Political #corruption cannot be reduced to a legal–illegal dichotomy. Beyond bribery, it thrives in the grey zones of legality: opaque lobbying, political finance, revolving doors, and media capture. Due to this nature, effective policy must recognise that anti-corruption regulations are not “plug-and-play”. The new RESPOND_EU report “𝗣𝗼𝗹𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗳𝘁 𝗶𝗻 𝗘𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗲 𝗼𝗻 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗟𝗼𝗼𝘀𝗲”, edited by the Institute for Global Analytics, adopts a social-constructivist lens to examine how rules are shaped, enforced or bypassed across 9 European countries. 🔻 Regional comparisons reveal that long-standing cultural, historical and political traditions shape perceptions of rule-of-law and political relations, influencing the implementation of anti-corruption rules. 🔻 Civil society, media freedom, and judicial independence are crucial in curbing political graft. 🔻 Even strong legal frameworks often lack operational uptake, resources, or stable mandates. 🔻 Only a minority of countries possess coherent, centralised preventive anti-corruption strategies. 🔻 Convergence between East and West is accelerating as legal architectures align, but also due to declining governance standards in Western Europe. The Italian case – analysed by Transcrime – presents a fragmented regulatory system, marked by limited regulation of influence channels, dispersed oversight and historical clientelism, leaving room for informal influence and sophisticated corruption schemes. A decisive countering role is played by prosecutors and the Anti-corruption Authority, while the Communications Regulatory Authority is pivotal in safeguarding pluralism. The political class has shown ambivalence, supporting reforms but resisting those limiting private funding. Civil and media involvement remains limited. 👇 Link in the comments
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Two recent articles highlight the uncertain and increasingly political landscape surrounding the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). In Newsweek, Eric Havian’s op-ed “Trump’s Hate for the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Isn’t About ‘Government Efficiency’” explains that efforts to weaken the FCPA are politically motivated and will not “level the playing field,” but instead disadvantage American businesses. Read more here: https://lnkd.in/eWwM9ZCU At the same time, Matt Kelly’s piece “The Troubling Smartmatic FCPA Indictment” explores a new case that raises tough questions about how anti-corruption laws are enforced and whether politics may be influencing those decisions. Read that one here: https://lnkd.in/eJ3Zh9KM Together, these stories show a stark contrast between political rhetoric pushing to relax FCPA oversight versus a headline-grabbing indictment that suggests enforcement remains active, though not entirely predictable. This is a reminder that FCPA risk is evolving quickly, and the intersection of policy, politics, and enforcement deserves close attention. Read more about the FCPA on our site: https://lnkd.in/ejarJKcj
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Excited to share my first piece of work as a postdoc on the RESPOND_EU project: a chapter in the below report on the UK’s anti-corruption regulatory regime in four distinct areas (media capture, political finance, lobbying and revolving doors) - or lack thereof! Especially at a time of growing dissatisfaction with politics, the chapter highlights how there is very little beyond a patchwork of superficial codes and rules that cannot hold politicians duly accountable. The rest of the report is an insightful and exciting read on the frameworks in 8 other European countries, as well as a historical comparative analysis of regulatory regimes across Europe!
