Late Antique Hagiography

Chronicles are among the richest repositories of historical information narrated from a Syriac perspective. Alongside accounts of historical events, such as changes in ecclesiastical and imperial leadership and wars, they often provide detailed accounts of the calamities and disasters which occurred in Syriac-speaking regions. The text known as the "Chronicle of Zuqnīn" (completed by the end of the eighth century) devotes large space to the description of disasters and how they affected the population. From plagues to floodings, fires and earthquakes, it offers many trajectories of enquiry on the narration of traumatic events, presented as punishments from God. Therefore, the paper investigates the impact of natural disasters on the Late Antique Syriac-speaking society according to the Chronicle of Zuqnin. It presents the attitudes it showed towards nature and God in the aftermath of such calamities.

De princesas a rehenes. La conceptualización de las niñas iberas (ss. IV-I a.C.) Jorge García Cardiel 10. Giochi da ragazze. Alcune riflessioni storico-mediche sull'altalena e sull'esercizio con la palla nel mondo greco-romano Marco Cilione, Valentina Gazzaniga 11. Rappresentazioni del femminile, orientamenti religiosi e dispute familiari in un apocrifo dell'Antico Testamento, Giuseppe e Aseneth Eberhard Bons 12. Miriam, giovane profetessa (Ex. 15, 20). Un itinerario esegetico a partire dal Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum Chiara Spuntarelli 13. Bambine e fanciulle negli Atti apocrifi degli apostoli: fra nozze rifiutate, femminicidi, resurrezioni Silvia Elsa Carello, Claudio Zamagni 14. Leggere l'infanzia di Maria: note a margine di un libro recente Rossana Barcellona 15. Allevare una virgo, consigli di anziani signori Le lettere a Demetriade. Elena Zocca 16. La rappresentazione delle bambine nei monumenti funerari della tarda antichità Giovanna Ferri 17. Infantes, puellae e filiae nel campione epigrafico delle catacombe cristiane di Roma Giuseppe Falzone 18. Santa Fara: bambina benedetta, badessa, santa delle spighe. Un percorso agiografico. Angela Laghezza 19. L'oblazione femminile nell'Occidente cristiano di V-VII secolo Paola Marone Indice 20. "Bambine serve": le proiette e le altre (Roma, sec. XV-inizi XVI) Anna Esposito 21. Svaghi, giochi e occupazioni delle giovani di corte nel castello Odescalchi di Bracciano. Anna Cavallaro 22. La tradizione delle donne foca nel folclore nordico Carla Del Zotto 1. Bambine sulla soglia: storie di fanciulle in fiore *

Topoi 15 (2007) p. 3 SOMMAIRE Fascicule 1 Sommaire 3 Index des auteurs 5-6 Dossiers et chroniques Recherches sur la Babylonie hellénisée T. Boiy, « Assyriology and the history of the Hellenistic period » 7-20 Ph. ClanCier, « La Babylonie hellénistique. Aperçu d'histoire politique et culturelle » 21-74 Synthèse sur les plantes S. amigues, « L'exploitation du monde végétal en Grèce classique et hellénistique. Essai de synthèse » 75-125 La chronologie thessalienne B. Helly, « La capitale de la Thessalie face aux dangers de la troisième guerre de Macédoine : l'année 171 av. J.-C. à Larisa » 127-249 R. BouCHon, « Les "porteurs de toge" de Larissa » 251-284 Temples et sanctuaires du Proche-Orient antique L. THolBeCq, « Hérodiens, Nabatéens et Lagides dans le ›awrān au i er s. av. J.-C. : réflexions autour du sanctuaire de Ba'alšamīn de Sī' (Syrie du Sud) » 285-310 Les élites urbaines dans l'Empire romain d'Orient (iv e -vi e siècles) (Dossier coordonné par V. Puech) V. PueCH, « Introduction » 311-317 B. CaBoureT, « Les élites urbaines d'Antioche et de Syrie du Nord au iv e siècle » 319-341 S. Métivier et S. DesTePHen, « Chorévêques et évêques en Asie Mineure au iv e et v e siècles » 343-378 V. PueCH, « Élites urbaines et élites impériales sous Zénon (474-491) et Anastase (474-518) » 379-396 F. alPi, « Les scholastiques dans la correspondance patriarcale de Sévère d'Antioche (512-518) » 397-411 K. merlin, « Venantius et Italica de Syracuse, notables siciliens de la fin du vi e siècle » 413-425 Topoi 15 (2007) p. 429-430 SOMMAIRE Fascicule 2 Sommaire 429-430 Chronique : autour de Posidippe de Pella É. Prioux, « À propos de quatre ouvrages consacrés au "Nouveau Posidippe" » 431-463 Chronique : les Gracques F. Santangelo, « A survey of recent scholarship on the age of the Gracchi (1985-2005) » 465-510 Comptes rendus d'ouvrages R. Étienne, F.

