THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT - A. FARIDAD INTRODUCTION ‘THIS PAPER isa preliminary examination of the problem of delimiting the field of regional planning which Professor J. Friedmann characterized as "a congeries of more or less unrelated activities." This discussion emphasizes the importance of having a clearer conceptual framework for the field of regional planning as an academic discipline The imporcance of delimiting the subject matter of regional planning is obvious. Recent interest in the welfare aspects of development planning, with emphasis on more equitable income distribution and greater social amenities and employment opportunities,* makes having on hand a clearer notion of regional planning a necessary condition for training purposes and for a better understanding of the nature and scope of economic and social development ‘This paper firs reviews several prevailing definitions of regional plan ring and development which vend to be inadequate and limiced in scope, particularly in the context of developing countries.* Secondly, it shows that regional development and planning cannot be profitably studied in isola conor without reference comainstream economic thinking and development philosophy. Rather, regional development planning must be considered asa discipline which enhances our understanding of the nature of development J. Feiedmann, “Regional Panning a3 Field of Stay." Journal of the American Institut of ‘lanners (Rug 1289) reprinces in Presmann and W. Alonso. eds. Regional Development and Planning’ A Rear. (Cambeidge, Mass MT. Press. 1968). p. 61 # United Nations, Second United Nations Development Decale, (A/7382) (3 June 1970), pan ie pe 5 11.W. Richardson, “The Relevance and Applicability of Regional Economic te Developing Countries” (Paper presented st the UNGRD Consulearive Meeting, Nagoya, 5-7, Novembet86 A, FARIDAD processes, Lastly, a definition is proposed upon which the priority research areas in the field of regional planning are based and outlined. REGIONAL PLANNING AS AN ACADEMIC DISCIPLINE Ever since the monumental work of Professor W. Isard, entitled Methods of Regional Analysis, the number of books and articles on the sub- ject of regional planning has greatly increased." A cursory review of the liceravure, however, indicates that there is no unanimity on what is the nature and scope of regional planning asa field of study. J. Friedmann in his article entitled, "Regional Planning as a Field of Study,” suggests that regional planning as an academic discipline is characterized by a concern with the clarification of social objectives in the ordering of activities in supraurban space."’ While quite commendable in the frame in which this definition has been cast, it is doubtful whether it really does justice to the subject matter of regional planning. A careful reading of this article reveals that in spite of a discussion of what planning is and the importance of viewing regional planning within the frame of reference, the general level of discussion remains quite elementary. Because of this constraint, the treat ment does not permit delimitation of the subject of regional planning in a comprehensive fashion. Furthermore, it clearly represents the views of a ‘group of scholars who have been concerned with the development of cities in environments which neither have the need for planning nor practise it diligently. As pointed out recently by Professor H. Richardson, it represents the views of those who have developed regional economics in the context of the United States, of at least with the North American institutional ‘environment in mind or, to a lesser extent, that of Western Europe.* A more comprehensive definition of regional planning with a wider base and perhaps a different orientation has been suggested by Professor " teae’s contributions are mumnerous but dhe four solumes comprising the scree in which Methods of Regional nub is Valumne Wy sepresent is major contibution to regional evelopment anatyns and planning” Ihe frst lame inthe aries, Location and Space Economy (Cambraige, Mab. M-tot. Pres. 1960). pronded tbe techniques for empitial investigation. Volume IIE General Theory: Seciah Poitcal Economic and Regional (Cambridge, Mase M.LT. Prem, 1269) focused un decision making analyses, and Vela IW" Spat Dynamics and Optimal Space Time Development, (New York. Nowh:tollang 1979} provider the conceptual framework necetsty for dynamic analy of regional develo 5 J. Friedmann, “Regional Planning asa Feld of Study" p63 4 Richardwon, “The Relevance and Appliabiliy of Regional Economics +o Developing counties " REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT 7 Kosta Mihailovic. In the introduction to his book, he suggests that, “By regional development we mean the socioeconomic changes in various types of regions, the dynamics of interregional relations and relevant facto which have had a bearing on the tendencies and results of development. “This definition alo lacks larity and scientific rigour, and hence, i too falls short of meeting the definitional requirements of an academic discipline. Ie is too broad and does not touch on factors relevant to development. A distinction is made in the literature between regional and national planning on the basis that the former is more multiiseiplinary in nature ‘White there may be some valid argument to this claim, it consticutes an insufficient basis for defining an academic discipline, Furthermore, it is difficule co see how the mulidisciplinary