Nationalism and language

The stigmatisation of a particular province or ethnicity reflects a lack of historical awareness. Such prejudice and ignorance are often manifest during significant national events. In the latest instance, campaigns that promote disparaging narratives against Punjabis were initiated on the social media. This behaviour was especially prominent during the recent Pak-India tensions. While a ceasefire between the two nuclear-armed neighbours provided relief to billions of people in the region and globally, certain people took to social media to propagate a campaign against the Punjab, referencing a contentious statement attributed to Khan Abdul Wali Khan: “Pakistan will never fight a war that will be fought in the Punjab.”

Punjabi has faced challenges in gaining recognition as an academic and official language and respect as a spoken language in its homeland, the Punjab. Paradoxically, despite being one of the most developed and educated provinces in Pakistan, a significant portion of the population remains illiterate. According to a basic definition of “literacy,” an individual is considered “literate” if they can read and write in their native language, which makes this situation particularly alarming.

The social state of the Sikh"s society and their language(s) in Zahedan, located in southeastern Iran, are studied in this paper. The study communicates general information about the Sikhs in this city such as the formation of this society and their population in Zahedan, their social life, and the languages they speak; some of them resulted from the language contacts. The data was gathered by interviewing eight middle-aged Sikh males and from the Documents Center and National Library of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Zahedan. The investigation reveals that almost a large number of Sikhs have migrated from India to Iran, for a better life, during the early years of the 20 th century, and that different factors have gradually caused their population to decrease severely. The Sikhs have been prosperous sellers, and their social communication has been highly limited among themselves. Sikhs, who were already multilingual, have added the languages of Persian, Balochi, and the Sistani dialect, all spoken in Zahedan, to their list of multilinguality. Among these varieties, they can speak Persian, the dominant language, more fluently. The phenomenon of language contact has had a lexical influence on the Panjabi spoken by the Sikhs in Zahedan.

Afrikaans is a Germanic language with its roots in northwestern Europe, but the language would not have developed outside of its African context. It is because the Dutch – not the English, nor the Portuguese – settled in the Cape of Good Hope from the mid-17th century onwards that Afrikaans originated. Yet the language could not have originated had it not been for its very specific socio historic circumstances in the southern parts of Africa (Groenewald, 2019: 24). This chapter aims to provide the historical background against which the history of Afrikaans should be considered. After a brief overview of the development of the historiography, the chapter presents those aspects of the growth of the Afrikaans-speaking populations in southern Africa and the ways in which they spread across the subcontinent and interacted with other groups, that are most relevant to a consideration of the history of the language, from the 17th to the 21st century.

The Urdu language, a product of centuries of cultural, linguistic, and social interaction in the Indo–Pak subcontinent, has been the subject of multiple and often conflicting origin theories. This study presents a critical, grassroots-focused analysis of Urdu’s emergence, examining regional contributions from Delhi, Punjab, Sindh, and the Deccan, alongside the roles of military, commercial, and Sufi networks in shaping everyday speech. Drawing on historical-comparative linguistics, primary sources such as poetry, chronicles, and colonial grammars, and evaluation of dialectal and oral traditions, the paper interrogates established hypotheses, including the Delhi, Punjab, Sindh, and Deccan theories, and engages with the literary culture perspective and sociopolitical analyses. Key debates concerning the “camp language” myth, the politics of Urdu versus Hindi, elite codification versus grassroots formation, and colonial standardization are critically examined. Findings indicate that Urdu’s evolution was polycentric, hybrid, and socially negotiated, reflecting both vernacular innovation and literary refinement. The study further explores Urdu’s modern relevance, highlighting its role in Pakistan’s national identity, Indian cultural and educational systems, and diaspora communities worldwide. By foregrounding the grassroots dynamics of language formation, this research challenges monocentric narratives, emphasizing the interplay of social, linguistic, and cultural forces. The paper concludes that understanding Urdu’s historical trajectory through a grassroots lens not only enriches the field of historical linguistics but also provides insights into the ongoing vitality and adaptive capacity of South Asia’s shared linguistic heritage.
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Keywords: Urdu, Hindavi, Rekhta, Indo–Pak Subcontinent, grassroots language formation, historical linguistics, literary culture

