Twelfth-Century 'Renaissance

The fragment of the Digest (D.34.5.7–34.5.15) is an important witness of the large acceptance and authority of Rogerius’ commentaries on the Digestum which were propagated by Ioannes Bassianus and his disciples at the threshold of the 13th century. In the chronological series of known early copies of the Digestum Infortiatum, the fragment of St. Petersburg may claim a place after the codex Bamb. Jur. 14 and before Bamb. Jur. 15, probably next to the Wien. C. 2261. As analyzing the glosses marked with the siglum of Rogerius in the St. Petersburg fragment and manuscripts of the same period, one can appreciate the approaches used in copying glosses of various types, which were attributed to a renowned scholar. Scribes used copies of the Codex Rogerius, made by the immediate successors of Rogerius, as exemplar for copying glosses, but they could examine the Codex Rogerius itself if necessary. The glosses in the Bamb. Jur. 14 are obviously the closest to the original of Rogerius. There is, however, no great reliability of Rogerius’ authorship attributed by the copyists to the glosses, which pointed to parallel passages (allegationes). More trustworthy is the attribution to Rogerius of the glosses directly related to them, which contain the resolution of contradictions in parallel places (solutiones). The attribution of the so-called «red signs» to Rogerius can be recognized as quite reliable, although for some reason copyists often refused to reproduce them. Rogerius’s attribution of the explanatory glosses, which are the most valuable part of his commentary, is the most reliable. They are not reproduced in the fragment, since the copyist was familiar with the consistent commentary of Nicolaus Furiosus.

This paper explores the teaching of theology within the conventual school of Bologna between the arrival of the first fratres in the city and the commencement of the fifth generalate, that of Humbert of Romans (1254). The analysis focuses on the Dominican legislative framework regarding education, as documented in the earliest constitutions and the proceedings of general and provincial chapters. Particular emphasis is placed on the texts used and the methods of theological instruction employed by the initial community of Preachers in Bologna, first within the internal school of the church of San Niccolò delle Vigne and later at the conventual studium established at San Domenico. The elevation of the latter to the status of Studium generale in 1248 led to an increase in student enrollment and to the consolidation of teaching activities within the community, also thanks to the presence of friars who had previously gained experience in the study and teaching of canon law or the artes at Bologna before joining the Order. Moreover, the intellectual profile and library holdings of a lector at the Bolognese conventual studium are reconstructed through the examination of the inventory of Giovanni da Torino, who served as lector conventualis in Bologna between 1243 and 1254, before assuming the office of Prior of the Province of Lombardy.

Il contributo analizza l’insegnamento della teologia nella scuola conventuale bolognese negli anni compresi tra l’insediamento dei primi fratres in Bologna sino all’avvio del quinto generalato, quello di Umberto di Romans (1254). Viene considerato il quadro normativo domenicano in materia scolastica, noto attraverso le prime costituzioni e gli atti delle assemblee generali e provinciali. In particolare sono stati considerati i testi e le modalità di insegnamento della teologia presso la prima comunità di Predicatori in Bologna, dapprima nella scuola interna della chiesa di San Niccolò delle Vigne, poi nello studio conventuale in San Domenico, la cui elevazione, nel 1248, al rango di Studium generale portò a un incremento dell’afflusso di studenti e alla stabilizzazione dell’attività didattica interna alla comunità, anche con la presenza di frati che avevano già maturato esperienza nello studio e nell’insegnamento del diritto canonico o delle artes a Bologna prima di entrare nell’Ordine. L’universo librario di un lettore dello Studio conventuale bolognese è stato ricostruito attraverso lo studio dell’inventario della biblioteca di Giovanni da Torino, lector conventualis a Bologna negli anni 1243-1254, poi priore della provincia di Lombardia.

