Public International Law

Il saggio, dopo una breve ricognizione dell’evoluzione normativa in tema di
violenza domestica, mira a dimostrare come il diritto civile può costituire efficace strumento di contrasto all’abuso familiare, non soltanto sul piano degli strumenti idonei ad arginare la violenza e proteggere la vittima, ma anche sul versante dei diritti patrimoniali. In questo senso lo studio, nel rileggere taluni istituti classici alla luce del rinnovato modo (normativo e culturale) di intendere il fenomeno violento, pone l’attenzione sulle conseguenze della violenza sulla solidarietà familiare e sulla sua operatività

This research examines the complex relationship between artificial intelligence (AI) systems and gender inequality, focusing on technical and sociological dimensions. This paper analyzes current literature and empirical studies and investigates how AI technologies influence gender disparities in workforce participation, skill acquisition, and algorithmic decision-making. Four key bias mitigation strategies are examined: down-sampling, gender-aware hyperparameter tuning, up-sampling, and probabilistic gender proxy modeling, evaluating their effectiveness in reducing discrimination. AI systems can reinforce gender biases, but if designed and regulated properly, they can also promote equality. Effective bias mitigation requires a combination of technical solutions, regulatory frameworks, and institutional policies. The paper includes a case study on Qatar's initiatives to advance gender equality through economic and technological empowerment, suggesting a national strategy that addresses challenges and leverages opportunities in line with Qatar's National Vision 2030. The research investigates how such a strategy could enhance women's economic and digital participation while addressing structural barriers and cultural factors. By utilizing international standards alongside local context, this study offers a policy development framework that aligns with Qatar's development goals while fostering sustainable and inclusive economic growth. The paper concludes with recommendations for creating AI systems that support gender equality.

a pas ratifiés 2 . L'exception d'incompétence ratione loci consistait à souligner que les faits en cause s'étaient déroulés en dehors du territoire de l'État défendeur et que rien ne justifierait, en l'espèce, la juridiction extraterritoriale de la Cour. Par ailleurs, le Rwanda soutenait que la requête devait être déclarée irrecevable en raison du non-respect de certaines conditions de recevabilité prévues à l'article 56 de la Charte africaine des droits de l'homme et des peuples (Charte africaine). À cet égard, il invoquait le non-épuisement des voies de recours internes, le recours à des informations relayées par les médias de masse, l'incompatibilité de la requête avec la Charte africaine ainsi qu'avec l'Acte constitutif de l'Union africaine, et l'existence d'un examen préalable de l'affaire par d'autres instances. Contre toute attente, l'État défendeur avançait des critères de recevabilité non prévus par la Charte africaine, en l'occurrence l'abus de procédure et le nonrespect des procédures non judiciaires préalables prévues par le Pacte sur la sécurité, la stabilité et le développement dans la région des Grands Lacs et l'Acte constitutif de l'Union africaine 3 . La Cour ayant rejeté toutes les exceptions soulevées par l'État défendeur, la présente note examine d'une part le poids du caractère libéral de l'article 3(1) du Protocole de Ouagadougou sur l'examen des exceptions préliminaires d'incompétence présentées par le Rwanda (I) et d'autre part, la pédagogie singulière de la Cour quant à l'examen des exceptions d'irrecevabilité soulevées par le Rwanda (II). I. L'effet du caractère libéral de l'article 3(1) du Protocole de Ouagadougou sur l'examen des exceptions d'incompétence présentées par le Rwanda Le Rwanda arguait, en premier lieu, qu'en droit international, il n'existe de différend entre États que « lorsqu'une allégation de violation de droit se heurte au rejet explicite ou implicite d'un autre État, le caractère implicite du rejet pouvant être déduit du silence de cet État dans les situations où une réponse explicite est requise » 4 . Sur ce fondement, il affirmait qu'en vertu de l'article 3(1) du Protocole de Ouagadougou, la requête de la RDC devait être appréciée à la lumière de son comportement au moment de la saisine de la Cour africaine, c'està-dire sa connaissance ou de son ignorance des prétentions de l'État requérant 5 . L'article 3(1) du Protocole de Ouagadougou dispose que « la Cour est compétente pour connaître de toutes les affaires et de tous les différends dont elle est saisie concernant l'interprétation et l'application de la Charte, du présent Protocole, et de tout autre instrument pertinent relatif aux droits de l'homme et ratifié par les États concernés ». Comme l'a relevé le Juge Fatsah Ouguergouz dans une analyse de la pratique de la Cour africaine, la rédaction de 2

