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AUTHOR Cajete, Gregory

TITLE Look to the Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous
Education. First Edition.
REPORT NO ISBN-1-882308-65-4
PUB DATE 94
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DESCRIPTORS American Indian Culture; *American Indian Education;
Art; Community Influence; *Cultural Context;
*Educational Philosophy; Educational Principles;
Elementary Secondary Education; Environmental
Education; Ethnology; *Foundations of Education;
*Holistic Approach; Mythology; Nonformal Education
IDENTIFIERS *Culture Based Education; Environmental Ethic;
*Indigenous Knowledge Systems; Spirituality

ABSTRACT
This book explores the nature of indigenous
education, outlining key elements of American Indian perspectives on
learning and teaching. It advocates dev.iloping a contemporary,
culturally based, educational process fc,inded upon traditional tribal
values, orientations, and principles, while simultaneously using the
most appropriate concepts, technologies, and content of modern
education. Environmental relationship, myth, visionary traditions,
traditional arts, tribal community, and nature-centered spirituality
have traditionally formed the foundations of American Indian life for
discovering one's true face (character, potential, identity), one's
heart (soul, creative self, true passion), and one's foundation (true
work, vocation), all of which lead to the expression of a complete
life. Indigenous education is a process of education grounded in the
basics of human nature. It can provide new ways of educating for
ecological thinking and environmental sustainability, and has the
potential, not only for the transformation of what is misnamed
"Indian education," but also for profound applications toward
transforming modern American education. Chapters explore the
spiritual, environmental, mythic, visionary, artistic, affective, and
communal foundations of indigenous education. A final chapter
discusses ethnoscience, and relates seven core courses for an
indigenous science curriculum to the seven cardinal directions
honored by all indigenous peoples. An appendix lists 24 principles
applicable to the holistic presentation of any content to any age
level. Contains 119 references. (SV)

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 ea

LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN

AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION
LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN
AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

QREQORY CAIETE, PH.D.

411:0

Introduction by Vine Deloria, Jr.

teon
KARIG
PRESS
Cover Painting of The Asking Copyright C. 1994 Gregory A. Cajete
The cover illustration is inspired by the tradition of Huichol Indian yarn
painting, and represents the first act in the journey toward understanding,
that of Asking. Looking to the "inner form" of an archetypal mountain, the
human form asks for and receives understanding, with the trickster, in the form of
a spider monkcy, and four kokopeli looking on. As the "flower and song" of
the human touches the face of the great mystery, the human connects to a
great "rainbow of thought and relationship which brings illumination and
true understanding of the "ecology of relationship" and of the inherent truth,
"We are all related!"
Cover Photos of The Asking and Gregory Cajete by Linda Montoya
Cover Photo of Santa Fe Baldy by Gregory Cajete
Cover & Book Design by Olive Charles

Copyright (0 1994 by Gregory A. Cajete

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted

in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information
storage and retrieval systems, except for brief reviews, without permission in
writing from the publisher.

Kivaki Press
585 East 3Ist Street
Durango, Colorado 81301
303-385-1767

Publisher's Cataloging in Publication

Cajete, Gregory A.
Look to the mountain : an ecology of indigenous education / Gregory
Cajete ; introduction by Vine Deloria, Jr. 1st ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 1-882308-65-4
1. Indians of North America -- Education -- Philosophy. 2. Human
ecology - -North America. 1. Title.

E96 C35 1994 370%8997

QB194-295

First Edition
First Printing, 1994

Printed in the United States of' America

23456 98 97 96 95

4
A WISE ELDER AMONQ MY PEOPLE the Tewa Pueblo Indians frequently used the
phrase Pin 171 obi, look to the mountaintop.' I first heard it when I was seven years
old, as I was practicing for the first time to participate in relay races we run in
Pueblo country to give strength to the sun father as he journeys across the sky.
I was at one end of the earth track which ran east to west, like the path of
the sun. The old man, who was blind, called me to him and said: "Young one, as
you run, look to the mountain top," and he pointed to TsikOmo, the Western
sacred mountain of the Tewas. "Keep your gaze fixed on that mountain, and you
will feel the miles melt beneath your feet. Do this, and in time you will feel as if
you can leap over bushes, trees, and even the river.'"

Alfonso Ortiz
San Juan Pueblo, 1972
 ACKNOWLEDQMENTS

THERE ARE A NUMBER OF PEOPLE whose advice, encouragement, and technical

assistance were instrumental in bringing this book to completion. First, I
wish to acknowledge the inspiration and support of family, friends, and
various members of the Indian community too numerous to mention. The
nurturing spirit of these special people provided the rooted ecology that
made this work possible. I wish to extend my deepest gratitude to my
mother, Clara Cajete, and my grandmother Maria Cajete for their special
presence, love and guidance in my life. Also, special thanks to my wife,
Patsy, E.nd son, James, for their patience and love.
I extend deep gratitude to Phillip Foss for his expert technical and
editorial assistance with critical phases in the production of this book. I also
wish to acknowledge Vine Deloria, Edward T. Hall, Simon Ortiz, Roger
Buffalohead, Michael Mooris, Elisabet Sahtouris, Peggy Macintosh, Tomas
Atencio, Lloyd New, Rina Swentzel, Dolores LaChapelle, Alfonso Ortiz,
Dave Warren, Gloria Emerson and Naomi Tuttle for their support and
invaluable advice regarding portions of this work.
Finally, I would like to recognize the hundreds of Native American
students that I have encountered over the last twentyyears of teaching, learning,
and creating. Indeed, this work is a co-creation with them and through them.
This work is also a reflection of the good thoughts as well as the trials
and tribulations of the many Indian and non-Indian people I have encoun-
tered who can' about Indian education and the continuance of the essential
spirit of Indian thought and traditions.

Gregory Cajete
Santa Fe, 1994

I
 FOR ALL MY RELATIONS
AND CHILDREN EVERYWHERE:

LOOK TO THE MOVNTAIN!

ANC)
BE WITH LIFE

S.
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS *

The Asking
24
The Ebb and Flow of Tribal Education
38
The Mimbres Hunter of Good Heart
59
The Connected Rings of Indigenous Visioning
, 71

Tracking Concentric Rings of Relationship

123

Water Jar Boy Petroglyph At La Cienega, New Mexico

124

The Cardinal Orientations of Indigenous Creativity

160
A Tree of' Life and Indigenous Artistic Expression
163

An Indigenous Curriculum Mandala For Science

From A Native American Perspective
203
The Sun Dagger: An Ancient Metaphor For
A Contemporized Indigenous Education
207
The Indigenous Stages of Developmental Learning
210

9
 0 CONTENTS

List of Illustrations 8

Foreword 11

Preface: About Parameters and Process 17

I Introduction: Modern Education frorri

A Tribal Perspective 25
II Finding Face, Finding Heart, and Finding A Foundation
An Overview of Tribal Indigenous Education 33

III For Life's SakeThe Spiritual Ecology of

American Indian Education 42

IV Singing WatersThe Environmental Foundation of

Indigenous Education 74

V Living Our MythsThe Mythic Foundation of

American Indian Education 115

VI Seeing the Voices of Our HeartThe Visionary/Artistic

Foundation of American Indian Education 141

VII We Are All RelatedThe Affective/Communal Foundation

of American Indian Education 164

VIII Living the VisionIndigenous Education for

A Twenty-First Century World 186

IX Final ThoughtsIndigenous Education and

Its Role In Individual Transformation 208
Appendix: An Outline of Perspectives On
Indigenous Teaching and Learning 222

Notes To the Text 228

Bibliography 237

.t. 0
 .40, FOREWORD

VINE DELORIA, JR.

ROM THE BEGINNING OF CONTACT with European culture until the present,
education has been a major area of conflict and concern. Early 'efforts by
the Spanish were directed at transforming the Indian culture into an exact
replica of church-dominated, administratively-controlled villages, cities and
provinces that could be understood as an improved version of European Spanish
society. The French saw their task as creating a new society, half indigenous, half-
European. So while they educated Indian children in the ways of the church, they
also encouraged their leading families to send their children to Indian villages to
live as part of a chief or headman's family and absorb the Indian ways. The
English, from whom American educational efforts with Indians have been
derived, sought only to provide Indians with sufficient familiarity with their
culture, particularly with their economic system, so that educated Indians could
fit into the rural Protestant agricultural milieu.
Early treaties provided that churches would establish schools for Indian
children at their respective missions in exchange for a tract of land for their
denomination. As education became more important to white Americans, and
public secularized education became the norm, the federal government began to
include education, at least a teacher and a school building, as a regular part of
treaty provisions. Education was not limited to book-learning, however, and
almost every treaty after 1840 provided for vocational training in the form of
blacksmiths, carpenters, farmers, and other tradesmen who would instruct both
children and adults in the crafts of industrial society.
Richard Pratt, experimenting with Chiracahua Apache prisoners at Fort
Marion, conceived of the idea of mass, forced, off -reservation education that, it
was supposed, would sweep away the barbarism ofthe Indians in one generation.
Unfortunately the transition from a life of freedom and a healthy diet to
regimented uniforms, a bland and civilized diet of fats, and isolation from their
families for years at a time proved fatal to the Indian children who were put into
the government boarding school system. Those who did survive this ordeal and
returned to the reservation had no way to make a decent living and quickly
reverted to traditional ways in order to feed themselves and re-establish family
ties. A majority of the graduates of the federal boarding schools eventually found
employment in the expanding federal bureaucracy that controlled the reserva-
tions and helped to create the lethargic administrative apparatus we have today

11
11
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

in the Bureau of' Indian Affairs.

Day schools, a much more popular version of American education, were
created in reservation areas that were isolated from the agency town, and as
policies and theories of education changed with the blowing winds of non-Indian
education, so did the fate of these institutitons. John Collier expanded the day
school concept because he saw the need to involve parents and the local
community in the educational activities of the government. Following the
Second World War, however, when educational theories about learning began
to run rampant, and financial costs of schools started to escalate beyond anyone's
wildest predictions, reservation education became a function of consolidation
with state public school systems. Finally in the 1960s with the national expansion
of educational programs to poverty areas, Indian education was fully attached
to federal finances and modern educational theories.
For the past two decades Indians have aggressively moved to establish
indigenous educational institutions on their reservations. Beginning with the
Navajo Community College and expanding to nearly thirty community colleges
and educational institutes, a measure of higher education has been placed within
reach of reservation people. Subcontracting alternative schools both on reserva:
tions and in urban areas has also become popular in the last twenty years,
demonstratinga desire by American Indians to gain full control oftheir children's
education or ce again.
The prpgress of the past generation has been clothed Primarily in terms of
wresting institutional control away from non-Indian educators and school
boards. While this transition has been made in many areas of the western United
States, it does not portend a fundamental change in the suAgance of' Indian
education since the schools, whether operated by Indians or non-Indians, must
conform to state and federal guidelines as to curricula, test scores, and other
trappings of modern American education. Indian-controlled schools may be
ready to take the next step. but they are having great difficulty in determining
exactly what that step should be.
Teaching methods vary considerably between the traditonal English-
American process of intense memorizing of facts and doctrines (regarded as a
contemporary expression of truth political, scientific, historical, religious and
philosophical) and the traditional Indian Way of learning by doing. The philo-
sophical perspective received in modern non-Indian school courses, that the
world is an inanimate mass of matter arranged by chance into a set of shapes and
energy patterns, is a matter of belief, not experience, and is the polar opposite of
the traditional Indian belief. Indian educators thus face the question of whether
they will move the substance of education away from this essentially meaningless

1'L
12
 Forttworw

proposition toward the more realts.tic Indian model that sees the world as an
intimate relationship of living things.
Moving from one perspective to another is no simple matter, and conse-
quently, Indian education and educators badly need a generation of original
thinkers who can scan both points of view. They can build models and
interpretations of the world that serve as transitions to enable Indians to
communicate with the non-Indian body of knowledge and demonstrate the
validity of the Indian understanding. No one is more ideally suited for this task
than Gregory Cajete. An Indian educator for more than twentyyears, he brings
the insights of' his Santa Clara Pueblo heritage and research in context of a
number of tribal societies to focus on the western body of knowledge, producing
new and exciting ways of synthesizing these two disparate bodies ofknowledge.
Cajete develops an educational theory of context, something that has been
missing, indeed, not even conceived, =n American education from the very
beginning. Here we have not the narrow focus of pitting one set of cultural values
against another, as some of the "politically correct" theoreticians do today, but
a recognition that any propositions or doctrines must find a comfortable home
in the existing community and age-group context where they are promulgated
in order to be effective. This task is exceedingly difficult in modern American
society because of the belief that everything we do in this country is the best and
most sophisticated way of accomplishing a task. Thus the educator must loosen
the moorings of certainty even while he or she points out a different way of'
securing reliability for the data and their interpretation.
Although he is culturally from the American Southwest, Cajete does not
confine his examples to familiar material from the Pueblos. Instead he reaches
into a number of tribal traditions and brings their insights to bear on problems
of interpretation and the task of arranging the data that are to be examined. From
the Lakota religious tradition he includes the idea that we are all related
originally a religious truth but also a methodology for examining the natural
world and understanding how things function symbiotically. From other tribal
traditions he brings stories that illustrate the necessity of' making education a
function of the community historical consciousness.
I do not pretend to understand everything in this book . What I do know
is that this book represents a new, creative, and sophisticated effort to build
intellectual bridges between two entirely different systems ofknowing the world.
It is the first major work by an American Indian scholar that systematically works
through the tangent points that exist between Indian and non-Indian under-
standings oleducation. As such it should receive the most serious consideration
from Indian and non-Indian alike. Until Indian scholars begin to develop a

13

0
 do'

systematic approach to communication of ideas, as Cajete has done here, very

little will change in American Indian education.
We can hope, as we see how Gregory Cajete has developed his outline of
knowledge and teaching, that he is the pioneer of the next generation of American
Indians in education, that others will rise to these challenges, and that he will
continue to blaze new intellectual trails we can follow.

Vine Deloria, 1994

14
 It.I

A Note On Terminology

The terms Tribal and Indigenous will apply broadly to the many traditional and
Tribally oriented groups of people who are identified with a specific place or
region and whose cultural traditions continue to reflect an inherent environmen-
tal orientation and sense of sacred ecology.
The term Indigenous will also describe the culturally based forms of
education that are not primarily rooted in modern Western educational philoso-
phy and methodology.
Other terms such as Anwriean Indian or Indian will refer to the specific
histories, situations, examples, and activites of Indian people. The terms
Native America or Native American will emphasize the specific connection to
the pre-colonial inhabitants of the Americas that have a direct and ancient
relationship to, or originate from, the people, ideas, and places of the
Americas.
All the terms mentioned will be capitalized to denote greater emphasis and
to support the inherent spirit of the theme and presentation of this book.
r.

0 PREFACE e

ABOUT PARAMETERS AND PROCESS

THE PERSPECTIVES, ORIENTATIONS, IDEAS, MODELS, interpretations, and

belief's presented herein are a personal synthevis based on my own
creative process as an Indian educator. This book is a reflection of my
particular understanding of the shared metaphors that American Indians
hold regarding Tribal education. It is an inclusive exploration of the nature
of I ndigenovs education. It reflects upon the creative possibilities inherent
in introducing an Indigenous frame of reference as an important consider-
ation in the development of a contemporary philosophy of American Indian
education. As a whole, this work outlines key elements of American Indian
Tribal orientations to learning and teaching. It represents my perception of
"an ecology of indigenous education." .

This book is also an open letter to Indian educators, those involved with
Indian education issues, and other Indigenous people who wish to consider
alternative cultural possibilities of education. My approach has been that of a
teacherexploring the dimensions of I ndigenous teachingand learning in creative
ways. The description of this journey, this curriculum, has become this book.
Teachers create curricula (circles of learning and teaching) through constantly
creating models and applying them to actual teaching situations. Ideally, teachers
constantly adjust their models to fit their students and the changing realities of
educating. Through such constant and creative adjustment, teachers and stu-
dents engage in a symbiotic relationship and form feedback loops around what
is being learned. In this way, teachers are always creating their stories even as
they are telling them.
This work explores a culturally-informed alternative for thinking about
and enabling the contemporary education of American Indian people. It is a
/ran,'/at/on of foundational Tribal educaiton principles into a contemporary
framework of thought and description. It advootted developing a contemporary,
culturally based, educational process founded upon traditional Tribal values,
orientations, and principles, while Nina/a/woad& using the most appropriate
concepts, technologies, and content of modern education.
Excerpts of Indigenous thought and tradition used in this work
represent essential aspects of the ecolo &v of Indigenous education. Each
excerpt is presented with my deepest respect, honoring the richness of its
Indigenous being. The content represents a small portion of what is avail-
17
 LooK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

able in the vast array of research related to American Indian cultures.

American Indian cultures are among the most studied anywhere in the
world. Access to this vast sea of content, facilitated by Indian educators and
scholars, is an essential step in creating a contemporary epistemology of
Indian education. This access to, and revitalization of. the Indigenous bases
of education must occur, not only in the contemporary classroom, but in
Indian communities as well. All Indian people, young and old, professional
and grassroots, should consider themselves participants in a process of'
moving forward to the Indigenous basics of education. Indian people them-
,ft'lve<f mumt introduce contemporary expremiond of Tribal education to their people. It
is up to each Ir dian comn: 'it-14y, whether they live in an urban setting or
reservation, to decide how their needs regarding cultural maintenance or
revitalization may be addressed through education; and it is up to each
Indian community to decide what is appropriate to introduce through the
vehicle of modern education and what should be imparted with appropriate
traditional mechanisms.
Modern education and traditional education can no longer afford to remain
historically and contextually separate entities. Every community must integrate
the learning occurring through modern education with the cultural bases of
knowledge and value orientations essential to perpetuate its way of life. A
balanced integration must be created. Over time, the emphasis on Western
oriented curricula will erode I ndigenous ways of life. Indian educators and Tribal
leaders must understand that the unexamined application of Western education
can condition people away from their cultural roots. Modern education provides
tools essential to the survival of Indian people and communities, but this
education must be within the context of a greater cultural whole. In support of
cultural preservation, Indian educators and Tribal leaders also need to advocate
culturally based education to achieve the foundational goals of self-determina-
tion, self-governance, and Tribal sovereignty. Indigenous education offers a
highly creative vehicle for thinking about the perpetuation of American Indian
cultures as they enter the twenty-first century.
The exploration of Indigenous education presented in this book includes
the expression of the universals of the educational process from the perspectives
of traditional American Indian thought. Its foundation lies in the applicability of
its perspectives to the whole process of teaching and learning not just that of
American 1 ndians. The universals that are explored may be viewed as archetypes
of human learning and as part of the Indigenous psyche of all people and cultural
traditions. All relevant sources of thought, research, and educational philoso-
phy from various cultural sources have been considered, to illuminate the

18
17
 ABOUT PARAMETERS AND PROCESS

possibilities of a contemporary education that mirrors Indigenous thought and

its primary orientation of relationship with the natural world Therefore, the
thesis of this work can be applicable to the Native Hawaiian, the Australian
Aborigine, and other Indigenous people seeking to revitalize their guiding stories
through education.

The Contemporary Dilemma of American Indian Education

A pervasive problem affecting the contemporary vision of American Indian

education is that its definition and evolution have always been dependent on
American politics. Much of what characterizes Indian education policy is not the
result of research predicated upon American Indian philosophical orientations,
but the result of Acts of Congress, the history of treaty rights interpretation
through the courts, and the historic Indian/White relations unique to each Tribal
group or geographic region. Historically, the views guiding the evolution of
modern Indian education have not been predicated upon assumptions that are
representative of Indian cultural perspectives) In spite of such policy orienta-
tions, traditional educational processes have continued within the context of
many Indian families and communities. While there has been progress in the last
twenty years, the integration of these two approaches to education has been
practically nonexistent.
The basis of contemporary American education is the transfer of academic
skills and content that prepares the student to compete in the infrastructure of
American society as it has been defined by the prevailing political, social, and
economic order. American educational theory is generally devoid of substantial
ethical or moral content regarding the means used to achieve its ends. The ideal
curriculum espoused through American education ends up being significantly
different from the experienced curriculum internalized by students. The Ameri-
can society that many Indian students experience is wrought with contradic-
tions, prejudice, hypocrisy, narcissism, and unethical predispositions atall levels,
including the schools. There continue to be educational conflicts, frustrations,
and varying levels of alienation experienced by many Indian people because of
their encounters with mainstream education.
A fundamental obstacle to cross-cultural communication revolves around
significant differences in cultural orientations and the fact that Indian people
have been forced to adapt to an educational process not of their making.
Traditionally, Indians view life through a different cultural metaphor than
mainstream America. It is this different cultural metaphor that Frames the
exploration of the Indigenous educational philosophy presented in this book.'

19
 LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF 1NDIQENOVS EDV_ATION

Traditional Indian education represents an anomaly forthe prevailingobjectivist

theory and methodology of Western education. What is implied in the application of
objectivism is that there is one correct way of understanding the dynamics of Indian
education, one correct methodology, and one correct policy for Indian education. And
that am' way is the way of mainstream America. The mindset of objectivism, when
applied to the field of Indian education, excludes serious consideration of the relational
reality of Indian people, the variations in Tribal and social contexts, and the processes
of perception and understanding that characterize and form its expressions.3
Objectivist research has contributed a dimension of insight, but it has
substantial limitations in the multidimensional, holistic, and relational reality of
the education of Indian people. It is the affective elementsthe subjective
experience and observations, the communal relationships, the artistic and
mythical dimensions, the ritual and ceremony, the sacred ecology, the psycho-
logical and 'spiritual orientationsthat have characterized and formed Indig-
enous education since time immemorial. These dimensions and their inherent
meanings are not readily quantifiable, observable or easily verbalized, and as a
result, have been given little credence in mainstream approaches to education
and research. Yet, it is these aspects of indigenous orientation that form a
profound context for learning through exploring the multidimensional relation-
ships between humans and their inner and outer worlds.
For Indian educators, a key to dealing with the conflict between the
objective and relational orientations, the cultural bias, and the cultural
differences in perception lies in open communication and creative dialogue,
which challenges the tacit infrastructure of ideas that guide Indian educa-
tion today.
Education is essentially a communal social activity. Educational research
that produces the most creatively productive insights involves communication
within the whole educational community, not just authorities recognized by
mainstream educational interests. Education is a communication process and
plays an essential role in every act ofeducational perception. There must be a flow
of communication regarding the educational process among all educators as a
result of individual internal dialogue, publication, and the discussion of ideas.'
The ideas based on the tacit infrastructure of mainstream American
education have been embraced in a relatively unexamined form by many
educators. This situation, as it pertains to Indian education, limits creative acts
ofpercept ion. A free play of thought and opening ofthe field must occur. It is only
in realizing that there is a tacit infrastructure and then questioning it that a high
level of creative thought can become possible regarding the potential of Indig-
enous educational philosophy. Only in realizing that American Indian percep-

20

-k/
 ABOUT PARAMETERS AND PROCESS

tions of education have traditionally been informed by a different metaphor of

teaching and learning can more productive insights into contemporary Indian
education be developed.'
These traditional metaphors of education derive their meaning from unique
cultural contexts and interactions with natural environments. In turn, the collective
experiences of Indian people and their cultural adaptations have culminated in a body
of shared metaphors regarding the nature of education and its essential ecology.
This exploration of Indigenous education attempts to develop insights into
the community of shared metaphors and understandings that are specific to
Indian cultures, yet reflect the nature of human learning as a whole. Traditional
systems of' Indian education represent ways of learning and doing through a
Nature-centered philosophy. They are among the oldest continuing expressions
of environmental" education in the world. Taken as a whole, they represent an
environmental education process with profound meaning for modern education
as it faces the challenges of living in the twenty-first century. These processes
have the potential to create deeper understanding of our collective role as
caretakers of a world that we have thrown out of balance.
This book is essentially a continuation of my dissertation, Science: A Native
American Penyective (A culturally &wed Science 1.,:ducation Curriculum Model) pro-
duced under the auspices of the New Philosophy Program of International
College. The perceived needs that motivated my dissertation continue to form the
impetus for this work. These needs are summarized as follows:
1. The need for a contemporary perspective of American Indian educa-
tion that is principally derived from, and informed by, the thoughts,
orientations, and cultural philosophies of Indian people themselves.
The articulation and fulfillment of this need are, I believe, essential
steps in Indian educational self-determination.
2. The need for exploring alternative approaches to education that
directly and successfully address the requirements of Indian popula-
tions during this time of educational and ecological crisis. It is essential
to open the field and entertain the possibilities of new approaches in a
creative quest for viable and complete educational processes.
3. The need to integrate, synthesize, organize, and focus the accumulated
materials from a wide range of disciplines about Indian cultures and
Indian education toward the evolution of a contemporary philosophy
for American Indian education that is Indigenously inspired and
ecologically based."

() 21
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF !NDIGENOVS EDUCATION

Contemporary American Indian education has focused on Indian people

learning the skills necessary to be productive or at' least survive in post-
industrial American society. American Indians have been encouraged to be
consumers in the tradition of the American dream and all that it entails. Indians
have been encouraged to use modern education to progress by being participants
in the system and seeking the rewards that success supposedly provides. Yet, in
spite of many that have succeeded by embracing Western education, Indian
people must question the effects modern education has had on their collective
cultural, psychological, and ecological viability. What has been lost and what has
been gained by participating in a system of education that does not honor unique
Indigenous perspectives? How far can we go in adapting to such a system before
that system literally educates Indian people out of cultural existence? Have
Indian people reached the limits of what they can do with mainstream educa-
tional orientations? How can they re-envision and reestablish the ecology of
education that formed and maintained Tribal societies?
Ironically, many creative Western thinkers have embraced essentially
Indigenous environmental education views and are vigorously appropriating
Indigenous concepts to support the development of their alternative models. For
example, cultural historian and philosopher Thomas Berry proposes a new
context for education that essentially reinvents the roles and contexts inherent
to Indigenous education:
The primary educator, as well as the primary law giver and
primary healer would be the natural world itself. The integral earth
community would be a self-educating community within the context
of a sr :'-educating universe. Education at the human level would be
the conscious sensitizing of humans to the profound communications
made by the universe about us, by the sun, the moon, and the stars,
the clouds, the rain, the contours of the earth and all its living forms.
All music and poetry of the universe would flow into the student; the
revelatory presence of the divine, as well as insight into the architec-
tural structures of the continents and the engineering skills whereby
the great hydrological cycle functions in moderating the temperature
of the earth, in providing habitat for aquatic life, in nourishing the
multitude of living creatures would be as natural to the educational
process. The earth would also be our primary teacher of sciences,
especially biological sciences, and of industry and economics. It
would teach us a system in which we would create a minimum of
entropy, a system in which there is no unusable or unfruitful junk.

22 ?
1.
 ABOVT PARAMETERS AND PROCESS

Only in such an integral system is the future viability of humans assured

Berry's comments mirror contemporized exposition of the Indigenous
education processes of Tribal societies. It is within the light of such a vision
that ibLi diary must unfold for Indian and non-Indian alike. If our collective
future is to be harmonious and whole, or if we are even to have a viable future
to pass on to our children's children, it is imperative that we actively envision
and implement new ways of educating for ecological thinking and
sustainability. The choice is ours, yet paradoxically we may have no choice.

Telling A Special Story

This book is about vision and the creative exploration of choices that American
Indian education offers as we collectively "Look to the Mountain" searching for
an ecology of education that can sustain us in the twenty-First century. This book
explores a vision of education that unfolds through the tracking of a very special
Story. The Story is about the unique ways of American Indian teaching and
learning. It is honoring a process for seeking life that American Indian people
represent and reflect through their special connections to Nature, family,
community, and spiritual ecology. It is honoring connections and the place
traditional teaching and learning have in American Indian life. This book maps
a journey through shared metaphors and stops to recognize, appreciate, and
contemplate traditional American Indian education, its implications for the
future of American Indian children, and the Tribal cultures that they will carry
into the twenty-First century.
In this journey we will focus upon a circle of relationships that mirror
the seven orientation processes of preparing, asking, seeking, making,
understanding, sharing, and celebrating the special wisdom of American
Indian Tribal education. Environmental relationship, myth, visionary tradi-
tions, traditional arts, Tribal community, and Nature centered spirituality
have traditionally formed the foundations in American Indian life for
discovering one's true face (character, potential, identity), one's heart (soul,
creative self, true passion), and one's foundation (true work, vocation), all
of which lead to the expression of a complete life.
This work outlines a may of poreption and avative !bought as it relates to
education. Like the proverbial Kokopeli, I wish to plant seeds of thought and
deep reflection regarding the nature of Indigenous education. I wish to draw
attention to a way of looking at and understanding a primal process of education
grounded in the basics of human nature. It is a way of education that is pregnant

23
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

with potential, not only for the transformation of what is misnamed "Indian
Education," but also for its profound applications toward transforming modern
education. We must develop the openness and courage to take a creative leap to
find in our lives a transformative vision for the sake of ourselves and our children.
This book expresses the experience of American Indian life that I have
come to know. I am writing as an educator to other educators. I am writing in
support of American Indian children, people, and communities. I am writing to
empower their strength, courage, creativity, and the contributions they will
make. I am writing for life's sake and with the understanding that:
Education is an art of process, participation, and making connection.
Learning is a growth and life process; and Life and Nature are always relation-
ships in process!

The Asking

L4
 I0
INTRODUCTION

AMERICAN EDUCATION FROM A TRIBAL PERSPECTIVE

IS ALWAYS A CREATIVE ACT. We are continuously engaged in the art

L of making meaning and creating our world through the unique processes
of human learning. Learning for humans is instinctual, continuous, and
oEARNINQ
the most complex of our natural traits. Learning is also a key to our ability to
survive in the environments that we create and that create us.
Throughout history human societies have attempted to guide, facilitate,
and even coerce the instinct for learning toward socially defined ends. The
complex of activities for forming human learning is what we call "education." To
this end, human societies have evolved a multitude of educational forms to
maintain their survival and to use as vehicles for expressing their unique cultural
mythos. Cultural mythos also forms the foundation for each culture's guiding
vision, that is, a culture's story of itself and its perceived relationship to the world.
In its guiding vision, a culture isolates a set of ideals that guide and form the
learning processes inherent in its educational systems. In turn, these ideals reflect
what that culture values as the most important qualities, behaviors, and value
structures to instill in its members. Generally, this set of values is predicated on
those things it considers cent; al to its survival.
This book is a journey into the realm of cultural ideals from which the
learning, teaching, and systems of education of Native America have evolved. As
such, these ideals present a mirror reflecting on the critical dilemma of American
education. While the legacy of American education is one of spectacular scientific
and technological achievement resulting in abundant material prosperity, the
cost has been inexorably high. American prosperity has come at the expense of
the environment's degradation and has resulted in unprecedented exploitation
of human and material resources worldwide.
Education is in crisis as America finds itself faced with unprecedented
challenges in a global community of nations desperately struggling with
massive social, economic, and cultural change. Education must find new
ways of helping Americans learn and adapt in a multicultural, twenty-first
century world. It must come to terms with the conditioning inherent in its
educational systems that contribute to the loss of a shared integrative
metaphor of Life. This loss, which may ultimately lead to a social/cultural/

25
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

ecological catastrophe, should be a key concern of every American.

The orchestrated "bottom-line, real world" chorus sung by many in
business and government has become the common refrain of' those who an-
nounce they lead the world. Yet, what underlies the crisis of American education
is the crisis of modern man's identity and his cosmological disconnection from the
natural world. Those who identify most with the bottom line often suffer from
an image without substance, technique without soul, and knowledge without
context. The cumulative psychological result is usually alienation, loss of
community, and a deep sense of incompletness.
In contrtst, traditional American Indian education historically occurred in a
holistic social Context that developed the importance of each individual as a contribut-
ing member tithe social group. Tribal education sustained a wholesome life process.
It was an educational process that unfolded through mutual, reciprocal relationships
between one's social group and the natural world. This relationship involved all
dimensions of one's being, while providing both personal development and technical
skills throughput/4,1114w in community life. It was essentiallya communally integrated
expression of environmental education.
Understanding the depth of relationships and the significance of participa-
tion in all aspects of life are the keys to traditional American Indian education.
Mitakuye Oyasin (we are all related) is a Lakota phrase that captures an essence
of Tribal education because it reflects the understanding that our lives are truly
and profoundly connected to other people and the physical world. In Tribal
education, knowledge gained from first-hand experience in the world is trans-
mitted or explored through ritual, ceremony, art, and appropriate technology.
Knowledge gained through these vehicles is then used in everyday living.
Education, in this context, becomes education for life's sake. Education is, at its
essence, learning about life through participation and relationship in community,
including not only people, but plants, animals, and the whole of Nature.
This ideal of education directly contrasts with the dominant orientation of
American education that continues to emphasize objective content and experi-
ence detached from primary sources and community. This conditioning, to exist
as a marginal participant and perpetual observer, is a foundational element of the
crisis of American education and the alienation of' modern man from his own
being and the natural world.
In response to such a monumental crisis, American education must forge
educational processes that are for Life's Sake and honor the Indigenous roots of
America. A true transition of today's American educational orientations, to more
sustainable and connected foundations, requires serious consideration of other
cultural, life-enhancing, and ecologically viable forms of education.

26 0
 AMERICAN EDUCATION FROM A TRIBAL PERSPECTIVE

Traditional American Indian forms of education must be considered

conceptual wellsprings for the "new" kinds of educational thought that can
address the tremendous challenges of the twenty -first century. Tribal
education presents models and universal foundations to transform Ameri-
can education and develop a "new" paradigm for curricula that will make a
difference for Life's Sake.
To begin such a process, American education must move from a focus on
specialization to holistic knowledge; from a focus on structures to understanding
processes, from objective science, to systemic science, and from building to
networking.'
American education must rededicate its efforts to assist Americans in their
understanding and appreciation of spirituality as it relates to the Earth and the
place in which they live. It must engender a commitment to service rather than
competition, promote respect for individual, cultural and biological diversity,
and engage students in learning processes that facilitate the development of their
human potential through creative transformation.
American Indians have struggled to adapt to an educational process that
is not their own. Yet, American Indian cultural forms of education contain seeds
for new models of educating that can enliven American education as a whole, and
allow American Indians to evolve contemporary expressions of education tied to
their cultural roots. For American Indians, a new Circle of education must begin,
rooted in Tribal education and reflecting the needs, values, and socio/political
issues Indian people perceive.
As Indian educator Eber Hampton so aptly states, this new circle must.
encompass the importance Indian people place on the continuance of their
ancestral traditions, respect individual uniqueness in spiritual expression, facili-
tate an understanding within the context of history and culture, develop a strong
sense of place and service to community, and forge a commitment to educational
and social transformation that recognizes and further empowers the inherent
strength of' Indian people and their cultures.'
To accomplish this, Indian people must open avenues of communication
and establish a reflective dialogue toward evolving a contemporary theory for
Indian education that originates from them and their collective experience.
Politicians and institutions have largely defined Indian education through
a volume of legislative acts at the state and federal levels. For decades, this has
entangled Indian leaders, educators and whole communities in the government's
sociallpolitical bureaucracy.
Historically, Indian education sterns more from the U.S. government's self-
serving political relationship with Indian tribes than any cultural process rooted

27

9 1...?
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIQENOV5 EDUCATION

in Tribal philosophies and social values. No recognizable contemporary theory

of Indian education exists to guide the implementation or direction of educational
curriculum development. Instead what is called "Indian education" today is a
"compendium of models, methodologies and techniques gleaned from various
sources in mainstream American education and adapted to American Indian
circumstances, usually with the underlying aim oF cultural assimilation."'
It is time for Indian people to define Indian education in their own voices
and in their own terms. It is time for Indian people to enable themselves to explore
and express the richness of their collective history in education. Education for
Indian people has been, and continues i o be, a grand story, a search For meaning,
an essential food for the soul.