RESEÑAS 207 todo ser humano disponga de lo necesario para su desarrollo); sin embargo no se puede coartar el derecho de éste a procurarse lo necesario para su superviviencia (un derecho natural) que, en su caso, pasa por el derecho a solicitar limosna; y sería desaconsejado hacerlo por el bien de los individuos y del buen funcionamiento de la comunidad. En todo su discurso Domingo de Soto nos da muestras, por un lado, de un profundo conocimiento de la situación social y cultural de la España de la primera mitad del siglo XVI, y no sólo en sus disposiciones oficiales y legales, sino también en la descripción social, costumbrista, psicológica y vital de los agentes sociales al retratar con gran viveza no sólo los argumentos de los mendicantes, sino incluso los argumentos a favor o en contra de aquellos a los que les eran solicitados con ruegos la limosna. Mas, por encima de todo, al dominico le preocupa, por un lado, la satisfacción de las necesidades materiales y espirituales de tales agentes, y por ello sus observaciones tienen un doble trasfondo: por un lado lo que por justicia les es debido (no tanto que el Estado les proporcione lo necesario como cuanto que puedan proveerselo: con trabajo, con la mendicidad cuando no tienen posibilidad, apelando a la bondad, caridad y generosidad de los otros, con la libre circulación, buscando en otros lugares los recursos que necesitan, etc.). Advierte, en este punto, en la obligación de solidaridad que hay entre personas, e incluso entre ciudades, reinos o países derivada del derecho que tiene toda persona para lograr lo necesario para su cumplido desarrollo. Por otro lado, en cuanto al gobernante, Soto advierte que si bien en casos de extrema necesidad puede obligar a sus súbditos a dar limosnas para subsanar una grave necesidad asistencial; en último término es un problema de la comunidad, pues ésta no puede impedir que los súbditos establezcan donaciones directas y voluntarias.

Em diálogo com novas referências historiográficas
e abordagens interpretativas sobre a História da Educação
na Idade Média, nossa intenção neste artigo é compreender
o significado da obediência e os seus tensionamentos em
ambientes monásticos e naqueles ligados a catedrais urbanas
entre as décadas finais do século XI e as iniciais do XII. Com
isso, acreditamos ser possível acessar os significados por trás
dessas ações cotidianas nos processos de formação dos mais
jovens que parecem indicar não a mera existência de rupturas ou
questionamento dos poderes vigentes a anunciar o surgimento
de algo novo como por tanto tempo se imaginou, mas a criação
de novas relações pessoais conectadas ao aumento de opções
de acesso a novos mestres então a oferecer seus conhecimentos
e uma mobilidade discente pouco comum até o século XI.
Assim, com base em passagens encontradas nos epistolários
de João de Salisbury (c.1120-1180), Anselmo de Canterbury
(c.1033-1109) e Bernardo de Claraval (1090-1153), entre outras
fontes, nosso intento é jogar luz sobre esses tensionamentos
na esperança de enxergar melhor o factível protagonismo
dos que ainda estavam em busca de aprendizagem e quais
eram as características destas, sobretudo em períodos de
grandes e profundas transformações como foi o século XII.

Platonic demonology was known in the Middle Ages mainly through Apuleius, Calcidius, Augustine, and Martianus Capella. In the 12 th century, there was a true revival of Platonic demonology, the textual and pictorial traditions of which can be traced in the era's commentaries on Plato's Timaeus, Macrobius' Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis, and Martianus Capella's De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, among others. This contribution examines works of Lambert of Saint-Omer, William of Conches, Peter Abelard, and Bernard Silvestris; Raoul of Longchamp and Alain of Lille are also quickly mentioned.

Cet article confirme d'un côté que les discussions les plus intéressantes du point de vue d'une pragmatique médiévale relèvent du domaine théologique ; d'un autre côté, il atténue le jugement négatif sur l'apport des oeuvres logiques à l'histoire de la pragmatique médiévale, au moins pour le xii e siècle. Il examine d'abord les théories de Pierre Abélard, dans le rapprochement des idées qui venaient de Boèce et de Priscien, ainsi que celles d'un de ses élèves ; ensuite, il entreprend l'examen de la théorie d'un théologien de la fin du xii e siècle, Raoul Ardent. Il analyse enfin les discussions développées au xiii e siècle dans le domaine théologique, sur les ordres, les interdictions, la permission et les relations parmi ces trois éléments. Quelques réflexions générales sur ces thèmes le concluent.

🔗Per acquistare il volume: https://bit.ly/3WjS0Nn
Les Masā’il Khālid li-Maryānus al-rāhib (Questions de Khālid au moine Maryānus) sont un dialogue alchimique, qui porte sur le grand oeuvre et la fameuse pierre des philosophes. Elles se présentent comme une série de questions et réponses entre Khālid b. Yazīd b. Mu‘āwiya (m. 704), fils du deuxième calife omeyyade, et Maryānus, moine byzantin alchimiste. Ce texte occupe une place de choix dans l’histoire de l’alchimie. Il a été rédigé en arabe, peut-être dans la première moitié du Xe siècle. Il est le premier traité d’alchimie à avoir été intégralement traduit en latin, en 1144 par Robert de Chester, sous le titre Morienus (Morien). Cette traduction a connu une très large diffusion en Occident, avec plusieurs éditions et traductions en langues vernaculaires dès le XVIe siècle. Le texte arabe n’avait jamais été édité. Quant aux deux versions latines principales, elles avaient connu des éditions, mais celle-ci étaient anciennes et non-critiques; de plus, elles ne tenaient pas compte de l’original arabe, désormais disponible. Le présent ouvrage offre au lecteur une édition critique et une traduction française du texte arabe et de ces deux versions latines. Il propose également une étude et un commentaire du texte. Du côté arabe, ceux-ci portent sur son contexte de production, ses sources et la doctrine qu’il véhicule. Du côté latin, l’étude s’intéresse à la place du Morienus dans le mouvement des traductions arabo-latines médiévales et aux spécificités de la traduction par rapport à son original. Les traditions textuelles des trois versions éditées sont également étudiées en détail.