The Petitioner, the Petroleum Dealers' Association seeks writs of certiorari quashing the decisions and documents marked "P3" (circular No. 1053 dated 05/07/2022)," "P5" (letter dated 29/11/2023 letter relating to implementing of -Monthly Utility Fee-MUF,") and "P9" (letter dated 01/03/2024 implementing Monthly Utility Fee), as well as writs of prohibition preventing the Respondent and its agents from implementing or acting on these decisions. 2] On 04/03/2024, the matter was supported for formal notices and interim orders inter parte and the court held there is a prima facie case to be looked into and issued formal notices on the Respondent and also interim orders as prayed for in paragraphs (i), (n) and (o) of the prayers to the petition issued till 07/03/2024 and those interim orders were extended until final determination by order dated 29/04/2024. On interim orders of staying or suspending the operation of these decisions marked "P3," "P5," and "P9," pending final determination, includes preventing any deductions of Monthly Utility Fee (MUF) arrears from sums deposited by CODO dealers for fuel purchases. 3] The backdrop of this case is succinctly as follows; The Petitioner, a limited liability company under the Companies Act, represents CODO (Corporation Owned Dealer Operated) dealers who sell petrol on premises owned by the Respondent, a statutory corporation. Under existing agreements, CODO dealers receives a 2.75% commission, lower than the 3% given to DODO (Dealer Owned Dealer Operated) dealers. The Respondent issued Circular No. 1053 on 5/07/ 2022 (P3), introducing a Monthly Utility Fee (MUF) on CODO dealers, which had

Since its inception, the idea of sustainable development has gone through several stages of growth. A comprehensive strategy for growth and advancement, sustainable development aims to satisfy current demands without jeopardising the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own. It recognises the interdependence between the planet's health and the welfare of its inhabitants and balances economic progress, social inclusion, and environmental protection.

This article aims at analysing the main mechanisms available, for setting limits to the exercise of State Criminal Extraterritorial Jurisdiction, mainly as it applies to International Crimes in the absence of direct links between the conduct of the accused person and the State. Initially, jurisdiction is examined as a legal concept, for later to be approached within the delimitation of the State power to exercise its jurisdictional competence horizontally (among States), as it is not in the scope of this article the vertical exercise of State Jurisdiction (State & International Courts).

Cilj ovog članka je da omogući osnovni uvid u glavne aspekte uspostavljanja anti-dampniških mera na nivou Svetske trgovinske organizacije, kao i uspostavljanja transpartentnosti i anti-protekcionističkih mera. Ključne reči: Svetska trgovinska organizacija; anti-dampinške mere; transparentnost. * * * * * * Prof. Fernandez is a senior researcher at the Institute of Comparative Law within the Ministry of Sciences in Belgrade, Serbia, in addition to being a visiting professor at the University of Belgrade Law School, lecturing in Judicial Protection in the EU. She is a member of such prestigious organizations as the College of Arbitrators FDI Competition in Frankfurt and has achieved recognition as a legal practitioner from the Bar of England and Wales. Prof. Fernandez has worked as a visiting fellow at the British Institute of International and Comparative Law in London. Her recentlypublished book, "International Criminal Law: International Criminal Court's Mechanism of Implementation", is based on her Doctoral thesis, researched at the University of Cambridge during her time spent as a visiting fellow at the Lauterpacht Research Centre for International Law.

This year’s conference of the European Society of International Law (ESIL), which took place from 11 to 13 September 2025 at Freie Universität Berlin and was organised by Professor Helmut Philipp Aust and Professor Heike Krieger, was held under the motto “Reconstructing International Law”. Forum 1 of the conference dealt with “Histories of Reconstruction”. In this forum, I presented some thoughts on “major systemic crises” and following “reconstructions” of international law in the past and present. Is today international law in a major crisis comparable to the historical crises of the 19th and 20th century, and can we, accordingly, expect a fundamental reconstruction of international law in the foreseeable future? My remarks were published in Verfassungsblog/On Matters Constitutional on September 20, 2025:  https://verfassungsblog.de/neither-reform-nor-reconstruction/

D]ictatorships with multiple political parties are more likely to sign and ratify the CAT."). 9 These rights fall under the broader category of civil and political rights, currently regulated under the 1966 United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 10 This subset of cases is extracted from HUFBAUER ET AL, supra note 1.

From the NRRP (National Recovery and Resilience Plan) as a special “regulatory corpus” to the new code of public contracts: continuity and innovations
Lo scopo del presente articolo è mettere in evidenza la valenza del PNRR italiano, che risulta essere non solo procedurale ma anche sostanziale, e il carattere speciale rispetto al nuovo codice dei contratti pubblici della legislazione sui procedimenti per la realizzazione delle opere finanziate dal PNRR e di quelle a esse assimilate. Dopo aver menzionato una sentenza del giudice amministrativo di primo grado del 2022, fondata proprio sulla valenza sostanziale del PNRR, l'articolo analizza le principali deroghe e le altre previsioni finalizzate ad agevolare la rapida conclusione di quei procedimenti. Esso prosegue sottolineando alcuni elementi della disciplina in materia di contratti pubblici, che erano già previsti prima del PNRR e che sono stati confermati dal codice del 2023, come le finalità sociali e ambientali dei procedimenti a evidenza pubblica. Più in generale, l'accelerazione dei procedimenti non è la ratio unitaria del nuovo codice. Coerentemente, una recente circolare ministeriale ha escluso che il codice si applichi ai procedimenti concernenti l'esecuzione delle opere finanziate dal PNRR, considerando la legislazione su quei procedimenti speciale e autonoma. Alcune delle modifiche da essa arrecate sono state recepite dal nuovo codice. Da questo elemento, si può ricavare una conferma della valenza sostanziale del PNRR.

