Romani Language

Данная работа посвящена краткому обзору некоторых работ кадемика Милки Ивич в чести 100-летия со дня её рождения. Как уже известно, академик Милка Ивич занималась обширными темами, охватывающими не только сербскохорватский/сербский, но и другие славянские и индоевропейские языки. Её главные научные достижения подробно рассмотрены в книге Лингвистика Милки Ивич (2008), но мы попытаемся указать на некоторые другие спекты ее работ, касающихся имен существительных и глаголов, в астности, категорий числа, грамматического рода и глагольного вида. Особое внимание мы уделим следующим преимуществам: (1) работы академика Милки Ивич служат образцом для подражания при анализе того или иного явления в других славянских и неславянских языках; (2) ее работы можно применить в обучении сербскому языку как иностранному, так как они нам дают адекватные ответы на вопросы по сербской грамматике, которые часто возникают у иностранных учащихся при изучении сербского.

La habilidad de escritura en clases de lengua extranjera es una de las más difíciles de desarrollar, debido a que tradicionalmente se ha dirigido el énfasis al léxico y gramática, desatendiendo así el propósito comunicativo en la adquisición de la lengua. Esto sumado a la omisión sistemática de la incorporación de prácticas extracurriculares de los estudiantes en el aprendizaje en clase. En efecto, fuera de las aulas, los alumnos están expuestos y participan de un complejo entramado de interacciones en los medios digitales: no solo dominan la creación de contenido, sino que también regulan las prácticas con comentarios, valoraciones y críticas; aunado al capital cultural que la participación activa en redes supone. En la presente propuesta se intenta integrar la forma y fondo de las prácticas en medios digitales en el contexto de prácticas análogas de la literatura contemporánea como la parodia, el fan-fiction y la autoficción, con el objetivo de mejorar la competencia de escritura en la lengua extranjera y la conciencia crítica en la creación y consumo de sus lecturas habituales.

Савладавање падежног система српског стандардног језика представља
једaн од најтежих изазова с којим се суочавају студенти на студијским програмима србистике, али и на оним несрбистичким катедрама које у свом програму
имају курс Српски језик. Овај проблем је израженији у настави на универзитетима који се налазе на дијалекатском подручју из разумљивих разлога услед
одсуства деклинираних облика именских речи (аналитички тип деклинације).
Стога је предмет овог рада питање методолошког приступа падежном систему на универзитетском нивоу са циљем расветљавања потешкоћа са којима се
студенти суочавају током студија у вези са овим питањем. На основу добијених резултата, рад претендује да понуди методолошка решења за унапређење наставе ове важне морфостинтаксичке теме у виду примене граматичко-семантичког модела обраде падежа уместо актуелног традиционалног граматичког модела. У централном делу рада велика пажња се посвећује интерпретацији препорученог методолошког поступка.

Problem obrazovne segregacije romskih učenika prisutan je i nakon više od deset godina od presude Europskog suda za ljudska prava u predmetu Oršuš i drugi protiv Hrvatske iz 2008. godine (Zahtjev br. 15766/03). U potpuno etnički segregiranim razredima školuje se petina romske djece u RH, a dodatnih 12,8% u mješovitim razredima koje čine većinom romski učenici. Prema rezultatima baznog istraživanja iz 2018. godine 95,3% romske djece u dobi od 7 do 14 godina obuhvaćeno je osnovnoškolskim obrazovanjem. No čak 32% romske djece u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj školuje se po individualiziranom programu. Prosječno trajanje osnovnog školovanja za 12,3% populacije Roma iznosi devet i više godina. Natpolovična većina romske djece koja su 2017. godine pohađala osnovnu školu ostvarivala je vrlo loš prosjek, niži od 3,5, dok su istovremeno djeca u općoj populaciji imala prosjek ocjena 4,45, što predstavlja nepremostivu prepreku prilikom pokušaja upisa u većinu srednjoškolskih programa, posebice gimnazijskog sadržaja. Složene okolnosti odrastanja i višedimenzionalna diskriminacija romske djece dovode do činjenice da samo 31% mladih Roma u dobi od 15 do 18 godina pohađa srednju školu, i to 36% dječaka i samo 26% djevojčica. Posljedično, broj studenata Roma u ukupnom je broju studenata u Hrvatskoj zanemariv. U ukupnoj populaciji Roma u Republici Hrvatskoj samo 0,5% ima završenu trogodišnju višu školu ili visoko obrazovanje. Iako se u zadnjih dvadeset godina mijenjao odnos prema uključivanju romske djece u sustav odgoja i obrazovanja te je uveden niz značajnih promjena-od uvođenja romskih pomagača preko donošenja Programa potpore u odgoju i obrazovanju pripadnika romske nacionalne manjine do donošenja Kurikuluma za nastavni predmet Jezik i kultura romske nacionalne manjine-i dalje izostaje značajnija promjena. Prijeko su potrebne inovacije i postupno utemeljenje cjelovitoga i specifičnog sustava odgoja i obrazovanja usmjerenog na potrebe romske djece kako bi Hrvatska postala zemljom u kojoj se romska djeca obrazuju u integriranim odgojno-obrazovnim ustanovama. Time bi im se omogućilo stjecanje znanja, kompetencija i vještina temeljem kojih bi se mogla radno ospobiti za egzistencijalno sigurnija radna mjesta. Ozbiljnijim pokretanjem kotača obrazovanja, promijenile bi se i socioekonomske okolnosti života većine romskog stanovništva, koje više ne bi živjelo u siromaštvu.