Building On Earlier Realities

The Mayan practice of building one pyramidal structure by encasing a pervious

one provides an appropriate metaphor for the developmental building process
of Indigenous education.
At the end of each Mayan dynasty, the nobles of the ascending dynasty
would commemorate their new order by erecting a symbolic new reality. They
would build a new ceremonial pyramid by encasing an older one.
This new structure became the visible symbolic expression through which
they espoused the new reality. As is evident from current excavations, these
successive facades recycled many of the materials used previously in the
structures. A constant building upon earlier realities is a basic characteristic
Indigenous process. The newest reality may seem different from earlier ones, but
its essence and foundation remain tied to the earlier realities it encases. The
pyramids are restructured and enlarged, but their ancient foundations remain.
Many temple pyramids served as tombs for the noble elite of each dynasty. The
practice of' burrowing into the heart of' a pyramid to place a tomb metaphorically
connected the deceased noble to the realities of both past and present.
Building on the realities of past generations and expressing new realities,
while remaining true to basic principles, reflects the structuring process natural
to the evolution of Indigenous education. Extending the metaphor of the Mayan
pyramids to building a contemporary Indigenous education, we engineer the
new reality built upon earlier ones, while simultaneously addressing the needs,
and acting in the sun, of our times.
Education is always in process and is being built from the stones, and upon
the foundations, of' prior structures. Indigenous education has prior structures,
i.e., stones and foundations from which it can again be built. The following
9
28
 AMERICAN EDUCATION FROM A TRIBAL PERSPECTIVE

chapters describe these foundations of' Indigenous education and some of the
"stones" from which they are made.

Foundational Characteristics of Indigenous Education

There are a number of' elements that characterize Indigenous educational

processes. These elements characterize Indigenous education wherever and
however it has been expressed. They are like the living stones, the "Inyan" as the
Lakota term it, which animate and support the expressions of Indigenous
education. A few of these characteristics are included here to provide landmarks
for the reader.4
A sacred view of' Nature permeates its foundational process of teaching
and learning.
Integration and interconnectedness are universal traits of its contexts
and processes.
Its elements, activities, and knowledge bases of teaching and learning
radiate in concentric rings of process and relationship.
Its processes adhere to the principle of mutual reciprocity between
humans and all other things.
It recognizes and incorporates the principle of cycles within cycles
. (there are deeper levels of' meaning to be found in every learning/
teaching process).
It presents something for everyone to learn, at every stage of life.
It recognizes the levels of maturity and readiness to learn in the
developmental processes of both males and females. This recognition
is incorporated into the designs and situations in which Indigenous
teaching takes place.
It recognizes language as a sacred expression of breath and incorpo-
rates this orientation in all its foundations.
It recognizes that each person and each culture contains the seeds that
are essential to their well-being and positive development.
Art is a vehicle of utility and expression. It is recognized as an
expression of' the soul and a way of' connecting people to their inner
sources of life.

29
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOVS EDUCATION
-\
The ritual complex is both structure and process for teaching key
spiritual and cultural principles and values.
It recognizes that the true sources of knowledge are found within the
individual and the entities of' Nature.
It recognizes that true learning occurs through participation and
honoring relationships in both the human and natural communities.
It honors the ebb and flow of learning as it moves through individuals,
community, Nature, and the cosmos.
It recognizes that learning requires letting go, growing, and re-
integrating at successively higher levels of understanding.
Its purpose is to teach away of life that sustains both the individual and
the community.
It unfolds within an authentic context of community and Nature.
It uses story as a way to root a perspective that unfolds through the
special use of language.
Story, expressed through experience, myth, parables, and various forms of
metaphor is an essential vehicle of Indigenous learning.
It recognizes the power of' thought and language to create the
worlds we live in.
It creates maps of' the world that assist us through our life's journey.
It resonates and builds learning through the Tribal structures of the
home and community.
Indigenous thinking adheres to the most subtle, yet deeply rooted,
universals and principles of human learning.
It integrates human individuality with communal needs..
It is founded upon successive stages of learning, i.e., how to see,
feel, listen, and act.
It honors each person's way of being, doing, and understanding.
It recognizes that we learn by watching and doing, reflecting on what
we are doing, then doing again.

30
 AMERICAN EDUCATION FROM A TRIBAL PERSPECTIVE

It is always grounded in the natural basics of life.

Indigenous thinking recognizes that learning is complete only if it
starts from the beginning and follows through. One skill builds on
another, but the basics must always be honored. Learning is step
by step.
It recognizes that learning and teaching require overcoming doubt.
It honors the fact that learning requires seeing what is real about a
situation, a thing, or an entity.
It recognizes that learning is about seeing the whole through the parts.
It honors the fact that true learning builds your self-confidence by
coming to understand who you really are and living to your full
potential.
Indigenous thinking honors the reality that there are always two sides
to the two'sides. There are realities and realities. Learning how they
interact is real understanding.
It recognizes that thinking and learning who one is can he accom-
plished by learning who one is not!
We learn through our bodies and spirits as much as through our minds.
From the Indigenous perspective; the purpose of training in
learning and thinking is to bring forth your personal power;
training develops your personal power through focused attention,
repetition, and context.
Indigenous people recognize that personal power, learning and think-
ing are expressed through doing. Therefore, learning the doing is an
essential process.
It recognizes that culture and its reality are invested anew with
each generation.
Indigenous teaching mirrors thinking back to the learner.
Indigenous teaching emphasizes seeing things comprehensively: see-
ing things through and through.
The orientation of Indigenous learning flows from expectation, through
exchange and context, to application of experience and vision.

31
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOOY OF INDIOENOVS EDUCATION

These essential points are reflected throughout the contexts, methods, and
expressions of Indigenous education presented in this book. They can provide
building stones for new structures, new foundations, and new realities in
contemporary Indian education. The key lies in our collective ability to create the
contexts and to erect a new expression of Indian education in a twenty-first
century world. We are the architects of our future!

32
 FINDING FACE, FINDING HEART, AND
FINDING A FOUNDATION

":1>,
AN OVERVIEW OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

HE EXPRESSIONS OF AMERICAN INDIAN EDUCATION reflect traits shared by the

Indigenous cultures of the world. They are expressions of the ancestral
Tribal roots of all the families of man.
In exploring the Tribal foundations of American Indian education we are
tracking the earliest sources of human teaching andlearning. These foundations
teach us that learning is a subjective experience tied to a place environmentally,
socially, and spiritually. Tribal teaching and learning were intertwined with the
daily liVes of both teacher and learner. Tribal education was a natural outcome
of living in close communion with each other and the natural environment.
The living place, the learner's extended family, the clan and tribe provided
the context and source for teaching. In this way, every situation provided a
potential opportunity for learning, and basic education was not separated from
the natural, social, or spiritual aspects of everyday life. Living and learning were
fully integrated.
The ideals of this process were naturally founded on the continuous
development of' self-knowledge, on finding life through understanding and
participating in the creative process of living, on direct awareness of the natural
environment, on knowledge of one's role and responsibility to community, and
on cultivating a sensitivity to the spiritual essences of the world. To attain such
ideals required participation in a shared cultural metaphor and the continuity of
knowledge, perception, experience, and wisdom afforded through the under-
standing and experience of Tribal elders.
The cultivation of all one's senses through learning how to listen, observe.
and experience holistically by creative exploration was highly valued. In addi-
tion, the ability to use language through storytelling, oratory, and song was
highly regarded by all tribes as a primary tool for teaching and learning. This was
because the spoken or sung word expressed the spirit and breath of life of the
speaker, and thus was considered sacred.
Informality characterized the greater part of American Indian teaching
and learning, since most traditional knowledge was Within the context olthe day-
to-day life experience of the people. However, fbrmal learning was usually

33
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

required in the transfer of sacred knowledge. Therefore, various ceremonial

practices, founded upon experience and participation in Tribal culture, formed
a complex for the formal teaching and learning of this knowledge. Initiation rites
occurred at graduated stages of growth and maturation. Important initiation
ceremonies and accompanying formal education were integrated with the
natural physical and psychological transitions occurring at the end of early
childhood, puberty, early, middle, late adulthood, and old age. Ceremony was a
life-long introduction to sacred and environmental knowledge, graduated so
individuals were presented new levels of knowledge when they were physically,
psychologically, and socially ready to learn them.'
Hal; oh is a Tewa word sometimes used to connote the, process of learning.'
Its closest English translation is to "breathe in." Hah oh is a shared metaphor
describing the perception of traditional Tribal teachinga process of breathing
in that was creatively and ingeniously applied by all tribes. As a whole,
traditional Tribal education revolved around experiential learning (learning by
doing or seeing), storytelling (learning by listening and imagining), ritual/
ceremony (learning through initiation), dreaming (learning through uncon-
scious imagery), tutoring (learning through apprenticeship), and artistic cre-
ation (learning through creative synthesis). Through these methods the integra-
tion of inner and outer realities of learners and teachers was fully honored, and
the complementary educational processes of both realities were fully engaged.;
The legacy of the traditional forms of American Indian education is
significant because it embodies a quest for self, individual and community
survival, and wholeness in the context of a community and natural environment.
Tribal/Indigenous education is really endogenous education, in that it educates
the inner self thi °ugh enlivenment and illumination from one's own being and
the learning of key relationships. Therefore, the foundations for Tribal/Indig-
enous ed,ication naturally rest upon increasing awareness and development of
innate human potentials. Based on this orientation, American Indians and other
Indigenous groups used ritual, myth, customs, and life experience to integrate
both the process and content of learning into the fabric of their social organiza-
tions. This promoted wholeness in the individual, family, and community.'
This approach to educating is represented metaphorically in a phrase used
by nearly all American Indians that, roughly translated, means 'seeking life' or
'for life's sake'. The ideal purpose of education is to attain knowledge, seek truth,
wisdom, completeness, and life as perceived by traditional philosophies and
cultures around the world.

34
33
 FINDING FACE, FINDING HEART, AND FINDING A FOUNDATION

Education As Flower and Song: A Tribal Metaphor

In the tradition of the Nahuatl speaking Aztec of Mexico, the ideal purpose of
education was to: "find one's face, find one's heart" and search for a "foundation'',
a truth, a support, a way of life and work through which one could express one's
Life. The Aztec developed schools called the "Calmecac" in which the
tlamatinimine, the philosopher poets of' Aztec society, taught by using poetic
chants called "flower and song". Through formal and informal methods, the
tlamatinimine encouraged their students to find their face (develop and express
their innate character and potential); to find their heart (search out and express
their inner passion); and to explore foundations of life and work (find the
vocation that allowed the student the fullest expression of self and truth). The
tlamatinimine led his students on many paths of' study, including astronomy,
architecture, religion, martial arts, medicine, philosophy, and various other
cultural art forms.'
The tlamatinimine explored with their students the mystery of life after
death. They studied man as a creator or a way of life, and man as the creator of
educational. ethical, legal, and aesthetic principles. They explored the nature of
the social and personal ideals that gave rise to the divine spark in man's heart and
transformed him into an artist, a poet, a sage."
The Aztec quest for expressing each student's gift in service to their
community made them capable of creating divine things and being a complete
man or woman. This recurring theme of Indigenous education has variations in
ancient cultures around the world.
Just as the Greek concept ofpaideu'l or educating for wholeness through
teaching and learning of an* (enabling expressions of' human life), the Aztecs
molded theiryoung according to an ideal. While this ideal was culturally defined
by Aztec thought and tradition, it engendered an approach to educating
commonly practiced by Indian people throughout the Americas. The Aztec
Calmecac exemplified an essence of Tribal/Indigenous education that serves as
both an ideal and a challenge for the design and development of' modern
educational curricula. Other examples of Tribal educational metaphors exist
reflecting a richness and depth of understanding of' human learning. Whether
one views traditional Iroquois, Sioux, Pueblo, Navajo, or Huichol ways of
knowing and learning, the pattern is the same: unity through diversity. Indian
people are all related. Tribal ways reflect a natural diversity of expression of'basic
principlesand foundations. RegardlessolTribal culture, Indians of 'the Americas
share common metaphors of indigenous knowledge and education. It is because
of such shared metaphors that the development of a contemporary Indigenous

35
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

philosophy of Indian Education is possible. Developing an understanding of

what the shared metaphor is, with its commcn foundations and ideals, marks the
first step in this new stage of the ancient journey of Indian people in America.

Foundations of American Indigenous Education

Indians throughout the Americas incorporate many symbolic expressions re-

flecting the metaphysical, ecological, and cultural constructs of Tribal education.
These include symbolic expressions representing the: Tree of' Life, Earth
Mother, Sun Father, Sacred Twins, Mother of Game or Corn, Old Man,
Trickster, Holy Wind, For Life's Sake, We Are All Related, Completed Man/
Woman, The Great Mystery, Life Way, and Sacred Directions. These expres-
sions, which occur in a variety of forms in many American Indian languages,
reflect common understandings and shared foundations for traditional ways of
learning. Behind these mythic metaphors are the philosophical infrastructures
and fields of Tribal knowledge that lie at the heart of' American Indian episte-
mologies. For instance, among the Iroquois, the "Tree olLife" and its "white roots
ofpeace" form a rich matrix of' interrelated myths that present not only Iroquoian
traditional knowledge but truths recognized by other tribes. The Iroquoian myth
of the "Great Turtle" is an archetypal "Earth Mother" tale that embodies the
understanding of the whole Earth as a living, breathing, and knowing entity who
nourishes and provides for every living thing through its own magnificent life
process. Earth Mother's counterpart in maintaining life, the Sun Father, appears
in key roles in such myths as Scar Face among the Blackfoot and the Old Man
of the Crystal House among the Chumash.
In the myth of Scar Face, the Sun places a horrible scar on the face of his
grandson as punishment for his daughter's (the Moon) disobedience. Sun
banishes the child from the Star World to live on earth with human beings. The
child is found and raised by a kindly couple who have no children of their own.
Scar Face grows into a fine young man, kind, courageous, and compassionate.
Yet, he is a lonely boy set apart from other boys by his scar and his knowledge
that he is an orphan. Upon learning that his father lives far to the West in the land
of the Star People, he embarks on an epic journey through which he finds not only
his father, Morning Star, and his mother, the (Moon, but so impresses his
grandfather, the Sun, with his feats of' courage, that he is given the knowledge
and rituals or the Sweat Lodge and the Sun Dance. Scar Fact, returns to Earth
and shares the sacred knowledge of the Sweat Lodge with his people, takes a
wile, and returns to live in the land of the Star People!.
The tale ofSca Face is an archetypal hero myth that reflects the perception

36
 FINDING FACE, FINDINCI HEART, AND FINDING A FOUNDATION

of the Sun as the cosmic father, as a giver of life, health, and knowledge. The Sun
inseminates, illuminates, nourishes, and sustains life. The myth of Scar Face
personifies the central role of the Sun as a life giver while reflecting the Sun's
power to destroy and punish if not properly respected. .

Among the Chumash, the Sun, or as they refer to him, Old Man of the
Crystal House, was considered a powerful spiritual being who carried a
torch across the sky to light and warm the earth. He lived in the East in a
house made of crystal with his two daughters, Morning and Evening Star,
who could be seen sometime in the pre-dawn morning waking him, or the
evening bidding him to return. Although the Sun ensured life with his light
and warmth, he was also known to cause death. During his travel across the
sky, he would collect people, plants, and animals to eat for his supper. Every
Winter, the Sun would grow weary and want to stop his traveling. He could
be seen moving further and further south and giving less light and warmth.
Chumash astronomer/priests would gather their people and hold elaborate
ceremonies to pull the sun back for another year and thereby restore the
world to its rightful orientation."
These myths, and the variety of' myths related to other symbolic
complexes, present the Nature centered orientation of Indigenous educa-
tion in the Americas. Riqh4litl ortiwtatiou to the natural world is the primary
message and intent of the mythic perception symbolized by the sacred
directions among American Indians. The majority ofAmerican Indian tribes
recognize seven sacred or elemental directions. These directions include
East, West, North, South, Zenith, Nadir, and the Center. Through deep
understanding and expression of the metaphoric meaning of these orienta-
tions, American Indians have intimately defined their/dace in the Universe.
By perceiving themselves in the middle of' these directions, they ori-
ented themselves to the multidimensional field of knowledge and the
phenomena of their physical and spiritual worlds. Individual tribes named
and associated symbols with each direction that characterized their percep-
tions and experience. These symbols included natural phenomena, colors,
animals, plants, spirits, and holy wityl (kinds of thought).
Extending the environmental i :-1-itation inherent in these sacred
directions to education, there are elemental, yet highly integrated, kinds of
thought founding the vehicles and contexts of Indigenous education.
These orienting foundations of spiritual ecology include: the Environ-
mental, the Mythic, the ArtisticNisionary, and the Affective/ Communal.
In traditional life, these foundations intimately relate to act relativisti-
cally at all levels of their expression. In every sense, they contain each other

37
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

so that exploration of any one can take you into the heart of the Tribal
educational experience. There is a balance occurring in the interplay of these
foundations. This balance is illustrated by the interplay of foundations
within the environmental and spiritual fields of experience. An ebb and flow
characterizes the interplay among foundations. The structure of these
interactions is represented in the following diagram.

The Ebb and Flow of Tribal Education

The Mythic,
Visionary and Artistic
foundations form a
triad which interacts
with the triad formed SPIRITI \I.
.

by the Environmental, ECOLOGY

Affective and
Communal A#IONARY ARTISTIC
Foundations. These
two triads are
integrated by the
seventh foundation of
the Spiritual/
Ecological. The ebb
and flow of these
foundations unfolds
through the
environmental context
and cycles of winter
and summer.

BEST COPY AVAILABLE

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 FINDINQ FACE, FINDINQ HEART, AND Fi NniNo A FOUNDATION

Foundations of Tribal Education

The Spiritual &dog y of Tribal education is both a foundational process and field
through which traditional American Indian education occurs. For Indigenous
people, Nature and all it contains formed the parameters of the school. Each
foundation of Tribal education is exquisitely complex. Dynamic contexts
develop from a unique and creative process of teaching and learning.
The Mythic, Visionary, and Artistic foundations form a natural triad of
tools, practices, and ways of teaching/learning. Through their interaction and
play, they form a fourth dimension for the deep understanding dour inner being.
This triad of foundations springs forth from teaching/learning and the innate
knowledge of our in ner self. It is the Winter Element or the deeply inward aspect
of Indigenous education. The Affective, Communal, and Environmental foun-
dations complement the understanding ofthe other triad of tools, practices, and
ways of' teaching/learning. These foundations are the Summer Element or the
outward, highly interactive and external dimension of Tribal education.
In traditional American Indian life, the foremost context for understanding
is the Spithtta/, the orienting foundation of Indigenous knowledge and process.
It is the spiritual that forms not only the foundation for religious expression, but
also the ecological psychology underpinning the other foundations.
The Environmental foundation forms a context to observe and integrate
those understandings, bodies of knowledge, and practices resulting from direct
interaction with the natural world. This foundation conned., a tribe to theirp/ace,
establishing their relationship to their land and the earth in their minds and
hearts. To say American Indians were America's first practical ecologists is a
simplification of a deep sense of ecological awareness and state of' being. The
environmental foundation of Tribal education reflects a deeper level ofteaching
and learning than simply making a living from the natural world. For American
Indians, as with other Nature centered Indigenous culture:, around the world,
the natural environment wa., t he essential reality, the "place of bei ng". Nature was
taught and understood in and in its own terms.
Based on the environmental foundation of Tribal education, a mutual-
reciprocal relationship was established and perpetuated between Tribal
people and their environment. "Nature was used beaver, bison, etc. for
sustenance, but richness of was achieved with material technology that
was elegant, sophisticated, appropriate, and controlled within the context of
the traditional society."
The ,1/yibie foumlat ion rests upon the archetypal stories that describe the
cosmology in the tribe's language and cultural metaphors. This kundation
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF /NDIGENOUS EDUCATION

explores the guiding thoughts, dreams, explanations, and orientations to the

world. It represents the world view of the tribe and, through the process of
storytelling, presents the script forteaching, learning, and participating in stories
that guide the people. Ultimately, all education is the expression of storytelling.
The Vidionar foundation rests upon individual psychological and
spiritual experiences that lead to, or result from the practices, rituals, and
ceremonies of a tribe. Such practices and contexts provide a framework for
individuals and groups to teach and learn through exploring their inner
psychology and their collective unconscious. American Indians applied the
visionary foundation to access knowledge from primary sources deep within
themselves and the natural world.
The tfrii,flie foundation and the Visionary contain the external practices,
mediums, and forms through which we express the understandings we have
come to see. Art allows us to symbolize knowledge, understanding, and feeling
through image, thus making it possible to transcend a finite time and culture. Art
becomes a primary source of teaching since it integrates and documents an
internal process of learning. Art was such an integral part of American Indian life
that it was not perceived as an isolated, self-sufficient, phenomenon. Conse-
quently. there are no words in the Indian languages that can be translated exactly
to mean "Art". The closest translations into English usually refer to "making" or
"completing". The Artistic foundation also acts as a bridging/translating founda-
tion for the Mythic and Visionary foundations. That is, the Artistic mediates the
other two.
The ilfetive foundation of Tribal education forms a second context
containing the internal emotional response to learning, living, growing, and
understanding in relationship to the world, ourselves, and each other. This is the
foundation on which we establish rapport with what we are learning and come
to understand why we are learning. It reflects our whole gamut of emotion
relating to the educational process. It is the seat of our primary motivation and
the way we establish personal or group meaning fbr our learning. It is the
foundation through which we cultivate our intention, choice, trust, responsibil-
ity, and heart fbr learning. Like the Artistic foundation, the Affective foundation
acts as a bridge between the environmental and communal fbundations. It
mediates our feelings for our place and our community. For American Indians,
love for one's land and people has always been a primary motivation for learning
and service to one's tribe.
The Gmtintina/ foundation is paired with the Afketive and forms a
third context that contains the external responses and experiences reflecting
the social/corn mu na I dimension of Tri bid education. The life ofthe commu-

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 FINDINQ FACE, FINDINQ HEART, AND FINDING A FOUNDATION

nity and its individuals are the primary focus of Tribal education. The
community is the primary context, through the family, clan or other Tribal
social structures, where the first dimensions of education unfold for all
human beings. All humans are social animals who directly depend on each
other, not only for their mutual survival but their identity as well. The
Communal experience is the seat of human cultures, and there is nothing in
human life that it does not influence. The Communal experience is tied
through history and tradition to the oldest instinctual human mediums of
education. The structure, process, and content of teaching and learning
resulting from traditional American Indian Tribal/communal experience
are inherently Human. Learning and teaching are occurring at all times, at
all levels, and in a variety of situations. For American Indian Tribal
education, the community is a primary context for learning to be "a human,
one of the People."
A value may Indian people share is that their stories, languages, customs,
songs, dances, and ways of thin ki ngand learning must be preserved because they
sustain the life of the individual, family, and community. It is especially the stories
that integrate the life experience and reflect the essence of the people's sense of
spiritual being; it is the mythic stories of a peoplo that form the script for cultural
process and experience.
Culture is the face, myth is the heart, and traditional education is the
foundation for Indigenous life. All cultures have Indigenous roots bedded in the
rich soil of myth from which the most elemental stories of h man life spring.
Indian elders often remind young people to lire t& myth., by saying, "These
stories, this language, these ways, and this land are the only valuables we can give
you but life is in them for those who know how to ask and how to learn."
The metaphor for this seeking is coded in the Tewa phrase, Pin Peye Obe:
'Look to the Mountain!' Reconnecting contemporary Indian education to its
mythic roots begins with looking to the cardinal mountains of thought from
which our stories come and to which they return.
With or' without our conscious participation, a new story or education is
emerging. Understanding the plot of' this new story is an important task for
forgingan Indigenous philosophy of American Indian education that will ensure
cultural survival in the twenty-first century.

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 FOR LIFE'S SAKE

THE SPIRITUAL ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

Introduction

INDIGENOUS EDUCATION, AT rrti INNERMOST CORE, is education about the life and
nature of the spirit that moves us. Spirituality evolves from exploring and
coming to know and experience the nature ofthe living energy moving in each
of us, through us, and around us. The ultimate goal of Indigenous education was
to be fully knowledgeable about one's innate spirituality. This was considered
completeness in its most profound form. It is no accident that learning and
teaching unfolded in the context of spirituality in practically every aspect of
traditional American Indian education. Nowhere else in the study of American
Indian cultures is the principle of unity in diversity more clearly illustrated than
in American Indian spiritual traditions. Though American Indian tribes repre-
sent diverse expressions of spirituality, there are elemental understandings held
in common by all. It is these shared understandings that allow development of
a foundation for indian education, including contemporary philosophy, whose
principles can generally be accepted by all tribes. A shared set of structures and
tools for learning about spirit was used in similar ways by different tribes. The
roles and structures of shamanism, the making of sacred art, the use of the sweat
'lodge, the reflection ofthe cosmos in a tribe's central ceremonial structures, vision
questing, ceremonies, rituals, and dances tied to Nature's cycles are a few
examples. Added to these are a group of shared metaphors and concepts that
fbund unique expressions in different regions and tribes, but were derived f, Om
a similar understanding and orientation to life.
For example, American Indians believe it is the breath that represents
the most tangible expression of the spirit in all living things. Language is an
expression of the spirit because it contains the power to move people and to
express human thought and feeling. It is also the breath, along with water
and thought, that connects all living things in direct relationship. The
interrelationship of water, thought (wind), and breath personifies the
elemental relationship emanating from "that place that the Indians talk
about," that place of the Center where all things are created.
I can remember '.he first time I heard the phrase, "that's the place

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 THE SPIRITUAL. ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

Indians talk about." It was a phrase repeated by Acoma Pueblo poet, Simon
Ortiz, in a wonderful story about the spiritual connections Indian people
feel to the special places in their lands and their lives. By talking about those
special places, they connected their spirit to them through their words,
thoughts. and feelings. i remember thinking how beautifully simple, yet how
profound, this metaphor was. It illustrates the special quality and power the
spirit has to orient us through the breath of its manifestations in language,
song, prayer, and thought.
Imbued with the perception that all things are sacred, traditionaleducation,
from the moment of conception to beyond the moment of death, was learning the
true nature of one's spirit. This learning began by reflecting upon the nature of'
human and community expression through the understanding and use of breath
in all its forms. This understanding went beyond the physical nature of breath to
include the perception of thought as a "wind" that was a unique variation of
breath. Language and song were other forms of' breath that Formed a holistic
foundation for communication. Breath consciously Formed and activated
through language, thought, prayer, chanting, ritual, dance, sport, work, story,
play, and art comprised the parameters of communication in Tribal education.
This tradition of' communicating about and For spiritual ecology has
continued evolving for thousands of years as a way to seek and find one's life,
one's completeness. Among American Indians this tradition of educating and
expressing the spiritual has evolved into many forms reflecting the transforma-
tions of the People. Given the diversity and richness of American Indian spiritual
traditions, it is impossible and misleading to reduce them to simple descriptions.
However, they come from primal roots and continue to express universal
perceptions and concepts.
This chapter explores some basic concepts of American Indian spiritual
traditions that connect all tribes at the level of spiritual ecology. As mentioned
earlier, American Indian traditions revolve around seeking life and communicat-
ing with the various manifestations of breath to realize a higher level of
completeness in life's journey. What is called education today was, for American
Indians, a journey for learning to be fully human. Learning about the nature of
the spirit in relationship to community and the environment was considered
central to learning the Full meaning of life.
There are five elements that generally characterized American Indian
spiritual traditions. First, there is the lack of an espoused doctrine of
religion. Indian languages lack a word I'm "religion." The words used refer
to a "way" of living, a tradition of the people. This reflects the orientation of
American Indian spiritual traditions to a process rather than to an intellec-
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

tual structure. These are tools for learning and experiencing rather than
ends in themselves.
Second, there is the idea that spoken words and language have a quality of
spirit because they are an expression of human breath. Language as prayer and
song has a life energy that can influence other energy and life forms toward
certain ends. For American Indians, language used in a spiritual, evocative, or
affective context is sacred and is to be used responsibly.
Third, the creative act of making something with spiritual intent, what
today is called art, has its own quality and spiritual power that needs to be
understood and respected. Art is a result ola creative process that, traditionally
for American Indians, was an act and expression of the spirit. Art was sacred.
Fourth, life and spirit, the dual faces of the Great Mystery, move in never-
ending cycles of creation and dissolution. Therefore, ceremonial forms, life
activities, and the transformations of spirit are cyclical. These cycles follow the
visible and invisible patterns of Nature and the cosmos. In response to this
creative principle, ritual cycles are used to structure and express the sacred in the
communal context of' traditional Native American life.
Fifth, is the shared understanding that Nature is the true ground of spiritual
reality. The natural forms and forces are expressions of spirit whose qualities
interpenetrate the life and process of human spirituality. For American Indians
and Indigenous people as a whole, Nature is Sacred and its Spiritual Ecology is
reflected throughout.'
Most Indian tribes share basic understandings about sacred knowledge.
These include the understanding that a universal energy infitses everything in the
cosmos and expresses itself through a multitude of manifestations. This also
includes the recognition that all life has power that is wondrous and full of spirit.
This is the Great Soul or the Great Mystery or the Great Dream that cannot be
explained or understood with the intellect, but can be perceived only by the spirit
of each person.
The next perception is that al! things and all thoughts are related through
spirit. Personal and direct communication with all the manifestations of spirit
through prayer and ritual reinforces the bond of the individual, family, clan, and
community to the unseen power of the Great Mystery. Knowledge and under-
standing of morals and ethics are a direct result of spiritual experiences. Sacred
traditions and the elders who possess special teachings act as bridges to spiritual
experiences and as facilitators for learning about spiritual matters. This is the
basis of the elders' standing and respect in the tribe or community, as long as they
use their knowledge for the good of the people.
Finally, people must constantly be aware of' their weakness and strive to

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Ti it ,SPIRI ECOLOQY OF INDICA-NOUS EDUCA1 ION

become wise in the ways that they live their lives. Through story, htimor, and
ritual, people "remember to remember" who they are, where they come from, and
the spirit they share with all of creation.''
In relation to these characteristics, this chapter will explore Four basic
concepts that informed the expression or the spiritual dimension of Indigenous
education. These are: the interrelated concepts of "seeking life" and "becoming
complete", the concept of the "highest thought", the concept of "orientation", and
the concept of "pathway".
To illustrate these concepts an aspect of a selected tribe will describe and
place in context the essential features of each. These are descriptive examples and
are not comprehensive. Tribal people and scholars ofAmerican Indian traditions
will no doubt perceive similar expressions in their own cultural traditions or those
they have studied. Each example provides a glimpse of a core dynamic of learning
about spiritual ecology, seeking life, and "that place the Indians talk about."

Seeking Life and Becoming Complete

The way we talk about a place or another entity reflects how we feel, how we see,
how we understand, and most importantly, how we think about it. Language is
a reflection of' how we organize and perceive the world. In every language there
are key words, phrases, and metaphors that act as sign posts to the way we think
about the world and ourselves.
Indian languages are richly diverse in their expressions related to how they
structure the world. As is true with all languages, Indian metaphors reflect the
nature of the reality they see and to which their mind has been set through
experience and cultural understanding. In spite of the diversity of' Indian
languages and the potential for infinite ways of thinking about reality, there are
metaphors that can be consistently translated to mean a similar thought.
The phrases seeking life, for life's sake, to find life, to complete, to become
complete, of good heart, of good thought, with harmony, and a host of related
combinations, have translations in all Indian languages. These are the metaphors that
Indian people use in talking about themselves, their places, and their relationships.
ThLy are phrases used to begin and end communal events, in ritual prayers, in stories,
in oratory, as greetings, in conversation, and in teaching. They are phrases for
"remembering to remember" why things arc done individually and in community.
These shared metaphors reflect an underlying continuity of thought and perception
that have a profbund inf luence on the aims of traditional Indian education. They imply
a journey of learning to know life in all its manifestationsespecially those of' the
spirit and through this journey experience a state of' wholeness. Seeking, finding.

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 LOOK To Ti IE MOVN1AIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

being with, and celebrating spiritual ecology is the essential meaning of the phrase
"that's the place Indian people talk about."
As a guiding concept, "seeking life and becoming complete" pervades the
expressions of Native American spirituality to such an extent that it is seldom
discussed or questioned. Historically, this was the world view that guided
thought and behavior. The extent to which this guiding concept ova , internalized
compares with the pervasive internalization of capitalism and the consumer
mindset of modern Americans. Capitalism and consumerism are so ingrained in
the American "real world" that they are seldom questioned as foundations of
human life. Materialism and an objective sense of physical reality predominate
the mindset of most modern people. For many moderns, this orientation has
become a theology of money, treated as sacred and strived for religiously. For
American Indians and other Indigenous people, Spirit and Nature were the real
world, the ground of existence upon which they formed a theology of Nature that
has evolved and matured over the last forty thousand years.
The theology of' Nature based on "seeking life and becoming complete"
forms the boundaries of this exploration of the spiritual ecology of Indig-
enous education.

Thinking the Highest Thought

The Indigenous ideal oflivinea good life" in Indian traditions is at times referred
to by Indian people as striving "to always think the highest thought." This
metaphor refers to the framework of a sophisticated epistemology of community
based ecological education. This is an epistemology in which the community and
its mythically authenticated traditions support a way of life and quality of
thinking that embodies an ecologically-informed consciousness.
Thinking the highest thought means thinking of one's self, one's commu-
nity, and one's environment richly. This thinking in the highest, most respectful,
and compassionate way systematically influences the actions of both individuals
and the community. It is a way to perpetuate ''a good life," a respectful and
spiritual life, a wholesome life. 'Thus, the community becomes a center for
teaching and a context for learning how to live ecologically.
In Indigenous societies, living ecologically is also about living in harmoni-
ous relationship to "a place." The origins of this special and essentially ecological
relationship are usually represented in the guiding story, the central myth which
the group holds sacred. The community embodies the essence of that "place,"
which is really the place of the spirit referred to in the guiding myth. Through
t heir central myth, each Indigenous community identifies itself' as a sacred place,

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 Tt 1E SPIRITUAL ECOLOGY OF INDIOENOVS EDUCATION

a place of living, learning, teaching, and renewal; a place where the "People"
share the breath of their life and thought. The community is a living, spiritual
entity that is supported by every responsible adult.
In striving to think the highest thought and reach that place the "People"
talk about, each adult becomes a teacherand a student. Because learning to think
the highest thought and reconnect with that special "place" of mythic times is a
step-by-step process that begins at birth; each individual, from the youngest to
oldest, has a role to play.
There are types of t hin king and knowing that are developmental and form
the essential steps to thinking the highest thought. Each step must be learned and
honored in order to reach that special place of ecological understanding and
relationship. Learning about each step is life-long and one overlaps the other
through time and levels of knowing. Each contains the others and shares
concentric rings of relationship. Yet, each has its unique lessons.
Based on this perspective, the first way of thinking and knowing has to do
with one's physical place. That is, one has to come to terms with where one
physically lives. One has to know one's home, one's village, and then the land, the
earth upon which one lives. These are the hills, canyons, valleys, forests,
mountains, streams, rivers, plains, deserts, lakes, and seas the place where you
live, awareness of your physical environment.3
For Indigenous people, this first type of thought begins the extension and
integration or connections with Nature and other people in the community. It is
thinking that orients them to the ecology of the place immediately surrounding
them. As a way of knowing, thinking, and orienting, it proceeds in concentric
rings from the location of family household, to the segment of the village the
household is located in, to the village as a whole, to the land immediately
surrounding the village, then to the mountains or other geographic features that
fbrm the recognized boundaries of each Indigenous group's territory.
Indigenous villages generally have a Centerand several sections that define
where its various family or clan groups live. These groupings represent the basic
mythic and social divisions of' each village. Each village household is a unique
expression of a family and an orientation shared by members of each family. The
clans and village proper form an orientation and way of' thinking and learning
about place that is represented by each successively larger group. The experi-
ences and thinking in relation to the immediate natural environment are also
shared. These are the basic dimensions of the first way of thinking and knowing.
For Indigenous people, thinking and knowing about the spiritual ecology begins
in the family, village, and its natural location.
A second kind of Indigenous thought occurs in relationship to other people,

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

plants, animals, natural elements, and phenomena. This type of' thought and
knowing revolves around consciously understanding the nature of one's rela-
tionships to other people, other life, and the natural world. This is a way of self-
knowing and defining ofspirit that is based in our senses and our emotions. It is
a way of thinking that allows us to experience and understand the differences and
similarities between the life in ourselves, other living things, and other entities of
the natural world.
This way of thinking is based on the physical senses and developing the
ability to hear, observe, perceive, and emotionally feel the spirit moving in
all its manifestation in the world around us. For traditional Indigenous
people around the world, Spirit id real. It is physically expressed in every-
thing that exists in the world.
A third way of Indigenous thought has to do with reflective contemplation,
speaking, and acting. This involves applying the capacity to think things through
completely, to make wise choices, to speak responsibly for purpose and effect,
and to act decisively to produce something that is useful and has spirit. This kind
oft bought also has to do with the expression of respect, ethics, morals, and proper
behavior all ofwhich lead to the development of humility. This way ofthinking
brings fbrth the best and most desirable aspect of' humanness as a proper
response to learning about and dealing with the natural world.
A fourth way of thought regards the kind of knowing that has long
experience with all aspects of human life. This way ofthought requires a learning
that comes only from maturity. it leads to a knowingthat includes, but also moves
beyond knowing just through the physical senses towards wisdom. Wisdom is
a complex state of knowing lbunded on accumulated experience. In 'Tribal
societies, wisdom is the realm ofthe elderly. By virtue oftheir longlife experience,
they were deemed most capable of' maintaining the essential structures of the
spiritual life and well-being of' the community. They maintain the Tribal
memories oft he stories, rituals, and social structures that ensured the "good life"
of the community through the spirit. They are also, by virtue of' their age, the
members olthe community closest to that revered state of "complete" men
and women.
There is a lifth dimension of' thinking characteristic of Indigenous societies
that starts with wisdom and evolves beyond it to understandingand knowing the
spirit directly with all one's senses. It is a mriltisensory consciousness, a way of
knowing associated with the mystic or spiritual leaders in their most fully
developed state of being. It is most often associated with the most elderly of' an
Indigenous society. This is not always the case, for this way of thinking can
develop earlier' in life from visionary experiences of people at any age. This is the

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 TFit SPIRITUAL ECOLOGY OF INDIOENOVS EDUCATION

level of thinking most closely associated with myth and dream. It is the threshold
to "that place Indian people talk about." It is the place through which a sense of
spiritual ecology develops, the center place of thought, the place of the deepest
respect and sacredness, the place of'good life, the place of the Highest Thought.
Moving through each of these five ways of thought allows a person's
awareness of their "spiritual ecology" to become riper, more mature. It is a
pathway ofknowledge and seeking life referred to in metaphoric was in various
Indigenous guiding myths.

