Intergenerational justice

When children exercise their right to political participation through climate activism and litigation, they demonstrate that an ethics of care is a core component of the postpaternalist era. Children's ethics of care, however, is not only about care toward their immediate human relations, but also toward other species, the environment they live in and generations to come. They thereby develop the traditional feminist ethics of care into a childist version which takes seriously children's experiences. While children themselves-as we speak-are performing a childist ethics of care, it is not yet theoretically formulated, and that is what the present article does. To exemplify, the article analyses nine-year-old Ridhima Pandey's petition to India's National Green Tribunal. The petition both demonstrates the components of a childist ethics of care in the context of the climate crisis, and real-life challenges and hopes for children who exercise rights within adultist structures.

This study examines the concept of entrenched clauses, tracing their historical origins and global dissemination, and offers a comparative analysis of their modalities and substantive scope within contemporary constitutional design. Entrenched clauses are superconstitutional provisions, safeguarded by second-degree rigidity rules that make them unchangeable or require conditions much harder to achieve than the ones established by general procedural rules of reform. Entrenchment clauses, in their turn, are the normative devices designed to prevent constitutional reform from altering certain sectors of the constitution, thereby creating extra protective barriers to preserve some institutions, provisions, or core values (the entrenched clauses). Therefore, entrenchment clauses are the means to the creation of superconstitutionality. Classic constitutional rigidity pursues the dual purpose of maintaining stability and leaving room for change. By stipulating special methods for their own modification, constitutions seek to last and at the same time adapt to dynamic environments, thus avoiding being replaced by a wholly new order. However, entrenchment clauses create higher degrees of legal rigidity for some segments of the constitution, balancing stiffness and flexibility according to the assumed importance of maintaining its provisions. Entrenched clauses are meant to shield the core values that shape constitutional identity. They may be either textually listed in constitutions (explicit) or acknowledged through judicial interpretation (implicit).

This work is an English translation of the book “Metsubousurukamosirenai Junrui no tameno Rinrigaku[Ethics for Humanity That May Perish: LongTermism, Transhumanism, and Space Exploration]” by author, Shin-ichiro Inaba, himself, with DeepL Pro Starter[https://www.deepl.com/]. The original Japanese version was written for introducing Longtermism, Existential Risk Theory and related topics to Japanese general readrers. It was published by Kodansha (Tokyo) in September 2025 as part of the Kodansha Sensho Metier series.

El objetivo de este trabajo es ofrecer una revisión sintética y actualizada de la literatura económica sobre las transmisiones lucrativas de bienes entre generaciones de una familia. Primero se desarrollan los distintos modelos explicativos de la motivación de este tipo de transmisiones. Seguidamente se sintetizan los trabajos empíricos que han tratado de discriminar entre modelos. En tercer lugar se analiza la influencia de la fiscalidad en la elección de cuándo transmitir. Se concluye que nos encontramos ante un fenómeno plural tanto si atendemos a los individuos (los ricos y ancianos presentan un comportamiento diferenciado del resto de individuos: desean transmitir y atienden al coste fiscal) como al tipo de transmisiones (las «inter vivos» muestran matices redistributivos y las «mortis causa» se reparten igualitariamente entre hermanos).

The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015 under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), has been recognized as a landmark in global climate governance. Unlike previous arrangements such as the Kyoto Protocol, the Paris framework is characterized by a bottom-up approach through Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), enhanced transparency mechanisms, and a long-term goal of limiting global warming to well below 2 °C, preferably 1.5 °C. This study aims to examine the evolution of climate diplomacy in the post-Paris era, focusing on the roles of state and non-state actors, the challenges of multilateral negotiations, and the implications for global governance. Relying on a literature-based conceptual analysis, the article identifies three key dynamics: the transformation of negotiation practices, the growing involvement of civil society and private sector actors, and the persistent North-South divide concerning equity and climate justice. The findings reveal that while the Paris Agreement has expanded the scope of inclusiveness in climate diplomacy, it also introduced complexities regarding compliance, financing, and the geopolitics of energy security. The article concludes that post-Paris climate diplomacy is increasingly embedded in broader security, economic, and justice discourses, requiring innovative governance models to achieve the net-zero targets of 2050. In addition, the Paris Agreement has been interpreted as an experiment in "polycentric governance," where authority is distributed across multiple levels of decision-making from local governments to international organizations . This polycentric nature allows for innovation, experimentation, and diffusion of best practices, yet it also raises challenges of coherence and accountability. Furthermore, the emphasis on climate finance and capacity-building for developing countries has elevated the discourse on equity to an unprecedented level in climate negotiations. By embedding climate diplomacy within global security and economic agendas, the Paris era signals a fundamental redefinition of multilateralism in the 21st century.