We are proud to announce the release of Political Graft in Europe on the Loose: Anti-Corruption Legal Frameworks in Comparative Historical Perspective. Edited by Rumena Filipova, Ph.D. (Institute for Global Analytics), this volume offers a pioneering comparative analysis of anti-corruption regulatory regimes across nine European countries — from Sweden, the Netherlands and the UK to France, Italy, Hungary, Bulgaria, Serbia and Ukraine. The research explores political finance, lobbying, revolving doors and media regulation through a social constructivist perspective, highlighting how historical and cultural factors shape the effectiveness of anti-corruption systems. Congratulations to all contributors – Marcia Grimes (Göteborgs universitet), sofia wickberg (Universiteit van Amsterdam), Christopher Starke (Universiteit van Amsterdam), Sarah Gharib Seif (King's College London), Roxana Bratu (King's College London), Cyril Benoît (CDSP – Sciences Po/CNRS), Lorena Andreea Axinte (Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), Carlotta Carbone (Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), Michele Riccardi (Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), Robert Panyi (Central European University), Viktoriia Poltoratskaia (Central European University), Stoyan Panov (Institute for Global Analytics), Alessandra Lo Piccolo (University of Bologna (Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna), Andrii Biletskyi (Anti-corruption Research and Education Centre at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy) and Oleksandra Chupyra (Anti-corruption Research and Education Centre at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy) – for their valuable research and collaboration in advancing comparative insights into Europe’s anti-corruption frameworks. 📘 Read more 👉 https://lnkd.in/e8wJw69M #RESPONDProject #AntiCorruption #PoliticalFinance #ComparativeResearch #Europe #Governance #Transparency
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RESPOND_EU has officially launched our project's edited volume "Political Graft in Europe on the Loose: Anti-Corruption Legal Frameworks in Comparative Historical Perspective". The research - led by IGA, has involved cooperation with a team of leading European researchers. The cross-comparative investigation provides a pioneering analysis of the key similarities and differences among 9 European states as regards proclivities to corruption and capacities to counter it. Patterns in European regulatory approaches to political corruption as well as policy-relevant recommendations are further identified. For additional details, follow the link and description below:
We are proud to announce the release of Political Graft in Europe on the Loose: Anti-Corruption Legal Frameworks in Comparative Historical Perspective. Edited by Rumena Filipova, Ph.D. (Institute for Global Analytics), this volume offers a pioneering comparative analysis of anti-corruption regulatory regimes across nine European countries — from Sweden, the Netherlands and the UK to France, Italy, Hungary, Bulgaria, Serbia and Ukraine. The research explores political finance, lobbying, revolving doors and media regulation through a social constructivist perspective, highlighting how historical and cultural factors shape the effectiveness of anti-corruption systems. Congratulations to all contributors – Marcia Grimes (Göteborgs universitet), sofia wickberg (Universiteit van Amsterdam), Christopher Starke (Universiteit van Amsterdam), Sarah Gharib Seif (King's College London), Roxana Bratu (King's College London), Cyril Benoît (CDSP – Sciences Po/CNRS), Lorena Andreea Axinte (Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), Carlotta Carbone (Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), Michele Riccardi (Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), Robert Panyi (Central European University), Viktoriia Poltoratskaia (Central European University), Stoyan Panov (Institute for Global Analytics), Alessandra Lo Piccolo (University of Bologna (Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna), Andrii Biletskyi (Anti-corruption Research and Education Centre at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy) and Oleksandra Chupyra (Anti-corruption Research and Education Centre at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy) – for their valuable research and collaboration in advancing comparative insights into Europe’s anti-corruption frameworks. 📘 Read more 👉 https://lnkd.in/e8wJw69M #RESPONDProject #AntiCorruption #PoliticalFinance #ComparativeResearch #Europe #Governance #Transparency
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What are the upcoming changes to the German Due Diligence in Supply Chains Act (LkSG)? With a proposed amendment to remove reporting obligations and reduce sanctions, as well as changes to BAFA’s enforcement practice, companies need to stay informed of these evolving rules. Get all the details you need to stay compliant in our blog by Hannah Janknecht: https://hubs.li/Q03Mvbf30
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#EU lawmakers have voted to significantly narrow the scope of both the #CSRD and the #CSDDD, limiting their application to only the largest companies. The decision follows months of intense lobbying from business groups and mounting pressure from the EU’s largest member states, who have called for streamlined reporting obligations in a bid to bolster corporate competitiveness. https://lnkd.in/eCWJiJzv
