Linguistic and Cultural Hybridity

North Africa, or Tamazgha, is a territorial and social space shaped by centuries of invasions, colonization, and other contacts (trade, etc.) that have influenced indigenous peoples' cultures and languages. The Amazigh populations resisted but also adapted, and today's North Africa is a dynamic zone of linguistic, literary, and cultural intersection. And yet there is resistance with the preservation of the Amazigh languages and cultures as well as political moves to protect the integrity and interests of the Amazigh communities.

For Emirati millennials, multilingualism is both typical and expected. Although Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is the official language of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Emiratis mainly use Khaleeji (Gulf Arabic) dialects at home. English is the lingua franca and common medium of instruction with approximately 100 other languages also being spoken in the nation. While top-down language policies overtly favor English and MSA, which appear on signage, in educational contexts, and online as two 'pure' languages placed side-by-side, language 'on the ground' is considerably more complex than as 'planned'. This paper explores the language ideologies and language use of 100 Emirati university students through mixed-method questionnaires and classroom observations recorded in researcher journals. Analysis of the data revealed creative translanguaging practices. It is argued that such grassroots hybridity could act as a counterdiscourse to rigid 'English only' expectations in English-medium universities and policies advocating 'pure and separate' language use. 1 INTRODUCTION Sitting in a café in downtown Abu Dhabi or Dubai, one is surrounded by diversity. Not only do people's appearances vary dramatically from Emiratis in the distinctive national dress of black abayas and white kandoras, to expatriates dressed in jeans and T-shirts, but the language one hears is an equally vibrant mix. Emiratis' Arabic is almost always peppered with English words. Filipinos' Tagalog and English is inevitably interspersed with expressions from the local Khaleeji dialect, such as yalla ('come on') or shuu? ('what?'). British, Russian, and Lebanese expatriate friends might converse together in English, but when the Russian answers her phone she switches to her native tongue. The Lebanese woman dips in and out of French, Arabic, and English depending on social interactions. The ways in which such linguistic diversity and hybridity could be exemplified in the UAE's superdiverse cities are inexhaustible. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Sprachliche Hybridität und hybride Sprachpraxis sind eine Besonderheit des soziolinguistischen Profils der Ukraine und Belarus’. Ziel des vorliegenden Beitrags ist es, den soziolinguistischen Status der beiden Hybridvarietäten bzw. Mischidiome Suržyk und Trasjanka und ihren weitreichenden Einfluss auf das Ukrainische und Belarussische zu umreißen und zu diskutieren. In diesem Zusammenhang führe ich den Begriff „Kompromisssprache” (im Sinne einer Sprache der kommunikativen Kooperation) in den bereits existierenden wissenschaftlichen Diskurs über Mischvarietäten im ostslawischen Sprachraum ein und begründe ihn.

Linguistic hybridity and hybrid language practice are unique features of Ukraineʼs and Belarusʼs sociolinguistic profile. The present paper aims to outline and discuss both the sociolinguistic status of the hybrid varieties or mixed idioms Suržyk and Trasjanka and their far-reaching influence on Ukrainian and Belorussian. I introduce the term "compromise language" (in the meaning of a language of communicative cooperation) into the ongoing scientific discourse to grasp the mixed varieties in the East Slavic language area.

For Emirati millennials, multilingualism is both typical and expected. Although Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is the official language of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Emiratis mainly use Khaleeji (Gulf Arabic) dialects at home. English is the lingua franca and common medium of instruction with approximately 100 other languages also being spoken in the nation. While top-down language policies overtly favor English and MSA, which appear on signage, in educational contexts, and online as two 'pure' languages placed side-by-side, language 'on the ground' is considerably more complex than as 'planned'. This paper explores the language ideologies and language use of 100 Emirati university students through mixed-method questionnaires and classroom observations recorded in researcher journals. Analysis of the data revealed creative translanguaging practices. It is argued that such grassroots hybridity could act as a counterdiscourse to rigid 'English only' expectations in English-medium universities and policies advocating 'pure and separate' language use. 1 INTRODUCTION Sitting in a café in downtown Abu Dhabi or Dubai, one is surrounded by diversity. Not only do people's appearances vary dramatically from Emiratis in the distinctive national dress of black abayas and white kandoras, to expatriates dressed in jeans and T-shirts, but the language one hears is an equally vibrant mix. Emiratis' Arabic is almost always peppered with English words. Filipinos' Tagalog and English is inevitably interspersed with expressions from the local Khaleeji dialect, such as yalla ('come on') or shuu? ('what?'). British, Russian, and Lebanese expatriate friends might converse together in English, but when the Russian answers her phone she switches to her native tongue. The Lebanese woman dips in and out of French, Arabic, and English depending on social interactions. The ways in which such linguistic diversity and hybridity could be exemplified in the UAE's superdiverse cities are inexhaustible. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