It is more difficult to feel emotions for future generations than for those who currently exist, and this seems to be one of the reasons why we struggle to care for the future. According to a number of authors, who have recently focused on the psychological flaws that prevent us from dealing with transgenerational issues, the main problem is "future discounting". Challenging this common view, we argue that the main reason we struggle to care about future generations lies in two features of our daily emotions: the «identified victim effect» and the decrease in empathy for people who are different from us. These traits give rise to two puzzles we call the problem of the indeterminateness of future persons and the problem of dissimilarity. After having analyzed these problems of our moral psychology, we show how they allow us to account for some differences in affectivity towards a number of entities that do not currently exist, such as future generations, past generations and fictional characters. Bearing in mind the real limits of our emotions when dealing with future people, we sketch an alternative proposal on how to develop emotions to provide citizens of liberal democracies with a motivation to act in favor of future generations.

Political equality across age groups requires reasonably equal opportunities for adults of any age to engage in electoral participation. This paper sheds light on one reason why young citizens are disadvantaged: namely, the additional voting costs that apply to non-sedentary citizens. The paper first shows that mobility-related obstacles to voting disproportionately impact young citizens. Next, the paper argues that unnecessarily burdensome mobility-related voting requirements are distinctively wrongful to young voters. Firstly, young voters are a politically weaker and underrepresented group across most countries, and their needs are less salient for policymakers in ageing liberal democracies due to the decreasing number of young eligible voters and their lower turnout rates. Furthermore, in some liberal democracies, one of the reasons why the young undertake mobility is to cope with unaddressed socioeconomic youth issues hindering their transition to adulthood. Hence, states have morally compelling reasons to ease electoral participation for young mobile citizens.

Children and youth have been engaging extensively in climate action around the world. They have been doing this by protesting in the streets, talking with governments, and most recently by taking climate litigation against governments and companies. In this Article, these climate cases are considered from a children's rights perspective. Using the Youth Climate Justice database, fifty cases are analyzed to consider two aspects of climate litigation-the children's rights involved in the case, and the significance of the outcomes of the cases. It is concluded that climate cases are a new form of child participation in society, and that child participation has moved from (1) being something primarily aimed at benefitting children to (2) a phenomenon that can benefit the human rights of all.

In this essay, I will argue that we as present persons owe moral obligations to both other present persons and to future persons and that these moral obligations are of the same nature and are of equal value. I will then argue that we owe the same moral obligations to present persons and to future persons. Finally, I will identify the implications of owing moral obligations to both present and future persons on policy-making, focusing on policies concerning the environment.

This paper develops a future-oriented and person-centred normative argument based on expectancies that is immune to most of the problems identified in the rights of future persons. The argument unfolds in four parts. The first draws on the notion of expectancies present in inheritance law and maintains that it is possible to formulate a rule of prospective beneficiaries that correlates with entitlements and legitimate claims without necessarily acquiring the status of rights. The second extends expectancies to future persons and concludes that the latter can be considered present holders of such currently binding entitlements. The third section raises the question of whether democracies are bound to a principle of fidelity towards expectancies in such a way that outweighs current people's rights in cases of conflicts. The response does not prove particularly future-beneficial in such cases. However, section four clarifies why expectancies still carry a crucial moral weight in democracies, one that is not sufficiently established by depersonalised forms of future-oriented ethics.

In representative democracies, the absence of responsiveness by elected officials to the interests of the represented often generates problems of legitimacy, accountability and effectiveness. However, responsiveness also tends to narrow the time horizons of democratic decision-making and promote short-termism. This paper advances the notion that responsiveness to interests involving distant time horizons is possible by reconfiguring the franchise in a time-sensitive and future-oriented way. It is divided into two parts. The first pinpoints a few inconsistencies in the available proposals for making responsiveness and the long term compatible (e.g., promoting youth turnout, narrowing the franchise to robust epistemic fitness, establishing future-oriented institutions). The second advances the creation of temporal electoral circles operating alongside territorial electoral circles in order to prompt responsiveness to multitemporal interests. The conclusion asserts that this kind of franchise design is the best available option for introducing temporal aspects into the character of democratic representation.