The Urdu language, a product of centuries of cultural, linguistic, and social interaction in the Indo-Pak subcontinent, has been the subject of multiple and often conflicting origin theories. This study presents a critical, grassroots-focused analysis of Urdu's emergence, examining regional contributions from Delhi, Punjab, Sindh, and the Deccan, alongside the roles of military, commercial, and Sufi networks in shaping everyday speech. Drawing on historicalcomparative linguistics, primary sources such as poetry, chronicles, and colonial grammars, and evaluation of dialectal and oral traditions, the paper interrogates established hypotheses, including the Delhi, Punjab, Sindh, and Deccan theories, and engages with the literary culture perspective and sociopolitical analyses. Key debates concerning the "camp language" myth, the politics of Urdu versus Hindi, elite codification versus grassroots formation, and colonial standardization are critically examined. Findings indicate that Urdu's evolution was polycentric, hybrid, and socially negotiated, reflecting both vernacular innovation and literary refinement. The study further explores Urdu's modern relevance, highlighting its role in Pakistan's national identity, Indian cultural and educational systems, and diaspora communities worldwide. By foregrounding the grassroots dynamics of language formation, this research challenges monocentric narratives, emphasizing the interplay of social, linguistic, and cultural forces. The paper concludes that understanding Urdu's historical trajectory through a grassroots lens not only enriches the field of historical linguistics but also provides insights into the ongoing vitality and adaptive capacity of South Asia's shared linguistic heritage.

The present study seeks to explain the provision of education during the British colonial rule in the subcontinent and the extent to which Pakistani educational policies adhere to colonial legacies. This investigation concluded that Pakistan remains entangled in colonialism despite achieving independence. Pakistan's education system has been hindered in addressing its language in education needs due to the influence of the ruling class and their interests, which have prevented the country from achieving independence from colonial reasoning. Pakistan has to contend with neocolonialism via education which is stratified by economic class resulting in a concentration of opportunities among a tiny elite who possess proficiency in English. At the global level, there is a contention that utilizing a language of instruction that is not the learner's primary language poses a considerable obstacle to achieving high-quality education across all stages of education. In addition, it is m...

Archival data on the Reformed pastors of the 16th century in North-Eastern Hungary
We have no sufficient data concerning the pastors of the early period of the Hungarian Reformed Church. The situation is a little better in the North-Eastern part of the Kingdom of Hungary, where there are archival materials containing more abundant material on pastors’ lives. These can be found in the archives of the state administration, both in the material of the so-called Szepes Chamber and the Hungarian Chamber. The archives of the town of Košice, the centre of the region, also contain numerous useful data, just like the archives of the noble families. This study presents a few cases, mainly from the Tokaj wine region, where the clergymen of the area were involved both in legal and economic matters.

המאמר עוסק במעמדה המשתנה של ספרות הנבואה במערכת החינוך העברי והישראלי, מהשכלה היהודית והחינוך הציוני בתקופת היישוב ועד למדינת ישראל. בשלביה הראשונים שימשה הנבואה מקור השראה מוסרי, לאומי ואוניברסלי עבור הוגי דעות ואנשי חינוך, ונתפסה ככלי לחיזוק הערכים החברתיים והציוניים ולבניית דמות מוסרית של האזרח היהודי החדש. תנועות כמו "זרם העובדים" ראו בנביאים מודל למחאה חברתית וחתירה לצדק, ואילו "הזרם הכללי" ביקש להדגיש את שורשיות התנ"ך ואת מורשתו הלאומית.
לאחר קום המדינה, בעקבות שינויים אידיאולוגיים ומדיניות חינוכית, צומצם היקף לימוד ספרי נביאים אחרונים. תפיסות פרטיקולריות ודגש על חינוך אחיד וחומרי לימוד "מובנים" דחקו את ספרות הנבואה לשוליים, והאוניברסליות והמורכבות הלשונית שלה נתפסו כנטל. ניתוח זה משקף את המעבר מתפיסת הנבואה כמרכיב מרכזי בחינוך לערכיות ולחזון לאומי, למצב בו תרומתה נחשבת שולית בחינוך הממלכתי, ומקומה נשמר כסמל למוסר ולצדק חברתי.

The Partition of India is a 1947 episode that took place in the Indian subcontinent. It led to the creation of two new nations, India and Pakistan, but just for these nations. The people who fled from India to Pakistan and Pakistan to India were those who were most affected by the partition of India. Historical records reveal that during the partition of India, around 14 million people migrated. With its accompanying human misery, one of history's largest demographic shifts defies chroniclers' ability to comprehend it in its whole. The country had to deal with the division of not only its land but also of its resources, infrastructure, and culture. In this research paper we are going to discuss the repercussions of the partition on both the country and how the countries dealt with it and met their post-partition obligations.