It is increasingly acknowledged that multilingualism in society and plurilingualism by individuals are not exceptional phenomena but common ones (Canagarajah, 2009; Piccardo, 2018), perhaps even the norm. Along with this awareness come questions about the reality and permeability of boundaries between languages and populations and the relation to social and physical mobility of individuals and populations. Under conditions of globalization with increased movement of people and peoples, there are issues about language spread, language attrition, and even language death, but also issues concerning the 'mixing' of language varieties. Such linguistic hybridity seems an increasingly common-or perhaps increasingly noticedphenomenon, which is the object of growing academic attention, and even concern. Changes in languages, language varieties and practices are often attributed to mobility of populations, i.e. of speakers of languages, and the resulting increase in social and linguistic contact. The interrelation between movement of people and linguistic mixing involves interconnected change in geographic, social, and linguistic space. This chapter explores such interrelations and their implications for plurilingual education in multilingual societies. The chapter begins with a provisional definition of linguistic hybridity, mobility, and global mobility; then it proceeds to a historical overview of how these phenomena have been dealt with in linguistics, sociolinguistics, applied linguistics, geolinguistics, and educational linguistics. The overview discusses several schools or approaches that rarely or never use the terms 'linguistic hybridity' and '(global) mobility', but for whom linguistic change across time, space, and population is of great importance. The overview then proceeds to examine the little-noted significance of linguistic hybridity and mobility in the critical understanding of language, power, and status of prominent theorists, namely Gramsci, Bourdieu and Bakhtin. Based on this overview of the literature, a synthesizing, descriptive framework is provided for the classification and analysis of hybridity of language across time, social and geographic space. This framework encompasses these phenomena in an attempt to resolve terminological and conceptual ambiguities and is then applied to current implicit and explicit contributions to the phenomena of linguistic hybridity and global mobility. The chapter then concludes with an examination of the implications of linguistic hybridity and global mobility for plurilingual education.

For Emirati millennials, multilingualism is both typical and expected. Although Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is the official language of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Emiratis mainly use Khaleeji (Gulf Arabic) dialects at home. English is the lingua franca and common medium of instruction with approximately 100 other languages also being spoken in the nation. While top-down language policies overtly favor English and MSA, which appear on signage, in educational contexts, and online as two 'pure' languages placed side-by-side, language 'on the ground' is considerably more complex than as 'planned'. This paper explores the language ideologies and language use of 100 Emirati university students through mixed-method questionnaires and classroom observations recorded in researcher journals. Analysis of the data revealed creative translanguaging practices. It is argued that such grassroots hybridity could act as a counterdiscourse to rigid 'English only' expectations in English-medium universities and policies advocating 'pure and separate' language use. 1 INTRODUCTION Sitting in a café in downtown Abu Dhabi or Dubai, one is surrounded by diversity. Not only do people's appearances vary dramatically from Emiratis in the distinctive national dress of black abayas and white kandoras, to expatriates dressed in jeans and T-shirts, but the language one hears is an equally vibrant mix. Emiratis' Arabic is almost always peppered with English words. Filipinos' Tagalog and English is inevitably interspersed with expressions from the local Khaleeji dialect, such as yalla ('come on') or shuu? ('what?'). British, Russian, and Lebanese expatriate friends might converse together in English, but when the Russian answers her phone she switches to her native tongue. The Lebanese woman dips in and out of French, Arabic, and English depending on social interactions. The ways in which such linguistic diversity and hybridity could be exemplified in the UAE's superdiverse cities are inexhaustible. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