Topoi 15 (2007) p. 3 SOMMAIRE Fascicule 1 Sommaire 3 Index des auteurs 5-6 Dossiers et chroniques Recherches sur la Babylonie hellénisée T. Boiy, « Assyriology and the history of the Hellenistic period » 7-20 Ph. ClanCier, « La Babylonie hellénistique. Aperçu d'histoire politique et culturelle » 21-74 Synthèse sur les plantes S. amigues, « L'exploitation du monde végétal en Grèce classique et hellénistique. Essai de synthèse » 75-125 La chronologie thessalienne B. Helly, « La capitale de la Thessalie face aux dangers de la troisième guerre de Macédoine : l'année 171 av. J.-C. à Larisa » 127-249 R. BouCHon, « Les "porteurs de toge" de Larissa » 251-284 Temples et sanctuaires du Proche-Orient antique L. THolBeCq, « Hérodiens, Nabatéens et Lagides dans le ›awrān au i er s. av. J.-C. : réflexions autour du sanctuaire de Ba'alšamīn de Sī' (Syrie du Sud) » 285-310 Les élites urbaines dans l'Empire romain d'Orient (iv e -vi e siècles) (Dossier coordonné par V. Puech) V. PueCH, « Introduction » 311-317 B. CaBoureT, « Les élites urbaines d'Antioche et de Syrie du Nord au iv e siècle » 319-341 S. Métivier et S. DesTePHen, « Chorévêques et évêques en Asie Mineure au iv e et v e siècles » 343-378 V. PueCH, « Élites urbaines et élites impériales sous Zénon (474-491) et Anastase (474-518) » 379-396 F. alPi, « Les scholastiques dans la correspondance patriarcale de Sévère d'Antioche (512-518) » 397-411 K. merlin, « Venantius et Italica de Syracuse, notables siciliens de la fin du vi e siècle » 413-425 Topoi 15 (2007) p. 429-430 SOMMAIRE Fascicule 2 Sommaire 429-430 Chronique : autour de Posidippe de Pella É. Prioux, « À propos de quatre ouvrages consacrés au "Nouveau Posidippe" » 431-463 Chronique : les Gracques F. Santangelo, « A survey of recent scholarship on the age of the Gracchi (1985-2005) » 465-510 Comptes rendus d'ouvrages R. Étienne, F.

Bursting into the Greco-Roman “classical” world, Christian hagiography was a series of continuities, ruptures, and metamorphoses that integrated a new worldview into all facets of human life. As new heroes, the martyrs and saints—the protagonists of hagiography—went on to constitute religious, moral, and even political paradigms with a high identity value for Christian communities, shaping Christianity from its origins to the present day. But to what extent was the heritage of the classics decisive in building the hagiographic profile of these new heroes? In this volume, each author explores this question through various case studies, showing how hagiographic texts—whether examined from philological, historical, sociological, political, theological, or iconographic perspectives—always benefit from engaging with the rich and enduring classical tradition.

Commodian activity can be considered exemplary, since it fully reveals some peculiar traits of a transition era. Indeed, the origins of the poet is traditionally placed between two different geographical contexts: the East, where he is perhaps originally from, and the Roman Africa, where he wrote both Instructiones and Carmen de duobus populis. Commodian, thus, appears as a true “wandering poet”. Furthermore, his conversion to Christianity occurred in adulthood, in a learning environment characterized by marked Jewish roots which decisively influenced his thought. Then, his thinking is affected by the stratification of the many cultural settings with which he came into contact during his life. Commodian engaged in bitter disputes with different philosophical and religious traditions, belonging to pre-Roman, Latin, Greek and Jewish world: multiple intercultural contacts emerge from his works and it is also for this reason that both Instructiones and Carmen can be assessed as “hybrid” products, since they combine literary elements of autobiography, apologia, Jewish apocalypticism and didactic poetry. Commodian “ars poetica” crosses the cultural “melting pot” that distinguishes the Late Ancient West. He does not reject the literary and rhetorical models of the Latin tradition, but overcomes their inflexibility. Moreover, his prosody no longer rests on diligent respect for the classical one, and his language essentially adapts to popular needs. So, Commodian can be fully understood only in the light of a “multicultural world”, that is in an historical path that would lead the Latin West literature, a few decades later, to the so-called “Constantinian era”.

This article examines the complex historiography of the establishment of a Miaphysite hierarchy in Iraq in the early seventh century and proposes a reconstruction of the events themselves. As the Sasanian conquest of the Roman Empire progressed, the monastery of Mar Mattai in particular played a role in staffing and organising Miaphysites in conquered territory. Roman victories in 628 led to a complete reorganisation of the Miaphysite East, with the creation of Takrit as the premier centre for Miaphysites in Iraq and the official down-grading of Mar Mattai. Nevertheless, in practice, Mar Mattai continued to be a significant centre under the Umayyads.