בשנת תרס"ח (1908) דוד כהן – לימים הנזיר בירושלמי -  משמש מורה צעיר בבית ספר "מתוקן" בכפר קרסני (Krasne) בליטא. ביומנו האישי הוא כותב:
"נזדמן לידי ספר "החדר" לגלס... בו מבוארת תורת החינוך וההוראה, העיונית והמעשית, וקימתיה בכל פרטיה, לרבות המשחקים והטיולים... למוד נביאים, ישעיה, היה בעיקרו בכתב, במחברות, שבראשן באור המילים, ראשי פרקים, והרצאות הענינים" .
ספרו של י"י גלס החדר - פדגוגיקה עברית (סנט-פטרסבורג תרס"ח) הוא עדות לתמורות הרבות הפוקדות את שדה החינוך היהודי בליטא בפרט ובמזרח אירופה בכלל בסוף המאה ה-י"ט, בין חינוך מסורי לחינוך מודרני. ההרצאה זו תציג ספר זה שביקש להיות "ספר-עזר למורים, כולל את התורה ואת המעשה של הלמוד העברי בחדרים, בת"ת ובבתי-ספר הכלליים" (מתוך שער הספר).
מתודולוגיה
דיון בספר העברי כתעודה היסטורית מחייב עיון מעמיק לא רק בטקסט עצמו של הספר אלא  גם בפרה-טקסט שלו: עמוד השער, רשימת פרקים, הקדמת המחבר ועוד. עיון רחב זה מאפשר לעמוד על מקומו הייחודי בהקשרו ההיסטורי והחברתי בהתאם לתפיסת ה-curriculum studies הגורסת:
ש"טקסטים קוריקולאריים, בין שהם ספרי לימוד ומדריכים למורה במקצועות ובנושאים ספציפיים, מציגים באופן מפורש את הכוונות, את המטרות ואת השאיפות של המתכננים. האידיאולגיות והתפיסות המנחות אותם מוצגות לעתים בצורה מפורטת ובהירה ולעתים מובלעות בחלקים שונים של הטקסט" .
מגמה זו כמעט ואינה מיושמת בחקר תולדות החינוך היהודי, אולי בגלל הקשיים הקשורים להגדרת מהו "ספר לימוד" לגבי חינוך שהיה בעיקרו מבוסס על טקסטים מקודשים המיועדים למבוגרים (עד העת החדשה). הרצאה זו מבקשת לאמץ מתודה זו וליישמה על ספרו של גלס ששימש בעצם מורה מורים למורים הראשונים.

The mighty Chitradurga Fort in Karnataka has been the witness to some of the crucial battles that have shaped Indian history.  Interestingly, among the ones who fought here was fought by a lone woman, who was neither a Queen nor a Princess nor a soldier!

The production and perpetuation of the colonial empire have had lasting effects on the colonized. The state of most developing nations as they are today can be traced back to their colonial roots. In this paper, we present evidence showing that colonial empires were based on a relationship of extraction from the colonies. We also show the nature and means of that extraction in Bengal, now Bangladesh. The nature of that extractive relationship and its unintended consequences led to the development of certain types of institutions that created the poverty of initial conditions.

This paper is a synthesis of available literature and a review of the positions of studies on Hausa language as national language in Nigeria. The lack of a national language is a major sociolinguistic problem which the nation has been grappling with since independence. More so, as some scholars opine that a national language is a factor in the unity of a country. The paper looks at the multilingual nature of Nigeria of which Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba are the major languages. A large body of literature exist in support of Hausa language which is said to have a largest number of non-native speakers in Nigeria. Of the three major languages, Hausa possesses the corpus requirements for a national language: a developed writing system, rules on grammatical usage and vocabulary which can be expanded to meet linguistic needs as it arises. A synopsis reveals that it is regarded as one of the largest languages spoken in Africa; A lingua franca in Niger Republic, Northern Togo and Northern Ghana. Hausa language has been developed and standardized to take over the role which English is currently playing in all domains in Nigeria.

This paper is a synthesis of available literature and a review of the positions of studies on Hausa language as national language in Nigeria. The lack of a national language is a major sociolinguistic problem which the nation has been grappling with since independence. More so, as some scholars opine that a national language is a factor in the unity of a country. The paper looks at the multilingual nature of Nigeria of which Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba are the major languages. A large body of literature exist in support of Hausa language which is said to have a largest number of non-native speakers in Nigeria. Of the three major languages, Hausa possesses the corpus requirements for a national language: a developed writing system, rules on grammatical usage and vocabulary which can be expanded to meet linguistic needs as it arises. A synopsis reveals that it is regarded as one of the largest languages spoken in Africa; A lingua franca in Niger Republic, Northern Togo and Northern Ghana. Hausa language has been developed and standardized to take over the role which English is currently playing in all domains in Nigeria.

מאמר זה שמהווה מאמר המשך למאמר "מהיהודי הדמוני למדינה הדמונית" בוחן את השילוב המתפתח בין שתי ביטויים של אנטישמיות עכשוויות: אנטישמיות מיתית שמקורה ברדיקליזם פלסטיני לאחר הנכבה ואנטישמיות "טכנוקרטית" מצד ארגוני זכויות האדם באיחוד האירופי. המיזוג בין שני ביטויים אלו מוביל ליצירת אקולוגיה חדשה של דמוניזציה כלפי יהודים ומדינת ישראל. הוא מזהה את ערוצי המפגש והמעבר בין שתי צורות השיח ומדגים כיצד ההיתוך בינן מייצר לגיטימציה תלותית והדדית לשחקנים בעלי אינטרסים שונים לכאורה.