character can be limited to regional planning since national planning can be equally multdisciplinary if so desired by the planners and policy-makers. This divergence of view is not an unexpected development since the definition of any physical or social scientific inquiry almost invariably has followed the creation ofa field of study Indeed follows from the very nature of ascience that until ithas reached a certain stage of development, definition ofits scope is necessarily impossible. For the unity ofa science only shows itself inthe unity ofthe problemsitis able o solve, and such unityisnot discovered until the interconnexion of its explanacory prineiples thas been established." Fortunately, a number of important contributions on the subject have recently been made in the literature. This development, in conjunction with the urgeney that has been brought about by the results of past development efforts, provides a justification for undertaking the present inquiry In an effort to arrive at a comprehensive definition of regional plan: ning, a logical starting point would be to emphasize the word "regional." As stated by Fried mann and Alonso spatial considerations require explicit treatment in the course of development inthe few years that Nations have sough economic develop: ‘ment as an explicit goal, has become clear that the arithmetic of macroeconomics has need! of and is made more powerful by the geometry of regional considerations. Not only must decisions be ‘made on how much of a scarce resource shall be allocated to a ona Mibsilovie, “Introduction.” Regional Development: Experiences and Prospect it Eastern Europe, (The Hague Mouton, 1872) "L, Robbins, An Esty on the Nature and Significance of Ecanomi Science, tnd ed (Longon: acmilan 1982) 2cy A, FARIDAD. sven purpose, but also on where investments shall take place Region and space are neglected but necessary dimensions of the theory and the practice of economic development.” A similar point has been made by Richardson, that any revision of regional growth theory must start from the ‘explicit introduction of space and diseance into the analysis, both in the sense of distance separating regions in the interregional system and spatial differentiation within regions ‘These and similar observations encompass the central issue of this paper on which further elaborations are to be seen in the following sections. INHERENT CONCENTRATION IN DEVELOPMENT PLANNING, After nearly chree decades of development planning, the consensus among planners and policy-makers is that rapid economic growth in developing countries has not even benefited a third of the population and that the relative shave of poverty has increased. Furthermore, there are sufficient grounds in support of the observation that the welfare aspect of development planning in terms of more equitable income distribution and greater employment opportunity have in fact worsened in these countries."” This observed pattern of development is not altogether unexpected and in fact, is in line with some a prior’ reasoning for which ample references are found in the literature. For example, it has been observed ‘hatin the early stages of development thedistribution ofincome. tends to become mete concentrated. Increases in output come Aisproportionately from relatively small modern sectors of primary production and incustry, which absorb a high propor tion of total investment and have relatively high rates of proce tivity growth. Planning, however, seldom aims only at accelerating the rate of growth. Instead it takes into consideration such objectives as improving * Friedman and Alonto, eds. Regional Development and Planning, p 1 H.W. Richardson, Regional Growth Theory. (London: Macmillan, 1978), p. 51 " Hols Chenery, et al, Redistribution with Growth: Policies o Improve Income Ditibution sabres cotrsinte Coes of eonome Grout (Landon Oxrd UnvertyFre 1 ap xe REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT 9 social services and providing a greater employment opportunity or even a ‘more equitable income distribution. Thus, a number of other explanations have been suggested by practical and policy-oriented planners for the observed pattera of development. First of all, planning for a number of rea sons in the past has been confined to plan preparation and has not been, asit should be, a guide to government development policies. Furthermore, plans have not been prepared in sufficient detail, necessary for identifying realistic development objectives and policy instruments. Secondly, plans have often proven to be unimplementable because the stated objectives have either been unrealistic to begin with or outdated by the time implementa tion has been initiated, Though important, these explanations do not fully account for the relatively unsatisfactory results of planning efforts in developing countries. ‘While the increase in the relative share of the poverty group could in part be attributed to faulty planning and poor plan implementation, ic should not be assumed that this is the primary explanation. A real explanation will have ta be sought by analysing the earlier statement that, in the early stages of development income distribution tends to be more concentrated. ‘With regards to this point, ivis proposed that the underlying assump: tions of existing planning techniquesshould be looked at closely, rather than, undertaking empirical verification of hypotheses formulated on the basis of existing theories, The reason for this is that the