Ashley Clark
Capstone Publication Project 2016
Seth: Offender
Offended?
compiled for the unit
AHIS399 Capstone Egypt and the Near East
Macquarie University
Ashley Clark
43535798
enrolled in the degree: Bachelor of Arts
with a major in Ancient History: Egypt and the Near East
20 November 2016
Seth: Offender offended?
Ashley Clark
Capstone Publication Project 2016
it would (also) be misguided to view the ancient Egyptian myths
through the lens of contemporary ethical-moral values or to judge the
behaviour of the ancient Egyptian gods by Christian norms.1
The quote by Alexandra von Lieven, can express much of the literature
that has been written on the ancient Egyptian gods and their stories. It is
this point of view that is accurately concerning the god Seth, who is
primarily known for his roles in the death of his brother, Osiris, and
contending with Horus, his nephew, for the throne of Egypt. It is not
uncommon to find interpretations of Seth being demonised and called
evil due to his actions; disregarding any positive aspects the god has
within ancient Egyptian religion. However, it is also not uncommon to find
scholars attempting to interpret Seths character, and gain a proper
understanding of this complex god.
Just as other scholars have attempted; the motive of this paper is also to
attempt to interpret Seths character through the course of his actions
throughout the myths of Osiris death and the Contendings of Horus and
Seth. The discussion of interpretations will look at his offences through an
ancient Egyptian concept of jurisprudence, and attempt to draw
conclusions to other gods who have also committed offences with the
assistance of modern scholarship; to determine if there is any justification
of the demonisation of the god, Seth.
The meaning of the term offence
Taking VerSteegs legal background into consideration, it can be assumed
that his statement that the ancient Egyptians did not distinguish tort and
crime in the same manner as modern societies do; 2 is an accurate
statement. Considering there is not any quantitative evidence to
demonstrate otherwise, the best comparisons are evident within terms
used within ancient Egyptian and modern contexts, and interpretations on
how the ancient Egyptians viewed tort and crime can be drawn. 3
1 A. Von Lieven, Anti-social Gods?, in R. Nyord and K. Ryhott (eds), Lotus and
Laureal: Studies on Egyptian Language and Religion in Honour of Paul John
Frandsen, (Copenhagen, 2015), 183.
2 VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, (Durham, 2002), 151.
3 ibid.
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
Todays definition of the term, offense is used to describe an illegal
action, such as tort, or violation against what is perceived to be right and
or natural for a human being, 4 and would be a term used to describe the
actions of Seth against his brother; meanwhile, the ancient Egyptian term
appears to be more complex. The Middle Egyptian dictionary term for btA
is wrong or crime,5 however, this can be used simply as a blanket term
to describe any negative action that does not require any legal action.
Hence, supporting Versteegs statement that ancient Egyptians did not
treat tort and crime in the same manner as modern societies.
Crime and Punishment in ancient Egypt
In their administration of justice the Egyptians also showed no
merely casual interest, holding that the decisions of the courts exercise the
greatest influence upon community life if the offenders against the law
should be punished and the injured parties should be afforded succour
there would be an ideal correction of wrongdoing 6
The ancient Egyptians knew about the importance of law and order, and
had an officially recognised legal system with its own rules and
regulations.7 The evidence of this legal system of how it operated barely
survives today and if they do survive it is fragmentary. 8 Even though, we
do have testimonies from the ancient Greeks, such as Diodorus Siculus,
they credited them for how it operated.9 It is known that many of these
Greek sources are not as creditable as we would like them to be, and we
cannot take their absolute word on how things operated within Egypt.
4 Offence, Australian Law Dictionary (2nd edn by T. Mann; Melbourne, 2013),
http://www.oxfordreference.com.simsrad.net.ocs.mq.edu.au/view/10.1093/acref/9
780195518511.001.0001/acref-9780195518511-e-2575
5
R.O. Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian, (Oxford, 1962), 85.
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 151-152.
6
Diodorus Siculus, Histories, I. 75.
7
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 8. VerSteeg, Law in
Ancient Egypt, 3
8
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, (London, 2000), 8.
9
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 8. VerSteeg, Law in
Ancient Egypt, 3.