Durant el període visigòtic, sobretot durant els segles VI-VII, el culte a sant Feliu, el màrtir gironí de principi del segle IV, adquireix un desenvolupament i una difusió molt important. En un intent de reconstruir l'expansió d'aquest culte, des del seu nucli originari -Gerunda-fins als indrets on és present en aquesta època, disposem de pocs testimonis-la majoria dels quals són tardans (s.VI-VII)-, i que es poden agrupar bàsicament en dos grans grups: els que fan referència a l'existència d'edificis religiosos (temples, monestirs,...) intitulats o dedicats a sant Feliu de Girona', i, en segon lloc, el fons de la litúrgia hispànica, expressió d'un culte oficial de l'Església visigòtica envers el màrtir gironí. En aquesta comunicació ens referirem al segon d'aquests aspectes: parlarem de quins eren els principals textos litúrgics del ritu hispànic emprats en època tardo-visigòtica en la celebració litúrgica de la festivitat de sant Feliu de Girona, el dia 1 d'agost. ' Fora de la mateixa ciutat de Girona on el culte fou molt important en els segles VI-VII, el culte al màrtir gironí Feliu és difós en els segles VI-VII a la mateixa Gàllia Narbonesa (Tours), a Hispània (basíliques de Saetabis (Xàtiva), Guadix, Bierzo (Lleó) i els monestirs de Tutanés i Caba (Toledo) i el de Visònia al Bierzo (Lleó), i al mateix N.d'Àfrica). Sobre la figura de sant Feliu de Girona i el seu culte en època visigòtica, veieu J.M.NOLLA-N.M.AMICH, Els orígens del cristianisme i la baixa antiguitat al nord-est de Catalunya (en premsa), amb tota la bibliografia sobre el tema.

La ciutat de Gerunda, que havia anat adquirint cada cop més importància al llarg de l'Alt Imperi i que es consolidà notablement a partir de finals del segle III, després de proveir-se d'unes poderoses muralles i, sobretot, aprofitant de manera extraordinària la seva situació geogràfica excepcional, als peus de la Via Augusta, sembla incrementar el seu paper en època visigòtica. Un dels fets cabdals, i de fet així semblen reflectir-ho les fonts escrites, és l'aparició, possiblement durant la segona meitat del segle IV, de la seu episcopal. Aquest fet fou extraordinàriament important en la història de la ciutat en època tardoantiga. Els prelats que la van dirigir, els noms d'alguns dels quals coneixem, sobretot pel que fa als segles VI i VII, a més de mostrar-se com a personalitats d'un altíssim nivell intel•lectual, literari i eclesial (Joan de Biclara, Nonnit...) en el marc general de la societat i de l'Església hispànica de l'època, sembla que van ser els grans catalitzadors, en molts casos, de la vida de la ciutat i del culte al màrtir gironí Feliu, i a més van actuar en diverses ocasions com a veritables interlocutors i dirigents en els principals afers ciutadans, un fet que per altra banda sembla certament freqüent en moltes altres ciutats hispàniques i forànies, on els bisbes acabaven assumint sovint moltes de les atribucions antigament reservades als magistrats municipals de l'època baix imperial. Encara un altre aspecte ajuda a comprendre millor el paper de la ciutat gironina en època tardoantiga: la seva estratègica situació, immillorable, als

Sembla cada vegada més dar que el paper de la ciutat de Gerunda en època tardoantiga, especialment en els segles VI i VII, fou molt important en el context de la Hispània del moment. Ala seva extraordinària situació estratègica, als peus de l'antiga Via Augusta, excel•lentment comunicada per tant amb el sud peninsular i amb la Gàl•lia, cal afegir-hi també l'extraordinària vitalitat d'alguns dels seus dirigents, sobretot els bisbes que governaren la seu episcopal gironina^ Les fonts textuals, tant gasives en aquests moments, ens han conservat algunes referències que permeten intuir com, entre finals del segle VI i la primera meitat del VII, la seu episcopal de Gerunda era una de les que gaudia d'un prestigi més gran en el marc de l'Església hispànica del moment. A aquest fet hi van contribuir d'una manera molt decisiva dues figures excepcionals, de grans qualitats intel•lectuals, literàries, eclesials i, per què no, humanes. Ens estem refrint als bisbes Joan de Biclara i Nonnit Nonnitus, fou en molts aspectes continuador de la tasca portada a terme

Al temple de Sant Feliu de Girona es conserva encastat a les parets del presbiteri un dels més importants conjunts d'escultura funerària antiga de la Península Ibèrica. Un d'aquests sarcòfags, conegut com "el sarcòfag de sant Feliu", ha estat durant molts segles venerat com la tomba que originàriament hauria conservat les despulles de Feliu, el màrtir gironí del segle IV. Una veneració de segles, que molt possiblement es remunta a la mateixa Antiguitat Tardana i que permet suposar que aquest culte connectaria directament amb la mateixa comunitat primitiva de l'antiga ciutat de Gerunda. L'existència del més important cementiri urbà d'època antiga a redós del sector nord de la Via Augusta, és un fet acceptat des de sempre, mai discutit i que se sostenia en dues sòlides evidències: per un costat, la tipològica -en el món romà, sempre, les necròpolis es localitzen més enllà del pomaerium de la ciutat, a un costat i altre dels camins que hi accedien, essent necessari, de vegades, crear vials paral.lels per permetre la construcció de mausoleus, areae i tombes més senzilles el més a prop possible de les muralles úrbiques pel fet que entre el món dels vius i el dels morts, les relacions eren intenses-i, per l'altre, l'existència documentada, des de l'antiguitat tardana, d'una església martirial dedicada a Feliu que s'ha suposat, assenyadament, lligada a