relevance and usefulness of a theoretical treatise should be scrutinized according to how realistic the assumptions are upon which it is based. ‘Two important areas of planning techniques, namely macroeconomic planning and project evaluation techniques are discussed in this connection ‘The reason for limiting it to these two areas is primarily that a discussion of all planning techniques obviously is not possible within the confines of this paper. More importantly, however, since we are interested in the structure of production, it seems logical to take a closer look at the underlying assumptions of the usual production functions and growth models and to compare the assumed production structures with those found in the real world." In s0 doing, it would be possible to show why economic activities © tis ame tere o notesha gage conan development fen amount im a decades or longer, for which developing countries neither have the paience nor are ominced shat would bea desirable sctl and pliceal course of action, ‘The emphasison the supply sie should not be lfcut ose; itis by examining che sewcture at producgon that gnc eat seceriain the extent of ermployenent opportunity and che ensuing Sakon of income dnribution. For example. a market dominated by moncpoles(and moro) ‘onic would nox bein all nelinood "job creating” ia outlook, nor would H encourage more ‘Equitable income dinebtion.0 A. FARIDAD must be concentrated, particularly under the conditions found in develop- ing counsties. In support of this, the project evaluation techniques which are most important in the planning process are also discussed in order to demonstrate that in all likelihood the decisions on location of industry/projects are influenced by considerations that accentuate economic concentrations, Macroplanning Macroeconomic planning is necessary for the preparation of a com plete plan. lis by employing such techniques that plan consistency can be assured and resource availability is matched against resource requirements and vice versa, Though not always true, macroeconomic planning usually employs econometric macromodel, the central feature which i specifica tion of the production structure — the supply side. In line with post ‘Keynesian teadition, national accounting is the frame which is commonly employed in carrying out such an exercise. Irrespective of the degree of sophistication of such models the difficult task confronting quantitative economists and cconometricians is specification of involved functional rela tionships and indentification of dependent and independent variables Since this paper proposes not to discus the technical aspects of econometric models! but to review ehe theoretical base of such techniques, it seems necessary to examine the assumptions chat govern the widely used produc tion function(s). The neoclassical growth model, ether in its original ot modified form, rests on the well-known assumptions of the pure competition model where a simple world of homogeneous products, produced by many producers, is assumed." Further, itis assumed that there exists certainty about prices, both in inputs and outputs, and that factors of production are "A. Lewis, Development Planning’ The Esential of Esenomic Palicy(New York: Harper and Row, 1966). * a we * 1 For the technleal aspects of econometric models ste J. Tinbergen aod H.C. Bes, Mathematical Model for Econamic Growth (New Yor: MeGraw Hile 1962): CE. Chit, ‘Economeine Models snd Methods (New York: Wiley, 1956). ‘ext cenng acs comin de ince nate apo REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT ” responsive to factor-return differentials such as wages, interest, rent, ete. In such a world, producers are assumed to be guided by the well-known profit motivation drive, In its more abstract formulation, it is assumed that production takes place by employing labour and capital, under conditions of full employmem, peefect competition, homogeneous commodity, zero transport cost and fixed labour supply." . is interesting to examine the relevance of such model(s) for macro- planning exercises particularly in the context of developing countries. In the “developed world” the most common features are: Product differentiation, the existence of monopolistic competition, oligopoly, duopoly and even ‘monopoly (at least natural monopoly and public utilities), uncertainty and. tack of complete knowledge of all kinds, noticeable technological progress and limited supply of labour, presence af labour unions and a shortage of skilled labour, In the developing world there are, in addition, more impor: tant differences attributed to the existence of dualism, such as differences in the social system, in racial and ethnic backgrounds, in production condi- tions, in demographic behaviour and in the domestic and foreign sectors." Planners in developing countries must adequately recognize and correctly evaluate each of these differences." 18 Forse propesies andspecitication of the Cobb-Douglas production funtion see M. Brown, (On the Theo ond Meaterement of Teehvical Change. (New York: Cambridge Universty Drews 96s) Tahould be noted that his function allow alec catesofinereasng, decreasing ou conatane return to teal Conant resin ro seal, which seer fo have great deal of ppeal holds true under the farther stringent asumption of no technological change. 1 A.C. Kelley, 1G. Willamson and RJ. Cheetham, Duane Economic Development, “Theory end Hany, (Chicago’ University 9f Chicago Press. 