It is increasingly acknowledged that multilingualism in society and plurilingualism by individuals are not exceptional phenomena but common ones (Canagarajah, 2009 ; Piccardo, 2018), perhaps even the norm. Along with this awareness come questions about the reality and permeability of boundaries between languages and populations and the relation to social and physical mobility of individuals and populations. Under conditions of globalization with increased movement of people and peoples, there are issues about language spread, language attrition, and even language death, but also issues concerning the 'mixing' of language varieties. Such linguistic hybridity seems an increasingly common-or perhaps increasingly noticed phenomenon, which is the object of growing academic attention, and even concern. Change in languages, language varieties and practices are often attributed to mobility of populations, i.e. of speakers of languages, and the resulting increase in social and linguistic contact. The interrelation between movement of people and linguistic mixing involves interconnected change in geographic, social, and linguistic space. This chapter explores such interrelations and their implications for plurilingual education in multilingual societies. The chapter begins with a provisional definition of linguistic hybridity, mobility, and global mobility; then it proceeds to a historical overview of how these phenomena have been dealt with in linguistics, sociolinguistics, applied linguistics, geolinguistics, and educational linguistics. The overview discusses several schools or approaches that rarely or never use the terms 'linguistic hybridity' and '(global) mobility', but for whom linguistic change across time, space, and population is of great importance. The overview then proceeds to examine the little-noted significance of linguistic hybridity and mobility in the critical understanding of language, power, and status of prominent theorists, namely Gramsci, Bourdieu and Bakhtin. Based on this overview of the literature, a synthesizing descriptive framework is provided for the classification and analysis of hybridity of language across time, social and geographic space. This framework encompasses these phenomena in an attempt to resolve terminological and conceptual ambiguities and is then applied to current implicit and explicit contributions to the phenomena of linguistic hybridity and global mobility. The chapter then concludes with an examination of the implications of linguistic hybridity and global mobility for plurilingual education.

For Emirati millennials, multilingualism is both typical and expected. Although Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is the official language of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Emiratis mainly use Khaleeji (Gulf Arabic) dialects at home. English is the lingua franca and common medium of instruction with approximately 100 other languages also being spoken in the nation. While top-down language policies overtly favor English and MSA, which appear on signage, in educational contexts , and online as two 'pure' languages placed side-by-side, language 'on the ground' is considerably more complex than as 'planned'. This paper explores the language ideologies and language use of 100 Emirati university students through mixed-method questionnaires and classroom observations recorded in researcher journals. Analysis of the data revealed creative translanguaging practices. It is argued that such grassroots hybridity could act as a counter-discourse to rigid 'English only' expectations in English-medium universities and policies advocating 'pure and separate' language use.

This volume aims above all to problematize the concept and practice of translation in an interconnected world in which English, despite its hegemonic status, can no longer be considered a coherent unified entity but rather a mobile negotiated resource (Blommaert 2010) subject to various kinds of hybridization. Drawing upon recent work in the domains of translation studies (e.g. Klinger 2015, Meylaerts 2006, Batchelor 2009), literary studies (Apter 2006, 2013), and (socio-)linguistics (Canagarajah 2013, Pennycook 2007, Blommaert 2010), it explores the centrality of translation as both a trope for the analysis of contemporary transcultural dynamics and as a concrete communication practice in the globalized world. 
The first section looks at the role played by translation in the construction of contemporary identities, both horizontally (through translingual processes) and vertically (through temporal transposition). In a world characterised by physical migrations and instantaneous data transmission, identity is increasingly hybrid and translingual, forged at the interface of cultures through an effort of will and memory. Whether English is experienced as an oppressive or liberating force, as a mediator between localized realities, or as a rich resource to be drawn upon at will, the variety used is likely to be tinged with the sounds and forms of other linguistic realities and punctuated with nodes of untranslatability. Indeed, exploring just what may or may not be rendered in English in this process of self-translation constitutes one of the central aims of this section.
Hybrid identities continue to play an important role in the second section, but now the attention shifts to translation in the classic sense, namely, the difficulties faced by translators in their attempts to render the miscegenated discourse of translinguals in a third language. The issue is discussed both in broad terms, with reference to the ongoing debate about world literature and (un-)translatability, and also more specifically, in relation to concrete problems arising in particular texts. One innovative feature is the attention given to the role of the multilingual reader, whose communicative needs may differ considerably from those of the usual target reader of translations as conventionally conceived.
The final section draws together these different understandings of ‘translation’ to explore the implications of it for language change in different cultural settings. The evidence suggests that the process is by no means unidirectional: for although English, as the prestige vehicle of global communication, undoubtedly leaves its mark upon all the languages with which it comes into contact, it is also being influenced by them too. The extent to which this may ultimately result in the breakdown of English into mutually unintelligible varieties, and the implications of such a development for the translation economy, particularly in the light of the new nationalisms of the Brexit/Trump era, form the subject of the book’s conclusion.