3
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
Therefore, to gain a more precise definition of ancient Egyptian law is by
taking both the Judgement of the Dead and the Book of the Dead into
consideration, despite their religious overtones; a feature that is hard to
disguise from the secular.10Nevertheless, both are still useful as a starting
point in gaining an understanding of the ancient Egyptian sense of law
and justice.11
The important concept of Maat (MaAt), symbolising truth and order, was
the dominant principle of ancient Egyptian law and its legal system 12. Both
in its personified form as daughter of the solar god, Ra and in its abstract
perception. Maat held important religious, ethical and moral connotations,
that not only guided judges in their decision making, but it also influenced
the daily life of the Egyptians both individually and collectively, and was a
divine attribute of the King.13 Even after death, the Egyptians were judged
against Maat, symbolised by an ostrich feather, to pass on into the
afterlife.14
Along with the concept of Maat, there were several other precepts that
were influential within the ancient Egyptian legal system. Outlined within
the tomb of Eighteenth Dynasty vizier, Rekhmire (1479-1425 BC), the
prominent principles and values in Egyptian jurisprudence were: 1) A
strong preference for tradition (primarily to conserve Maat); 2) A value in
rhetoric; 3) To achieve impartiality and social equality.15
The importance of maintaining Maat within ancient Egyptian society, can
be found in the term for punishments that was used, which was sbA.yt,
meaning teaching or instruction16. However, as lenient as the English
10
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 19.
11
Ibid., 20.
12
Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian, 101-102.
13
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 5.
14
Ibid., 19.
15
These principles can also be found within the story of the Eloquent Peasant, and
in Diodorus Siculus.
16
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 152.
4
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
definition may appear, sb3.yt in the ancient Egyptian context often
involved a form of corporal punishment;17 as it was both necessity to
preserve justice and a deterrent for others who may think about
committing the same crime.18 In the Middle Kingdom, bodily mutilation,
deprivation of burials and excommunication was commonplace, which
became more complex by the New Kingdom. 19 By then, we also have
evidence for the death penalty being served for crimes such as murder,
treason, robbery of royal tombs and judicial bribery.
The Nauri Decree of Seti I (Nineteenth Dynasty), describes various
financial and corporal punishments that were used throughout the New
Kingdom.20 For example, punishments including loss of property and
office, and forced labour with bodily mutilation (missing ears or nose)
were for crimes against the state. 21 It is understood that mutilation was
not only a reminder of ones crimes, or as a deterrent for others but also
for the gods to recognise when the criminal died and judged against the
feather of Maat.22
Since Maat is the concept of natural law and order and was considered
highly important to be maintained, either through doing the right thing, or
punishing those who did not and to make sure they set an example.
Therefore, in accordance to the ancient Egyptian thought of duality. 23 It
would be foolish to assume that it is the god Seth, who would be Maats
opposite; or so that is the assumption given by scholars placing a
negative perspective on him. However, it should be mentioned that the
17
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 64. VerSteeg, Law in
Ancient Egypt, 152.
18
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 152.
19
Ibid., 153.
20
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 64. VerSteeg, Law in
Ancient Egypt, 154.
21
Ibid.
22
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 63. VerSteeg, Law in
Ancient Egypt, 152.
23
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 23.
5
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
opposite of Maat is Isfet (isft), symbolising chaos.24 Even in Faulkners
dictionary, Isfet is defined as wrong, wrong-doing and falsehood,
and most importantly, evil;25 in which, the hieroglyphs bare no
association with Seth or any other god.
Offences committed by Seth
Considering the discussion of ancient Egyptian crime and punishment, the
focus can now be changed to the offences committed by the god Seth.
With the evidence that survives, primarily within the Contendings of
Horus and Seth, which date as early as the Fourth Dynasty within the
Pyramid Texts. It can be considered that the story can be Egypts earliest
example of a criminal trial, therefore, we are able examine Seths actions
as criminal offences.
Scholars state that the two brothers, Osiris and Seth were rivals and it has
been assumed that the two have never been friendly with each other.