Lluny de les tradicions pietoses que han omplert les obres historiogràfiques gironines dels darrers segles per explicar els orígens de la seu episcopal gironina, el present treball pretén aportar una mica de llum a la qüestió, valorant el text d'una epistula papal d'inici del segle V, la qual sembla proporcionar-nos importants dades sobre els orígens del mateix bisbat, així com també sobre l'estructura i l'organització de la primitiva comunitat cristiana de Geninda, documentada almenys des de principi del segle IV. Innocenci I, successor en la seu romana d'Anastasi I (399-402), és una de les figures més importants de l'Església dels primers segles La seva tasca Sobre les fonts escrites d'època tardoantiga referents a Tantiga ciutat de Genmda, Amich 1997; Canal-Canal-Nolla-Sagrera 2000, 30-35; Amich 2002, amb un important recull historiogriífic i documental. ^Els documents més antics sobre el primitiu cristianisme a la ciutat de Girona corresponen als primers anys del segle IV, concretament els que fan referència al martiri que hi patí Fèlix, testimoniat pel poeta hispanoromà Prudenci (Peristephanon IV, 29-30), així com també el conjunt sepulcral paleocristià conservat a l'actual temple de Sant Feliu, amb una cronologia en els primers decennis del segle IV. Sobre aquest conjunt escultòric. Amich 2000.

The editors of the volume ‘Little Girls: Perception of the Feminine and the Elaboration of Models between Antiquity and the Middle Ages’ point out that, despite an increase in studies on childhood in recent years, girls have generally been neglected, particularly in relation to the chronological periods indicated in the title. They therefore felt it appropriate to promote research that comprehensively considers girls, adopting an interdisciplinary and diachronic approach. A series of case studies were thus entrusted to specialists in various fields, to shed light on female childhood in different historical and cultural contexts. Themes such as social roles, participation in rituals, and gender representations in mythology, art, and religious traditions were explored. This analysis highlighted the constraints imposed on girls, as well as instances of autonomy, offering new perspectives on the formation of female identity over time.

This study examines the figure of Demetriade, a young aristocrat of Late Antiquity, whose velatio is analysed through a collection of letters written by prominent ascetic figures, including Augustine, Jerome and Pelagius. The author explores the cultural and theological tensions surrounding her decision and shows how these letters projected male anxieties onto female subjects, particularly adolescent girls. By reassessing these sources, she explores the intersection of aristocratic status, gendered expectations and ascetic ideals, shedding light on the socio-religious dynamics of the period. Finally, she reflects on Demetriade's autonomy, and on the transformative adaptation of Roman female ideals within a Christian ascetic framework, culminating in her legacy as historical and constructed figure.

The purpose as usual is to give YOU ALL another chance to ignore my work and in particular my offer of a new approach to scholarship, the opposite of what this immortal quotation describes:

The ideology of professionalism that is so appealing to occupational groups and […] practitioners includes […] exclusive ownership of an area of expertise and knowledge, and the power to define the nature of problems […] as well as the control of access to potential solutions [Evetts 2013].

Here the specific point are two clauses from Menander that were wholly mistranslated by Bekker, Niebuhr and/or Classen and those mistranslations conitnue uncritically to be repeated by the professionals.  But Clemenceau was right.  Eastern Roman history and the Greek language are too grave a matter to leave to the specialists. La histeria me absolverá

The first part of the article features an overall picture of the ceremonies
of adventus and triumphus in the Imperial Age, and of the adventus of the
relics fully described for the first time in De laude sanctorum of Victricius
of Rouen. The second part contains an analysis of the adventus of Stephen’s
relics to Uzalis reported in De miraculis Sancti Stephani. The main aim is
to understand how this ceremony expressed and represented symbolically
the intertwining of interests and expectations of the different characters in
a determined historical context, distinguishing between the level of
historical facts and the level of the reconstruction of memory throughout
the report written some years after the event, and even in De miraculis,the express request of the bishop.

Un viaggio attraverso le agiografie altomedievali aquileiesi e dalmate, la produzione di Paolo Diacono, la lista episcopale di Aquileia e le altre attestazioni storiche del Patriarcato alla scoperta della figura del suo primo vescovo, Ermagora, che grazie a una nuova fonte - un frammento latino di origine dalamata la cui edizione è ora in corso di stampa - esce dalle narrazioni che lo hanno reso per secoli una figura leggendaria per rientrare a pieno titolo nella storia della chiesa latina dei primi secoli del cristianesimo. ************************************************************************************************************************************************************
This study embarks on an exploration of early medieval hagiographies from Aquileia and Dalmatia, encompassing the works of Paul the Deacon, the episcopal list of Aquileia, and other historical records of the Patriarchate. The objective is to unearth the figure of its inaugural bishop, Hermagoras. A recent discovery, a Latin fragment of Dalmatian origin, has provided a novel perspective that has the potential to reposition Hermagoras from the realm of legend to that of established history of the Latin Church during the early centuries of Christianity.

