History of Religions

This is a major contribution to the contemporary discussion of material religion and the anthropology of Christianity. Published in a book series on the anthropology of Christianity, (ed. Joel Robbins) Webb Keane presents new theoretical pathways for several interrelated topics, written in a rich and provocative manner. From a historical perspective Keane investigates the dynamic relations and boundaries between words, material things and subjects. He uses the context of the colonial missionary encounter of the Dutch in Indonesia as a frontier to highlight how Euro-Americans have understood themselves to be modern and construed the Other of modernity (p.6). The specific attention given to Calvinism lies in its peculiar role in the history of Euro-American capitalism and political thought, Keane argues. In order to capture practices involving words and things, Keane introduces as key concept the notion of semiotic ideology: 'like language ideology, then, semiotic ideology is a reflection upon, and an attempt to organize, people's experiences of the materiality of semiotic form. Not only language, but also music, visual imagery, food, architecture and gesture and anything else that enters the actual semiotic practice functions within perceptible experience by virtue of its material properties' (p.21). Notwithstanding this broad definition, Keane concentrates on language, material things and agency. By focusing on materiality of social imaginaries, the interconnectedness of ideas and material domains become visible, Keane argues. In the missionary encounter, and particularly in conflicts surrounding practices of religious conversion, the dynamics of contrasting semiotic ideologies at play within a particular context is highlighted. It is in this confrontation that the discourse of the fetish emerges, questioning the basic assumptions about what beings inhabit the world, what counts as possible agents and what not. Keane articulates his theoretical framework by taking doctrine seriously: they are not only about the world, they function often in practical and concrete terms, within the world. The notion of purification of Bruno Latour, understood as part of a modern project of separating domains of signs and things, of creating boundaries between objects and subjects, is taken up by Keane to explain Protestant missionaries' attempts to dematerialize religion. But purification is also applied by Keane to discuss the concept of agency: in the missionary encounter important practices that foster particular kinds of self-consciousness about agency have emerged, and the modern vision of a self that must be abstracted from material and social entanglement is induced. Keane positions Calvinist semiotic ideology as part of a larger historical process that has led to the narrative of modernity. Protestantism converges with the subjective dimensions of the idea of modernity as moral progress and the idea of disenchantment as definitive secular modernity in two ways: by locating certain kinds of agency in persons, according a special value to agency, and by modifying religion primarily into a matter of concepts. But Keane stresses, following Latour, that purification processes are never fully successful and do create hybrids because of the inescapable materiality that semiotic forms induce. High ideals and ideologies cannot exist socially or be transmitted without some kind of embodiment and consequently generate new semiotic forms. Human subjects cannot free themselves from the practices through which they are embedded in the world of other people.

It is often assumed that the history of 19th-century France was determined by a struggle between anti-religious progressive reformers and Catholic reactionaries, culminating in laïcité. In this process, the role of socialism as a secular force is usually taken for granted. This article will argue that a more complex approach to socialism can contribute to a better understanding of secularization and the emergence of “modern” forms of religion. Firstly, it will be discussed that pre-1848 social reformers were highly religious, despite their depiction in historical narratives influenced by Marxism. Secondly, it will be shown that socialist ideas continued, after 1848, in new religious movements. This will be demonstrated on the basis of the intellectual development of the socialist Alphonse-Louis Constant who, under his pen-name Eliphas Lévi, is regarded as the founder of occultism. An analysis of his writings will help to illuminate the ambiguous relationship between socialism and secularization.

Among the Yukaghirs, a small group of indigenous hunters in northeastern Siberia, it is
commonly held that humans and animals can turn into each other by temporarily taking
on one another's bodies. However, this is dangerous for a hunter, because he may thus
lose sight of his original species identity and undergo an irreversible metamorphosis. He
therefore assumes the viewpoint of his prey, but not in any absolute sense, which would
mean literally becoming the animal. This article explores the mimetic practice that allows
the hunter to be similar to the animal impersonated, yet also different, giving him a
'double perspective' by which he can seduce and kill his prey.

In this article we re-examine notions of relativism and universalism in the history of anthropology through a re-appraisal of anthropological research in the Mediterranean. In
view of the fact of ongoing, public debates on how to bring about a new world order, we trace the notion of a clash of civilizations in intellectual history and depict early attempts to shed light on cultural techniques of exchange and cohabitation.
By examining the material basis of the  culture and the body-techniques of visionary experiences, we will argue that
creative human beings are apt to develop social and individual strategies for dealing with one’s own cultural heritage and with Otherness and its various transformations. Following
Foucault and Deleuze we concentrate on different modes of “folding”, i.e. subjectivations, along which outside experience is transformed into inside experience and vice versa in order
to explore the cultural basis on which resistance as well as any commitment to a “clash of civilizations” is negotiated. In the words of Marcel Mauss, “underlying all our mystic states
are corporeal techniques…[and] biological methods of entering into communication with God” (Mauss 1979), and we argue that these have always had and have the potential to challenge dominant cultural politics and ideologies.