What is note-worthy for this paper, is that Osiris is always seen as the
positive force between the two, while Seth is the negative and is referred
to as the arch-enemy.26
While we know that Osiris dies and was killed by Seth, the Pyramid Texts
(along with other accounts of the story) do not fully describe the cause of
death. Griffiths suggests that the avoidance of the topic may be due to
reticence, and the unwillingness to create any undesirable consequences
that may come forth if it was brought up. 27 However, it has been
interpreted by notable scholars such as Sethe and DuQuesne, that it is
possible that Osiris died by drowning. Sethe suggests that the cause of
death can be determined from the Shabaka Stone, since Seth is punished
by being made to carry the body of Osiris on his back, in an Osirian-water
ritual.28 Meanwhile, DuQuesne suggests a similar interpretation within his
translation of the Report of Anubis.29
24
Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian, 31. VerSteeg, Law in Ancient
Egypt, 24.
25
Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian, 31. Faulkner does not list Isfet
(isft) as the meaning of evil, however, it can be interpreted as so. Because he
has next listed isft.y or evil-doer.
26
Griffiths, The Conflict of Horus and Seth: From Egyptian and Classical Sources,
(Liverpool, 1960), 4.
27
ibid, 4-5.
6
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
Regardless of how Osiris died, per to the law of the ancient Egyptians,
Seth committed several crimes other than murder.
Unfortunately, there is little evidence to inform us on how the ancient
Egyptians treated crimes of murder and how they were tied. However, we
do have evidence relating to assassinations; both successful and
conspired from the Sixth and Nineteenth Dynasties. 30 However, we do
know that the ancient Egyptians saw it as a wrongful act, with the term
used in Middle Egyptian As smA m nf or to kill wrongfully.31 The Book of
the Dead indicates that the ancient Egyptians viewed murder as wrongful
acts. Furthermore, we have a text from the Twenty-First Dynasty, that
indicates that the Egyptians punished the guilty with the death penalty.32
By killing Osiris, Seth also committed treason, since Osiris was the ruling
king at the time. To the ancient Egyptians, treason was a serious
malfeasance and attracted the death penalty; which the king often made
the ultimate decision to impose it or not.33 The evidence that we have for
the death penalty being imposed for treason, comes from the well-known
Harem Conspiracy during the reign of Ramesses III, where the guilty were
executed.34
The nature of the ancient Egyptian death penalty, can be found in the
Westcar Papyri and the Instruction of Ankhsheshonq. 35 More often death
followed by the loss of burial rights, was reserved for the worst crimes an
ancient Egyptian could commit, which included murder, treason and the
robbery of royal tombs.36 Although how the death penalty was carried out,
within Seti Is Nauri Decree, there is a significant hieroglyph that might
28
Griffiths, The Conflict of Horus and Seth: From Egyptian and Classical Sources, 7.
29
DuQuesne, At the Court of Osiris: Book of the Dead spell 194, (London, 1994),
22.
30
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 169.
31
Ibid., 169.
32
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 169.
33
ibid, 171.
34
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 171.
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suggest that the penalty was carried out by impalement. 37 However,
within the Westcar Papyri, the Neferhotep Stela and the Instruction of
Ankhsheshonq attest to death by fire.38
Another crime that can be interpreted that Seth committed, is that of
defamation. According to the Pyramid Texts, after the ascension of Horus
onto his fathers throne, Seth demanded a tribunal of the gods against his
brother.39 While the charges laid out against Osiris is apparently unclear,
what is clear is that Seth still fought for his own claim to the throne. 40 Of
course, with the offences that were committed by Osiris that is mentioned
throughout this paper, the charges against Osiris can be imagined.
Nevertheless, just like in the later story of the Contendings of Horus and
Seth, the latter faces defeat and the penalties appear to vary from myth
to myth; from bodily mutilation to forced labour of carrying his brothers
body.41
One example of defamation as a crime, comes from Deir el-Medina, where
a foreman complained that he had been slandered. 42 In court, it was found
that the defendants were guilty and received a beating as punishment.
However, physical punishment was not the only result for the guilty, there
is evidence that they also could receive a warning not to do it again and if
35
M. Lichtheim, Instruction of Ankhsheshonq, Ancient Egyptian Literature: A
Book of Readings III, (Berkeley, 1980), 159-183. Tyldesley, Judgement of
Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 65.