The Investment and Securities Act 2025 (ISA 2025) marks a pivotal reform in Nigeria’s capital market regulatory framework, aiming to enhance transparency, investor protection, and market efficiency. This article offers a cooperativist appraisal of the Act, critically examining its provisions through the lens of cooperative principles such as inclusiveness, democratic control, and equitable participation. Cooperatives, as member-owned and community-cantered economic organizations, have distinct needs and operational modalities that often diverge from traditional corporate entities. The paper explores the compatibility of the ISA 2025 with these cooperativist values, focusing on key areas including registration requirements, capital formation opportunities, eligibility for investment instruments, and regulatory oversight. While the Act advances important investor safeguards and financial inclusion goals, it also imposes compliance burdens and structural barriers that may inadvertently marginalize cooperatives and hinder their investment capabilities. Drawing on comparative insights from jurisdictions such as Kenya, India, and Canada, the article identifies best practices for integrating cooperatives into capital markets effectively. Recommendations include tailored regulatory provisions, streamlined registration processes, and enhanced institutional support to foster cooperative investment initiatives, particularly in emerging fintech and credit union sectors. By bridging the gap between cooperative economic models and securities regulation, this study contributes to the discourse on inclusive finance and sustainable economic development. The findings underscore the necessity for nuanced legal reforms that balance regulatory rigor with the unique characteristics of cooperative enterprises, thereby promoting a more equitable and participatory capital market landscape in Nigeria.

This study critically examines the legal and regulatory impediments to the development of renewable energy in Nigeria. Despite the country’s vast renewable energy potential ranging from solar and wind to biomass and hydro, its energy sector remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, resulting in environmental degradation, energy insecurity, and underdevelopment. The paper investigates the extent to which existing legal and institutional frameworks hinder the deployment, investment, and scalability of renewable energy technologies. It identifies key barriers such as regulatory fragmentation, policy inconsistency, inadequate incentives, lack of enforceable targets, and bureaucratic bottlenecks in licensing and approval processes. The analysis is situated within the broader context of Nigeria’s obligations under international environmental agreements and its commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 7 on affordable and clean energy. Through doctrinal and policy analysis, the paper evaluates relevant statutes, including the Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) regulations, and the National Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Policy (NREEEP). The study finds that while there have been legislative efforts to attract private sector investment and decentralize energy governance, implementation has been weak due to regulatory uncertainty and limited institutional capacity. It concludes that significant legal reform is required to harmonize the regulatory environment, provide clearer mandates, and incentivize investment in renewables. The paper recommends a robust, integrated legal framework that supports innovation, ensures regulatory coherence, and aligns with international best practices to drive Nigeria’s transition toward a sustainable energy future.

Rad obrađuje pitanje tumacenja kolizijskih pravila sadržanih u međunarodnim konvencijama kroz analizu hrvatske, austrijske i francuske sudske prakse. Naglasava se da bi sudovi, tumaceci kolizijska pravila, trebali biti vođeni ciljem kolizijskih pravila i nacelima njihove primjene: izborom najtjesnje povezanog prava i izborom prava koje stranke legitimno ocekuju. Posebno se naglasava da su kolizijska pravila, sadržana u međunarodnim konvencijama kojima se unificira privatno pravo, specificna, buduci da te konvencije cesto izricito zahtijevaju tumacenje odredbi u skladu s njihovim međunarodnim karakterom i zahtjevom jednoobrazne primjene koja vodi tzv. autonomnom tumacenju. S obzirom na navedeno, sudovi moraju, tumaceci odredbe konvencije, sto je vise moguce, uzeti u obzir i praksu sudova ostalih potpisnica glede predmetne odredbe. Pregled prakse hrvatskih sudova vezane uz drugi uglavak clanka 4 (a) Haaske konvencije o pravu mjerodavnom za prometne nezgode, ukazuje na neuniformnost st...

Kao moj mentor pri pisanju magistarskog rada te kao Ëlan povjerenstva pred kojim sam obranila doktorsku disertaciju profesor Sajko u velikoj je mjeri utjecao na moj znanstveni rad. Zbog toga mi je osobito zadovoljstvo biti jednim od autora knjige posveÊene njegovu aeivotu i radu. Profesor Sajko bio je Ëlan mnogih domaÊih i meunarodnih organizacija, a posebice je vaaeno njegovo sudjelovanje u radu Haaπke konferencije za meunarodno privatno pravo. Kao Ëlan delegacije Republike Hrvatske pri Haaπkoj konferenciji svojim je velikim znanjem i iskustvom doprinio usvajanju niza haaπkih konvencija iz podruËja meunarodnog privatnog prava. RazmiπljajuÊi o temi rada za ovaj Liber amicorum, logiËnim nam se Ëinilo da treba pisati o problemu tumaËenja kolizijskih pravila sadraeanih u jednoj od haaπkih konvencija -Konvenciji o mjerodavnom pravu za prometne nezgode na cestama. KljuËne rijeËi: kolizijske odredbe, tumaËenje, Haaπka konvencija o prometnim nezgodama, mjerodavno pravo za izvanugovornu odgovornost za πtetu, Uredba Rim II Zbog apstraktnosti pravne odredbe sudovi su Ëesto primorani tumaËiti pojmove koje ona sadraeava ne bi li je tako pribliaeili konkretnoj aeivotnoj situaciji koju rjeπavaju. Pri tome se koriste ustaljenim metodama i tehnikama tumaËenja *

https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003134220-9/mobilising-international-law-subverting-judicial-form-guillaume-mouralis