"Liber de wazalkora” is the title of an unpublished Latin treatise on the construction and use of the planispheric astrolabe, which appears to have been compiled in southeast Germany (Bavaria) in the second half of the 12th century. It is to a large extent derived from other astrolabe sources available in the Latin West before 1100, but also contains material that has no precedent in any of the known literature. The analysis presented in this article concentrates on the Liber de wazalkora’s section on the use of the astrolabe, which is unusual for both its extraordinary length and frequently atypical astronomical content. A study of the Arabic loan vocabulary in this section leads to the conclusion that some parts of the text were derived from an unidentified Arabic source, presumably via a Latin intermediary.

Abstract. This chapter deals with the prehistory of the notion of voluntas by examining Plato’s portrayal of divine will in the Timaeus and by tracing its evolution in the earliest Latin translations of the dialogue. This analysis illustrates how Plato’s nuanced terminology for expressing the Demiurge’s will gradually becomes standardized, being often translated uniformly through voluntas and velle. Particular attention will be devoted to Calcidius, who strongly accentuates the notion of divine will in his translation while presenting a less pronounced, non-radical conception of it in his commentary. By highlighting this asymmetry between translation and commentary, this study shows that it does not imply any inconsistency on Calcidius’ part, but rather underlies specific methodological and philosophical reasons. As a result, this asymmetry sheds light on Calcidius’ exegetical approach and proves to be consistent with his commitment to sempiternalism, as it becomes apparent when placing the commentator within Platonist debates on demiurgy, divine will, and providence.

The current layout of the town can be described broadly as having two main axes, one running east-west (comprising the High Street and Westgate), and one running south from the harbour, which also includes Victoria Street and Quality Street. There are additional street that developed to the north and south of the High Street axis, and further development to the east of Quality Street. One of the most interesting questions about the growth and layout of North Berwick relates to which of these two streets emerged first. A study of the early maps of North Berwick goes some way to giving an understanding of how the town grew.

The Norman Conquest brought about great change in England: new customs, a new language, and new political and ecclesiastical hierarchies. It also saw the emergence of an Anglo-Norman intellectual culture, with an innate curiosity in the past. For the pre-eminent twelfth-century English historians - such as Eadmer of Canterbury, William of Malmesbury and Henry of Huntingdon - the pre-Conquest past was of abiding interest. While they recognised the disruptions of the Conquest, this was accompanied by an awareness that it was but one part of a longer story, stretching back to sub-Roman Britain. This concept of a continuum of English history that traversed the events of 1066 would prove enduring, being transmitted into and by the works of successive generations of medieval English historians.

This collection sheds new light on the perceptions and uses of the pre-Conquest past in post-Conquest historiography, drawing on a variety of approaches, from historical and literary studies, to codicology, historiography, memory theory and life writing. Its essays are arranged around two main interlinked themes: post-Conquest historiographical practice and how identities - institutional, regional and personal - could be constructed in reference to this past. Alongside their analyses of the works of Eadmer, William and Henry, contributors offer engaging studies of the works of such authors as Aelred of Rievaulx, Orderic Vitalis, Gervase of Canterbury, John of Worcester, Richard of Devizes, and Walter Map, as well as numerous anonymous hagiographies and histories.

Abstract
The Western ideology of domination which lies at the heart of translation
studies has attracted little attention. The present paper aims to investigate the
origin of this ideology and its implications for translation in the 11th-15th
centuries, from an Arab perspective. It raises questions about the origin of
domination and its implications for translation. A qualitative historical
approach delving into post-colonialism is adopted to give a new meaning to
evidence and historical events using description, analysis and interpretation.
It concludes that the Catholic Church dominated the scene especially through
the Crusades and missionary schools. Manifestations are evident in the huge
translation movement it led, the translation of the Holy Quran, twisting facts,
Latinizing Arab names, setting fires into libraries, among others. The study
however is not attempt to displace 'Western' translation theories and practices
from the global scene, instead it desires to draw scholars' attention to other
possible challenging perspectives.