36
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 64. VerSteeg, Law in
Ancient Egypt, 154.
37
Tyldesley, Judgement of Pharaoh: Crime and Punishment, 65.
38
ibid., 66.
39
Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, 33.
40
ibid.
41
Griffiths, The Conflict of Horus and Seth: From Egyptian and Classical Sources,
10.
42
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 169.
8
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they did they would be punished with mutilation. 43 Both punishments
would invoke long lasting reminders for the one who received it and those
around them.
The evidence for the punishment Seth had a to serve for his crimes are
inconclusive, with different descriptions of mutilation, banishment and
death.44 Not to mention the punishment of humiliation that he had to
suffer by carrying the body of his brother. However, it can also be
mentioned that Seth never did get punished for what he did, and instead
received a pardon from the sun god.45
The Position of Seth within ancient Egyptian religion
The storm that Seth evokes is not one of confusion and is order, but one
of power and might over the enemies of Egypt and the Sun God.46
When taking the texts from the earlier periods of ancient Egyptian history,
is can be drawn that both gods held a sense of comradery as gods of
kingship; having reconciled and united to maintain the concept of Maat. 47
Drawing conclusions of a positive, not demonising, view of Seth.
The dominant piece of evidence of the who gods reconciled and united,
come from the Pre-Dynastic Period. Where both gods worked together in
representing the concept of kingship, and the king was expected to
process the divine powers of both Seth and Horus.48 This representation
43
ibid.
44
Griffiths, The Conflict of Horus and Seth: From Egyptian and Classical Sources
10, 34, 59, 124.
45
Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 103. H. te Velde, Seth: God of
Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and religion, (Leiden, 1977),
107.
46
Cruz-Uribe, stH aA pHty: Seth: God of Power and Might, Journal of the
American Research Centre in Egypt, (45, 2009), 202.
47
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 70-1.
48
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 71.
9
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
can be found on the iconography of the royal serekh;49 the pre-cursor of
the cartouche that is found in later periods. Furthermore, during the PreDynastic Period, the queen carried the title, who see Horus and Seth, 50
confirming that she saw the king as the representation of the two gods
united in reconciliation.
An interesting representation of the united gods, is drawn together by
Kees, who demonstrates that there was at least several Egyptian nomes
who worshipped Horus and Seth as a pair of falcons, which were viewed
as a single god.51 Te Velde concludes that this form of Horus and Seth is
known as the dual god, Horus-Seth called Antywey. 52 In support to this
initial worship of Horus and Seth combined, this form appears within the
Book of Gates. Here, Horus and Seth is known as Hrw.yfy or He with Two
Faces and is depicted as a man with two heads (one of Horus and the
other of Seth).53 Te Velde states that Piankoff describes this form, as
representing:
the opposites, the forces of good and evil, Horus and Seth, are
conciliated and now form one figure.54
While there is some truth behind Piankoffs description of truth, however,
describing the union as the union of good and evil is an oversimplification.
In his chapter, Seth und Apophis: Gegengtter im gyptschen
Pantheon?,55 Brunner describes the relationship of the unity between
49
A. OBrien, The Serekh as an Aspect of the Iconography of Early Kingship,
Journal of American Research Centre in Egypt, (33 1996), 123.
50
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 71.
51
ibid.
52
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 69.
53
ibid.
54
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 70.
55
H. Brunner, Seth und Apophis: Gegengtter im gyptschen Pantheon, Das
Hrende Herz Orbisbiblicus Et Orientalis, (80, 1988), 121.