Abstract: This article challenges the tendency, both academic and popular, to
assign empathy the status of a virtue. The widespread inclination to associate
empathy with the morally and socially “good”—with compassion, understanding,
cultural bonding, and non-violent sociality—ignores what we propose to call the
“dark side of empathy”: that is, the multiple ways in which empathy is routinely
deployed to manipulate, seduce, deceive, and dehumanize others by means of vicariousness.
Two diverse ethnographic cases, of hunting in Siberia and political
violence in Indonesia, provide the empirical background for a discussion of the
complex relationship of empathy to mimesis, deception, violence, and sociality.

The concept of the mahant- ātman-, or “vast self”, found in some of the Early and Middle Upaniṣads, has, at least since the days of Hermann Oldenberg, been explored by a number of scholars, most notably by van Buitenen (History of Religions 4(1): 103–114, 1964). These studies have usually emphasized the cosmic implications of this concept; the vast ātman- being the non-individualized spirit that brings forth and pervades the universe, then enters the bodies of all created beings as their animating principle. As such it precedes the mahān (ātmā), or mahat, of the Sāṃkhya philosophy. The present paper argues that the concept of a mahant- puruṣa- or “vast (soul-)person”, appearing parallel to the vast ātman in these texts, is in fact older, being traceable to Middle Vedic texts; the emergence of the Upaniṣadic ātman doctrine has eventually led to its replacement by the mahān ātmā. Originally, it is argued, the adjective mahant- stressed the difference between this “vast” puruṣa, who is said to dwell in the sun, and the minute puruṣa within man, who is seen as the tiny “person” in one’s pupil, or resides in the heart, having the size of a thumb. In contradistinction to the ātman, the puruṣa is a thoroughly anthropomorphic soul-concept, a “person” within the person. The ultimate identity between this tiny soul-person and the puruṣa in the sun is a recurring, but little studied, motif in the micro-macrocosmic speculations of the Brāhmaṇa texts. This “vast”, solar puruṣa is sometimes identified with the Puruṣa or primeval man of Ṛgveda 10.90, from whose body the universe was formed, and much of the imagery surrounding the vast puruṣa of Middle and Late Vedic literature seems to derive from this hymn.

Franciscan Order stands as a central topic in the sixteenth century Spanish colonial history. Leaders of the spiritual conquest and early settlers of Mexico, Fran-ciscans were among the first that recognized the importance of the New World recently discovered. Among them, fray Gerónimo de Mendieta is globally renowned as one of the most important personalities of his epoch. His works-several cartas, relaciones, and a complete and extensive chronicle-are considered an indispensable source of information. My essay will investigate how Mendieta and his writings were gradually discovered and then incorporated in the larger framework of the sixteenth century history. I will start from what I consider a Bfirst tradition^of studies that runs from the publication of his works in the late eighteenth century until the first half of the nineteenth. I will continue with a Bsecond tradition^that stressed Franciscan mysticism and outlined Mendieta's role in shaping a BMillenarian Kingdom^of Franciscans in the New World. I will then investigate a third generation of scholars that criticized this latter configuration, and I will end by briefly presenting my own reflection about Mendieta and his works.

I argue that the imagination was a crucial concept for the understanding of marvellous phenomena, divination and magic in general. Exploring a debate on prophecy at the turn of the seventeenth century, I show that four explanatory categories (God, demons, nature and fraud) were consistently evoked and I elucidate the role of the imagination in each of them. I introduce the term 'floating concept' to conceptualise the different understandings of the imagination and animal spirits in different discourses. I underpin my argument with a broader and less known discussion of the imagination. I argue that theories of the imagination, and particularly of the powers of the imagination, acquired negative associations and became linked with illicit magic in the Renaissance. Furthermore, I show that the relation between both animal spirits and imagination, and the power of the latter over external bodies, points to the importance of a 'history of vapours' and this suggests an adjustment to Hutchison's argument on occult qualities in mechanical philosophy. The accompanying paper gives more evidence of these claims and elaborates on the relation between the natural and the moral.

In this chapter, we contrast legal and ethical perspectives on two forms of nontherapeutic female genital cutting: those commonly known as "female genital mutilation" and those commonly known as "female genital cosmetic surgeries." We begin by questioning the usefulness of these categories—and the presumed distinctions upon which they rest— stressing the shared features of the two sets of practices. Taking UK legislation as a case study, we show that there are troubling inconsistencies in the way in which female genital cutting is understood in Western contexts. Specifically: (a) all nontherapeutic genital alterations to female minors are criminalised, typically with harsh penalties for transgressing the law, while even more invasive nontherapeutic genital alterations to male and intersex minors are permitted and almost entirely unregulated; and (b) genital alterations of adult women regarded as "cosmetic" in nature are treated as legal, while in some jurisdictions, anatomically identical procedures classified as "mutilation" are illegal. This chapter highlights these and other inconsistencies, speculates as to why they arise in Western contexts, and explores the scope for more consistent and constructive attitudes and legislation.