The Concept of Orientation

Education is essentially a learned external orientation to family, community,

places, societies, and cultures. Education is also learning an internal orientation
to self and, in its metaphysical sense, to spirit.
Orientation is more than physical context and placement. In its deeper
meanings it is about mindset, ways of thinking and knowing, origins of commu-
nication and a sense or direction. It is about how the human spirit understands
itself. Traditional forms of Indian education have many expressions of the
concept of orientation or "directions" as it is sometimes called. For Indian people,
orientation, with relationship, forms the field for understanding the interaction
between the human spirit and other expressions of spirit. Spiritual orientation
and breath are sometimes explained in conjunction with the origins of wind in
the creation/emergence myths among Indigenous people around the world.
Mountains and the Winds associated with them appear among some tribes as
symbols of' orientation.
The Navajo perspectives related to wind, pathway, and hunting provide
some of the most elegant written examples of the dynamic concept of' Indigenous
orientation. The following narrative descriptions of elements of Navajo Natural
Philosophy as recorded and described by James iVicNeley mirror orientations
in other American Indian tribes. They are presented here with deep respect and
honor for the Navajo way of "Indigenous" thinking, knowing, and being.
The concept of Holy Wind and its role in the Navajo cultural philosophy
exemplifies the nature of' orientation and its connection to spiritual thought.
Orientation embodies the essence of Navajo traditional belief. Upon his emer-
gence from the fourth world, First Man's task was to recreate the four Earth
Mounds that had been found in the fourth world. This initial task was to orient
things in this, the fifth world, which was devoid of' form and boundaries.
Metaphysically speaking, First Man had to create a context in which to make the
fifth world. This is the essence of spiritual orientation and "that place the Indians

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

talk about."
In Navajo Philosophy, the First or Supreme Wind played a key role in
creating the world. This First Wind has manifestations in all livingand non-living
things. In humans the manifestation of the First Wind is called ntleh'i lamii'aizthth
or 'the wind within one', or 'wind soul'. It is a unique expression of the breath of
lifepart of the First Wind, the source of all wind/breath. It is Dawn Woman
(Changing Woman) who, at the moment of conception, determines the nature
of the wind soul or breath each person will have at birth. Thought and behavior
are expressions of wind soul.'
Witch i meaning Wind, Air, or Atmosphere, as conceived by the Navajo, is
endowed with the powers that are not acknowledged in Western culture.
Suffusing all of Nature, Holy Wind gives life, thought, speech, and the power of
motion to all living things, and serves as the means of communication between
all elements of the living world. As such, it is central to Navajo philosophy and
world view. ...by this concept the Navajo Soul is linked to the immanent powers
of the universe.'
First Wind has existed since the birth of the Universe and is endowed with
the power to give life and movement to all beings. The Navajo Windway is an
important component of' Navajo ceremonialism. Dedicated to maintaining and
restoring health and wholeness, it conveyed knowledge of the First Wind to the
first holy people. In some versions of the Navajo earth creation myth, the cardinal
directions are associated with different qualities of light. This light misted up
from the four principal horizons to illuminate an otherwise dark Universe. These
cardinal directions, the basic structures of physical orientation recognized by all
Indian tribes, were also marked by four Earth Mounds (mountains), each one
enclosing an inner form.
The four mists of light were considered the breath of the wind soul or inner
form of' each Earth Mound. The Navajo conceived of these mists of light and the
cardinal directions as living breathing entities. The Navajo creation myth and
numerous other Indigenous philosophies make the metaphysical connections
among wind, light, inner or outer forms, and cardinal orientations. This connec-
tion forms the basis for a sophisticated epistemolou related to the nature and
action of spirit as understood and expressed in Indigenous societies.
For the Navajo, the "wind standing within "guides their traditional learning
about orientations, relationships, and responsibilities to spiritual dimensions in
quest for living the "harmony way." "Wind standing within" is a traditional
concept originating in the guiding myth and vision of themselves as Dine, the
People. In the Hollowing dimensions of Navajo thought, Wind is conceived as a
source of' life and spiritual light, as a source of thought and wisdom, serving as

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 TI IE SPIRITUAL ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

inner forms of language and means of knowing things, and as a source of

guidance and creation. The spiritual foundations of Indigenous education are
exemplified in an extraordinary way.

Wind As A Source of Life and Spiritual Light

In Navajo tnytholou, wind in the form of Supreme Sacred Wind created the
First Holy Beings. These were First Man and First Woman, Black God, Talking
God, Coyote, Calling God, and others. Supreme Sacred Wind, guided by Dawn
Woman, illuminated and animated all beings of the Universe as indicated in the
following passages.
"While they were waiting for strength, they saw a Cloud of' Light which
kept rising and falling. ...while they watched, it turned black, and from the
blackness they saw the Black Wind coming. Then the Cloud ofLight turned blue,
and they saw the Blue Wind coming to them; then it turnedyellow and the Yellow
Wind appeared; then it turned white and the White Wind came. Finally the light
showed all colors and the Many Colored Wind came.... This Cloud of Light also
created the Rainbow of the Earth, and as the light changes, it creates hayo/kaa/
the White Early Dawn; 'aboded tizt,, the Blue Sky of noon and also the blue that
comes after the dawn; nabootmi, the Yellow of' Sunset; and cbabalbeel, the Dark
of Night. These were also made for the people of the Earth, and each of these is
a holy time of' the day from which comes certain powers.
"When the Winds appeared and entered Life they passed through the
bodies of men and creatures and made the lines on the fingers, toes, and heads
of human beings, and on the bodies of the different animals. The Wind has given
men and creatures strength ever since, for at the beginning they were shrunken
and flabby until it inflated them; and the Wind was creation's first food, and put
motion and change into nature, giving life to everything, even to the mountains
and water.'
Light is illumination and wind is that which moves. The Navajo combine
them to represent the founding characteristics of'what is called Spirit in Western
tradition. Spirit denotes qualities of Being t hat we associate with the highest level
of thinking, acting, and being human. The Navajo use the "mists of light and the
"holy winds" as metaphors to think about, explain, orient, and teach each other
the qualities of spirit as they perceive it. At the beginning of time, it is said that
Wind and the Light of Dawn lay upon One another, giving birth to Changing
Woman and life. They vere one and the same. Then they separated to light the
way and to move all thing, w;:h the different breaths of Wind.

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 LOOK To TI It MOUNTAIN: AN Ecor ocx Of INDIQFNOUS EDUCATION

Wind As A Source of Thought and Wisdom

Thinking is a process animated by wind in Navajo tradition. Wind provided a

way to breathe and be alive in addition to oGring guidance and protection for
the first beings in their underworld domain. Wind did this by advising people,
guiding their behavior, and informing them about events through the corners of
their ears. Wind provided this important service to the first beings before their
emergence to the present world. Before Wind, the People moved here and there
without any sense of direction, without any thought. The People had no sense of
where they would go; they were in chaos. In the underworld, before emergence,
Wind appeared as a person who shared wisdom and knowledge and led the
People in proper behavior.
"The various people went around aimlessly like sheep, lacking language
and without plans until they came upon Wind in the form ()fa person who knew
all and who told them that henceforth he would speak to them (through the
corner of their ears). Wind then gave leadership to them and the words by which
they would exercise this, the knowledge and means to lead themselves. Even
then, however, Wind gave them a restricted governance over their lives so that
a leader would not be able to do anything that he wanted to, 'just according to
one's mind'. Rather, Wind made available the means of speaking particular
words, including the threatening words needed by a leader.'
Through the "corner of the ear which could not be seen," Wind advised
those first beings, those first leaders wisely, giving them directions, helping them
plan their creations, and guiding their behavior in right ways. And so the Navajo
I lolv men and women of today, in their teaching, their advising, and their
leadership, reflect that quality of wind to guide their thoughts and provide
context for their wisdom.

Wind As A Source of Language and A Means of Knowing

Among the Navajo and other Tribal groups, language is sacred because it is an
expression of the I loly Wind that exists as the breath of life in each person.
Changing Woman placed the winds in the cardinal directions to provide
orientation and to help the first people learn how to lead themselves in their new
world. In one account of the Navajo creation myth it is said:
Winds lying on one another from within the Earth. by which she
spoke to the people, were placed on the Earth surface for the Earth
Surface People. The first one placed in the East is very holy, is female,

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 TI it SPIRITUAL ECOLOQY OF INDICA:NOUS EDUCAIION

and it gives direction to Life. 'Word two is male and lies in the South.
Another female word was added in the West and another male word
in the North. . . .
"These four Words which were put up in the four directions are
conceived to be the Winds by which man is given direction of his Life,
movement, thinki ng and action to carry out plans. These are the same
as 'the wind standing within us' which 'enters in the process of
reproduction',
"While these Winds placed the Cardinal directions enter within
people as 'the one standingwithin us', other Winds formed on Earth's
surface which could influence human life and behavior: Two Winds
emerged from the Earth, two came from the water, and another two
came From the clouds: when these met, six Winds were formed above
and six below. We live between these, and they all affect us and some
of which cause difficulties and sick ness.
Education is largely based on language and oral communication. For the
Navajo, language and its oral transmission are the Foundations of the sacred
traditions that bind them, through breath, to each other, other living things, their
loly Ones, and the world in all its immensity and beauty. Language is a form of
Wind tnat informs, expresses, and orients the "wind standing within". Orienta-
tion is a way of learning and understanding where you are, your place, and your
relative level of development. The use of language and symbolic words carry a
responsibility because they cause things to happen. They evoke; they instruct. In
Navajo tradition, their use must be learned and applied with great respect for
they are connected to the inner Forms in the mountains at the cardinal directions.
These inner forms of the mountains each have words, songs, and a language by
virtue oftheir unique Wind; they also have the plants and animals associated with
their form. This is why they influence humans who live in their shadows.
Wind, in all its forms, provides a means oil nowi ng and communicating
with the inner forms that guide the four cardinal winds. Wind also interacts with
all life bounded by the Four sacred mountains of the Navajo Universe. According
to the Navajo, a thought always has a certain type of Wind as its source. Wind
represents the spirit behind the thoughts, actions, or words. Thoughts are the
result of Winds acting on the individual and his or her "wind standing within".
We are influenced by a multitude of winds from birth to death. Some
winds are good; others are bad, but most are neutral, bringing us information and
knowledge as necessary. These neutral winds are called "messenger winds" and
are often sent from benevolent spirits to guide our behavior and decisions. Some

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 LOOK TO TI IL MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIOENOUS EDUCATION

of the most powerful messenger winds are sent by the inner forms within the
mountains at the four cardinal directions, the abode of' the Holy Ones. These
winds are like guardian. spirits because they protect and advise us. For this
reason, the Navajo refer to them as "the wind which stands beside". This Wind
tells us about distant events, the intentions of' others, the activities of plants,
animals, and natural phenomena such as the lightning and rainbow associated
with the cardinal mountains.

Wind As A Source of Guidance and Creation

In Navajo belief', the Holy Ones send different Winds to the unborn while they
are in the mother's womb. A particular wind combines with the Wind of the
Mother and Father to make the unique "wind which stands within" character-
istic of each person. This is the creative quality of' the Winds coming together.
When the child is born it is this unique "wind which stands within" that enables
the child to breathe and be alive. lithe combination ofwinds before birth has been
lucky and of the proper nature, the child will be strong and well made. The child's
unique combination of winds will determine his life, personality, and fortune. As
the child grows, he or she will be exposed to many winds, from other people, as
well as from the natural and supernatural worlds. These will have an effect in
accordance with the nature and relative strength of the "wind standing within".
It is each child's unique wind that will have the greatest effect on behavior and
way of life. This is a person's first wind; it is the wind that learns, relates, and
creates. The nature of this wind must be understood and respected as the
foundation for seeking and finding one's pathway in life.
Wind's child exists everywhere. The same Wind's Child exists within us in
our tissues. We live by it; we think by it. 'Wind standing alongside warns us of
danger or the repercussions of' our actions. If we do not listen then Bad Luck
befalls us!''
There is a twin to the "wind which stands within" that the Navajo refer to
as the "wind which stands beside". This is the wind that represents intuition and
acts as a guide and conscience in each individual. It is the Wind that receives and
sends messenger winds. It protects, guides, and communicates through dreams.
These winds that form and motivate our behavior represent the dual nature of
the human spirit.

The Concept of Pathway

The concept of Pathway, revealed in numerous ways in Indigenous education,

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 Tilt: SPIRITUAL ECOLOQY OF INDIC/ENOUS EDUCATION

is associated with mountains, winds, and orientation. Learning involves a

transformation that unfolds through time and space. Pathway, a structural
metaphor, combines with the process of journeying to form an active context for
learning about spirit. Pathway is an appropriate metaphor since, in every
learning process. we metaphorically travel an internal, and many times external,
landscape. In traveling a Pathway, we make stops; encounter and overcome
obstacles, recognize and interpret signs, seek answers, and follow the tracks of
those entities that have something to teach us. We create ourselves anew. Path
denotes a structure; Way implies a process.
Many structures of Indigenous spiritual traditions are referred to as
"ways." The Navajo Chantways are one example of' specific Pathways for
gaining spiritual knowledge. There are multiple expressions of similar ways in
other tribes. These Pathways related to spiritual learning and teaching provide
a view of' the questing and vision-seeking that transforms the spirit and con-
sciousness. Such constancy reflects the essence of all spiritual teaching and can
provide a foundation for structuring contemporary educational experiences.
The Pathways for learning about the spirit have been traveled before.
Those who have traveled them befbre lead those who travel these Pathways now.
We follow the tracks of ancestors in our individual and collective journeys to
spirit. To exemplify Pathway, I present the process of Indigenous tracking to see
the ways °fa path. As an example of the mythic dimension of Pathways, I present
the Indigenous ideal of the Hunter of Good Heart. As an example of the spiritual
journey through which a vision is received and shared, I present the visionary
hero, Scar Face of the Blackfoot. Finally, I will present "Tracking the Story," an
educational process model that exemplifies how a contemporary Indigenous
Pathway of education might unfold.

Indigenous Tracking

The practical art of tracking animals evolved during the history of' humans
as Tribal hunter/gatherers. It was a highly evolved survival skill based on
direct and personal experience with Nature. The animals, plants, geogra-
phy, and the spirits of Nature taught the Indigenous people the meaning of
their lives in relationship to the natural world. As hunter/gatherers, Tribal
people naturally used their physical environments as the ground for their
teaching, learning, and spiritual tempering. For them, the earth was a great
book afire cycles and constant change, and presented a story of the flow of
spirit through everything, including themselves.
Everything leaves a track, and in the track is the story: the state of being of

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 LOOK To Ti It MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

each thing in its interaction with everything else. Indigenous people considered
animals and plants the first teachers and participants with human beings in the
evolution of life on the Earth. Based on this perspective, Indigenous people
included the realm of spirit in their experience with animals, plants, and other
entities and qualities of Nature. In the eyes ofTribal people, Nature and spirit are
the same. The natural and the supernatural are dimensions of the same spirit
moving.
Indigenous tracking presents a simpleyet profound way to understand
the connection between direct experience with Nature and the development
of the spiritual traditions of Tribal people. As a learning process, tracking
seems deceptively mundane, yet all the complex cognitive and intuitive
abilities or humans, including the higher levels of' spiritual consciousness,
come into play. Metaphorically, tracking is intimately involved in the
process of seeking wisdom, vision, and coming to the source of spirit.
Following such a path, learning to read the "tracks left by the ancestors in
the Dream Time" as Australian Aborigines relatereveals the interrela-
tionship of all things through the direct observation of Nature.
In the process of tracking, actions and relationships are reflected in
concentric circles. This pattern of activity and relationship reoccurs constantly
in all of Nature. Concentric circles of action are the primary structures of'
Nature's creative process. In Nature, concentric circles °faction connect to form
a path revealing, through tracks and signs, the story of "the animals moving
through their lives". Tracks, and the concentric circles of living they represent,
are the manuscript of existence in a place and through time.
Scientists study the tracks of subatomic particles that exist only a millionth
of' a second. They find the human observer influences the eneru relationships
and even the nature of existence of' these subatomic particles. Humans do
participate with everything else even at this level of natural reality. Indigenous
people understood this relationship of human activity as concentric rings that
extend into the spirit realm. Burnam of' the Australian Wurimdjeri tribe
explains an aboriginal perspective of' this relationship in the following way:

The most profound and essential aspect dour root culture is called
ljukutpa. The words "dreaming" or "clreamtime" are inadequate
translations or the word. Tjukurpa does not refer to dreaming in the
conventional Western sense of things imagined in sleep. Nor is it a
collection of enchanting stories, like Aesop's fables or Grimm's Fairy
tales. It doet, nut refer to a past long gone. Tjukurpa is existence itself,
in the past, present, and the future. It is also the explanation of

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 TI IF SPIRITUAL ECOLOQY OF INDIC,ENOVS EDUCATION

existence, and it is the law that governs behavior.

"Tjukurpa is expressed in two facts of existence. It is the land,
creeks, hills, clay-pans, rock-holes,- soaks, mountains and other
natural features. And it is people and their actions of hunting,
marrying, ceremony and daily life. The Tjukurpa has always been .
.. it is still unfolding along present events, and it is being recreated and
celebrated by certain Aboriginal people today.
"We say that our country was made during the Tjukurpa, .... This
was the time when beings traveled across the land in the form of
humans, plants, animals, performing remarkable feats of creation
and destruction .... The Tjukurpa creatures are travelers. Aboriginal
people recount their journeys in stories, songs and dances. Their
paths pass over, under and upon the land; sites along these paths are
often named and treated as especially important ....
"The traveling stories link sites, to place, to people across the
continent. By living on the land and learning the Tjukurpa, we
experience an identity between people, places and the Tjukurpa For
a person to become a socially responsible human being, he or she must
learn the named tracks or "song lines" (Allis or her Tjukurpa The
knowledge ofthe songs and paths tells us where we are going, without
maps or compasses ....
"The link between the time of the Tjukurpa and daily life remains
even at death, for it is then that we become part dare Tjukurpa itself',
part of our own creation)"
Burnam Burnam's description of Aboriginal orientations to the mythic
and spiritual paths of' those first ancestors illustrates the teaching process
inherent in the art of tracking. Tracking, from the Aboriginal perspective.
connects people to their own spirits, the spirits of' their land, the animals,
plants, and other entities. Their Tjukurpa is founded upon learning about
their spirit and understanding its meaning in relationship to their contem-
porary life and to other spirits of place. Essentially, it is learning how to live
a complete life that honors all levels of their reality.

The Hunter of Good Heart

In North American hunting cultures, the hunter of good heart is a metaphoric

ideal that reveals the nature of journeying toward completeness. This goal is
reached through a direct relationship with animals and through hunting a path
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

to our innermost spirit. The hunter is an archetypal form that resides in each of
us, man or woman. The hunter is that part of us who searches for the completion
that each a us, in our own way, strives to And. The Huichol Indians follow the
tracks of the Ave pointed deer, their elder brother and the spirit of their sacred
peyote. They say the act of'hunting is about trying to And our life. Hunting from
this perspective becomes a sacred act tied to our primal beginnings as hunter/
gatherers. This is the perspective of becoming the animals we hunted, when
humans and animals spoke to each other, and when humans began learning to
be human, to be People.
Humans have always hunted to satisfy their hunger. It is one of the
most basic of all human activities. It is the most basic reciprocal activity of
all living things, that is, to eat and be eaten. Hunting, and all it involves, is
a primal foundation of human learning and teaching. All the physical,
emotional, and cognitive abilities of humans are applied in the act of hunting.
I hutting is a complete and completing human act. It touches the heart of the
drama of being born, living, and dying. Hunting characterizes our species
to such an extent that, even in modern society, men and women far removed
from hunting animals for sustenance still metaphorically "hunt" to be filled,
to be satisfied, to be complete. Hunting involves coming to terms with
elemental relationships at the physical, social, and spiritual levels. Hunting,
in its most spiritual sense, is based on following the path of one's own spirit,
manifested in the physical form of what you are hunting. In modern society,
people are no longer hunting an animal, but something they have come to
yearn for, the soul our ancestors were able to touch through their hunting
and ritual; "that place Indians talk about." So it is in our times that we
continue to hunt for ourselves, in our families, in our communities, in our
careers, in our schools, in our institutions. and our relationships.

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 Ti 1E SPIRITUAL ECOLCX-iY OF INDICANOVS EDUCATION

Mimbres Hunter of Good Heart

The Hunter of Good Heart is an ancient metaphor of one path of human

meaning. It is a path of spiritual ecology with various descriptions in all ancient
cultures. Before there were warriors, there were hunters, and if war was waged
in that world of the first people, it more than likely was waged for advantage in
hunting. The Indigenous art of war has its roots firmly planted in the strategies
and single-minded focus of hunting. They are both spiritual acts, matters of life,
death, and learning about spirit.
The 1 !tinter of Good I -kart is a state of completeness reached through an
educational process involving the hunter's whole being. The culmination is the
hunter's initiation into a communion otitis spirit with the animals and the world.
This process gives life to the hunter and his people. The good hunt is a
responsibility undertaken not only by the individual, but by the community as
well. The hunter hunts to perpetuate the life of fOmily, clan, and community. The
hunter represents the community to the world of animals and spirits; therefore,
the community as well as the hunter is judged through his behavior. Wife,
children, parents, relatives, the whole community participates with the hunter in
a cycle of life and spirit involving prayer, hunting technique, ritual, art, sacrifice,

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

and celebration. It is, as Plains Indian people say, "a medicine circle."
The act of hunting in the context of a medicine circle is a mythical act based
on the central foundation ante and the taking of life to have life. Life feeds on
life, continually transforming the physical substance oflife and spirit through the
never-ending cycle of living, dying, and being reborn. Like the predator
revealing its most primal characteristic during the moment of predation, so
humans awaken when they hunt with full consciousness of their actions. This
higher context of hunting allows full awareness, understanding, and reverence
for the spiritual meaning of hunting. Hunters participate in the "great dance of
life" a dance of holy communion that has heed joined since the dawn of human
history. The hunter/shaman paintings of Tres Heres, Altimira, and Lascaux, the
Eland dance of the Bushmen, and other Indigenous art forms around the world
attest to the hunter's special covenant with the life of animals and the life of a
community. it is a communion merging inner and outer, with the hunter coming
to know his own spirit through the spirit of that which he hunts. In this seemingly
paradoxical union, a window appears into the reality of' spirit where the most
elusive prey residesone's true and complete self.
I hunting is a path to a spiritual reality where each participant gains a set of'
universal understandings; deep relationship, abiding respect, fulfillment, and
love for life meld into one. It becomes a spiritual foundation for teaching and
learning ecological relationship. The foundational qualities that the hunter
internalizes include: complete attentiveness to the moment, integration °faction,
being, and thinking, a sense for concentric rings of relationship, and humility.
Indigenous stories of Hunters reflect in the most eloquent way the nature
of' this path and WaV of spiritual learning. The following story from the Navajo
Deer I fuming Way provides advice to all Hunters olGood I leat. It is presented
here with deep respect for the "[)inc" way of Indigenous being.

The Navajo Deer Hunting Way

The basis of Navajo 1:::.-irc,),f:titzlt(1 ntibi hitgezit i \n,virnagv aish

balance with all thzit'te surrounds the

Pathways that fbrm ceremonial structures. These ceremonies establish the
harmony and balance the Navajo deemed essential for being prosperous. As is
true of all tribes in whose territory deer lived, the Navajo venerated deer as a
source of food and life. Deer were considered spirit beings who had to be
respected and properly treated. Deer were teachers of a source of life and
knowledge of spirit that originated with the First People, the I Poly Ones. But
they had to be hunted. For his own well-being and success, the hunter had to

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 Ti IF SPIRITUAL ECOLOC;se of INDICA-NOUS EDUCAIION

possess, not only the technical skills For hunting them, but the necessary spiritual
preparations as 1,vell. The hunter had to know the origin of the deer. He needed
to know how to behave and be successful in taking their life, for his own life and
that of his family and clan. With respect and honor, the story goes this way:
There was a hunter who waited in ambush. Wind had told him,
'This is where the tracks are. The deer will come marching
through in single file.' The hunter had four arrows: one was made
from sheet lightning, one from zigzag lightning, one of sunlight
roots, and one of rainbow.
"Then the first deer, a large buck with many antlers, came. The
hunter got ready to shoot the buck. His arrow was already in place.
But just as he was ready to shoot, the deer transformed himself into
a mountain mahogany bush, tseesdaazii. Afters while, a mature man
stood up from behind the bush. He stood up and said, 'I )o not shoot !
We are your neighbors. These are the things that will be in the future,
when human beings come into existence. This is the way you will eat
us.' And he told the hunter how to kill and eat the deer. So the hinter
let the mature 1 kerma n go for the price of his information. And the
I kerman left.
"Then the large doe, a shy doe, appeared behind the one who had
left. The hunter was ready again to shoot the doe in the heart. But the
doe turned into a cliffrose bush, (ain't,' aal. A while later a young
woman stood up from the bush. The woman said, 'Do not shoot ! We
are your neighbors. In the future, when man has been created, men
will live because oft's. Alen will use us to live on.' So then, for the price
of her information the hunter let the Doewoman go. And she left.
"Then a young buck, a two pointer', came along. And the hunter
got ready to shoot. But the deer transformed itself into a dead tree, tsin
bisga. After a while, a young boy stood up from behind the dead tree
and !:aid, 'In the future, after man has been created, ifyou talk about
us in the wrong way we Will cause trouble for you when you urinate,
and we will trouble your eves. We will also trouble your ears if we do
not approve of what you say about us.' And for the price of his
inibrmat ion, the hunter let the young I kerman go.
"Then the little fawn appeared. The hunter was ready to shoot the
lawn, but she turned into a lichen-spotted rock, tse dlaad. After a
while, a young' girl stood up from the rock and spoke: 'In the Future
all this will happen if we approve, and whatever we shall disapprove

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

shall be up to me. I am in charge of the other Deer People. Ifyou talk

badly about us, and if we disapprove of what you say, I am the one
who will respond with kilingyou with what I am. Ifyou hearthe cry
of my voice, you will know that trouble is in store for you. Ifyou do
not make use of' us properly, even in times when we are numerous,
you will not see us anymore. We are the four deer who have
transformed themselves into different kinds of things. Into these four
kinds of things we can transform ourselves. Moreover, we can
assume the forms of all different kinds of plants. Then when you look
you will not see us. In the future only those of whom we approve shall
eat the mighty deer. I f when you hunt,you come across four deer, you
Nv i I not kill all of' them. You may kill three and leave one. But ilyou

kill all of us, it is not good.

"'These are the things that will bringyou happiness. Whenyou kill
a deer, you will lay him with the head toward your house. You will
cover the earth with plants or with branches of' trees lengthwise, with
the growing tips of the plants pointing the direction of the deer's head,
toward your house. Then you will take us toyour house and eat of us.
You will place our bones under any of the things whose form we can
assume. At these placesyou may put our bones. You will sprinkle the
place with yellow pollen. Once, Twice. Then you lay the bones. And
then you sprinkle yellow pollen on top of the bones. This is for
protection of the game animals. In this manner they will live on; their
bones can live again and live a lasting life."'"
In the story Fawn, speaking on behalf of the Deer people, gives advice to
First Hunter about how to respect the spirit of the deer. Fawn also refers to
Talking God as the holy being who decides when and how the Deer People will
give their life to sustain humans. The proper relationship of' hunters to Deer
People is thus determined in the realm of spirit. It is then passed on through ritual
practice and understanding rooted in the guiding myths of the Navajo. The story
presents a foundation for developing a spiritual orientation to the act of hunting.
The first step in this hunting way is the development of the hunter's heart in
preparation for the hunter's journey. This is an education through the spirits and
landscape of Nature. It is an education founded on a deep level of ecological
understanding and responsibility. When it takes hold, this education transforms
the hunter and firmly establishes his journey toward becoming complete. Thus,
a Pathway to self' is found through deeper understanding and responsibility.
Teaching spiritual ,..-ologv in Indigenous settings is really teaching per-
 THE SPIRITUAL ECOLOCN OF INDIOENOUS EX/CATION

sonal power. The gaining of Personal Medicine, as Plains Indian traditions

relate, is the real goal of a Pathway of learning. Gaining personal power begins
with establishi ng a context of respect. Personal power and a deep sense of respect
are what "empowerment" really means!
The Indigenous hunter not only learned how to attract his prey, but in the
process of development as a hunter, he also learned how to obtain luck by gaining
the attention of the spirits of Nature. The power gained reflected and trans-
formed the hunter at physical, psychological, social, and spiritual levels.
Indigenous complexes of hunting found throughout the world Fol-
lowed a pattern that, while finding a diversity of expressions, included the
following basic component processes. The first stage of Indigenous hunting
began with Setting one's intention through prayerful asking; this was
followed by a process of purification. These preparations were meant to set
the tone of respect and proper relationship. The second stage included
intense questing and application of skill and attractive behavior toward the
goal of a successful hunt. The third stage included the community process
of respectful treatment of the prey, celebration, and thanksgiving. In all
these processes, comprising the circle of indigenous hunting, the connecting
thread is reverence for a giving Earth and the spirit relationships to the
animals. In this traditional context of hunting, the Hunter and the Hunted
joined in a kinship, a conscious and respectful sharing of the flow of life. The
lesson for the hunter lies in gaining a deeper understanding of' spiritual
relationship and transformation. lie and the community he represented
reinforced their understanding of the deep ecological meaning of mutual
reciprocity. The Hunter and his community entered a spiritual exchange, a
creative process of learning and teaching that has formed the foundation of
human meaning since the dawn of history.
While these relationships with animals have undergone significant trans-
formations since earlier times, they are still there in spirit if' not in reality. The
crisis of' our times beckons us to retrace the tracks of our ancestors and the
animals they knew. We must understand the meaning ()four lives in relationship
with the natural world. The Hunter of' Good Heart shows us spirituality and
ourselves as spiritual beings. It is an aspect dour humanity that we must reclaim
ifwe are to find our life. The compacts made by those first hunters were covenants
of spirit and were for life. They were based on an abiding relationship of respect.
Modern perceptions regarding animals are infused With representations of
attitudes about the other. Moderns no longer experience a daily and direct
relationship with animals. They are informed by a media that skews the images
ofanimals. This has led to a host of reactions ranging from fear to romanticization

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 LOOK To TI IF MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY Of INDIc.;ENOUS EDUCATION

to outright inhumanity. Modern society's biased orientation to animals mirrors

contemporary misunderstanding about other races, especially those who have
become few in number, such as American Indians. To truly understand animals,
is also to truly understand the other.

The Journey of Scar Face

The Blackfoot legend of Scar Face presents an archetypal hero's journey of spi
The story of Scar Face is a teaching story that reflects the courage ofan individual
in overcoming obstacles of cosmic proportions. It illustrates the nature ofthe way
Indigenous people viewed relationships with all things, people, animals, the
earth, and the sky. The story is about "face," that is, the spiritual nature of'
character and learning how to develop our true selves. The story is also about
journeying to the center, to "that place that Indian people talk about." This is a
place of spirit within ourselves and in the world as a whole. It is in "that place"
that knowledge and gifts of spirit can be obtained. It is a place of vision where one
must learn how to seek. Its inherent message is found in the landscape of our souls
and our wondrous universe.
With deep respect and honor for the Blackfoot way of" Indigenous" being,
the following version of the story of Scar Face is presented. Scar Face lived with
his grandmother because his mother and father had died shortly after his birth.
His face had a birthmark that set him aside from all others and became the source
of ridicule and shame. Because he was different, he was taunted.by the children
and whispered about by others in the tribe. As Scar Face grew older he withdrew
and spent much of his time alone in the forest befriending and learning the ways
of the animals he encountered. It is said that he learned to speak with them. And
through them he learned how to be related with all things.
As Scar Face grew older he experienced all the things of life with humility
and great reverence. He even fell in love, as young boys do, when they come of
t hat age and express that facet of their face. The focus of Scar Face's affection was
a young woman, Singing Rain, the chief's daughter. Singing Rain was also a
special person, kind and with a gift of insight. Although all the otheryoung men
competed for her affection, it was Scar Face who she came to respect and love
because ()Ibis honesty and good heart. However, when Scar Face asked for her
to marry, she revealed her sacred vow to the Sun never to marry. This was her
pledge of spiritual piety in the way of the Blackfoot. The only way she could
marry was if' the Sun were to release her from her pledge. On hearing this, Scar
Face determined to undertake a journey to the place where the Sun dwells to ask
the Sun to release Singing Rain from her pledge. And so, it is said that Scar Face

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began his visionary journey to the land of the Star People.