10
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Capstone Publication Project 2016
Horus and Seth as a relationship of dualities and is the pre-solved
question of the relationship of power and justice. 56 Essentially, Seth is the
embodiment of power and Horus is the embodiment of law or justice;
without each other, Seth is wild and dangerous and Horus is weak and
immature.57
A club of iron is swung down on your head. Horus seizes it and Seth
will destroy you.58
A good example of this dual relationship of the two, comes from the reign
of Hatshepsut of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Where she was described as
ruling the country as Horus (the king) and as strong as Seth. 59 Emulating
that for the king to successfully rule, Horus and Seth must cooperate with
each other. Hence, Seth was known as the Guardian of Law or Order and
it is this attribute that he holds, that assists Seth in being the protector of
the sun god every day.60
Seth as the guardian of the sun god, especially during his route through
the underworld, is his best known positive aspect, and can be attested
within a series texts. However, it is in the Contendings of Horus and
Seth, where we can find Pre-Harakhti declaring his decision to choose
Seth to stay by his side:
Let me be given Seth, the son of Nut, that he may dwell with me, being a
son to me, and he shall thunder in the sky and be feared.61
It should also be mentioned that throughout this version of the story, PreHarakhti was a strong supporter of Seth and wished for him to inherit the
throne of Osiris over Horus. For reasons, which where stated before, the
elder god believed that Horus was too immature for the position and
56
ibid.
57
Brunner, Seth und Apophis: Gegengtter im gyptschen Pantheon, Das
Hrende Herz Orbisbiblicus Et Orientalis, 122.
58
ibid.
59
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 71.
60
ibid.
61
Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 103. te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion:
A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and religion, 107.
11
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preferred the strength and seniority of Seth.62 Nevertheless, Seth found
success as a guardian of the sun god, particularly as he is the one god
who can single-handedly fight and defeat the enemy of the sun, Apophis. 63
To the ancient Egyptians, it was the serpent Apophis, who was believed to
be a threat to their livelihoods. Apophis, who has already been discussed
above, was the enemy of the sun god. Unlike Seth, he was never
considered as a god, he was never represented within statuary and was
never worshipped.64 Therefore, it was Apophis, not Seth, who was the
enemy of the gods and humanity.65
Actions towards Osiris justified?
Within the Book of Dead, where the deceased had to declare innocence,
it is stated that adultery was an offence. 66 While it was more a family
matter where consequences were handled internally; with divorce was
more than often the outcome.67 However, there are fictional accounts
which feature adultery with darker outcomes, nevertheless, provide
insight of how the ancient Egyptian legal system dealt with certain cases.
The first of these stories is King Cheops and the Magicians, where a man
called Webaoner finds his wife committing adultery with a townsman. 68
This resulted in Webaoner summoning a crocodile to snatch the man, and
62
ibid.
63
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 99.
64
L.D. Morenz, On the Origin, Name, and Nature of an Ancient Egyptian Anti-god,
Journal of Near Eastern Studies, (63, 2004), 204.
65
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 71.
66
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 172.
67
ibid., 172.
68
K.W. Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt, (New York, 2003), 14-16.
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 173.
12
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keep him at the bottom of the Nile. Webaoners actions were ultimately
approved by the King himself, a personification of Maat, and the
townsman, assuming, died.
... And His Majesty said to the crocodile: Take what belongs to you!
The crocodile then went down to the [depths] of the lake, and no one
knew the place where he went with him.69
The second is the story of The Two Brothers, where the elder brother,
Anubis finds his younger brother Bata, with his wife. 70 Resulting in the
deaths of the wife and Bata; although Bata is later pardoned by Anubis
later in the story. This story, however, is often attributed to being
reminiscent to the story of Horus and Set, due to the similarity they share
of sibling rivalry.71 But the other theme it shares with the pervious story, is
that of the vengeful husband, guilty wife, is also shared with the story of
Nephthys own act of adultery with Osiris.72
Despite that these stories are fictional, there is still evidence that a man
could take the law into his own hands and kill the man committing
adultery with his wife, or both. However, it is explicitly stated that such
acts were not common.73 Nevertheless, the act of vengeance, especially
one that is approved by the King in fiction, would provide Seth the perfect
platform to justifiably kill Osiris, even if it was out of jealousy of being the
object of affection for his sister/wife, Nephthys.
One conclusion that can be determined through this discussion, is that
Seth, in his position as guardian of the law and order, was maintaining law
and order but unfortunately in his forceful and chaotic nature. Giving the
impression that he has committed a great injustice, even though it was
known that Osiris was to eventually die, to teach humanity about death
and loss.74
69
ibid, 16.
70
Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 82-83.
71
ibid., 104.
72
Griffiths, The Conflict of Horus and Seth: From Egyptian and Classical Sources,
91. te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology
and religion, 30.
73
VerSteeg, Law in Ancient Egypt, 174.