The Evolution of God is a 2009 book by Robert Wright, in which the author explores the history of the concept of God in the three Abrahamic religions through a variety of means, including archaeology, history, theology, and evolutionary psychology.

Akin to the mathematical recreations, John Wilkins' Mathematicall Magick (1648) elaborates the pleasant, useful and wondrous part of practical mathematics, dealing in particular with its material culture of machines and instruments. We contextualize the Mathematicall Magick by studying its institutional setting and its place within changing conceptions of art, nature, religion and mathematics. We devote special attention to the way Wilkins inscribes mechanical innovations within a discourse of wonder. Instead of treating ‘wonder’ as a monolithic category, we present a typology, showing that wonders were not only recreative, but were meant to inspire Wilkins' readers to new mathematical inventions.

This article examines the heritage destruction undertaken by the Islamic State (IS) in Iraq and Syria. To date, their iconoclasm has been mostly characterised either as acts of wanton barbarism devoid of religious or political justification, or as a cynical performance designed as a mass media spectacle. Drawing on a systematic analysis of two key IS propaganda outlets – their on-line magazine, Dabiq, and the various slick films released by Al-Hayat – this article argues that the heritage destruction perpetrated by the IS are not only situated within a carefully articulated theological framework and key to the creation of a new and ideologically pure ‘Islamic State’, but that they are also constituted by several complex layers of religious and political iconoclasm. To demonstrate, this article documents the iconoclasm undertaken by the IS along two key axes: Symbolic Sectarianism (Shia and Sufi mosques and shrines); and Pre-Monotheistic Iconoclasm (ancient polytheistic sites). Attacks on key sites within these categories, such as the Sayyida Zaynab shrine in Damascus or the Mosul Museum, not only adhere to their religious and political framework but also serve broader geo-political agendas and are attacked as proxy targets for their physical and ideological opponents.

Whereas 2 Cor. 3.1-4.6 is traditionally understood as a polemic against Judaeans and the Mosaic law, a close examination of its rhetoric of moral freedom in light of nearly contemporaneous philosophers, and Philo of Alexandria in particular, necessitates a different conclusion. As part of his self-depiction as a sophos, Paul critiques Moses’ mediation of the law by invoking Stoic philosophical traditions which relativize slavery and freedom and assert that written codes of law are insufficient for freedom in order to claim that Moses limited divine revelation. In this way, Paul casts Moses’ mediation as a foil for his mediation of the gospel, which allegedly does not limit revelation but affords freedom apart from the written law. Paul never castigates the law or Judaeans; instead, he critiques Mosaic mediation in order to bolster his own authority as a mediator of divine revelation.

**Please send me a message if you'd like me to email you the full article.

The Vatican pilgrim casket (sometimes referred to as the Sancta Sanctorum pilgrim
box), containing relics from the Holy Land, reveals important changes in the history of devotional art. In revisiting the increasing use since late antiquity of a linear narrative
in Christian decorations,1 the author relates the three modes of representation in and on the pilgrim casket to three concepts of time—history, memory, and vision—testifying to the establishment of a new pictorial and iconographic Christian tradition, shaped by vision- ary experiences at holy sites, favoring narrative scenes. Beginning in the sixth century, pilgrims’ reliquaries increasingly showed events from the holy sites from which the relics came, images that gained impact as a medium in themselves, as an aid to memory and/or to meditation. The author demonstrates how the visionary experiences that took place at holy sites, recorded in early pilgrim accounts, shaped these iconographic traditions.

Hittites thought that mountains were sacred places just as other societies in the ancient history. This was due to the idea that a mountain was viewed as a God and as an ermitage. Therefore, Hittites made some of their rituals on the mountains. Hittites thought some mountains, near their cities, were sacred mountains to be used in their religious lives. They consubstantiated these mountains with cities. The most notable ones are Boğazkale – Yazılıkaya, Ortaköy – Ağılönü, Alacahöyük - Kalehisar Tepesi, Kuşaklı – Karatonus/Kulmaç Dağı, Oymaağaç – Adatepe, Çadır höyük – Çaltepe, Hatıp höyük – Hatıp kayalığı, Maltepe Höyük – Arısama Dağı. There is no explanatory information in the Hittites cuneiform texts related with how open – air sacred spaces were chosen. We think that sacred mountains near the Hittite settlements were located within a few hours walking distance. In this paper, we will suggest that when Hitttie administrators or clergymen determined the sacred mountains of cities, they prefered to limit the distance within 5 km.