Scar Face did not know where the Star People lived, only that they must
live in the direction the Sun set every evening, beyond the Great Water in the
West. So Scar Face prepared himself with help from his grandmother, and when
he was ready he set forth on his journey, a journey to the land of spirit. He first
traveled familiar territory, but then began to enter into lands that neither he nor
other members of his tribe had ever seen.
As the snow of Winter began to fall a hundred paths became open to him,
and he became confused; he did not know which way to go. He met a wolf on one
path, and with great humility asked for help and direction. Knowing the
goodness of his heart, the wolf spoke to him and guided him to the right path. He
traveled that path for a great distance until he came to another series of paths, and
again he became confused. He stopped, set his camp and prayed. Soon a mother
Bear and her cubs appeared on the path in front of him. Again, with great
humility he asked for guidance from the mother Bear. The Bear spoke with great
kindness and pointed out to him the right path. Scar Face followed the bear's path
for many days until the path ended. Now there were no longer any paths in front
of him to follow, only the vast expanse of the great forest. As he stood and
pondered in front of the forest, a wolverine approached him. He called out, "good
wolverine, my friend, I need your help." Again, he asked for direction and help
from this Friend. Knowing his heart and the nobility of his quest, wolverine
responded with great kindness and guided him through the forest to the edge of
the Great Water, where, exhausted, he made camp. He thanked the wolverine,
and he thanked each of' the animals that had helped him by offen'ng them a gift
of song and tobacco. He could see a twinkling of lights across the Great Water,
and he knew that was the land of the Star People.
Scar Face did not know how to cross the water to "that place that his people
talked about." But he was determined to find a way. Then two snow geese swam
hy and offered to take him across the Great Water. When they arrived on the
other side, he thanked the geese and their relative for their kindness and great
service to him. I ie made camp and then fasted and prayed for three days and
nights. On the fburth day, a path orsu n light began to form in front ()Chi m leading
toward that place". I le leaped onto the path and fbllowed it as it took him higher
and higher into the sky. When he reached the end of th is path ofsunlight, he came
to a beautiful forest and another path, a path of great width as if' made by
thousands of people traveling on it fora long, long time. As he followed the path
he came upon a richly decorated quiver of arrows leaning against a t ree. l le
wondered who t hey must belong to, so he waited to see. Soon, on the path coining
from the other direction was an ext raordinary looking Warrior dressed in richly

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decorated white buckskin. As the Warrior approached, Scar Face could see that
this man was an image of perfection. He asked Scar Face if he had seen a quiver
°farrows. In response, Scar Face showed him where the arrows were. Grateful
and curious, the stranger introduced himself, "I am Morning Star." Then he
asked Scar Face his name and where he was going. "I am called Scar Face, and
I seek the lodge of the Sun." "Then come With me, Sun is my father and I live
with my mother Moon in his lodge."
When Scar Face arrived at the Lodge of the Sun, he saw that the walls were
painted with the history of all people of the world. Morning Star introduced Scar
Face to his mother the Moon. As his father the Sun entered the lodge, agreat light
entered with him. Morning Star introduced Scar Face to his father Sun, the
greatest chief. Scar Face was so impressed that he could not bring himself' to
reveal his reasons for coming to the land of the Star People. Sun and Moon
treated Scar Face with great hospitality and asked Scar Face to stay with them
as long as he wished. Over the next few days, Morning Star showed Scar Face
the many paths in the beautiful land of' the Star People. There was one path to
a distant mountain that Sun had warned Morning Star and Scar Face never to
go near. It was a mountain on the top of which lived a flock of seven giant birds
that the Star People greatly feared.
One morning, Scar Face woke to find Morning Star gone. Scar Face arose
and quietly left the Lodge of the Sun to take a walk and decide how he might ask
Sun to release Singing Rain from her vow. He thought he might meet Morning
Star and ask him for advice. As he walked, he began to feel that something was
wrong, and the nearer he came to the mountain where the Giant Birds lived the
greater his feeling became. He knew that there was some reason Morning Star
had gone to the forbidden mountain.
Scar Face set out in search of Morning Star. As he climbed to the top of the
mountain ofthe Giant Birds, he found Morning Star engaged in a ferocious battle
with the birds. These birds were indeed savage and extremely large. They were
about to overcome Morning Star when Scar Face joined the battle. Scar Face
fought valiantly and soon turned the tide of battle. One by one, Scar Face and
Morning Star began to kill the Giant Birds until all seven were slain and their tail
feathers taken by the two warriors.
Tired, yet proud of' their accomplishment, Scar Face and Morning Star
descended the mountain and returned to the Sun Lodge to inform Sun and Moon
of the dekat of the Star People's most feared enemies. Sun and Moon were very
impressed by the courage shown by bothyoung men and were especial ly irI
to Scar Face for saving the life of Morning Star. In honor dale courage of Scar
Face, Sun offered to fulfill any desire he would request. Yet, Scar Face could not

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speak hisgreatest desire. He remained silent until Moon, knowing his heart,
spOke of Scar Face's love for Singing Rain and her vow to the Sun that prevented
them from being together. Sun immediately responded by saying to Scar Face
that he would release her from her vow. Sun touched the cheek of Scar Face, and
the scar he had borne all his life disappeared. Morning Star in turn gave him
5-peetal personal gifts and revealed to him that he was his spirit father, confirming
the feeling that Scar Face had all along. Then Sun and Moon began to sing songs
in praise of Scar Face and Morning Star. Sun and Moon then gave Scar Face
many gifts, rich 'clothes, and a special shirt. In addition, Sun renamed Scar Face
"Mistaken Morning Star" because now without the scaron his face he looked like
Morning Star. Sun taught Mistaken Morning Star his own special dance, the
Sun Dance. He said that if Earth People wished to honor him and bring health
and well-being to their tribe, they should dance the Sun Dance each year when
he had reached the highest place in the sky. Then Morning Star led his Earth son
to the path called the Wolf's Trail (the Milky Way) and placed a wreath of:juniper
on his head. In an instant, Mistaken Morning Star was back on Earth and on a
path leading to his own village.
Singing Rain was the first to meet Mistaken Morning Star as he ap-
proached the village. He told her that Sun had released her from her vow, and
she knew in her heart from seeing and feeling the magnificence of him that they
could now be togetheralways. Mistaken Morning Star called the people together
and taught them the rituals of the Sun Dance. He showed the women how to
build the Sun Dance Lodge, and he taught the men how to conduct the sweat
lodge ceremony and raise the Sun Dance pole. He taught them about the sanctity
of their individual spirit and the nature ofsacred visioning. He taught them from
"that place that the Indians talk about.'"
There are profound lessons to be learned from stories like Scar Face. The
traditional versions of' the tale told in the Native language have a richness and
depth of meaning that are difficult to translate. Such richness and depth are true
of similar tales among Indigenous people around the world. They are like the
mythical spirit deer: they leave tracks beckoning us, if we would but follow.

Tracking A Story, A Metaphoric Path For Vision and Education

The journey and quest of Scar F; 'r r ...present a mythic archetype of the spiritual
It Is learning about the deepest dimensions of human life.
The term "lifeway" may be more appropriate for the deep learning metaphori-
cally represented by this stor.. The story of Scar Face also represents an
Indigenous ideal for process and development that has implications for contem.

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porary education. The metaphors and processes of tracking, hunting, questing.

pilgrimage, visioning, orienting, and pathway are used in the mythic stories of all
cultures. They reflect a basic way that humans process and structure their
learning. Current research in the cognitive process is just beginning to investigate
the metaphoric structures and inherent processes in stories and storytelling. The
research is to find clues about the way the brain contexts reality in preparation
for learning.
Humans are one and all storytelling animals. Through story we explain and
come to understand ourselves. Story in creative combination with encounters,
experiences, image making, ritual, play, imagination, dream, and modeling
forms the basic foundation of' all human learning and teaching. Learning and
teaching unfold through time, space, and place forming a path through life. It is
a simple fact, basic to human nature vet, elegantly complicated in its expression.
The educational challenge of the twenty-first century is to move forward to
basics. Indigenous education provides the clues and the tracks that we need to
follow. The only limitation is the extent of our collective vision.
The perspectives inherent in the lifeways of' Indigenous education imply
tremendously creative possibilities for contemporary education. Indigenous
perspectives can form foundations for exploring the universals of what it is to be
educated. The key is empowering ourselves to make creative leaps of thinking
and acting. We must revitalize ourselves and engender the courage and con-
sciousness required to confront the monumental challenges human kind faces.
We have to facilitate our children and ourselves in that ancient journey to
hod our face (to understand and appreciate our true character), to find our heart
(to understand and appreciate the passions that move and energize our life), to
find a foundation (work that allows us to fully express our potential and our
greatest fulfillment), and to become a complete man or woman (to find our Life
and appreciate the spirit that moves us).
We must again create the kind of education that creates great human
beings. To I ndianize the education of' Indian people constitutes a major revolu-
tion. To I ndigenize contemporary Western education would require a global
transformation of proportions we have never seen. Such a gargantuan vision
evolves from millions of smaller visions that we individually and collectively
consummate. We wove mountains by first moving ourselves, and the way we
educate makes all the difference in the world. The choice is ours. We make the
difference. It is we who decide to live, or not live, our visions. We are the creators
of the world and realities we live in. \\'e are the ones who must choose the path
of our own learning.
In this chapter, I have presented a number of stories that characterize

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the spiritual ecology of Indian people. For Indian people, traditional

learning begins and ends with the spirit. It is an old maxim that puts in
context what Indigenous people view as education. The perspective incor-
porates the metaphors of' Pathway, orientation, hunting, and seeking life
and completeness into a system and a symbolic language for education.
These metaphors have been expressed and translated in countless ways
among American Indians and other Indigenous groups of the world. They
have provided models and continue to provide an essential frame of refer-
ence for learning. They are already contemporary because contemporary
Indigenous groups continue to apply them for the survival of the People.
The key to allowing them greater viability is to translate their values, their
meaning, and their process into modern education while supporting their
revitalization in their original Tribal contexts. This is taking a creative leap
in imaging and applying the lessons of Indigenous education into another
cultural context.
The following is a translation of Indigenous thought into modern educa-
tional curriculum modeling. Curriculum modeling is the first step in the system-
atic process oldesign ing a learning experience based on a philosophical perspec-
tive. It is but one of many creative possibilities.

A Contemporary Pathway For Ecological Vision

In many Plains Indian and Aboriginal Tribal traditions, learning the pathway of'
vision embodies a process that unfolds through a variety of dimensions. As
mentioned earlier, in traditional Native American perspectives, learning begins
and ends with spirit. This learning path begins with appropriate orientation,
acknowledging relationships, setting intentions, seeking, creating, understand-
ing, sharing, and then celebrating one's vision with reference to a place of'
centering. Imagine an aboriginal sandpainting composed of seven variously
colored concentric rings connected to each other and to a seventh concentric ring
through a pathway. The eighth ring is the centering place and the place of'
beginning and ofcompletion, "that place that Indian People talk about." Each of
the rings has its own center and contains the colored rings of the others. The
pathway between each concentric ring is white bordered by black. The field in
which the sandpainting is set is half red and hankie. This imaginary sandpainting
symbolizes a structure, a process, and a field for learning about the creative stages
and the inherent nature of' visioning. (See Diagram)
The Centering Place is where the soul and intention of the vision are
formed. This is the place where the "soul of the dream is honored". The intention

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is energized and guided by one's innermost conscious and unconscious thoughts

and feelings. In whatever we learn, and by whatever means we learn, we are
always true to our inherent nature and personality. This is why, in all that we
endeavor to learn, we always learn something about ourselves.
Asking is prayer, and is the first ring of the path. Every journey involving
one's whole being begins with asking for illumination. Asking names the quest
and sets forth its essential goal. This goal focuses intention for seeking something
one's inner being truly desires. True learning results from deep motivation, the
desire to obtain something for which one cares deeply, down to the bones, with
one's whole heart and soul. Such desire sets into motion the process of making
ready and preparing the ground. Physical, mental, and psychological prepara-
tions are basic tasks of this concentric ring. Exploring the relationships and
accomplishing the tasks of this ring may take hours, days, months, or even years.
What one learns in this first ring is all relative to the vision one is seeking. What
matters is how much the individual desires their goal. Motivation is central to
human learning and is the foundation for all systems of education. Knowing how
to ask and prepare for knowledge is a special kind of orientation. Learning
necessary skills, discipline, focus, and how to walk a path are all a part of learning
about one's own character, one's face.
Afking is the initiation of a creative flow of thought. It is the first
insights, intuitions, encounters, and experiences. The activities of Askint, are like
tilling the soil, planting the seed, and then saying to the spirits of the v..3rIcl, "I have
planted my most precious seed, help it grow, give it life." They are tasks that are
simple yet complex, hard yet liquid, inward in feeling yet outward in expres-
sion all rolled into one. They are all tasks that are essential for gaining a sense
of direction, for orienting to one's center. It is asking for life and being awakened
to the life of our own soul.

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The Connected Rings of Indigenous Visioning

In every process of
visioning tbere are
tEM$0114 side events wkich
influence the process
of a particular
connected ring.

Seeking is the second ring of the path. Seeking is the actual process of
questing. It is looking for what we mysteriouslyyearn for, that part of ourselves
that we need, and it is missing. We may not know what that something is; it may
be a gift, a special song, an animal, a plant, a person, a place, a feeling, a wisdom,
a dream. These are all expressions of vision, that innately human calling to search
for higher levels of meaning. To find that special thing, we have to explore the
boundaries of our world and beyond. We have to expand our consciousness and
paradoxically go outside ourselves to find that special something inside our-
selves. We all become Scar Face when we take the hero's/heroine's journey and

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seek what we most desire. In this concentric ring we test ourselves against the
limits of our courage and endurance, deal with a myriad of conflicting demands,
and overcome obstacles. In our seeking we begin with what we know, but we
come to realize it isn't very much. Then we begin to wander, to go here, to go
there; we learn how to let go, open up and deal with uncertainty. We experiment;
we learn again how to listen, how to observe, how to be humble, and how to find
and ask for help. Seeking is always about searching for the authentic, the basics,
the meanings of life. In the process of seeking we learn to search not only for
ourselves, but for all people. We learn the lessons of' care, self-sacrifice, and
humility.
Making is the next connected ring. Making involves the act of creating
something new as a result of one's visioning. The Making is a work, or series of'
works, of deep significance that symbolically include what one has learned about
the self, the world. Through the visioning processwe contact the universal center
of creativity, and we create our lives anew.
Making is the connected ring where we learn that we can create who we
want to be and create the life that we truly wish to live. With our gift of creativity,
empowered by our vision, what we create has the power to affect the lives and
thoughts of others. The song, dance, artifact, model, or anything we create from
our vision changes not only our lives, but those of others as well. This is the ripple
effect that characterizes the action of connected rings of relationship.
Making is also a stage where through the act of creating somethingwe
tine tune and elaborate on what we have learned. This leads to further discovery
and understanding.
Haviiw is the next connected ring. We learn what our vision and our
creation mean, and what our inherent responsibilities are in relationship to them.
This dimension of understanding essentially begins from the first ring, but it
comes into clearer focus afterwe have made something from our vision. We learn
to accept and honor a part of ourselves we have learned about in our visioning.
We identify more closely with our own soul. We come to a higher level of self-
acceptance and maturity in understanding the difference between being created
by circumstance and creating our own circumstances. in the process of Making
from our vision, we come to be mature and conscious participants in creating our
world. We develop the courage to accept the responsibility of becoming co-
creators with the world.
Throughout the process of visioning, we learn to recognize and manifest
our unique potential. We find how to apply our personal power and, in every
sense, empower ourselves through what we make from our vision. The Having
stage honors being with our vision and our creations. It is a time of reflection, a

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time of decision, and a time of incubating strategies for implementing our vision
in our own reality.
Sharing is the connected ring through which our vision becomes a part of'
the life and spirit of the community. We share the life we have sought and found
with others. Sharing may involve a diversity of forms and dimensions. Sharing,
in this stage, is essentially teaching others what we have learned, just as Scar Face
shared the knowledge of the Sun Dance with his people. We are all teachers; it
is a primary characteristic of being human. We do it all the time, whether we are
conscious of' it or not. The forms that teaching took in earlier times may have
included songs, dances, stories, rituals, or sacred art. Today they include this and
much more. Teaching and sharing are part of the process of becoming more
whole and spiritually mature.
Celebrating is a natural outcome of spiritual sharing, and it too can take a
diversity or forms. It is an individual and communal process that celebrates the
mystery of life and the journey that each of us takes. Celebration is a way of'
spreading the light around.
Being is the seventh ring of' the visioning process. Being joyous, thankful,
reflective of the gifts of life and vision are important states of' mind. They open
us to the illumination of' the Centering place, the place where our soul and spirit
reside, "that place that the Indians talk about."
This chapter has outlined a perspective of' Indigenous education inherent
in Native American spirituality. Native American traditionalists would contend
that all learning is related to the spirit. Native American progressives would agree
that this may be so, but it is also essential that Indian people he trained to compete
and exist in a modern world. Many people are uncomfortable with spirituality
in any aspect Or modern education because of the instances of misunderstanding
and misapplication of spirituality in modern society. As with everything in
human affairs, it becomes a matter of perspective and consciousness.
My intent has been to present a point of view based on my own
visioning and tempered by my experience as an American Indian, image
maker, and professional educator. There are many paths to the Center.
There are infinite ways to talk about and image that Center, "that place the
Indians talk about." We walk infinite paths and talk in infinite ways about
getting to the Center every day or our lives. This has been going on in every
generation of every culture of mankind since the first words were spoken
and the first images were constructed. It is a very, very, long human quest!

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SINGING WATERS

THE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

Overview

NATURE IS A SACRED REALITY FOR AMERICAN INDIANS. Relationships to the

natural world formed the basis for their expression of traditional
education. Historically, a direct and abiding understanding of the
special significance of Nature's cycles life, death, struggle, and survivalwas
integral to the survival of Indian people. Given this reality, environmental
education among American Indians took many forms, and it was here they
established their most profound and intimate expressions of culture.
Environmental understandingand ed ucation were directly tied tothe cosmologies
of Tribal life. Tribal cosmology reflected the sacred and elemental expressions oflife on
earth and in the cosmos. The key questions that each cosmology addressed included:
how the Tribal community might ecologically integrate into the place they lived; and
how a direct relationship among the individual, the community, and the natural world
could be established and maintained.
Indian people, in every place they lived, addressed these questions of survival and
sustainability in diverse, yet harmonious ways. They thought of their environments
richly and of themselves as truly alive and related to their world..
"We are all related," is a metaphor used by the Lakota in their prayers. It
is a metaphor whose meaning is shared by all other Indian people. It is a guiding
principle of Indian spiritual ecology reflected by every tribe in their perception
of Nature. It is a deeply spiritual, ecological, and epistemological principle of
profound significance.
Guided by this metaphysical principle, Indian people acknowledged that
all living and non-living entities of Nature have important inherent meanings
within the context of human life. Based on this understanding, American Indians
symbolically recognized their relationship to plants, animals, stones, trees,
mountains, rivers, lakes, streams, and a host of other living entities. Through
seeking, making, sharing, and celebrating these natural relationships, they came
to perceive themselves as living in a sea of relationships. In each of the places they
lived, they learned the subtle, but all important, language of natural relationship.
With this awareness, tempered by intimate relationships with various environ-

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 THE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF iNDICANOUS EDUCATION

ments over a thousand or more generations, Indian people accumulated and

applied their ecological knowledge.
In contrast to the relatively one-dimensional reductionist Newtonian-
Cartesian view of Nature, Indians perceived multiple realities in Nature that
experienced by our five senses was only one of many possibilities. In such a
perceived "multiverse," knowledge could be received directly from animals,
plants, and other living and non-living entities. They perceived that animals and
plants have ritual ways of' behavior that interact with one another. All life and
Nature have a "personhood," a sense of purpose and inherent meaning that is
expressed in many ways and at all times.
Over the past 500 years, the changes to the environment of America have
been dramatic; at one time America may have been the most pristine and rich
natural environment on earth. The first Europeans saw America as wilderness,
an obstacle to overcome through settlement and the use of resources, living and
non-living. They looked upon the land primarily as a material object, a commod-
ity they could gain from economically. For the most part they viewed the Indians
they encountered as one of those resources, which they would either use or abuse
according to their agenda for material gain.'
Yet, to Indian people, the iand and the place they lived were in a perfect
state. For them, the real test of living was to establish a harmonious relationship
with that perfect state that was Nature to understand it, to see it as the source
of' one's life and livelihood, and the source of one's essential well-being.
In the minds of many Europeans, Indians were the other seen either as
savage, as heathen, as noble, as good or as bad. They were never understood for
what they were and are: a people who, in a variety ofways and with all their heart
and being, tried to establish a direct relationship with the essence of natural life.
They understood Nature as the essence of the Great Mystery, which guides and
breathes life into all things. For Indian people, the land was full of spirit, full of
life enemy. Everythinga rock, a tree, a plant, a mountain, an animal, a bird, an
insect had its unique expression of life and way of Spirit. Indigenous people
coded this understanding into their process of education. This nature-centered
orientation helped individuals come to terms with the environment where they
lived in a holistic way.'
Oren Lyons reflects this understanding in terms of the contemporary
voices of Native American ecological thought. He states:
And each generation was to raise its chiefs and to look out for the
,velfare dale seventh generation to come. We were to understand the
principles of' living together. We were to protect the life that sur-

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rounds us, and we were to give what we had to the elders and to the
children. The men were to provide, and the women were to care for
the family and be the center, the heart of the home. And so our nation
was built on the spiritual family, and we were given clans... the
Turtle, the Eagle, the Beaver, the Wolf, the Bear, the Snipe, the
Hawk, all of whom were symbols of freedom. Our brothers the
Bears, the Wolves, and the Eagles are Indians; they are natives, as we
are. We went to Geneva, the six nations, the great Lakota nation, as
representatives of indigenous people of the western hemisphere, and
what was the message that we gave? 'There is a hue and a cry for
human rights,' they said, 'for all people,' and the indigenous people
said, 'What of the rights of the natural world? Where is the seat for
the Buffalo or the Eagle? Who is representing them here in this
forum? Who is speaking for the waters of the earth? Who is speaking
for the trees and the forests? Who is speaking for the Fish, for the
Whales, for the Beavers, for our children? We are indigenous people
to this land. We are like a conscience; we are small, but we are not a
minority; we are the landholders, we are the land keepers; we are not
a minority, for our brothers are all the natural world, and for we are
by far the majority. It is no time to be afraid. There is no time for fear.
It is only time to be strong, only a time to think of the future and to
challenge the destruction of your grandchildren.';
Oren Lyons gets to the heart of what has characterized Indigenous
understanding of the natural world; a mindset derived from an ecological
sensibility that has continued to evolve traditional contexts for Indian commu-
nities. Ecological education, wherever found, revolves around the issues that are
essentially ethical, religious, and sacred. Ecological education provides the
foundation that enables human beings to resonate individual and communal
"inscapes" with the natural landscape. This is in direct opposition to the
orientation permeating modern education; an orientation that emphasizes ex-
treme profaneness and materialism. This leads to conditioning that engenders a
radical destructiveness at the individual, spiritual, communal, and environmen-
tal levels of being.
In contrast, Indigenous education traditionally cultivated ecological
piety, based on letting the other be, and appreciating other entities for their
unique being.
Native American people, through their ecological educational processes,
evolved a natural response to the other that other being, the natural world

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THE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

and allowed the other to define itself to them, rather than imposing preconceived
intellectual meanings. As a result, Indian people lived with as little impact on the
natural state of the land as possible. They allowed the land to be, taking from it
only the resources necessary for their survival, but always remembering that it
was given to them as a gift.
It is important to reflect on the changes that Native American people have
had to accommodate in their relationship to their natural environment. It is the
educational processes that allowed them to establish that essential relationship.
The arrival of Europeans ushered in a prolonged period of warfare,
persecution, social, cultural and individual oppression and deprivation that is
echoed to this day in spirit, if not in actuality, in Indian/White relationships.
Today the bulk of our traditional system of governance has been replaced with
a federally prescribed structure. The primary purpose has been to establish,
within the context of American Indian societies, a system with which the federal
government can administratively communicate. This prescribed governmental
structure significantly diminished the power of the Indigenous forms of govern -
mentto govern within the ecological framework of relationship with the
natural environment as their contextual frame of reference.
Traditional expressions of educating have been all but eliminated in favor
of institutions founded on the psychological premise of behavior modification, of
command and control. These institutions continue to adhere to a Eurocentric
orientation to life and resist any attempts to integrate the understandings that
come through cultural diversity. To survive, most Native Americans have been
forced to give up their traditional livelihoods in favor of workin 2 in the
technocratic system of economics. The vestiges of their social structures are
rapidly disappearing with each generation. Extended families are being replaced
by nuclear or single parent families, resulting in all the modern abuses and
dilemmas of' fragmented families.
Along with -the disappearance of the extended family and the communal
system of clans, the ravages of alienation expressed through alcoholism, drug
and child abuse, and a host of other abusesare becoming all too apparent in
I ndian communities today. Every area of traditional Native American thought
and spirit has suffered grievously. In spite of a dire history and the highly visible
effects in Native American communities today, Native American thought
continues to reflect an ecological orientation that presents a model fora new kind
of' ociety. Such thought presents the deep ecological philosophy and under-
standing of relationships to the natural world that we need to balance a
homogenizing, iec hnosocial paradigm.
This paradigm is lbunded on the Western mechanistic philosophy of

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 LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

control of Nature and the idea that homogenization allows greater freedom. It is
based upon a body of accepted theory that underpins modern society's assump-
tions of reality. It considers that reality to be the only reality. This is the "real
world", the foundation of the only firm answers. This is what the hidden
curriculum of modern education communicates. This paradigm so guides the
consciousness of American mainstream education, that it forms the nature of
thought, research and education. It motivates the views, methods and solutions
that are a result of that education. This conditioned orientation has resulted in a
colonization of' perception with repercussions of a magnitude almost beyond
description. One can begin to understand such colonization by realizing that
there are alternative cultural realities and by honoring their presence. Mechanis-
tic knowledge is not the only legitimate knowledge. Such an orientation can
block us from realizing the kind of relationship that must be established if eve are
to survive the ecological crises beginning to unfold.

Indigenous People and Their Environmental Knowledge

The accumulated knovdedge of the remaining Indigenous groups around the

world represents a body of ancient thought, experience and action that must be
honored and preserved as a vital storehouse of' environmental wisdom. This
environmental understanding can form the basis for evolving the cosmological
reorientation so desperately needed. Modern societies must recapture the
ecologically sustainable orientation that has long been absent from its psycho-
logical, social, and spiritual consciousness.
Indigenous people have preserved ways of' ecologically based living that
have evolved over 40,000 years of continuous relationship with special environ-
ments. Their understanding and application of relating to their land represents
models for the an reialion,f4 that must be re--taught through modern education.
Modern understanding and reapplication of Indigenous relationship to the land
are keys to creating social and economic structures that may mean the survival
of modern societies.
Yet, Indigenous cultures are in peril in the midst of' modern realizations
regarding their importance to the vitality of global human ecology'. Indigenous
Tribal societies are being devastated by the effects of civilization and the
pressu resofWestern-style economic development. Asa result, many Indigenous
cultures are no longer viable and many will literally cease to exist in the next
generation. Their irreplaceable Tribal knowledge and collective ecological
wisdom are disappearing at an enormously accelerated rate.4
Cultural diversity parallels species diversity in the realm of human

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7
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 THE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

ecology. This is especially true of primal cultures who have co-evolved with
distinct natural environments. Every time one of these primal cultures is
dispossessed, forced from their land in the name of progress, the viability of
humans living in that environment is directly affected. Supplanting Indig-
enous knowledge and care of a particular ecotone with Western-based
technological approaches rarely succeeds. This is because Western method-
ologies consistently fail to respect the intimate and profoundly important
relationships established by Indigenous people with their environments.
More often than not, a human and ecological wasteland is left in the wake
of Western economic and resource development schemes!'
The approaches developed by Indigenous people around the world tax the
imagination. Indigenous knowledge bases evolved over thousands of years and
hundreds of generations. With the loss of that knowledge, one loses access to the
approaches and techniques that may bee' me life-saving as we move into the next
century. These modes will become essential as we try to deal with the megalithic
environmental, social, and cultural problemsthe result of the mindset that
modern people have evolved within the last century, particularly their disregard
for establishing a viable relationship to the natural world."
The knowledge of Indigenous people about their environment is a testimo-
nial to the ingenuity, creativity, resourcefulness, and ability of people to learn and
to teach a harmonious way of existence with Nature. From methods of naviga-
tion, to application of medicinal properties of plants and animals, to traditional
techniques of agriculture, to understanding the properties of specific ecologies,
Indigenous people have demonstrated a way of knowing and relating that must
be regained and adapted to a contemporary setting not only for the benefit of
those cultures themselves, but for all humankind. Indigenous cultures around
the world that have survived the onslaught of natural time and a variety of natural
challenges, have little defense against Westernization. Only a Few of the existing
Indigenous tribes around the world, including American Indian groups, have
any real chance to escape cultural annihilation. Ways must be found through the
process of education to reclaim and reintegrate traditional knowledge into a
context that will allow survival in these trying times. This is especially true if we
are collectively to develop a Framework For addressing the monumental environ-
mental challenges facing our globally interlocked society!
Two factors may give those Indigenous people who still have some of
their Tribal culture a fighting chance. For those who have lost elders and
knowledge, but still retain a willingness to revitalize their Tribal ways, the
following factors offer hope to recover some of their Former life and
integrity. The first factor deals with the reintroduction of Indigenous
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOVS EDUCATION

education within the context of their communities and understanding the

socio-economic potential inherent in the traditional lifeways of these people.
This would require a radical shift from the destructive schemes of cultural
assimilation through Western-style economic development. It would re-
quire a shift towards direct empowerment of Indigenous communities
through understanding and honoring their knowledge and relationship to
their environments. This would also require a realistic appreciation of
Indigenous cultures that attempt to repair the arrogance of Western con-
tempt for Tribal people, lifeways, and knowledge. This .::an happen through
a new kind of education, which honors the foundations of Indigenous
teaching, while incorporating what we know about how humans and their
environments interrelate.
The second factor is an honest reassessment of how Indigenous people are
viewed by everyonenot only by those who would exploit them and the
resources of their lands, or those who would harvest their souls for Christianity,
or those who would "develop them for their own good," forgetting that Indig-
enous people have their own sense of personhood and need to survive in their
own ways at1d on theirown terms. Only after restoring and cultivating an abiding
respect for the humanity of Indigenous people and their lifeways, can we express
in our relationships the reality that the Lakota phrase so poetically announces,
"We are all related." Plants, animals, the earth, and all those forces of Nature that
surround us are part of us. Only through understanding those forces can we truly
be human, because humans not only live in relationship to the natural world; we
are the natural world.
Contemporary educational systems, ways of living, ways of relating to
other people and other cultures have evolved from a paradigm that does riot
serve life, but modern technology. In many ways, we are bound to those
technological tools that create our environment. These tools do not allow us
to establish a sustainable and direct relation to the earth or realize our primal
relationship to it because they have largely been created with reference to
the old Newtonian-Cartesian paradigm.
Cultural diversity is as important to human ecology as bio-diversity. It
is the diversity al he human solutions to every terrestrial environment that
has been the foundation of our success as a species. Without this cultural
diversity and the cultures that have evolved unique, ingenious, and cre-
ative ways to survive within the natural world the modern global eco-
nomic' world order, with its standardized solutions, bottom-line mentality.
lack of relationship to the life <lithe earth, assures its eventual extinction. Its
overspecialization, its inability to act at the communal level, and its menac-

80

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 THE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

ing evolution of artificial environments ensures modern society's continued

alienation from Nature and its life-sustaining processes.
A final factor relates to Indian people themselves and revolves around a
central question of Indian education. The question is how Indian people will
revitalize their ecological relationships, their spiritual forces and attitudes toward
their environment through a contemporary form of Indigenous education? This
is an essential and difficult question that poses one of the most important creative
challenges in the evolution of Indian Education in the twenty-first century. We
must make a place for this important dimension of the human experience in a
world that has not yet learned to value the essential message of Indigenous
education: We are all related, and that includes the natural world.
To understand the breadth of this problem, we must address its corollary
issues: What was the nature and context of Indigenous education, and what was
its relationship to the psychology of place among American Indian people? How
is this environmental foundation of traditional Indigenous education reflected in
the art, the stories, the prayers, the ritual, and the self-identity of Indian people?
How is the environmental foundation reflected in the theology and nature of
ethics Native American people have practiced? These are the basic questions
that underlie this exploration of' the environmental foundation of Indigenous
education. Our exploration begins with "that place that the Indians talk about."

That Place The Indians Talk About

In the face of' the rapid transformation of the Earth by science and
technology, and the ecological crisis that has begun to unfold, leading
thinkers are exploring alternative cosmologies, paradigms and philoso-
phies. They are searching for models that may sustain Nature rather than
destroy it. Many of these thinkers have found that Indian cosmologies offer
profound insights for cultivating a sustainable relationship to place, and a
spiritually integrated perception of' Nature. These are needed to address
what has become a global crisis of ecological relationship.
American Indian people's inherent identification with their Place presents
one of the most viable alternative paradigms for practicing the art of relationship
to the natural world. American Indians have consistently attempted to maintain
a harmonious relationship with their lands in the face of tremendous pressures
to assimilate. Traditionally, Indian people have expressed in multiple ways that
their land and the maintenance of its ecological integrity are key to their physical
and cultural survival. The importance American Indians traditionally place on
connecting with their place is not a romantic notion out of step with the times. It

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

is rather the quintessential ecological mandate of our time!

In spite of the importance of connecting to the natural world and the
Indigenous models available for doing this, much of what Indian people have to
offer has been ignored or trivialized. 'Western culture, through its unique play of
history, disconnected itself from the natural world in orderto conquer it. In doing
so, Western culture also disconnected from the wellspring of' the unconscious
and ancient primal orientations to spiritual ecology- and a deeply internalized
sense of'place. The symbolic unity of the inner and outerdimensionsofthe human
psyche had to be denied in order for the rationalistic Newtonian-Cartesian
paradigm of science to take hold. Through such a denial, the natural world was
objectified so that it might be controlled and subsequently exploited for economic
gain and for the greater glory of the Western ego. During the Age of Enlighten-
ment, 'Western culture broke with the ancient human "participation mystique"
as the basis for its relationship with Nature. It substituted a relationship based
on objective scientific/rationalist thought that viewed the universe from a purely
materialistic standpoint. Nature became a mass of matter ripe for manipu-
lation and material gain. Animals became dumb, and Indigenous people became
savage primitives. All had to be controlled and developed for thei r own good, and
that of Western society!'
Modern governments, businesses, mass media, institutions and organiza-
tions are still driven in greatest measure by this mechanistic Newtonian-
Cartesian paradigm with its emphasis on profit, economic development, stan-
dardization, command and control. Many of these entities continue to operate
from a perspective in which other living things, natural resources, land, and even
Indigenous people matter only in proportion to their material worth and their
political clout. Indigenous people have become as endangered as indigenous
places. Nonetheless, harmonizing with their place remains a matter of spiritual,
psychological, and cultural survival for Indigenous people. This is why they
struggle so tenaciously to hold onto or regain their ancestral lands.
Harmonizing involves the integration of mind, body, and spirit through a
dynamic and complex set of activities. For Indians, living in a harmonious and
sustainable relationship with the land was a sacred responsibility. It was a
perspective tempered with the realization that neglect of this responsibility
would bring dire results and retribution from the Earth. The perpetuation olthis
sacred and survival-oriented responsibility from one generation to the next was
accomplished through myth, ritual, art, traditional education, and honoring the
psychology of place.