מאמר זה טוען כי במקום להוות תופעות נפרדות, האנטישמיות ה"טכנוקרטית" והאנטישמיות המיתית-דתית מזינות זו את זו ומייצרות מערכת תלות מורכבת של דה-לגיטימציה המשמרת דפוסים אנטישמיים היסטוריים במסווה של שיח זכויות וביקורת פוליטית. נשאלת השאלה האם מדיניות האיחוד האירופי כלפי ישראל היא תוצר אקסקלוסיבי של שיקולים גיאופוליטיים, או שהיא מושפעת גם מדינמיקה תרבותית עמוקה יותר המשלבת מסורות אנטישמיות ישנות עם אינטרסים עכשוויים.

Hiç kuşku yok ki, göç eyleminin, mevcut tanımlardan veya ulusal politikalardan ayrı kendi gerçekliği vardır ve bu gerçeklik, aynı zamanda güncellenerek de dinamik bir akış ve değişimle birlikte kendini yenilemektedir. Dolayısıyla tek bir eylem tipine hapsetmek veya kabul görmüş nitelikte bir tanımla anmak neredeyse imkânsızdır. Yaşanmış ve yaşanmakta olan göçler de zaten bu olgunun, bir yere ve zamana sabitlenemediğini muhatapalarına her fırsatta göstermektedir. Bu farkındalıktan hareketle elinizdeki kitap, göç eyleminin kendi gerçekliği...

Modern zamanlarla beraber geleneksel sanat türlerine eklenen ve yedinci sanat adıyla da bilinen "sinema sanatı", temelde izleyicileri eğlendirecek popüler bir anlatı şeklinde yorumlanmaktadır. Ancak sinema sanatı, aynı zamanda politik bir üründür ve var olan kurumların yerleşmesi ya da sistemin kendini tekrar tekrar üretmesi bakımından ideolojik bir araç olarak ele alınabilir. Sinema sanatının ürünleri olarak filmler, egemen siyasal kültürün yeniden üretiminde başat bir rol oynayabileceği gibi, karşı-hegemonik düşünce ve anlatıları da kapsayabilir. Nitekim politik sinema, kendi içerisindeki farklılıklarla beraber bu türden süreçlerin ürünü olagelmiştir. Özcan Alper'in senaryo yazımını ve yönetmenliğini üstlendiği; Onur Saylak, Megi Kobaladzade, Raife Yenigül, Serkan Keskin gibi oyunculara sahip olan "Sonbahar" (2008) filmi, Türkiye'de son dönemde üretilen politik filmlere bir örnek olarak değerlendirilebilir. 19 Aralık 2000 tarihinde yapılan "Hayata Dönüş Operasyonu" sonrasında, sağlık sorunları nedeniyle tahliye edilen Yusuf'un kalan ömrünü memleketi Artvin'e dönerek geçirmesini ve burada arkadaşı ile birlikte gittiği bir meyhanede Gürcü kızı Eka ile karşılaşmasını konu edinen film, bireysel ve politik direniş unsurlarını birleştirmiştir. Sonbahar filmi, gelenekselleşmiş politik film örneklerinden farklı olarak, yeni-politik sinemaya uygun bir dil geliştirmiş, toplumsalın yanı sıra bireylerin öykülerini de "sloganlaşmayan" bir dil ile seyirciye aktarmıştır. Sonbahar'ın konusu, devletin kendi elleriyle ya da baskı ve ideolojik aygıtlarının eliyle ayıklamaya çalıştığı, Yusuf ve Eka karakterleri başta olmak üzere, ayrık otlarının hayatlarıdır. Çalışmamız, Sonbahar filmini, filmleri içinde üretildikleri toplumsal yapıların bir ürünü olarak incelemeyi öneren sosyolojik film analizi çerçevesinde ve Zygmunt Bauman'ın "bahçıvan devlet" kavramsallaştırması yardımıyla ele almaktadır.

This article explores the representation of Circassian and other minority identities in İlhan Tarus’s War of Independence trilogy, consisting of Vatan Tutkusu, Cumhuriyet Çocuğu, and Hükümet Meydanı. By conducting a close textual analysis, Ahmet Yıldız examines how Tarus constructs minority characters—particularly Circassians and non-Muslim groups—within the framework of the national narrative of the Turkish War of Independence.