VELOSO, Wendell dos Reis. Viriarcado e Identidade Cristã para Mulheres na Antiguidade Tardia. Possibilidades de Pesquisa a partir da Vida de Macrina (Século IV). In: Maria Regina Cândido. (Org.). Mitos, Festivais e Representações no Mediterrâneo Antigo: Imaginários, Ritos e Identidades no Mundo Antigo. 1ed.Rio de Janeiro: Ed. dos Autores, 2025, v. 1, p. 148-164.

This paper offers the first edition, along with a brief running commentary, of a new column of PHerc. 1026, preserved in 12 cornici in the Officina dei Papiri ‘Marcello Gigante’ in Naples. The previous column (cr 9, col. 3) was published in «CErc» 46/2016.

This paper explores the geopolitical and geo-ecclesiastical intersections in the Diyār Rabīʿa between the Second and Fourth fitnas (743–833 CE). It analyzes tribal groupings, emirate formations, and bishopric distribution by crossing Syriac and Islamic sources and archaeology. Indeed, regional political dynamics—from Qaysī Syria-Qinnasrīn to Osrhoene-D. Muḍar, to B. ʿArbāyē-D. Rabīʿa, and to Azdī Adiabene-Mosul—matches divisions in the Miaphysite monastic networks (Gūbbā, Qenneshrē, Qarṭmīn, and Mār Mattay).
Eighth century CE saw a surge in Miaphysite monastic attestations, linked to ag-ricultural expansion and recorded in Christian and Islamic chronographies, hagi-ographies, and poetry (B. ʿUrbē, Ḥaṣṣīṣā, B. Asē, Kuḥayl, Libbā, Apamryā, Ēqrūntā, the Iram Valley, Knūshyō of Sinjār, St. Sergius of Qnōyē, St. Sergius of Ṭūr Ṣahyo, Tunaynir…). Simultaneously, clan competition—especially within and around the Banū Taghlib—intensified, shaping both the subregional emiral landscape and Ibn al-Kalbī’s tribal ordering.
Distinguished from the broader Maʿadd group in the 770s Chronicle of Zuqnīn, the “Taglibōyē” rapidly emerged in legal literature as a paradigmatic Christian Arabs while receiving dozen of bishops following decades, from select regional monasteries in the triangle between the Caliphal-Patriarcal capital of Raqqa-Rāfiqa, provincial head-quarter of Mosul, and the Miaphysite metropolis of Takrīt. Muslim and Christian sources reveal that tribal leaders often interacted near or even inside these monastery locations. Moreover, an underestimate Syriac chronicle preserves a lost Arabic unique detailed testimony about tribal conflicts during the 810s–820s (190s–200s AH), the Khābūr–Sinjār–Tigris region.
Within this framework, the nearly extinct Christian Tanūkh in the Syrian Church, as well as the partly surviving Christian Taghlib in the Takrītan/Mosulan Metropolis ap-pear as the only tribal groups to have maintained both autonomous principalities and tribal bishoprics. Their prominence is especially significant in the broader ‘tribalisation’ process of the late 2nd century AH (780s–830s), which contributed to the eventual emergence of the Nizārite vs. Yamanite coalitional dichotomy.

Through the study of a series of legislative and literary texts (historiography, hagiography, poetry, etc.), as well as texts from the 'minor sciences' , such as oneirocritica, this contribution examines the way in which the body of the culprit turns into a surface where crime and punishment are inscribed at the same time. This process of "monumentalization" of the body has a rather complex ritual, the διαπόμπευσις (the infamous procession). A series of literary testimonies, ranging from Late Antiquity to 12th-century Byzantium and concerning the infamous procession, has been examined in detail in order to identify its constants and propose a typology. The διαπόμπευσις announces and prepares the punishment and it is deployed in a fairly precise geographical (the hippodrome or the main street of towns or villages) and social space (the populace). The culprit is exposed to public ridicule and ritually and gradually loses all professional and gender attributes, even his social identity, and from a respectable and untouchable individual it is transformed into a simple guilty body, expropriated and 'spatialized' by the intervention of the whole community. The offending body, dissocialised and transformed into raw material, receives the inscription of the fault and of the punishment (or of the only punishment which also indicates the fault committed) and displays it in view of all in a temporal (cross-dressing, hair burning) or permanent way (bodily mutilation). The body thus manipulated replaces the person. This contribution thus tries to trace the evolution of certain manifestations of social violence, while examining the notions of space that the Byzantines handle and the complex relationships they have with corporeality. Au viie siècle, à une époque où est mise en route la codification des connaissances anciennes et leurs remaniements chrétiens, Anastase le Sinaïte propose dans son Guide (Ὁδηγός) une définition du corps qui synthétise des élabourations diverses, philosophiques, médicales et théologiques. Selon cette définition :

El LIBRO III DEL CODEX CALIXTINUS Y SU COLOFÓN QUE ES LA EPISTOLA LEONIS DESARROLLAN EL GUIÓN CANÓNICO DE LA TRANSLATIO DEL CUERPO SANTO DESDE JERUSALÉN HASTA COMPOSTELA EN ORDEN A ASEGURAR LA HEGEMONÍA DE LA SEDE COMPOSTELANA Y SU PRETENSIÓN DE PATRIARCADO OCCIDENTAL.
LA INVENTIO SEPULCRI SE CONVIERTE ASÍ EN ARIETE DE UNA APOSTOLICIDAD HISPANA QUE TIENE SUBREPTICIAMENTE DOS DESTINATARIOS PRINCIPALES QUE SON ROMA DE DONDE PROCURA INDEPENDIZARSE Y TOLEDO COMO SEDE PRIMADA DE LA IGLESIA VISIGODA.
TODA UNA SUTIL FILIGRANA TEOLÓGICA Y DIPLOMÁTICA LLEVADA A CABO EN CONNIVENCIA CON LA CORTE LEONESA.

