Humanitarian Intervention

This article challenges, from a legal perspective, the validity of independent humanitarian action (HA) during armed conflict in the face of the United Nations integration and coherence doctrine. The traditional legal foundations of humanitarian action in war are reviewed. In the last decades the modus operandi of actors in armed conflict and their interpretation of international law has evolved and in this framework International Human Rights Law (IHRL) has become the main legal resort to legitimise humanitarian intervention. Confusion between military, political and humanitarian involvement in conflicts has eroded the legal principles of independent HA in favour of opportunities for general law enforcement and IHRL protection and promotion. This paper concludes that there are legal grounds to advocate for independent HA, in order to maintain the humanitarian imperative and the interests of the victims of war, as a valid action in itself without attaching HA to objectives of global peace, security and human rights.

1 ABSTRACT Design considerations remain significant in low cost housing projects in both developed and developing countries; which are currently faced by challenges of shelter provision for everyone including the urban poor; due to unprecedented increase in rates of urban migration and urbanization. Ethiopia, particularly Addis Ababa city has not been spared. The city administration launched grand low cost housing projects through the Integrated Housing Development Programme (IHDP) in 2006. This study sought to unveil the significance of design considerations in low cost housing provision thorough the IHDP and the extent to which the Addis Ababa Administration had considered this relevant. The research made use of detailed case analysis of condominium housing on 103 sites of Addis Ababa City using primary and secondary data sources such as questionnaires, interviews, the Delphi technique and document analysis. Qualitative and quantitative data were produced. This research revealed t...

The 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on
the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons remains a pivotal
reference in international law and disarmament debates. While the
Opinion did not categorically prohibit nuclear weapons, its reasoning has
been widely cited in legal and diplomatic arenas. This study examines the
Opinion’s long-term influence through three key elements: its incorporation
into state practice, its role in international litigation, and its impact on
the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Employing a
methodology centered on primary sources, this research evaluates the
Opinion’s relevance in shaping international legal norms and assesses
whether it still accurately reflects the state of international law on
nuclear disarmament.

Background: South Sudan faces one of the world's most severe malnutrition crises. The Scaling Up Nutrition (SUN) Movement's Multi-Sectoral Platform (MSP) approach is a key strategy to coordinate fragmented interventions. Objective: To document the process, outputs, and systemic outcomes of a nationwide capacitybuilding initiative aimed at institutionalizing MSPs at national and sub-national levels.

Due to the growing competition in supply chains, continuous updates of the supply chain structure are necessary for companies' durability and competitiveness. Therefore, Successful companies, regardless of their current position, are constantly striving to improve and upgrade their supply chain. A lot of research has been conducted so far to achieve the above goals. Hence, the present study aimed to use an appropriate method based on the standard framework of criteria and processes to improve the supply chain capabilities. this standard framework is the supply chain operations reference model(SCOR). Along with this, Fuzzy AHP has been used for valuation plans. The plans provided based on the best practices of the SCOR model. After analyzing the processes and mapping existing supply chain, the pairwise comparisons data obtained from the questionnaire that was completed by the expert of this field, by the use of Fuzzy AHP technique and based on the criteria of the SCOR model, the ...

This study focuses on the transformation of social relations, and the institutions of state and law that regulate them, in the context of international and socio-media globalisation, and the growth of societal connectivity driven by technological advancements.
The study examines society (social order), the state, and law from historical and functional perspectives. It considers the phenomena of the ritualisation of state functions lost through globalisation ("the ritualistic state"), the "appropriation" of state sovereignty by interest groups, and the transfer of people’s sovereignty to transnational structures and global oligarchic power.
The existing social order, manifested through politics and markets, and based on the biological principle of the struggle for survival, is seen as the main cause of social crisis and consistent loss of sovereignty.
As an alternative to the implementation of biological principles that threaten humanity with extinction in the social sphere, the study proposes a model for the development of global civil society based on networked socio-media globalisation. This model is founded on common traditional, humanistic and spiritual values of civilisation, recognised human rights and freedoms. It is supplemented by the right to free dialogue on the Web (the right to freedom of communication) and freedom of access to means of communication (the right to the Internet). Such norms would be initiated and implemented by global civil society.
The study offers a list of, and analysis into, supranational spiritual principles and traditions that could form the basis of a global spiritual social order and higher law.
The global civil society in itself is considered as a world information community that can organise and regulate itself based on the principle of rational integration and shared values, goals and traditions.

For decades, the UN peacekeeping operations in poverty-stricken, war-torn host states have been littered with instances of the commission of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) of vulnerable women by peacekeepers. The governing system of the UN peacekeeping missions has been adopting successive measures to prevent peacekeepers from committing SEA with limited success. Preying on these defenseless women by peacekeepers, who are mandated to protect the civilians in host states, is a heinous crime prohibited under national and international criminal laws. This article examines the insular law governing the UN peacekeeping missions to determine how and why the offending peacekeepers escape accountability. Its findings reveal that the UN aggressive measures are riddled with gaps and not proportional to the gravity of the crime, providing no effective deterrent. The unassailable immunity of peacekeepers in host states is a far-fetched notion when they commit such hardcore actionable crimes giving rise to the criminal responsibility of the offending peacekeepers whose prosecution is in order and imperative in the interest of crime prevention and criminal justice. Based on this finding, the article recommends a disciplinary policy approach as a viable alternative legal avenue to end the immunity and impunity of the offending peacekeepers. The implications of such a corrective penal step would create a legal accountability regime to combat peacekeepers' predatory behavior. The novelty of this article lies in its contribution to the existing UN peacekeeping paradigm by providing a searching reappraisal of the immunity of peacekeepers to convey a message across that immunity in contemporary context no longer exonerates from criminal responsibility and hence does not protect and condone UN peacekeepers committing SEA. Implementing a 'hard' punitive penal sanction to mounting incidents of peacekeepers' SEA prescribed in this article is of paramount importance for the credible management of the UN peacekeeping missions.

This study examines how corruption and protests in Nepal, Indonesia, and the Philippines expose the fragile intersections of power, economy, and governance. In tracing these struggles, it reveals how resistance emerges from the very structures that seek to suppress it.

An armed humanitarian intervention does not have a clear-cut definition. It can be inherent in legal derogations from the prohibition of the use of force, such as self-defence and consent of the state, or it can be an autonomous use of force in another state to protect people from human rights violations. The autonomous use of force can be an external and forcible intervention as in the classic definition of humanitarian intervention or it can be both an internal and external, military and non-military intervention as in the responsibility to protect (R2P).[1] Thus, it is necessary to clarify that this latter definition corresponds to the concept of armed humanitarian intervention here used while discussing whether a humanitarian intervention can be both lawful and legitimate. This essay will argue that an armed humanitarian intervention cannot be both lawful and legitimate at present, while mentioning that it can be possible in the future. This argument will be presented in four se...