Yıldız argues that while Tarus adopts a generally Republican and statist perspective in line with early Republican historiography, he also introduces nuanced portrayals of marginalized identities. Circassian characters, for example, are depicted not as monolithic collaborators or traitors, but as individuals whose allegiances and struggles reflect broader tensions in the early Turkish nation-building project. The article further analyzes how Tarus both challenges and reinforces state-sanctioned narratives by weaving minority figures into the moral and political dilemmas of the era.

Ultimately, the article contributes to ongoing debates about memory, identity, and literary historiography in modern Turkey by highlighting the intersection of ethnic representation and national ideology in historical fiction.

In this article I have examined three historical plays on Basava originally written in Kannada and later translated into English: P.Lankesh's Sankranti, H.S. Shivaprakash's Maha Chaitra and Girish Karnad's Talé-Daņđa , which appeared in print chronologically. When one reads P.Lankesh's play entitled Sankranti (Transition) 1 , one gets an impression

کتاب نشست‌های علمی همایش بین المللی «جاودانگی نفس در اسلام و مسیحیت»، مجموعه شش نشست علمی است که پیش از برگزاری همایش و با هدف زمینه‌سازی طرح مباحث و سرفصل‌های اصلی همایش جاودانگی نفس در پژوهشگاه علوم و فرهنگ اسلامی برگزار شده است. هدف از برگزاری این نشست‌ها، زمینه‌سازی و بسترسازی طرح مباحث اصلی در قالب مقالات علمی همایش بوده است.

Göç olgusu, küreselleşme sürecinin bir sonucu olarak modern toplumların karşı karşıya kaldığı önemli toplumsal dinamiklerden biridir. Ekonomik, politik, sosyal ve kültürel değişimlerin hızla arttığı bu süreçte, bireylerin yaşadıkları coğrafyalardan başka coğrafyalara göç etme motivasyonları artış göstermektedir. Göç eden bireyler, kimlik arayışı ve ait olma ihtiyaçlarını yeniden tanımlarken, bu süreçler göç temalı sinemaya da geniş bir perspektifte yansımaktadır. Göç sineması, bireylerin yaşadığı kimliksel değişim, kültürel çatışma, aidiyet ve yersizlik gibi duygusal ve toplumsal süreçleri beyaz perdeye taşıyarak toplumsal dönüşümlere ışık tutar. Bu bağlamda göç sineması, yalnızca bireylerin içsel çatışmalarını yansıtmakla kalmaz; aynı zamanda, göçmenlerin sınır, kimlik ve beden algılarının toplumsal ve kültürel açılardan nasıl yeniden inşa edildiğini gösterir. Bu çalışma, göç sinemasında göçmen temsillerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır ve nitel analiz yöntemi çerçevesinde kapsamlı bir literatür taraması yapılmıştır. Bu bağlamda, göç olgusunun sinemadaki temsillerine dair akademik kaynaklar incelenmiş, göç ve göçmenlik temalarının sinemada hangi açılardan ele alındığı değerlendirilmiştir. Göçmenlerin sinemada nasıl temsil edildiğine dair tematik incelemeler yapılarak, sınır, kimlik ve aidiyet kavramlarının göçmen bedenleri üzerinden nasıl kurgulandığı analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma, göçmen temsillerini toplumsal, kültürel ve politik açılardan değerlendirirken göç sinemasının toplumsal dönüşümlere olan katkısını ortaya koymaktadır.

This article begins the work of excavating the varied attitudes toward Turkish that existed among Ottoman Armenians in the nineteenth century. It seeks to correct a fundamental misunderstanding about the relationship between Ottoman Armenians and the Turkish language, to reframe Ottoman Armenians as agents in their use of Turkish, and to expose Turkish as something far more than a "language of the oppressor" for many Armenians in the empire. The article begins by offering an overview of Ottoman Armenian Turcophonia. It continues by examining three language attitudes that led bilingual Ottoman Armenian men in Istanbul to choose Turkish over Armenian in certain social contexts. These include the perception that (1) Turkish was the language of public life and prosperity; (2) that Turkish was the language of power, prestige and urban masculinity; and (3) that Turkish was a more fully developed and expressive language than Armenian. I argue that these attitudes sustained a preference for Turkish over Armenian, even as intellectuals were actively cultivating the Armenian language as an essential component of Armenian identity in the second half of the nineteenth century. Historiographically, this article takes discussions of the use of Turkish among Ottoman Armenians into the unexplored realm of the spoken and advocates for using approaches from the field of historical sociolinguistics to study social dynamics within Ottoman language communities.