Herhangi bir dinin müntesiplerince kutsal kabul edilen bir yerin aslında mekân olma açısından diğer yerlerden farkı yoktur. Ancak, sonradan kutsal addedilen bir mekân, bir toplumun dinî hayatının merkezinde yer alan, insan hayatına yön veren ve anlam kazandıran bir özelliğe de sahip olmaktadır. Bunun en güzel örneği Kudüs şehridir. Kudüs Yahudilikte ve İslam’da olduğu gibi Hıristiyanlıkta da kutsal kabul edilen bir şehirdir. Ancak Kudüs’ün Hıristiyanlar için kutsallık kazanması İsa Mesih’in ölümünden asırlar sonra gerçekleşmiştir. Zira yorum farklılığından ötürü Kudüs’ün Hıristiyanlığın ilk dönemlerinde kutsal olup olmadığı hususunda belirsizlik bulunmaktadır. Bu nedenle Hıristiyan tarihinin ilk dönemlerinde Kudüs’ün kutsallığından bahsedilemez. Hatta Kudüs’ün kutsallığı hususunda, İsa Mesih’in çarmıha gerilmesinden asırlar sonra Hıristiyan din adamları arasında tartışmalar da yaşanmıştır. Kudüs, bütün karşı çıkmalara rağmen Hıristiyanlar için kutsallığını zamanla tekrar kazanmıştır. Kudüs’ün kutsallığını kazanmasında Hıristiyan inancının şekillenmesinde etkili olan tarihi olayların bu şehirde gerçekleşmesi, İsa Mesih’in mezarı üzerine inşa edilen Kutsal Kabir Kilisesi’nin bu şehirde bulunması ve Hıristiyanların Kudüs’ü hac merkezlerinden biri olarak benimsemeleri etkili olmuştur.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Dinler Tarihi, Kudüs, Hıristiyanlık, İsa Mesih, Kutsal Kabir Kilisesi.
The places considered sacred are actually no different from other places in terms of being a place. However, the coming about of an important religious event in one place makes it different from other places and sanctifies it. These places are thought to be closer to God than other places. In this context, Jerusalem draws attention because it is considered sacred by Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Under the holiness attributed to this city lies the fact that God, the only sacred being according to these religions, gives a special value to this town compared to other parts of the world. On the other hand, considering the history of Christianity, it is seen that the attitudes of Christians towards Jerusalem are not same. Accordingly, it can be said that there are two main views in the history of Christianity, one defending that Jerusalem is not theologically sacred and the other one defending that it is sacred.
According to the view that claimed that Jerusalem was not sacred to Christians, Jesus took a negative attitude towards Jerusalem. Accordingly, Jesus hinted that Jerusalem had lost its blessing. It is stated that this negative opinion of Jesus about Jerusalem became clearer in Paul's letters. In addition, Eusebius stated that the importance attributed to Jerusalem in the Old Testament did not continue after the New Testament. According to him, the importance of Jerusalem has ceased.
In 70 AD, the destruction of Solomon's Temple and Jerusalem was understood as that these places were not no longer important for Christians. According to this, nowhere else in the world is considered sacred to Christians than any other place. Only the existence and holiness of Jesus were believed. The importance and holiness of Jesus has replaced the importance and holiness of space.
On the other hand, the negative perception of the sanctity of Jerusalem in the early periods of Christianity began to change as a result of the travels of Constantine's mother Helena to Jerusalem and its surroundings in 326 AD after Constantine had accepted Christianity. Especially the construction of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher changed this perception deeply. Thus, opinions that suggest the opposite of the above negative views about the holiness of Jerusalem have taken their place in the Christian literature.
Cyril emphasized that the divine importance attributed to Jerusalem was a historical phenomenon, but it was not definitely final. He pointed out that important events related to Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit occurred in this city. On the other hand, Cyril argued that the term “Holy City” mentioned in Matthew has been the very city of Jerusalem. In this sense, he expressed that Jerusalem, in a theological context, has been special to God and is truly a "holy city". Cyril claimed that Jerusalem should be given a natural advantage. Throughout the Middle Ages, Jerusalem was considered as the true homeland of all Christians.
Despite all the opposition, Jerusalem regained its sanctity over time. As a matter of fact, although the Church adopted the understanding of Heavenly Jerusalem in the Kingdom of God, it also claimed today's Jerusalem in Palestine. Because the Church believed that the value given to Jerusalem would provide political benefits and it has been effective in its development and strengthening being a religious institution.
From the point of view of Christians, the holiness and importance of Jerusalem, which is so important, is based on three interrelated main reasons. Firstly, important events in Jesus' life occurred in this city. Secondly, the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, which is considered the holiest shrine for Christians, was built here. Thirdly, Jerusalem has become one of the important pilgrimage centres in Christianity.
First of all, it should be noted that the importance of Jerusalem for Christians comes from the fact that it hosted the great events of the New Testament. Jerusalem is a place where important events are effective in the formation of Christian thought, from the childhood of Jesus to his death, even from his resurrection to the sky. In the acceptance of a city as a sacred, important events that occur in the period when a religion began to emerge are effective. When it comes to Christianity, it is seen that very important religious events took place in Jerusalem.
The Holy Sepulcher, on which the Church of the Holy Sepulcher was built, is the name of the grave where Jesus was buried after his death and is located in Jerusalem. The Church of the Holy Sepulcher was built after the visit of Constantine's mother Helena to Jerusalem. After the construction of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Christians gave importance to rituals here.
The New Testament did not include any responsibility for the pilgrimage, as the Old Testament and the Qur'an ordered. Therefore, there was no pilgrimage in Christian life in the first period. However, over time, the Sacred Places were considered especially sacred to Christians because of Jesus' passage over these lands. These lands contain signs that "God is in the body". Naturally, the Holy Land serves to remind God that was once believed to be walking on earth. As a result, the places where Jesus' life was passed were considered sacred for Christians and became one of the important pilgrimage centers. Christian pilgrims, especially in the Byzantine period, showed great respect to the lands of their beliefs. Although many church fathers tried to discourage in the early periods, Christian pilgrims visited Jerusalem in particular. However, this negative attitude changed greatly with the fourth century. As a result of that, Christian pilgrims from all over the world have visited temples that are considered sacred, and especially those newly discovered and believed to be related to Jesus.
Keywords: History of Religions, Jerusalem, Christianity, Jesus Christ, the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.