Το φαινόμενο του σχολικού εκφοβισμού δεν είναι καινούργιο για την κοινωνία μας, μπορούμε να το βρούμε σε λογοτεχνικά κείμενα, αφηγήσεις, μυθολογίες και πλέον και σε κινηματογραφικές ταινίες, βρίσκεται όμως συχνά στο επίκεντρο συζητήσεων σαν ένας νέος, απειλητικός και συνεχώς αυξανόμενος κίνδυνος. Έχει γίνει αντικείμενο
μελετών για πολλά γνωστικά πεδία: από την Κοινωνιολογία, την Κοινωνική Ανθρωπολογία και την Εγκληματολογία μέχρι την Ψυχολογία και την Παιδαγωγική επιστήμη. Το ζήτημα είναι ότι οι περισσότερες προσεγγίσεις παρατηρούν το φαινόμενο «από τα πάνω» με ολιστικές θεωρήσεις, χωρίς να εστιάζουν στα κοινωνικά υποκείμενα
που βρίσκονται στη θέση του θύτη ή του θύματος.
Η Κοινωνική Ανθρωπολογία ενδιαφέρεται για το πώς τα ίδια τα άτομα
εννοιολογούν τα φαινόμενα, και στη συγκεκριμένη περίπτωση πώς ερμηνεύει το φαινόμενο το θύμα, ο θύτης αλλά και όλοι όσοι βρίσκονται γύρω τους, και τους επηρεάζουν αλλά και επηρεάζονται άμεσα ή έμμεσα. Η παρούσα εργασία επιχειρεί να διερευνήσει το φαινόμενο του σχολικού εκφοβισμού εστιάζοντας στον λόγο των ίδιων των υποκειμένων, αντλώντας θεωρητικές έννοιες και αναλυτικά εργαλεία από την ανθρωπολογική θεωρία.
Κατά τη διεξαγωγή της έρευνας χρησιμοποιήθηκε η μέθοδος των
ημιδομημένων συνεντεύξεων και οι συνομιλίες με άτομα που είτε έχουν παρατηρήσει τέτοια φαινόμενα, είτε ενεπλάκησαν σε αυτά με διαφορετικούς, είτε αλληλοδιαπλεκόμενους ρόλους.
Η έρευνα εστιάζει στο πώς τα υποκείμενα νοηματοδοτούν τον σχολικό
εκφοβισμό, αν έχουν παρατηρήσει τέτοιου είδους φαινόμενα και αν αντέδρασαν (και πώς), και αν μπορούν να ερμηνεύσουν τα αίτια σε συνδυασμό με το κοινωνικό προφίλ των εμπλεκόμενων μερών. Σημασία έχουν και οι μορφές του εκφοβισμού που παρουσιάζουν οι πληροφορητές και κατά πόσο πιστεύουν ότι υπάρχουν λύσεις στο
φαινόμενο αυτό.

A critical analysis of the work of the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) shows that it is grappling with complex and multifaceted ethical challenges in its intervention work in conflicts throughout the African continent. It is fundamental to delve into greater detail into these ethical dilemmas that the organisation is facing. These dilemmas revolve around the areas of ethical policy formulation, complexities of decision-making, and implementation of humanity-based operational practices in its work of conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Furthermore, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) faces dilemmas on respecting individual nations' sovereignty and territorial independence, state autonomy and balancing the need for protection of human rights. In the same vein, there are also issues around legitimacy, accountability, and impartiality that the organisation must navigate when intervening in conflict-affected states. Additionally, there are ethical considerations in areas of gender equality, recognition of human rights of minority groups, and inclusivity. This requires the PSC to tailor its interventions to suit diverse populations in line with the best practice of developing interventions that promote rights-based approaches. On the other hand, organisations have to confront issues that deal with the questions surrounding impartiality, transparency, and media ethics in the dissemination of sensitive information. Issues to do with interventions and environmental sustainability, recognition and preservation of cultural heritage sites. All these forces the PSC to design and implement intervention strategies that are holistic and ethical. It is important, therefore, for the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) to critically examine these dilemmas and draft ethically sensitive interventions in its role of fostering peace and stability in Africa.

This study explored how Social Cash Transfers (SCTs) support climate change adaptation among small-scale farmers in Ntulo, a rural community in Zambia's Kawambwa District severely affected by climate variability. The region faces recurring droughts, floods, and temperature extremes, which undermine agriculture, cause water shortages, and result in livestock losses, increasing food insecurity and economic vulnerability. SCTs, initially aimed at reducing extreme poverty, are investigated for their potential to enhance climate resilience. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study collected data from 210 SCT beneficiary households through structured questionnaires, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews. Findings indicate that SCTs significantly improve food security, support the purchase of agricultural inputs, and encourage livelihood diversification. They also enhance access to education and healthcare, increase meal frequency, and boost agricultural productivity. However, the study identifies several persistent challenges, including limited coverage, insufficient funding, and implementation difficulties. While SCTs contribute positively to building resilience, they are not a comprehensive solution. The study recommends expanding SCT coverage, improving payment systems, and integrating climate adaptation strategies into the program. It concludes by emphasizing the need for further research into the long-term impacts of SCTs and the removal of barriers hindering their full potential in strengthening small-scale farmers' resilience to climate change.

and its aftermath. Thus, Insurgent Nations highlights the diverse chronological events that shaped the evolution of UNITA and SPLA. Amid these political developments, Roque omits certain events that transformed both rebel groups but compensates for these gaps by providing fresh insights into the establishment of sociopolitical and economic structures by UNITA and SPLA during their respective conflicts. This development hinges on UNITA's transition from an anti-colonial movement to a postcolonial and anti-communist insurgent group between the 1960s and 1970s, in contrast to SPLA's role as a post-independent communist guerrilla group during the Cold War, which evolved into a liberal separatist group in the 1990s, ultimately leading to the independence of South Sudan in 2011. Accordingly, the book's leitmotif and originality are intertwined within the context of the changing timelines of political events. Thus, UNITA and SPLA's political economies, publicity strategies, and interactions with humanitarian organizations are clearly outlined. Roque portrays these themes by analyzing the similarities and differences in the genesis and evolution of the administrative structures, social influences, and guerrilla strategies that shaped UNITA and SPLA exploits during their respective civil wars. Moreover, Insurgent Nations' comparative analysis of both rebel groups' political economies is clarified by citing their operations in specific localities: SPLA's operations in Yambio and UNITA's activities in Jamba. For instance, due to Yambio's soil fertility, around the late 1980s, SPLA pioneered its military farms in this locality, making it feasible to initiate agricultural taxes in this area, which were replicated in other SPLA-controlled regions. Similarly, from 1975, UNITA promoted community farming in Jamba, Benda, Capacala, and other rural areas under its control. Concurrently, both rebel groups reinforced these economic activities by creating and operating de facto government institutions to sustain and expand their control over liberated territories. SPLA subdivided conquered areas in South Sudan into counties, payams, Boma, and villages. The sociopolitical affairs of these areas were coordinated by designated civil-military administrators (CMAs) while the Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Organization (SRRA), SPLA's humanitarian wing, in collaboration with humanitarian agencies managed the provision relief and rehabilitation operations. Compared to SPLA's centralized agrarian system in the Equatoria region controlled by the Liberation Army, UNITA's decentralized agricultural structure was coordinated through a