1972), pp. 588 + The commonly employed production function in developing countries isthe Harrod-Domar production function (output asa funcich of capital tock. tn this formulation, labour not Eiptieidy taken lac conaderation, and elasticity of subatieutionsveswern capital and labour Sisumed to be sero. See E:D, Doimar, Essay wm the Theory of Economic Growth, (Oxford ‘Gxtond University Prem, 1972), Chaptce V. For practical application of thisfunction, see U.N, Studies tn Longlerm Economae Projections for the World Eeowomy, Aggregative Models 7S8e2'$178CA 780), (New York, 1968), 1 This line of reasoning should not be viewed asan argument agains the need for simplifying ‘sumptions in socal sciences, What is being questioned is the extent and nature of tach HnpliBeatons apd generauestions In other words, whats he erterion on the Bass of which {hebretecant and prSettioners should aecept or reject theories insocalsclences, particularly 8 Economic tiene In simpler wr, the question narrow down co: How much simplification “i generaliraton shouldbe permitted before a mheorevealcasceptceaes co be relevant and SrSne Fhe relevance of de caning economic theoriey, based on developed indus cau Wien for developing counties wat the topic of 2 conference held in the University of MiSvegence England, 1964, under the heading of, "The Teaching of Development Econo™ Tea The general consengs seems to have been thatthe existing theories in mowt cases ate not ‘tet sited to conditions in developing countries, fe was poinied out, "That difference in ct Comscinces may often call for agoficant departure from some of se factual ssumptions "Anglo Sauon economic theories with etesponding changes beth inthe2 ‘A. FARIDAD Project Evaluation Techniques ‘As essential as he macroplanning phase is, a well-prepared plan also has to have its sectoral investment, programmes ane! projects breakdown"? It is of some interest t0 note that in all likelihood and in spite of the sophistication acquired in plan preparation by planners and project evalua tors, the overriding tendency in existing project evaluation techniques favours concentration of economic activities.* This is not difficult to see, particularly if project evaluation techniques closely follow plan objectives. In other words, ifthe objective of maximizing the growth rate is adhered to closely, the guiding principle would be to locate industres/projects where cost is lowest, or where ceterds paribus, the difference between benetie and cost is the greatest. This means that che location of industry/projectsisikely to be influenced by the accessibility and price of the requisite inputs which in ‘most cases are available at or near the already economically developed areas, There is no need to emphasize that labour, particularly skilled labour, is relatively more abundant in the cities and metropolitan areas Investments are made where risks are not high around cities ane! near ‘markets where transport and service costs are lowest Due to a number of simplifying assumptions, particularly those related to the mobility of production factors, development patterns even in developed countries are not those depicted by the theoretical treatise, but rather ones that emphasize concentration of economic activities and uneven development. Employment creation and regional development are not the ‘main features of this kind of growth and development. As observed by Richardson Indeed, if we were we adopt neoclassical models in their pure unadulterated forms there would be no such field ag region Soape, Th Teactig of rctupnca Enum on, Frank Ga 987 BT At theve has been no breakthvough in this portant question, and planners consinae to employ the tansard planning tesniques. sem seuibe to suggest that ne may to gecouc ‘hitseming imate would be to require planer learn sheesising tneores “backward sid torwaré”Uiechrough such mastery snd in dep Knowledge ofthe workings of the economies of the developing counties tha, panes mould be ins postion to rtraduce sufficient ‘odifieation Me basic ysumprionso the euating theories rd perpare realise developens plane Lewis, Development Plannong: The Exental of Economic Poi 1 For che echnical aspect project evaluation, the reader may refer toa numberof books and aces on the subject A recommended source ix Unies Nations tedusral Development Greanivnion, Cudtiner for Poyer Braunton AD SER YI Now York TOS) REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT. 3 ‘To further amplify, space is incompatible with perfect competition, complete ‘ercainty, marginal adjustment to prices, output and labour and the other background conditions of the neoclassical world. I should be clear that objectives such as employment creation, more ‘equitable income distribution and greater social amenities are not arvong the readily attainable goals, particularly in the context of developing countries if conventional planning concepts and techniques continue to play a pivotal role in the conceptifalization of development planning. A different technique that emphasizes location of economic activities is more appro: priate, in addition to optimizing the aggregate growth rate, For the reasons ‘explained, regional planning provides 2 more suitable conceptual frame- work but before elaborating on that, ic is first necessary to further delimit it as an academic discipline NATURE AND SCOPE OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLANNING. ‘Three decades of continuous planning efforts to increase the per capita income and general well-being of the average man have not contri- buted much