13
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Views from modern scholarship.
While te Velde, who is an authority on Seth, only discussed Seths
demonisation during the time of the ancient Egyptians within his work on
Seth: God of Confusion. It has been increasingly common in more recent
years, to find scholars such as Brunner, Cruz-Uribe and von Lieven,
demystifying the demonisation of Seth, by demonstrating that he is not an
evil god, that he is one of strength and was admired and he was not the
only criminal throughout ancient Egyptian religious history.
Brunners chapter, Seth und Apophis: Gegengtter im gyptschen
Pantheon is a significant discussion in relation to this topic regarding
Seth. As it was discussed earlier within this paper, Brunner deliberates on
the duality between Horus and Seth, enforcing the true nature of Seth and
avoiding the ever-popular definition of evil that gets attested to him. 75
And because of Seth being defined as such, Brunner reminds us of who
and what they ancient Egyptians considered to be evil; Apophis, the
enemy of Re.
Apophis ist der Urfeind schlechthin. Er wird nie als Gott...76
Cruz-Uribes own discussion on Seth, comes from his catalogue of
artefacts that are significant to understanding the role and position within
ancient Egyptian religion. Keep true to the title of his paper, stH aA pHty:
Seth: God of Power and Might, Cruz-Uribe has chosen artefacts that
directly demonstrate the power Seth as a positive force within ancient
Egyptian religion.77 Which he also believes that modern scholars have
misunderstood the significance of Seths role and position; he states that
there was never a proscription on the cult of Seth, since it did survive after
the New Kingdom.78
74
te Velde, Seth: God of Confusion: A study of his role in Egyptian mythology and
religion, 32.
75
Cruz-Uribe, stH aA pHty: Seth: God of Power and Might, Journal of the
American Research Centre in Egypt, 201.
76
Brunner, Seth und Apophis: Gegengtter im gyptschen Pantheon, Das
Hrende Herz Orbisbiblicus Et Orientalis, 127.
77
Cruz-Uribe, stH aA pHty: Seth: God of Power and Might, Journal of the
American Research Centre in Egypt, 201-2.
78
ibid.
14
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Finally, von Lievens article on Antisocial Gods? does not necessarily
focuses on Seth, but does focus on the offences and crimes that have
been committed by other gods of the ancient Egyptian pantheon. These
crimes include acts of murder, rape and violence by gods such as Osiris,
Geb and Horus.79 The reasoning behind this paper is to bring forth the
discussion that Seth has long been the victim of receiving a negative
reception due to his offensive actions, due to her persona. Yet, even those
who have a positive force within Egyptian religion, were capable of
committing offences that were just as bad or worse.80
Can the demonisation of Seth be justified Final Thoughts?
Following the discussion on what was concerned to be a crime and
appropriate punishments for those who committed them, how and what
crimes were committed by Seth, as well as the punishments he was said
to have received. It can be concluded that Seth truly fitted into the
definition as the god of chaos. But unlike what he has been attributed to,
Seth was never considered to be evil.
For the ancient Egyptians, it was Isfet and Apophis who were the
embodiments of evil. Isfet was the opposite of Maat, meanwhile Apophis
was the arch-enemy of Re and every night it was Seth, who had the
strength and might to defeat him. Ultimately protecting Re and ensuring
the continuity of his journey, so earth can see a new day.
Furthermore, as a god of kingship alongside his nephew, Horus. It was
proposed within ancient Egyptian literature that the two did reconcile and
co-operate with each other for the good of the world. It was also believed
that the king of Egypt was meant to be the embodiment of both gods,
carrying the qualities of Horus sense of justice and Seths strength.
Seth, even though taking the law into his own violent hands, did murder
Osiris out of vengeance. Was still considered to be a guardian of law, and
the guardian of Horus. If the ancient Egyptians did see Seth in such a
negative light, like modern literature has portrayed him, he would not be
taking up such critical and important roles within the ancient Egyptian
cosmos.
79
A. Von Lieven, Anti-social Gods?, in R. Nyord and K. Ryhott (eds), Lotus and
Laureal: Studies on Egyptian Language and Religion in Honour of Paul John
Frandsen, 181.
80
ibid.
15