Cet article vise à saisir les effets ambivalents de l’incertitude entourant les
missions humanitaires sur les travailleurs·ses expatrié·e·s de l’organisation Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Tantôt choisie, cette incertitude se révèle synonyme de liberté ; tantôt subie, elle s’avère source de précarité. Basé sur une enquête qualitative comprenant soixante-huit entretiens menés entre 2014 et 2023 auprès d’expatrié·e·s MSF, cet article montre d’abord comment la précarité n’est pas seulement une question objective de ressources face aux conditions d’emploi de l’organisation mais le résultat d’un entrelacement de privilèges relatifs pouvant réciproquement s’annuler (expérience, métier,
disponibilité, origine géographique et sociale). Il révèle ensuite comment les individus les plus vulnérables sont soumis par les politiques managériales de MSF à un sacrifice à double tranchant : enrichissant intellectuellement mais fragilisant économiquement. Il éclaire enfin la façon dont l’organisation se trouve elle-même précarisée par l’incertitude et les turnovers fréquents que son mode de fonctionnement génère.

Öz
Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemde yaşanan yapısal değişim NATO’nun kurumsal
ve fonksiyonel olarak kapsamlı bir dönüşüm sürecine girmesine neden olmuştur. Uluslararası
sistemdeki değişen koşullara dinamik bir adaptasyonu beraberinde getiren ve halen devam
etmekte olan bu dönüşüm sürecinin etkileri yalnızca NATO ile sınırlı kalmamış; aynı zamanda
özellikle düşünsel ve normatif yapıların yeniden inşası ve dönüşümü noktasında uluslararası
sistem düzeyinde de birtakım sonuçları beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu makale NATO’nun dönüşümü
ile Koruma Sorumluluğu doktrinin gelişim süreçleri arasındaki ilişkiyi Konstrüktivist bir bakış
açısı çerçevesinde incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada, Konstrüktivizmin sunduğu teorik
perspektiften faydalanmak suretiyle NATO’nun tecrübe ettiği dönüşüm sürecine paralel olarak
Bosna-Hersek, Kosova ve Libya’da gerçekleştirdiği insani müdahale uygulamalarının Koruma
Sorumluluğu kavramının normatif gelişimine etki ederek uluslararası sosyal yapıların inşasına
katkı sağladığı öne sürülmüştür. Yapılan analiz neticesinde ittifakın bölgesel bir aktör olarak
yalnızca kendi bünyesinde değil, aynı zamanda sistem seviyesinde norm üretebilme potansiyeline
sahip bir uluslararası örgüt olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Abstract
The structural change in the international system in the post-Cold War period has caused NATO
to transform both institutionally and functionally. Requiring a dynamic adaptation to the changing
conditions of the international system, this comprehensive and ongoing transformation process
has not only affected NATO but also brought about certain consequences at the international
system level, particularly in the reconstruction and the transformation of ideational and normative
structures. This article aims to examine the relationship between NATO’s transformation and
the development processes of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine within the framework of
Constructivist theory. By utilizing the theoretical perspective offered by Constructivism, it argues
that NATO’s humanitarian interventions in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Libya—carried out
in parallel with its transformation process—have contributed to the construction of international
social structures by influencing the normative development of the Responsibility to Protect
concept. As a result of the analysis, it concludes that NATO, as a regional actor, is an international
organization that has the potential to produce norms not only within itself but also at the system
level.

Zagadnienie prawa do interwencji zbrojnej ma naturę zagadnienia trudnego,
często kontrowersyjnego, zwłaszcza jeśli chodzi o wykazanie, że w wielu
przypadkach – jeśli nie całkowicie, to przynajmniej w zasadniczej mierze
– prawo to powinno być zarzucone. W prawie międzynarodowym sytuacja
taka w pewnym sensie ma miejsce, co więcej, niekiedy wręcz uznaje się,
iż w jego obrębie jest uzasadnione mówienie już o obowiązywalności ius
contra bellum (prawa przeciwko wojnie). Praktyka wciąż daleka jest jednak
od takiego ideału. Zasadniczym celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza
w aspekcie normatywnym zagadnienia prawa do interwencji zbrojnej jako
jednego z ważniejszych wątków filozofii pokoju globalnego. W artykule
zostały sproblematyzowane (kontr)argumenty stosowane na rzecz prawa
do interwencji zbrojnej. Dwa uznane za kluczowe to, po pierwsze, argument
z tzw. domniemanego barbarzyństwa i po drugie, (kontr)argument
216
Anna Fligel
ze złożoności i niepowtarzalności każdego przypadku. Artykuł napisany jest
głównie z perspektywy filozoficznej i etycznej, jednakże autorka stara się
odwoływać w nim również do materiału empirycznego, głównie z zakresu
nauk o polityce, ale też do wątków z zakresu prawa międzynarodowego,
starając się stworzyć tym samym perspektywę interdyscyplinarną. Wybrane
zagadnienie kluczowe stanowi zarazem okazję do tego, by przybliżać
i rozwijać na gruncie polskim filozofię pokoju globalnego, co jest również
ważnym celem artykułu. Tekst ten pisany jest bowiem w duchu głębokiego
przekonania, że pokój globalny jest bodaj najwyższym, tzn. fundamentalnym
ideałem dla ludzkości, swoistym Summum Bonum

This paper investigates how power and hegemony are embedded in legal-diplomatic discourse, particularly in the UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) decisions on armed conflict and proliferation of weapons. Based on Genre Analysis and CDA, particularly Bhatia’s (1993) Move Analysis model and Fowler’s (1985) checklist, this paper analyses the move-structure and the syntactic and stylistic features of such documents so as to unveil how selecting certain linguistic patterns and organising information structure in a specific way represent power and hegemony in these texts. It also examines the similarities and differences between the UNSC resolutions and the ICJ decisions. The data chosen are 24 UN documents on armed conflict and the proliferation of nuclear weapons within the period of 2015 to 2017; nine of them are of the ICJ decisions and fifteen are of the UNSC resolutions and they are collected from the United Nations official website (...