The core group of the project consisted in the beginning of Even Hovdhaugen (Norway), Carol Henriksen (Denmark), Bengt Sigurd (Sweden), and Kalevi Wiik (Finland). In 1994, Kalevi Wiik had to leave the project due to other commitments and was replaced by Fred Karlsson as the Finnish representative. Kjell Paulsen, Oslo, functioned as secretary of the project during the duration of the project period and also one year as research assistant. The first thorough version of our manuscript was completed in late 1996. The magnitude of our task is aptly illustrated by the fact that we needed three more years of diligent work on top of the originally scheduled project period in order to properly finish the manuscript. The book has been written jointly by the undersigned core group of the project, but we have been very dependent on the help and research of a number of Nordic linguists. First of all, we would like to thank Kjartan Ottósson who has written the draft of most of the contributions on Iceland and Icelandic in chapters three, four, and five. Secondly, we thank the participants at the conference we arranged in Oslo in 1994 on the history of linguistics in the Nordic countries. The papers presented at this conference (Henriksen et al., eds. 1996) have been a valuable source in writing this book. Last, but not least, we would like to thank all the linguists who have been willing to answer our many curious questions or helped us find obscure references and forgotten material. The entire manuscript, with the exception of the brief concluding chapter seven, has been read and commented on in detail by nine prominent Nordic linguists, two each from Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden, and one from Iceland. We express our deep indebtedness to Nils Erik Enkvist (Academician in the Academy of Finland, Helsingfors), Frans Gregersen (Professor of Danish Language,

Licencia: este trabajo se comparte bajo la licencia de Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional de Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0): Henri Boyer acaba de publicar su obra, titulada Quarante ans de politique linguistique en Catalogne, en la colección Logiques Politiques de la editorial L'Harmattan. Conviene recordar que el autor es doctor en Lingüística y catedrático emérito en Ciencias del Lenguaje por la Universidad de Montpellier 3 e investigador en el Laboratorio de sociolingüística, lingüística diacrónica y didáctica de las lenguas y culturas, centro de investigación del que fue director o codirector entre 1998 y 2014. Es uno de los

This article discusses the use of the phrase "plural Spain" throughout history. Regardless of the cultural and linguistic diversity background related to the different nationalities in Spain, the article covers how this phrase has been used in the last decades and, therefore, what its prospect is. This prospect is confirmed by the title given to the "Bologna Conference". Il presente articolo parla del sintagma "Spagna plurale" nella storia. Non farò la storia delle diversità culturali e linguistiche delle varie nazionalità presenti in Spagna, ma di come a questo sintagma si è fatto riferimento negli ultimi decenni e quindi della sua fortuna. Fortuna che il titolo dato al congresso di Bologna conferma. Parole Chiave: Spagna plurale, Spagna contemporanea, Nazionalismo, Identità, Federalismo. 1 Viene qui proposta la conferenza di apertura del congresso La Spagna Plurale II. Il testo è stato ideato per essere comunicato oralmente e presenta, pertanto, un to...

1908'de ilan edilen II. Meşrutiyet, Türk sosyal ve düşünsel hayatı için önemli dönüşümlerin milatlarındandır. Dönemde etkili olan fikir akımları, toplumsal yapıyı neredeyse yeniden kurarken, edebiyat da kuşkusuz, kendi söylem alanını açmaya başlar. Sultan II. Abdülhamid'in iktidarı boyunca, Meşrutiyet'in fikrî zeminini oluşturacak hamleler yapan, ancak dönemin sansür mekânizması nedeniyle diledikleri gibi eser verememiş olan yazarlar, 10 Temmuz 1908'i bir bayram olarak kabul eder ve matbuat hayatında ciddi bir canlanmanın görülmesini sağlarlar. Edebiyat, bu dönemde fikir akımlarına bağlı ideolojik bir veçhe kazanmış olsa da dönemin sosyal şartlarının bir sonucu olarak popüler edebiyatın da hızla geliştiği görülür. Özellikle polisiye anlatıları, dedektif hikâyeleri, müstehcenlik içeren metinlerle birlikte popüler edebiyata dair tarihî anlatılar ve melodramlar da dönemin ruhunu örer. Özellikle Sultan II. Abdülhamid'in hafiyelik kurumuna yönelik öfkenin dışa vurulduğu müstakil eserler ortaya çıkarken aile hayatı, marazi ruh halleri ve aşk teması, belirgin olarak bahsedilen bu edebî değeri daha düşük olsa da sayıca çok fazla eserin yazılmasını sağlar. Bu dönemde eser veren Yusuf Niyazi, yayımlamış olduğu edebî eserleri ve periyodikleri ile dikkat çekici bir kalem olmasına rağmen, popüler edebiyatın sahası içerisinde bulunduğu ve özellikle de İstanbul dışında görev yaptığı için edebiyat tarihlerinin üzerinde durmadığı bir isimdir. Oysa dönemi tüm tematik çerçevesi ile örnekleyen sanatçı, kaleme aldığı eserlerde popüler edebiyatın gerektirdiği her başlığı uygular ve toplumsal faydayı da gözeterek melodramlar oluşturur. Bu makalede, Yusuf Niyazi'nin daha önce dil içi çevirisi yapılmamış olan Mesire Perisi isimli eserinin çevirisi yapılacak ve eserin dönemi ve popüler edebiyat içerisindeki yeri tartışılacaktır.