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The Psychology of Place

Indian people expressed relationships to the natural world that can only be called
"ensoulment". The ensoulment of Nature is one of the most ancient foundations
of human psychology. This projection of the human sense of soul and the
archetypes contained therein has been called "participation mystique."'
Participation mystique for Indian people represented the deepest level of
psychological involvement with their land and in a sense reflected a map of their
soul. The psychology and spiritual quality of Indian behavior with its reflections
in symbolism were thoroughly "in-formed" by the depth and power of their
participation mystique and their perception of the Earth as a living soul. It was
from this orientation that Indian people believed they had responsibilities to the
land and all living things. These responsibilities were similar to those they had to
each other. In the Indian mind, spirit and matter are not separate; they are one
and the same.
Indian people projected the archetypes they perceived in themselves
onto the entities, phenomena, and places that were a part of the natural
environment. Indian people traditionally understood the human psyche and
the roots of human meaning as grounded in the same order that they
perceived in Nature. They experienced Nature as a part of themselves and
themselves as a part of it. They understood themselves literally as born of the
Earth of their Place. That children are bestowed to a mother and her
community through the direct participation of earth spirits, and that chil-
dren came from springs, lakes, mountains, or caves embedded in the Earth
where they existed as spirits before birth, were widespread Indian percep-
tions. This is the ultimate identification of being Indigenous to a place and
forms the basis for a fully internalized bonding with that place. This
perception is found in one variation or another among the traditions of
Indigenous people throughout the world, including the archaic folk tradi-
tions of Europe.
The archetypesbeing born from the earth of a place, and the participa-
tion or earth spirits in human conception are universal among Indigenous
people. This perception is reflected throughout the myth, ritual, art, and spiritual
traditions of Indigenous people because, in reality, our development is predi-
cated on our interaction with the soil, the air, the climate, the plants, and the
animals oldie places in which we live. This projection of inner archetypes onto
a Place formed the spiritually based ecological mindset that was focused upon
establishing and maintaining a correct and sustainable relationship. This orien-
tation was reinforced by a physical mimicry and reflection of a "geopsyche" that

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often takes place when a group of people lives in a particular place for a long time.
There is an interaction between the people's inner and outer realities that comes
into play as we live in a place for an extended time. Our physical make -up and
the nature of our psyche are formed in direct ways by the distinct climate, soil,
geography, and living things of a place. Over a few generations of human
adaptation to place, certain physical and psychological traits begin to self-select.
The development of mountain people as distinct from desert people and as
distinct from plains people begins to unfold. Though it is not as apparent now as
it was in the past, American Indians of the Northwest, Southwest, Plains, Great
Lakes, and Southeast reflect unique physical and psychological characteristics
that are the result of generations of interaction with the geographies and
ecologies of their respective regions.
But people make a place as much as a place makes them. Indian people
interacted with the places in which they lived for such a long time that their
landscape became a reflection of their very soul. So phrases such as, Land of the
Hopi, or Land of the Sioux, or Land of the Iroquois, etc., have a literal dimension
because there was a co-creative relationship between Indian people and their
lands. Many Indian groups managed their territories in ecologically viable ways.
Through long-term experience with the ecology of their lands and the practical
knowledge that such experience brings, they interceded in the creation of habitat
and the perpetuation of plant and animal life toward optimum levels of bio-
diversity and biological vitality.
The Indian groups in northern California have long practiced a kind of
"environmental bonsai" through their centuries-long hunting and gathering
activities. California Indian practices of selective gathering in their prescribed
ancestral territories actually formed the flora and fauna of their region. Their
harvesting of wild potatoes, acorns, pine nuts, buckeyes, bunch grass, and other
wild staples perpetuated these species and ensured their availability, not only for
people, but for other animals as well.'"
Ultimately, there is no separation between humans and the environment.
Humans affect the environment and the environment affects humans. Indig-
enous practices were founded on this undeniable reality and sought to perpetuate
a sustainable and mutually reciprocal relationship.
What Indian people practiced was a "highly sophisticated, very competent
land stewardship that was universal and very indigenous to this hemisphere.""
The pre-contact landscapes of' America were as much an expression of
Indian cultures as their arts and ceremonies. Today, the artifacts of Indian
cultures are legally protected: yet the wellsprings from which such cull ural
expressions came the land, the plants, the animals, and the watersare

84 P
 THE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF iNDIQENCX/S EDUCATION

viewed, by mainstream society, as being outside the realm of cultural

preservation.
"When Indians talk about restoring or preserving their cultures they talk
about restoring their lands in the same breath."'2
The relationship between Indians and their environment was so deep that
separation froM their home territory by forced relocation in the last century
constituted, literally, a loss of part of the soul of that whole generation. Indian
people were joined with their land in such intensity that many of those who were
forced to live on reservations suffered a form of soul death. The major conse-
quence was the loss of a sense of home and the expression of profound
homesickness with all its accompanying psychological and physical maladies.
They withered like mountain flowers pulled from their mother soil.
Traditionally, the connection of Indian people to their land was a symbol
of their connection to the spirit of life itself. The loss of such a foundational symbol
for Indian tribes led to a tremendous loss of meaning and identity that, only with
the most recent generations, has begun to be revitalized. Indian loss of their
homelands took such a toll because inner kinship with the world is an ancient and
natural extension of the human psyche. The disconnection of that kinship can
lead to a deep split in the inner and outer consciousness of the individual and the
group. It also brings with it a whole set ofsocial and psychological problems that
can only be healed through re-establishing the meaningful ties to the land that has
been lost. Revitalizing ancestral connections with Nature and its inherent
meaning is an essential healing and transformational process for Indian people.

A Sacred Covenant Revisited

The American kdian sense of' place, and the importance of' being in
harmony is embodied in all cultural traditions. Our collective experience
with the land, integrated by myth and ritual, expressed through social
structures and arts, combined with a practiced system of environmental
ethics and spiritual ecology to create a true connection with places and a full
expression of ecological consciousness. American Indians have an impor-
tant legacy of traditional environmental education that must be revitalized
for ourselves and for the generations that are to come. We have been
entrusted with an important package of memory, feeling, and relationship
to the land that forms a sacred covenant. Our sacred covenant with the land
bids us to learn about our traditional forms of environmentally based
education. Our covenant bids us to reclaim our net itage
harmonious and sustainable relationship and, thereby, fulfill a sacred trust

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to the land that is an ancient part of this covenant.

Today fewer and fewer Indian people have the opportunity to engage the
land, its plants and animals, in the way that our ancestors once did. Yet,
experience with the land was the cornerstone of traditional education. It truly
was both the medium and the message of Indian education. Environmental
education from the perspective of Indian people must again become one of the
collective priorities of modern Indian education. Indian people must take a
leading role in environmental education as Western society begins to realize that
it needs to forge an ecologically based cosmology, complete with new myths and
new applications of science and technology. Western society must become
Nature centered if it is to make the life-serving, ecologically sustainable transfor-
mations required in the next decades. Indian people have historically expressed
the ecologically sustainable models that could form the basis for evolving the
educational models needed. But, it is we, as Indian people, who must reassert our
sacred covenant with the land. America is an extension dour collective Tribal
minds. It is this place that holds our collective memory. It is this place with its
unique natural spirit, that provides us with meaning and defines us as distinct
People of Place.

Traditional Education Through A Theology of Nature

An ecological sense of relationship encompassed every aspect of traditional

American Indian life. American Indians understood that an intimate relationship
between them and their environment was the essence or survival and identifica-
tion as People. American Indians lived in every place the Europeans called the
New World, and in every place they established a direct and enduring relation-
ship with their natural environment. They transmitted this understanding of'
relationship through the learning and teaching processes that they evolved in
many unique ways. Their understanding of ecological relationship was reflected
in every aspect of their lives, their language. art, music, dance, social organiza-
tion, ceremony, and their identity as human beings.
Traditional education for Indigenous people has always been an ecological
education. Ecologically based thoughts, sentiments, and action became one and
the same. Tribes adapted to specific environments in unique ways, which gave
rise to a diversity of expressive cultures. Yet, though there was such diversity,
there was adherence to a common set of life principles. They understood that the
natural universe was imbued with life and with sacredness.
Adaptations to place among indigenous groups in Awe. it a took wan.,
It wills. Living in the forests of the Northeast, Indians venerated the trees and

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 Ti it ENVIRONMEN1AL FOUNDATION OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

integrated that reality of their environment into every aspect of their lives. Living
in the Plains. Indians followed the buffalo and made themselves portable in the
way of nomadic hunters around the world. They understood and expressed
themselves in relationship to the land and the animals upon which they depended
for their survival. In the desert Southwest, Pueblo Indians became dry-land
farmers and venerated the cycles of water, earth, wind, and fire, all environmen-
tal elements essential to life and continuance as a people in their place. The Fisher
and forest people of' the Pacific Northwest established intimate relationships
with the salmon upon which they depended] for life, the sea mammals that they
encountered and the great rain forests that characterized their environment. In
similarfashion, relationships to a place were established by all other people, such
as the Paiute in the Great Basin, the Seminole in the Everglades, and the Inuit
groups throughout the Far North.
In each place. Native Americans actively engaged their respective environ-
ments, and in this engagement became participants with everything in their
place. They affected their places and understood that their effect had to be
accomplished with humility, understanding, and respect for the sacredness of
their place and all living things of that place. They expressed a Theo/ogya/Naittre
that, while focusing specifically on their place, included all of' Nature. The
environments may have been different, but the basis of the theology was the
same. The word "Indigenous" is derived from the Latin root limit' or end,' that is
related to the Greek word, endina meaning 'entrails'. Indigenous means being so
completely identified with a place that you reflect its very entrails, its soul.''
For Indigenous people around the world, education in Nature is life. For
Native people throughout the Americas, the paradigm of' thinking, acting. and
working evolved through their established relationships to Nature. The founda-
tion, expression, and context of Indigenous education were environmental.
Through art, community, myth, Or any aspect of human, social or Tribal
expression, the theology of Nature reverberated. All were inspired through an
integrated relationship of' living in the reality of' their physical environments.
The environment was not something separate from their lives, but was the
context, the set of relationships, that connected everything. An understanding of
ecology was not something apart from themselves or outside their intellectual
reality, but the center and generator of self-understanding. As a center, that
environmental process ()led ucat ion became theguidingmechanism for the ways
they expressed themselves and their sense of' sacredness.
In all tribes, environmental understanding, environmental conservation,
.

expressions of' religion, and economic enterprise were drily Integrated. Every
step was a prayer, every waking moment was spent in communion with fellow

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humans; the natural world was a sacred pathway of knowledge, or learning and
teaching the nature of being truly human, truly alive. It was a continuing process
of developing one's capacity, one's potential, one's humanness, with the goal of
reaching completion. Through striving for completion, each pet.son gained an
understanding of true relationship and purpose in life. When one views the world
as a sacred place, a place that reflects a living process and way of being that goes
beyond the human sense of experience, one deals with Nature in a very different
way. It becomes a life- and breath-charged experience.
The expression of life in relationship to environment and to one's relatives,
tribe and community, is expressed most directly by the term "lifeway". Lifeways
are those activities that people do in communion with each other and with the
natural world. They address the key issues of what it is to be alive, to live in a
harmonious and complete way in one's relationships. Lifeways provide a Nature
centered frame of' reference that directly reflects an abiding respect for the
natural world. Lifeways help people understand that human beings are indeed
a part of the natural world and not separate from it. Human beings interpen-
etrate, not only with one another, but also with the life around them the breath
and lifeways of trees, grass, earth, water, rocks, animals, and natural phenomena.
Honoring and understanding this interpenetration of living things provides
profound lessons of how one can live in proper relationship in a community of
human beings, animals, and plants, which share the same breath of life. A true
sense of ecological piety is gained when one sees how lifeways are interrelated
and how they affect one another in specific ways. The Sioux say, "We are all
related; we are all related," because this is the ground of Indian experience with
the natural world!
In the expressions of Indigenous education among American Indians, the
active focus on maintaining or striving for a harmony between one's selfand one's
natural environment was the most essential principle forapplying knowledge. As
a result of this orientation, Indian people determined that there were right
purposes, right acts, right ways of approaching and understanding the natural
world. These codes of behavior were consistent with the way that Indian people
conducted themselves in a reciprocal relationship to the natural world. When
something was taken from the natural world or animals were killed, ceremonies
and symbolic ritual acts were performed to ensure the perpetuation of this right
balance and attitude toward relationships.
Mutual treiprocily was engendered in all the acts that Native American
people joined and effected within the context of their natural environment.
Ceremony and ritual were social and spiritual mechanisms that maintained orre-
established harmony with natural processes. They were also ways of' learning

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 TI It ENVIRONMFN (AL FOUNDATION OF INDIC/I-NOUS EDUCATION

how to maintain one's relationship to the natural sources of life that Indian people
recognized within their place. Offering tobacco after taking the life ()fan animal,
such as the deer or antelope or buffalo, was a reflection of this understanding, this
environmentally educated sense of being that Indian people practiced in their
everyday lives.
For Indian people, the t:arth was alive and had its own sense and
expression of consciousness and being. The natural environment was a spiritual
reality and the earth entities, living creatures, were not used haphazardly or
without great respect. A sense of' spiritual ecology', founded on a deep spiritual
resonance with the natural world, characterized the process and reflection of'
environmental education among Indigenous people.
This sense of relatedness to the natural world came from a much deeper
source than intellectual understanding. It came from a spiritual orientation and
responsibility for maintaining a conscious relationship with those things human
life depended on for survival. This sense of relationship unfolded through the
perpetuation of "natural community", which reflected a spiritual ecology con-
necting the People to their Place, and to each other. Since everything was
m ut ually dependent, nothing in Nature could he viewed as purely self-sufficient,
especially human beings. The idea ()la community that included not only the
human species, but all species, became an integral foundation and context Cor
expressing Indigenous environmental education. The understandingofa natural
community led to the social organizational concept of "natural democracy."
Within this context of natural democracy, there is the idea that plants, animals,
and ot her ent ities in the natural world, have rights oft heir own and must be given
respect, as would any member of a human tribe.
Todav, natural democracy may be considered a revolutionary concept, vet
it was the foremost principle guiding the process of' Indian people in their
interaction with their physical environments. Conservation and preservation of
natural communities were integrally reflected in the practices of Indiannuian people.
This basic environmental ethic was predicated on the perception that life should
he preserved for life's sake. This ethic espoused that it was the responsibility of
human beings to ensure that all life, 1W( aLISC It was sacred --a direct reflection of
I he same hreat I, as human breath-- had to be respected and preserved, ;ft he web
of lilt, upon all human beings depended, was to be tlaintained.
all
At the root of t he Theo/doof.Va/u/r, was t I: concept th.tt the lire energy of
the world had to he understood to maintain the right relationship to the world.
The way that life energy could he understood was through direct ohservatitm.
Oliserving energy as it reflected the natural life process was fundamental to
Indian environmental undershinding. So Ihe sense of the ecological, or reso-

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nance with natural energies, which constituted the earth and all of its life
processes, became for American Indians the context of religious expression. The
natural world was the American Indian church. The life processes of those things
that ensured that life continued within a natural context, became the focus of
veneration and attempts towards understanding. This was a kind of metaphys-
ics, an ecological philosophy for understanding the spirit that moved through
Nature and human beings.
Through the observation of Nature, Indian people perceived two comple-
mentary forces that constituted the creative process of life as it unfolded on a
moment-to-moment basis. These perceptions of natural principles were symbol-
ized in entities such as the Corn Mothers, recognized by Pueblo people as
participants in the creation of the world and representatives of the earth's natural
feminine related creative process. The Zunis perceive these forces as manifesta-
tions of the Great He/She Spirit, which is both male and female and gives
definition to the nature of all expressions of life. Through observing the natural
world, Indians reflected on life's complexities, its paradoxes, and Nature's great
wisdom in orchestrating the dynamic and mysterious expressions of' life. Myths
became the primary oral vehicle for expressing, in metaphoric and instructional
ways, principles of lire and Nature. Rituals became the process for applying the
most important principles to human life.
The Hero Twins, the Coyote/Trickster myths, and many others presented
profbund ecological lessons based on experiences of generations of Indian people
relating to their environments. Traditional arts, For instance, used natural
materials taken from the environment to create something with aesthetic quality,
while reflecting the understanding of' relationship to the natural world. Each
traditional art fbrm created by a Tribal group of people expressed their
participation with their natural environment. The plants and natural materials
used fbr paint, the natural clays fbr pottery, the types of wood used-for carving
entities, the hides and other animal products used for the creation of art were all
a direct expression of' Tribal people connecting to spirits and energies of' the
natural world. Through the extensive use of oral tradition, ritual, and ceremony,
Indian people established and maintained a dynamic participation with the
natural world that deeply informed the meanings and understandings they had
about themselves as a particular kind of people. These relationships became
bound together within the context ofthe environmental expression of traditional
education. All education that Indigenous people reflected was integrated with
this centering place, this central and most primal expression of human education,
human learning, and human teaching.
The common phrase used by many Indians at the conclusion of an

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important ceremony, when translated into English means, 'We do this for Life's
Sake!' This phrase reflects the constant attempt by Indigenous people to
maintain their relationship to the natural world and to life as a whole through
their conduct in community and the natural world. They do this with regard to
their purest sense of self. In this way they also reflect a Tbarkvq/Nezierre, which
represents one of the most profound attempts of' man to understand life,
relationship, and Nature.

Journeying Through A Sacred Landscape

At the core of American Indian traditional foundations is the reality of vision and
visioning. That vision, variously expressed by all American Indian tribes, is: "We
are of this land, and this land is us."
Journeying through a sacred landscape has been a central metaphor and
foundation for traditional Indian education. in the body of myth of all Indians
there are stories of the travels and migrations of' the People through time and
place. In each Place that a tribe stopped to live, they established an abiding
relationship with the land and all things therein. These stops of the People
established an ecological connection and learning relationship that was com-
memorated through story, song, and ceremony. In each stop of their migrations
through the landscape, they learned something about themselves and the
essential principles ofenvironmental relationship. In this sense, the landscape is
like a textbook of ecological understanding, interpreted through the traditional
stories and activities of tribes.
The long journey of Indian people through the Americas has formed a
common frame of reference that can be experienced through the myths that
underlie their gu id ing ethos. While Tribal guiding myths are diverse and unique,
each mythic complex reflects similar principles and foundations for understand-
ing environmental relationship. These corn mon threads include the understand-
ings that: Nature is sacred, humans share the breath of life with other living
things, we exist within and are affected by the mutually reciprocal web of
interrelationships in a natural community, plants, animals, and other natural
phenomena and entities are imbued with power, the natural world creates
through the interplay of opposite yet complementary primal energies, and there
exists a guiding creative force in Nature that affects everything. Many meta-
phors, structures, symbt Is and stories have been used by tribes to convey these
basic understandings. The following exemplify these understandings.
Look tothemorintain is a metaphort hat CaptillliZeti one aspe .t jilt,: ecological
vision of Indigenous education, Metaphoric images such as Mountain are

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LOOK To Ti Mou Ni AIN: AN ECOLOC,Y of INDICA-NOUS EDUCAIION

ecological symbols carried from the first visions of Indigenous man. Look to the
'notarial)* is an invocation that focuses on the journey to a higher place, a place that
allows one to see where one has been, is, and may wish to go. As the Tewa say.
pinpeycrohe... "toward the mountain look." In every place where mountains occur,
they have been venerated as the place of vision and orientation. For many Tribal
people, mountains have been the homes of the highest earth spirits and the
boundaries of the sacred cosmos. The mountain, as ecological metaphor and -
symbol of higher thought and attainment, is often integrated with the metaphors
of pathway, pilgrimage, and cardinal orientations forming the boundaries of a
sacred space. The Navajo, like other Indian tribes, symbolize the founding of
sacred space in the primal structure that they call the hogan.
"The first hogan was made of the lour sacred mountains and the space
between them. Having made their way to the top of a hollow reed to escape the
flood that was devouring the previous world, First Alan and First Woman looked
around and determined to mark their hopes of remaining here in the Fifth World
by embellishing the land for generations to come. First Man took the bundle of
mountain soils he brought from the Four Worlds below and proceeded to create
the mountains that are the foundation of Navajo culture and consciousness.
"To be Dim': (Navajo) is to be supremely conscious of one's relationship to
the ultimate reality that is the place between those four sacred mountains.
Navajo, and holy people who embody the inner forms ()fall the natural features
in this place, are jointly engaged in perpetuating the welfare of the earth. To go
to the sacred mountains in prayer, song or ceremony is to acquire the means of
activating harmony and the earth.'
The "way" to the mountain is embodied in the experience and the process
of Indigenous education. Climbing these metaphoric mountains of orientation to
gain the unique perspective afforded by each embodies the age-old process of
Indigenous education. It is a vay of developing the ecological understandings
and relationships that ensure the attainment of life's needs. Journeying to that
sacred mountain top, one can begin to envision a sense of' relationship, not only
to one's self and one's community, but also to the natural world. This was the
guiding sensibility that allowed Tribal people in the Americas to establish an
abiding resonance with the places, plants, animals, and other natural entities with
which they related and through which they came to know themselves as The
People. From the vantage point of that visionary mountain top, we have the
opportunity to envision, regardless of cultural orientation, our most basic sense
of identity to our environments.
As Tribal people moved from that primal mountain top to settle in the
valleys, along the lakes, streams, rivers and those beautiful lands that make up

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 Tt it ENVIRONMENFAL FOUNDATION OF INDICANOUS EDUCATION

the xondrous landscape of the Americas, they came to know themselves as

creators. as participants in the greater order of the natural world.
The White Mountain Apache venerate mountain spirits that were sent by
the Giver of Life to teach them how to care for themselves and all living beings.
The Apache call these spirits of the mountains "Gaan". The Gaan taught the
Apache how to hunt, plant, heal the sick, govern, and live together harmoniously.
They were teachers of Nature, relationship, and spirit. While they lived among
the Apache, in that time in the deep past, the Gaan instilled in the Apache an
abiding sense of respect for the life-sustaining qualities and nature of the
mountains. After a time, the Gaan returned to the sacred caves in the mountains
where they continue to live to this day.13
The Mountain Spirit Dance of the White Mountain Apache reenacts the
teachings and revitalizes the gifts brought by the Gaan from their mountain
homes. Fot: the Apache, as with many other Indian tribes, the metaphor, "Look
to the Mountain," is a way of remembering to remember one of their most
essential ecological relationships.
In the Southwest there is a metaphoric figure often represented in the
petroglyphs found throughout New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, and into Mexico.
The figure has many names; in some places it is called the Kokopeli. It is a
mythical figure who represents the creative process, the human instinct for
learning, and the procreative energies and powers within ourselves and within
the natural world; it affords a symbol that allows us to expand our thinking as it
relates to developing and maintaining the proper relationship to ourselves and
our environments. As is true with all Native American mythic figures, the
hokopeli is an ecological symbol. Kokopeli, sometimes called the Antman or
lumpbackcd Flute Player, was a mythical figure who journeyed from village to
village in the Pueblo Southwest with his peaceful music and engaging tales that
taught people about relationship.
Kokopeli represents an enduring visual symbol of the procreative, life
giving, and nourishing power of Nature. The symbol of Kokopeli probably
originated in Mexico as a representation of one of the fertility spirits recognized
since ancient times by tribes throughout Mexico. Central, and South America.
Various stories and representations of Kokopcli appear as far north as California
and Oregon and as far south as Peru.
There is evidence that Kokopeli is a reflection of a caste of merchants IA.ho
traveled far and wide carrying news, trading seeds and other goods from village
to village. I-I is characteristic hunched back may have been a real physical
alllict ion, but more likely represented a back pack in which he carried his goods.
11 is flute may have served to notify villagers of peaceful intentions. Modern

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 Loo.< To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

counterparts of Kokopeli, know as "Cobaneros" still travel mountain trails from

village to village in Belize and Guatemala plying their trade and playing flutes.
The ancient Kokopeli were also healers, teachers, magicians, and storytellers.16
In both their mythical and historical realities, the Kokopeli facilitated
communication, learning, the spread of ideas and stories, as well as fertility,
sacred seeds, and the creative spirit embodied in a myriad of expressions of'
Nature. This is why Kokopeli captures contemporary imagination. Kokopeli
represents a universal reality of transformation and creative learning that reflects
the processes of Nature and the activities of humans as they interact with their
environment and with each other.
Kokopeli is a symbol of creative exploration that guides us as we journey
through the times and places of Native Americans and begin to explore how
Indian relationships to those lands and places evolved through time. Kokopeli is
a metaphoric guide in the story of environmental knowledge of Indian America.

Our Relatives, The Animals

There is an extended history of Tribal hunters in America following the deer, the
bison, and the mastodon. Indian elders say that we have always been here. The
relationship to the animals they hunted engendered the first thoughts that today
we call ecology and ecological philosophy. The first hunters developed such an
intimate relationship with the animals they hunted that they became resonant
with the spirit and essence of the life of animals. Early hunting cultures depicted
their relationships to these animals in the megalithic cave paintings of Spain and
France. They enacted a variety of initiatory rites in the deepest reaches of earth's
womb caves like those found at Tres Fries in France. Inside these caves they
created the symbols of their relationship and their understanding of their life in
Nature. They created shrines to the animals they depended on for their life and
well-being. They sculpted the figures that they considered the most important,
entities who allowed the game to exist. These were the game mothers, who in
their archetypal fashion, represented the Earth Mothers, those first mothers that
represented the essence of' the Earth's procreative power.
In an attempt to develop and maintain a balance and harmony with the
relationships they felt essential between themselves, the animals they hunted and
the environment in which they lived, these ancient hunters created roles that
today are called "shaman," the first teacher, first artist, first doctor, first priest,
first psychologist. All the roles reflected by the archetypal figure of the shaman
came into full application during the times of the hunting cultures. The first
shamans laid down the basic frameworks fbr establishing and maintaining a

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 Ti iE ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

direct relationship between human beings and the animals and plants that
inhabited their environments.
This spiritual journey throu,sn relationship was the beginning of the first
religions of man. Those first religions were wholly Nature centered. They
evolved through an abiding respect for natural entities, the understanding that
all natural entities had a spirit and shared breath with human beings. Art was a
tool to express the nonverbal, the innermost reflections of the dream, the
understanding of relationship to the natural world that those first shamans and
first hunters experienced. The origins dart among the first shamans document
the original attempts by hunting men to express their relationship to their natural
world. As communities became more sedentary, this tradition of art and this way
of relating to the natural world expanded to form the expressions of sacred art
we find worldwide today.
Those first tribes learned how to build shelters From the natural materials
in their environment. They learned io understand the habits of animals. They
learned how to use, through trial and error, all the things that were part of their
environment and apply them to the betterment oftheirlives. They had an abiding
understanding that everything in Nature was interrelated and that they were
indeed a part of the earth and the earth a part of them. And so they created, as
in the Southwest, shelters made from mud, stone, wood. They created clothing
from the animals they hunted. They developed strains of corn and other foods,
squash, pumpkins, beans, etc., that became a dependable source of life for them
and their families. They created art forms f'rom the natural materials around them
including baskets, pottery and textiles that they decorated with natural plant
substances and paints. Through this process, the ceremony that characterized
the Nature centered Tribal arts of Native America came into full effect. These
Tribal arts remain today as powerful expressions of interdependence on their
natural community and understanding their responsibility to other life and the
earth.
As time went by, and societies became more complex, the people lived
in communities of increasingly greater density. They built towns and cities
and evolved more complex societies, but they did not forget that everything
came from Nature and that Nature was indeed the field of their being..As
American Indian societies became more complex, so did their ritual, their
conceptual frameworlo., and their applicat ions of appropriate technologies.
The metaphysical concept that guided the development of these natural
communities focused on the idea of natural orientation, Natural orientation
began with a symbolic center and radiated out to include the entire cosmos.
all plants and animals, the mountains, rivers, streams, lakes, all of those
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

natural entities that made up the reality of a.community. The concept of'
orientation was interpreted and expressed in the art forms they developed.
It xvas reflected in the pottery, basketry, the ways that utilitarian tools were
made (such as the birch bark canoe or the large cedar dugout canoes used
by the Indians of the Northwest), in totem poles, jewelry, and architecture.
Every tribe incorporated into their traditional art forms a sense of the
sacredness of Nature. They reflected their understanding of that sacredness
in the symbols they used to represent that relationship. Among the earliest
symbols was the Hunter of Good Heart, a metaphoric symbol containing a
complex of principles. ways of relating to and understanding animals that
evolved from the primal relationship of hunters to the animals that they
hunted. The Hunter of Good Heart is probably one of the oldest educational
metaphors in existence and can he found in hunting cultures around the
world. Among the Pueblo people of the Southwest, the Hunter of Good
Heart represented a way of living, a way of relating, a way of ethics and
proper behavior. This was the foundation fbr teaching and learning about
relationships to the animals they depended on for life.
Some art forms, such as those produced by the Anasazi and Mimbres
people of the Southwest, reflected an intimate integration of the human being
with the animal in the various design motifs found in their pottery. They are also
represented in the petroglyphs fbund throughout the Southwest. These
pet roglyphs incorporate and communicate relationships between the hu nter and
the animals hunted. They represent the forces, natural, spiritual and otherwise,
that combine to teach and bring completeness to individuals Who hunted and
maintained the sacred relationship with the animals they hunted. The deer, for
example, presents a metaphoric icon, as well as a living entity, around which
Indian people expressed it variety Of philosophical, environmental, and conser-
vation ideas. The deer is represented in many forms in traditional Native
American arts. Among the I luichol Indians, the five- pointed deer represents the
mythical essence of the spiritual energy of Nature. It is an icon used in the
traditional art form of yarn painting to represent the spiritual essence of their
sacrament, peyote. In whatever habitat the deer was found. it WM.; venerated for
its spiritual qualities and as an important food source. The tracking ofdeer was
also a metaphor for the hunter and his sense of sell, Ibr the deer represented a
source of life and was a meaningful representation of life itself.
During the -10,000-year tradition of hunting among Indigenous tribes In
:1111CriCa, there evolved songs. ceremonies. rituals, and all forms that focused on

ensuring the success of the hunter and the survival of the communities and
families they represented. Rituals evolved among hunters including special

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111

dances, songs, initiatory rites, and cultivation of a spiritual quality to the act of
hunting. Such rituals were founded on an intimate understanding of the behavior
of the animals hunted, an abiding respect for their life needs, and an awareness
of how those animals should be used and properly treated. These thoroughly
evoked understandings formed the basis for an ecological ethic of such a depth
and intimacy that it continues to have a profound impact on contemporary
Indigenous people today.
The Hunter of Good Heart, in a direct and literal way, represented oral
tradition and Indigenous teaching at its best. It was the foundation of a complex
and profound teaching process that began in childhood and extended into old
age. As the successful Pueblo huntergathered his extended family to tell the story
of the hunt, he provided an instance for people to gather and listen to the stories
that had been passed from generation to generation. These were also coded in the
traditional art forms such as the hunter's canteen, created among the Pueblos
from clay and decorated with a deer who has a spirit arrow going from its mouth
into the heart. Through such symbolic art, Native American people focused on
those principles that emanated from their guiding myth. These traditional
symbols reflected the profound relationship and understanding of' the animals
and plants in their environment. The symbols offered a context to remember to
rerriember what that relationship was.
Through ceremonial dance complexes such as the Deer Dance among
Pueblo people, the deer are danced and the community gathers to witness,
in ceremony and ritual, the story of' the responsibility that all human beings
have to respect he animals they hunt. The dancing of the deer happened not
only in the Rio Grande Pueblos but also among the Indians of California, of
the Northwest, the Southeast, and among other Indigenous groups around
the world.
In every place that hunting occurred, and it occurred every place, it
brought the individual and community in direct contact with the magical reality
of animals and with the life of the natural environment. The lessons were similar
in Native American hunting whether the hunter wasa Cheyenne coming home
with a buck and sharing it with his grandparents, or the hunter was an Abenaki,
hunting moose in the Maine forests and calling his extended family to share and
help him carry his catch hack to their village, or two Inuit hunters battling for
their lives c ml those of their families with a mother polar bear. In every case,
hunting- brought people, tribes, and societies into direct contact with life and
death. with the need to establish and maintain proper relationships in their
environments for the sake of their survival and that of their communities.
All teaching based on hunting was predicated on the principle of abiding

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 LOOK To Ti a MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

respect and relationship with the animals hunted. Every tribe observed careful
rules of conduct and embellished these rules with prayers, songs, and offerings
to the animals, the animal spirits, the game spirits, or the game mothers and
fathers from whom the animal spirits derived their being. Hunting rituals and the
act of hunting prepared individuals for the important matters of life. They taught
individuals the nature of courage and sacrifice, the importance of sharing, and
the special power gained through vision and spiritual questing. Individuals
learned that we have within us an animal spirit, and understanding that spirit
through hunting was one of the most important lessons of self-knowledge.
Hunters learned that preparing for the hunt was also preparing for life, a
preparation most essential to body, mind, and spirit. It involved a spiritual ethic
orconservation and ecologically sound approaches for maintaining the life of the
animals hunted.
There was a widespread beliefthat each animal had a spirit village to which
they returned and reported their treatment by humans. This report directly
affected whether that species of animal would give its life for humans in the
future. Such beliefs were part ofthe way American Indian people related to their
environment and to the animals therein. Other ritual activities, such as making
offerings and prayers of thanksgiving to the animals taken, were a part ofa grand
and well-evolved web of spiritual relationships gained primarily through the
Indigenous process of education.
Indigenous hunting rituals reflected the perpetuation of a covenant be-
tween the hunter and hunted. This covenant was often symbolized through the
ceremonial use of talismans that embodied the qualities of the animals hunted or
other animals who were hunters, such as wolves, mountain lions, or killer whales.
Among Aleut hunters, talisman amulets provide :I a spiritual connection between
themselves and the animals that they hunted.
"For a successful hunt a man prepared himself both physically and
spiritually. Included in his hunting equipment were amulets toattract the animals
and appease their spirits. Their preparation and place of preservation are kept
secret, otherwise amulets will lose their power. It is necessary to protect them
from wetness; if an amulet becomes wet its owner will rot.''''
Hunting rituals, and the act of hunting, empowered not only the
individuals but also the communities from which they came. Ritual before,
during, and after hunting provided the context for the appropriate use of
technology and the tools that were the extension of human's abilities to hunt.
Even the tools that were used spears, the ad-ad, snares, traps, the bow and
arrow were sanctified in relationship to their use, so the technology that
evolved regarding hunting had a sacred relationship with the interaction of

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humans to animals and the natural world.

The context of hunting itself spread far beyond the actual act of hunting or
fishing and included the entire community in celebration, sharing, and com-
memoration of the life that animals had shared with the people. The rituals
it
performed for'hunting functioned to attract animals and to cultivate a proper
attitude and respect, but also allowed human beings to reconnect with those
mythic times when humans, animals, and plants shared a relationship with each
other that was much more intimate and interactive. The atmosphere in which
traditional Tribal communities educated its individuals evolved around a process
of coming into being. Each step along that pathway of knowledge relationship
to animals, to self, community, and environment formed the foundation for the
concept of completeness. This ecological ethic, expressed through Indigenous
education and in ritual and ceremony, have been preserved by various tribes.
They continue to be practiced with reference to traditional tenets or ecological
relationship and the ecological foundations of Indigenous education.
The process of hunting allowed the hunter to understand the nature or self-
efracetnent and humility. It taught him why it was important to treat animals
properly and honor the greater family oranimalsorwhich he was a part. Dancing,
offering prayers or thanksgiving, asking for life for one's family and community
all added to the development of the individual hunter as a complete expression
of human nature.
In many Tribal contexts, there was such an identification with animals
that hunters' personal names were derived from animal experiences or
expressions. Also whole clans and societies traced their lineage and their
essence of power and social place to animal totems. They recognized animals
they hunted as being the personifiers of their sense of themselves as a
particular group within the greater community of Nature. Therefore ani-
mals, and the way that Indigenous people viewed their relationship to them,
formed an infrastructure for social organization.
This relationship to animals formed a context lor the expression or
conservation and ethical treatment oranimals. All hunting tribes evolved a game
management system predicated upon the eco/spiritual ethics of' the community.
Modern conservation principles, such as taking only one kind of game during a
particular season and leaving others alone the single-prey principle was in
widespread use among Indian hunters. The maintenance ora hunting territory,
a sacred and practical method of allowing a group of people to maintain a
particular area for their use and survival, became another basic principle widely
applied in Indian hunting. In some cases hunting within a territory was strictly
controlled by a particular society within a tribe. The Cheyenne Dog Society, For

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instance, played the role of policing the community; they also maintained and
ensured that all Tribal members adhere to the proper practices and respect a
hunting area and the animals therein.
At every turn Indian hunters sought to establish a direct and intimate
resonance with the animals hunted. riey focused on special animals whom they
considered important for their survival. These animals embodied a special
spiritual quality and provided a.model for human behavior by their habits,
character, and lif'eways. Animals such as the bear, the dog, salmon, the deer,
coyote, wolf, mountain lion, turtle, the great eagles, the raven, the hare, the fox,
the badger, the hummingbird, the elk, the moose, and a host or smaller animals
and birds were recognized for their ability to teach through their behavior and
what they represented in the overall fabric of an environment.
These expressions of' relationship to the animal world -"wided a rich
multiverse of experience and learning processes that Indigenous people under-
stood in both practical and philosophical ways. They effectively applied these
understandings in a direct process of helping each individual become fully
human and move toward being a complete man or woman.
Hunting formed an elaborate context for Indigenous education. It was
integrated with other experience in the natural environment that could provide
models for Indian teaching. For instance, animals provided the creative inspira-
tion and design motifs for a huge portion of' traditional Native American art
forms. Animals played roles within the Indian mythologies that were used as
orientation to the animal kingdom. The vibrancy that one finds in traditional art
forms and traditional stories is in part due to the rich metaphoric application of'
understanding and reflection on human relationship to the animal world.
The concept of' transformation occurs throughout Indigenous ritual, myth,
.lance, and performance. It reflects that rich interaction in relationship to the
ani.nal world. Stories abound in which humans become certain beings or vice
versa, interacting with each other in an intimate way. For instance, the idea of
animals with a power-fill spirit-nature is reflected in the shamanistic practices that
permeate the northern latitudes of North America and Siberia. When a reso-
nance between humans and the animals existed, there was an expression of
spiritual ecology that was truly bonding.
These animal relationships were expressed through the ceremonial rituals
that focused on their connection and their ability to connect humans with the
universal order. The world and animal renewal ceremonies, practiced by all
tribes, expressed the human responsibility to preserve, protect, and perpetuate
all life. In the Northwest, the salmon ceremonies reflect this responsibility:
"The salmon ceremony was observed everywhere along the Northwest

ioo
 THE.ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIENOUS EDUCATION

coast. For the Huroc and others it symbolized a renewal of the world's creation.
Many groups also held ceremonies for the first fish taken or other species the
first deer, the first berries, or even the first acorn in the southern regions.
"The salmon (or first four salmon) received the most elaborate rites, though
this varied from place to place. Usually the salmon were laid with their heads
pointing upstream on a newly woven mat or cedar board, often under a special
shelter and sprinkled with down feathers of birds. A formal speech or prayer of
welcome was intoned as in this particular example:
Old friends, thank you that we meet alive. We have lived until this
time when you came thisyear. Now we pp.yyou, supernatural ones,
to protect us from danger, that nothing eVil may happen to us when
we eat you, supernatural ones, for that is the reason why you have
come here, that we may catch you for food. We know that only your
bodies are dead here, but your souls come to watch over us when we
are going to eat what you have given us to eat now.'
"The salmon were offered fresh water symbolically after their long journey
through the salt sea. The first salmon were then cooked and divided in small
pieces among all the people present at a communion. The celebration, often seven
days in length, included feasting, gift-giving, torch-bearing processions, dancing
and singing. During all the ceremonial of' welcome, countless salmon were
allowed to pass upstream to the spawning grounds, and thus the ritual actually
helped to assure the continuation of the salmon runs."r`
The concepts of sharing, connecting, and relating one's life to animals
Ibrmed a basic premise off ndigenous education. However, the animal world was
not the only focus of thought and reverence within the natural environments
inhabited by Native Americans. Plants, stars, and the celestial bodies of the
cosmos provided other focus and expression for Native American environmental
education. Indian people observed plants in their environment as keenly as they
observed animals. They sought to establish with plants (as they had done with
animals), a relationship. a resonance, and a deeper understanding.