সারসংক্ষেপ:
মানবকল্যাণ ইসলামী জীবনব্যবস্থার অন্যতম লক্ষ্য। ইসলামের কল্যাণচিন্তার পরিসর অতিব্যাপক ও বিস্তৃত। মুসলিম অমুসলিম নির্বিশেষে গোটাসৃষ্টি নিচয়ের সর্ববিধ কল্যাণ নির্দেশনা প্রদান করাই এর মূখ্য আলোচ্য বিষয়। সে কারণে উপর্যুক্ত বিষয়ে সংক্ষিপ্ত পরিসরে আলোচনা করা কেবল দুরূহ নয়; অসম্ভবও বটে। কুর‘আন কারীম ও হাদীস-এর প্রতিটি ছত্রে এ বিষয়ে দিক নির্দেশনা রয়েছে। রাসূলল্লাহ (সা.) নিজে এর জীবন্ত দৃষ্টান্ত। কিন্তু মুসলিম উম্মাহর অধিকাংশ সদস্য বিষয়টি সম্পর্কে সম্যক অবহিত নয়। এর কারণ মুসলমানদের নিজ ইতিহাস ঐতিহ্যের বিস্মৃতি, রাজনৈতিক পরাজয়, পরনির্ভরশীলতা, শত্রু মিত্র নির্বাচনে সঠিক সিদ্ধান্ত গ্রহণ করতে না পারা, ইসলামের প্রকৃত শিক্ষার সাথে পরিচয় না থাকা এবং এর অনুসরণ হতে দূরে অবস্থান করা। সর্বোপোরি আত্মপরিচয় ও আত্মজাগতির পরিবর্তে পরমুখাপেক্ষি হয়ে নির্লিপ্ত জীবন যাপন করা। সে কারণে ইসলামের আকীদা-বিশ্বাস ও মুসলমানদের জীবনকর্মের মাঝে বাস্তবতায় রয়েছে চরম সমন্বয়হীনতা, রয়েছে বৈপরীত্য।

প্রায় নব্বই ভাগ মুসলিম অধ্যুষিত এ দেশের সামাজিক প্রেক্ষাপটকে সামনে রেখে এ প্রবন্ধে অতিসংক্ষেপে উল্লিখিত বিষয়ে আলোকপাত করা হলো।

This article brings to light the limits to peace that currently exist between young people in Kakuma refugee camp through a framework of social cohesion. The main drivers of conflict among the vastly diverse youth of Kakuma are examined to provide evidence of the gaps in social cohesion that endure in the camp. A framework of analysis built around notions related to social cohesion is applied to the qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with humanitarian professionals working in the camp. The discussion arising from the findings offers key considerations on humanitarian work with young people in contexts of protracted encampment such as Kakuma, and on how such work can more effectively address cohesion among diverse youth. Ultimately, the insights offered want to inform the trajectory of humanitarian work with encamped young people, with the view of enhancing peace, wellbeing and cohesion in camps. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited and is not used for commercial purposes.

t (الملخص):
تتناول هذه الورقة بالدراسة والتحليل النقدي تقرير البعثة الدولية المستقلة لتقصي الحقائق بشأن السودان، التي كُلّفت من مجلس حقوق الإنسان التابع للأمم المتحدة عام 2023 بالتحقيق في الانتهاكات الناجمة عن النزاع المسلح بين القوات المسلحة السودانية وقوات الدعم السريع. ورغم الأهداف المعلنة للبعثة المتمثلة في تقديم تقرير شامل ومحايد، ترى الورقة أن التقرير شابه عدد من أوجه القصور المنهجية والسياسية، أبرزها: ضبابية الولاية الجغرافية والموضوعية، الاعتماد على مصادر انتقائية متحيزة، والتأخر في مباشرة عمل البعثة خارج السودان. كما يثير التقرير إشكالات جوهرية تتعلق بمسألة الإفلات من العقاب، والتحديات المترتبة على السيادة الوطنية، والحق القانوني في الدفاع المشروع وفق ميثاق الأمم المتحدة والقانون الدولي الإنساني. ومن خلال تحليل معمق، تقدّم الورقة قراءة نقدية لأثر التقرير على الوضع القانوني والسياسي في السودان، وتبرز الثغرات التي حدّت من فعاليته في مساءلة الفاعلين غير الحكوميين، وعلى رأسهم قوات الدعم السريع. وتخلص الورقة إلى توصيات عملية لتعزيز شفافية وحياد البعثات الأممية، وتطوير آليات المساءلة الوطنية والدولية بما يضمن حماية حقوق الإنسان وسيادة الدولة في آن واحد.

Keywords (الكلمات المفتاحية):
السودان، قوات الدعم السريع، بعثة تقصي الحقائق، القانون الدولي الإنساني، الإفلات من العقاب، السيادة الوطنية، حق الدفاع المشروع

Field of Study (التخصص):

Law

International Relations

Human Rights

Political Science

African Studies
Abstract (English)
This paper provides a critical analysis of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Sudan, mandated by the UN Human Rights Council in 2023 to investigate violations arising from the armed conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). While the Mission aimed to deliver a comprehensive and impartial report, this study argues that it suffered from methodological and political shortcomings, including vague territorial and thematic mandates, reliance on selective and biased sources, and delayed operational deployment outside Sudan. The paper further examines the implications of the report for impunity, national sovereignty, and the right of self-defense under the UN Charter and international humanitarian law. Through in-depth critique, it highlights the report’s limited effectiveness in addressing accountability of non-state actors, particularly the RSF, and concludes with practical recommendations to strengthen transparency and neutrality of UN missions, while reinforcing both national and international accountability frameworks.

Chers amis lecteurs. Mes doigts ne peuvent se tenir loin du clavier et mon esprit n'arrive plus à retenir ce besoin de dire. Est coupable de collusion quiconque choisit de se taire, se cloîtrer dans l'acceptation d'un statuquo contraire aux desiderata du Père fondateur de la patrie. Un éminent collègue me qualifiait de scalpel du journal Le Nouvelliste ! Aujourd'hui, coeur bien accroché et viscères endurcis, je m'évertue encore à labourer les plaines des consciences, ensemencer les champs abandonnés et diriger les eaux pour, qu'une fois de plus, Hayti de tous les impossibles puisse étonner le Monde !

Humanitarian crises driven by conflicts, instability, and climate change are escalating, exacerbating global funding gaps. International public law defines the rights and duties of states, international organizations, and aid providers, yet lacks a binding framework for humanitarian financing. The voluntary nature of aid allows states to fund programs selectively, often influenced by strategic interests rather than impartial need. Sovereignty, non-intervention, consent, and pacta sunt servanda shape how assistance is governed, balancing legal principles with political dynamics. Economic innovations offer new financing mechanisms, but their integration into international law remains limited. Addressing these challenges requires enhanced legal and economic coherence for sustainable growth in humanitarian response.