Shafir, "pamphlet"in, yani Türkçe'de ancak "kitapçık" kelimesiyle karşılanabilecek olan ve erken modern Avrupa'da görülen, kısa, ucuz ve efemeral yayımların, Osmanlı'da 17. yüzyılda dini polemiklerin yükselişiyle beraber nasıl yeni bir tür olarak ortaya çıktığını ve bu polemikleri daha da harladığını tartışıyor. Yazar, bilgiyi az eğitimli okurlar için ulaşılabilir kılan bu yeni yayım türünün, daha önce eğitimli elitin tekelinde bulunan hukuki ve dini tartışmalara nasıl sıradan Müslümanları da kattığını gösteriyor. Dini polemikler hakkında yazılmış risalelerin içeriğine odaklanarak, daha önce Kadızadeliler hakkında yapılmış sosyoekonomik tarifin yerine yeni bir okuma öneriyor. Başlığından anlaşılacağı üzere kitap iki ana kısımdan oluşuyor: Osmanlı'da iletişimin düzeni ve düzensizliği. İlk kısım sırasıyla kitap üretimi, kitapların dolaşımı, eğitim olanaklarının çeşitliliği ve eğitimli elitin okuma pratiklerini inceliyor. İkinci kısım ise dini polemikler, risalelerin bu polemiklerin kaynağı ve aracı haline gelişi, polemiklerin yarattığı kutuplaşma, az ve yarı eğitimli kesimin okuma pratikleri, ortaya çıkan farklı okur kitleleri ve son olarak Nabulusi örneği üzerinden risale yazarının stratejilerine odaklanıyor.

Gazanfer Kaya, Aziz Şeker ve Ali Ekber Gülersoy’un “Sosyal Bilimler Alanındaki Lisansüstü Tezler Açısından Suriyelilerin Geri Dönüşünün Tartışılması” başlıklı çalışması, Türkiye gündeminde uzun yıllardır yer alan Suriye göçünü ilgili literatür kapsamında tartışmaya açmaktadır.

Bu çalışmada Masterchef Türkiye programı aracılığıyla gündelik milliyetçilik ve yemek ilişkisini incelemek amaçlanmaktadır. Gündelik milliyetçilik, milliyetçiliğin rutin alışkanlıklara nüfuz ettiğini ve böylece ulusun gündelik ve bilinçsiz olarak yeniden üretildiğini savunur. Bu savunu gündelik bir rutin olarak yemek pişirme ve yemek yeme eylemlerini, milliyetçiliğin yeniden nasıl üretildiği tartışmalarıyla kesiştirir. Bu kesişim aynı zamanda sıcak milliyetçiliğin günümüzde şimdiki zamanda gerçekleştiğini ve bu yönüyle gündelik hayatta sıradanlaştığını da göstermektedir. Buradan hareketle çalışmada ilk olarak teorik arka plan incelenmiş, sonrasında ise Masterchef Türkiye programı 2019 sezonundan elde edilen veriler gündelik milliyetçilik ve yemek ilişkisi kesişiminde değerlendirilmiştir. Veriler çalışma kapsamında nitel içerik analizi yöntemiyle incelenmiştir.

The history of Pakistan is riddled with crisis of multiple kinds, social, political, economic, military etc. It reflects a verminous power struggle, a tug of war between the political elements and the military establishment, leading the nation to an uncertain future. Intermittent military interventions and divided political opinion on sensitive national and international issues invariably add fuel to fire. The political parties are always found at loggers head driving the nation to a critical historical juncture. Economic chaos comes on the heels of political turmoil. Every newly installed government blames the previous one for political, social and economic maladies. Hence, it has to approach the IMF to check the immanent economic collapse. This vicious circle has continued unabated since 1947, the year of independence.

Espronceda: voce del verbo "Romanticismo" Il dialogo continuo fra classicismo e nuove istanze.

Nessuna figura di poeta, scrittore, letterato o-a maggior ragione, come si vedrà più avanti-di intellettuale del primo Ottocento iberico potrà mai essere compresa a pieno senza che sia calata profondamente all'interno del contesto e della temperie politica e culturale che, in quel preciso periodo, viene lentamente e peculiarmente a modularsi e svilupparsi in Spagna. Il romanticismo spagnolo, infatti, segue un percorso appena differente da quanto accadeva nel resto d'Europa e questo percorso finisce inevitabilmente anche per influenzare i temi, i soggetti e le sfumature, più o meno intense, che esso assunse nella penisola iberica e, in specie, in Spagna dove è comunemente ritenuto si attesti tardivamente rispetto al resto del continente.

