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Intelpoint

Intelpoint

Research Services

Decision-making insights, reports, and data for everyone.

About us

Intelpoint is the data and research arm of Techpoint Africa which offers research consultancy services to businesses and institutes. Intelpoint helps investors, businesses, entrepreneurs, and policymakers make informed decisions by providing in-depth analysis and reports on various industries. It also offers market research and analysis as a service to corporate clients. Our services: -Data aggregation and analysis -Data storytelling -Research consultancy -Report partnership and sponsorship -Strategy consultancy

Industry
Research Services
Company size
2-10 employees
Type
Privately Held

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Updates

  • Animal source foods now dominate the cost of a healthy diet in Nigeria, accounting for 35.3% (₦528) of the national average daily cost of ₦ 1,495 as of December 2024. This means that over one-third of the daily cost of a balanced meal in Nigeria goes toward foods like meat, fish, eggs, and dairy — the most expensive but vital sources of protein and nutrients. The data paints a clear picture of how protein-rich foods are becoming increasingly unaffordable for many households.

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  • The cost of maintaining a healthy diet in Nigeria continues to rise, with the South West zone recording the highest Cost of Healthy Diet (CoHD) at ₦1,764 as of December 2024 — ₦269 above the national average of ₦1,495. This highlights the growing regional disparities in food affordability across the country, reflecting both economic pressures and food supply challenges that differ from one zone to another. While the South South follows closely at ₦1,714, regions in the North show significantly lower figures, with the North West recording the lowest CoHD at ₦1,296. This north-south gap underscores how inflation, logistics, and market access affect the cost of nutritious meals differently across regions. In the South West, higher urbanisation levels and reliance on market-purchased foods contribute to higher costs, while northern areas may benefit from proximity to agricultural production.

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  • In 1996, Nigeria spent about $6.82 million on aircraft and spacecraft imports. The figure rose significantly to $17.1 million in 1997 and $26.4 million in 1998, coinciding with the final years of military rule and efforts to renew the country’s aging defence and aviation assets. In 1999, import levels dropped to $4.15 million, signalling initial fiscal restraint under the new civilian government. However, spending fluctuated in the early 2000s, reaching $8 million in 2003, as the aviation sector sought modernisation. A significant jump occurred in 2006, with imports rising to $21.98 million, followed by another spike in 2008 at $29.48 million, largely due to renewed investments in both commercial and government aircraft procurement. By 2009, imports soared to $81.83 million, marking the beginning of a new aviation growth phase. The government had begun fleet renewals, while private airlines expanded their operations. Between 2010 and 2014, Nigeria’s aircraft imports averaged around $60 million annually, peaking at $112.68 million in 2014. The most dramatic surge came in 2016, when aircraft and spacecraft imports jumped to $335.67 million, a record-high level. After a brief decline between 2017 and 2019, imports rebounded sharply in the 2020s, rising from $160.4 million in 2020 to $230.2 million in 2023, and finally hitting $433.36 million in 2024. This rise reflects Nigeria’s intensified focus on aviation modernisation, military airpower enhancement, and renewed investment in aircraft logistics.

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  • Zimbabwe's recorded imports of arms and ammunition rose from $2.51 million in 2000 to $8.10 million in 2024. Compared to some countries in Africa such as Nigeria and Egypt, Zimbabwe's arms and ammunitions import bill remains small, revealing the country is not procuring high-cost platforms at scale. The country's import profile shows modest absolute values but upward momentum suggests procurement focused on replenishment, small arms, ammunition and specific capability upgrades. After near-minimal import values in the early 2000s, Zimbabwe’s procurement picked up again in the 2009 as fiscal conditions and diplomatic ties shifted. The 2018–2024 period marked the clearest upward trend, with imports rising from under $1 million to over $8 million.

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  • Nigeria’s journey with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has been a long and eventful one, spanning years of assessments, compliance updates, and monitoring. The most recent milestone came in October 2025, when Nigeria successfully exited the FATF grey list after approximately 32 months of increased monitoring. This marked a significant step forward for the country, signalling notable progress in combating money laundering and terrorist financing—two issues that have long challenged financial transparency and investor confidence in Nigeria’s economy.

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  • Nigeria’s debt journey over the past 15 years paints a clear picture of persistent fiscal strain. From just ₦3.8 trillion in 2010, domestic borrowing has ballooned to over ₦80 trillion, fueled by budget deficits, falling oil revenues, and rising governance costs. External debt has also expanded steadily, from $4.27 billion to nearly $47 billion as Nigeria sought foreign funding to stabilize its economy. This consistent upward trend underscores a growing dependence on debt to finance national expenditure, making debt management and revenue growth more critical than ever.

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  • Nigeria has witnessed a steady surge in protest activity over the last two decades, reaching its highest levels under recent administrations. From just 20 protest events in 2000, the number climbed dramatically to 1,008 in 2020 under President Muhammadu Buhari. The data shows that civic activism and public demonstrations have grown in frequency and scale, reflecting both greater social awareness and deepening public frustration over governance, economic hardship, and insecurity. The sharpest increase occurred during Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure, when protests grew from 53 in 2011 to 696 in 2015. his trend accelerated under Buhari, with the number of demonstrations nearly doubling to a peak of 1,008, signalling an era marked by heightened public dissent. Under the current Bola Tinubu administration, protest levels remain high, with 971 incidents recorded in 2024.

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  • Madagascar has experienced fluctuating levels of protest activity over the past two decades, with the most intense period occurring under Andry Rajoelina’s second term as president. From 2020 to 2024, protest events surged dramatically, peaking at 179 incidents in 2023, the highest in the country’s recent history. This marks a notable rise compared to earlier administrations, where protest counts were considerably lower, illustrating how civic unrest has become a defining feature of Madagascar’s recent political landscape.

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  • Africa witnessed 12,581 protests and violent demonstration events in 2024, highlighting the continent’s active civic engagement and growing public demand for accountability. North African countries led the wave, with Morocco recording 3,654 protests, more than any other country. This made Morocco not only the continent’s protest hotspot but also a reflection of the region’s long-standing culture of civil mobilisation and political expression. Kenya followed with 2,008 protests, while South Africa and Nigeria recorded 1,715 and 971, respectively — underscoring how social, political, and economic grievances continue to drive public unrest across diverse regions.

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  • Kenya witnessed an unprecedented surge in civic unrest in 2024, recording 2,008 protest and violent demonstration events, a dramatic seven-fold increase from the 239 protests documented just three years earlier. The data highlights a striking escalation in public dissent under President William Ruto’s administration, signalling growing frustration over economic pressures, governance issues, and widening social discontent. While Kenya has long been known for its vibrant democracy, this level of mobilisation reflects a deeper undercurrent of public unease not seen in decades. Protest activity in Kenya remained relatively moderate through the early 2000s, fluctuating between 40 and 150 incidents under Daniel arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki. Even during politically tense transitions, such as the 2007–2008 post-election crisis or Uhuru Kenyatta’s administration, protest levels did not approach recent levels. The sharp climb began after 2022, coinciding with growing public opposition to government fiscal policies, rising cost of living, and tax reforms that hit the middle and lower classes the hardest.

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