No cal dir que aquesta apreciació s'ha de fer extensiva a les pintures de Cretes (Aragó), conegudes per l'article publicat en 1997 per D . Santiago Vidiella en el Boletín de Historia y Geografía del Bajo Aragón . Son figures de corvo, porch senglar y cavall, pintades a la paret d'una bauma, també despresa o caiguda de son lloch primitiu com la de Cogul, dibuixades ah gran soltura y encara ab més perfecció que les de Catalunya »

Le frère franciscain dissident Angelo Clareno (ca. 1260-1337) est l'auteur d'une oeuvre polymorphe, dont il est établi qu'elle mobilise singulièrement les textes de Pères grecs jusqu'alors inconnus de l'Occident latin 1. Sa correspondance, ses chroniques du premier siècle de l'ordre des Frères mineurs, son exposition de la Règle de François d'Assise ou ses bref traités spirituels sollicitent et citent plusieurs textes ascétiques, qu'il est le premier à avoir traduits dans leur intégralité : les Ascétiques et le traité Sur le Baptême (De Baptismo) de Basile le Grand 2 , l'Échelle du Paradis ou Échelle sainte (Scala Paradisi) de Jean Climaque, la Grande Lettre (Epistula Magna) et les 150 chapitres de Macaire-Syméon ou pseudo-Macaire 3. Selon son ami le frère augustin Gentile da Foligno, auteur d'un premier volgarizzamento de la Scala latine, il a découvert et traduit ces corpus de textes lors de son exil en Grèce, aux alentours de 1300 4. Il a également donné la toute première version latine d'une lettre apocryphe de Jean Chrysostome, la Lettre 125 à Cyriaque (Epistula * Funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author only and do not necessarily re ect those of the European Union or European Research Executive Agency. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them. 1 L'importance fondamentale des traductions de Clareno est soulignée en dernier lieu par Gian Luca P , « Genesi e fortuna delle traduzioni di Angelo Clareno », in La réception des Pères grecs et orientaux en Italie au Moyen Âge (V e-XV e siècle), dir. B. Cabouret, A.

Kao što je Marianne Sághy sažela na prvim stranicama svoje knjige, sv. Martin bio je prvi svetac koji je bio proglašen svetim zbog svoje Christoformitas, a ne načina smrti, odnosno mučeništva. Tijekom zadnjih godina, nekoliko članaka i knjiga bavio se životom sv. Martina, međutim, Marianne Sághy je bila prva osoba koja je sv. Martinu, sinu Panonije, posvetila monografiju na mađarskom jeziku. Knjiga se sastoji od šest poglavlja. Prva dva su zapravo uvod za posljednja četiri: prvo daje povijesni kontekst doba sv. Martina, dok drugo predstavlja žanr Vita Martini te osvijetljava historiografiju te tematike. Sv. Martin i Sulpicije Sever, autor Martinove legende, ne mogu se razmatrati zasebno, jer sve što znamo o sv. Martinu dolazi upravo iz njegovog djela. Sulpicije Sever bio je bogati službenik koji je napustio svoju službu te osnovao asketski centar na ruralnom području, slijedeći primjer Paulina iz Nole. Do 4. stoljeća kršćanima koji su se bojali sekularizacije Crkve bilo je teško živjeti. Oni su odustali od svega, odselili se dalje od svijeta te naposljetku čekali Posljednji sud. Unatoč tome, vladajuća crkvena elita ih je nastojala kontrolirati. Pišući Život sv. Martina, nakana Sulpicija Severa bila je pružiti uzorni model idealnog vođe koji je bio karizmatičan sveti čovjek. Naglasak na Martinova čudesa bio je znak njegove sličnosti Kristu. Do sredine 20. stoljeća, historiografija se koncentrirala na pitanja jesu li se ta čudesa doista dogodila, no u posljednjih sedamdeset godina, istraživači su koristili ta čudesa kako bi ocrtali mentalitet doba sv. Martina. Novina u djelu Marianne Sághy jest upravo njezina nakana da predstavi kako su ljudi kasne antike čitali i razumijeli Vita Martini. U sljedeća tri poglavlja, ona slijedi redoslijed legende. Treće poglavlje bavi se Martinovom mladosti: njegovim rođenjem i njegovim vojničkim danima. Na početku se Sághy fokusirala na historiografske debate, a potom okrenula alegoričkom značenju teksta. Točan datum i mjesto rođenja sv. Martina bilo je predmetom debate: Szombathely (Savaria) i Pannonhalma (Savaria Sicca) bili su smatrani mjestima njegovog rođenja. Pannonhalma kao mjesto rođenja bila je benediktinska izmišljotina koja se pojavila u kasnome srednjem vijeku. Što se pak datuma tiče, između 316. i 336., autorica je izabrala 336. kao godinu rođenja sv. Martina. Problem koji se pak ovdje pojavio, bilo je pitanje trajanja njegovih vojničkih dana. Legenda govori kako je bio vojnik pet godina, međutim, službeno su pojedinci morali provoditi 25 godina u vojsci. Sághy predstavlja tri lica sv. Martina kao vojnika: on je bio redovnik-vojnik, milostivi vojnik i mučenik-vojnik. Njegovo vojništvo moglo bi biti metafora njegove službe i vjere, tim više što je pokazao svoju poniznost i dobrotu u vojci. Poznata scena kada je Martin podijelio svoj plašt s prosjakom simbolizira odnos Boga i čovjeka. Međutim, u tumačenju od Sághy, Martin je prepoznao sebe u prosjaku, prije Posljednjeg suda. To je isto tako značilo sličnost Kristu, jer se u Martinovom snu Krist pojavio u svojem polu-plaštu. Martinovo mučeništvo je isto simbolično, jer kada je odbio službu u vojsci, prihvatio bi bio mučeništvo već sljedeći dan, no suparnička se vojska povukla. U nastavku je mučeništvo reinterpretirano, oni koji se odreknu svijeta, novi su mučenici. Četvrto se poglavlje bavi razdobljem Martinova lutanja i njegova tri lica tijekom tog razdoblja: apostolom, pustinjakom i prorokom. Martin je otišao na područje Ilirije i Panonije kako bi preobratio svoje roditelje i Arijance, potom je postao pustinjakom u Gallinariji i kasnije u Ligugé, gdje je izveo svoja čudesa te postao "svetim čovjekom" tog područja. Autorica naglašava važnost da su u kršćanstvu ljudi posrednici u odnosu na poganske religije.

