classified a priori as null subject languages show apparent subject pronouns with impersonal verbs, especially with meteorological verbs. This is the case for dialects spoken at the border areas of Occitan, in particular in the north of Occitania. On the basis of a corpus we have recently set up, we examine the distribution and the morphosyntactic behaviour of these elements, which challenge the general dichotomy between null subject and non-null subject languages and discuss the ensuing theoretical implications. In particular, we inquire whether these elements are indicators for a change in progress concerning the status of the dialects under investigation with respect to the null subject property.

AXE 1 Mots clés: études contrastives, évolution, formation Résumé: La communication aborde la problématique de la comparaison des langues ainsi que l'évolution du concept d'analyse contrastive. Le parcours diachronique part des travaux des contrastivistes durs et atteint les notions actuelles développées à partir d'un changement d'optique. C'est l'apprenant et non pas le linguiste qui effectue les possibles rapprochements des langues contrastées. Des exemples pris successivement dans les domaines de la grammaire, du lexique, de la proxémie et de la chronémie en espagnol et en français permettront d'illustrer les propos exposés. On montrera également l'intérêt de favoriser l'utilisation d'une approche contrastive renouvelée. 1. Introduction Le français et l'espagnol, comme nous le savons, appartiennent à deux familles de langues voisines. Malgré cette appartenance d'origine, sur le plan linguistique, on peut constater des divergences im...

This paper argues that translators can greatly benefit from contrastive studies of discourse structure. Cross-linguistic studies of Italian and Danish point to significant typological differences in information packaging in the two languages, especially in their use of deverbalisation. Italian sentences tend to include a larger number of Elementary Discourse Units (EDUs), especially propositions, than Danish. A higher percentage of these is rhetorically backgrounded by means of non-finite and nominalised predicates. Danish text structure, on the other hand, is more informationally linear and characterised by a higher number of finite verbs and topic shifts. These typological differences are transferred into three simple translation rules concerning 1) the number of EDUs, 2) the rhetorical structure, and 3) the textualisation of rhetorical satellites.

This paper argues that translators can greatly benefit from contrastive studies of discourse structure. Cross-linguistic studies of Italian and Danish point to significant typological differences in information packaging in the two languages, especially in their use of deverbalisation. Italian sentences tend to include a larger number of Elementary Discourse Units (EDUs), especially propositions, than Danish. A higher percentage of these is rhetorically backgrounded by means of non-finite and nominalised predicates. Danish text structure, on the other hand, is more informationally linear and characterised by a higher number of finite verbs and topic shifts. These typological differences are transferred into three simple translation rules concerning 1) the number of EDUs, 2) the rhetorical structure, and 3) the textualisation of rhetorical satellites.

Este trabajo se propone comparar el empleo de los dativos posesivos y locativos en español con su uso correspondiente en el portugués de Brasil. Para tanto, haremos una descripción de las construcciones de verbo bitransitivo en las que el clítico de dativo en español equivale a complementos preposicionales en las construcciones homólogas del portugués brasileño: El padre le acarició el pelo a la niña / O pai acariciou o cabelo da menina; ¿Le puso orégano a la pizza? / Ele colocou orégano na pizza? A partir de la clasificación de Campos (1999) para el objeto indirecto no argumental (CI²), presentaremos una revisión de las teorías de incorporación de dativo en Gutiérrez Ordóñez (1999) y Romero (2003), en paralelo a la teoría de las construcciones aplicativas propuestas por Pylkkänen (2000), Cuervo (2003) y Torres Moraes (2012). Se muestra que el dativo, como complemento incorporado o aplicado, es muy productivo en construcciones de doble objeto en español, mientras que, en portugués brasileño, se da preferencia por la construcción genitiva con verbos de variada significación, lo que puede deberse a la pérdida del objeto indirecto anafórico de 3a. persona.

This case study was completed in June 2019 as part of the Sustaining Minoritized Languages in Europe (SMiLE) Collaborative Research Awards, a project of the Smithsonian Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage’s Language Vitality Initiative.
Link to the collection of case studies: https://doi.org/10.25573/data.c.6280911
More information on the SMiLE project website: https://folklife.si.edu/smile

Lo scopo dell’articolo è quello di osservare il verbo ausiliare modale dovere nell’atto di indicare diversi significati modali sia nell’ambito della modalità deontica che nell’ambito della modalità epistemica. Il verbo dovere, insieme all’infinito di un verbo pieno, fa parte di un costrutto indicabile come “modo analitico”. L’uso di questo termine viene giustificato dal fatto che, almeno in alcuni casi, il costrutto con il verbo dovere entra in concorrenza con il “modo sintetico”, cioè con il modo verbale. Nell’indicare i significati deontici (necessità, obbligatorietà, opportunità deontica) il costrutto con il verbo dovere è considerabile come “modo deontico analitico”, sostituibile o con l’imperativo, o con il congiuntivo in funzione esortativa. Nell’indicare i significati epistemici (necessità o probabilità epistemica) il costrutto con il verbo dovere è considerabile come “modo epistemico analitico”, sostituibile con l’indicativo.