The article focuses on a text by Regiomontanus, written around 1456, included in his 'Rechenbuch' (calculation book), which develops a specific calculation of the equation of time. Based on a critical edition and translation of the text, we detail Regiomontanus's mathematical algorithm for this calculation. Our article emphasizes that the modern understanding of the equation of time and its calculation is profoundly different from historical practice.

The paper presents a detailed description of the fragment with portions of the Digest text from the books XXXIX and XL (D. 39.6.42-40.2.13) and with glosses to them. The fragment of codex is stored in the Scientific Archives of the St. Petersburg Institute of History (Russian Academy of Sciences) under the code Canrt 625, N28 and has not yet received a critical  description. The author dates the fragment to the end of the Xll century, and he shows its connection with the tradition of the law school of Piacenza. The newly identified fragment deserves the third place in the chronological series of the earliest Italian copies of the Digestum Novum. The fragment reflects well the work of the scholars on the emendation of the so called Bolognian version of the Digest. The glosses in the margins of the manuscript, written by the early Bolognese rotunda, were copied almost simultaneously with the text of Digest, but belong to the hand of another scribe. The learned corrector compared the new copy with reliable manuscripts, and in one case he has referred to the reading in the manuscript of Placentinus. It is shown that the basis of the glosses contained in the fragment were the glosses of Martin Gosia. Evidence is given that the glosses may have been borrowed from a manuscript belonging to the glossator Otto of Pavia, a pupil of Placentinus. The paper proposes some additions and clarifica­tions to the observations of Gero Dolezalek, which were based on the study of a fragment of another, somewhat later, codex containing parts of the text of Digest from the same book XL (titles 5-12) and the first title of the next book XLI. The comparative material from seven manuscripts was used in the paper, including three earlier manuscripts, which remained out of reach for Dolezalek. It is also noteworthy to mention, that the fragment preserved an initial, executed according to traditions of the school of Lucca, with the im­age of an anthropomorphic figure resembling a siren, quite rare for the iconography of Italian illuminated manuscripts of the 12th century.

The worldly culture of northern Europe in the two centuries between the end of the Carolingian Empire and the "renaissance of the twelfth century" is, in the words of Claudio Leonardi, an "age without a name." The difficulty of naming the period might be a lack of coherence among its parts and, at the same time, a lack of conceptual apparatus for formulating a synthesis.

This thesis is concerned with attitudes to dreaming in the Twelfth Century Renaissance insofar as they reflect changes in the definition and interaction of the terms female/male, private/public, spirit/matter, sacred/profane. It argues that whereas in the early Middle Ages only a restricted set of culture-pattern dreams were considered relevant, the twelfth century saw an upsurge of interest in the phenomenon of dreaming because it was relevant to the conceptualisation of changing boundaries, and because these changes affected social categories associated with dreaming. In the process, dreaming became associated with the personal, the female and the spiritual, and as such was excluded from the social. My supervisor, Dr.John O.Ward, first inspired me with an interest in medieval history and has generously encouraged me in all my endeavours. Without him this thesis would never have been written. My thanks go also to the members of the medieval Latin reading group, and in particular to Deirdre Stone and John Scott, who provided me with numerous references to things that would otherwise have been overlooked. I was awarded a Postgraduate Scholarship by the Commonwealth of Australia for part of my candidature. My brother, Lex Davidson, introduced me to the mysterious world of word-processing and patiently guided my first faltering steps therein. Margaret Grills and Ray Henderson provided me with a peaceful haven in which to write. Finally I wish to thank Damien Prentice for being unfailingly supportive.

The main objective of the current study is to offer the first critical edition, accompanied by an English translation andintroductory study, of a tripartite Latin text addressing world astrology preserved in a single manuscript: MS Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1407, fols. 55r–62r (14th/15thcentury). This study also includes the Middle English translation of discontinuous sections of this tripartite Latin text as transmitted in MS London, Royal College of Physicians, 384, fols. 83v–85r. It is argued that the first part of this tripartite text incorporates a hitherto unknown Latin translation by Henry Bate of the lost third version of Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Seferha-ʿOlam. The other two parts include two Latin translations, also carried out by Henry Bate, of treatises ascribed to Ya‘qūb ibn Ishāq al-Kindī, the «philosopher of the Arabs»