Plants, The Hair of The Earth Mother

There is a perception among some Indian herbalists that plants are the "hairs" of
,Mother Earth. Every time you pull a plant from the earth, she feels that pull, and
you must always make the proper offering of tobacco and prayers. This ensures
that the pulling done of Earth Mother's hairs does not hurt her too much. She
must understand that you comprehend your relationship to her, and you know

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 LOOK TO Ti it MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

what she is giving you is one of the parts of her body. In honoring and
understanding that, you also honor and understand, reciprocal relationship
to all of' life and Nature.
Plants have always played an intimate role in the life and survival of
Indigenous people around the world. Indeed, major forms of human society
came about as a direct result of evolution to agriculturists from the earlier hunter/
gatherer lifestyles. Plants provided food, medicine, fiber for clothing, paint for
decoration, a material source for shelter, and fire to keep oneself warm during the
winter's cold. As was true with the respect accorded animals, plants were treated
within a context of ritual and ceremony. As one Navajo elder has stated:
You must ask permission of the plant or the medicine will not
work. Plants are alive; you must give them a good talk.'"
The world of plants had its spirit keepers. These might be the major
kinds of trees in a particular environment, or they could be certain medicinal
plants deemed important to a tribe. Indians understood that plants, like
animals, shared a quality of' spirit that could be used to ensure the survival
of a tribe. Therefore, ceremonies performed by Indian tribes throughout
North America incorporated symbolic representatives of plants and plant
kingdoms. Ritual plants such as cornmeal, tobacco, and sweetgrass, were
used as offerings to the spirit world and provided the material substance for
both food and medicine. Plant symbols reflecting the sacred procreative
power of' Earth also abound in American Indian philosophies.
The Tree of Life as a metaphor for the foundation of the cosmic order was
expressed in numerous ways in the ceremony and philosophy of tribes through-
out North America. Among the Pueblo people 0f the Southwest, for example, the
Evergreen, which in most cases is the Fir or Spruce, is a symbol of everlasting
life and the connection of all life to the Earth Mother. Therefore, as a symbol of
this magnitude, it is used in every ceremony that Pueblo people perform. The
Evergreen represents the universal Tree of' Life, and the sentient being of' plant
life as a whole. It was well understood that plants were the first living things and
that both humans and animals depended on plant life for their existence. As the
first living things, plants provided the most primal connection to the teeming life
that is the direct expression of' Earth Mother's being.
The dependence on certain plants for the survival and maintenance of' a
people expressed itself in many ways. Among the Pueblo, corn, squash, pump-
kin, and beans becalite the primary staple foods that gave rise to social and
community expressions of Pueblo societies. The relationship of the Pueblo
farmer to corn is especially noteworthy. To Pueblo people, corn is a sacrament,

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a representation, an embodiment of the essence of the Earth Mother's life. Corn

provided not only food, but also a symbolic entity that cradled the entire psyche
and spiritual orientation of Pueblo people. Pueblo farmers developed an intimate
understanding of the life of corn and through that understanding, developed
techniques, technologies, and strains of corn adapted to various growing
conditions in Southwestern environments. They developed a practical technol-
ogy and understanding of basic genetics, plant behavior, and communities based
on their special relationship with corn. This helped them understand the nature
of evolution and natural selection among plants.
Hopi farmers, through long experience and comprehension of the growth
and life of corn, evolved a variety of strains that grew well in different soils and
environmental circumstances. Through understanding the life and breath of
corn, they established an elemental spiritual connection between themselves and
this sacramental plant. That relationship extended not only into the technology
of growing corn, but also into communal, artistic, and philosophical expressions
reflecting the abiding relationship between humans and the plant kingdom.
Indigenous people evolved ritual and ceremony expressing their part-
nership with those plants and animals they depended on for life. Among the
Pueblos, the varieties of Corn Dances performed during the growing cycle
reflect such communal expression. The community comes together with all
its entities old and young, male and female to celebrate and remember to
remember the connections that ',.he community and individuals have with
su a sacramental plant.
This basic spiritual ecology provided different occasions in which the
relationship between themselves and the natural world could be expressed.
These expressions included the grand ceremonial representations of the plant
and animal worlds. They were also reflected in engineering and other forms of
practical technology connected with Southwestern Indian agriculture. The great
canals built in the valley of Tucson by the Hohokam provide one example.
Numerous other examples of this integration of technology with the pract ical-
ity of maintaining a lifeway revolving around key plants occurred among the
Anasazi in southern Colorado. Each instance (the grand ceremony or the
communal work associated with corn) occasioned an experience of people
coming together to celebrate and learn the nature of being in community and
depending on one another for survival.
This communal interaction with Nature reflects :A natural community of
human beings as active participants, with other entities and energies in an
environment, in a dynamic expression oft hei r lives and the life of the Earth. This
sense of natural community is expressed in the design motifs of traditional art

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forms that relate to natural elements essential to the growth of plants. The Zia
Pueblo Sun, which appears commonly in traditional Zia pottery designs; or the
terraced cloud designs on traditional black Santa Clara pottery; or the reflection
of' wind, rain, lightning, or representations of creatures such as the frog, water
bird, dragonfly, tadpole. and butterfly illustrate the connection that Pueblo
people felt with their environment and their lives as agricultUrists. Such design
motifs, inspired by natural entities, formed the basis of' Pueblo artistic expres-
sions and aesthetics. The commonly used motif of' Corn Mother and her Corn
Children (represented by two perfect ears of corn, each a different color yet
related through the common ancestry of the Corn Mother), is another example
of the way the connections of plant, human, animal, and all life is portrayed
through Pueblo pottery.
The Indigenous educational process of each Pueblo community demon-
strates, through its pottery, the essential perspective of Pueblo ecology. it reflects
the attempt of l ndian people to understand their relationship to, and place within,
their natural community through ceremony, thought, expression, and making
traditional art forms. The making of a traditional art embodies, both in form and
process, the understanding of the basic resonance of relationship and the
importance of establishing, reaffirming, and continuing it. Plants and animals are
food that nourishes and perpetuates human life. Therefore, there is a symbolic
connection between pottery making and making life from Nature.
Traditionally for Pueblos, making pottery is a ceremonial act; it is an act of
faith, an act of understanding the significance of relationship. The relationship
is to what is being formed as a result of digging into the earth: the clays that are
the building material for pottery. It is also a metaphor of a learning process to
establish and reaffirm those basic connections that every human has to the earth.
The making, designing, and using of Pueblo pottery reflects the understanding
that all things made, in whatever form they appearultimately have their
beginnings in the natural materials provided by the world and by Earth Mother.
This sentiment extends to the collection, preparation, and eating of'
foodstuffs from one's natural environment. The food of humans is also the food
of life, and understanding the nature of those things that give you life provides
the context for what Indigenous people have termed "right relationship". For
Pueblo people, collecting clay, making pottery from that clay, the design motifs
used to decorate these pots of clay, all symbolize that those things that give us
life in this case the pottery to hold food or waterare a way of understanding
right relationship.
Therefore, what goes on or in the Pueblo pot reflects the realization
that the food we eat must be appreciated; it is sacred and symbolic of that

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which gives us life. It is a metaphor dour relationship with, and dependence

on, the natural world.

The Ecological Foundations of Indigenous Health and Wholeness

For Indigenous people around the world, the food they depended on for life was
also their medicine. The two were so intimately intertwined that many plants
were used in one instance as food, while in others, under the proper supervision
and application by a medicine person, were used as components of a system of
healing. Food was always a component of ceremony and ritual in Indigenous
communities. Food was the most basic symbolic representation dhow humans
depended on other living and natural things for their lifeway. Indian relation-
ships to food, combined with their physical lifestyle and spiritual orientation,
formed an interactive triad that created the cornerstone of I ndian health. In short,
it is fOod that best symbolizes the ecology of' Indian health.
American Indians used food in a number of' ways, and since all food that
Indigenous people traditionally ate came from the land or animals,'it had a
symbolic relationship to the way they viewed themselves vis-a-vis Nature.
Food's place in the ceremonies of' groups in the Americas reflected a spiritual
ecology that integrated the life experiences of I ndian people. For instance, Indian
people oft he Great Lakes domesticated wild plants such as the pond lily, rice, and
other marsh-growing plants. These plants provided them not only with food but
also a frame ofreference for defining and refining t heir existence and relationship
to their place. Their knowledge and utilization of marsh environments embodied
their relationship to plants and food.
As was true in the Great Lakes, the Paiute Indians of the Great Basin
evolved numerous uses fOr naturally occurring food sources such as the pine nut.
I n the Northeast, the Algonquin people evolved a technology oflow to use maple
sap in a variety of ways. This provided them not only with food but also a source
of reflection and understanding of their dependence on the trees that dominated
their natural environment.
Indigenous people in America learned how to use the food plants in their
environment in the most productive, effective, and ecologically sound ways.
Through longexperience, they began to understand the relationship between the
plants that they took as fOod and the healing properties for which these plants
might he most appropriately used.
Thus the knowledge of how to use plants for food evolved into the use of
plants l'or healing. This knowledge, which ensures survival within a given
environment, was an essential foundation of the first aspects of' Indigenous
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY Of INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

education. It was a knowledge passed on to children through mythology, ritual,

experience, and observation. They learned through helping to make traditional
art forms or preparing foods and in a host of other ways. It was an integral part
of the early life experience and learning of all Indian children. As with all
knowledge, how to use plants and animals for medicine evolved along a
continuum that addressed each stage of life and each age of an individual in an
appropriate way. Young people were given their first experience in how to use
plants through simple observation, through the use of story, and through the
actual dernonstration of how plants could be used. This kind ofteaching occurred
primarily within the context of their extended family, clan group, and tribe.
This learning continuum evolved in a number ofways and incorporated the
full body of traditional philosophy of the human place within the greater natural
world. Among all tribes, illness was directly associated with a disharmony of the
individual, family, clan or tribe, with regard to some key element of the natural
environment. Much of the healing ritual and ceremony of Indian tribes involved
re-establishing the harmony between the individual, family, or clan group and
their immediate environment. Harmony and resonance were sought with those
environmental energies, principles, and entities that formed the foundation for
the expression of the group's lifeway.
The mediators for the transference of this knowledge,and re-establishment
of these basic foundations of balance, were primarily the healers or medicine
people. Medicine people, depending on tribe and location, could fulfill a vi,riety
of roles within the context of thei r communities. The herbalists, a primary group
of healers, were predominantly women whose work in many tribes was to gather
wild foods. Through their experience and understanding of plant communities
came an understanding ofthe kinds of plants that could be used for medicine. The
next group of individuals had a greater knowledge that included knowledge of
the human body and muscular structure. They were adept at massaging and
fixing bones. The next group were individuals who had access to special
knowledge related to certain plants or animals as a result of their position or as
a direct result of clan initiation or societal membership. Through ceremonies
these individuals were empowered to address certain illnesses that they learned
to treat effectively.
The most pronounced role was that of the shaman. The shaman's role
embodied the integration and nature of relationship between humans and the
natural entities around them. These teachers provided a centering point for a
teaching process that incorporated all aspects of Indigenous education toward
the goal °festal)] ish ng and maintaining balance between the individual commu-
nity and the forces that acted upon them. Whether one w iAS a Singer in the context

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of Navajo tradition, a Tribal midwife, an individual associated with the False

Face Society among the Iroquois, or a keeper of the specific songs, dances, and
chants of a clan healing ceremony among the Tlinget of the Northwest the role
of the shaman was similar. As First Doctor, First Visionary, First Dreamer, First
Psychologist, First Teacher, and First Artist the shaman's focus was on the
spiritual ecology of the group in relation to their environment.
In the philosophy of Indigenous systems of healing, illness and disease were
often caused by improper relationship to the natural world, to the spiritual world,
to the community, and/or to one's own spirit and soul. Therefore illness, as
defined by Indigenous groups, was an environmental imbalance. In one form or
another, the environment provided the context for illness, health, and healing.
Within all systems of' Indigenous healing, the breath of each human was
seen as being connected to the breath and the spirit of the, earth itself. We breathe
the same air that the plants breathe; we breathe the same air as animals; we
depend on the same kinds of invisible elements as plants and animals. We share
a life of co-creation and coexistence in an integrated web of relationship. Natural
elements such as sun, fire, water, air, wind, snow, rain, mountains, lakes, rivers,
trees, volcanoes, and others played a role symbolically and physically in the
expression of' healing developed by Indigenous people.
There could be many causes of illness. The most importantl,vere: improper
behavior toward particular kinds of animals or plants, disrespect toward natural
elements such as fire, wind, water, or insults to natural entities such as rivers,
lakes, or mountains. These relational misdeeds could have dire effects on the
well-being of individuals who were involved. Improper relationship and disre-
spect toward one's body or other individuals could also have dismal effects and
cause illness. Misunderstanding, naive use of, or attraction to, the malevolent
forces of' Nature (those forces of chaos and darkness that lived and operated
alongside the positive aspects), could also have direct and dire effects, not only
on one's self, but also on one's family and community. The violation of taboo,
misconduct in the execution of an important ritual also could have dismal effects
on one's well-being. Strong emotions such as love, hate, fear, or anger were seen
as being not only symptoms of disharmony, but also emotions that could bring
about a disharmony leading to illness."
Understanding the nature of illness and health had its basic frame of
reference with regard to the natural environment. Among Indigenous people,
this understanding was inclusive of all aspects of one's world and in no way
overlooked the interrelated threads of the fabric of' health. This is why Indian
people honored their heritagoof knowledge and understanding of their environ-
ment. They deeply appreciated that balance and harmony with the natural

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environment had to be maintained or it would result in a cataclysm of dysfunction

and disease.
Communal ceremonies related the people's guiding myth to their self-
understanding with the greater cosmos. Ceremonies were choreographed so
they helped both individual and community come to terms with the sense of
relatedness considered an essential foundation of' wisdom. The Great Corn
Dances of the Pueblos are performed in relation to the growing and maturating
cycle of sacramental corn. The Great World Renewal ceremonies performed by
the Indians of' the Northwest and California, or the Sun Dance performed by
Plains people, are performed to maintain right relationship with all Nature. They
re-establish that relationship for the benefit ofthe individual, the community, and
the natural world as a whole.
There are hundreds ofexamples in which Indian people have represented
their understanding of health and wholeness in metaphoric, symbolic, and
ceremonial ways. The realm of healing and renewal at the communal level by
Indian societies presents a window to view the relationship that Indigenous
people established in the places where they lived.

Plants and The "Ecology" of Healing

The use of plants for healing by Indigenous people presentg a practical and
visible foundation for viewing themselves as participants in a natural
community. As such, the use of plants and animals by North American tribes
presents a diverse, yet universal, expression of the intimate bonding that
occurred over many generations between a particular tribe and their place.
Traditional Indian belief's about health reflect a similar orientation with a
variety of expressions. These belief's revolve around attempting to live in
harmony with Nature while developing the ability to survive under exceedingly
difficult circumstances. Intertwined with their belief is the individual and
communal fbcus upon seeking life. In the context of Tribal practices and the use
of herbs and animals for healing, the primal concept of complementary relation-
ship forms a basis for understanding. 1-.:verything in Nature reflects a basic
quality that can be viewed as male or female, light or heavy, positive or negative.
The balance between these two creative energies is essential Ibr maintaining a
dynamic state of health and wholeness. This balancing ofcreative energies was
primarily accomplished through spiritual means; the medicinal use of plants
always contained the application of a spiritual connotation as the primary field
through which true healing and wholeness could be established and maintained.
The concept of' t wo complementary forces was combined with the Ameri-

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can Indian concept of "life path" or purpose. Illness was understood as having
a role in each individual or community life process. Illness and health were mirror
images of each other. Even though one may have been seen as positive and one
negative, both played a role in the expression and reflection of the life process.
Just as one would need male and female within a family to create the dynamic
of life through children, the health and development of a tribe occurred within
the context of those complementary forces interacting in the community. Illness
played a distinct .role in the perpetuation of the idea that life was a process of
creation and destruction. In order for life to exist, there had to be death and
illness; for us to grow and evolve as humans and community, there had to be
situations that caused dissension or illness. These had to be addressed through
restoring harmony.
Seeking life metaphorically represents this interplay of' philosophy with
practical medical knowledge and application. It is a metaphor that provides a
way of' viewing and understanding life processes at the individual and the
communal level. Illness, and its association with the coming ofdeath, is reflected
in the origin myths of all Indigenous people. These origin myths expressed the
idea that illness and death were natural parts of the process of life. What was
important, was to understand the role of these processes, to accept them, and to
deal with them in traditional education. The understanding of this dynamic
balance in the natural order was maintained on a regular basis through cer-
emony, through the proper execution of prayer, and through care of oneselfand
one's community. As mentioned earlier, this dynamic balance was emphasized
at the communal level through ceremonial cycles that renewed a tribe's quest of
seeking life, from year to year and generation to generation.
Tribal origin myths contained the precedent for developing ceremonies
and rituals that restored individual and collective harmony within the expression
of a particular Tribal way of life. The use of herbs, because they are natural
entities, provided a metaphor and practical physical example for understanding
the human relationship to the order of things in the natural world. Plants were
viewed as the hairs of the Earth Mother; they were considered to have their own
spirit, their own life. They lived in communities and they provided food and
nourishment for human and animal life. They provided the fibers for clothing and
colors fbr palms, and they provided beauty. They lived a life in community with
one another and established certain ways of living which were noticed, studied,
and observed by Indigenous people.
Along with animals, plants formed one of the first ways human beings
defined themselves in relation to the natural world. By observing plants,
Indigenous people began to understand that there were differences in their needs

1 It 109
 LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

regarding how and where they would grow. These observations began to
resonate with the needs and perspectives that Indigenous people developed
about themselves. Plants were the basis of life, and because they held a particular
power or medicine, Indigenous people began to view them as playing an essential
role, not only for healing, but also as bridges to the spiritual world of Nature.
Plants such as tobacco, corn, datura, peyote, and a number of other medicinal
plants, played a role as intermediaries between htimans and the spirit world of
Nature. Through the burning of sage or tobacco, and other symbolic plants,
Indian people established a ceremonial dialogue with the natural world.
The categories of disease recognized by most Indian groups included:
displeasing the spirit entities, annoying the primordial eleme,ts of Nature,
disturbing or disrespecting animal or plant life, neglectful or disrespectful
behavior to the celestial bodies, misuse or misconduct in a sacred ceremony, and
finally the category of diseases that reside primarily within the human heart,
which included jealousy, envy, hatred, and being in service to the ego without
regard for one's actions or their effects on others.2'
Each of these categories has much to reveal about how plants formed a focal
point and a way of understanding this elaborate process of human int raction
with the healing process. For instance among the Navajo, displeasing the holy
ones could include a whole variety of transgressions. Those holy ones were
representatives of certain elements and dimensions within the natural world that
required reflection, understanding, and proper behavior. Displeasure of the holy
ones was a reflection of misconduct in relationship to oneself; one's community,
or to the natural world. The displeasure of the holy ones or spirits of Nature could
take many forms a particular stomach ailment, a particular skin rash, sores and
boils or even a non-distinct psychological spiritual illness. These could be
understood in relationship to the natural entity or spirit that may have underlaid
that particular disease.22
The next category included the primordial elements of Nature such as
wind, fire, water, and air. These elements were the foundation of life on earth.
They were primary medicines, but overexposure to, or misuse of them could
cause an illness that could be treated through an understanding of how these
elements worked within the human body. A more direct transgression would
include disturbing or disrespecting animal or plant life. Each in their own way
represented the spirit world of both plant and animal life and were in direct
contact with all the forces of the natural world. Therefore, disrespect ofan animal
carcass after taking it during the hunt would, in Indian perspective, bring
retribution from that animal's spirit or spirit village. With plants, misuse or
misconduct in pick ingor applyingthem couid have dire consequences leadingto illness.

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 TI 1E ENVIRONMENTAL FOUNDATION OF INDIQENOUS EDUCAllON

The neglect or disrespect of'certain celestial bodies, such as the Sun, Moon,
Pleiades, Venus or others, became another category of misrelationship, a
disturbance in the dynamic balance and harmony between humans and the rest
of the natural world. Finally, misapplication or misconduct during ceremonies,
which were to restore health and harmony, was an element in the propagation
of disease and disharmony.`';
To counteract, restore, and maintain the balance once compromised,
required a special educative process that involved an understanding of how to
use plants for direct applications of these harmonies and for understanding,
viewing, and living life. In most indigenous societies, this form of traditional
education revolved around, and was applied through, a medicine person. This
medicine person provided a direct model of the goal of becoming complete
finding the right vocation through which one could express most completely
one's innate creative potential.
There were particular characteristics sought and exhibited by indi-
viduals herbalists, shamans, other healers, and keepers of' knowledge
about plants and their uses for healing. These included: first, intellectual and
intuitive intelligence, highly evolved to understand the dynamics of plants
used in healing; second, a predisposition toward social service and a strong
religious and pious orientation; third, love for one's people, culture, and
tribe. Self-knowledge, achieved through the.process of' individuation, was
also required. This did not mean that these individuals dealt solely with
spiritual concerns; they Were also keen observers of the natural world. They
were naturalists, botanists, and ecologists.
Because of the nature of their roles, healers also became keepers of the
cultural understandings, both material and social, related to using plants in the
context oftheir sacred guiding myths. In addition, they were unique individuals
who no doubt had peculiar qualities and characteristics setting them apart from
other people. These included well-developed perceptual natures, acute skills of
memory and observation, and a developed level of maturity and understanding
that could be called natural wisdom.
In the communal context, there were ceremonies and training that initiates
were regularly involved in. As is the case with all traditional art forms, healing
integrated at a communal level the perspectives important to how a people saw
themselves and how they related to the natural world.
The general steps in the Indigenous healing process moved through a
group of' phases which were themselves contexts of significant learning and
teaching. Initially, there was a diagno,fif. This began by tracking backward the
individual's or community's steps to examine the symptoms, past and present.
 LOOK To Ti IL MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOVS EDUCATION

There was also an examination of the ideas and actions preceding the symptoms,
to find what could be the root of an illness. The emphasis in this healing phase
is on the causative factors and understanding these factors in the way a tribe
viewed itself in the natural world
The diagnosis could take many forms. It could be direct observation and
questioning of the patient, including an examination and discussion of the
individual's dream process, activities with regard to the categories such as
ceremonial preparations, encounters with natural forces in hunting, etc., that
might allow the healer to see some possible causes of the illness. Another aspect
of' diagnosis might include meditation. This focused the thought and the life
energy of the healer toward finding the cause of an illness.`
In some cases, this meditation was assisted by a particular psychoactive
agent such as peyote or other trance inducing plant. Some of the uses of plants
among the Huichol, Aztec, Inca, and other tribes in North America are examples
of such plant-induced meditations.
Diagnosis could include divination in which individuals, through self-
hypnosis or other relf-induced processes, became hypersensitive to signs, sights,
and sounds that gave them clues to the nature of the their illness. An understand-
ing of these methods of diagnosis needed to go beyond the description and into
the comprehension of the human dynamic, human mind, human spirit. This had
to be understood to a much greater degree by traditional healers than other
members within the community."
The treatment phase took many forms. For instance, the Sing among the
Navajo represents a communal ritual involving a complex process. Chants,
combined with the creation ofsandpaintings, and the application of plants based
on the illnesses reflect the guiding myth of the Navajo. The Sing represents one
of the complex systems of healing that evolved from an acute awareness of
relationship to the natural world. More common forms of treatment might
include massage, heat treatment, sweat baths, other forms of physiotherapy, and
psychological and spiritual counseling. Various treatments were combined in a
system and refined over a number ol'generations. Through time certain systems
were seen to succeed for certain illnesses or patterns of disharmony. These
systems became the unique expression of a tribe's healing tradition.' 6
The whole realm of healing, the application of plants, and the understand-
ing of the roles played by the healer, exemplifies an ecological dynamic. It
revolves around establishing and maintaining relationship to one's own natural
healing process as well as spiritual, communal, and environmental healing
processes. Healing traditions provide a benchmark expression of the intimate
relationship that Indigenous people established with their environments. Every

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 Ti 1E ENVIRONMENTAL. FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

cultural group establishes this relationship to its place over time. Whether that
place is in a desert, a mountain valley, or along the seashore, it is in a context of
natural community. Indigenous people came to understand themselves as part
of a natural community, and through that understanding they established an
educational process that was practical, ultimately ecologizal, and spiritual. In this
way they sought and found their life.

Conclusion

To say that Native American ritual traditions are cultural artifacts, places them
and the ecological understanding of Native American peop:e, into a category that
is at both highly constraining and ultimately misleading. Though much misun-
derstanding continues by some scholars who have studied Native American
ritual traditions, a new perspective and respect for Native American knowledge
are beginning to emerge. As a part of this new perspective and as a foundation
for education, the art of ecological relationship established by Native American
people represents a focus that can provide profound reflection and illumination.
The Indigenous art of' ecological relationship is like a seed pregnant with
potential. The understandings and integrations now being sought concerning
restructuring modern education toward an environmentally sustainable con-
sciousness are only one dimension of what Indigenous people were able to
develop in their traditional processes of education.
Natural community provides one of the metaphors that must be reintro-
duced and revitalized in the context of modern education. The understanding of
natural community is a foundational aspect of the environmental education that
must take place in the next century. Human beings must come to terms with the
fact that we are a part of the natural community. It is through the educational
process of ourselves and our children that we can internalize this basic under-
standing and reflect on the relationship we must establish with the natural world.
Indigenous people around the world have been able, through experience and
their direct relationship with the natural world, to establish this much-needed
understanding dna tural process and relationship. For them, this understanding
was part of becoming complete within the context of traditional forms and
systems of education.
It is important that we revisit these forms, understandings, and ways
or expressing relationship within a natural community. It is important that
we again give credence to the ways that primal people around the world have
established their right relationship in their community and natural environ-
ments. Educators must again teach For "living the sky," the plain,"
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 Loox To TI IF MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOcY OF INDICANOUS EDUCATION

"living the desert," "living the mountain." We must again "look to the
mountain," climb it, and after that struggle and journey of understanding,
complete the pilgrimage to our higher selves. We must look with new vision
upon where we have been, where we are, and where we wish to go in the
evolution of education as a process within natural community.
Indigenous communities around the world integrated within themselves,
and within the expression of their traditional forms of education, innate human
wisdom that connected to the natural world in such an intimate way that we are
only beginning to understand its sophistication and the level of:true understand-
ing they had of natural environments. Within that natural community of being,
relating, understanding, t. lucating, teaching, and learning, we may once again
find, in its most true form, a way of being fully human and fully alive.
The contemporary development of Indigenously based, environmental
education curricula can take a myriad of forms. It is an area of curriculum
development that oGrs tremendous possibilities for creative exploration and
truly inspired teaching and learning experiences. There are, however, some key
areas that a comprehensive curriculum process should address. These areas
include: immersion in learning cultural and historical content that puts into
context a particular Tribal way of knowing a Place, learning practical skills for
living in specific environments, creating opportunities for spending extended
time in a natural place to develop personal relationships with Nature, incorpo-
rating service related activities for students to enhance or restore a natural place,
and creating activities that help re-enchant the students toward Nature thereby
setting a foundation from which they may perceive the innate worth of perpetu-
ating the environmental traditions of Indians in the contempormy framework of
their lives.
Collectively, we must begin to address ways for revitalizing our innate
and Indigenous perspectives, Indigenous sources, attitudes, and orienta-
tions to the environment. We must evolve a contemporary form of Indig-
enous environmental education if we arc to address the monumental
environmental crisis of our time. This is indeed a time to "look to the
mountain!

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 0V0
LIVING OUR MYTHS

THE MYTHIC FOUNDATION OF AMERICAN INDIAN EDUCATION

Tribal Myth As A Body of Knowledge

WHEN APPROPRIATELY ACCESSED, TRIBAL MYTHS contain tremendous

potential for illuminating the education of both the individual and
the community. Every body of' Tribal myth contains a variety of'
stories that are culturally important to a tribe and reflect their uniqueness. Tribal
myths are filled with metaphors, symbols, images, and creative linguistic and
visual forms that are emotionally affective for members of a tribe. They present
accounts of' the world as experienced and interpreted through the history of the
people of a tribe. As a whole, they are reflections of the role of people and entities
that affect a tribe's world. They are a body of explanation that forms the Story
of the People as they have perceived themselves through generations of relation-
ship to their lands and to each other.
Every tribe created vehicles for accessing the psychological energy con-
tained in their body of' myth. Through the telling, performance, and artistic
expression of' myth, Tribal teachers actively brought their bodies of myth alive
and made its lessons relevant to their audience's time and place. While keeping
true to the core meanings of their myths, Tribal teachers continually improvised,
reorganized, and recreated the particular elements ofa myth to fit their audience,
the situation, and their own personal expression. In reality, every myth is
renewed with each time and in each place it is told. Myths live through each teller
and through each audience that hears and actively engages them. Myths and
their enactment in every form were the way a tribe remembered to remember
their shared experience as a people.
There are as many ways to tell a myth as there are myth tellers, and there
are many ways to view myth as well. Western academic schools of analysis have
ranged in orientation from evolutionist, to symbolist, to psychoanalytic, to
functionalist, to structuralist, to folklorist in their attempts to explain the human
phenomena of myth. Yet, only recently have Western scholars turned to the
"keepers of myth" for guidance. And, only recently have some Western scholars
of myth begun to cultivate an appreciation for these keepers, and reverence for
t he power of' myths in shaping human learning and experience.'

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Humans are storytelling animals. Story is a primary structure through

which humans think, relate, 'nd communicate. We make stories, tell stories and
live stories because it is such an Integral part of being human. Myths, legends, and
folk tales have been cornerstones of teaching in every culture. These forms of
story teach us about the nature of human life in all its dimensions and manifes-
tations. They teach us how to live fully through reflection on, or participation in,
the uniquely human cultural expressions of community, art, religion. and
adaptation to a natural environment. The myths we live by actively shape and
integrate our life experience. They inform us, as well as form us, through our
interaction with their symbols and images.
Myths explain what it means to live in community with one another. They
explain human dependence on the natural world and essential relationships that
must be maintained therein. They explore the life-and-death matters of human
existence and relate such matters to basic origins, causes, or relationships. They
reflect on the concerns that are basic turd crucial to humans' understanding of
themselves. Creation, survival, relationship, healing, wholeness, and death are
the consistent themes of myth in every culture, place, and time. In short, myths
are everything the people and community that create them are.
The function of myth is as diverse and complex as human life and cultures.
The myths that we live by glue our communities together through shared
metaphors of identity and purpose. Myths help to balance individual psycholo-
gies and connect them to the greater whole of the tribe, natural environment, and
global community. Wills resound the spiritual essence of religion and ritual in
life-related terms. Myths mirror the paradoxes of life and reflect the truth behind
every paradox.
Myth, in its expressions through narrative and performance, is a commu-
nicative art fbrm that integrates other art forms such as song, dance, and visual
arts in its expression. Indeed, myth is a primary contextual field for artistic
expression and may have led to the development of art in the early stages of
human culture. Art is one of the languages of myth.'
Finally, myths live or die through people. Myths, as human creations, are
messages as well as a way of'conscious reflection that live through the people
who share them by the breath of their thoughts, words, and actions.
Living through myth means using the primal images that myth pre-
sents in a creative process of learning and teaching that connects our past,
present, and future. Living through myth also means learning to live a life
of relationships to ourselves, other people, and the world based on apprecia-
tion, understanding, and guidance from our inner spirit and our wealth of
ancestral and cultural traditions.

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"Iso seek such a life is a foundational metaphor of Indigenous education that

invites.the empowerment and cultivation of a creative life of learning. The images
and symbols brought to life through myth at the personal and group levels
provide impetus for this creative life of learning.
"Mythic images are...pictures that involve us both physiologically, in our
bodily reactions to them, and spiritually, in our higher thoughts about them.
When a person is aware of' living mythically, he or she is experiencing life
intensively and reflectively.'

Indigenous Education: Connecting Personal and Cultural Mythology

The connection between personal mythology, cultural mythology, and the

educational process is complex and dynamic. Since our personal stories fuel our
emotions and shape our belief's, as we come to understand the principles by which
our personal mythology operates, we will become more able to participate
consciously in its development. This is equally true of one's personal educative
process, since the two types of- understanding are intimately intertwined.
Integrating personal and cultural mythology through imagery is a primary
component of the Indigenous education process.
Our individual personal mythology forms a dynamic web that ti?fitrins the
very essence of our lives. Awareness of the influence of our personal mythology
on the unfolding process of our living is an essential part ofself-knowledge. Such
awareness begins by becoming more completely conscious of the way our
personal myth interpenetrates that of the multicultural universe in which we live.
This awareness first becomes apparent through an in-depth explora-
tion of our personal and cultural origins. Exploring cultural origins is
inherently a holistic process of learning our connections and affirming our
evolution as interdependeni human beings. It is becoming aware that we all live
a mythic life and that this life is guided every step of the way through OW'
process of mythologizing. In understanding this process, we become con-
scious of' our relationship to our family myth, our societies' conventional
myths, and the universality of the human condition.
By being unconscious of these mythic relationships and our personal
mythology, we doom ourselves to look through a distorted lens at other people,
the world, and ourselves. A level of critical consciousness concerning our own
and our culture's mythology is essential to a deeper !earning and teaching
situation. The Indigenous education process infuses itself' with opportunities for
exploring various levels of personal and cultural mythology.
The beginning ofthis personal mythic journey in the Indigenous educative

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process focuses on mythic images. It is through this focus that one begins the
process of living a mythically literate life. That is: to live life with conscious
reference to more than .day-to-day concerns; to live a life with greater under-
standing and appreciation for cultural and ancestral roots, and to live a life of
cultivated relationship with significant people, practices, institutions, and the
world, based on guidance from inner and creative sources. The mythic image at
the personal and group level provides the visual language for the beginning of
such a learning process.'
The structures, images, symbols, and emotional undertones that con-
stitute the language of myth speak to our psyche in its own language. Human
consciousness is a collage of deeply embedded mythological complexes that
we shape by our life experiences and the mythos of the social environments
in which we live. Our lives are expressions of the myths we live by and that
live through us.
Myth presents a doorway through which human and natural energy moves
in the expressions of human culture. A key to expressing Indigenous education
in a contemporary sense includes attempting to influence the way Indian people
construct their understanding of' themselves and their place in a contemporary
world. This understanding stems from their Indigenous mythic language (both
personal and cultural) as it finds contemporary expression in ritual, dream, art,
dance, music, social interaction, and learning. Tracking the way myth acts to
motivate people and communities is an important first .,tep in learning how to use
myth effectively in the context of teaching.