This chapter analyses how the 1967 Russell Tribunal provided an original way for laypeople to mobilise law and invest in judicial forms. This collective experience was marked by initial hesitations in claiming the term tribunal and – in doing so – undertaking a symbolic coup that was likely to be denounced as a scandalous usurpation by state authorities. The Russell Tribunal was additionally permeated with internal disagreements and structural tensions between legal, political, and intellectual rationales. However, in the end, the Tribunal worked by accomplishing the considerable tasks of gathering abundant and quality documentation, presenting ample and consistent evidence, and making carefully argued legal conclusions. Far from engaging in poor judicial mimicry, the Tribunal members in fact creatively hybridised legal norms and judicial forms. Indeed, the Tribunal fostered the emergence of a new form of activist and subversive legal consciousness. Based on the idea that law belongs to everyone and that every citizen can be a juror by exercising their right to confront facts with laws, this empowerment of laypeople represented a new, utopian conception of justice.

ISBN 978-2-84934-664-8 'On ne fait pas de la dogmatique ici .' This was the first sentence that Mireille Delmas-Marty ever said to me while descending the stairs of the Institut de Droit Compar� e in Paris. I would only fully grasp the significance of this statement in relation to her theoretical approach and method much later. A frail body housed an incredibly strong woman, driven by a rigorous analytical method and a deep conviction in the foundational role of law within the human community. A delicate silhouette that contrasted with an extraordinary force of action in the defence of humanist values. Great resilience, unwavering tenacity and unfailing dedication defined her. Professor of criminal law and holder of a chair at the Coll� ege de France, Mireille Delmas-Marty was more than an eminent jurist: she was what we might call a 'maître � a penser', capable of perceiving and making visible the invisible. Cheminer avec Mireille Delmas-Marty: M� elanges ouverts (hereafter, the 'M� elanges'), the book published in honour of Mireille Delmas-Marty, reflects upon her conception of the law from multiple perspectives. The title and cover of the M� elanges pre-emptively capture both the person and the theory it pays tribute to: the image of a 'kinetic' sculpture and the words 'cheminer' (walking) and 'ouverts' (open). Mireille herself actively contributed to the book project before her death in 2022, mapping out with the editors the various domains of her research and, most importantly, elucidating the dynamic nature of walking along her various research paths.

Este Compendio de Derecho internacional público pretende armonizar el pragmatismo exigido por el nuevo contexto universitario y social con la exigencia irrenunciable de ofrecer el contenido mínimo actualizado que todo alumno debiera conocer y aprender del ordenamiento jurídico internacional a través de un marco teórico acorde con el momento presente.
El Compendio no es una mera síntesis de temas de Derecho internacional público sino que formula una propuesta teórica en la exposición de dicho ordenamiento jurídico. El planteamiento que se ofrece en esta obra trata de conciliar la unidad del Derecho internacional como sistema normativo con la pluralidad de conjuntos normativos que regulan determinadas materias o sectores a través de las nociones de regímenes internacionales especiales y generales. Así se constata que, junto a la tradicional estructura normativa bilateral de las obligaciones internacionales que regulan básicamente los intereses individuales de los Estados, existe una estructura normativa comunitaria resultado de la protección y regulación de los intereses generales de la comunidad internacional en la que es posible identificar una caja de herramientas comunitarias cada vez más amplia, especialmente, en el caso de las que tienen carácter sustantivo.
Esta profunda transformación del ordenamiento internacional actual da un nuevo sentido a la expresión Derecho internacional público que tiene una renovada significación al incorporar su dimensión comunitaria y de protección de intereses generales. En definitiva, esta propuesta teórica de construcción sistémica del Derecho internacional público pretende hacer compatible la unidad formal y material del ordenamiento jurídico internacional con el pluralismo social y jurídico que existe en la comunidad internacional actual.

O ensaio apresenta o Anteprojeto de Lei Geral de Direito Internacional Privado concluí- do no Brasil, no segundo semestre de 2025, pela Comissão nomeada pela Secretaria-Executiva do Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico Social Sustentável (CDESS) da Presidência da República, com a finalidade de atualizar as regras de direito internacional privado brasileiras presentes na Lei de Introdução às Normas do Direito Brasileiro (LINDB). O ensaio conclui ser o Anteprojeto de Lei Geral de Direito Internacional Privado um instrumento jurídico moderno e dinâmico, capaz de resolver os problemas atuais apresentados em conflitos de leis de espaço com conexão internacional, devendo tornar-se, per se, guia a ser seguido pelos juízes e tribunais nacionais, enquanto não sobrevêm sua aprovação congressual e sua sanção presidencial.