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The Cornerstone of Progress: Why Government Transparency is Non-Negotiable For a nation to thrive, its people must have unwavering trust in their governing institutions. This trust is not built on promises, but on a foundation of radical transparency and unwavering accountability. Promoting transparency is not a passive goal; it is an active and essential strategy for stability, investment, and national well-being. Governments must first enforce strict anti-corruption laws without fear or favour. This means establishing independent anti-corruption agencies with real power to investigate and prosecute malfeasance at all levels, ensuring that public office is a role of service, not self-enrichment. A zero-tolerance policy deters graft and signals that integrity is paramount.Beyond enforcement, building open accountability systems is crucial. This involves proactively publishing government data—from budget expenditures and public procurement contracts to legislative processes—in accessible formats. When citizens can easily see how their taxes are spent and how decisions are made, it reduces opportunities for corruption and empowers the public and media to act as watchdogs.Furthermore, protecting whistleblowers who expose wrongdoing is a critical component. Safe, anonymous channels for reporting corruption must be established and safeguarded, ensuring that those who act in the public interest are celebrated and shielded from retaliation. Ultimately, transparency is the engine of efficient governance. It attracts foreign investment by demonstrating stability and fairness, ensures public funds are used for public good, and restores citizen faith in the democratic process. A transparent government is not a vulnerable one; it is a strong, legitimate, and forward-looking partner in national development#usmanshaikh#usmanwrites#usm #GoodGovernance #Transparency #AntiCorruption #Accountability #OpenGovernment #PublicTrust #RuleOfLaw #WhistleblowerProtection #DemocraticValues #NationBuilding
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Recent Progress of the Campaign for the International Anti-Corruption Court: In this recently published article, Susan Lamb outlined the latest developments regarding the draft Treaty to establish the International Anti-Corruption Court (IACC). This policy brief presents the key features of the current draft Statute and the fundamental structure of the proposed IACC, while also identifying areas likely to prompt discussion or require further refinement
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When the Commission announced the Combatting Corruption Directive, I anticipated a smoother legislative process. However, a number of serious legal and political issues (and non-issues) has impeded the ride. Many criminal lawyers believe that the Directive fails to take into account the distinct elements of their criminal legal systems. Others don't want to see anti-corruption coordinators and agencies as an obligatory element of the legal system - a sentiment that must cause bitterness in the candidate states and those who joined the EU after 2004 where the anti-corruption agencies were a non-negotiable condition for the Commission. The efforts of the Bridgegap project make the debate on the anti-corruption criminal law truly comparative. The review sessions joining together expertise from 40 European countries will bring us a better understanding of our sometimes parochial legal traditions and interpretations. The roundtable held last Thursday Luiss Guido Carli University and chaired by Alina Mungiu-Pippidi is a step in the right direction in expressing the strengths and weaknesses of the proposal.
Following two roundtables and a full day of review of anticorruption regulation across EU member states, accession countries and EEA countries we conclude with Luca Forteleoni from the Italian anticorruption authority ANAC that who needs the EU directive on anticorruption most are those who fight corruption in some EU countries. They are hindered in its absence both by the increasing cross-border character of many corruption crimes, and by the erosion of political support domestically. Anticorruption activists, as we agreed with professor Alberto Vannuci from the University of Pisa do not harbor illusions that the EU directives would neccessarily have an impact- often the price of passing such regulation is its reduction to the lowest common denominator, well below the threshold of potential impact. But they hope that the directive would in the least set a norm- that MPs in Germany cannot profit from conflict of interest more than MPs in France, for instance- but also hopefully would help aggregate a truly pan-European anticorruption community, supported by Brussels against reactionary forces on the home front. With many thanks to guests, speakers, students and in particular the law experts who helped review the mapping instrument of 'who needs Europanization' and the data from so many countries. The #BridgeGap website will acknowledge all the contributions when #EUCAL goes live in a couple of months!
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Simplifying EU regulation and a harder line on member-states’ gold-plating of EU law would cut compliance costs and boost growth. New Centre for European Reform/Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies policy brief by Aslak Berg, Elisabetta Cornago, Zach Meyers and Sander Tordoir Read here: https://buff.ly/Rb9hOiI
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Sharing this essential read on the evolving bribery and corruption landscape in China. My team at Sidley Austin LLP has contributed to this Practical Law publication for many years, and I am pleased to highlight the valuable contributions of Dorcas Ong Gee Ping and Margaret Huang in this latest update. 🔖Read the full guide here : https://lnkd.in/gBfdwrrf
Thrilled to share that I recently had the opportunity to co-author a chapter with Yuet Ming Tham, Shu Min Ho and Margaret Huang on Bribery and Corruption in China for Thomson Reuters Practical Law. This chapter explores how China’s anti-corruption framework continues to evolve, and how it fits into the broader international framework of compliance and enforcement. Link: https://lnkd.in/ghBnJ7F9 The publication of this chapter comes shortly on the heels of my presentation with Shu Min Ho at Singapore Management University earlier this month on the US FCPA and UK Bribery Act. Sidley’s White Collar practice fully appreciates the importance of having a global, cross-border perspective — from the US and UK to across Asia, each jurisdiction has its own cultural nuance and focus. It’s a fascinating space to be in — where law, culture, and corporate ethics all intersect — and I’m grateful to learn from such a talented and globally minded team. #ABAC #WhiteCollar #FCPA #UKBriberyAct #Compliance #AntiBriberyAntiCorruption #China #AntiUnfairCompetitionLaw
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To read the report “𝗣𝗼𝗹𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗚𝗿𝗮𝗳𝘁 𝗶𝗻 𝗘𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗲 𝗼𝗻 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗟𝗼𝗼𝘀𝗲”, visit: https://globalanalytics-bg.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/Report_Political-Graft-in-Europe_final.pdf.