Öz
Japonya milli dini olan Şintoizm'de kami terimi, basit bir biçimde doğa üstü güce sahip olan her şey için kullanılır. Bununla birlikte, Tanrı'ya inanmakla özdeşleştirilen bu terim mezkûr izahtan çok daha karmaşıktır. Bu bağlamda, “Şinto tanrıları” genel itibariyle kami olarak adlandırılmıştır. Bu nedenle birçok araştırmacı bu inancı politeist, panteist, animist, şamanist vb. şeklinde tanımlamıştır. Temel olarak Şintoizm'de Tanrı inancına yönelik bu tür nitelendirmeler, gökyüzünde var olduğuna inanılan iyi ve kötü ruhlar, ataların ruhları, şeytanlar gibi farklı anlamlar taşıyan kami kavramından kaynaklanır. Ayrıca ölülerin ruhları da kami olarak kabul edilir ve aileleri tarafından kutsanır. Ancak bu kavramın anlamı, bağlamı ve cümle içinde nasıl kullanıldığı bilinmeden tam olarak anlaşılamaz.
Kaminin, bireylere hayatlarının her alanında fayda sağlayabileceğine ve birtakım olumsuzluklara neden olabileceğine inanılır. Buna bağlı olarak onun Japon sosyal yaşamında gözle görülür etkilerinden söz edilebilir. Örneğin Japon toplumunda suç oranlarının diğer gelişmiş ülkelere nazaran düşük olması dikkat çekicidir. Ayrıca edebiyattan sinemaya, mimariden sanata hayatın her alanında bu inancın yansımalarını görmek mümkündür. Japonya’da senaristler, yazar ve çizerler için Şintoizm ve onun temel inancı olan kami, oldukça kaynak sağlamıştır. Örneğin Japonya ile özdeşleşmiş Japon çizgi romanı manga ve çizgi filmi anime endüstrisinde kamiler, insanlara dinî bilgi ve ahlak aşılamak, çeşitli mesajlar vermek, onları korkutmak ve sakındırmak gibi farklı amaçlara konu olmuştur.
Şintoizm’deki kami anlayışının ve bu düşüncenin sosyal hayatta en çok tezahür ettiği yer olan ibadet ve dinî bayramların halkta büyük bir psikolojik ve sosyolojik rahatlamaya yol açtığı ifade edilir. Buna bağlı bir biçimde kaminin Japon halkının etik ve psikolojik davranışlarında bir iyilik haline neden olduğu ve bu inanç kaynaklı ibadet ve davranışların, inananlara büyük katkı sunduğu söylenebilir. Şintoizm’de tanrının gerek insan gerekse de diğer varlıklar şeklindeki tezahürü ve insanların da yaşamlarında hayırlı işler yaparak ölmeleri durumunda tanrılaşmaları anlayışı, İslam ve Yahudilik gibi tanrı ile diğer varlıkları ontolojik olarak birbirinden daha keskin hatlarla ayıran dinlerden oldukça farklıdır. Varlıklar arasındaki bu geçişkenlik, bu dini benimseyen insanların tüm varlıkları incitmekten sakınmasına vesile olmuştur.
Bu çalışmada, dinler tarihinde sıklıkla kullanılan fenomenolojik ve nitelendirici yöntemle Şintoizm'deki Tanrı kavramının Japon sosyal yaşamına etkilerini analiz etmeyi amaçladık. Bu nedenle çalışmamızda kami teriminin mahiyeti, tanrı inancıyla ilişkisi bağlamında ele alınmış ve bu inancın sıklıkla uygulandığı gözlenen ibadet ve bayramlardaki işlevine yer verilmiştir. Son olarak da tanrı inancının, Şintoizm’e inananların sosyal hayatlarına etkileri üzerinde durulmuştur.