How does a feminist, anti-racist, refugee solidarity group that fights against a necropolitical border regime come to embrace genocidal necropolitics? Telling a story of the necropolitical archipelago at the borderlands of the European Union and the Balkans, feminist dissent and cross-border solidarity, and the emergence of Austro-German feminist alignment with imperial necropolitics, authoritarianism, and genocide itself, this text calls attention to a new formation of imperial feminism: necrofeminism. Necrofeminism is best contrasted with its close cousin militarized feminist humanitarianism. Whereas militarized feminist humanitarianism justifies occupation and war in the name of saving women's lives and freedoms, necrofeminism is concerned not with freedom or rescue but with legitimizing the politics of death to the point of endorsing genocide. Examining the conditions of possibility for necrofeminist refusals of solidarity, we find the seeds of necrofeminism in racism, civilizational discourses that understand human rights and democracy as inalienable properties of the imperial West, and self-ascribed moral superiority born of ongoing dominance and colonizing projects. We must counter them by revolting against all politics of death, particularly in times when silence orders the world.

The issue of humanitarian intervention, or humanitarian military intervention, has been among the most controversial and important issues in international law for years. The prohibition of the use of force and the principle of state sovereignty, on the one hand, and the necessity of intervention to protect human rights in situations where states commit serious and systematic human rights violations within their own territory, on the other, have led to the search for solutions consistent with international law. However, this same legal legitimacy has revealed that different practices are observed in similar cases. The main objective of this qualitative study is to examine the fundamental conditions for humanitarian intervention, particularly within the United Nations (UN) system, to establish its legal legitimacy (decision-making institutions and criteria), and to determine the conditions under which decisions regarding the implementation of such interventions are made through comparative country examples. Data were analyzed through an indepth literature review, the collection of international documents, and the self-determination theory. The analyses revealed that the criteria for the UN and the Security Council about intervention, the body responsible for establishing security, to engage in humanitarian intervention. The second stage presented concrete examples of humanitarian intervention decisions, and the third sought to identify the reasons for differences in decisions made despite similar incidents. The findings suggest that if the legal legitimacy criteria and justifications necessitating humanitarian intervention exist, the events are not the state's problem but rather a threat to world peace. Furthermore, the current collective security system, particularly the Security Council structure and decision-making mechanism, is inadequate to meet today's needs, in line with the UN's ideal of a peaceful world, and the high likelihood of deadlock is high. Therefore, necessary measures and legal regulations must be taken to address this.

Within the globalized era we live in – an era of intertwined economies, of increased communication across time and space, and an age in which territorial boundaries are said to be fading into a backdrop of interconnectedness –political conflicts occurring within borders have presented new opportunities for international intervention that use human rights as the basis for justification. Accordingly while human rights violations are nothing novel, the distinct way of defining, addressing, monitoring, and attempting to prevent them is, as indicated by the increased number and intensity of humanitarian intervention operations that occur on the grounds of human rights. However, little study has been dedicated to examining the impact of human rights interventions on deterring political conflict and if there are ways to make their approaches more self-sustaining and applicable to contexts of political violence. 

The current debate around whether or not humanitarian intervention  is applicable or beneficial to the people it intends to “help,” overlooks the unhealthy relationship that the structure and ideology of these interventions have with global power dynamics that are articulated through how the modern state is presented as the organizational tool of global society. In particular, this intertwined relationship has inhibited the potential of interventions on behalf of human rights to sufficiently address the foundational causes and perpetuating motives of today’s political conflicts that are inherently tied to the state structure. This is largely because the messages communicated through these conflicts serve as social commentaries of the deeply-rooted global inequality that is produced through the disciplinary power of the global state hierarchy, on which the human rights body  relies and operates through. The all-pervasiveness of this power has consequently co-opted the human rights body has itself, transforming it into a tool of the elite rather than an instrument of liberation and struggle for the masses, warranting a new approach.

The main aim of this thesis is to examine the role that global hierarchical power plays in shaping and addressing political conflicts, after which I examine with this understanding what the most suitable approach for intervening in political conflicts is. This entails understanding and offering explanations of political conflict that stretch beyond those customary accounts that assert mass violence spontaneously combusts. Instead I will ground political conflict in the historical, political, and socioeconomic realms of everyday life that must be outlined prior to determining what constitutes an “appropriate” international response. In particular, I hope to clarify how ethnic conflict in Kenya – as a branch of political conflict - is rooted in, and a product of, the interaction of historic as well as contemporary political, economic, and social processes. Having established this understanding, I will then highlight the need to rethink and reconfigure the current ways that interventions on behalf of human rights in conflict regions are conducted, given that the schism between how the international human rights body understands and responds to conflict and how it is understood and utilized locally, results in intervention techniques that insufficiently deactivate the enabling conditions of political conflict and at times put forth solutions that are the very causes of the conflict.

When one looks at the landscape of global health leaders, few figures embody both intellectual depth and humanitarian spirit quite like Dr. Chris Stout. A psychologist, educator, author, and humanitarian, Dr. Stout has spent his career dismantling silos and reimagining what it means to truly serve communities across the globe. His journey is not just about titles and accolades-it is a narrative of empathy in action, of turning ideas into institutions, and of demonstrating how even the smallest initiatives can yield life-changing results. "The boundaries between clinical psychology and global health are artificial-that true healing and advancement require a holistic, integrated approach," Dr. Stout reflects. This philosophy, rooted in his earliest experiences, has been the guiding compass of a career that bridges worlds-psychology and medicine, academia and field work, research and practice.

A história dos Balcãs é longa, complexa e coberta de camadas de mitologia, habilmente exploradas por políticos e tiranos ambiciosos. Estes reinventam o passado para que ele caiba convenientemente nas suas perceções das injustiças históricas. André Gerolymatos "The Balkan Wars" 1 1 Livro que não está editado em português.

In this paper, I draw on my 15-year-long ethnographic research across Lebanon on the lifestyle, practices and ethos of humanitarian professionals. I show how their experience and discourse (the everyday pragmatics of humanitarian work) point to a process of alienation. Approaching alienation as semantically polyhedral and multifaceted and as a key factor determining the interplay between collective and individual identity, I discuss its historical-material dimension, implying both the disconnection of the humanitarian workers from the failures and discontents of humanitarian action, and what I term "organizational amnesia." Later, I examine alienation as a form of psychological resilience to survive and thrive in the humanitarian sector, where recruitment politics tend to value the accumulation of technical know-how across multiple geographies, and securitized forms of temporary life do not allow for learning local languages and cultures. Finally, I show how not only internationals develop alienation in the contexts in which they operate (as generally seeing crises from a cosmopolitan distance), but so do locals, who often need to abide by foreign agendas while being alienated from their everyday work. Showing how alienation becomes organizational and not merely individual, my analysis ultimately suggests their increasing alienation not only from their own local cultural, linguistic, and epistemic capital, but also from their professional environment.