This research paper examines the translation variations, as well as translation choices, in Alexandros Papadiamantis’s novel The Murderess, specifically, investigating the translation of culturally specific items, that is regionalisms. The translations evaluated were Liadain Sherrard (2011), Peter Levi (2010), and George Xanthopoulides’s (1977). All three translations were evaluated according to their degree of cultural accuracy, meaning preservation, and readability. Using content analysis, three examples of regionalisms from three different chapters were selected and compared, for their challenging meanings and nuances. Results reveal evident differences in terms of techniques and approaches to the original. Various methods were identified with the technique of adaptation being the most appropriate for dialect translation and cultural accuracy, and word-for-word translation the least practical, often resulting in meaning loss. The analysis of the findings points out the various challenges translators face, like maintaining cultural and textual fidelity, preserving meaning, and achieving readability while translating regionalisms. The overall research highlights the importance of cultural and historical preservation as well as the readability of the translations, using the appropriate techniques for their execution.

Romani language, also called Gypsy, is a satellite language of the New Indo Aryan (NIA) family spoken mainly in Eastern Europe. The speakers of this language departed from the Subcontinent approximately one thousand years ago. They moved to Turkey via Iran and reached Eastern Europe. A very strong dominant view among the linguists is that Romani originated from Punjab and at the time of their departure from this area their forefathers either spoke some form of Punjabi or Hindi, whereas some researchers think that forefathers of the Gypsies were speakers of either Kashmiri or Sindhi or (Saraiki. In the current study, we highlight similarities between Gypsy (Romani) and Pakistani languages of NIA family and conclude that forefathers of the modern-day Romani were speakers of an older version of either Saraiki or Sindhi or Kashmiri. The core argument of this paper is based on the evidence that Kashmiri, Saraiki and Sindhi have palatalization and complex three-way pronominal suffixes with verbs which they share with Romani which is an indication of genetic relations between Romani and these Pakistani languages.

This article presents new data on previously undescribed Romani varieties spoken in the eastern part of the Republic of North Macedonia, specifically in the geographical region of Maleshevo. We show that this is a South Balkan dialect that differs from other South Balkan dialects spoken in North Macedonia (especially in Skopje), while sharing several features with the Romani dialects of southwestern Bulgaria. This pattern corresponds to the geographical distribution of South Slavic dialects. Following South Slavic terminology, these Romani varieties can be referred to as Maleshevo-Pirin Romani. In addition to describing typical dialectal features, this study pays special attention to borrowings from local Macedonian dialects.

The Atlas of the Balkan Linguistic Area is an online database of language contact phenomena as attested in the Balkan languages.
ABLA consists of 100+ phonological, morpho-syntactic, semantic, lexical, and sociolinguistic features. Each feature is matched to a map covering 60 language varieties spoken across all Balkan countries and their periphery. We also provide examples to illustrate each value for each feature. Examples are transcribed in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) or other Latin-based transcriptions found in the published sources. They are glossed following the Leipzig Glossing Rules. Finally, each map is accompanied by a chapter co-authored by the project contributors. For greater accessibility, we use colors that are suitable for color-blind individuals (as recommended by Wong, 2011).
ABLA is not only the first online database for the Balkans, an area shaped by multilingualism in forms that are rapidly disappearing, but could further serve as an example for other linguistic areas in the world.
Cite: Evangelia Adamou and Andrey Sobolev (Eds.) (2025). Atlas of the Balkan Linguistic Area. https://abla.cnrs.fr/
The online database is hosted by HumaNum. A mirror site will be available in Russia in 2025.
This research project is funded by the French National Research Agency (ANR-21-CE27-0020) granted to Dr Evangelia Adamou (CNRS) and the Russian Science Foundation (22-48-09003) granted to Dr Andrey Sobolev (Russian Academy of Science) (2022-2025).
The content of this website is licensed under: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
The website was developed by Evangelia Adamou, Tanguy Solliec, and Edouard Sombie. It was created by Volta Jazz.

The article reassesses Turner's (1926) classification of Romani within the Indo-Aryan group, drawing on insights from recent research and several years of the author's work on the Romani Etymological Dictionary (ЭСЦЯ, jointly with Kirill Kozhanov). Turner's approach has proven robust, but some of his specific conclusions need revision. While some of the isoglosses identified by him remain valid indicators of Romani's historical position within Indo-Aryan, others appear less reliable upon closer examination of the etymological evidence. The article also presents some recent findings and hypotheses on Romani prosody, including evidence for preservation of ancient vowel length potentially detectable through comparison with Dardic tonal-moraic systems. Additionally, it touches upon the puzzling distinction between OIA kh vs. kṣ preserved in Romani, mentions the preservation in Romani of vestiges of the neuter, and brings up non-trivial Romani stress patterns in connection with the reconstructed "rhythmic law.”

Rad je posvećen indijskoj etimologiji naziva za etničku skupinu Roma. Romi su porijeklom
iz Indije, a u Europu su došli prije otprilike 1000 godina. Iako se Romi stalno
jezično asimiliraju i gube svoj indijski jezik, još uvijek ga govore velike populacije,
naročito na istoku i jugoistoku Europe. To je jedini stari indoarijski jezik u Europi, a
on se razlikuje od svih poznatih jezika na indijskom potkontinentu.
Naziv Rom dolazi od indijske riječi ḍom(b)a – i označava kastinsku skupinu (đat?)
niska statusa koju čine nomadski ili polunomadski glazbenici i plesači, ali pripadnici
te skupine također rade razne druge nisko cijenjene poslove kao što su čišćenje, pogrebništvo,
spaljivanje leševa, a žene se često bave plesom i pjevanjem, proricanjem
i gatanjem.
Slične skupine gotovo istoga imena nalazimo i drugdje po Aziji: Ḍumaki u Pakistanu
(kovači i glazbenici), Lomari u Armeniji, Turskoj i susjednim zemljama srednjega
istoka (kavkaski Romi), te Domari u Palestini i susjednim zemljama srednjega istoka
i Srednje Azije. Sličnih romolikih skupina ima i Tadžikistanu, Afganistanu, Iranu,
Kazahstanu, Kirgiziji i drugdje u regiji. Te su skupine jezikom i porijeklom indijske,
ali ne koriste romsko ime niti izvedenice od ḍom(b)a.
Riječ ḍom(b)a nije indoarijska, nego vuče porijeklo iz nekog jezika mundske skupine.
Na mundskom ta riječ znači jednostavno »bubanj, doboš, timpan«, a to je glavni
instrument romskih glazbenika.
Dalje se raspravlja o odnosu jezika, religije i kaste u Indiji. Sličnoga je porijekla i kastinskoga
statusa i termin Pārya, koji dolazi od dravidske riječi za bubanj (usp. tamilski
paṛai »bubanj, doboš«). Pārya se naziva i jedna romolika skupina u Tadžikistanu i
Uzbekistanu koja govori radžastanski.
Romi su dakle ḍom(b)a – »dobošari«. Od te se mundske posuđenice u indoarijskome
razvila cijela porodica riječi za razne vrste bubnjeva i tambura, pa onda i mađarska,
rumunjska i naša riječ dob(oš). Korijen dob- u hrvatskom je dosta opskuran pa ga
imamo samo u riječi dobovati (kad kiša rominja kao da udara po koži napeta bubnja);a zagonetku predstavlja i njezin (gotovo) sinonim rominjati, kojega ne objašnjavaju
etimološki rječnici, a mogao bi to biti prežitak iz davnih jezičnih vremena koja su
zapamtila i oblike dom- i rom- u izvornom značenju koje se odnosilo na bubnjanje.
Rad objašnjava porijeklo etničkog imena Roma (kasta dobošara nearijskoga porijekla),
ali i dvije hrvatske riječi tamnoga porijekla koje su u vezi s bubnjanjem.

Ključne riječi

Domi; Romi; Cigani; Domari; Lomari; Lomavren; Dumaki; indoarijski jezici; đati; romski jezik; povijest Roma; etnonimi; kaste; kastonimi; dobošari; parije; mileti; jezična zajednica

ABSTRACT
The paper deals with the Indian etymology of the name for the Roma (Rroma, Roma-
nies, Gypsies). It is generally known that the Roma are originally from India and
migrated to Europe about 1,000 years ago. Although the Roma are constantly un-
dergoing linguistic assimilation and losing their Indian language, it is still spoken
by large populations, especially in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. This language
is the only old Indo-Aryan language present in Europe and differs from all known
languages of the Indian subcontinent.
151
Migracijske i etničke teme / Migration and Ethnic Themes 41 (2025), 1: 121–152
The name Rroma originates from the Indian word ḍom(b)a, which denotes a low-
status caste (jat?) composed of nomadic or semi-nomadic musicians and dancers.
Members of this group also engage in various other low-value occupations, such
as scavenging, undertaking, cremation and similar tasks. Women, in particular, are
often involved in dancing and singing, divination, and fortune-telling.
Similar Gypsi-like groups with closely related names can be found elsewhere in
Asia. These include the Ḍumaki in Pakistan (blacksmiths and musicians), the Lo-
mari in Armenia, Turkey and neighbouring countries in the Middle East (Caucasian
Roma), and the Domari in Palestine and surrounding countries in the Middle East
and Central Asia. Comparable groups also exist in Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Ka-
zakhstan and elsewhere in the region. While these communities are Indian in terms
of language and origin, they do not use the Romani name or derivatives of ḍom(b)-.
The word ḍom(b)a itself is not Indo-Aryan but originates from a language belonging
to the Mundic group. In Munda, the term simply means “drum, tympanum” and
refers to the main instrument used by Roma musicians.
The paper further discusses the relationship between language, religion and caste in
India. A related term, Pārya, originates from the Dravidian word for drum (cf. Tamil
paṛai “drum”), and is associated with a similarly low caste status. Pārya also denotes
a Gypsi-like group in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan that speaks a Rajasthani idiom.
The Roma are, therefore, ḍom(b)a – “drummers”. From this Munda loanword, a
whole family of words for various types of drums, tympanums, and tambourines
developed in Indo-Aryan languages, including Hungarian and Romanian, as well as
Croatian and Serbian dob(oš). The root dob- in Croatian is quite obscure and appears
primarily in the word dobovati (which describes the sound of pouring rain, resem-
bling the rhythmic beating on the skin of a taut drum). Its near-synonym rominjati
(referring to drizzling – rain that falls slowly yet steadily, with accompanying sound)
remains a puzzle, unexplained by etymological dictionaries. It may be a remnant
from ancient linguistic times that preserved both the forms dom and rom in their
original, drumming-related meaning.
The paper thus explains the origin of the ethnic name Roma (drummers of non-Aryan
origin) while also shedding light on two obscure Croatian words related to drum-
ming.
KEYWORDS: Dom caste, Romanies, Gypsies, Domari, Lomari, Lomavren, Dumaki, Indo-Aryan languages, Jats, Romani language, history of the Roma, ethnonyms, caste names, drummers, Parya, millet system, language community.

What is the Zargar tribe? Zargar is the name of a clan of Roma people living in Iran. They are remarkably one of the oldest Roma communities to have left European lands, representing one of the first mass migrations of Roma from West to East. This community often remains absent from mainstream narratives because they are not based in Europe, and they are frequently mistaken for the Domari people of the Middle East. The common belief is that only Domari groups live in the region, overshadowing the unique history and presence of the Zargar Roma in Iran. Self-Identity of the Zargar Tribe The Zargar tribe proudly identifies themselves as Roma. In their language, they say Min Rom isom, meaning "I am Rom," and Amin Roma isam, meaning "We are the Roma." While they use the name Zargar to represent their specific clan, most members also carry Zargar as a family surname. The word Zargar means goldsmith in the Farsi language, reflecting their community's traditional occupation as skilled goldsmiths in Iranian lands-a profession that may have accompanied them long before their migration to Iran.

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This paper aims at looking into Rade Uhlik's contribution to the study of Romani-derived argot vocabulary in the Serbo-Croatian language by presenting his study Ciganizmi u šatrovačkom argou i u sličnim govorima [Romani Loanwords in the Argot Šatrovački and in Similar Speech Varieties], and argot materials, which were incorporated into his study Kategorija imperativa u romskom jeziku [The Category of Imperative in the Romani Language] and his dictionary Srpskohrvatsko-romsko-engleski rečnik [Serbo-Croatian-Romani-English Dictionary]. The second part of the paper discusses the reception of his research in this field among linguists and lexicographers dealing with Serbo-Croatian argot, on the one hand, and romologists, on the other.

The main goal of the paper is to make a general overview of Romani loanwords in the Serbian language. To begin, a brief review of the hitherto studies of the topic is presented, which is then followed by a description of the corpus of Romani borrowings in Serbian in accordance with the current level of their study. In addition, mentioned is some linguists’ view that the Roma contribution to the formation of the Serbian lexical fund through borrowing consists not only of Romani loanwords but also of those from other languages that are spoken or have been spoken by members of Roma communities. As a final point, perspectives and possible directions of future studies in this field are indicated.

This paper analyses the practice of consonant marking in the international morphophonematic orthography of the Romani language. It briefly describes the circumstances under which the writing system evolved and goes on to examine the consonant inventory and the system of marking morphographs and palatalization from the perspective of multiple Romani varieties, particularly the Hungarian variety of Lovari. The paper aims to explore the origins of these methods and to provide examples that highlight important and serious problems, both theoretical and practical, about this orthography.

This paper concentrates on the memorial dexis and on the anaphoric use of the demonstrative adjectivetenin Czech. Although the usage of the Czech demonstrative is optional in many cases, there are contexts in which it cannot be omitted. The aim of this article is to characterize the reasons for the obligatory use of the demonstrative and to describe the contexts in which the presence of the Czech demonstrative affects the interpretation of the sentence. Attention is paid to the type of enunciation in narrative texts and evidence is made of a strong tendency to use the demonstrative adjective when the enunciation is of a commentative type. The research is based on written and spoken Czech, using data collected from Czech novels and documentary films dialogues.

From my Berlin apartment I can see a chestnut tree outside my window; it drops its fruit and its leaves are being slowly eaten by time clothed in brown. In the corner store I spot Gorbachev vodka, filtered four times and crystal clear, of course. Mikhail Gorbachev died a few days ago. It was because of him that the regime collapsed, even if he tried to save it by supplying some oxygen in the form of glasnost and perestroika. Nonetheless that same Gorbachev supposedly said, “The Soviet Union without Ukraine is inconceivable” (Ukrainian Weekly, Nov. 24, 1991). The Soviet Union appeared to some as an iceberg, after the melting of which entities appeared that previously seemed not to exist, such as the Baltic countries and Ukraine. In 1989, the ‘Law on Language’ was adopted, which recognized Ukrainian as the only official language. Before that a diglossia existed that divided into a superior language, i.e. Russian, and an inferior language, i.e. Ukrainian. “The 1980s were a national rebirth,” Yuri Andrukhovych (age 63) tells me over Zoom from his Ivano-Frankivsk apartment where the air raid siren no longer sounds as often as it did. “Language was the number one topic. ‘Law on Language’ caused a big debate in society.” Yuri became active in rescuing the language as if it were an endangered species. It was necessary to create special conditions for it, new publications, and take care of the ecology of culture and the ecology of spirit. Perhaps a nation is an imagined community, as Benedict Anderson put it, yet it is difficult to regard languages as imagined entities.

Monografia Neve giľa je spolu s DVD nosičom výsledkom terénnych výskumov približne v 80 rómskych lokalitách, uskutočnených v rokoch 2008 – 2009, ale aj starších výskumov, realizovaných priebežne od roku 1988 na východnom a strednom Slovensku. Okrem zbierky 211 transkribovaných, prepísaných a preložených piesní, rozdelených do 10 skupín podľa tém, publikácia prináša pohľad na zmeny, ktoré pozorujeme v rómskej hudbe „pre seba“ pod vplyvom populárnej hudby, digitalizácie a globalizácie. Zmeny sa dotýkajú nielen samotného repertoáru, ale aj nástrojového obsadenia, zvukovosti, genderového obsadenia v rom-popových kapelách, príležitostí, rýchlosti zmien. Okrem nápadných zmien však pozorujeme aj istú tendenciu k zachovávaniu tradičných prvkov, ktoré sa prejavujú viac v textoch piesní ako v hudobnej zložke, ale aj prenikanie slovenského a iných jazykov do rómskych piesní.

The monograph Neve giľa, together with the DVD, is the result of field research in approximately 80 Roma localities, carried out in 2008-2009, as well as older research, carried out continuously since 1988 in eastern and central Slovakia. In addition to a collection of 211 transcribed and translated songs, divided into 10 groups according to themes, the publication provides a view of the changes that we observe in Roma music "for ourselves" under the influence of popular music, digitalization and globalization. The changes affect not only the repertoire itself, but also the instrumental cast, sound quality, gender cast in Rom-pop bands, opportunities for performance, and the speed of change. In addition to the striking changes, however, we also observe a certain tendency to preserve traditional elements, which are manifested more in the lyrics of songs than in the musical component, but also the penetration of Slovak and other languages into Roma songs.

The present paper provides a detailed etymological account of two hypotheses accounting for the formation of the linguistic sense of the word slang in English lowlife milieu, named the (Anglo-)Romani External Borrowing Hypothesis and the English Internal Borrowing Hypothesis. The English Internal Borrowing Hypothesis, in turn, is found to constitute four possible patterns, differing in whether the linguistic sense of slang constitutes an elaboration of its previous senses as 1) 'a piece of land'; 2) 'a cast or a pitch'; 3) 'a deceptive practice' or, by extension, 'an underworld occupation'; or 4) 'to abuse, to banter with'. The obtained etymological results confirm the tenability of the first three patterns of the English Internal Borrowing Hypothesis. Conversely, the (Anglo-)Romani External Borrowing Hypothesis proves linguistically unsubstantiated, while the fourth pattern of the English Internal Borrowing Hypothesis is found to be both morphologically and chronologically erroneous.

SOMMARIO.-In queste note si è cercato di fornire un pedigree alla locuzione napoletana sciuè sciuè, propagginatasi, in tempi recenziori, in alcuni dialetti, come il lucano e il pugliese, e in ambiti come la cucina, la letteratura e perfino la politica, grazie alla spinta della canzonettistica popolar-nazionale. Lo studio non si limita alla ricerca etimologica, ma si ipotizza che ci si trovi difronte a un linguafranchismo.

A tanulmány egy általános szociolingvisztikai helyzetképet vázol fel a romani mint szociológiai értelemben nem domináns, kisebbségi nyelv helyzetéről, különös tekintettel a magyarországi romani változatokra. Először bemutatja a romani nyelv változatosságának néhány aspektusát, majd áttekinti a beszélők számára vonatkozó statisztikai adatokat. Ezt követően vázolja a romani-párú kétnyelvűség főbb jellemzőit, megvilágítva a hatalmi egyenlőtlenségek nyelvi-nyelvhasználati következményeit. Figyelmet fordít azokra a sajátosságokra, amelyekre a romani nyelvi tervezésnek érdemes tekintettel lennie. Végül a romani megőrzését és használatát támogató nyelvi tervezéshez szükséges kutatásokra vonatkozó ajánlásokat fogalmaz meg.

The study outlines a general sociolinguistic overview of the situation of Romani as a sociologically non-dominant minority language, with particular focus on the Romani varieties spoken in Hungary. It begins by presenting dialectal diversity of Romani, followed by a review of statistical data concerning its speakers in Hungary. Subsequently, it describes the main characteristics of Romani-paired bilingualism, shedding light on the linguistic consequences of power inequalities. Special attention is given to the particularities that should be considered in Romani language planning. Finally, the study provides recommendations for research needed to support language planning efforts aimed at preserving and promoting the use of Romani.

The paper is an attempt to compare words of Romani origin in the Czech and Croatian languages on the basis of two contemporary lexicographic sources. The main objective is to confirm the thesis regarding the presence of words with the same Romani etymon in both languages as well as to provide the semantic charactersitics of the analysed lexemes. The paper also presents information about the frequency of the words of Romani provenience in the Czech and Croatian languages that were collected using Internet corpora of both tongues.

The paper deals with an Indian etymology of the name for the Roma (Rroma, Romanies, Gypsies). It is generally known that Roma are originally from India, and that they came to Europe about 1000 years ago. Although the Roma are constantly linguistically assimilating and losing their Indian language, it is still spoken by large populations, especially in the east and southeast of Europe. It is the only old Indo-Aryan language in Europe, and it is different from all the known languages of the Indian subcontinent. The name Rroma comes from the Indian word ḍom(b)a-and denotes a low-status caste (jat?) made up of nomadic or semi-nomadic musicians and dancers. Members of this group also do various other low-value jobs such as scavenging, undertaking, cremation and alike, while women often engage in dancing and singing, divination and magic practices. We find similar Gypsi-like groups with almost the same name elsewhere in Asia: Ḍumaki in Pakistan (blacksmiths and musicians), Lomari in Armenia, Turkey and neighbouring countries of the Middle East (Caucasian Roma), and Domari in Palestine and neighbouring countries of the Middle East and Central Asia. There are also similar Gypsi-like groups in Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Kazakhstan and elsewhere in the region. These groups are Indian in language and origin, but do not use the Romani name or derivatives of ḍom(b)-. The word ḍom(b)a itself is not Indo-Aryan, but originates from a language of the Mundic group. In Munda, the word simply means "drum, tympanum" and it is the main instrument of Roma musicians. It goes on to discuss the relationship between language, religion and caste in India. The term Pārya, which comes from the Dravidian word for drum (cf. Tamil paṛai "drum"), is of similar origin and caste status. Pārya is also called a Gypsi-like group in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan that speaks a Rajasthani idiom. Roma are therefore ḍom(b)a-"drummers". From this Munda loanword, a whole family of words for various types of drums, tympanums and tambourines developed in Indo-Aryan, including the Hungarian and Romanian as well as Croatian and Serbian dob(oš). The root dob-in Croatian is quite obscure, so we only have it in the word dobovati (when the rain pours down and sounds like rhythmically hitting the skin of a tense drum); while its almost synonym rominjati (drizzling, the slow but steady pouring of the rain with accompanying sound) is a puzzle, which is not explained by etymological dictionaries and could be a holdover from ancient linguistic times that remembered both the forms dom and rom in their original meaning, which was related to drumming. The paper thus explains the origin of the ethnic name of Roma (being the drummers of non-Aryan origine) but also sheds light to two obscure Croatian words related to drumming.

Caló (also known as Romanó) is the mixed speech that Spanish Gitanos developed by combining a Romani lexicon and the Spanish grammar. Since Romantic travelers and scholars documented this language in the first half of the nineteenth century (Conde; Bright 1818; Borrow 1841), Caló has been described as a dying language. However, there is a lack of data on the knowledge and use of this speech by Gitano speakers (Adiego 2005; Buzek 2011a). To begin filling this void, we developed a specific questionnaire that included a vocabulary of 360 key Caló terms with their Spanish translations, and we applied it to an intentional sample of 68 Gitanos and Gitanas in Andalusia. Our informants recognized 129 words on average, a greater knowledge than expected, although also more varied, as few youngsters recognized more than 80 terms. Today Caló is not learned by children as a mother tongue, nor considered a complete language. It is very rare to hear spontaneous conversations in Caló beyond a few p...

List of abbreviations (G)OHRRNM Office for Human Rights and the Rights of National Minorities of the Government of the Republic of Croatia AP NRIS Action Plan for the Implementation of the National Roma Inclusion Strategy CPS Center for Peace Studies CRNM Councils and representatives of national minorities ECHR European Court for Human Rights ECRI European Commission against Racism and Intolerance EU MIDIS European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey EU European Union FLA Free legal aid FRA European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights KNF Key non-Roma figure CAS Culture and arts society LRSGU Local and regional self-government units MOI Ministry of the Interior NGO Non-governmental organizations NRIS National Roma Inclusion Strategy from 2013 to 2020 NRP National Roma Programme OM Ombudswoman RNM Roma national minority RoC Republic of Croatia TEU Treaty on European Union TFEU Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 1 Pursuant to the 2010 Decision of the Croatian Parliament on the Promulgation of the Amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia (OG 76/10), in Title I of the Historical Foundations in paragraph 2 it is stated as follows: "...the Republic of Croatia is hereby established as the nation state of the Croatian nation and the state of the members of its national minorities:

THE RELATIONAL RITUAL OF ONLINE PRAYER IN ROMA COMMUNITIES DURING THE PANDEMIC
During the pandemic, a worldwide revival of religious discourse was observed. Insecurity and isolation in the Transylvanian Gabor Roma communities, which were heavily affected by the pandemic, also intensified the need to turn to the transcendent. This has given rise to the practice of online prayer (lajvo manglimo) on social media, a ritual of both turning to the sacred and reinforcing social solidarity. While prayer used to be an institutional or private practice, mainly linked to the Adventist prayer house scene, it has become an ethnicised, online relational ritual in the COVID period, largely in Romani and with Roma participants. Through participation in prayer, Roma who had been forced to isolate themselves
from each other formed translocal online communities of practice, and a new public domain for Romani language use was created. This paper examines the structure, function, institutionalisation and impact of online prayer on Romani language use based on data collected through online fieldwork.
Keywords: relational ritual, community of practice, online prayer, Romani language use, religious practices online

Az NLP a kevésbé dokumentált, kisebb nyelvek számára jelentős kihívásokat állít a nyelvtechnológia terén, azonban ezek leküzdése hozzájárulhat a nyelvi sokszínűség digitális korszakbeli megőrzéséhez és fejlesztéséhez. Ez azt követeli meg, hogy a romani nyelv esetében is kifejlesszünk adaptált NLP-eszközöket, hasonlóan a magyar nyelvre szabott HunPoS, HuSpaCy nyelvelemző eszközökhöz. Fontos lenne továbbá a már létező nyelvmodellek (pl. PULI) továbbtanítása/adaptálása a romani nyelvre. Ezen új eszközök hozzájárulhatnának a modern és részletesebb romani nyelvű adatbázisok és korpuszok előállításához. Emellett az AI-fordítás során felmerülő lexikai hiányok azonosítása elősegítheti a nyelvújítást, és a közösségek bevonása a kutatásba aktivizálhatja őket, hangsúlyozva a tanulás fontosságát. Ezáltal a romani nyelv vélt vagy valós „lemaradása” ha nem is válna egy csapásra „ledolgozhatóvá”, de nagy lépést tehetnénk abba az irányba.

En este artículo se recoge y analiza una muestra de fórmulas de apertura y de cierre de conversaciones coloquiales en parlache, utilizadas por hablantes de Medellín y su Área Metropolitana. Se ubican su función pragmática y los componentes de las expresiones con base en los aportes de Antonio Briz, María Victoria Escandell, Helena Calsamiglia y Amparo Tusón, entre otros. Los contextos fueron recopilados de testimonios escritos por jóvenes, de artículos de la prensa y de textos literarios.

O iskiripe andre sikavel kodo hindisticko-sanskritisticko diskurzo, so dedulmut formalil e řomani šib. Anglunes analiza kerel kodola terminologijake pušimatonca, hodj e sitjile, vadj žanimaske unžulimata so phenenpe thaj soske diferenciji rakhenpe ande la lumake šiba, apoj perdal dikhel le tatsama alavenge kategoriji. Pala kodo andre sikavel o hindisticko-sanskritisticko dikhipe ande kodole alavara, save ando Ungriko Them dine avri thaj duj peldanca pa punktoste pe punktoste buxles iskiril la semantikake, morfologijake, fonologijake thaj unžulimaske problemi. Po agor la hindickona-sanskritickona rikitake vorbangi proporcijasa agorisajvel o iskiripe, ande soste sikavelpe, ke pašal došales, vadj zorasa kerde formi thaj paša la nasula denotacijasa somnosarde alava le hindickone-sanskritickone neologizmongi proporcija ande unji alavara maj but šaj avel, sar le lemmangi rezervako dopaš.

The process of genesis, evolution and transformation of the development of Timočka krajina in Eastern Serbia, as a long-term process, went through various phases of «opening» or «closing», which alternated in a chain and influenced the ups and downs in the development trajectory of this area. This space was a complex field in which various geographical determinants were intertwined and interpenetrated, affecting the directions of fusion and interpenetration and the characteristics of isolation and separation of this space in relation to the centers of economic and political power, sources of modernization and
innovation, which acted as poles of development and general progress in the wider area. Therefore, in the present and in the modern historical context, it is necessary that we constantly deal with certain evelopment determinants such as infrastructure systems, demographic processes and economic trends that had a positive or negative impact on the regional development and integration of this otherwise important geographical area of Serbia. In this paper, we will analyze the physical-geographical and socio-geographical determinants of opening or, on the contrary, closing in certain phases of the long historical development process of Timočka krajina.

A magyarországi romani lexikográfiai művek közel kétszázharminc évnyi történetének tudományos alapokon nyugvó elemzése még mindig hiányosságot jelent a nyelvtudományi kutatások terén. Eddig csupán Landauer (2016) munkája említhető, amely jelentős mértékben gazdagította a romani nyelvvel kapcsolatos ismereteket ezen a specifikus területen, azonban a szótárak tartalmi analízisére irányuló kutatások továbbra is váratnak magukra. Különösen kevés figyelem irányult eddig a Davies–Máté által (2013, 2015, 2019, 2020, 2022) összeállított/fordított szótárra, ami nemcsak, hogy a legtöbb kiadást megélt szótár, hanem az Usborne kiadó által a világ számos nyelvére lefordított tanulószótári sorozatának is része. Tekintettel arra, hogy a könyv – mely címével ellentétben nem nyelvkönyv, hanem tanulószótár – minden nyelven ugyanazon szavak megfelelőit igyekszik közvetíteni, így a szócikkállomány teljes vizsgálatát követően számos érdekes észrevételt tehetünk.
A szerzők/lektorok többféle stratégiát is követtek (körülírás, belső szóalkotás, kölcsönzés) a romani nyelvben korábban ismeretlen lexikai elemek pótlására, ehhez pedig számos probléma is társult (Rosenberg 2023a, 2023b). A könyv három részre különül el: képfeliratokra, a képfeliratok alatti szószedetekre és a könyv végén lévő szótári részre. Vizsgálatom a szótári részt vizsgálja, azonban a három közel sem fedi egymást.
Az eredmények azt mutatják, hogy komoly gondok akadtak a szavakkal kapcsolatos jelentésmezők pontos megállapításával éppúgy, mint a szavak ragozását illetően – nagyjából ötödük nem felel meg a romani nyelv szabályainak. Ezen felül szerepel még hatvannál több kifejezés, amelyre körülírást alkalmaztak a szerkesztők, valamint több tucat elgépelt adat is található a könyvben. A szócikkek között kb. 30% az aránya azoknak a kifejezéseknek, amelyeknek legalább egy tagját érintette a nyelvújítás, ezeknek kb. 7%-a tekinthető erőszakos, a nyelv szabályait figyelembe nem vevő alkotásoknak. A szótárban szereplő teljes szócikk-állomány 61,9%-a tekinthető helyesnek, a helyes szóalakok 82%-a indokolhatóan szerepel a címszóállományban.

Introduction. The paper presents observations of the author on acquisition of case markers in the Romani language of two Roma children from Bulgaria. This is the first study ever done on acquisition of case system of Romani by children in their natural environment. The study is done in one of the biggest Roma settlement of Bulgaria in the city of Sofia. Romani being a new-Indian language has some features from the Indian languages but also adapted some features from some European languages. It has the ability to express one and the same idea either with a preposition or with a case marker. Methods. The author uses the longitudinal observation of the children in their natural environment, where a woman-representative of the community, was trained to audio record the interviews between parents, family members, community members and the children. This method is known from other studies in field of sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics (Labov, 1973) Results. The study is investigating what is used more frequently by the childrenprepositions or case markers. For this purpose, the utterances of the parents and the children with case markers and with the prepositions have been analyzed. It was found that in the age between 1 to 2 parents and respectively their children use more 217 Acquisition of Case System in Romani Language 217 © Kyuchukov Hristo case markers. In the age from 2 to 3 children use more prepositions. It seems that Roma children need more experience with the language in order to connect the case marker with the function of the preposition in the Romani language.

he intentado años atrás varias aproximaciones al tema. Y bien, debe aclararse desde el principio que hoy sería impensable plantear una historia que abarcara todos los apartados y autores en una ponencia. Nuestro modesto análisis se ceñirá a una delimitación de las primeras contribuciones que deberían insertarse en cada uno de los epígrafes de dialectología y sociolingüística españolas, y a un resumen de sus específicas aportaciones. Constará de los siguientes apartados: 1) Introducción; 2) Dialectología tradicional y geografía lingüística; 3) Dialectología social; 4) Sociolingüística; 5) Estudios sobre la variación lingüística, y 6) Conclusiones.

Předmětem této diplomové práce s názvem ,,Paralingvální a extralingvální prostředky ve výuce českého jazyka na 2. stupni ZŠ" je odhalení nejčastějších neverbálních prostředků, jimiž žáci doprovázejí svůj projev verbální. V teoretické části diplomové práce jsem se nejdříve zabývala komunikací obecně, co si pod tímto pojmem představit, co vše je součástí komunikace, dále jsem pokračovala specifickým druhem komunikace, tedy komunikací pedagogickou. V dalším úseku práce jsem se detailněji zaměřila na rozdělení komunikace na verbální a neverbální (nonverbální), a poté jsem se dostala ke stěžejnímu bodu své práce, tedy k prostředkům mimoslovním, a to extralingválním a paralingválním. Praktická část vycházela z metody pozorování, kdy jsem v každém ročníku 2. stupně základní školy strávila celkem 3 vyučovací hodiny českého jazyka. Vymezila jsem si 4 extraligvální (gestiku, mimiku, oční kontakt + pohledy, proxemiku) a 4 paralingvální (sílu hlasu, tempo řeči, artikulaci a pauzy) prostředky, které jsem blíže pozorovala. Na základě svých poznatků jsem následně sestavila jednu vyučovací hodinu, která měla žákům ukázat, že i když nepoužívají slova, stále hovoří. Závěr své diplomové práce jsem věnovala didaktickému přínosu odučené hodiny na toto téma. Annotation The subject of this diploma thesis entitled ,,Paralingual and extralingual means in teaching the Czech language at the second stage of primary school " is to uncover the most common nonverbal means of communication through which students accompany their verbal language. In the theoretical part of my thesis, I first dealt with communication in general, what this term imagine, what it is all part of communication, then I went on a specific type of communication, then communication in education. In the next part of thesis I was more focused at seperation of communication to verbal and nonverbal and then I got to a crucial point in my thesis, the non-verbal means,

Předmětem této diplomové práce s názvem ,,Paralingvální a extralingvální prostředky ve výuce českého jazyka na 2. stupni ZŠ" je odhalení nejčastějších neverbálních prostředků, jimiž žáci doprovázejí svůj projev verbální. V teoretické části diplomové práce jsem se nejdříve zabývala komunikací obecně, co si pod tímto pojmem představit, co vše je součástí komunikace, dále jsem pokračovala specifickým druhem komunikace, tedy komunikací pedagogickou. V dalším úseku práce jsem se detailněji zaměřila na rozdělení komunikace na verbální a neverbální (nonverbální), a poté jsem se dostala ke stěžejnímu bodu své práce, tedy k prostředkům mimoslovním, a to extralingválním a paralingválním. Praktická část vycházela z metody pozorování, kdy jsem v každém ročníku 2. stupně základní školy strávila celkem 3 vyučovací hodiny českého jazyka. Vymezila jsem si 4 extraligvální (gestiku, mimiku, oční kontakt + pohledy, proxemiku) a 4 paralingvální (sílu hlasu, tempo řeči, artikulaci a pauzy) prostředky, které jsem blíže pozorovala. Na základě svých poznatků jsem následně sestavila jednu vyučovací hodinu, která měla žákům ukázat, že i když nepoužívají slova, stále hovoří. Závěr své diplomové práce jsem věnovala didaktickému přínosu odučené hodiny na toto téma. Annotation The subject of this diploma thesis entitled ,,Paralingual and extralingual means in teaching the Czech language at the second stage of primary school " is to uncover the most common nonverbal means of communication through which students accompany their verbal language. In the theoretical part of my thesis, I first dealt with communication in general, what this term imagine, what it is all part of communication, then I went on a specific type of communication, then communication in education. In the next part of thesis I was more focused at seperation of communication to verbal and nonverbal and then I got to a crucial point in my thesis, the non-verbal means,

La agonía de una lengua. Lo que queda del caló en el habla de los gitanos. Parte II. Un modelo de niveles de competencia y formas de aprendizaje. Voces y campos semánticos más conocidos The agony of a language. What remains of the Caló dialect in the language of the Gypsies.

Drawing on users’ testimonials we discuss how peripatetic populations
forge ideologies around their use of group-internal special vocabulary.
We identify three recurring themes: The discourse of loss that purports
to account for a language history marked by deprivation and anomaly
and intertwined with a notion of incompleteness of one’s own identity;
contemporary negotiation of identity that draws on external reference
points to set boundaries towards others; and explications of language
function, which reconstruct contexts of use. Our case studies involve
the use of use of special vocabulary derived partly or mainly from
Romani among English Gypsies, Norwegian Travellers, and the travelling
Showpeople of northern Italy. We approach these Romani-based
‘special languages’ (‘Sondersprachen’) as acts of identity performance
and revisit the hypothesis that they emerged through convergence
between Romani speakers and indigenous peripatetic populations.

Ústav ošetrovateľstva, Jesseniova lekárska fakulta v Martine, Univerzita Komenského v Bratislave Dětské sestry mají významnou a nezastupitelnou roli v péči o zdravé i nemocné dítě. Tato role je ovlivňována poměrně širokou skupinou faktorů, které zásadním způsobem podmiňují úroveň kvality poskytované péče a bezpečnost dětských pacientů. Jeden z důležitých vlivů působících na práci sester představuje jejich pracovní prostředí. Nezbytným předpokladem kvalitní a bezpečné pediatrické péče je, aby dětské sestry tyto faktory znaly a dokázaly je využít ve prospěch dítěte. Proto se tento příspěvek zaměřuje na určení a popis faktorů ovlivňujících prostředí tak, jak jsou charakterizovány v dostupných zdrojích.