Thecla is a young woman who is engaged to a man named Thamyris and is about to get married. One day, while listening to Paul's preaching about the value and virtue of male and female virginity in a Christian context, Thecla was moved by his words. She was so inspired that she wanted to remain a virgin forever. When Thamyris discovers her intentions, he asks for Paul's persecution. Thecla followed Paul to prison and continued listening to his teachings. However, when she revealed her desire to remain a virgin in public, she was also persecuted, and the local authorities ordered her execution. Thecla was not yet baptized; however, her soul was seeking baptism, and she asked Paul several times for it. During the time of Antiquity, Christian baptism was a simple ritual that was performed on a daily basis. John's baptism was a clear example of this, as more and more Christians were baptized in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. However, Thecla's experience suggests that this was not always the case. As a catechumen, she had to strive to achieve baptism on her own, which was a difficult and challenging process. While it is unclear why she was not baptized, her journey as a catechumen provides valuable insights into the early Christian church's beliefs and practices. Thecla eventually was baptized on her own before her last conviction. This act reveals many myths about the act and ritual of baptism. As far as we know, the ritual of baptism was performed by a priest or the Baptist in Late Antiquity; Thecla comes to erase this thought and fact and tells us that baptism is a personal ritual that anyone with true faith inside them can perform. Of course, what Thecla did was not a popular option but rather an emergency one. Emergency baptism was not that popular in the first century since the establishment of Christianity was not that stable yet. Still, it certainly existed and was performed by the laic.

This paper aims to provide a theoretical framework built around the designation of a space for worship centered around the saint. Specifically, I will focus on the cloister of the monastery of Santo Domingo de Silos and its iconography, which will allow me to highlight the spatial dimension of the cult of saints, as well as to provide possible examples of the ways in which space becomes sacred and intrinsically intertwined with the physical presence of a saintly figure. Through these observations, I will attempt to merge the space with the object, and by extension, the architecture with the saintly.

The Latin manuscript sources studied in this article jointly document the existence and erstwhile circulation of a highly atypical set of computational tables for planetary longitudes, coupled with extensive tables for ascensions, which served astrologers in Latin Europe as early as the 1130s. An associated text of c.1220 refers to the tables for the five planets as "combustion tables" (tabule combustionis), which reflects the way the tables in question use the time and position of the last conjunction between a planet and the Sun -- known in medieval terminology as "combustio" -- as an anchor for calculating the planet's true ecliptic longitude at a later date within its synodic period. Multiple lines of evidence suggest that the combustion tables as well as the associated solar and ascension tables originally circulated alongside the pseudo-Ptolemaic "Iudicia", an astrological work of probable Arabic origin (pre-1138). Overall, the surviving manuscript material raises the possibility that the tables and the "Iudicia" were at one point a single work that supported astrological computations and judgments at an early stage of their respective development in Latin Europe.

Published in a festschrift volume that brings together selected essays of Isabel Alfonso with individual commentaries by fellow historians, this paper aims not so much to gloss an article that speaks for itself in its utmost revealing micro-historical analysis of two documents from which the author draws very interesting conclusions about the social logic of vengeance, but rather to show how this piece fits into the much larger polyptych that Isabel has been painting over the last decades on the broader topic of dispute settlement and conflict resolution in medieval Iberia.

Because there were technical differences between medieval practice and modern none of our assumptions of the past are meaningful. The built no more than8 to 12 courses per season, and on large jobs less. They measured nothing and therefore could not pass precise instructions to others. The designs for templates were extracted from whatever had been already built. Therefore, when a mason came to a new job he devised his own designs on anything not already started.
It follows there were no architects, no master plans save as sketches and no working drawings.
Under these conditions how were the great works designed and built?