As a reaction against contemporary democracy's inherent short-sightedness in solving problems that are likely to affect distant future generations, there has been a recent increase in proposals for different kinds of democratic representation of future persons. This article shows that even though there can be no such thing as political representation of future persons, the relevant affected interests of the as-yet unborn can still be taken into consideration in political decision making. This aim is achieved by focusing on the political representation of children as special cases of semi-future members of the class of the represented.

A recent trend in futures studies has called for strengthening the inclusion of future generations in constitutional law. This is problematic from a practical and a normative viewpoint. This paper introduces a future-oriented theory of democratic constitutionalism that overcomes originalism (which privileges the past) and living constitutionalism (which privileges the present) without resorting to the explicit constitutional protection of the yet unborn. It is divided into five sections. The first challenges the notion that the constitutional entrenchment of the non-overlapping future is the best means of implementing long time horizons in democratic legal systems. The second maintains that constitutions are substantive normative expressions of the ultimate justification of authority. The third demonstrates that the substantive dimension of constitutions is cross-temporal and includes what I call ‘the objective interests in the future’ of all members of the people. The fourth connects such objective interests with rights to political participation. The final section focuses on the cross-temporal role of constitutional adjudication. Because rights to political participation include objective interests in the future and necessarily hold the status of constitutional rights in any legitimate democratic constitution, constitutional adjudication must guarantee their enforcement over government action.

Traditional institutions are often considered inadequate to govern for the long term as their politicians promote short-term thinking which can harm the future. This book proposes a novel theory of social time perception to address the short-term thinking of traditional institutions which threaten to stifle liberal democracies. The semi-future reconfigures liberal democracies’ franchises, representative instruments, deliberative practices, accountability mechanisms, and policymaking to include in the demos all citizens, regardless of age, and holders of representable objective interests in the future. The result is not only a way to legitimise long-term governance but also to improve the quality of current democracies.

In A Strange Fruit: A Theopoetics of Slavery in Amerika, the author, a 21st-century Theopoet and descendant of enslaved People of Color (POC), explores the complex intersections of colonized religion, chattel slavery, and their enduring impact on the spiritual and cultural identity of POC in America. The term "Strange Fruit" evokes the haunting legacy of lynching and systemic oppression, while also reflecting the fragmented identities that colonialism imposed on POC.

Through the lens of Theopoetics, this work uncovers how the religious symbols and meanings that colonized authorities wielded were not merely tools of spiritual control but weapons of dehumanization, leaving deep scars of religious trauma. The book grapples with the ongoing "Meaning Crisis" that many POC face in the 21st century as they struggle to reclaim their sense of self from the grip of oppressive religious and cultural narratives. With powerful insights, A Strange Fruit invites readers to join the Theopoet’s journey of remembering the Self beyond colonized authority and imagination. It offers a path to spiritual reclamation, revealing how the process of decolonization is not only a cultural act but a profound spiritual awakening. This book is a compelling reflection on the struggles and resilience of POC, as they seek to transcend the legacies of trauma and reclaim their spiritual and cultural identities in the present day.

Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories Written statement* submitted by Tumuku Development and Cultural Union (TACUDU), a non-governmental organization in special consultative status The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. My amicus on Kinocide and holding Hamas collectively responsible for Oct. 7th

This paper has two aims: first, to introduce a philosophical audience to research on implicit and explicit biases related to age; and second, to identify and explain ageist biases within social-scientific research. In the first case, evidence drawn from massive datasets, including both large language corpora and online tests with millions of participants, shows that implicit ageism has stayed remarkably persistent across time and space. This persistence stands in contrast to explicit ageism and other implicit biases, many of which have declined dramatically in the 21st century. In the second case, however, researchers have been preoccupied with a small fraction of biases related to age: for example, against the old rather than the young, and against 'old people' in general rather than specific oppressed older subgroups. Claims about the all-around intransigence of ageism are thus oversimplified overgeneralizations, which fail to heed lessons from contextual, embodied, critical, and intersectional perspectives on the social mind and world. Stubbornly flawed assumptions and methods have prevented the social sciences from addressing core questions for intergenerational justice, including the systematic disempowerment of the young. Fortunately, there is nothing inevitable leading to these oversights; empirical developments in the 2020s suggest that these limitations can-and have begun to beovercome.