Il volume percorre gli ultimi settant’anni della produzione letteraria piemontese seguendo il fil rouge del multilinguismo, ossia di quella tendenza a mescolare differenti codici linguistici nello stesso testo letterario tipica di una terra di confine come il Piemonte.
Dopo un capitolo introduttivo, nel quale è tratteggiato un profilo storico-linguistico-letterario regionale, l’autore introduce alcune opere narrative di Cesare Pavese, Beppe Fenoglio e Primo Levi e le analizza da una prospettiva linguistica. Seguono poi un capitolo sulla complessa stagione narrativa degli anni ’70 e una sezione sulla realtà odierna, nella quale prevale l’opposta tendenza verso una medietas linguistica peraltro evidente in tutta la letteratura italiana contemporanea. Tra i pochi in grado di tenere viva la tradizione multilingue regionale, l’iracheno naturalizzato italiano Younis Tawfik (del quale viene esaminato il romanzo La straniera) e il vigezzino Benito Mazzi, qui presente con La formica rossa e Nel sole zingaro. Seppure con tecniche e finalità differenti, in entrambi il ricorso a varietà linguistiche diverse dall’italiano standard risponde alla necessità di resistere alle tendenze omologatrici in corso, aprendo, nel caso di Tawfik, all’altro quintessenziale (cioè allo straniero), e salvaguardando quanto possibile le caratteristiche identitarie e linguistiche di comunità marginali a rischio di scomparire, nel caso di Mazzi. Il volume intende colmare una lacuna nella ricerca letteraria piemontese. Malgrado esistano già ricerche sulla storia della letteratura regionale, a oggi non è ancora stato pubblicato uno studio sistematico che esamini opere di diversi scrittori lungo un simile arco temporale e da una prospettiva linguistico-identitaria. La presente ricerca si propone pertanto di aprire nuove prospettive nel dibattito letterario piemontese includendo scrittori contemporanei e individuando nel multilinguismo una linea di indagine comune.

The linguistic maneuvers of the work collected in Silent Dancing: A Partial Remembrance of a Puerto Rican Childhood demonstrate that Judith Ortiz Cofer tells her stories of the past as a means to accept her hybrid identity in the present. As she reclaims her memories, she feels compelled to articulate her stories in more than one language and, in the process, acknowledges the multitude of influences present within the context of the Puerto Rican diaspora. In Silent Dancing, she uses language to confront the difficulties and challenges that living between two countries entails. These often-incompatible cultural and linguistic expressions repeatedly render her at odds as to the accepted behavior for girls in Puerto Rico versus the United States. Her actions in the narratives reflect this duality of societal rules and frequently cause her to make inadequate choices that render her actions inappropriate in the conflicting Puerto Rican and US environments. The difficulties of straddling two cultures become magnified during adolescence and are compounded for females in this in-between existence. The construction of hybrid identities occurs in what Homi Bhabha refers to as the Third Space of enunciation, which can be a physical, temporal, psychological, or emotional space (36– 39). In this space, individuals bring their ancestors and past experiences with them along with their present influences, and eventually, the contesting cultural and linguistic expressions become known and confront each other. As in any true negotiation, neither of the contesting cultures truly wins over the other, but they make alternating appearances according to the circumstances and needs of the hybrid. Although there is no genuine fusion of these expressions,