Bulletin de la Société d'Histoire et du Musée du Florival à GUEBWILLER : Le CODEX de la route vers Manegold 1. Le frontispice du Liber ad Gebhardum, manuscrit de Rastatt (vers 1150) n° 27 à la Badische Landesbibliothek Karlsruhe (adaptation par A. Hiebel). Manegold de Lautenbach, qui vécut vraisemblablement entre 1030 et 1103, nous paraît certes proche par le village du Florival qui précise son identité. Mais, depuis près de mille ans, il échappe... au pays : il obéit d'abord, semble-t-il, à d'obscurs ordres souverains pour sortir de l'(in)humain désordre toujours recommencé. De ce fait, il nous échappe, allant et menant loin, tel un mobile qui motive et qui met en mouvement son lecteur (ou chercheur). En 2011, Irene CAÏAZZO 1 affirmait la possibilité que les trois rôles (enseignant, polémiste, fondateur) attribués à une mystérieuse personnalité récurrente sous ce nom au XIe siècle et au XIIe, en Francie 2 comme en Rhénanie, aient été assumés par un même personnage appelé Manegold de Lautenbach. Dès lors, un homme de chez nous, avec un étrange et familier nom à particule, sort-il de la nuit des temps pour nous parler aujourd'hui ? De manière à remonter jusqu'à lui sur une route envahie de ronces, de controverses et de doutes, examinons tour à tour les traces les plus nettes dont il a marqué son temps jusqu'au nôtre : les trois oeuvres créées par lui, de la plus récentequi fut d'ailleurs la première à être traduite du latin en langue vernaculaire-, le Coutumier du CODEX GUTA-SINTRAM, à la plus ancienne. Le CODEX GUTA-SINTRAM Le CODEX GUTA-SINTRAM 3 achevé en 1154date établie avec une inhabituelle précision médiévaleest né probablement de l'inspiration de Manegold de Lautenbach. A la fin, le Coutumier 4 rédigé dès le début du XIIe siècle 5 , donc en vigueur avant même la mort de Manegold dans le monastère double 6 de Marbach 7 qu'il accepta de fonder à la fin du XIe siècle et à la demande des évêques pour tenter de vider enfin, par une réconciliation effective et sacramentelle, la terrible Querelle des investitures 8 , se révèle comme la clé indirecte, mais indubitable, de la trajectoire que décrit à nos yeux Manegold de Lautenbach. Abordons cet ouvrage réalisé à quatre mains mixtes. 1 CAÏAZZO Irene, Manegold Modernorum magister magistrorum, in Arts du langage et théologie aux confins des XIe-XIIe siècles, sous la direction d'Irène ROSIER-CATACH, Brepols, 2011. 2 Francie : nom conventionnel donné à la France antérieure à sa constitution en Etat. 3 En 1982, sous la direction de Mme Béatrice WEIS, le CODEX GUTA-SINTRAM, conservé au grand Séminaire de Strasbourg sous le numéro 37, a donné lieu à un fac-similé accompagné d'un volume de commentaires, conjointement publié par les Éditions FAC-SIMILÉS SA LUCERNE et les Éditions COPRUR. 4 A partir de ce volume de commentaires, comportant la traduction du Coutumier en allemand par le P. Josef SIEGWART, une traduction est en cours de traduction en français. 5 Début du XIIe siècle : période indiquée par le P. J. SIEGWART pour la rédaction du Coutumier. 6 Monastère double : fondation religieuse accueillant sous la même règle, entre les mêmes murs, mais dans des espaces distincts, une communauté masculine et une communauté féminine. 7 Marbach : situé sur une colline du vignoble actuel, entre Eguisheim et Gueberschwihr. 8 La Querelle des investitures, par de sanglantes hostilités interminables, opposa pour les investitures, ou nominations, épiscopales Henri IV, à la tête du Saint Empire romain germanique, et le pape Grégoire VII qui menait une radicale réforme de l'Église portant son nom.

“Wielmoże polscy. Wiek Piotra Włostowica” to kolejna, fascynująca książka Piotra Andrzejewicza, która zabiera czytelników w podróż do Polski XII wieku. Tym razem autor przedstawia koligacje i losy niektórych pradynastów polskich rodów szlacheckich, w tym Piotra Włostowica, Zbyluta z Łekna, Hugona Butyra i Mikołaja Bogoriusa.

Podobnie jak w poprzednich publikacjach, Piotr Andrzejewicz kontynuuje swoje badania historyczne, korzystając z bogatych źródeł, aby przedstawić czytelnikom mało znane albo pomijane milczeniem fakty. Książka jest de facto dopełnieniem “Wielmożów polskich: 1000-1100” i rozwija niektóre wątki z wcześniejszych publikacji autora. Ta książka to must-have dla każdego miłośnika historii Polski.

Cicerone traduttore del Timeo platonico. Si noti come anche Macrobio, peraltro, parli di Timaei obscuritates in comm. I 3,15. 4 Sul tema si veda in particolare Ferrari 2005. 5 Ferrari 2010, 53s. 6 Schwitter 2015 privilegia la trattazione dell'obscuritas nell' epistolografia in età tardoantica, ma si mostra attento anche a quanto si verifica in altri generi letterari. 7 ThlL IX/2, 162,58ss.