Presented at the International Medieval Congress (Leeds, 2025), this paper forms part of the session organized by Dr Christodoulos Papavarnavas within the framework of the project “Spaces that Matter: Enclosed and Secluded Places in Early and Middle Byzantine Hagiography” (Austrian Science Fund, P34478). The paper analyzes how the prison environment, rather than functioning merely as a punishment, became the setting where Shushanik achieved the full realization of her faith, transforming a place of suffering into one of sanctification. Furthermore, it examines how the prison, both as a physical and symbolic space, is represented in the two Passions dedicated to Shushanik—the Armenian and the Georgian versions—which narrate her life and martyrdom, highlighting the central role of this space in her path to sainthood.

A diachronic and synchronic analysis of the instances of the XΜΓ group in Hermopolite material has allowed for a clear identification of the temporal limits of its use, particularly in the case of precisely dated papyri. The group appears at the top of Greek Hermopolite documents from the early to mid-5th century but rapidly disappears after the 560s. In Coptic documents from the Hermopolites, it is rarely present at the top but is more commonly found on the verso of letters. 
The analysis has also established that the attestations of the XΜΓ ϘΘ combination are primarily limited to the Hermopolite nome, pointing to a regional scribal practice. The presence of this symbol, as an expression of a local habit, may thus help, together with other criteria, in the localization and dating of the papyri.

The following is a translation of the Bohairic Coptic text published in I. Balestri and H. Hyvernat Acta Martyrum 2 (1924) pp.73-89. A different version of the same text was also published some years earlier by E.A. Wallis Budge in Transactions of the Society for Biblical Archaeology 9 (1893) pp. 92-117. The variant readings are indicated in Balestri-Hyvernat by the siglum W. Both texts were produced at different times and so have different colophons. The text appears to be an eye-witness account written by a relative named Christopher (p. 88), who apparently took notes which, in his own words, he later wrote up faithfully. Martyrological texts incorporate a good deal of imaginative embellishment, but there is sometimes an historical 'core', to which attention may be drawn in this text: the governor Clodius Culcianus (p.73) is independently attested in a nonliterary text dated 5 Feb. 304, a list of church property to be confiscated and sent to the aforesaid governor in Alexandria. Two more texts, interrogations of martyrs by Culcianus, are cited in the following list of Greek papyri relating to Christianity: https://areopage.net/PDF/PapyriFromTheRiseOfChristianityInEgypt.pdf, but I have not been to locate either. (73) The martyrdom of Isaac of Tiphre in the district of Panau 1 which he completed on 6 Pashons, 2 in the peace of God. In the days of Diocletian the lawless king, he did things it was not fitting to do. He made 35 statues of male gods and 35 statues of female gods, which he called 'gods', though they were not gods, chief among them Apollo and Artemis, together with the others. He wrote an edict: 3 I, Diocletian the emperor order the entire world to sacrifice to my gods, chief among them Apollo, Zeus, Hermes, Heracles and Artemis the mother of all the gods. He who disobeys our command will be tortured with harsh tortures and his house and property will be confiscated. He gave the order to Culcianus the governor, who brought it to Rakote, where he caused many to sacrifice. He travelled south in 1 On Tiphre and Panau cf. E. Amélineau Géographie Copte (1893) p. 144 2 Beginning of May (Julian) or 14 May (Gregorian) 3 diatagma, which in Coptic martyrologies seems to be synonymous with prostagma, as it is in this paragraph. Interestingly, Eusebius of Caesarea seems to use neither, but confines himself to 'writing(s)' (γράμμα/τα), e.g. HE 8,2:4. G. Lampe Patristic Greek Lexicon (1961) has an entry for πρόσταγμα only.