te clarifying what exactly constitutes development planning,” In some respects this is not surprising since planning or directing govern- ment action towards the acceleration of material progress is a recent phenomenon dating back only to the early twenties. Planning experience in developing countries is even mare recent, coinciding with the end of the Second World War and United Nations efforisin that direction. Additional sifficulty in defining development planning, particularly in the context of developing countries, stems from the fact that most developing countries fll Jn the category known as “mixed economies.” characterized by a sizeable private/unorganized sector. A number of definitions. however, have been suggested and are avail able in the planning literature. For example, Professor A.W. Lewis defines a plan as one that may contain any or all of the following elements:** % Bichardion, Regional Growth Theor. pp. 22-3. cal Adelman, “Introduction.” Theories of Economic Growth and Development, (Stanford ‘Stanford University Press, 1986),4 A. FARIDAD, (a) a survey of current economic conditions (b) a list of proposed public expenditure; (6) a discussion of likely development in the private sector: (a) a macroeconomic projection of the economy; (6) a review of government policies Similarly, a group of experts appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1963, state that “the purpose of formulating a plan is to identify and define the policies best calculated to achieve general economic and social objectives." Notwithstanding this inability of planners to reach an agreement on what constitutes development planning, undoubtedly there cannot be any planning without growth models.** On that basis, one can view development planning as the application of growth models to a government action plan comprised of objectives, strategies and the requisite policy instruments. The existing models, for reasons explained earlier, suffer from a major shortcoming in that none consider the spatial dimension of growth processes. Therefore, regional planning can be defined asthe application of growth models to development planning with explicit reference to the spatial dimension of development processes. Alternatively, it can be viewed 4s the preparation of a government action plan with due consideration 10 the location of economic activities and regional development RESEARCH AREAS IN REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING. Ik should be clear that if locational considerations ought to be intto- duced explicitly in our growth models, space assumes a more important role both at the interregional and incraregional levels, since distance between, and within regions affects regional growth paths, Moreover, since the unit cost of overcoming space remains the same regardless of whether the focusis interregional or intraregional, there isno teason why we Should differentiate between interregional, regional or urban models. Similar reasoning supports the integration of regional and urban economics and, therefore, ‘he desicability of a "spatial growth theory.” Such a spatial growth theory as claborated by Richardson must explain: firstly, why national economic development is initially polarized 2 U.N, Planning for Economic Development (New York, 1968), p- 6 Adelman, Theories of Economic Grouth and Drvelatment. 0. REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT % and why at certain stages development spreads into other regions; secondly, why sustained growth within each region resuks in the concentration of activities and, hence, the emergence of urban areas via the close link of urban development with national development, and in the interdependency of metropolitan and regional cities; thirdly, why within each metropolitan ‘area, economic growth is accompanied by the decentralization of economic activities, reflecting the degree to which the metcapolitan structures adapt themselves to changing economic, technical and social conditions. "These are the phenomena that regional growth models must explain and should be viewed as am addition to what we already know about the determinants of the nonspatial aspect of growth, such as the rate of growth in factor inputs and technical progress. A great deal of research has already been conducted in developing regional growth models and areas closely related to “spatial growth theory.” But since a satisfactory spatial growth theory is yet to be developed, more research is necessary in the following areas. Integration of Regional and Urban Economies There is no argument against the view that in order to assess the growth potential of a region itis necessary to look at its cities and urban centres. To do this, careful research programmes aiming at a better under standing of region and urban centre relations should be proposed and con: ducted. There are several advantages for doing this: firs, it provides a more suitable frame for migration studies since focus would be on urban-rural and interurban plans. The central issue would be that if labour movement both within the region and incerregionally ~ plays a role in determining the rate of growth, then it would seem logical that regional planners should have a better understanding of the interactions involved. This requires in-depth studies of labour behaviour in the context of scale economies, absorptive capacity of the urban labour market and agglomeration eco: nomies. Second, there is the role of innovation in dhe growth of the region and its urban ceatres. An important consideration is to know the extent to which innovation affects regional growth, and whether larger and more ‘outward-looking cities are more likely to be centres of innovation. Thirdly, there is the all important consideration of agglomeration economies which can be examined only when regional and urban economies are integrated.