The twelfth century is unanimously considered the century of the "rediscovery of nature." Tullio Gregory maintained that in the High Middle Ages nature was understood, above all, as the place of epiphany of the divine, and that serious scientific study of nature would be undertaken only beginning with the twelfth century, thanks to the contribution made by the new translations from Greek and Arabic, and to the rediscovery of the classical texts of studies of nature. At present, the tendency is to introduce nuance into Gregory's judgement, the preference being to underline that the twelfth century studies of nature, though innovative by comparison with the High Middle Ages, do nonetheless contain many elements of

La prevalenza dei diagrammi circolari introdotti da Isidoro di Siviglia quale corredo esplicativo e mnemotecnico del testo del De
natura rerum aveva valso a quest’ultimo la curiosa quando appropriata denominazione di Liber rotarum. Il dato doveva avere colpito
lo stesso Sisebuto se l’incipit della sua epistola indirizzata ad Isidoro
nel 613 così recita: “Incomincia l’epistola di Sisebuto, re dei goti,
inviata ad Isidoro, sul libro delle ruote”. Questa denominazione
divenne come un marchio di fabbrica per tutte le successive copie
manoscritte, tant’è che gli inventari delle diverse biblioteche la utilizzarono ampiamente. Da questo momento il nome di Liber rotarum diventa quasi sinonimo dell’opera isidoriana corredata per schemi circolari, una figura geometrica che, insieme al quadrato, ebbe la sua più larga diffusione in quella manualistica volta a rappresentare tanto il
macrocosmo che il microcosmo.

El capítulo vi de la sección v del Dialogus libri vitae, escrito por el arzobispo de Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada hacia 1214, ofrece algunos elementos relativos a la función de los eclesiásticos letrados en una comunidad ideal. Este pasaje constituye una muestra interesantísima del fenómeno de transmisión del saber en la península ibérica y la cuenca del Mediterráneo durante los siglos xii y xiii. El discurso del arzobispo se elabora en torno a la racionalidad política y a la autoridad aristotélica como fuente de filosofía natural, y argumenta que el saber letrado (representado por Aristóteles) es esencial para la formación del monarca (Alejandro). A partir de los estudios de fondo de Pick (2004) y González Diéguez (2017), y a la espera de realizar un trabajo completo sobre la sección v en su conjunto, añadiré alguna propuesta sobre materiales que pudieron contribuir a la escritura de dicho capítulo, defendiendo que la identidad letrada fue asumida como rasgo discriminante por una comunidad de individuos que compartieron lecturas y saberes, la situada en el radio de acción de la catedral toledana en los primeros años del siglo xiii.

trends and the formation of courtly ideals 939-1210 (Pennsylvania U.P., $25) is an ambitious attempt to trace links between chivalric culture and revived classical learning, specially through the imperial court patronage of Germany. 'Medieval chivalry as a neo-classical institution' takes a bit of swallowing, but the discussion of texts and examples in the manner of Duby contains much of value to stimulate. J. Flori continues to add to the body of work which has made him a leading authority on medieval knights: 'Du nouveau sur I'adoubement des chevaliers' (Moyen Age, xci); 'A propos de I'adoubement des chevaliers au XIe siecle: le prktendu pontifical de Reims et I'ordo ad armandum de Cambrai' (Friihrnittelalt.

Diego de Álava y Esquivel (ca.1500-1562) is a good example of an ecclesiastical lawyer who enjoyed a brilliant career in the royal administration of Castile and offers interesting data that increase our knowledge of this group of people. His father, Pedro Martínez de Álava y Mendoza, had been a deputy as well as Captain General of Álava. He had formed part of the retinue of Ferdinand and Isabella as a retainer of Francis II, duke of Brittany, and his loyalty to Charles V during the Revolt of the Comuneros was rewarded, in 1524, with the appointment of his son, Diego, as Vicar of the Archbishop of Santiago in Salamanca: "I have been informed that he is a suitably qualified, able and competent person, and for this reason, I wish to do something for him and also because he is the son of my retainer, Pedro Martínez de Álava y Mendoza, who is in my service and resides in this city of Vitoria". 2 Álava y Esquivel was a member of the College of Oviedo of the University of Salamanca from 1524, and a professor of canon law at the same university from 1529. His name soon appeared on the lists of lawyers recommended for filling vacancies.

Two Latin manuscripts in Oxford and Florence preserve diverging recensions of a previously unnoticed astronomical treatise beginning Infra signiferi poli regionem (Oxford recension) or Circulorum alius est sub quo (Florence recension). It can be shown that this anonymous text was originally intended to accompany the Tables of Marseilles in Raymond of Marseilles’s twelfth-century Liber cursuum planetarum (ca. 1141). While the core tables for planetary longitudes in this set were founded on Ptolemy’s kinematic models, as known from the Almagest, this new source frequently deviates from the Ptolemaic norm, for instance by explicitly rejecting an epicyclic explanation of planetary stations and retrogradations. In place of the latter, it argues in favour of a heliodynamic theory inspired by Roman sources such as Pliny, which underwent certain developments in the works of twelfth-century Latin writers such as William of Conches. Rather than being wholly exceptional, these features are indicative of a degree of disconnect between planetary theory and computational practice in twelfth-century Latin astronomy, which is also detectable in other sources from this period.
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0 license.