A história dos Balcãs é longa, complexa e coberta de camadas de mitologia, habilmente exploradas por políticos e tiranos ambiciosos. Estes reinventam o passado para que ele caiba convenientemente nas suas perceções das injustiças históricas.
André Gerolymatos "The Balkan Wars".

Depuis près d'une décennie, le Burkina Faso traverse une crise multidimensionnelle marquée par les violences armées, l'effritement du contrat social et un déplacement massif de populations (plus de 2,3 millions en 2024). Dans ce contexte, l'aide humanitaire est devenue vitale, mais elle dépasse le simple cadre technique : elle s'inscrit dans des dynamiques sociales, symboliques et politiques. L'article mobilise la théorie du don et du contre-don de Marcel Mauss, qui considère le don comme un « fait social total » fondé sur trois obligations-donner, recevoir, rendre. Appliquée à l'humanitaire, cette perspective montre que recevoir une aide alimentaire ou sanitaire ne se limite pas à une réponse aux besoins matériels : elle crée des liens de dépendance, de reconnaissance et parfois de domination. Pierre Bourdieu souligne que derrière la gratuité apparente du don se cache une « violence symbolique », car les bénéficiaires ne peuvent jamais rendre à hauteur de ce qu'ils reçoivent. Au Burkina Faso, l'aide engendre ainsi une dette morale durable. Les bénéficiaires expriment leur gratitude à travers prières, bénédictions ou loyautés politiques, tandis que les ONG et autorités locales en tirent une légitimité accrue. La redistribution par les chefs coutumiers ou religieux renforce également leurs positions de pouvoir. Toutefois, cette logique nourrit des ambivalences : l'aide soulage mais elle divise, suscite jalousies et critiques, notamment en raison de son insuffisance ou de son inégale répartition. L'article met aussi en lumière la dimension de genre : les femmes, principales gestionnaires de l'aide au sein des ménages et des réseaux de solidarité (tontines, partage de vivres), sont au coeur du don humanitaire. Elles prolongent les logiques relationnelles, mais portent également le fardeau des insuffisances et des choix douloureux liés à la survie. En conclusion, l'auteur montre que l'aide humanitaire au Burkina Faso est indissociablement un mécanisme de secours et un champ de relations sociales. Elle sauve des vies, mais elle installe une dette symbolique et une dépendance structurelle. Repenser l'humanitaire suppose alors de dépasser la logique du don gracieux pour l'affirmer comme un droit, afin de réduire les asymétries et renforcer la dignité et la résilience des bénéficiaires

Τα διηγήματα της Λένας Κιτσοπούλου πραγματεύονται ιστορίες που διαδραματίζονται στο κλειστό οικογενειακό κύκλωμα και αφηγούνται τη σεξουαλική βία, την παιδική κακοποίηση, τον γκροτέσκο φόνο, οποιαδήποτε μορφή παρέμβασης στο ξένο σώμα. Με όχημα τη δήλωση της ίδιας της δημιουργού: «Η αρρώστια είναι στη φύση του ανθρώπου. Οι εξαιρέσεις των ανθρώπων είναι υγιείς.» συζητιέται το ζήτημα της ενδοοικογενειακής βίας και ο τρόπος με τον οποίο εκείνη ασκείται στα διαφορετικά πλέγματα εξουσίας, ιδίως της πατριαρχικής κυριαρχίας, στις συλλογές διηγημάτων: Νυχτερίδες (2006), Μεγάλοι δρόμοι (2011), Το μάτι του ψαριού (2015). Στο πλαίσιο θεώρησης της οικογένειας ως ενός οργανισμού, στον πυρήνα του οποίου εκτυλίσσονται διαρκώς παραστασιακές διαδικασίες, αναδεικνύονται όλες εκείνες οι «υλικές» παρεμβάσεις που βιώνονται σωματικά από υποκείμενα που στερούνται προσωπικής βούλησης και αυτονόμησης στο επιδραστικό οικογενειακό πλαίσιο. Οι ήρωες της Κιτσοπούλου εμφιλοχωρούν στα διηγήματα ως σύμβολα γιγαντωμένων εκδοχών της ηθικής αποτελμάτωσης, καταδεικνύοντας ευκρινώς μια κοινωνία σε σήψη. Μέσα από μια γραφή τραβηγμένη στα απώτατα όρια της υπερβολής, η σωματική βία διεκδικεί θέση πρωταγωνιστική στο πλαίσιο της κανονιστικής πειθάρχησης και ευθυγράμμισης σωμάτων που έχουν ήδη υπερκαθοριστεί. Σε μια προσπάθεια χαρτογράφησης ανομολόγητων τραυμάτων στο πεδίο του ιδιωτικού, η εργασία μέσα από τον μεγεθυντικό φακό της Λένας Κιτσοπούλου φωτίζει τις διαφορετικές εκδηλώσεις ενδοοικογενειακής βίας, οι οποίες, διαρρηγνύοντας κλειδωμένες πόρτες, καθίστανται πλέον δημόσια «εκθέματα».

Civilians are not mere bystanders in irregular warfare: they are strategic terrain. Armed actors, both state and non-state, routinely seek to control, coerce, or punish civilian populations to achieve military and political objectives. Access to healthcare and basic survival infrastructure in these environments becomes a contested resource.

In the ethnic conflict zones of Myanmar (aka Burma), where formal health systems may be absent and violence is endemic, it has become necessary to develop an unconventional form of civilian defense: health-based resistance and resilience. The Civilian Health Defense Program, developed amid Myanmar’s protracted insurgencies represents a grassroots strategy to protect civilian populations from the cascading health consequences of irregular warfare.