The most recent constitutional reform, in addition to recognizing specific autonomy to the “right to the environment”, is notable for another aspect: the provision of the element of intergenerational solidarity or equity. The express reference to an “interest of future generations” as one of the purposes of environmental protection evokes shared responsibility and combines past, present, and future. Only through virtuous behavior of present generations will future generations effectively enjoy their right to the environment. From this perspective, the protection in question arises as a duty today in order to become a right tomorrow.
Therefore, conservation and sustainability are useful tools in pursuing an effective model of ecosystem protection and postulate solidary interaction between generations, envisioned by the new Article 9. Is it correct to view the intergenerational perspective as the determining element in approaching the issue of environmental protection?
This contribution aims to examine the role and evolution of the bond of intergenerational solidarity in environmental protection from a diachronic perspective: from its elaboration at the Unesco General Conference in Stockholm in 1972 to the most recent constitutionalizations. Arising as an ethical-philosophical principle, it has gradually established itself as a legal value, first in international documents (Brundtland Report, 1987; Rio Conventions, 1992; World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna, 1993) and later in the constitutional texts of numerous jurisdictions (including France, Germany, Poland, Luxembourg, Latvia, Malta, Portugal, and Sweden).

In seinem Gastbeitrag im Rechtsblog des Facultas Verlages (August 2025) hebt Marlon Possard hervor, warum die Rechtsethik nicht nur ein theoretisches Beiwerk, sondern ein entscheidendes Werkzeug im Kampf gegen den Klimawandel sein kann. An der Schnittstelle von Moral und Gesetz zeigt Possard auf, wie ethische Leitprinzipien rechtliche Entscheidungsprozesse prägen und zu einer nachhaltigeren Rechtsprechung führen können – und warum genau jetzt der richtige Zeitpunkt ist, rechtsethisches Denken in den Mittelpunkt der Klimadebatte zu rücken.

This paper argues that voters have duties of political justice to rectify imperfections in the democratic process, specifically unjust exclusions from the suffrage. The basis for such duties is that voters benefit from unjust suffrage exclusions and therefore have special duties to rectify them. In order to show that these duties apply to all voters, the paper explains the relevant sense in which all voters benefit from unjust exclusions from the vote. Next, the paper specifies the claim that benefitting from injustice grounds rectificatory duties, how this applies to voters, and how they can discharge their duties through the vote, either by restituting electoral injustices, compensating their victims or by disgorging the benefits they unjustly derive from electoral injustice.

This paper is about Kant's doctrine of virtue and its applicability in the context of environmental ethics and sustainable development. The analysis starts with the concept of the categorical imperative and the importance of moral action based on reason and individual responsibility. This approach will be compared with philosophers of the Frankfurt School of Critical thought, through the imperative of responsibility contributing to shaping a contemporary ethical framework that integrates virtue, sustainability and intergenerational responsibility in the need for a new ethical paradigm. Environmental ethics and sustainability in the context of virtue and moral law, are based in an ethic that supports the preservation of environment and the sustainable use of natural resources. Changing the ethical paradigm is an essential process to face today's environmental challenges and requires a redefinition of the virtues and values that guide moral action, making them suitable for the environmental context. In conclusion, this paper highlights the importance of environmental ethics in facing global development challenges and the need for a philosophical approach that integrates with everyday practices to protect the planet.

Aimed at providing input to the drafting process of the Draft Declaration, the consultation brought together five members of the Permanent Forum and scholars and experts from a diverse set of fields spanning law, diplomacy, history, public health, and the social sciences. Many of the participants had dedicated their careers to researching racism and related historical and social phenomena. Besides local affiliates from more than ten Harvard institutions, participants came from sixteen universities and research centers in Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. vii discussions taking place in English and Spanish through consecutive interpretation. This publication aims to both capture the essence of the discussion at the consultation and foster future dialogue that can provide continued input to the Draft Declaration. Part I presents a summary of the discussions that took place at the meeting. Participants were provided with a summary of their interventions for review. Part II contains the written submissions. Participants who submitted written comments had an opportunity to amend their submissions to account for the discussions and clarifications at the consultation. Participant biographies and the background documents, including the Draft Declaration submitted to the Intergovernmental Working Group on the implementation of the Durban Declaration, are annexed at the end of the publication. Besides the Permanent Forum members who continue to work on the subjects covered in the consultation, we are extremely grateful to the participants for taking from their valuable time to be a part of this conversation. We also thank the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, for its financial support.