% A. FARIDAD Finally, this approach provides a better frame for the study of growch centre strategy which has interesting possibilities and has attracted a great deal of Obviously, a closely related research area is that of agglomeration economies. Though conceptually ele made to measure these economies for operational pusposes . problems arise when attempts ace AAs a generalization, agglomeration economies refer to the economies of size and concentration. Since the benefits size and Concentration vary from different sections of the urban com: ‘munity, itis useful for operational purposes and as a firs step in disaggregation 1o draw a disinction between agglomeration eco: rpomies for society at large, for households and for firms. As there is a need for greater insight into the nature of these econ mies, a systematic and careful research in these areas seems to be in order, Regional Dispersion of National Growth and Intraregional Concentration Although geographically unbalanced development, which goes hand in hand with industrialization, is not completely ignored in national plan ning, it does not receive the attention ic deserves. Thisis to be expected since the conentional approaches, with their simplifying assumptions, do not permit full recognision of such processes. With this in view, it seems realistic to consider hypothese» that fully cake into consideration the ramifications and rationale of the forces concerned. ‘A good starting point would be to recognize that, “if the national economy develops by way of spatial polarization, this must imply that regional problems are an inevitable by-product of growth processes regard. less of whether they receive attention from economic policy-makers.” Viewed in this fashion, attention is directed toward the relationships between regions and national development. In such an approach, impor tant relationships tend to receive the atrention they deserve. These inelude the observed pattern of development highlighted by the initial development of one or evo regions, leaving the rest of the economy untouched and © For Further discussion ae Ibid, pp. 15 = 8 id. p_ 182: for further discussion of agglomeration, see Chaper 7 ints entirety abla. p. 138 REGIONAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT 97 subsequent dispersion of economic activites into other regions. and finally the interdependency of industrial development and urbanization There is a need for research in testing this hypothesis. This is not to deny the importance of contributions which have already been inade, but rather to emphasize that more research seems t0 be necessary for a full understanding of the rationale of these processes. The importance of this kind of research becomes more evident when we note that, while itis possible to explain economic concentration by means of conventional economic rea soning, itis iffculecoexplain why after development reachesa certain state itis usually associated with dispersion into other regions ‘An appropriate approach seems to be the frame provided by the centre periphery model. According to this hypothesis, the path of develop. rent consists of four stages: che first stage is that of the pre-industrial societies in which the economy consists of a number of independent local centres with no major interdependency links. The next stage isthe indus trialization stage where development is concentrated within a single strong centre, At thit sage, contacts with other regions begin but are not very strong and ate generally unidirectional in character. In this stage, labour, capical, managerial alene and raw materials would flow to the central city Development is rapid in the centre, but the outer peripheries remain relatively untouched. At this stage, while the central city remains dominant, viable subcentres emerge. The integration process begins, but is incom: plete, and signs of interdependence appear, but many underdeveloped sub: Centres remain. The final stages characterized by a functional independent system of cities or, rather, a system based on the structure of che national urban hierarchy. Undoubtedly, these processes which are elaborated at a descriptive level need to be further delineated into concrete testable hypotheses. In carrying out such research programmes, care must be taken to integrate these procesies as much as possible with what is already known from the national planning points of view and the national planning models Undoubtedly a great deal of economic concentration and dispersion can be explained by conventional economic motivations and the structure of markets, ec But since conventional analysis is ether incapable of explain ing these forces satisfactorily or has neglected to doso, diferent approaches and hypotheses such asthe centre periphery model merit serious attention, Closely related areas of research inthe fel are the competitive and generative growth concepts and models. The competitive concept is based fon the notion chat regional growth has no postive effect on the national growth rate. In other words, the emphasis of chis approach is on inter regional competitiveness. In such movies the national ermeth rte ven