The ongoing genocide in Gaza represents one of the most glaring and tragic failures of the international community in the 21st century, exposing the limits of the current multilateral system in the face of mass atrocities. Despite overwhelming evidence of indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the destruction of essential infrastructure, and systematic violations of international humanitarian law, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has remained paralyzed. This paralysis stems primarily from the repeated use of the veto power by one permanent member, which has effectively blocked meaningful resolutions aimed at halting the violence, facilitating humanitarian access, and holding perpetrators accountable. Such inaction raises profound questions about the legitimacy of the UNSC and the effectiveness of the broader UN system in fulfilling its foundational mandate to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war." This paper examines the legal, institutional, and historical mechanisms available to the United Nations to bypass or mitigate the effects of veto paralysis. Central to the discussion is the Uniting for Peace resolution (GA Res. 377 A (V)), which empowers the General Assembly to recommend collective measures, including the use of armed force, when the Security Council fails to act due to a lack of unanimity among its permanent members. The study explores how this resolution has been operationalized in past crises such as the Korean conflict (1950), the Suez crisis (1956), the advisory opinion on Namibia (1971), and the campaign against apartheid South Africa high lighting the capacity of the General Assembly to assume an active role in safeguarding international peace and security when the UNSC is incapacitated. Furthermore, the paper considers the role of international judicial bodies, particularly the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), in providing avenues for accountability, as well as the potential of regional organizations, acting under Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, to respond where global consensus is blocked. The analysis underscores that the General Assembly, as the most representative organ of the UN, has not only the legal authority but also the moral obligation to act decisively in the face of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Ultimately, the study argues that the credibility and relevance of the United Nations as a guardian of peace and justice hinge upon its ability to overcome structural obstacles, including the abuse of the veto. Failure to act in Gaza would not only embolden perpetrators of mass atrocities worldwide but also erode the trust of nations and peoples in the UN system itself. The paper concludes by asserting that decisive action, even in defiance of a single veto power, is essential if the UN is to remain faithful to its charter and to the principles of humanity, justice, and international law.

Background. Refugee camps entered the COVID-19 era with long-standing food-system fragilities. Government lockdowns and movement restrictions, though essential for epidemic control, risked disrupting humanitarian supply chains, camp markets and household livelihoods, thereby altering both food availability and access within camps (FAO, 2008; IASC/UNHCR, 2020).
Methods. A rapid narrative review synthesized peer-reviewed articles and humanitarian agency documents published between 2020 and 2025 that analyzed impacts during 2020–2022. Searches of discipline-standard databases and agency repositories combined terms for COVID-19, lockdowns and curfews, refugee camps or settlements, and food availability or access; eligibility required camp-specific results on at least one of the two focal pillars. Study selection followed a PRISMA-style process, and quality was considered qualitatively using core questions adapted from MMAT/CASP around sampling, measurement and confounding (UNHCR, 2021; WFP Jordan, 2020).
Results. Across Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh, Azraq and Za’atari in Jordan, settlements in Uganda and refugee operations in parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, lockdowns prompted redesign of distributions as essential services with distancing and scheduling, slowed throughput, and in some settings coincided with ration pipeline volatility and documented cuts that tightened availability. Uganda’s early lockdown snapshot reported a majority of refugee households with insufficient food consumption, reflecting lost informal income and impaired physical access; cash and e-vouchers aided access where shops remained open but could not substitute for missing assortment or interrupted pipelines (UNHCR/WFP, 2020; WFP USA, 2020; WFP Jordan, 2020).
Conclusions. Lockdowns amplified pre-existing constraints by narrowing availability through logistics frictions, market closures and ration volatility, and by reducing access through mobility limits, income losses and price risks. Future public-health responses should pre-authorize humanitarian food operations and camp shops as essential, preserve dual in-kind and cash-based modalities, buffer pipelines for nutrient-dense items, and maintain monitoring systems even under movement restrictions (IASC/UNHCR, 2020; UNHCR, 2021).

My dissertation explores contemporary coming-of-age stories that employ spectral and relational narrative strategies to address readers, demanding a re-negotiated response from them. Drawing upon and extending the observations of critics who emphasize the role of liberalism and its contradictory legacies for post-colonial Bildungsroman, my research highlights a radically ethical potential in unsettling reiterations of this longstanding narrative form. The narratives that I have chosen to examine-namely, U.S. Latino/a and Canadian diasporic second-generation coming-of-age stories and African child soldier narratives-reflect a broad geographical and linguistic range, drawing attention to constitutive relationality and various kinds of haunting to call upon a globally entangled sense of disappointment and responsibility in a profoundly critical register. These coming-of age stories signal the need to imagine alternative ethical and political frameworks for reconceptualising the way we think about knowledge, responsibility, and belonging in twenty-first century planetary relations. Even as they inevitably participate in the global market for stories of otherness and epistemological and/or material dispossession, these texts challenge generic and market expectations, troubling the reader's easy consumption of them. The open-endedness and ambiguity in the indirect, yet insistent, rhetorical manoeuvres of these narratives urge us as readers to confront complicated questions about global solidarity if we are to respond ethically to global, national and transnational realities. I want to acknowledge the colleagues and professors who attended graduate seminars with me, and who created a vibrant and stimulating intellectual environment from which some of the ideas for this thesis germinated. Daniel Coleman and Henry Giroux both helped me develop conference papers/articles during my first couple of years at McMaster. For the most part, I researched and wrote this thesis from geographical spaces thousands of kilometres removed from my supervisory committee. Especially given the "virtual" nature of this process, the thoughtful comments and suggestions made by Susan Searls Giroux and Helene Strauss at various points during the writing process were crucial to the development of the thesis. This project has been very much a relational undertaking, and I am especially indebted to my supervisor, Sarah Brophy, for her generous, judicious and insightful feedback, not only throughout the process of crafting this dissertation, but from the very first moment we met. Her continued confidence in and engagement with my intellectual project has helped to make it what it is today. I want to thank the external examiner on my defense committee, Lily Cho, for her helpful and encouraging feedback on my dissertation and especially for helping to make my thesis defence such a rewarding experience! I also want to recognize the importance of friends who gave me shelter, food, drink, positive vibes and warm company while I was back in Canada defending my thesis: in Hamilton, Yvonne, Neil, Ben and Ollie Woodley, and in Toronto Suzanne, Sofi, and Gabi -and Quique, whose absent presence continues to inspire us, even though he left this world suddenly and tragically last year. I must acknowledge the importance of my non-academic community, and especially friends, neighbours and companer@s from Punta del Diablo, who supported me unconditionally during the long months of writing, even though they had no idea what I was up to for all those hours locked away in front of my computer. Without the sense of urgency brought on by our current shared struggle, and their dedication to imagining the possibility of an/other, more joyful, ethical and sustainable world for the twenty-first century, none of this would make any sense. I want to also acknowledge the importance of my family: my parents, Doug and Elly for always instilling in me the drive to keep learning, my brothers, Clarke, Paul and Eric and their families, who are endlessly interesting people, and especially my sister Eva (and Mary) for always being there to discuss the important issues of life with me, whether they be academic or non. v I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my sons, Ariel and Mateo. Thank you for putting up with my constant state of distraction during pretty much my entire time as a student-mother. And I especially want to thank you for sharing your tireless sense of adventure and wonder with me as we travel across the hemispheres: you are and always will be my greatest inspiration. And, finally and foremost, this dedication is for Gustavo. I know that you think that you didn't do anything. But you did. Everything.

SULA-RAXHIMI Enkelejda, 2025, « Déplacements en Haïti au prisme d'insécurités et des failles du système : le cas de Port-au-Prince ? » dans Actes des journées d'étude 'Failles haïtiennes' du 16 et 17 novembre 2023 à Sciences Po Bordeaux, en ligne [adresse URL].