This thesis makes two distinct contributions to the debates on climate justice. First, it offers a range of policy proposals that central banks can implement to make a faster transition to a sustainable or 'green' energy system. Second, it addresses the normative issues raised by some of these green monetary policy proposals, which involve shifting part of the costs of climate change mitigation and adaptation onto future generations.

We study the interplay between intragenerational and intergenerational equity in an economy with two countries producing and consuming from national capital stocks. We characterize the sustainable development path that a social planner would implement to achieve intertemporal egalitarianism. If intergenerational equity is dened with respect to the global consumption of each generation regardless of its distribution between countries, consumption in the poor country should be set as low as possible to maximize investment and hasten convergence, resulting in important intragenerational inequality. When social welfare accounts for intragenerational equity, the larger the intragenerational inequality aversion (IIA), the smaller the sacrice asked of the poor country, but the lower the sustained level of generational welfare. Along the intertemporal welfare-egalitarian path with IIA, consumption in the poor country increases, while it decreases in the rich country, resulting in a global degrowth.

Antimicrobial resistance occurs when microorganisms survive exposure and proliferate in the presence of therapeutic levels of antimicrobial drugs. Because antimicrobial resistance is increasing, it is vital to encourage consumers to change and adopt smarter antibiotic behaviour. Despite World Health Organization's efforts to combat antibiotic resistance and their emphasis on the importance of public involvement, the role of consumers has been overlooked. The manifold responsibility for antibiotic resistance extends across different actors, including food retailers and consumers. Given this shared responsibility, a blame game arises and no action occurs. To overcome this status quo situation, we draw attention to the potential role of individual responsibility and social pressure to encourage consumers to adopt smart antibiotic behaviour but also to empower them. Conditions must be put in place to enable consumers' critical evaluation of the health-related and ethical aspects...

Introdução; 1 O projeto genoma humano na pauta das discussões bioéticas; 2 A dignidade humana como paradigma à bioética; Conclusão; Referências. Resumo: O presente trabalho busca traçar um diálogo entre a bioética e o biodireito, na medida em que os avanços da genética acarretam problemas éticos, sociais e legais. Atualmente a bioética é compreendida como uma forma de conscientização para discussões críticas e reflexivas sobre temas biotecnológicos, políticos e ideológicos. O biodireito visa dispensar cunho legal às decisões éticas, porém o direito não caminha no mesmo passo que os avanços da biotecnologia e nesse sentido o prin cípio da dignidade humana serve como limite ético-jurídico aos avanços da engenharia genética. O Projeto Genoma Humano, constituindo importante empreendimento científico dos séculos XX e XXI, traz a tona discussões acerca da possibilidade de concessão de patentes de organismos vivos e suas implicações de cunho econômico e patrimonial. É fundamental que haja um controle ético para situações em que as inovações tecnológicas confrontam-se com valores morais, especialmente pela influência econômica que cerca o Projeto Genoma Humano. A possibilidade de eugenia, discriminação, clonagem de seres humanos e patentes de genes humanos devem ser consideradas e é nesse sentido que a dignidade humana se apresenta como um ponto de equilíbrio, servindo de paradigma às discussões bioéticas na pós-modernidade. Palavras-chave: projeto genoma humano; princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana.

Only a world without state boundaries could be a just world. It is difficult to defend the view that state boundaries set the limits of distributive justice because it is difficult to say why differences in citizenship should count as morally relevant differences.

Moeten de huidige generaties betalen voor de energietransitie? Of schuiven we de rekening door naar toekomstige generaties door schulden te maken voor de transitie? Het hangt ervan af hoe je politiek-filosofische principes als 'de vervuiler betaalt', het profijtbeginsel en het draagkrachtbeginsel weegt.

Should the current generations pay for the energy transition? Or are we passing the bill on to future generations by incurring debt for the transition? It depends on how you weigh political-philosophical principles such as 'the polluter pays', the benefit principle, and the ability-to-pay principle.

Volunteers are the backbone of church life, simultaneously deepening their own spiritual formation while serving their congregation and community. However, in most Western countries, volunteer rates have been steadily declining for the past half-century and are likely to continue doing so as average household working hours increase. This challenge to the church's future is addressed in the recently published dissertations of Jennifer R. Smith and Daniel Grell. Their research focuses on the volunteering potential and motivation of two underexplored age cohorts in the church: emerging adults (Smith), before their time becomes predominantly occupied

Aging has hitherto been overlooked by social ontologists. The article argues for its reconsideration advocating for a phenomenological shift from “aging” to “being aged” to address the major shortcomings of current approaches. Two key insights are revealed: (i) age discrimination arises from a standardized view of life that neglects the personal dimension of aging; (ii) phenomenology proves helpful in addressing qualitative assessments of aging and its social dimension while maintaining existential sensitivity. Within the proposed framework, it becomes possible to outline a theory of shared aging and transgenerationality, hinging on three main claims: a) aging unfolds as generational time shared in a transgenerational sense; b) it unites people in social wholes according to different modes and degrees; c) it inspires primary and secondary transgenerationality. All this lays the groundwork to understand generational temporality, sociality, and normativity beyond constructivism.

Racist violence has deep colonial roots that affect all aspects of life and the repertoires of violences in contexts such as the Colombian contemporary war. In this article, I will construct a woven web at three moments. Through this, I argue that teaching history from historical consciousness in settings such as schools can contribute to necessary social dialogues for processes of historical reparation such as those pertaining to the African diaspora who were victims of the slave trade and are now settled in Colombia. Through this web, I also discuss pedagogies that incorporate categories such as the longue durée, historical consciousness and continuity and change that contribute to restorative, anticolonial and historical reparation processes.

Weak sustainability (WS) requires that the inclusive wealth (IW) of a place (e.g., the world, a nation, or a sub-national region) be non-decreasing over a long time. The WS framework provides a more complete account of the sustainability of a place than do sustainability indicators or conventional economic measures, such as gross domestic product. However, while many decisions that affect sustainability are made at regional and local levels, the abstract theory of WS was developed without explicit recognition of the porosity of geographic boundaries and the interdependencies of regions. In this paper, we make three contributions: a carefully reasoned defense of IW per capita as the WS criterion, an improved understanding of the relationship between mobility, labor productivity, and regional economic growth, and an empirical application to US counties that demonstrates the feasibility of empirical regional WS assessment by summarizing Jones' research. This analysis, extending the framework developed by Arrow and co-authors, accounts for more region-specific factors related to population, most notably the labor productivity component of health capital, and assesses IW per capita for all 50 states and 3108 counties in the US from 2010 to 2017. These improved methods revealed substantially more states and counties that were not WS relative to results using the Arrow et al. framework. The not-WS counties exhibited a distinct rural bias, as regional scientists have suspected but, nevertheless, the majority of rural counties were WS. Our work demonstrated that regional WS assessment is feasible, produces results that are consistent with prior expectations based on reasoning and empirical research, and has the potential to provide fresh insights into longstanding questions of regional development.

This paper examines Thomas Paine's Dissertation on the First Principles of Government (1795) and demonstrates its continuing relevance to contemporary debates about inequality and inherited privilege. Through close textual analysis of Paine's arguments against hereditary government, the paper identifies key principles that apply to modern forms of dynastic advantage: the illegitimacy of one generation binding future ones, the origins of inherited wealth in historical injustice, and the use of law to perpetuate privilege. The paper connects Paine's eighteenth-century critique to twenty-first-century research on wealth concentration (Piketty), social mobility (Chetty), political dynasties (Dal Bó), and educational inequality (Kahlenberg), arguing that while the forms of hereditary privilege have evolved, the fundamental structures Paine identified remain intact. Drawing on recent scholarship in economics, political science, and sociology, the paper demonstrates that Paine's "mathematical certainty" about the illegitimacy of hereditary advantage applies with equal force to contemporary institutions that perpetuate inequality across generations. The paper contributes to ongoing discussions about democratic theory, intergenerational justice, and the tension between inherited advantage and meritocratic ideals in modern societies.

Marine biological diversity, and more specifically, marine genetic resources in areas beyond national jurisdiction are valuable resources that belong to all of humanity and need to be preserved for future generations. The new landmark BBNJ Agreement, also known as the "High Seas Biodiversity Treaty", after all the intensive negotiations revolving around the legal status of MGRs, recognized that the conservation and sustainable use of these resources are to be achieved through the "Common Heritage of Humankind" as a guiding principle under Article 7 of the BBNJ Agreement. The key consideration in the following article acknowledges a paradigm shift from the CHM towards a more pragmatic benefitsharing regime and whether all component parts of the CHM principle, including sustainable equity and more specifically, inter-generational and intra-generational equity are sufficiently addressed in the BBNJ Agreement. The following research suggests that a proper application of the common heritage of mankind principle, along with all its constituent elements, including equitable benefit-sharing, shared stewardship, sustainable management and inter-generational equity, guarantees a comprehensive balance between distributive justice and conservation approaches to marine genetic resources while serving the legitimate interests of present and future generations. Keywords Marine genetic resources • Common heritage of mankind principle • Areas beyond national jurisdiction • BBNJ Agreement • Sustainable equity • Inter-generational and intra-generational equity Communicated by Teresa Bottari.

Dada la renovada vigencia que la antigua pregunta socrática: ¿cómo se debería vivir? goza en nuestros días -en particular, en el ámbito anglosajón y alemán-, no extraña que los diferentes enfoques vengan acompañados a menudo por consideraciones de índole metodológica. ¿Cómo abordar hoy la proverbial pregunta? ¿Con qué criterios de corrección debería cumplir una teoría de la vida buena? ¿Es siquiera posible una tal teoría? El propósito de la presente reflexión es contribuir al esclarecimiento de estas cuestiones mediante lo que propongo llamar una aproximación indirecta a la cuestión de la vida buena. En el texto se describen y justifican los rasgos centrales de dicha aproximación, la que se distancia del debate actual entre teorías de la vida buena, al no asumir una serie de pretensiones metodológicas características de dicho debate. Palabras clave: vida buena, teorías de la vida buena, pregunta socrática, neutralidad, argumentación, explicación, descripción densa.

Long-term public issues face the intergenerational problem: current policy decisions place a disproportionate burden on future generations while primarily benefitting those in the present. The interests of present generations trump those of future generations, as the latter play no explicit part as stakeholders in policy making processes. How can the interests of future generations be voiced in the present? In this paper, we explore an innovative method to incorporate the interests of future generations in the process of policymaking: future design. First, we situate future design in the policy process and relate it to other intergenerational policymaking initiatives that aim to redeem the intergenerational problem. Second, we show how we applied future design and provide insights into three pilots that we organized on two long-term public issues in the Netherlands: housing shortages and water management. We conclude that future design can effectively contribute to representing the interests of future generations, but that adoption of future design in different contexts also requires adaptation of the method. The findings increase our understanding of the value of future design as an innovative policymaking practice to strengthen intergenerational policymaking. As such, it provides policymakers with insights into how to use this method.

Unlike the traditional DPSIR framework, which remains embedded in anthropocentric and economically driven paradigms, the E-DPSIR model introduces a morally anchored escalation logic. It integrates ethical thresholds, ecological irreversibility, and mandatory supranational intervention triggers when planetary boundaries are breached. This transforms environmental policy from a reactive instrument into a duty-bound system of planetary stewardship — capable of responding to catastrophic scenarios where conventional governance fails.

En este trabajo se analizan las numerosas medidas aprobadas por las Comunidades Autónomas, para el ejercicio 2010, en el Impuesto sobre Sucesiones y Donaciones. Esta ingente normativa autonómica además de provocar desigualdad de trato fi scal plantea problemas de compatibilidad con las Libertades Comunitarias, aspectos que son analizados en este estudio.

The notion of nonatomicity for set functions plays a key role in classical measure theory and its applications. For classical measures taking values in finite dimensional Banach spaces, it guarantees the connectedness of range. Even just replacing σ-additivity with finite additivity for measures requires some stronger nonatomicity property for the same conclusion to hold. In the present paper, we deal with nonadditive functions -called 's-outer' and 'quasi-triangular' -defined on rings and taking values in Hausdorff topological spaces. No algebraic structure is required on their target spaces. In this context, we make use of a notion of strong nonatomicity involving just the behavior of functions on ultrafilters of their underlying Boolean domains. This notion is proved to be equivalent to that proposed in earlier contributions concerning Lyapunov-types theorems in additive and non-additive frameworks. Thus, in particular, our analysis allows to generalize, improve and unify several known results on this topic.

Este artículo analiza, en primer lugar, por qué las personas sacrificamos parte de nuestro consumo presente para generar un patrimonio con el fin de transmitirlo a nuestros herederos. Posteriormente se estudian las normas que restringen la libertad testamentaria y sus posibles consecuencias.