Interspeaker Variation

Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences-which Q in QpBqpλx.Cpxq ppxq q supports the inference @x P B: ppxq. We observe an implication that if some yields a universal inference for a speaker, no, and any in a polar question do as well. We propose an account of this implication based on a trivalent theory of presupposition projection together with auxiliary assumptions suggested by .

Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences-which Q in QpBqpλx.Cpxq ppxq q supports the inference @x P B: ppxq. We observe an implication that if some yields a universal inference for a speaker, no, and any in a polar question do as well. We propose an account of this implication based on a trivalent theory of presupposition projection together with auxiliary assumptions suggested by [8].

The high rising accent predomi­nates in polar questions also in regional ly colored speech, but substantial variation is allowed. Our data show regional variation between young male speakers from Moscow and Perm (Ural) in details: In pitch span and in the alignment of the high turning point of the rising pitch accent. The lack of effect for region among the girls can partly be explained by a higher degree of interspeaker variability.

Revising a proposal by Guerzoni (2003), we propose to derive universal projection of presuppositions in wh-questions, where attested, from a family of three felicity conditions on question use. Assuming that these felicity conditions can be violated under certain conditions, this proposal predicts a typology of contexts where universal projection can exceptionally be unattested. We propose that this prediction is correct, presenting a family of scenarios where the expected absence of universal projection is observed.

The domain of a quantifier is determined by a variety of factors, which broadly speaking fall into two types. On the one hand, the context of ut- terance plays a role: if the focus of attention is on a particular collection of kangaroos, for example, then “Q kangaroos” is likely to range over the individuals in that set. On the other hand, the utterance itself will help to establish the quantificational domain, inter alia through presuppositions triggered within the sentence. In this paper, we concentrate our attention on constructions like the following, in which “the square to which ...” is the critical presupposition trigger:

i. Q circles ...
ii. Q of these circles ...
iii. Q of these five circles ...
... have the same colour as the square to which they are connected.

Many theories predict that all instances of these schemata will give rise to the presupposition that every circle is connected to a square. Extending Geurts and van der Sandt’s (1999) account, we present an analysis which predicts that these sentences should generally be accepted in a context in which not all the circles are connected to a square, with one exception only: if a quantified sentence is of type (iii) and Q is non-intersective, then the sentence should be more likely to be rejected. Furthermore, we predict that manipulating the context so as to make the connected circles more or less salient should have an effect on statements with non-intersective quantifiers only. These predictions were tested in a series of experiments.

Abstract : Natural languages are examined as members of the class of complex dynamic systems in nature. The mathematical models of Complexity Theory have shown that complex dynamic systems as diverse as cyclones, the stock market and the human genome have the properties of a) being self-organising, b) existing in a precarious state of cyclical activity which alters slightly on each cycle, and c) containing an inherent indeterminacy. This last property, indeterminacy, is taken as a cue to develop an argument that language cannot be entirely representational, or altogether functional. It is proposed that in the generation of language there is a constant oscillation where thought sometimes gives rise to language, and alternatively, where unmotivated fragments of language force the development of post-rationalised ideas. Evidence is sought from the behaviour of formulaic phrases and apparent presuppositions

Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences. We observe an implication that if some yields a universal inference for a speaker, no, and any in a polar question do as well. We propose an account of this implication based on a trivalent theory of presupposition projection together with auxiliary assumptions suggested by Fox(2011)