This study adds meaningful insight to the limited knowledge on parental roles in conflict-affected areas and supports efforts to improve education for children in vulnerable settings. In light of the intensification of military conflicts in recent years, understanding how parents support their children's education has become increasingly urgent. Parental role plays a crucial role in children's educational success, yet in conflict-affected areas, this role faces significant challenges. This study investigates the factors associated with parental role in education within the Kurdish region of Iraq, an area characterised by displacement and ongoing regional conflicts. Using a correlational research design, this study explores the relationships between financial status, family size, child labour, and parental perspectives on learning responsibilities in shaping the parental role. Through a mixedmethods approach involving a survey of 567 parents (219 displaced and 348 from the host community), the research explores the complex dynamics of educational decision-making, child labour, and parental perspectives on learning responsibilities. The findings reveal that while most parents strongly support their children's education, displaced parents are more likely to consider interrupting schooling due to immediate economic pressures. A significant correlation was found between financial status and educational intentions, with parents facing financial constraints more likely to consider their children's school withdrawal. Interestingly, parents with larger families demonstrated a stronger commitment to educational continuity. The study emphasises a sophisticated comprehension of parental roles in knowledge acquisition and the joint responsibility of parents and teachers in moral and value education. These insights highlight the essential requirement for collaborative educational frameworks that are culturally relevant and assist families facing difficult socioeconomic circumstances.

Communication in projects implementation plays a crucial role in the achievement of project objectives and generating the desired change. In Kakuma Refugee Camp, where World Foo food assistance projects since its establishment in 1992, communication with some primary stakeholders, especially refugees, is wanted. As a result, refugees protested in 2024 and in 2025 when WFP cut food rations. If robust communication system between refugees and WFP such protests would have been prevented in a series of joint stakeholder meetings. This study seeks to assess stakeholder engagement practices on the implementation of WFP funded projects in Kakuma Refugee Camp, Kenya. The study was guided by four specific objectives: to examine influence of stakeholder communication on implementation of WFP making on implementation of WFP-funded projects, evaluate st WFP-funded projects, and analyze stakeholder feedback mechanisms on the implementation of WFP The study was anchored on Stakeholder Theory and Ladder of Citizen Participation Theory. A mixed approach, using convergent parallel design, was employed. Quantitative and qualitative data were integrated for valuable insights. The quantitative data was analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 27, whereas qualitative data was analyzed using thematic analysis by cleaning and coding data to identify the recurrent themes and patterns. The target population for the study was 210,711, and the sample size of 399 was selected using Yamane's formula (1967). Stratified random sampling was used to select refugees, and purposive sampling was used to select 11 key informants from WFP and DRS based on their expertise, knowledge, and experiences. Structured questionnaires and interview guide were used to collect quantitative and the study revealed that project implementation and communication have a positive correlation of 0.62, p project implementation and decision-making have a strong positive correlation of 0.75, p implementation and capacity-building have a positive correlation of 0.68, p feedback mechanisms have a strong positive correlation of 0.70, p significance of effective communication in WFP projects implementation in Kakuma Refugee Camp. This study will contribute to actionable insights that can be applied in projects implementation in the world.

Within bilateral and multilateral funding circles, there has been a strong and growing emphasis on the importance of understanding and responding to gender inequalities in humanitarian settings. However, given the often-short funding cycles, among other operational challenges, there is limited scope to incorporate interventions that address the root causes and social norms underpinning gender inequalities, or other gender transformative interventions. In the context of the decade-long crisis in the Lake Chad Basin, fuelled by incursions from non-state armed groups (NSAGs), including Boko Haram, and the resultant protracted and chronic humanitarian crisis, this article examines Save the Children’s child nutrition programmes in northeast Nigeria. Taking an ethnographic approach focused on volunteer-driven peer support groups (mother-to-mother and father-to-father) that aim to increase knowledge on best practices for infant and child nutrition, we investigate whether these activities a...

The case of John Demjanjuk, the retired auto worker who was extradited from Cleveland in 1981 to Israel and convicted in 1987 The case of John Demjanjuk, the retired auto worker who was extradited from Cleveland in 1981 to Israel and convicted in 1987 for crimes against humanity attributed to "Ivan the Terrible" at the Treblinka death camp in Poland, is one whose telling and for crimes against humanity attributed to "Ivan the Terrible" at the Treblinka death camp in Poland, is one whose telling and retelling in the past 11 years have missed its most salient feature: of justice thwarted by Cold War politics. retelling in the past 11 years have missed its most salient feature: of justice thwarted by Cold War politics. Almost all of the facts in the case against Demjanjuk were beyond dispute: Ivan's sadism as a brutal guard who tormented his Almost all of the facts in the case against Demjanjuk were beyond dispute: Ivan's sadism as a brutal guard who tormented his victims into the gas chambers, the atrocity of crimes against humanity, the massive numbers of victims, including thousands of victims into the gas chambers, the atrocity of crimes against humanity, the massive numbers of victims, including thousands of children. Almost 1 million Jews were murdered in the year 1942-43 at Treblinka. children. Almost 1 million Jews were murdered in the year 1942-43 at Treblinka.

O título da minha palestra faz inevitavelmente lembrar o livro de Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, 1 . Em livro veio desenvolver as teses que o autor já defendera num artigo publicado em 1989, no fragor da queda do muro de Berlim e do sistema comunista na União Soviética e nos Estados adjacentes da Europa oriental. Estas teses podem resumir-se na frase: a democracia liberal é o fim da história, ou seja, nas palavras de Fukuyama, constitui o ponto final da evolução histórica da humanidade, a forma final de governo humano, o ponto de chegada do progresso histórico. O livro pretende demonstrar que a tese faz sentido por duas ordens de razões: a primeira deriva do progresso contínuo das ciências naturais, que conduziria a uma uniforme industrialização, característica do capitalismo tecnologicamente avançado, como último estádio da evolução económica, aliás, compatível quer com a democracia liberal quer com o autoritarismo político. Em segundo lugar, e decisivamente, a luta pelo reconhecimento, que conduziu às sucessivas formas que tomou na história a oposição entre o senhor e o servo, termina pelo igual reconhecimento universal de todos que caracteriza, segundo Fukuyama, a democracia liberal. Vou de seguida criticar Fukuyama, tendo, porém, em vista, não tanto uma apreciação cabal do seu pensamento, como o esclarecimento das principais questões que as suas teses levantam. Com efeito, Fukuyama é um teórico menor de uma linha de pensamento que é representada sobretudo, como ele próprio reconhece, por Kant, por Hegel e por REVISTA PORTUGUESA DE CIÊNCIA DAS RELIGIÕES -Ano I, 2002 / n.º 1 -95-101 95 brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk