Transitional Justice

In October 24th, 2024 the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearance (CED) and the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID), issued a joint statement on the matter of “short-term enforced disappearances”. Their statement aims to make short-term disappearances more visible, clarify its notion and emphasise that duration is not a constitutive element of enforced disappearance under international human rights law.
This article argues that, within the Inter-American system of human rights, short-term disappearances have not yet been made visible enough, and that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) should also take the task of making “short-term enforced disappearances” visible in the Americas and clarify such notion.

Kruškina osa srčikarica (Janus compressus Fabricius) pripada porodici Cephidae (ose vlatarice). Javlja se periodično. U godinama masovne pojave štete su znatne, osobito vidljive u mladim nasadima kruške i voćnim rasadnicima. Primarni domaćin štetnika je kruška koju najintenzivnije napada. Sekundarni domaćin je jabuka, dok mušmulu, dunju i aroniju napada samo sporadično. U pogledu morfološko-bioloških osobina kruškine ose srčikarice, prvu obuhvatniju znanstvenu studiju objavili su 1935. godine Balachowsky i Mesnil. Dostupna novija literatura skromno opisuje ovoga štetnika. Podaci o biološkom ciklusu vrlo su šturi i nekompletni, a pojedini podaci o biološko-morfološkim osobinama kontradiktorni su i konfuzni. Cilj je ovoga rada dati precizan opis morfoloških osobina kruškine ose srčikarice te tako eliminirati uočene literaturne proturječnosti. Istraživanja morfoloških osobina odraslih, jaja i ličinki ose srčikarice, provedena su tijekom 2011. i 2012. godine. Uzorci su prikupljani u pet...

th 2011 Kruskina osa srcikarica (Janus compressus Fabricius) pripada porodici Cephidae (ose vlatarice). Javlja se periodicno. U godinama masovne pojave stete su znatne, osobito vidljive u mladim nasadima kruske i vocnim rasadnicima. Primarni domacin stetnika je kruska koju najintenzivnije napada. Sekundarni domacin je jabuka, dok musmulu, dunju i aroniju napada samo sporadicno. U pogledu morfolosko-bioloskih osobina kruskine ose srcikarice, prvu obuhvatniju znanstvenu studiju objavili su 1935. godine Balachowsky i Mesnil. Dostu pna novija literatura skromno opisuje ovoga stetnika. Podaci o bioloskom ci klusu vrlo su sturi i nekompletni, a pojedini podaci o biolosko-morfoloskim osobinama kontradiktorni su i konfuzni. Cilj je ovoga rada dati precizan opis morfoloskih osobina kruskine ose srcikarice te tako eliminirati uocene literaturne proturjecnosti. Istraživanja morfoloskih osobina odraslih, jaja i licinki ose srcikarice, provedena su tijekom 2011. i 2012. godine. Uzorci su prikupl...

Campaign Zero evaluated the policing practices of San Diego Police Department (SDPD) and San Diego Sheriff's Department (SDSD).Our results show both departments to be engaged in a pattern of discriminatory policing. Both departments stopped black people at a rate more than 2x higher than white people and were more likely to search, arrest, and use force against black people during a stop. Both departments not only use force more often but also use more severe forms of force against black people than other groups, even after controlling for arrest rates and alleged level of resistance.We also found evidence of anti-Latinx bias, anti-LGBT bias and bias against people with disabilities in both departments' search practices

After operating biasedly for seven years and spending 6 billion Colombian pesos, the misnamed JEP (Special Jurisdiction for Peace) has just violated the rights of nearly 22,000 victims in Colombia and cynically mocked the Colombian people. Its fundamental role was to punish the perpetrators and compensate the victims, as justice for all is applied worldwide. Respect for human rights should be a principle in judicial rulings, with the defense and relief of victims as its fundamental support. In our country, the opposite is true. The institution spuriously created to defend victims, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, has become the defender and accomplice of criminals. The leaders of narcoterrorist organizations who signed a flawed peace agreement and pledged to repair the damage caused to their victims, an agreement they never fulfilled, are today rewarded for their crimes against humanity, leaving the victims mocked and without hope of reparations. After these leaders committed and sponsored crimes such as kidnapping, torture, violence, and sexual abuse against children, murdered farmers, committed robbery, extortion, and ran a narcoterrorist organization, the JEP has the nerve to reward them with eight years of planting trees and practicing nature tourism. It is a shame for Colombia and the world that our moral corruption reaches these extremes.

Education is widely acknowledged as a central mechanism for shaping individuals' values, identities, and capacities for civic engagement. In contexts of violent conflict and postconflict reconstruction, education has a dual potential: it can either contribute to peace by promoting tolerance, social cohesion, and nonviolent conflict-resolution skills, or it can exacerbate divisions when curricula, access, and institutions are instrumentalised for exclusionary or partisan ends. This paper provides a comprehensive examination of the role of education in peacebuilding. It synthesizes conceptual frameworks, empirical findings, and illustrative case studies to identify pathways by which formal and non-formal education contribute to prevention, mitigation, and recovery from violent conflict. The analysis highlights peace education curricula, teacher training, equitable access, psychosocial support, and community engagement as core domains. The paper also addresses structural and political challenges-inequities, curricular biases, resource constraints, and securitized schooling-and offers policy recommendations for practitioners and policymakers dedicated to harnessing education's transformative potential for sustainable peace.

The criminal plot uncovered in Mexico involving high-level officials from the Navy, Customs, and federal government officials will require a Truth Commission operating in parallel with the official investigations, taking into account the interests of various pressure and interest groups that will substantially alter the final outcome. This is the proposal I have submitted to various media outlets.

Copyright © Viella N.B: Copia ad uso personale e istituzionale. È vietata la riproduzione (totale o parziale) dell'opera con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata e la sua messa a disposizione di terzi, sia in forma gratuita sia a pagamento. Copyright © Viella N.B: Copia ad uso personale e istituzionale. È vietata la riproduzione (totale o parziale) dell'opera con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata e la sua messa a disposizione di terzi, sia in forma gratuita sia a pagamento.

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This edited volume explores the history and evolution of Turkish paramilitarism from the late Ottoman period to the 2010s. Aimed at undergraduates, postgraduates, scholars, and non-specialists, it offers an interdisciplinary analysis of paramilitary forces' influence on Turkey's historical, political, social, legal, and visual landscapes. The book examines key issues such as the Armenian Genocide, anti-communist operations, Alevi pogroms, and anti-Kurdish violence, and delves into how state-sponsored paramilitary groups have shaped the nation's modern history. Through case studies, examining key paramilitary groups such as Grey Wolves, Village Guards, and JİTEM, contributors reveal the deep-seated connections between paramilitarism and statecraft in Turkey. With a unique focus on the suppression of marginalised groups, including Armenians, Kurds, and Alevis, the book presents groundbreaking research on how paramilitarism has been instrumental in state violence, both domestically and internationally. By incorporating political, economic, and social dimensions, this volume offers a fresh perspective on the enduring role of paramilitary actors in shaping Turkish state policies and provides readers with a comprehensive understanding of the complex dynamics behind informal violence in Turkey's history.

Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей міжнародного гуманітарного права (МГП). Автор стверджує, що МГП є сучасним і винятковим втіленням jus belli (права війни). Цей унікальний статус, на думку автора, пояснює особливу двоетапну модель імплементації МГП, яка є прагматичною адаптацією до реалій збройного конфлікту. Автор простежує класичну дихотомію між правом війни (jus belli) та правом миру (jus pacis), закладену такими мислителями, як Гуго Гроцій. Хоча заборона на застосування сили в Статуті ООН, здавалося б, ліквідувала цей поділ, автор наполягає, що це не скасувало потреби в правилах під час конфлікту. Навпаки, ця «революція в «jus ad bellum» зробила jus in bello (сучасне МГП) автономним, вимагаючи його рівного застосування до всіх сторін, незалежно від того, хто є агресором. Це забезпечує захист усім жертвам. Автор протиставляє МГП праву мирного часу, яке функціонує в «парадигмі співпраці», заснованій на добросовісності, взаємності та довгострокових інтересах. Ці принципи не діють під час збройного конфлікту-стану «анти-співпраці», де військові цілі переважають над взаємною вигодою. Ця фундаментальна відмінність вимагає для МГП унікальної системи імплементації, відмінної від усіх інших галузей МГП. Ця система Імплементації є двоетапною. Перший етап, під час збройного конфлікту, є непримусовим і зосередженим на моніторингу. Такі інститути, як Міжнародний комітет Червоного Хреста та Держави-покровительки, діють на основі згоди держав. Їхня роль полягає не у примусі, що неможливо під час бойових дій, а у спостереженні, наданні допомоги та документуванні порушень. Такий підхід є не слабкістю, а необхідною адаптацією до умов війни. Другий етап-це постконфліктне правосуддя, яке і є справжнім механізмом правозастосування МГП. Автор стверджує, що вся галузь міжнародного кримінального права виникла як функціональна відповідь на дефіцит примусу в МГП під час війни. Створення трибуналів ad hoc, постійного Міжнародного кримінального суду (МКС) та принцип універсальної юрисдикції інституціоналізували модель індивідуальної кримінальної відповідальності за воєнні злочини. Крім того, застосування принципу lex specialis до відносин між МГП та міжнародним правом прав людини підтверджує, що МГП є спеціалізованим правом, що діє під час збройного конфлікту. Автор робить висновок, що розуміння МГП як сучасного права війни специфічною двоетапною системою імплементації є вирішальним для розуміння його природи. Воно допомагає уникнути нереалістичних очікувань щодо припинення насильства в реальному часі, водночас підтверджуючи, що кінцевою метою є відповідальність через спробу побудови ефективних постконфліктних правових механізмів. Ключові слова:

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Aquí vamos a demostrar nítidamente cómo el ladeamiento
desvergonzado de la CVR a favor del Estado, sus Fuerzas Armadas (FFAA), Fuerzas Policiales (FFPP) y fuerzas complementarias, la lleva a ocultar y falsear deliberadamente hechos, documentos y cifras con el objetivo de
imputar que el PCP es una organización terrorista y geno-
cida, incluso con mayor responsabilidad de muertes que las
fuerzas represivas del Estado. Y tamaña mentira pretenden
imponerla repitiéndola miles de veces, aplicando lo que el
fascista Goebbels dijera: “Miente, miente, que algo queda”.
Pero esa sarta de calificativos no es nueva.

This paper addresses the transformation of the human rights discourse in post-communist Albania from the early 1990s, during the transition period, to the recent years, which reflect a professionalization of the civil society organizations and a different set of human rights issues. In order do understand the changes in the human rights discourse in Albania, it is useful to scrutinize the late socialist period of the dictatorship and contrast this peculiar Stalinist regime with other countries in the Eastern Europe, which were more innovative in terms of socialist legality, conceptualizations of socialist human rights as well as challenged the assumed socialist framework of human rights through public dissent. This paper uses a qualitative methodology and relies on the analysis of textual evidence to underline the differences and similarities across time regarding the human rights discourse in post-communist Albania. On the other hand, the paper highlights the role of political parties, their programmatic ideas on human rights, and the role of civil society organizations and associations that address and defend human rights in the Albanian society. One of the key findings of the research is that the basis of the human rights discourse in post-communist Albania, particularly after regime change, was created by political parties and not so much by civil society organizations. The second key finding of the paper is that the shift in human rights discourse and its set of issues happens as a consequence of external institutions influence and the so-called professionalization of civil society, which is not simply focusing on the advocacy of human rights.

La publicación aporta al conocimiento de las graves violaciones de derechos humanos, ocurridas durante el conflicto armado en Guatemala, particularizada desde los procesos de exhumación, en los cuales se intentó recuperar los restos de personas fallecidas en contexto de desplazamiento forzado, inhumadas en sitios clandestinos de enterramiento.

La publicación aporta al conocimiento de las graves violaciones de derechos humanos, ocurridas durante el conflicto armado en Guatemala, particularizada desde los procesos de exhumación, en los cuales se intentó recuperar los restos de menores de edad, inhumados en sitios clandestinos de enterramiento.

RESUMO O artigo analisa as políticas públicas para a efetivação do direito à memória e à verdade no Brasil, destacando seu desenvolvimento histórico e a relevância dos espaços públicos de discussão sobre o tema. A partir da teoria da esfera pública de Jürgen Habermas, investigaremos como a memória e a verdade são normatizadas como direitos fundamentais. O trabalho examina o Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH), com foco no eixo VI, que trata da apuração e esclarecimento das violações ocorridas durante a ditadura militar. Também discute a criação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), sua atuação e desafi os, especialmente no contexto político e social que envolveu sua implementação. O artigo aponta que, embora a CNV tenha cumprido seu papel de investigação e documentação, sua capacidade de promover justiça e evitar a repetição de violações depende da continuidade de políticas públicas e do engajamento da sociedade. Concluímos que o direito à memória e à verdade, embora publicizado, ainda enfrenta resistências e obstáculos institucionais que difi cultam sua possível realização.

This article uses urban semiotics as a lens to analyze elite power relations in Iraqi politics, as well as the role and limits of impunity therein. The article focuses on the contestation of symbolism in Baghdadi public space between different political and security actors with a special focus on the symbolism of the Popular Mobilization Units (the Hashd al-Sha'bi) and the Sadrists. Understanding the informal rules and mechanisms that govern how elite actors utilize public space reveals much about how power relations are negotiated, upheld, and contested. It also sheds light on the countervailing pressures and considerations that constrain the impunity that elite actors enjoy.

Dr. Abdurahman Baadiyow’s work highlights the forgotten legacy of Sheikh Said Muqdishawi (Said of Mogadishu), a 14th-century Somali scholar and traveler. Born in Mogadishu in 1301, Said traveled across the Indian Ocean, spreading Somali intellectual and Islamic traditions to places like Mecca, India, and China. Despite his significant impact, Said's story has been overshadowed by more famous explorers like Ibn Battuta. Baadiyow’s work aims to reclaim Said’s legacy, restore Somalia’s historical contributions to global knowledge, and inspire future generations of Somalis to reconnect with their rich cultural heritage.

Peut-on réellement attribuer à l’Histoire un pouvoir de
jugement ? Ne risque-t-on pas de projeter sur elle des valeurs humaines ou divines qu’ellen’a pas ? La formule pose de redoutables problématiques : l’Histoire est-elle un sujet jugeant ou un simple récit des historiens ? Le verdict de l’« histoire » est-il forcément plus
vrai ou plus juste que celui des contemporains ?

The Southwest State of Somalia’s inaugural Peace and Culture Week, held in September 2025, served as a transformative event promoting peace, cultural identity, and social development. The week featured a blend of cultural performances, educational exhibitions, and initiatives focused on preserving the Maay language and fostering peacebuilding. Highlighting contributions from various sectors, the event aimed to unite the Somali people in their pursuit of a peaceful, prosperous future. This initiative has set a model for other regions, encouraging them to adopt similar peace-focused celebrations and deepen national unity.

Primeiramente, cumpre observar que o voto do Ministro Fux foi maior do que o voto e relatório do Ministro Relator. Depois dos votos do Ministro Relator, Alexandre de Moraes e Ministro Flávio Dino, o placar está em 2x1 pela condenação do ex-presidente.
Cumpre observar que todo processualista é, antes de tudo, um detalhista.

https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003134220-9/mobilising-international-law-subverting-judicial-form-guillaume-mouralis

This chapter analyses how the 1967 Russell Tribunal provided an original way for laypeople to mobilise law and invest in judicial forms. This collective experience was marked by initial hesitations in claiming the term tribunal and – in doing so – undertaking a symbolic coup that was likely to be denounced as a scandalous usurpation by state authorities. The Russell Tribunal was additionally permeated with internal disagreements and structural tensions between legal, political, and intellectual rationales. However, in the end, the Tribunal worked by accomplishing the considerable tasks of gathering abundant and quality documentation, presenting ample and consistent evidence, and making carefully argued legal conclusions. Far from engaging in poor judicial mimicry, the Tribunal members in fact creatively hybridised legal norms and judicial forms. Indeed, the Tribunal fostered the emergence of a new form of activist and subversive legal consciousness. Based on the idea that law belongs to everyone and that every citizen can be a juror by exercising their right to confront facts with laws, this empowerment of laypeople represented a new, utopian conception of justice.

Macedonia, with its legal system of human rights and freedoms as
well as its relevant protection regime, belongs to the category of States where continental law is applied and where the primary sources of law are the Constitution, the national laws and the international agreements concluded and ratified in accordance with the legislation. Article 9 of the Macedonian Constitution states that citizens are equal in their freedoms and rights, regardless of sex, race, color of skin, national and social origin, political and religious beliefs, property and social status. All citizens are equal before the Constitution and law. This is very important for Macedonian society which consists of different national minorities and is compatible with the libertarian and democratic spirit of its constitutional
system. In the Macedonian constitutional system, human rights and freedoms are not regulated and granted, but are confirmed and guaranteed by the Constitution. They are not brought into the constitutional system from the outside by a subjective act of State power, but they are integrated into the system as an expression of the quality and dynamics of societal relations. The Macedonian State is a member of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe and has ratified numerous international agreements and has committed itself through the Constitution to conform to the principles enshrined in these agreements. Respect for the generally
accepted norms of international law is stated as one of the fundamental principles of the Macedonian constitutional order (Article 8) and the international agreements that are ratified in conformity with the Constitution are an integral part of the internal legal order and cannot be changed by law (Article 118). In addition to the brief historical review in the development of human rights and freedoms, this chapter will continue with the analysis of the relationship between Macedonia and the UN from a human rights perspective, what UN human rights conventions is Macedonia a State Party, human rights protection obligations deriving from the UN Conventions and on how are they reflected in the Macedonian Constitution and major legal acts of the country.

يظل التاريخ الصومالي في العصور الوسطى مهمشًا في السرديات العالمية، رغم أن مدنه الساحلية كانت مراكز للتجارة والفكر والدين، حيث التقت طرق الجزيرة العربية وفارس والهند وأفريقيا. في هذا السياق برز الشيخ سعيد المقدشاوي (1301–1365) كعالم ورحالة ودبلوماسي صومالي جسّد مكانة القرن الأفريقي كجسر حضاري.

The present paper discusses the legal standpoint of immunities of foreign state officials under Rwandan criminal law. It places its focus on the conflicting circumstances between diplomatic privileges known as immunities the state of criminal accountability. The paper dives into the fact that Rwanda, as post-genocide legal system which prioritizes eradication of impunity, but yet it has to compromise with the requirements of sovereign immunity found under treaties like the Vienna Convention on diplomatic immunities (1961) and numerous customary international laws it signed. The paper goes deep into the analysis Rwanda's constitutional and statutory provisions, judicial practices, and regional/international obligations, seeking to make the reader to understand the present status quo and at the same time revealing gaps in domestic legislation and procedural difficulties in handling immunity claims. The paper evaluates Rwanda's ability to make a balance between the commitment to combat impunity and the tolerance of immunity, particularly with regard to the conduct of international crimes, using comparative analysis as a tool. Following that, the paper concludes with suggestions for enhancing Rwanda's immunity laws. The suggestions include strengthening court rules for the treatment of individuals with immunities and passing explicit immunity procedural and substantive statutes.

Abordaje crítico de las vías de garantía del derecho al medio ambiente sano desde conceptos transdisciplinarios que tratan de perfilar una propuesta intercultural, interdisciplinaria y compleja que sirva como parámetro de resolución de conflictos entre los derechos humanos y el equilibrio medioambiental.

Este artículo explora la relación entre arte y derecho como un espacio fecundo para repensar la reparación simbólica de violaciones a derechos humanos. A partir del concepto borgeano del hecho estético y su potencia transformadora, los autores proponen que el arte puede operar como herramienta epistemológica, pedagógica y jurídica para reparar lo irreparable. Mediante ejemplos concretos (como piezas de barro negro, collages y bordados) se demuestra cómo el arte puede subvertir el monopolio estatal de la reparación, abrir espacios de agencia para las víctimas y proponer formas de justicia más humanas, sensibles y participativas. La noción de “emancipación estética del Estado” atraviesa toda la propuesta, entendiendo el arte como una vía para democratizar el derecho, resignificar el daño y disputar el sentido de la reparación más allá de lo institucional.

This paper shows that transitional justice initiatives such as the trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Commission for Srebrenica and the establishment of accurate statistics on deaths during the conflict have had only a limited impact on inter-group reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Popular attitudes towards these initiatives are captured in surveys conducted in 2005 and 2010. The results are not surprising given that the absence, due to the level of external regulation and control, of a politics of post-Dayton state-building means that domestic politics takes place in an arena of dealing with the past. The international community legitimised the three prevalent conflict narratives as a way of achieving a peace settlement in Dayton. These communal narratives were used in the peace-building phase by the local elites to defend concessions gained during negotiations and to oppose changes impo...

O presente artigo se dedica a uma análise crítica e aprofundada da Proposta de Emenda à Constituição (PEC) das Prerrogativas, conhecida como "PEC da Blindagem", explorando a complexa dinâmica de seu debate no cenário político e jurídico brasileiro. A investigação foca na tensão entre os Poderes Legislativo e Judiciário, revisitando os fundamentos da separação de poderes e as garantias institucionais inerentes a cada um. Exploramos a motivação da proposição da PEC, que, para seus defensores, busca restabelecer o equilíbrio republicano supostamente violado pelo ativismo judicial, em especial nas investigações criminais de parlamentares. Em contrapartida, a análise se aprofunda nos argumentos de seus críticos, que apontam a proposta como um retrocesso democrático, capaz de minar o combate à corrupção e criar uma casta de intocáveis, subvertendo o princípio da igualdade perante a lei. A pesquisa dogmática se estende à hermenêutica das imunidades parlamentares, do foro por prerrogativa de função e da inviolabilidade, demonstrando como esses institutos, em sua concepção original, visam proteger o cargo e não o indivíduo. O objetivo é fornecer uma visão abrangente e imparcial do tema, desvendando as nuances jurídicas e políticas que subjazem ao debate, e oferecer subsídios para que profissionais do direito compreendam a relevância do tema para o futuro do Estado Democrático.

Lo scoppio della prima guerra mondiale determinò l'avvio di una giustizia d'eccezione esercitata dai tribunali militari 2 (suddivisi tra commissioni d'inchiesta, tribunali territoriali, tribunali presso le truppe 1 Este artículo ha sido elaborado en el marco del Proyecto de Investigación DER2013-42039-P, cuyo título es "Evolución de las jurisdicciones especiales como instrumentos de control político-religioso, de seguridad y de orden público",

El presente artículo muestra cómo en determinados momentos de la historia política colombiana se ha reproducido la violencia a través del discurso, reforzando la necesidad de implementar normas penales y generar opinión pública en torno a ellas, lo que puede dar cuenta de cómo el Estado y los grupos hegemónicos buscan reafirmar lo que debe entenderse por orden social, fortaleciendo la necesidad de introducir normas penales que definen al "enemigo" en determinados contextos históricos, mostrándose el discurso como uno de los elementos decisivos en la introducción de las normas que precedieron, reforzaron y posibilitaron la implementación del Código Penal de 1980 (Decreto 100 de 1980).

In this article, I undertake a comparative analysis of the Jewish experience in the restitution of artworks looted by the Nazis in Germany and that of Africans seeking the return of religious artifacts, works of art, and human remains plundered during German colonization from 1884 to 1919. My objective is to examine and understand why the Jewish experience in recovering Nazilooted art has achieved significant success, characterized by large-scale restitutions supported by national and international legal frameworks, while the African experience remains far below expectations. Despite more than sixty years of post-independence claims, a vast portion of Africa's looted heritage remains housed in Western, particularly German, museums. I thus seek to identify the key factors that explain this disparity: What historical, legal, organizational, political, or institutional elements have contributed to the (albeit still incomplete) success of the Jewish restitution process? How can the Jewish experience in recovering stolen cultural property serve as an inspiration and a strategic model to strengthen African initiatives, enabling the continent to achieve a comparable or even greater level of success in reclaiming its cultural and historical heritage? What are the primary obstacles hindering Africa's efforts in negotiating with the West for the restitution of its plundered cultural assets? In addition to contributing to the ongoing heated debate on restitutions, this work also engages with another highly contentious discourse currently unfolding in Germany-one that has led to accusations of antisemitism against several renowned intellectuals, such as Achille Mbembe

Focusing on British artist Marcus Coates's Apology to the Great Auk, a short film documenting an official apology to an extinct bird, this article explores the possibility and desirability of political apologies for anthropogenic species extinction. While the apology presented in the film fails to meet key criteria, it nonetheless offers something of political value. Coates's work constitutes an audacious and innovative attempt to leverage ecological grief and guilt to counteract dominant discourses that devalue more-than-human life; to redraw the boundaries of the moral, legal, and political community; and to imagine a future of multispecies flourishing. By interpreting Apology to the Great Auk through the lenses of environmental transitional justice, bad environmentalism, and ecological prefiguration, the article demonstrates its potential as an artistic project, and the potential of ecological apologies more generally, to help us think and work towards care, justice, and moral repair beyond the human.

Denuncia cómo el juicio llamado policialmente "Perseo" contra el Movimiento por Amnistía y Derechos Fundamentales -MOVADEF- en Perú, es aplicación del Derecho penal del enemigo, consistente en una más amplia y extensiva definición de terrorismo a la ideología y usada como arma de guerra en no guerra.

This article is a contribution to scholarship on the teaching of international law, in general, and in Nordic countries, in particular. The article draws on lessons from international law as situated and embedded in national and regional politics and systems of governance. That is, although international law is international, it is approached and implemented differently depending on situation and location. The article emphasizes that contemporary teaching of international law should engage with how situation and location matters for how international law is approached and it should also reflect contemporary global challenges. The article uses the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan as an example, as well as experiences from teaching international law with the help of a peacemaking role-play focused on the conflict in Afghanistan.