Tracking A Myth: The Concentric Rings of Indigenous Education

The working or a metaphor is a creative way to explore the teaching processes

using myth in Tribal societies. Such a process is a foundational dynamic of
Indigenous teaching and learning. This working evolves around the symbols and
metaphors in myth and z a way qf askingkr knowledge.
The metaphor or tracking and the symbol orconcentric rings are examples
of Tribal analogies that can be worked to present verbal and visual images as
profound teachings. It is exactly this working in the context of myth that leads
to profound and highly creative Tribal expressions of teaching and learning.
Tracking involves observation, common/natural sense, following an
intuitive yet discernible direction, and developing intuition and visual
thinking. Tracking in the literal sense involves observing the rings that are
coming into you and quieting the rings that are going out from you. Tracks
can he read at many different dimensions and from many perspectives.

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Tracking strategy begins with scanning the rings of a landscape with a

macro-vision. Such scanning eventually leads one through smaller concen-
tric rings down to a micro-focus on a specific animal.'
The rings I refer to in this discussion are those that comprise observable
interrelationships in Nature and social-psychological processes. Every process
in Nature and society occurs in a context of concentric rings.
Concentric rings radiate from every thing and every process. The
concentric ring provides a visual symbol of relationship; it is a way of
visualizing how all processes radiate concentric rings, which in turn affect
other rings of other processes. The symbol of concentric rings is useful in
seeing how one thing affects another, how one thing leads to another, and
how one thing is connected to another.
The concentric ring is also a basic symbol of' wholeness. It allows for
representation of' wholeness as the interconnection of many concentric rings of
relationship. The mapping of concentric rings of relationship is a major activity
that occurs in primal people's mytholov, ritual, and adaptation to their respec-
tive natural environments. In all these concentric rings of wholeness, there is the
awareness of a particular aspect of Nature, reordering it, and then representing
it in some form. This process is one of the universals of the creative act and as such
is a primary dimension of science and art.
Tracking from this perspective is intimately involved with learning how to
see connections between concentric rings. The analogy of tracking is useful to
illustrate an essential process in Indigenous learning; that is, the process ofseeing
connections, being aware of concentric circles of interrelationship and following
the tracks of a parable or mythic process. The process of tracking is itself
comprised of a group Of concentric rings beginning with the physical, followed
by the psychological, then the social and metaphysical. These rings of' tracking
represent interrelated dimensions of' process and field thinking.
Field thinking within the context of tracking simply means becoming aware of
a particular field of relationships and being able to pick out specific possibilities within
this field that directly relate to what one wants to find or to do.
Tracking at the first level usually requires the ability to see physical
connections. For example, an Indian hunter of wide experience in a particular
environment can tell a fox is coining when a blue jay begins to scold in a certain
way. How does he know this? In all likelihood some time in the past the hunter
oh,tert,ed and beard a blue jay scolding a lox in just this way. The old hunter fixed
that image and that sound in his memory. He saw a specific connection within
a field of' possibilities. When he hears that particular blue jay scold again, the
hunter remembers the sound and the image.

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Tracking at the physical level requires developing the ability to discern

patterns using our visual acuity, to discern differences in sound, feeling, smell,
and even taste. It involves the ability to know, using these basic human perceptual
abilities, how to track a Particular problem or situation.
Tracking in the metaphysical sense is basically following the concentric
rings of the physical, psychological, social, and spiritual to their origins. Mythol-
ogy presents the primary example of this process.
Try to visualize tracking the trace of an animal through the eye of the
hunter, then into the mouth of the hunter, then back through his hand, his body
and his psyche in the forms of art, dance, song, and ritual. Through myth and its
associated rings of expression, the hunter celebrates the animal to make more
animals, to dance more animals, to increase the fertility and vitality of certain
animal species, and in doing so, to keep ,the concentric rings rotating and
interrelating in a positive N ay. This is the essence of the hunting mythology of'
early man.
Primal mythologies abound with examples of tracing and working the
tracks of the ancestors through time and through a geographical landscape of'
mythology whose concentric rings radiate to the present time and place. A key
to understanding Mythological tracking of concentric rings is developing the
ability to think upside-down. in mythological contexts, things are reversed and
inside-out. For instance, the peyote hunt of the Huichol Indians of Mexico is
characterized by tracing the steps of' the Huichol ancestors to the mythological
land of Peyote, which is called irinknia. This reverse tracking of the ancestors'
steps occurs over a geographical and mythological landscape in which those
Huichol seeking the peyote are led by a, Ilam a kame (Huichol Shaman) through
concentric rings of relationship. Each ofthese rings is symbolized by its own state
of mind, its own ritual, its own natural energy and geographical landmark. The
geographical landscape from the Sierra Madre., where the Huichols now live, to
the desert flats just outside San Luis Potessi, where the peyote cactus 'is to be
found, represents the trail of the ancestors' tracks. Along. the geographical
landscape of this trail are natural landmarks that are representative of the
corcentric rings of important natural and life-sustaining energies of the earth.
These are the archetypal energies of earth, wind, lire, water, plant, and animal.
Each of these energies is represented in I luichol traditional yarn painting by
mythological animals, beings, and entities. They are symbolic of the natural
shaping energies of' the earth's landscape."
Tracking the ancestors' mythological steps takes the I luichol through
different levels of' knowing in reference to peyote, I luichol origins and myth,
luichol cultural philosophy and the energies of the I I ttichors natural habitat.

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This metaphysical tracking through concentric rings of interrelationship illus-

trates how landscape, natural energies, plants and animals affect each other.
Noting these relationships and their mutual effects is the beginning of primal
science and the wellspring of Indigenous environmental knowledge.
Within the contexts of Native American mythologies, certain geographical
features personify ties between natural processes. Generally, such features are
looked upon as sacred places. These natural features may be specific formations,
springs, lakes, rivers, mountains, or other natural places. All these features,
physically, visually, and metaphysically represent concentric rings in Nature.
Many are symbols of life sustainers such as corn, deer, buffalo, fish, rain clouds,
and forests. An understanding of the relationships inherent in these ties is
essential to survival. Therefore, much attention is given to ways of knowing and
learning about important natural phenomena.
Myths present a way of mapping a particular geographical landscape.
Relating the stories associated with a particular geographic place is a way to
begin developing a cognitive map of that place and of its concentric rings of
interrelationship. Migration myths, for instance, are tracking stories through a
geographical landscape. In many Native American migration myths, it is implied
that the ancestors left representations of' themselves in natural forms or phenom-
ena to remind people how to act and how to relate to the natural world.
Through the symbol of concentric rings, myth is able to give us a visual.
image of how one thing in reality is like something in myth and vice versa. Every
myth has its concentric rings of' meaning and is told and retold in this way. The
telling of a myth begins w;th a simple version for children, then moves to a slightly
more complicated version for adolescents, to a deeper version for initiates, and
to a still deeper version for the fully mature.
The symbol of concentric circles, in its many manifestations throughout the
cultures of the world, seems to connote a process event. The concentric ring,
when it is used in primal myth, ritual or art, denotes that something happened
here, or that something is happening here it might be a waterhole, a ceremony,
a distinct natural phenomenon, or an important life activity.
The concentric ring represents a major process symbol in the mythology,
ritual, and art of' the Australian aborigine. As represented in Aboriginal tradi-
tional art, the concentric ring is a place of' an important event of sacred
significance and great insight. The mandala and the medicine wheel arc other
symbolic exemplifications of:significant process events. Since myth mirrors and
analogizes natural processes, it is no wonder that one of the simplest symbols
represents one of the most complex processes of both Nature and the human
psyche that of interrelationships.

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The symbol of concentric rings images the fact that everything is unique
and leaves its own signature track. Yet it also shows that all things share
likenesses that are to be found in the overlap of rings.
Knowledge grows and develops outward in concentric rings. Concentric
rings can also form the basis of learning how to track ideas and intuitions, how
to observe fields of knowledge, and how to see patterns and connections in
thought and natural reality.
Indigenous education in process is following tracks in.a particular field
or level of natural, social, or spiritual reality. This tracking at any given
dimension requires opening one's mind to the possibilities within each of the
many concentric circles in that dimension. Learning how to blend the
mythological, aesthetic, intuitive, and visual perspectives of Nature with the
sci,ntific, rational, and verbal perspectives is an integral part of Indigenous
education. Education, from this viewpoint, involves learning to see Nature
holistically. This requires a continual shifting and interplay between the two
complementary perspectives mentioned. Facilitating learning to orches-
trate these two ways of viewing Nature toward the greatest effect must
become a major activity of contemporary Indian education.
In this Indigenously. modeled approach, a first track begins with a symbol.
It is these symbols that are the keys to access the myth, the relationships of'
concentric circles, and knowledge and perceptions of natural realities. In
teaching and learning a process discipline such as ecology, beginning with a
mythological track and following that track through its concentric circles from
its abstraction to its reality and then back again presents one of the most natural
and potentially creative approaches. (See Diagram.) In such an instance, a
person learns about the nature of' spiritual ecology through focusing upon a
mythic symbol with the help of.t mentor and through the creative dimensions
of' experience, reflection, and application of the understanding of .what the
symbol represents.
The previously discussed symbol of the humpbacked flute player, some-
times called "Kokopeli," or antman, provides a case in point. The Kokopeli is a
mythological symbol that represents the bringer of seeds, fertility, sexuality,
abundance, the spreading of art and culture. The Kokopeli is a natural process
symbol that is pregnant with meaning.
As such, the symbol of' Kokopeli is surrounded by many myths; these
myths abound with metaphors representing various dimensions of the
procreative processes of' Nature. Each of these processes is encircled by a
body of psychological, aesthetic, and cultural expressions. These expres-
sions in turn are tied to realities that are observable and that form a basis for

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Indigenous teaching through myth.

The Kokopeli is a mythical visual metaphor that acts as a kind of gatekeeper.
Tracking its meaning through multiple levels of use and various appearances in
myths, from Mexico to the Southwest United States, one reaches a foundational
root of an Indigenous archetype and mythic tradition. Tribaliyspecific gatekeepers
exist for the Navajo, Sioux, Iroquois, Ojibway, Pima, Huichol, Inuit and every
other tribe from Alaska to the tip of South America. The complex of Raven myths
in the Northwest, the Coyote/Trickster myths of the West and Southwest, the
Inapi (Old Man) myths of the Northern Plains, the Sedna myths of the Far
North, the Abiding Stone Inyan and White Buffalo Calf Woman myths of the
Central Plains, the Tree of Peace and Great Turtle of the Northern Woodlands
are a few of the other American Tribal mythic gatekeepers. Each of these
contains numbers of gatekeeper symbols whose tracking leads to the roots of a
Tribal tradition and mythic knowledge base.
Tracking selected Tribal gatekeepers through key myths, concepts, sym-
bols or orientations that illustrate the process and content of teaching/learning
(in each of the orienting foundations of Indigenous education) is an Indigenous
method of interactive/integrated education.
This methodology is a form of creative analysis in which the logic for myth
and its validation is internally consistent with the perspective of a tribe's
understanding an essential message reflected through the myth.
Those gatekeeper symbols that are used in a particular region and have a
wide breadth of meaning can be explored within the context of myths from the
same region. A major Indigenous cultural and philosophical concept, they
provide ideal vehicles for seeing, understanding, and relating what is considered
important by a group of tribes in a region. (See Diagram)

Tracking Concentric Rings of Relationship

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The Tanoan myth of Water Jar Boy is a story whose variations are still told in
a few Pueblos around Santa Fe, New Mexico. Its roots begin in a mythic past that
is ancient and reflective of the way the visual symbolic form of Kokopeli was
employed in both the oral narrative and petroglyphic illustration of this Anasazi
teaching story/
On a petroglyph panel located near the ruin of La Cienega Pueblo,
twelve miles south of Santa Fe, New Mexico, a series of Kokopeli figures
herald the story of Water Jar Boy. Water Jar Boy is a story that originated
from the now extinct Tanoan villages of La Cienega, San Marcos, and
Galisteo. It is a teaching story, a story about why things are and the
importance of coming to know the sources from which human life proceeds.
(See Diagram.)

Water Jar Boy Myth Petroglyph At La Cienega

Diagram reprinted b
with permission of the
author, Carol
Patterson Rudolph.

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 THE MYTI IOC FOUNDATION OF AMERICAN INDIAN EDUCATION

Water Jar Boy

A young girl lived with her father and mother in a very old village near a place
where the waters come together. The girl was very beautiful, kind, and good of
heart. When she became of age many boys of the village tried to win her eye. But,
she was very shy and did not pay attention to any of the boys of the village. She
did not want to leave her father and mother since they were quite old and needed
her help.
The girl liked to help her mother make pottery, especially the water jars,
which her mother made so well. One day her mother asked her to help mix the
pottery clay. She went to a spring near the village to get a special colored clay to
decorate the pottery. While she was mixing the clay with her Feet near the spring,
she began to feel very strange in her stomach. The more she mixed the clay, the
more clay covered her feet, and the stranger she felt. She stopped mixing the clay
and went home. She told her mother how she felt mixing the clay, but her mother
thought nothing of it and told her not to worry.
A few days passed, and she started to feel something moving in her belly.
She did not want to tell her mother and father. But soon she became very ill, and
when her mother Felt her belly she knew that her daughter was with child. When
the child was born she saw that it was not like any other child. It was a beautiful
little water jar. Her father came in, and upon seeing the beautiful little jar said
"It is a special gift, and although we do not know how this has happened we must
accept it." The girl's father became very fond of the little water jar, and when it
began to move and grow he became happy. The water jar grew very fast, and in
a few days it was able to talk and roll itself around following him inside the house.
One day, the little water jar asked the grandfather to take it outside so that it could
play with the other children. The grandfather was surprised at the little water
jar's request, but he took it out, and soon the little jar was rolling around to the
delight of the children in the village. The children became very fond of the little
water jar and would wait each day for the grandfather to bring it out to play. The
children named the little jar, Water Jar Boy.
One day the young men of the village were gathering to go rabbit hunting.
Water Jar Boy announced, "Grandfather, I want to go hunting with the rest of
the boys; please take me to where the rabbits are so I can hunt too." The
grandfather was shocked at the request and told Water Jar Boy, "How can you
hunt, you have no arms or legs; besides hunting is For real boys!" Water Jar Boy
replied, "But Grandfather, I am a real boy!" Grandfather decided to take Water
Jar Boy to where the rabbits were, and as they were leaving his mother began
to cry fearing that Water Jar Boy would he hurt. Water Jar Boy told his mother

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not to worry; he would return with many rabbits!

Grandfather placed Water Jar Boy near a mesa where he knew many
rabbits lived and told Water Jar Boy that he would return to pick him up before
sunset. Grandfather then joined the other older men as they set out to gather the
rabbits together. Water Jar Boy began to roll around as he saw rabbits pass by.
As he was rolling he hit a large stone and broke. Out of the broken jar jumped
a very handsome boy. The boy picked up a stick and ran after the rabbits killing
some of them and letting others go. As the sun began to set he walked toward the
mesa carrying many rabbits on his back to meet his grandfather. As he
approached, his grandfather did not recognize him.. His grandfather asked,
"Have you seen a water jar rolling around?" Water Jar Boy laughed and said,
"Grandfather, it is me Water Jar Boy, your grandson!" Grandfather looked in
disbelief as Water Jar Boy told how, when rolling around he hit a stone, broke
his clay skin, and came out of the jar. "I told you I was a real boy!"
When they came home, grandfather announced to his daughter and the
grandmother, "This is my grandson, this is Water Jar Boy!" Then they told the
story dhow Water Jar Boy had jumped out of the broken water jar and how he
had killed many rabbits. Everyone was happy, and they invited all their relatives
for a special feast to meet the new Water Jar Boy. From then on Water Jar Boy
stayed with the young men and participated in the life of the community.
As time went on, Water Jar Boy became curious about who his father
was. One day he asked his mother, "Who is my father, where does he live?"
She began crying and said that she did not know, and she could not tell him
where he could go to find him. But, somehow, Water Jar Boy knew the
answer to his own question. He announced to his mother, "I know where my
father is, and tomorrow I will go and find him!" The next day he set out
toward the west and walked for a long time. He saw a marsh and knew that
there was a spring there. As he neared the spring he saw a man dressed in
buckskin sitting on a stone. The man asked, "Where are you going?" Water
Jar Boy replied, "I am going inside that spring there to find my father."
"Who is your father?" asked the man. Water Jar Boy paused and looked at
the man closely and then said, "I think that it is you that is my Father." To
which the man replied, "Yes, I am your father, and I am happy that you have
finally come to see me. I came from the inside of that spring; that is my home."
Water Jar Boy's father took him inside the spring. There Water Jar Boy met
all his relatives. Water Jar Boy stayed in the spring and lives there to this day.
The tale of Water Jar Boy is simple, yet profound, and extraordinarily deep in
its metaphoric meanings. Water Jar Boy is created through a traditional art form,
pottery, which reflects the role and magic of the creative process in traditional Tribal

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art. It evokes and relates the power of hunting and the use of hunting as a metaphor
for searching, learning, and understanding. It reminds us that all is not as it may seem
and that what appears as handicaps in children may indeed be a special talent, since
Water Jar Boy can roll as fast as other little boys can run. Water Jar Bois belief in his
ability to be a successful hunter shows us how "children" transform themselves th rough
the challenges that they face and overcome.
Water Jar Boy's journey to find his father, culminating in his entrance into
the spring, where he finds, not only his spirit father but his relatives, is a reflection
of the journey deep into ourselves that is required for deep understanding and
true learning. In discovering not only his father but his relatives in the spring,
Water Jar Boy reminds us that while true learning is always individual, its
ultimate goal is not "the individual ego writ large" but rather communion with
our deeper spiritual self' and that of our relations. Learning and teaching are
always about, and for, life through community and relationship.

Stone Boy, The Symbol of Inyan

Many Indian myths serve to illustrate the mythically symbolic journey

toward completion, the orientation to home, and the transition from boy-
hood to manhood. The Lakota myth of' Stone Boy is just such a myth. The
story of Stone Boy contains many traits of the universal archetypal charac-
ter of the Hero. It talks about the energies and the nature of relationships a
people of place, such as the Lakota, have established within their extended
families, with the entities that surround them, such as Inyan (the abiding
stone), and with the buffalo. All of these are represented by gatekeeper
symbols and linguistic metaphors whose concentric rings of' meaning flow
from the heart of the Lakota world view.
In addition, tht story of Stone Boy describes the nature of the
boundaries of the home place and the world outside. These boundaries
include those inside and outside a family, the security of one's home
territory, and even the boundaries between life and death. In a holistic sense,
the tale of Stone Boy relates the safety of the homeland, the security afforded
through the bonds within a family, and the foundation of the abiding stone.
For stone, Inyan, among the Lakota, is the first being of creation and the
reflection of a primordial foundation of:life. Stone Boy is Ivan come to life
on earth and acting for the benefit of the Lakota people. With deep respect
for the Lakota way of being "Indigenous," I present the story orStone Boy."

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Stone Boy

The story begins with fouryoung men sitting in their tipi during the ancient time.
Theyoungest brother, whose name is Hake la, hears someone outside the tipi and
looks out to find a young woman, with a large leather pack and her forelock
bound, standing at the entrance. Hake la's brothers told him to ask her to come
in, saying that she may become. their elder sister since they are all men and have
no women to care for them.
The young woman enters and sits down near the fire, but does not eat the
food that the brothers have offered her. Thinking that she is too shy to eat in their
presence, they excuse themselves and leave the tipi to take a walk. Hake la walks
only a short distance and (then decides to stay behind and watch the young
woman. He soon smells a strange aroma coming from the tipi. He turns himself
into a bird and flies to the top of the tipi to investigate.
Hake la sees the woman roasting human heads tlItt she has taken out from
her pack! Hake la flies to where his brothers are, turns into a man, and tells them
his horrible story. The brothers decide to return home and act as if they know
nothing of the woman's secret. They give the woman a pack strap and ask her to
gather more wood for their fire. When the woman leaves, Hakela takes the heads
and a metal shield out of her pack and throws them into the fire. Just then, the
woman returns and retrieves her trophies from the fire. By this time, the brothers
have started to flee. Enraged, the woman chases after them and soon catches up
to them. One by one the brothers shoot arrows at her, but she carries the metal
shield and deflects all their arrows. She catches the brothers and cuts off their
heads, until only Hakela remains. As she is chasing Hakela, a bird flies over his
head and tells him to shoot his arrow at her forelock. Hakela shoots right at the
center of the woman's head where her forelock hangs and kills her.
Hakela then finds the bodies of his slain brothers, builds a sweatlodge
and places them within it. He gathers stones and builds a fire and places the
hot stones within the lodge. As he prays and pours water over the stones, his
brothers begin to come to life and soon are talking to him. They return
happily once again to their tipi.
Soon, another young woman is standing at the entrance to their tipi. She
also has a pack, but this young woman's forelock is not bound. And so the eldest
brother tells f lakela to invite her in to sit at their fire, saying that they will have
her as their sister. As she sits at their fire she says that she is happy to be their sister.
She eats the food that they offer her and then takes buckskin from her pack and
makes line moccasins for each of them. The brothers are verb' pleased.
One day the brothers decide to go hunting, and they leave the young

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woman alone in the tipi. The young woman becomes very sad and lonely as she
waits for their return on a hill by the tipi. As night comes, she places a stone in
her mouth and then falls fast asleep. In her sleep she swallows the stone, and she
becomes pregnant. Soon a boy child is born. She called the child Stone Boy.
Stone Boy grows rapidly and learns about all the customs of hiS family's tipi.
Soon he asks about his mother's four brothers. She tells him that they went to
hunt buffalo and have never returned. Then he asks his mother to make him
strong arrows. He tells her that he has decided to look for his uncles.
On his journey he encounters three old women who call him grandson. He
tells them that he is going to a ball game and they lend hinitheir powers. The first
old woman gives him a yellow ball club with a yellow eagle plume. The second
old woman gives him a kingfisher feather and the third gives him a turtle. Soon
he comes to the land of the buffalo and they invite him to play ball.
He plays with an old woman buffalo and uses each of the gifts he has been
given by the old women to defeat the old buffalo. When he has won four times
the old woman buffalo tells him to shoot his arrow into her. When he does this
he finds the bones of his uncles lodged in her neck. He gathers all the bones up,
builds a sweatlodge and places the bones into it. Soon his uncles come back to
life. He also wins four young buffalo women that he gives to his uncles. As they
travel back to their homeland, Stone Boy returns the gifts he borrowed to each
of the three old women. When they reach their tipi, they are greeted by Stone
Boy's mother, and they celebrate the reunion of their family.
There is a time when Stone Boy undertakes another journey and meets four
young buffalo women who have a sled. Stone Boy transforms himself into a little
boy and slides with the buffalo girls. When they least expect it, he turns into a
boulder and rolls down the hill, killing all four buffalo and taking their tongues.
Then Stone Boy meets the Grandfather of the buffalo girls sharpening his horns,
getting ready to avenge the deaths of his grandchildren. He kills the grandfather
buffalo and four others, then returns home with their tongues. Expecting the
other buffalo to attack in revenge for their slain relatives, he tells his uncles to
make four special arrows and four wooden enclosures. Soon buffalo from all over
surround the enclosures. Four buffalo chiefs in succession try to break through
the enclosures but each is slain by Stone Boy. Then all the buffalo attack Stone
Boy's enclosures, but they are driven off by Stone Boy and his uncles. They killed
all the buffalo they needed and prospered.'
The story of Stone Boy illustrates the magical nature of hunting and the
relationship of the Lakota hunters to their most-prized animal relative, the
buffalo. The perception that buffalo have tribes, chiefs, and act like people,
forms a foundation for the establishment of this deep and abiding relation-

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ship. And it is Stone Boy, as a living representation of Inyan, the abiding

stone, that guides the Lakota in their relationship with the source, and
symbol, of life that is the buffalo. .

The Mythopoetic Foundation of Education

The tremendous influence of these mythpoetic traditions on the development

of education becomes apparent when one tracks to their ancient sources the rich
array ()foral forms used by traditional societies. These traditions depended on the
spoken word for communication rather than the visual word that dominates
modern education today. Traditional people, through their use of mythopoetic
communication, applied strategies and orientations to learning that are impor-
tant to revive and nourish in today's education. Modern people, for the most part,
are mythopodically blind and suffer all the consequences stemming from such a
handicap because their natural poetic sensibility has been largely schooled out
of them. Yet, thinking and communicating poetically through the structures of
myth is a natural expression of human learning that has been evolving for the last
40,000 years.
Mythopoetic orientations are apparent in most children before they learn
how to read. Indeed, children at this illiterate stage of their lives show amazing
metaphoric thinking and storying skills reflecting their poetic nature. In modern
education's mad dash to make children and for that matter Indigenous
people literate, it fails to recognize or honor a powerful dimension of human
knowing and understanding. The hidden message is, "Stop being children and
stop being Indigenous." It is ironic that today so many modern people lament the
loss of this primal human sensibility and strive to recapture it through participa-
tion in some "thing" creative, Indigenous, and mythological.
Literacy and the written story are very recent developments in human
history, even in the history of Western societies. They undeniably evolved from
illiterate mythopoetic roots in spite of the negative connotation that Western
civilized cultures have promoted regarding illiteracy as a sign of being unedu-
cated, uncivilized, and primitive. The study and honoring of oral traditions and
orality in children offer essential insights into natural learning. The human oral
orientation to education offers techniques as well as windows into the world of
Indigenous education. A better understanding of orally based learning revital-
izes old yet highly effective techniques while opening up new dimensions that
have been forgotten or have become dormant with the development of literacy.
What then was the nature of the mythopoetic tradition, and why must it again
become an important element of contemporary Indian education?

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Mythic poems were performed, sung, or recited using a particular system

of rhythmic structure that required the application of a different set of thinking
processes and developed different learning capacities than today's modern
schooling. The Aztec tradition of "flower and song" is one example of a
mythopoetic tradition of education in which teaching, learning, and reflection
were founded upon chanted stories, poems, or prayers. The Aztec poet, philoso-
pher/priest, would compose poetic storied chants or teach the divine songs, the
mythic tales, and poetic verse that embodied the essential thoughts and contents
of Nahuatl religion and philosophy. He would then chant these stories and poems
to students who would reflect on or internalize the essential messages that they
contained. Later, as they became experienced in this oral system, students would
compose poetic chants of their own to present to each otherand their tlamatinime,
their poet-teacher. In essence, the flower was the thought, the feeling, the insight,
the bit of wisdom and knowledge that was considered of importance as a
teaching. The song was the vehicle that transported and transformed the flower
of knowledge and made it live through the breath of the chanter and in the hearts
of the listeners.'
Indigenous mythopoetic traditions are essentii..ily educational. Indian
mythopoetic perspectives were founded upon an awe for the Great Mystery; the
development of a strong, wise, and pure heart; an abiding respect for one's tribe,
traditions and law; and a deep sense for the relationships and connections
between all things. Indian myths transferred these basic teachings through
enlivened images and metaphors that embodied an expansive view of people in
relationship with each other and a multiverse full of potential.
Indian myths encompassed every thing within a context that was spiritual
yet irreverent, serious yet humorous, logical yet illogical. The messages conveyed
through these stories had the power to heal and bring resolution to conflicts
because at its core, poetry illuminates, transforms, and mirrors the heart and soul
of both the individual and a People. The presentation of these messages went
beyond words to include sound, dance, music, games, gesture, symbol, art, and
dream. In this way, thoughts, teachings, and emotions were amplified. Every
word, every act, had meaning and energy. This allowed Tribal myth and poetry
to become part of a larger context of situation and human expression, thereby,
making the presentation of myth and poetry a true expression of' the sacred
breath within humans and all living things. How did this characteristic of*Indian
mythopoetic traditions educate its participants, and what does it have to teach us
about the oral nature or human tear-nine°
The mythopoetic realm of teaching and learning is not a relic of the past as
might be construed from the designation ofith5 arts and theater in the curricula
;
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of so many American schools. Rather, it is an educational necessity for enabling

the new imagination so desperately needed in today's sterilized and homogenized
approach to public education. Modern educators must admit that non-European
traditional cultures around the world exhibit a level of complexity and sophisti-
cation that equals and many times surpasses modern perceptions of what it
means to educate. Many ingrained biases about the primitive that have been
conveyed and conditioned through the hidden curriculum of modern education
must be examined. This is especially true of the mythopoetic traditions of' Indian
America. The negative connotations associated with the word primitive must
give way to a more enlightened understanding of the complexity and richness of
primal traditions of myth, poetry, and storytelling.
In contrast to the usual conditioned modern perceptions of the primitive,
oral traditions and Tribal art forms are as individually oriented as they are
collectively determined. It is a fallacy that traditional cultures and their oral
traditions do not change, or that creative self-reflection is not a part of the
traditional formula. It is naive to think that orality alone defines Indigenous
thinking. Indigenous oral traditions have always been integrated with drawing,
the arts, and practical education. It is the perpetuation of injustice to think that
Indigenous people have not attained as sophisticated an understanding of the
nature of language, myth, art, culture, aesthetics, ethics, and philosophy as
Western scholars. I lanything, the mythopoetic traditions of Indigenous people
reflect that there is no such thing as primitive in the way Western education has
traditionally conditioned people to perceive it. The tendency of Western educa-
tion to divide myth and poetry from music, dance, relationship to Nature, community,
spirituality, history, and even politics reflects an illusion of Western thinking.
Indigenous mythopoetic traditions are highly integrated expressions of
thought, reflection, and participation. They are connected to the living expres-
sions and continuity of Tribal life, past, present and future. Primitive means
complex! Among Indigenous people myth, poem, teaching and learning were all
one movement. There is the creation of a unity within a diversity of expressions
that establishes an extraordinary field for creative learning and teaching."
In all Indigenous mythopoetic traditions, including those of the ancient
Greeks during the time of Homer, complex processes of oral structure, image
making, and presentation were developed. These processes were very complex
in that they used a minimum number of words to create a maximum amount of
meaning, affect, and involvement. These processes in turn engaged the fullest
participation of both the giver and receiver in reflecting upon the message of the
work. In this sharing of the poetic experience, both giver and receiver become
involved in a dance of 'meani ng in which complex images, symbols, and meanings

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are explored in direct and personal ways.

Nothing in contemporary modern educational experience comes close to
affecting and engaging individuals as deeply and multidimensionally. Through
the mobilization of'an infinite array ofvehicles to convey a message and engender
a response, Indigenous mythopoetic traditions represent the most developed and
continuously affective Forms of education. In every case, mind, body, breath, and
spirit of all participants were engaged in reflecting on the message of'the story or
poem. What is it then to think mythopoetically? How did it work inearlier times?
"The techniques of oral poetry developed in Indigenous societies over
countless generations are designed to discourage critical reflection on the stories
and their contents, and instead 'enchant' the hearers and draw them into the
story. This process of enthralling the audience, of impressing upon them the
reality of the story, is a central feature of education in oral cultures. Their social
institutions are sustained in large part by sound, by what the spoken or sung word
can do to commit individuals to particular belief's, expectations, roles and
behaviors. Thus the techniques of fixing crucial patterns of belief in memory,
rhyme. rhythm, Formula, story, and so on, are vitally important.
"Education in oral cultures is largely a matter of constantly immersing the
young in enchanting patterns of sound until their minds resonate to them, until
they become in tune with the institutions of their culture."'2
"The Homeric poems were called the educators of pre-Classical Greeks
because they performed this social function. Poems were not listened to solely
because of their aesthetic value; that was incidental to their value as a massive
repository of seful knowledge, a sort of encyclopedia of ethics, politics, history,
and technolou that the effective citizen was required to learn as the core of his
educational equipment. ""
Mythopoetic learning among Indigenous people can best be described as
an integration of verbal with musical learning, which at times is complemented
by kinesthetic and spatial learning. Indigenous learning does indeed involve a
different orientation to learning than modern education. This different orienta-
tion in turn engenders an expression of understanding. It is an orientation that
modern education has never realh understood or valued. Yet, it engenders a
cadre of' valuable learning skills an ,upports other kinds of learning that many
students sorely lack.

The Mythologically-Instructed Community

Culture and mythology arc mental constructs whose evolution is based on the
development of groups and individuals through the long history of Tribal

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societies. Within Tribal groups, the evolution of a cultural/social mythology

closely parallels the evolution of the pei-sonal mythology of individuals. There is
a mutual and synergistic relationship between the individual and his/her primary
group. The individual, or group of individuals, whose personal mythology most
strongly reflects the forces of change, impacts their group as change agents, and
it is this dynamic that most directly influences the consciousness of the formal and
informal educative process.
The evolution of human consciousness has generally been marked by
transformations of the guiding myths that a society holds. In a sense, mythic
stories trace the journey of a people through different stages of their conscious-
ness as well as through the times and places in which they have lived.
Ken Wilber in his book Up From Eden describes four basic stages of human
consciousness. The first of these stages begins with a pre-mythological state of
consciousness in which the human sense of self is essentially identified with the
physical needs of the body and the primordial forces of Nature. In this Eden stage
of consciousness, humans reflected an almost complete communion with Na-
ture, using only simple tools, organized in extended family groups, and engaged
in a sense of self that was only slightly differentiated from that of their Place."
Wilber describes the second epoch of human consciousness as the true
beginning of myth-making. During this stage, consciousness was characterized
by an integration between the mythical structuring of reality based on physical
needs with the projection of magical relationships to entities in the outside world
as well.
In the third epoch, language had evolved to a stage where it allowed more
complete development of the verbal mind. Verbal symbols were developed to
understand and codify information about the natural world to a greater extent.
This allowed for the accumulation and transmission of knowledge through oral
tradition, which in turn set the stage for l,-;-ge communities to evolve. More
complex and sophisticated mythologies we developed through mythic story
and ritual. All of these steps formed a foundation for what we call Education.
During this third epoch people's consciousness was primarily identified with the
cultural myths of their group and was engendered through group identification)'
As the fourth epoch began to unfold, an individualistic mindset gradually
evolved with the development of the capacity for self-observation and reflection.
This development seems to occur at an especially accelerated rate in Western
'cultures. With the development and associat ed repercussions of Western science
and Individualist ideologies, the uniquely 1.::.-m-sonal mythology of self-determin-
ing individuals began to characterize social, economic, political, religious, and
philosophical consciousness)"

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The "individual ego writ large" became the ordering paradigm of the
culture and mythology of Western society. I: affected everything, and Western
science and technology became both the tools and the icons of the Western
individualist. In essence, the Hero myth became the ordering paradigm of
consciousness in the West.''
Today, a new paradigm and new era of myth are beginning to unfold. This
paradigm is reflecting a new stage of human consciousness as it wrestles with an
evolving global community, the unfolding environmental crises, and progressive
democratization. The new paradigm and emerging myths are reflecting a
mutualism and interconnection of all aspects of the earth. These new myths, by
necessity of human survival, must be Earth centered mythologies. The concomi-
tant education must reflect the teaching/learning process and content appropri-
ate for such new myth making.
"The cost of having placed 'the individualism of the heroic journey
above the values of caring and connectedness continue to mount. A new
vision of democracy is urgently needed that can support the individual and
at the same time promote a greater sense of community and more harmoni-
ous international relationship."8
Indigenous education and its expression in various cultures around the
world reflect all the mythic stages of human consciousness. They form frames of
reference for perceiving the whole evolution of human consciousness. In
studying Indigenous education, every modern cultural group may explore the
reality of the mythic thinking process through its manifestations. This introduces
a mythological literacy to modern education, which is devoid of such explora-
tions except in the highly specialized domain of the mythologist.
The re-emphasis on a mythologically instructed community presents a
missing dimension of contemporary Indian education. This concept is desper-
ately needed by Indian people and communities as they wrestle with the forces
of change and deculturalization in an American society that is still guided by a
mythology of the "Ego Writ Large". For American Indian people the frames of'
reference from historic/traditional American cultures are extensive.
Beyond addressing the acute educational needs of' Indian communities,
modern educators must realize that they urgently need to integrate and intercon-
nect in a mutualistic way with the educational perspectives of' other cultures. In
this respect, Indigenous education and its inherent emphasis on the mythological
perspective has much to offer to the evolution of modern education. However,
Indigenous people must take the responsibility for leading themselves and
stimulating the consciousness of their counterparts in Western society toward
such basic realizations.