Abstract
In Shintoism, the indigenous religion of Japan, the term kami, is simply used for anything possessing supernatural power or force. However, the term is more complex than that, which is identified with belief in God. In this regard, “Shinto gods” are broadly called kami. For this reason, many researchers defined this belief as polytheist, pantheist, animist, shamanist so forth. Basically, the reason behind this kind of characterizations for the belief in God in Shintoism is originated from the concept of kami, which has different meanings such as the good and bad spirits that are believed to exist in the sky, the spirits of ancestors, and evils. In addition, the spirits of dead people are also regarded as kami and are blessed by their families. However, the meaning of this concept cannot fairly be understood without knowing its context and how it is used in a sentence.
It is believed that kami can provide benefits and cause negative impacts to individuals in all aspects of their lives. Regarding this belief, kami has noticeable effects on Japanese social life. For instance, it is noteworthy that the crime rates in Japanese society are low compared to other developed countries. In addition, it is possible to see the reflections of this belief in every field of life from literature to cinema and architecture to art. In this sense, scenarists and writers in Japan engaged in the kami belief with the themes of their works. For instance, in Japanese comic book “Manga”, which is identified with Japan, and in the cartoon movie industry has employed kamis for different purposes; such as instilling religious knowledge and morality, giving various messages, scaring and warning.
Apparently, the role of kami in Japanese people’s moral behaviors also takes an important place by virtue of practicing worships and conducting ceremonies. Depending on these eminent aspects of kami effects on Japanese people’s ethical life, it can be interpreted that kami implements psychological well-being. It can be said that these faith-based worship and behaviors make a great contribution to believers. In Shintoism, the manifestation of God in the form of both human and other beings, and the understanding that people become deified if they die by doing good deeds in their lives, are quite different from religions such as Islam and Judaism that separate God and other beings ontologically with sharper lines. This transitivity between beings has helped people who adopt this religion to avoid hurting all beings.
In this study, we aimed to analyze the effects of the notion of God in Shintoism on Japanese social life with the phenomenological and descriptive method that is frequently used in the history of religions. Therefore, in our study, the nature of the term kami has been respectively discussed in the context of its essence with the belief in God, as well as the function of this belief in worship and religious festivals, which is observed to be practiced frequently. Lastly, the effects of kami on the social lives of those who believe in Shintoism has been emphasized.

The use of red pigments linked to burial practices is widely documented in the Iberian prehistoric record and very often it has been traditionally interpreted as a ritual practice entailing the utilisation of local raw materials (iron oxides). Some research works, nevertheless, have also detected the use of red pigments which can only be interpreted as allochthonous. The red pigments spread over a single inhumation in a monumental Megalithic tomb surrounding Valencina de la Concepción Copper Age settlement was studied by means of X-ray diffraction, field emission scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy, X-ray microfluorescence, micro-Raman and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopies. This approach allowed characterising the red pigments as cinnabar, mixed with tiny amounts of iron oxides. The presence of cinnabar, a product that was necessarily imported, in a context of an exceptional set of grave goods, suggests that the use of cinnabar was linked not only to ritual but also to practices related to the display of social status.

Is Confucianism a religion? If so, why do most Chinese think it isn't? From ancient Confucian temples, to nineteenth-century archives, to the testimony of people interviewed by the author throughout China over a period of more than a decade, this book traces the birth and growth of the idea of Confucianism as a world religion. The book begins at Oxford, in the late nineteenth century, when Friedrich Max Müller and James Legge classified Confucianism as a world religion in the new discourse of "world religions" and the emerging discipline of comparative religion. Anna Sun shows how that decisive moment continues to influence the understanding of Confucianism in the contemporary world, not only in the West but also in China, where the politics of Confucianism has become important to the present regime in a time of transition. Contested histories of Confucianism are vital signs of social and political change. Sun also examines the revival of Confucianism in contemporary China and the social significance of the ritual practice of Confucian temples. While the Chinese government turns to Confucianism to justify its political agenda, Confucian activists have started a movement to turn Confucianism into a religion. Confucianism as a world religion might have begun as a scholarly construction, but are we witnessing its transformation into a social and political reality? With historical analysis, extensive research, and thoughtful reflection, Confucianism as a World Religion will engage all those interested in religion and global politics at the beginning of the Chinese century.

English
Since Elmer Miler's work on Toba Pentecostalism in the early 60's, the issue of native churches in the Argentine Chaco region began to be addressed by several authors. In this regard, a series of socio-religious phenomena started to be known in Chaco anthropology, contributing to introduce fresh topics and conceptual approaches into a rather classic cultural area in Lowland South American ethnological studies.
This article synthesizes the main theoretical approaches developed to analyze these socio-religious movements, as well as the conceptual challenges they posed to already established social theories. It reviews also the key issues addressed since 1954 to the present, such as the relationship between shamanism and Christianity, native readings of the Bible, temporality and historicity, and the connections between myth and history. Finally, it outlines possible directions for research within the wider perspective of religious studies in an intercultural context.