This paper examines the right to use force in international relations by setting out the legal architecture of the United Nations Charter and the contemporary challenges that test it. Methodologically, it employs doctrinal analysis of primary instruments and authorities, including the UN Charter, General Assembly declarations, Security Council resolutions, and judgments of the International Court of Justice, alongside state practice evidenced in Article 51 letters and official statements that clarify opinio juris (ICJ, 1986; UN Charter art. 2(4), arts. 39-42, 51). The analysis begins with core Charter rules and the interplay with customary international law, then evaluates pressure points created by non-state actors, anticipatory self-defense, humanitarian intervention and Responsibility to Protect, cyber operations, drones, consent, and Security Council gridlock, drawing on leading secondary authorities to interpret state practice within a stable doctrinal frame (Gray, 2018; Dinstein, 2017). Scope is limited to jus ad bellum and does not address the conduct of hostilities, except where proportionality overlaps both regimes, since ad bellum proportionality functions as a constraint on the decision and scope to resort to force rather than a targeting rule of jus in bello (ICJ, 1996; Henderson, 2018). Findings indicate that the Charter framework remains normatively sound, provided that necessity, proportionality, and rigorous reporting disciplines are observed, that collective security mandates are read strictly according to text and purpose, and that states articulate positions on imminence and unwilling or unable in ways consistent with ICJ baselines (Ruys, 2010; Bethlehem, 2012). Recommendations target evidentiary standards for self-defense, clearer state opinio juris on crossborder force against non-state actors, more precise and reviewable Security Council mandates, and cyber attribution practices that align with Charter thresholds and that can be presented in a manner consistent with institutional oversight (Schmitt, 2017; Gray, 2018).

The issue of humanitarian intervention, or humanitarian military intervention, has been among the most controversial and important issues in international law for years. The prohibition of the use of force and the principle of state sovereignty, on the one hand, and the necessity of intervention to protect human rights in situations where states commit serious and systematic human rights violations within their own territory, on the other, have led to the search for solutions consistent with international law. However, this same legal legitimacy has revealed that different practices are observed in similar cases. The main objective of this qualitative study is to examine the fundamental conditions for humanitarian intervention, particularly within the United Nations (UN) system, to establish its legal legitimacy (decision-making institutions and criteria), and to determine the conditions under which decisions regarding the implementation of such interventions are made through comparative country examples. Data were analyzed through an indepth literature review, the collection of international documents, and the self-determination theory. The analyses revealed that the criteria for the UN and the Security Council about intervention, the body responsible for establishing security, to engage in humanitarian intervention. The second stage presented concrete examples of humanitarian intervention decisions, and the third sought to identify the reasons for differences in decisions made despite similar incidents. The findings suggest that if the legal legitimacy criteria and justifications necessitating humanitarian intervention exist, the events are not the state's problem but rather a threat to world peace. Furthermore, the current collective security system, particularly the Security Council structure and decision-making mechanism, is inadequate to meet today's needs, in line with the UN's ideal of a peaceful world, and the high likelihood of deadlock is high. Therefore, necessary measures and legal regulations must be taken to address this.

On 19th July 2024 the International Court of Justice delivered its advisory opinion on the legal consequences arising from Israel’s policies and practices in the OPT. The opinion deals with issues of extreme sensitivity in international law and, among them, with the obligation not to recognize as legal the situation appealing to the use of force for the acquisition of territory.
The obligation in question is much debated in jurisprudence and doctrine under several viewpoints. Contrary to the tendency of these recent years, the Court has shown a greater degree of openness in attempting to clarify certain practical aspects of the obligation de quo, particularly as regards its content, dating back even to 1971.
Compared with its previous jurisprudence, the effects of the obligation of non-recognition are weaker in relation to the law of treaties and diplomatic relations, even if practice shows a broader scenario in these fields than those considered by the Court. Conversely, more extensive effects have been identified for economic and trade relations, despite practice does not support them. Moreover, it is unclear the omission related to the invalidity of acts adopted by the occupying State in the occupied territory.

This article discusses the issues of establishing responsibility for the crime of aggression within the framework of international criminal law in the light of the criminal legislation of the Republic of Armenia. Special attention is paid to the commission of the crime of aggression through cyber attacks, that is, cyber aggression. In addition, the possibility that aggression is an ongoing crime is also being discussed. Analysing the features of article 8bis of the Rome Statute, the author concludes that, that the corpus delicti provided for in article 8bis significantly complicates the application of these provisions to a cyberattack. At the same time, the author of this article documents the possibility and even the need to include aggression committed through cyber attacks as a crime, taking into account modern security threats.

The Israeli strike on Qatari territory represents not only a regional escalation but also one of the gravest breaches of international norms in recent decades. Unlike prior operations in Syria, Lebanon, or Iran-where Israel justified its actions within the context of active hostilities-Qatar is neither a belligerent state nor an adversary. Instead, it functions as a U.S.-backed mediator, a pivotal global LNG supplier, and host to the largest American military base in the Middle East. Targeting such a state elevates the incident into a strategic miscalculation with systemic consequences. This paper contends that the strike constitutes a violation of international law, undermines mediation channels, and sets a perilous precedent that undermines both regional stability and the credibility of the international rules-based order. For this analysis, Third Generation Diplomacy refers to a new model of international engagement that integrates digital technologies, algorithmic governance, and ethical innovation. This concept is introduced as an alternative to outdated negotiation frameworks, highlighting the urgency of adapting diplomacy to contemporary challenges. This paper is guided by a central question: If the unraveling of the international order begins not with great-power confrontation but with the strike on a small mediator state like Qatar, what does this imply for the future of global governance and diplomacy?

There exist today a number of conventions aimed at combating terrorism. These treat acts of terrorism as criminal acts. However, the events of 11 September 2001 introduced a new dimension into the debate on the use of force in addressing the problem of terrorism. This article discusses whether the UN Security Council has given its approval for the USA's use of force in the wake of 11 September 2001 and whether this use of force can be justified under the right of selfdefence. The article's conclusion is that the Security Council has not given its approval. Nevertheless, the USA may invoke the right of self-defence on the basis of the Taliban's support for the terrorists. However, it is important to remember that acts of terrorism ought as far as possible to be addressed through criminal prosecution. Furthermore, any use of force ought to take place under the control of the UN. And we must be on our guard against any erosion of the prohibition against the use of force in international law.

The United Nations Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework and its Guiding Principles were adopted at the back of a long history of failed UN attempts to deal with corporate-related human rights abuses and ineffective corporate initiated voluntary measures. The need for the Framework and Guiding Principles was heightened by the current climate of neo-liberal globalisation which allows powerful multinational corporations to operate in countries that are sometimes unable to rein them in due to various factors, including sheer corruption; the need to attract and retain foreign direct investment; and archaic legal systems that are unable to deal with intricate corporate structures. This article critically examines the availability of remedies for victims of corporaterelated abuses who, for one or more of the above reasons, are unable to access justice in the host state and look towards the home state for a remedy. It argues that by failing to address hurdles to accessing home state remedies, such as the principle of forum non conveniens, state sovereignty, separate legal personality and limited liability, the Framework and Guiding Principles have failed to clearly define circumstances under which, and means by which, multinational corporations will be held liable under the laws of their home states for human rights violations committed beyond their home borders -by their subsidiaries or so-called 'foreign hands'. Consequently, victims are likely to be without remedies which are unavailable in the host state. Thus, for victims of corporate-related abuses, the more things change, the more they stay the same.

A ‘watercourse’ is defined as a ‘system of surface and groundwaters’ forming a unitary whole that flows into a common terminus. This gives a sense of separation between watercourses and the communities they are comprised of. Increased understanding of the connections between watercourses through the global hydrological cycle challenges this, possibly expanding the legal reach of international water law norms to encompass obligations erga omnes, those ‘owed to the international community as a whole’. After elaborating on how erga omnes norms are identified, this article discusses the potential for key international water law norms to achieve such status and its legal effects.

This collaboration explores whether Washington courts, through their use of guardianship proceedings and foreclosure actions, have become agents of the same systemic abuse. Families describe elder guardianships that strip dignity, autonomy, and even life itself from vulnerable parents. Homeowners recount foreclosures where courts enforce fraudulent claims to property without neutral judicial inquiry. On the surface, these may appear to be separate issues. But seen together, they reveal a deeper pattern: courts aligned with mammon, using legal process not to protect the People, but to preserve wealth and power for officials and financial elites. We ask whether elder abuse and property theft by judicial machinery are two sides of the same coin of tyranny.

The teaching of History and Government should serve to enable a country meet its needs and aspirations. One such need in Kenya, which has remained largely elusive, is national cohesion and integration. The objectives of teaching History and Government are; to demonstrate an understanding of how people and events of the past have influenced the ways in which people lived and behaved; appreciate the need for an importance of mutual responsibility, and to develop a sense of patriotism and national pride through participation in various development activities in the country. Research has revealed that the teaching of History and Government contributes to the development of an individual by increasing his/her propensity to be tolerant. Learning has a strong influence on the development of shared norms and the value placed on tolerance and understanding within a community. Integration is the process by which immigrants become accepted into society, both as individuals and as groups. The s...

The draft Agreement on the Accession of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights -a major step towards a coherent protection of fundamental rights in Europe 1 See, for instance, G. Ress, L'adhésion de l'Union européenne à la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme, in: Dalloz (editor), La conscience des droits, Mélanges en l'honneur de Jean-Paul Costa, 2011, pp. 519 s. 2 See for a description of that development and further references, among many others, D. von Arnim, Der Standort der EU-Grundrechtecharta in der Grundrechtsarchitektur Europas, 2006, pp. 36-43. 3 In a memorandum of 4 April 1979 the Commission proposed that what was then still called the European Communities should accede to the Convention (see EuGRZ 1979, p. 330). 4 See, for example, L. Wildhaber / J. Callewaert, Espace constitutionnel européen et droits fondamentaux -Une vision globale pour une pluralité de droits et de juges, in : N. Colneric / D. Edward and others (editors), Une communauté de droit, Essays in honour of Gil Carlos Rodríguez Iglesias, 2003, p. 82; and von Arnim, Standort der EU-Grundrechtecharta, ibid., p. 516 with further references.

Order by retired senior judge Richard Jones asserting that he is a "district judge" of that court and concluding: "Jayakrishnan Nair, any third party, or anyone purporting to act on Defendant’s behalf shall make no further attempts to remove the Washington State TEDRA matter, King County Superior Court Cause No. 21-4-04448-8 SEA, or otherwise attempt to establish federal jurisdiction over matters involving the Washington State guardianship/probate, King County Superior Court Cause No. 18-4-05231-6 SEA, Omana Thankamma, the Estate of Omana Thankamma, or the representative of the Estate of Omana Thankamma, Channa Copeland as former Guardian and current Administrator and her attorneys of record, Des Moines Elder Law f/k/a Regeimbal, McDonald, & Young, PLLC, unless: (i) Defendant or the party seeking removal submits a bond in the amount of FIFTY THOUSAND USD ($50,000.00) or deposits at least $50,000.00 into
the King County Superior Court Registry which is not to be withdrawn absent an Order by the Court and prior notice to Channa Copeland by way of Des Moines Elder Law; and (ii) this Court certifies that the filings are taken in good faith or have sufficient merit to proceed. Absent an Order from this Court certifying that the filings are taken in good faith, no state court is required to stay any removal action submitted by Defendant or a party seeking removal as to the aforementioned matters.
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Should any of the terms of this Order be violated by Defendant or someone demonstrated to be acting at his direction or on his behalf, this Court shall institute civil contempt proceedings against Defendant and the related parties, the penalties imposed during which may include the arrest of Defendant for a charge of criminal contempt of
court.
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Plaintiff Channa Copeland’s attorney’s fees and costs are awarded as a compensatory sanction for Defendant’s civil contempt. Plaintiff shall submit a motion and declaration of attorney’s fees to this Court for determination of the award within thirty (30) days of this Order.
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Dated July 25, 2025 and signed by Richard A. Jones, who identifies his title as "United States District Judge," instead of senior judge.

Islam encourages the pursuit of knowledge and exploration, including outer space, as a means of appreciating Allah’s creation and advancing human progress. However, as space technology rapidly evolves, the increasing militarisation of outer space, through intelligence systems, satellite warfare, and anti-satellite weaponry, poses a growing threat to global security. This article critically examines the international legal framework for preventing an arms race in space, with a focus on key treaties, including the Outer Space Treaty. It explores significant challenges, including geopolitical rivalries and enforcement gaps, while proposing solutions to strengthen space security. From an Islamic perspective, principles such as salam (peace), 'adl wa al-ihsan (justice and benevolence), and amanah (trust) reinforce global efforts for peaceful space governance. By integrating legal and ethical considerations, this article advocates for stronger international collaboration and the incorporation of Islamic values to prevent conflicts and ensure space remains a shared domain for humanity’s peaceful and sustainable advancement.

Karl Marx’s famous aphorism about men (sic) making history, but not in
circumstances of their own choosing, has never looked more apposite. If
the environmental crisis that threatens the very future of humankind has
demonstrated one thing with brutal clarity it is that we—humanity is all
in this—life on planet Earth—together. Unfortunately, this does not
mean that political leaders around the world have suddenly recognised
the interdependent, mutually constitutive nature of human existence;
nor have they inaugurated a new era of enlightened cooperation. On the
contrary, while the geophysical boundaries that delimit individual and
collective human possibilities are becoming ever more apparent, the con-
temporary international order is distinguished by an entirely futile and
counterproductive effort to decouple and privilege the national over the
transnational.

Benjamyn I. Scott studied his Bachelor's in Law LLB (Hons) at the University of Kent, England and the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Further, he obtained an LLM in International Commercial Law from the University of Kent, England (cum laude) and then an LLM (Adv.) in Air and Space Law from the International Institute for Air and Space Law at Leiden University, the Netherlands (cum laude). He holds a PhD from the University of Cologne, Germany where his thesis focused on the regulation of aviation cybersecurity (magna cum laude). Benjamyn has a strong background in developing aviation technologies, having worked for several years in this area as a regulator and in industry, whereby he is Assistant Professor at Leiden University, the Netherlands working at both the International Institute for Air and Space Law and eLaw -Centre for Law and Digital Technologies. Finally, he is also a member of the Board of Editors of the Air & Space Law journal, and frequently speaks and publishes on different aviation topics.

It is investigated whether the Latins of the colonies sine novis colonis founded first in the Cisalpine Gaul in 89 B.C. by Pompey Strabo, and later in the Transalpine Gauls, enjoyed suffragium, commercium and conubium on a par with the prisci Latini and with the Latins of the traditional Italic colonies. As for suffragium, it is believed to have been granted only to the Cisalpine Latins, but no longer to later ones. Commercium appears to have accrued to all Latins of all types. As for conubium, it seems to have pertained to the Latins of the colonies sine novis colonis, and it can be assumed that it was provided for in the law allocating Latium to each province. The Latins who, according to the lex Minicia quoted by Gai 1.78-79, were deprived of the conubium were not, however, the provincial Latins after 89 B.C., as held by a part of modern scholarship, but the prisci Latini and the Italic coloniarii. An earlier dating of the lex Minicia than is commonly believed is proposed.

The rise of Artificial Superintelligence (ASI) marks a pivotal transformation in the global cybersecurity landscape. Surpassing the limitations of Artificial General Intelligence (AGI), ASI introduces systems capable of autonomous reasoning, instantaneous threat response, and strategic adaptability far beyond human capability. While its defensive applications hold immense promise, the offensive potential of ASI presents an equally formidable challenge. Real-world events such as the SolarWinds infiltration in 2020 and the NotPetya ransomware outbreak in 2017 illustrate the devastating impact of AI-augmented cyber operations on national infrastructure and global commerce. These cases underscore the urgency of preparing for more advanced threats as ASI technology matures. This paper investigates the dual role of ASI in modern cyber conflict through a mixedmethod approach combining empirical case study analysis, comparative evaluation of AGI and ASI capabilities, and scenario-based modeling. Particular emphasis is placed on examining how ASI alters traditional cyberattack vectors and reshapes defensive paradigms. The study further explores the integration of advanced countermeasures, including blockchainbacked data integrity systems, zero-trust security models, and autonomous deception frameworks. In addressing the wider implications, the paper also considers the ethical, legal, and governance challenges posed by opaque, autonomous decision-making in high-stakes security contexts. By mapping current capabilities and foreseeable trajectories, the analysis offers a policy

This study investigates the complex relationship between cyber warfare and international humanitarian law (IHL), focusing on whether cyberspace is legally ambiguous or overlooked by states with advanced cyber capabilities. Utilizing a dual approach, it emphasizes the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)"s affirmation of IHL's adaptability. It examines the legal criteria outlined in the Tallinn Manual regarding when cyber operations qualify as armed conflict. The findings indicate that while customary IHL principles can apply in the digital realm, significant data protection, civilian targeting, and attribution ambiguities hinder effective enforcement. The paper argues that major cyber powers often reject IHL applicability, not due to legal gaps, but as a strategic choice disguised as ambiguity. In conclusion, the study offers original proposals, including the recognition of "critical civilian datasets" requiring protection and the introduction of a legal standard called "functional lethality," advocating for a proactive regulatory framework to enhance humanitarian protections in cyber warfare.

Abstract [It]: il contributo affronta il drammatico tema della guerra in chiave "psico-costituzionale". O, per meglio dire, tenta di desumere, dal sapere psicoanalitico, letture normative del fenomeno bellico finalizzate ad orientare la stessa ermeneutica costituzionale verso ulteriori principi di razionalità. Il tutto, nella convinzione che tra scienza psicoanalitica e scienza costituzionale vi siano forti punti di contatto, tutt'oggi in gran parte ancora inesplorati.

Abstract [En]: this contribution addresses the dramatic theme of war through a "psycho-constitutional" lens. More precisely, it seeks to derive normative interpretations of the phenomenon of war from psychoanalytic knowledge, with the aim of guiding constitutional hermeneutics towards further principles of rationality. The underlying conviction is that significant points of contact exist between psychoanalytic science and constitutional science-points that, to this day, remain largely unexplored. Parole chiave: Guerra; diritto costituzionale; dottrina psicoanalitica.

Twenty-one years after the Oslo Accords were signed, Israel’s occupation is more deeply entrenched than ever and will not easily be undone. Through a range of policies, the international community has compensated for breaches of Israel’s obligations as an occupying power. Consequently, Israelis lack incentives to alter dangerous practices because their costs are borne by others. Rather than blithely supporting additional rounds of aimless talks, the international community should undertake a coherent and sustained effort to help Palestinians secure their fundamental rights by (1) clarifying the legal obligations not only of Israel and the Palestinians, but also of third states by requesting a new International Court of Justice opinion, undertaking routine legal impact assessments of donor programmes and appealing to Israel to formally recognise Palestinians’ right to self-determination; (2) revisiting policies that help perpetuate the occupation and establishing tangible incentives ...

Pompeo Strabone stabilì con una lex che tutte le comunità urbanizzate della Cisalpina diventassero colonie e prefigurò il conferimento a esse di un Latium minus, che per diventare effettivo aveva bisogno che fossero individuate da Roma le magistrature locali che potevano portare all’acquisto della cittadinanza. L’individuazione delle singole comunità era poi avvenuta o con senatoconsulti o con plebisciti. Statuti locali (leges) erano stati recati alle singole comunità da magistrati incaricati da Roma e avevano introdotto le magistrature romane locali che conferivano la cittadinanza romana a chi le avesse ricoperte (ius adipiscendi civitatem Romanam per magistratum). Erano stati conclusi foedera con le singole colonie latine sine novis colonis, integrando o correggendo il cursus honorum locale predisposto dallo statuto. In alcuni casi i magistrati tradizionali delle singole comunità mantennero funzioni giurisdizionali.

5046. “Crise no sistema multilateral de comércio: dimensão e implicações”
Brasília, 3 setembro 2025, 6 p.
Considerações sobre a crise do comércio internacional na era Trump e dilemas para o Brasil. Distribuído em previsão do debate mantido no âmbito do Livres em 4/09/2024 .

A chamada crise no, ou do, sistema multilateral de comércio não é um ato comercial, sequer o resultado de uma ação econômica, e sim um ato profundamente político, e que tem pouco a ver, na sua formatação atual, com o fato de os EUA, desde o governo Obama, por sinal, ter descurado a indicação de árbitros para o mecanismo de solução de controvérsias da OMC, o que resultou na virtual paralisação de sua eficácia, do ponto de vista do regime de comércio multilateral.
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