Peter Comestor's classroom lectures on the glossed Gospels are replete with references to contemporary theologians, described using the terms "quidam" and "alii." It is rarely possible to identify the masters who are hidden behind these references, yet Comestor's recurrent use of the terms reveals a vast tradition of Gospel teaching in 12th-century schools centred around the Glossa ordinaria. Whether discussing minute points of biblical interpretation or engaging in contemporary theological debates of the highest importance, Comestor continually exposes his students to the tradition. In this study, the identity of Comestor's "quidam" and the broader significance of the Parisian culture of oral teaching concealed in his lectures will be considered.

This article shines a light on the musical contents of a “book of births”, the Liber Nativitatum or Albubather, written by the Persian Astrologer Abu Bakr al-Hassan ibn alKhasib in the ninth century, translated into Latin at the beginning of the thirteenth century, and published in Venice in 1501. “Books of births” served to show how an individual’s fortune and personal traits could be ascertained from the position of the celestial bodies throughout the individual’s gestation period. A significant portion of these traits pertain to loquacity, hearing, musical skill and the likelihood of a musical profession. Thanks to the connotations each celestial body bore – positive and negative – and the traits they are described as imparting, the Liber Nativitatum makes it possible to identify the skills and traits requisite for good musical performance, as well as those traits which might inhibit it.

Autor: Santiago Di Salvo.
Resumen: Adán de San Víctor (c.1112-1192), canónigo agustino a partir de 1130 en esa célebre abadía parisina, comparte la filiación victorina con otros canónigos más conocidos, como Hugo y Ricardo de San Víctor. Adán se supone autor de más de un centenar de sequentiae, aunque muchas de las conservadas hoy podrían ser consideradas apócrifas. La novedad victorina con respecto a la sequentia antigua, y a la intermedia o transicional, es lo que modernamente se dio en llamar “canto gótico”, una poesía rítmica, con rima bisilábica y estrofas regulares, que presenta una alternancia de octosílabos y heptasílabos, y cuya música puede contarse entre los primeros ensayos del canto polifónico. Esta secuencia tardía es un logro acabado de los parisinos del siglo XII ligados al capítulo catedralicio de Notre-Dame y, particularmente, a la abadía de Saint-Victor. Los estudios más completos sobre el tema, como el de Margot Fassler (Gothic Song, 1993), identifican a Adán de San Víctor con Adam Precentor, de Notre-Dame de París, retrotrayendo la fecha de su actividad a la primera mitad del siglo XII (dato que lo vuelve contemporáneo, a su vez, de Guillermo de Champeaux, fundador de la abadía), es decir, a la época del pleno fervor de la sequentia gótica. La poesía de Adán de San Víctor pudo haber sido un terreno de alta innovación musical, pero, sin lugar a duda, constituyó un refinado vehículo de profunda reflexión y rica expresión mariológica, por lo que llegó a influir en la poesía mariana en romance incluso fuera de Francia.
Palabras clave: Adán de San Víctor, sequentiae, mariología, poesía lírica

A study of sexuality, gender expression and gender identity at the court of King William II (William Rufus) in England in the 1090s. The focus is on sex between men, and links to gender diversity. Past attempts by historians to dismiss Rufus's queerness are dismantled. Claims that there was no sex between men in secular contexts (e.g. Dyan Elliot) are held up to be false.

Pubblicato con il contributo della Scuola di Dottorato dell'Università degli Studi di Verona e il sostegno di Vecomp SpA. L'immagine di copertina si intitola Confine, realizzata dall'artista veronese Luca Pinamonte (2015, Olio su tela, 100x80cm). Si ringrazia l'artista per aver permesso al Comitato organizzativo di utilizzare l'immagine come manifesto della Conferenza e copertina del presente volume. Il canto V dell'Iliade di Maffei: i marginalia come laboratorio del traduttore, di Luigia Buffatti 231 Scrivere ai margini. Don DeLillo e la poetica dello spazio, di Simone Carati 243 Margini in prosa lirica. I conflitti etnici nelle prose di Francesco Biamonti, di Simone Pettine 253 Die Freiheit packt einen wie der Regen aus dem Himmel. Memory and emotion as theatre experience in Perikızı.

In this paper, we analyse and compare two sets of tables in the framework of Alfonsine astronomy composed by John of Lignères and his disciple, John of Saxony, respectively, both belonging to the first generation of scholars using the Alfonsine tables in Paris in the early fourteenth century. John of Lignères’s almanac is limited to the five planets, whereas the similar work by John of Saxony deals with the two luminaries as well. Moreover, there are other differences between these sets of tables concerning their principle of organization, precision, and accuracy.