Spanish
A partir de los trabajos sobre "pentecostalismoToba" de Elmer Miller, a comienzos de la década del 60', los estudios sobre la emergencia de iglesias indígenas en el Gran Chaco comenzaron a multiplicarse, y una amplia serie de fenómenos de creatividad cultural se hicieron visibles a los estudios de ciencias sociales de la religión.
Este trabajo sintetiza algunas de las principales corrientes teóricas desarrolladas para analizar estos fenómenos y los desafíos y problemas conceptuales y metodológicos que aquellos plantearon. Al mismo tiempo, hace una síntesis de los principales temas estudiados, entre los cuales se pueden incluir las relaciones entre shamanismo y cristianismo, hermenéuticas indígenas de la Biblia, discurso, ritual y performance en las iglesias indígenas, religiosidad y política, temporalidad e historicidad mítico-históricas. Finalmente, se presenta un panorama de las posibles líneas de trabajo que surgen de los estudios analizados, dentro del contexto más global de los estudios de la religión desde una perspectiva  intercultural.

This article serves as a contribution to the financial primacy of Buddhist women in early historic South Asia. Presented here is a single case study from the first century bce monastic stūpa site from Central India called Sanchi whereby gender demographics are analysed over two subsequent stages of funding. Investments by women not only fuelled the construction of the built landscape but, as time went on, female donors were crucial to the economic solvency of the monastic institution at Sanchi. Such a micro-history of Buddhist women from classical India illustrates the agency of women during Buddhism’s formative years.

"Religion 43 (2013), no. 4, pp. 487-498 (+ addendum).

""This article supplements Jens Schlieter’s discussion of the cognitive metaphor of a karmic bank-account,

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/0048721X.2013.765630#.Ugy7t5I3Bic

adding selected points on karma monetary/fiscal metaphors as preserved chiefly in Pāli and Sanskrit sources. It explores various strands of the history of South Asian religions where distinct economic metaphors for karma come closer to the late ‘bank-account of karma’: i.e., the Vedic ‘three debts’, a Hindu concept of God as accountant, the varieties of weighing the (mis)deeds, the Buddhist monastic status of debt and fiscal transactions, the equivalence of karma and debt as discussed by Madhyamaka thinkers, and others. While endorsing Schlieter’s point, it also takes into account such modern Western sources as early theosophical discourse and ‘Protestant Buddhism’."""