Conviene destacar que ninguna crónica coetánea recoge los hechos que pudieron desencadenarse en el primer tercio del siglo IX en orden al descubrimiento del sepulcro apostólico. Quiere ello decir que la crónica oficial del reino de Asturias omite tanto su conocimiento como su significación. No parece por tanto que fuera un acontecimiento premeditado ni esperado en la corte de Alfonso II. Y la relación que se hace a posteriori cuenta una historia novelada cuyos titulares condicionan el relato, ya sean la Revelatio como la Inventio, con un nominalismo eterno y absoluto, tan caro a la cultura medieval.

Crime prevention trains the entire human society and requires not only complex and successive methods of prevention and control but also a lot of measures of a social, legal, economic, administrative, political and cultural nature. The whole activity of combating crime involves a complex of measures of a juridical-criminal nature that are taken by the specialized institutions in order to achieve the purpose of the criminal process, represented by the finding and sanctioning of the criminal offenses, according to the law and the principles of the criminal liability. The complex phenomenon of criminality is now a global issue, and it is also a continuous issue, the fight against it being inspired by the national criminal policy of the states, by the regional policy as well as by the international one. In order for the complex crime prevention activity to be effective, it is necessary to meet the cumulative conditions as follows:adequate national and Community criminal legislation; coherent, well drawn and uniform statistics of the criminal phenomenon; an objective reflection in the media of crime aspects; a proper assessment of the social needs of individuals, as well as an appropriate involvement of the public institutions and the public in this respect. As a set of measures meant to reduce the criminal phenomenon, the damage caused by it and the sense of people insecurity, the crime prevention is a process based on objectives and principles, which must be carried out unitarily both at national and community level.

The present study aims at analysing a particular type of FSO (French for Specific Objectives) Ŕ which could also be interpreted as a case of FLP (French as a Professional Language) Ŕ namely, the French for religious education, such as it is taught in the faculties of orthodox theology in Romania, as well as the didactic exploitation of a corpus of authentic documents, written or translated in French. This French for religious education, with a confessional specificity in the Orthodox Christian field, has acquired an individualized profile, namely on the lexical level, thanks to the creation of a specialized terminology, ever since the implantation of the Orthodox Church in France (from the XXth century onwards), which has practised the French language. Many Romanian students at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology think they could work in France after their academic studies, as future priests or deacons, as icon painters or restorers. It is for their sake that the FSO must be converted into FLP, through a series of lectures and tutorials. Given this utilitarian relevance of teaching French, which is manifest in the learnersř constant motivation, the teacher must accomplish specific tasks in a FSO-FLP field, in order to build precise competencies through the implementation of techniques and strategies pertaining to the exploitation of an authentic, specialized material, that he must take pains to constitute, while managing a didactic approach based on a personal conviction concerning the learnersř expectations and objectives.

The 1918 Union represented the triumph of the nationality principle. The moment must not be perceived from a teleological perspective, written in a centuries long history. The act of union was the result of a complex of favourable factors, but also assuming certain risks by the politicians, provided that the union"s historical evaluation does not impugn the 1 December 1918 moment. It was the achievement of the Romanian political elites, in the Romanian Kingdom and in Transylvania, determined to realize the great national desideratum during World War I.

St. O. Iosif, Dimitrie Anghel and Natalia Negru constitute a singular erotic triangle in Romanian literature. If there are cases when love manages to bring dreamed happiness (Ion and Nelly Pillat, Ioana and Liviu Petrescu etc.), however, in the most cases, betrayals and unrequited feelings cause a terrible pain, that leads to the couple disaggregating or even to the protagonist disappearance. Struggling love between those three writers represents a typical case then love destroys.

In 377 AD Mavia, queen of Saracens, led a large revolt of Arabic people against the Roman Empire obtainig a great victory that was described only in the early christian authors. So in this paper I'll try to identify the effective origins of this rebellion putting in evidence not only the religious aspects, but also the political and military reasons of this event.

In this paper I will refer on two authors who developed geopolitical analisys with a very important impact among specialists interested in theories reffering on globalization, by international relations perspective. On the one hand, Samuel Huntington lauched in 1993 the concept of "clash of civilizations" and "borders between civilizations", in order to support the role of religion as the main criteria of separation, thus predicting that future international conflicts will starts rather of cultural factors, than economic or ideological. On the other hand, George Friedman, in his analisys launched at STRATFOR, has predicted, starting with 2009, a series of conflicts for the next 10 or 100 years, with important consequences on the international relations system and globalization. In this paper I try to analize the common features and differences between those approaches, in order to determine if the concept of globalization whether to be redefined or, at least, re-founded on the new tense realities, even conflictual of a very dinamic international sistem.