Harsányi Pál pesti ügyvéd volt, az 1830–1840-es években sokoldalú közéleti tevékenységet is folytatott. Voltak szépirodalmi kísérletei, dolgozott folyóirat-szerkesztőként, több országgyűlésen is részt vett. Az ún. magyarországi „reformkor” második vonalbeli közszereplő értelmiségijének számított. Már fiatalon a liberális eszmék vonzáskörébe került, személyes kapcsolatokat épített ki az ellenzéken belül. Református családból származott, részben ezzel függ össze, hogy különös érdeklődést tanúsított a kor heves egyházpolitikai vitái iránt. A vegyes házasságok szabályozása ügyében a szabadelvű ellenzék törvénysértéssel és intoleranciával vádolta a katolikus püspököket. Harsányi Pál nyilvános beszédeiben és egy kéziratban terjedt tanulmányában határozottan kiállt az egyházak egyenjogúsága és az állam–egyház szétválasztása mellett, valamint követelte a katolikus egyház középkori kiváltságainak felszámolását. Mindeközben feltételezhető, hogy Harsányi a Habsburg Birodalom titkosszolgálatának
ügynöke volt, és bizalmas jelentéseket írt a kortársairól. A tanulmány végén az ezzel kapcsolatos hipotézisek összefoglalása olvasható.

The variety of forms of tombstones in the Islamic era, along with their motifs and pictorial signs, reflects the beliefs and values of the deceased and their society. This diversity of form and role in the tombstones of the northwestern region of Iran is particularly rich due to the presence of more Seljuk, Ilkhanate, Qara Qoyunlu, Aq Qoyunlu, Safavids, compared to other regions. This research employs a descriptive-analytical and historical approach, using field and library studies, to answer the following questions: 1. What are the structures and corresponding historical periods of the tombstones found in Eastern Mokryan cemeteries? 2. How do the motifs used on the tombstones relate to the deceased individuals? 3. What symbols are present in the inscriptions on the tombstones of Eastern Mokryan and do the existing inscriptions have historical roots? The conducted studies reveal that these tombstones can be categorized into the following groups in terms of form: Mihrab design, elevated, stone ram, cradle or flat, box, Dome-shaped and simple. The form of tombstones, is influenced by both society and culture, as well as religious and sacred architecture. And the motifs hold specific symbolic meanings, shaped by the regional culture, beliefs, and the historical context of the time and place.

Even though most Indian states, like other former colonies, are undergoing linguistic challenges, the situation in the Northern Indian state of Panjab is distinctly unique. English, being a colonial language has, according to post-colonial studies scholars such as Frantz Fanon, become a symbol of status and intelligence across the world, including in India. The preference
of English over Panjabi may also be attributed to the exploits and failures of the Green Revolution, which not only propelled brain drain but also exemplified the notion that the Panjab state is a wasteland, and therefore its language is ineffectual. These historical and socio economic factors have given preference to the teaching and learning of the English language
over Panjabi through the educational and social system of the Panjab state of Northern India. Moreover, the Indian nationalist agenda of ‘One Nation, One Language’ advocates uniformity of a linguistic identity across India through the promotion of the Hindi language over regional languages. The Panjabi language has, therefore, experienced a decline in its spoken and written form due to administrative policies and allocation of funds. All these factors have necessitated a sense of urgency, especially from Panjabi writers and Panjabi language activists at a global level to ensure the Panjabi language is preserved for future generations in both its spoken and written form. This paper discusses in detail the colonial effects and the effect of Hindi language nationalism on the Panjabi language.

A tanulmány a reformkori országgyűléseken az egyházi rend képviseletének általános kérdéseivel foglalkozik, valamint a veszprémi káptalan követeinek az alsó tábla, illetve a veszprémi püspököknek a felső tábla ülésein tanúsított szerepvállalásait tekinti át.

The nascent Aistijan movement centred around the idea of establishing a Latvian-Lithuanian state following the Second World War. This article surveys the background of the idea, with particular attention to the public diplomacy of Lithuanian Americanémigrés, demonstrating its prevalence during the First World War. The activities of interwar Latvian and Lithuanian rapprochement societies are outlined, noting the prominence of the Aestiithe earliest recorded inhabitants of the eastern littoral of the Baltic Seain both academic and popular history, in addition to the emergence of the Aistijan movement following the Second World War. Examining the initial successes and rapid decline of the movement, the article also charts developments and material circumstances of language learning practices in connection with the idea of a Latvian-Lithuanian state.