Tertullian, who was the founder of Latin Christianity and also known as the father of the Latin Church, probably lived between (150-220? AD). Born in a pagan family, Tertullian converted to Christianity between 180-195. He possibly accepted Montanism in 200? and died at a very late age (220?). In his struggling with the Quintilla, who argues that faith is sufficient for salvation, he created his work of “On Baptism” in order to assert that faith alone is not enough but also baptism is essential. This work is important as it is the first study on early Christian baptism.
Baptism has a long history. However, with the baptism of John the Baptist, the understanding of baptism gained a theological dimension and necessitated to the confession of the belief of the trinity. The practice of baptism, which substantially occupies the mind of Tertullian, at the same time has also made him one of the pioneers about this field. For instance, Tertullian is the first church father to express an opinion against child baptism. He is the first church father to use the phrase of “baptism” and “eucharist”. Again, he is the first church father to express his opinion about the godmother and godfather practice. Tertullian is the first church father to say that the Pentecost and Easter period are particularly suitable for baptism. But he is also cautious that baptism can be practiced in all the time. Last but not least, Tertullian is the first church father to say that women had no authority to baptize.
According to him, in the matter of human salvation, the faith is alone not enough but baptism is a must. Indeed, Tertullian explains the purpose and importance of the baptism in the way that the person is purified from all sins by being baptized and reaches the capacity to achieve eternal life. In this sense, he declared a valid formula the statement from the Gospel of Matthew (Go therefore and make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.) that was shown evidence about baptism. Again, he stated that baptism is not only limited to Easter and Pentecost feasts, but also it can be practiced at any time. He also indicated that baptism can be performed by everyone except women and those who are considered as heretic by the church. In addition to water baptism, he stated that martyrdom is also a kind of baptism, it performs the same function as water baptism and even superior to it.
Tertullian generally advocates that baptism should be postponed. In his view, both the innocence of children and their inability to use their minds and the fear of unforgiveness of the sins committed after being baptized played an important role. There are different approaches among researchers about delaying baptism and inconsistency in Tertullian's views. For example, according to Miller, Tertullian, on the one hand, advocates that children postpone their baptism later, on the other hand, he states that singles and widows must also postpone their baptism. Again, according to Miller, Tertullian, on the one hand, says that healthy people should delay their baptism, on the other hand, he considers it necessary in situations such as illness and death. Besides, according to Kaye, Tertullian contradicts himself about whether deadly sins will be forgiven or not. Because, Tertullian initially exhibited a more moderate perspective, and argued that God would forgive him even if the person committed a deadly sin; however, after adopting Montanism, he put forward a more rigid point of view and stated that these sins committed after baptism would exclude the person out of eternal salvation. In my opinion, both of the reasons mentioned above have been effective in delaying baptism. Because if Tertullian only brought innocence and mind to the fore, then it would not be concluded that it would be good for singles and widows to postpone their baptism. The change in his ideas is the fear that great sins committed after baptism cannot be forgiven. Therefore, according to him, the most valid of baptism is the one that is left to the end.
This article, after having outlined the historical course of baptism perception and water phenomena in the pre-Tertullian period, discusses Tertullian's general understanding of baptism, the basis of this perception, and in particular his attitude towards infant baptism. The article is important in terms of providing a perspective on the concept of baptism practiced in the early period of Christianity, especially on infant/child baptism. The aim of this article is to present Tertullian's views on baptism in a tidy and detailed manner.
Keywords: History of Religion, Tertullian, Baptism, Quintilla, Infant Baptism.
Hıristiyanlıkta dine giriş ayini olarak bilinen vaftiz, İsa Mesih’le birlikte teslis anlayışını kabullenmeyi de gerekli kılarak farklı bir boyut kazanmıştır. Tertullian, erken dönem kilise babaları arasında hem vaftize dair yazmış olduğu eserin günümüze ulaşmış olması hem de vaftizin geciktirilmesi noktasında bir tutum sergilemesi açısından çalışmamızın konusu oldu. O, Quintilla ile olan mücadelesinde insanın kurtuluşu için sadece inancın yeterli olmadığını, bunun yanı sıra vaftiz olmasının da elzem olduğunu savunmuştur. Vaftiz sakramentinin ne zaman ve kimler tarafından icra edilmesi gerektiği hususunda açıklamalarda bulunan Tertullian, şehitliği ikinci bir vaftiz türü olarak zikretmiştir. Ayrıca başta bebek/çocuklar olmak üzere her yaştan insanın meşru bir mazereti olmaksızın vaftiz uygulamasını geciktirmesi yönünde görüşler ileri sürmüştür. Bu makale, Tertullian öncesi dönemde vaftiz algısı ve su fenomeninin tarihi seyrine genel hatlarıyla değindikten sonra, Tertullian’ın genel anlamda vaftiz anlayışını, bu algının dayanağını ve özel olarak da çocuk vaftizine karşı tutumunu ele almaktadır. Sonuç kısmında elde edilen bulgulara dair kısa bir özet sunulmakta ve değerlendirmelerde bulunulmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Dinler Tarihi, Tertullian, Vaftiz, Quintilla, Çocuk Vaftizi.

El artículo pretende desarrollar dos nociones poco conocidas en las ciencias de la religión y la teología: “Modernidad no realizada” e “inmanencia de la gnosis”, de Bruno Latour y Eric Voegelin. ¿Qué contribuciones teóricas brindan esas dos ideas a la comprensión del fenómeno religioso en la sociedad moderno-contemporánea? Como hipótesis general, aquí se defiende que esas dos nociones son instrumentos conceptuales útiles para comprender el estatuto de lo religioso en la sociedad moderno-compleja. Para lograr el objetivo propuesto, el artículo se ha basado en la metodología de revisión bibliográfica parcial.

There should be no need to emphasize the significance of Raffaele Pettazzoni (1883–1959) to historians of religions. However, there are only two books by Pettazzoni available in the English language: the monograph The All-knowing God (1956; original: L’onniscienza di Dio, 1955) and an anthology of Essays on the History of Religions (1954), which is “a collection of sundry writings on various subjects connected with the History of Religions, which have been already published on different occasions in Italian and foreign periodicals” (Pettazzoni 1954).2 Added to this is a tiny collection of articles in English (in fact, the American Theological Libraries Association database references only three). This seems to constitute a serious neglect of such a productive scholar, who has been called an “exemplary historian of religions.” This paper will attempt to assess the reception of the work of Raffaele Pettazzoni in the Anglophone Academy, to question the adequacy and accuracy of that rec...

This article introduces the emic–etic debate in the scientific study of religion\s and provides a frame for the special issue’s six articles on the topic. Departing from the broader debate’s early history in the 1960s, this article contextualizes the emic–etic debate and locates its point of entry into the scientific study of religion\s in the 1980s. This article argues that in the course of the debate the insider–outsider and emic–etic complexes have become entangled. In order to facilitate an understanding of the debate, this article maintains that the emic–etic debate in the scientific study of religion\s touches upon three central dimensions (existential–political, methodological, and epistemological). In order to move toward a clearer methodological and epistemological framework, this article furthermore proposes an iterative model that locates insider–outsider at the level of observers and emic–etic at the level of categories.