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The insights presented by American Indian mythology (as a body of

content and a process of thought and psychological exploration) have always
presented a significant and readily accessible foundation for developing an
Indigendusly inspired education process. The evolution of a contemporary
Indigenous philosophy of education also offers an authentic tool for countering
deculturalization and alienation. It does this by offering a way to resynthesize
foundational Native American myths into a contemporary context of meaning.
Each person evolves their own personal mythology and perceives and acts
through the lens of that myth of self-creation. In the process of learning and
education, one's personal myth intertwines with a group myth that has been
elaborated to preserve that group's way of life.
If one's personal myth is wholesome and able to integrate well with the
group's myth (as espoused through its educative process), then there is
resonance with that group's world view. Education and the learning that
results are compatible with the norms and expectations of that group, and
there is little dissonance.
On the other hand, if one's personal myth has another cultural frame of
reference or is significantly different from the educational myth of the group
doing the schooling, the potential for conflict and resistance is great.
Alienation is the result of such a dilemma, and a search for alternatives
becomes a natural response. Mirrored in such alienation are dysfunctional
personal/mythic perspectives. This is exactly the dilemma of many American
Indians, both young and old. The creative solution is to construct an educational
process that resonates with a functional cultural/mythic perspective that is
healthy and fits contemporary life.
American Indians are a homogeneous, yet heterogeneous, people.
Though this statement sounds paradoxical, it is valid from a mythological
perspective. Indigenous people of the Americas share elementary ideas and
cultural values whose symbolic meanings and archetypes are similarly
interpreted from tribe to tribe. In spite of anthropological and archeological
statements that American Indians are as different from one another cultur-
ally as Germans and Chinese, Indian people from the tip of South America
to Alaska recognize their innate relatedness. As a whole, Indian people share
guiding thoughts, elemental ideas, symbols, and metaphors that cannot be
denied. One such shared body of elemental ideas and archetypes occurs in
the area ofeducational process. Thus the foundation for various expressions
of educational philosophy in a Tribal context.
The differences of American Indians lie in the way each Tribal/cultural/
social group has expressed this shared cultural mythological paradigm of

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education. The variations are a result of the circumstance of adaptation to a

geographical environment, the evolution of their world view, and the Tribal
group's unique history. While a tribe is unique in terms of language, adaptation
experience, and expression of cultural traitsTribal groups employ similar
conceptual-symbolic frameworks constructed around mythical life symbols.
These represent the seeds from which cultural and mythic knowledge and
process may grow and bear new fruits. It is possible to evolve learning and
teaching models that build on shared ideas while honoring unique differences.
This is especially true regarding the myths a tribe has preserved through its oral
tradition. Indigenous teaching is essentially rooted in the structure and process
of storying. Story has been a primary Way for connecting each generation of
Indian people to each other. Story is the way that we remember to remember who
we are, where we have come from, and where we can go as we enter the twenty-
first century.

Indigenous Teaching as Story

The telling of story is such a universal part of human communication and learning
that it may be that story is one of the most ba.%ic ways the human brain structures
and relates experience. Everything that humans do and experience revolves
around some kind of story. The predominance of television and the other mass
media in modern life is largely because they are vehicles For storytelling, i.e., the
transfer of information to relate a message or convey a meaning. Story is the way.
humans put information and experience in context to male it meaningful. Even
in modern times we are one and all storied and storying beings. At almost every
moment of our lives, from birth to death and even in sleep, we are engaged with
stories of every form and variation.
Stories were the first ways humans stored information; they were the basis
of the oral traditions of all Tribal people. Since the beginning of human history,
Tribal cultures have ordered the understandingand meaning of human existence
through their remembrance and enactment of stories in ritual, song, dance, and
art. Stories have deep roots stemming not only from the physiology and
contexting process ofthe brain, but also from the very heart of the human psyche.
Stories mirror the way the human mind works, and they map the geography of
the human soul. Yet, stories go beyond education .and the recitation of words.
Indigenous stories related the experience of life lived in time and place. They
were not only a description but an echo of a truth lived and remembered. They
remain the most human of human forms of communication.
It may he that we are all born with a sense of story. A basic wisdom of

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educating is to provide a context in which this natural human sense may be

nourished. Indigenous education imparted an awareness of story that provided
a context through which imagination and the unconscious could develop at all
stages of life. Indeed, Indigenous storytelling engaged all levels of higher order
creative thinking and imaging capacities. Indigenous storytelling developed a
fluency of metaphoric thinking and mythic sensibility that served Indigenous
people in their understanding of their own psychology and maintenance of their
spiritual ecology.
The legacy and the innate learning potential of Indigenous storying must
be recaptured and made an integral part of contemporary Indian education at
every level. The basis of traditional Indian education is embodied in the
structures of myth and oral expression. The development of four basic disciplines
of thinking related to the creative process were engendered as a part Indigenous
storying. These disciplines were attention, creative imagination, flexibility, and
fluency of thinking. Each of these disciplines was exercised within the context
of' telling, enacting, singing, creating, or dancing a story that personified
Indigenous life and meaning. These contexts of Indigenous story are as viable
today as they were in the past. They must become more than just extracurricular
activities reserved for free time and elementary grades. In the research regarding
the educational dimensions of mythological thinking, Indian story making and
telling should become as important to Indian educators as the latest "perpetual
message" on the state of Indian education issued from Washington.''
In reality, what are called "modern educational disciplines" are bodies of
stories. These stories explain and describe knowledge accumulated through the
application of specific methodologies characteristic to each discipline. So science
is a body of stories and has its unique oral tradition. The same is true of modern
art, psychology, sociology, history, and anthropology. Each of these divisions of
Western knowledge has subdisciplines that have theirmvn stories and traditions.
The difference between the transfer' ofknowledge in modern Western education
and that of' Indigenous education is that in Western education information has
been separated from the storie3 and presented as data, description, theory, and
formula. Modern students are left to re-context the information within a story.
The problem is that most students have not been conditioned by modern culture
or education to re-context this information. Their natural sense for story has been
schooled out of them. They do not know how to mobilize their imagination to
interact with the content that they are presented they have lost their innate
awareness of' story.
"The Cree believe that a three-way symbiotic relationship unfolds between
storyteller, story, and listener. Ultimately, if people nourish a story properly, it

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tells them useful things about life:"

Each teacher and student involved in Indian education must relearn and
practice contexting information in culturally sensitive and holistic ways. Making
story the basis of teaching and learning provides one of the best ways to
accomplish this contexting and enhancing of meaning in all areas of content. It
is possible to teach all content from the basis of story. We can again allow teachers
to truly become storytellers and storymakers, and allow students to become
active listeners. Teaching is essentially a communicative art form based on the
ancient Tribal craft ofstorying. We must once again nourish our stories properly!
A curriculum founded on American Indian myths in science might revolve
around stories of human relationships to plants, animals, natural phenomena,
and the places in which Indian people live. This could also include stories of
technological achievements of Indian people in such areas as plant medicine,
architecture, astronomy, and agriculture as well as actual experimentation with
'Tribal technologies. Traditional American Indian art forms, since they are
expressions of American Indian Nature based technologies, could be used in a
variety of ways to explore American Indian themes and orientations to science.
American Indian myths and art forms can be used strategically and creatively in
the introduction of Western science to American Indians.!'
Creating a classroom environment in which the Indigenous foundation of
storytelling and storymaking again flourish is a creative challenge whose
potential benefit far outweighs the effort required to bring it into being. Storying
is a natural part of all learning. What is required is learning how to facilitate and
guide its development in students. Indigenous education has always been
characterized by a process of co-creation between teachers and students. The
enablement of storytelling within the classroom is indeed a co-creation in which
teachers and students learn the discipline of storytelling through constantly
finding, or making, stories and telling them. Empowering the creative process of
storying in both teachers and students requires nothing more than becoming
conditioned for it. Just as distance runners condition themselves for running by
increasing their distance a bit each month, maintaining a proper diet and a
balanced schedule of work and recreation, teachers and students can condition
themselves for ever greater capacities for storying. The following groups of
activities are possible ways to bring the creative conditioning for Indigenous
storying back into being.
First, creating opportunities to be in Nature and partake directly from the
natural sources of life and creativity; gaining a perspective of past, present, and
future through selected stories of one's tribe and place; and, recognizing and
honoring our teachers that are in ourselves, in our relationships with others, and

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in the natural world. This triad represents the development of orientations that
facilitate the deeper and more creative exploration of story.
Second, freeing our vision of preconceived notions and attitudes that are
obstacles to our creative process of storying; exercising our imagination through
creating and discussing all kinds of stories; and learning to envision a story from
all sides to gain an understanding of all its dimensions and to practice the skill of'
thinking comprehensively. This triad represents the preparations needed to
enhance the ability to comprehend a story with greater levels of clarity.
Third, learning to apply the lessons that come from storying to other life
experiences; learning the techniques of Indigenous story making, story giving
and story getting, all of which are centered in the'social and interpersonal realm
of' community; and learning the communicative art of performing story in a
variety of forms and settings, the foundation of the participatory and celebratory
experience of' story. This triad forms the foundation for applying stories in an
integrated experience of learning and teaching that includes other forms of art
and educational content.
Collectively, Indian people must address the inherent challenge of finding
xvays to live their guiding myths through contemporary life and educational
contexts. The challenge is difficult, but the myths we live by define us as Tribal
people, and when these defining myths cease to live through us, we become truly
image without substance. Alienated from the roots of our primal stories, we
become adrift in the vast ocean of contemporary mass society, continually trying
to define ourselves through pre-packaged images and distorted stories that are
not our own. Living our myths through a contemporary form of Indigenous
storying ensures that we remain connected to the guiding stories that have given
us life and "that place that the Indians talk about."
"Whenever men have looked for something solid on which to found their
lives, they have chosen not the facts in which the world abounds, but the myths
of an immemorial imagination. "22

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THE VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

Overview

N THE UNFOLDING} OF INDIGENOUS TRIBAL EDUCATION, the visionary and artistic

contexts share a mutually reciprocal relationship. Indeed, they interpenetrate
1 one another in their sharing and elaboration of dream, image, and creative
response. Their forms ofexpression may differ, but their meanings stem from the
same sources the spiritual and mythic roots of a tribe. Both contexts reflect and
honor an inner alchemy of the visionary/artist whose task becomes that of'
representing, sharing, and celebrating these roots. It is the divine dream, and the
representation of its essence through symbolic images, that transforms both
visionary/artist and user in some significant way and communicates some
significant meaning. Vision and Art structure and bring to completion a trans -
formative process ollearning and development. Vision and Art reflect the reality
of' humans as imaginative and fully creative beings.
The tracks of Vision and Art can be traced back to the realm of dream and
myth, which are the origin and motivation for creative expression. The first
visionary, the first artist, was none other than the First Shaman, who sanctified
and legitimized his/her vision through dream and myth.
"The Blackfoot Indians tell us that it was Old Man who showed them
how to make everything they needed. 'Always at bottom there is a divine
revelation, a divine act, and man has only the bright idea of copying it'... The
first god-begotten hero-king of all nations and races like Osiris in Egypt
and Quetzalcoatl in Mexico, was the one who taught the arts and showed
people how to make tools."'
indeed, it is to the First Shaman that the guiding visions, the sacred arts,
di,: knowledge of medicine, hunting, building, learning, and living in one's
environment are usually ascribed. The shaman was the first dreamkeeper, the
first artist, the first poet, the first hunter, the first doctor, the first dancer, singer,
and teacher. While the shaman personified the archetypal visionary and artist,
these are potentials that abide in each and every one of' us, every man, every
woman, and every child. Tribal people understood and honored this potential,
this calling as an integral part of learning, being, and becoming complete.

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Through encouragement, through ritual, through training and practice, Tribal

people formed and guided this reflection of the divine in each:other.
This chapter follows the tracks of the visionary and artist of Indigenous
America. Thefinit track reveals the nature of dream and vision as viewed through
the eyes and words of American Indian visionaries and artists, both past and
present. The secondtrack explores the central role of vision in the context of Tribal
educative endeavors. The thin) track reflects on the alchemy of' the creative
process from the perspective of transformation and orientation. Thef writ, track
enters the realm of the Ceremony of Art as both a process and a context for deep
learning and understanding among Indigenous people.
From each of the aforementioned tracks radiate concentric rings that
overlap, not only the other tracks, but the previous foundation of myth. The
triad of myth, vision, and art resonates with the other foundations of the
environment, affective and communal. The integrated whole of' Indigenous
education becomes more apparent as we explore this dimension of "that
place Indian people talk about."

Creating Through Dream and Vision In Native America

Dream and Vision are an integral dimension of artistic creation. For Indigenous
people. there exists a huge body of' belief regarding the nature of dreams and
visioning. This body of belief is itself very ancient, with its roots first being
reflected thousands of years ago. during the creative explosion of the upper
Paleolithic. This is when both Neanderthals and Cro-Magnons first began
imaging their dreams on cave walls and in clay, wood, and stone. Of this diverse
and extensive body of belief, the understanding that dreams represent the life of
our spirit is the most commonly held and represented. A foundation of Lakota
spiritual belief is that seeking a vision through the execution of proper rituals.
fasting, and sacrifice brings one into contact with the dream world and the
spiritual energy contained therein.
Among the Lakota, the elders tell that everything consists of four unique, yet
wholly integrated, spiritual counterparts. These counterparts are similar to what
Western theologians call "souls". The first of these souls is called "Niya" (life breath)
and is the essence t hat animates all beings and entities. The second counterpart is called
the "Nagi" and is similar to the unique personality exhibited by each person or entity,
be it plant, animal, or other material forms. The third soul is called "Sicun" and is that
special property, power, or way of being that sets it apart as a group or family. For
example, Grizzly Bear, Wite-tailed Deer, Blue Spruce Tree, Sweet Grass or
Obsidian Flint would characterize distinct groups or entities with special traits and

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 THE VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

properties. The fourth soul, the "Nagila" is the universal base energy that courses
through all things; it is the ground energy of the Universe, the breath of the Great
Mystery, the "Takuskan Skan" in all things.'
During the Lakota Sundance, the "Hanbleceya" (crying for a dream) is the
time. after extensive fasting and physical sacrifice, that the four souls of the
sundancers may be activated to interact with the souls of other spirits and entities
of the world through a vision. If the sundancer is of good heart and has prepared
properly, he may enter a visionary state of dream. The interactions that occur
between souls therein impart important knowledge and understandings that the
sundancer becomes obliged to share with others for the good and the life of the
People. As Arthur Amiotte, Lakota artist and educator states:
One is more than mere physical being, the possibility for interac-
tion, transaction, and intercourse within other dimensions of time,
place and being is what the dream experience is to the Lakota: an
alternative avenue of knowing.'
As an alternative avenue of knowing and learning, dreaming has served
Indian people in substantial ways. As with the Lakota, dreaming was recognized
by all American Indian societies as a way of creating and understanding the
essential nature of relationship within and outside one's self. The use and context
of' dreaming varied widely from tribe to tribe and region to region. But in every
case, dreams and the more ritualized and structured form of' visioning were an
integral part of' American Indian ritual, ceremony, and natural philosophy.
Among some tribes, dreams and their Tribal structuring through visioning
were important enough to warrant a special status in the social organization of
a tribe, with special roles and designation given to the dream interpreter or the
dream societies that choreographed visioning ceremonies.
Dreams were deemed important avenues for glimpsing the future, finding
that which had been lost, understanding the cause of psychological disharmony,
and the origin of needs and wishes that must be honored. Throughout Indian
America, dreams and dreaming were considered essential to success and
happiness in life. This valuing of dreams set the psychological and social context
necessary for receiving, remembering, and incorporating dreams into the reality
of everyday living.
Indeed, Indian .dreamers within a social context that valued dreams,
developed extensive abilities to plan and manipulate the content of their dreams
toward desired outcomes. In every tribe there were cultural and social rewards
for dreams that helped the people. And through rewarding culturally significant
dreams, Indians reinforced the role of dreaming in the fabric of their social/

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cultural being. With such incentives, Indian dreamers actively soLght to catch
hold of any dream song or dream object that might symbolize an aspect of the
deepest sense of themselves or of the people, their tribe or clan. It was through
such dreams and visions that Indians created meaningful personal and group
rituals, ceremonies or customs, many of which continue to be enacted today.
Indians also gave their dreams creative waking form through art, song, dance,
story, poetry, ritual, or ceremony. It is through art that Indian people continue
to communicate their dreams today.'
Taken as a whole, Indians used dreams effectively in a variety of problem-
solving and learning situations that required them to come to know their inner
selves. To achieve this required the development of a direct and practiced
understanding °fan ecology' of the mind and spirit seldom equaled in contempo-
rary times. From the earliest ages, children were conditioned, not only to honor
their dreams, but also to learn how to manipulate them toward desired outcomes.
In short, many Indians learned how to dream for effect. By coming to terms with
their fears, their hopes, their ambitions, and their shortcomings through honor-
ing theirdreams and learning from them, many Indians developed a steadfast and
self-reliant nature that enabled them to cope with stressful situations and face the
trials and tribulations of their lives with a high level of integrity.
That legacy of dreaming, which at the time of the first contact with
Europeans was so apparent, can be revitalized in a contemporary reassertion
of the Indigenous education process. The enabling power of understanding
and honoring the dream process within the context of a new form of' Indian
education is largely an untapped domain. Today, Indigenous people every-
where suffer, in varying degrees, from "cultural schizophrenia." Being
constantly faced with adapting themselves to two very different worlds of
being has caused untold confusion and misery, as well as social and personal
dysfunction among Indian people.
The educational process must again reconnect Indian youth with their
dreaming and creative selves. Through the process of' art making and the
realization of the visioning process as a part of the educative process, great strides
are possible in addressi ng the personal, social, and cultural disintegration that has
become too much a part of the lives of many Indian people today. Denying the
spiritual and psychological importance of dreaming, and not honoring its place
in the educative process, leads to stunting an elemental process of' human
learning. It ensures that a cultural/social schizophrenia will continue to manifest
in American Indians and take its toll on their lifeblood, be they young or old,
reservation or urban, blue or white collar, full blood or mixed blood.
The key to this existential dilemma lies, in part, in learning and understand-

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ing how to apply the creative process of' visioning in a meaningful and direct way
within a contemporary Indian educational setting. Visions are essential: they are
integral to individual and communal success, and they are a foundation of
conscious evolution and human development.

The Role of Vision In Indigenous Education

Visioning embodies and focuses our creative power to visualize and realize new
entities in communion with others and with our spirit. Visions always mirror
what we deem sacred and intimately important to us. Also, visions relate, and act
to integrate, all aspects of our lives. Visions are always about our individual
movement toward wholeness. Whether the visions are for and about ourselves,
our work, our community, or the whole world, they affect us at our deepest level
of being. Honoring and living through vision is a quintessential learning process.
Living through vision engenders living for a purpose and, as such, significantly
enhances the meaning and quality we find in living. Vision forms a contextual
frame of reference through which we can measure, relate, and act during our
daily lives. As a whole, visions are the source or the important motivation dour
lives and the straightest path to fulfilling our innate human potential'
It is no wonder that visions held and continue to hold such an important
place in many Indian societies. The process of' visioning is a basic creative
response to making meaning of life. Visions are, indeed, for life's sake.
The elaborations of' visioning through ritual and ceremony by Indian
people are pregnant with spiritual and psychological meanings. These elabora-
tions themselves model the integration of myth, dream, art, ecological philoso-
phy, communality, and spirit. In the Lakota Sundance, myth, art, ritual, depth
psychology, and human community combine with dream to produce a fully
integrated sphere oreducittion toward the goal of developing a corn plete and fully
potentiated human life. The Vision quest, among the Lakota, is to find life in one's
being, in one's world,. and in one's community of relationships.
'To find our life' is the translation of the Huichol Indians' pilgrimage to the
mythical land of Wirikuta where Peyote, the Huichol sacrament ()Hire, grows in
abundance. I )wring the pilgrimage, the Huichol make a variety of stops at sacred
sites, which include springs, small hills, and canyons."
At each of these stops the I luichol pilgrims retell the deeds of their
ancestors at these sites (luring that first pilgrimage to the land of Wirikuta. At
each site the Huichol, in a sense, bring themselves into resonance with a
dimension of' their souls and their guiding cultural myth in preparation for the
vision t hat they will seek after picliing t he Peyote. In short, I Ittichol pilgrims form

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a communal bond with each other, their guiding myths and their sacrament,
which is the Peyote. They delve deeply into the essence of their relationships. The
pilgrimage embodies the preparation, sacrifice, and transformation that opens
each pilgrim to the creative potential inherent in the process of visioning.
When the Huichol arrive in Wirikuta, they ritually hunt the Peyote as they
would hunt a deer, that life-giving animal that for them symbolizes the spiritual
yet illusive essence of peyote and the life-finding gift of vision that it presents.'
After collecting Peyote, the pilgrims present their offerings of yarn paint-
ings and accompanying prayers and prayer feathers. These embody their wishes
and their hope for a guiding personal vision that will help them to find their life.
Their presentation is made to "Tate wa ri", the sacred fire, and "Kauyumari", the
five-pointed deer, whose essence is the Peyote. As they sit around their sacred
fire, they share with each other, as ritual food, selected peyote buds representing
the "five sacred colors of corn'?
As they sit in vigil through the night, eating peyote, awaiting their
individual visions, the pilgrims retrace their lives and the reasons and events that
have brought them to find their life. One by one, each pilgrim receives a vision
and direct insight about their spiritual selves. Each pilgrim receives the gifts of
their creative vision that later may form the basis for a series of yarn paintings,
a song, a personal ceremony, or even another pilgrimage to learn more and gather
new insights and creative gifts.'
Such visioning is always a profound transformative experience that'will
deeply affect their lives and their relationships from that time on. As such, the
Huichol pilgrimage outlines the archetype of' questing for a vision. Both as a
group and as individuals, the people who have journeyed to Wirikuta, the place
where their Mother Peyote dwells, "have found themselves" as the Huichol say.
They have received their life; they have received their vision.
I have eaten the pure foam of the sea! Who
now knows better how to sing, how to dance?
Who now knows better how to paint with yarn'?
Who now knows how to plant? it is I, I now
know how to do this best. I have eaten the pure
foam of the sea! I have eaten the pure foam of' the sea!'"
The Huichol pilgrimage illustrates vividly how dream and vision work in
the Indigenous educative process. There are dozens of examples from other
American Indian tribes and other Indigenous people around the world. What is
important is that we understand that there are basic principles inherent in the
process of visioning that have direct implications fora more complete approach

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to education, one that recognizes and claims an integrated process of learning.

These basic principles as reflected in visioning, include:
i. Visions are always holistic. They are interdependent with and acted
upon by every other aspect of a whole system, be that the individual,
the family, tribe, or a social/physical environment.
2. Visions unfold through symbiotic cooperative activity with others in a
complementary give-and-take relationship. Visions in groups are
always about working together to gain common goals.
3. Visions have an innate pattern that is characteristic of both the
individual and the inherent nature of the vision itself. Visions have a
rhythmic life of their own whose cycles of evolution and development
have to he understood and honored.
4. Visions and their implementation teach us about the nature orlearning
as a journey toward a greater level or completeness. In questing for a
vision, we learn not only about trials, tribulations, sacrifice, and real
work, but also about our strengths, weaknesses, and our innate
creative potentials) '
The potential of teaching for vision and engaging students in the creative
process of visioning is literally revolutionary in its implications for contemporary
education. Through facilitating the understanding of their dreams and condi-
tioning them for the creative process of visioning, we allow students an avenue
for learning that capitalizes on one of the most basic and ancient contexts for
developing self-knowledge.
This would require a complete restructuring or what we now know as the
school. Whether or not this can become a reality in the institutions of mainstream
American education is debatable. But for Indian people and Tribally controlled
schools, a contemporary expression of this concept would seem essential.
The reintroduction of such a process into Indian education would allow
Indian people to cultivate in themselves the efficacy of Tribal modes of knowing
and understanding. It would be a cultu rally based methodology whose principles
are recognized and applied in traditional Tribal settings where visioning rituals
still exist. The difference would be only in the nature orthe approaches used: that
is, the Tribal setting focuses on 'Tribally specific ritual and values, while a school
version would focus only on universals and views using combinations ortools and
appropriate media.
Indian young peop:, iced to be given opportunities to learn again how to

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live through vision and reconnect their contemporary lives with that of their
Tribal heritage. By living through vision, young people learn how to reconnect
with and honor their own nature; they learn how to live a life in touch with their
individual creative sources. They learn to live life purposefully and understand
life and education as a process toward becoming complete.
As Linda Marks so beautifully states in her book, Living with Vioim, to
develop a visionary process means to develop the ability:
"...wore the way things are; to see how things can be; to know what
needs to be done from where we are to where we are going; to know
what part we are to play in partnership with others; to feel the
inspirat ion and call to act; and to be able to know and take appropriate
action to live a life with purpose.''''
The essential dilemma of many Indian young people is how to live
purposefully. Indian youth need to see the relationships among Indian cultural
values, finding a purpose for their lives, understanding the kind of work they
need to act on purpose. and developing of a vision that guides them toward
fulfillment of themselves as complete human beings.
This is exactly what the context and process of' dreaming and visioning
were able to accomplish for Indian people in the past. Visioning continues to do
this today for those tribes and those individuals who have the remnants of this
once-great and highly effective educative process. Will Indian people, Tribal
leaders, Indian professionals, and Indian educators heed such a call'? This
question is yet to be answered, and it is a question that only Indian people
themselves can answer.

Art and Alchemy

Art was a monumental evolution in the development of human learning. Art,

which is the transformation of raw materials into a form that reflects
meaning to both artist and user, is equally a reflection of' an elemental
transformation. Indeed Art, in its highest forms of expression, is a kind of
magic. And in this magic of creation, the artist becomes immersed within his
media and the mind of creation.
To honor this intimate and spiritual relationship, the artist must understand
and master his own creative center through patient and exercised discipline. The
artist must work with: clarity of purpose; an understanding and true appreciation
of' his materials and his tools; an inner harmony and vitality of spirit, mind, and
body; and a focused meditative attention that exercises his full intelligence in a

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 Tt it VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

prayerful act of bringing an entity, a form that lives, into being.

The creation of art is an alchemy of process in which the artist becomes
more himself through each act of true creation. He transfers his life in a dance of'
relationship with the life inherent in the material that he transforms into an
artistic creation.
In each process of creation, there must bean initiation, purification, death,
and rebirth of the artist through focused creative work. In working, reworking,
and suffering into being a work of art, the artist is creating and recreating himself.
It is, in a metaphoric sense, a matter of' life, death, and rebirth.
This is the vital essence of artistic creation that the master Indigenous
artist knows so well. This is the age-old ceremony of' art whose aim is the
making of' one's sell, the celebrating and symbolizing of' an aspect of life
deemed important to the artist, and the reality that he sees and shares with
his tribe, his people, and himself.
The master Indigenous artist was set apart from others of his tribe only by
his relative level of' practice and skill in a particular art form. All Tribal people
engaged in the creation of artistically crafted forms. Young and old, men and
women, each in thei r own measure participated in the making olthings. Whether
songs, ceremonies, dances, pottery, baskets, dwellings, boats, or bows, Indig-
enous people were one and all engaged in creating the utilities of their lives. Art
was an integral expression of' life, not something separate; it rarely had a
specialized name. The modern perception of art For art's sake, as it is defined and
expressed in modern and usually egocentric terms, had little meaning in
Indigenous society. Everyone was an artist, a maker of things, and the things
made always had their proper form and use as well as inherent symbolic meaning.
In each case, the traditional art form reflected the mythos of the tribe, that is, the
way a people viewed and understood themselves. The Indigenous artist instilled
meaning in every work he created. He made the divine, as he and his people
defined it, visible through his art. Art was a way of expressing his whole being
in relationship with his tribe and the spiritual essences that moved his world.
Therefore, Indigenous art was functional and meaningful at the same time.
There was no separation between craft and ri n e art as exists today in modern
Western society.
Primitive man, despite the pressure of' his struggle for existence,
knew nothing of such merely Functional arts.... He could not have
thought of meaning as something that might or might not be added
to useful objects at will. Primitive man made no real distinction of
sacred from secular: his weapons, clothing, vehicles, and house were

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all of'thern imitations of divine prototypes, and were to him even more
what they meant than what they were in themselves; he made them
this 'more' by incantation and by rites... to have seen in his artifacts
nothing but the things themselves, and in the mythos a mere anec-
dote, would have been a mortal sin, for this would have been the same
as to see in oneself nothing but the 'reasoning and mortal animal', to
recognize only 'this man', and never the 'form of humanity:13

Indigenous Arts Are Mandalas of Creative Transformation

Traditional American Indian art forms are created for a specific purpose or
activity and have been handed down from teacher to pupil through a
symbolic initiatory process that significantly transforms the pupil. It also
reflects the mythos of the tribe and has meaning and value for the tribe
generations after its creation,
The educative foundation of' traditional art forms is inherent in the
ceremony °fits creation. For the Indigenous artist, traditional art influenced the
form and expression of life as well as providing a pathway to commune with the
Great Mystery. The creation dart was a mandala of process for the re-creation
ofthe Tribal artist. It was also a way to evoke and focus the re-creative and healing
power of the foundational guiding myths and traditional knowledge of a tribe.
The outcome of this approach to art-making was a reforming of both artist
and participants to a higher level of completion. Art, viewed in this way, becomes
a series of' acts for developing and perpetuating a process of life-enhancing
relationships. In this context, the ceremony of making becomes far more than the
product; the product becoming only a symbolic documentation of the creative
and spiritual process that gave it form. However, because such forms were
created with a specific intention, many were used to evoke creative magic
through ritual and ceremony. Artifacts created in this way were used and reused
as needed, while others, such as the Navajo ceremonial sandpainting, are
destroyed after they have served their curative reharmonizing purposes.
The concept of the mandala is useful in understanding the inherent
wholeness of this way Wailing" and how the transformation and rejuvenation
occur. The word mandida comes from the Sanskrit and means 'cer. ter' or 'to circle'
or 'in the middle place'. In every respect, the mandala repre,,ents a structural
metaphor for wholeness or completion. The mandala is an chetypal structure
whose variations can be found in sacred art traditions, ranging from architecture
to iconography to weaving to sandpainting.

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 Ti it VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

Wherever the mandala structure is found, it conforms to four basic

characteristics. It has a center, reflects a basic symmetrical pattern, has a
boundary defined by cardinal points, and has a specialized construction that
provides a tool for concentration and meditation toward a pre-defined put-pose.
The creation ola mandala embodies a therapeutic ritual that honors our impulse
toward wholeness through striving toward centering, healing, health, and
transformative growth and development.
A primary function of creating a mandala is to engender a process that
recognizes the relatedness of elements in a specific context to a person, place, or
group. Mandalas show the relationships of elements to problems that are being
addressed. In the reflection of relationships, mandalas also mirror the nature of'
self-relatedness to the creator or participants.
It may be said that each person is a living mandala at the physical/mental/
social and spiritual levels. The mandala is an elemental learning tool. Through its
construction each person must learn: to cone< :,crate their various levels of being,
to understand their basic orientations, and to know their center, in order to
release the creative eners' stored therein.
The creation of' art by Indigenous artists mirrors the creation of
mandalas. Some Tribal arts, such as the Navajo Sand pai nti ng, are rnandalas.
In the creation of' a mandala, distinct stages of' development are readily
apparent. For instance, the creation of' a mandala begins with cleansing
one's being through prayer, fasting or meditation to increase the receptivity
of the artist to his/her creative task.
This is fbi lowed by an activity t hat helps to rollert he artist's mind, body, and
soul through concentrating one's energy inward, thereby energizing the creative
spirit. Then there is an orienl big of one's self' to the creative task by: ordering
preliminary activities, preparing tools, testing patterns, immersion in prepara-
tory actions, research, and gathering of' necessary materials.
The next step, which is eon, tructidn of the actual artifact, comprises the
creation or putting together of' the parts. This making of' the artifact, dancing of
the dance, or singing of the songs, is the direct expression of the activity
completed in prior stages. in a mandala process the creation or performance is
not the end, but rather the middle point.
To complete the whole of a mandala process, there must be a complemen-
tary side to that of production. This complement might best be termed the making
of meaning or reflection. In the making dr( mandala, there must be a stage of
internalizing the inherent message °Idl mandala hy the maker, the audience, the
user. This is the point where all who have participated in the mandala process
identify with its essence, its spirit. Once this identification has occurred, there is

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the need for a gradual detachment from emotional states that usually characterize
the identification stage. This is a stage of letting go. It flows into the next two
stages: reintegration into a more basic level of being, and acitaz/ization into everyday
life what has been learned about oneself and the purpose of the mandala. This is
exactly what happens in the whole-making process of the Navajo Sandpainting."
A mandalic process characterizes the making of sacred or ceremonial forms
among many Indigenous people. Traditional art forms among Indigenous
people, regardless of their mode of expression, integrate and reflect the essence
of the people. The mandalic process structurally articulates the sacred play
between creativity and entropy for all those who participate in its unfolding.

The Ceremony of Art:

A Way of Seeing and Expressing In Indigenous Education

The human need to express through art has its roots in the deep reaches of man's
hunter/gatherer origins. Art, as a human thinking and expressing process, is
intimately connected to the creative explosion of human consciousness. Asa facet
of creative consciousness, Native American art presents a reality that is at once
specifically unique, yet humanly universal. In addition, the process and product
of Indigenous educational philosophy is intimately expressed through the
various Native American art forms. Expression of' Native American art presents
what is inherently real about the Native American experience and understanding
of the world past, present, and future. Native American arts show the possibili-
ties, the many different windows, from which to view the world. Each window,
and the doorway that accompanies it, opens upon other possibilities of' human
experience that also have validity.
Traditional arts of Native America chronicle cultural realities whose
richness and potential for human understanding are only now being revealed
through contemporary research and American Indians telling their own story.
An often hidden, yet all-imporl t aspect °fart is the nature of the work, or the
process of creation of the art. This art provides reflections of the Indigenous
educational process, that is, the conditioned way of' thinking with its aesthetic,
social, psychological, spiritual, and ecological perspectives. This approach to art
was and is an integrated expression of an art of' living. This sensibility for the
art of living evolved over millennia and continues to be reflected in contem-
porary Indian arts, even with the incorporation of new materials, mediums,
and Western European influences. As a whole, it is a process that engenders
becoming fully human.
This reflection or sensibility is exactly what one must begin to see to learn

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how to unpack the conditioning presents both the challenge and the fresh look
at the educative process and the evaluating nature ofIndian art forms. It was this
brilliantly unique and inventive nature of Native American art forms that
affected the sensibilities of modernist art as reflected in the work of artists Henry
Moore, Martha Graham, Jackson Pollack, Georgia O'Keeffe, and many others.
The Tribal way of art allowed everyone to share in a particular expression
and process of culture and living. Art was viewed as an expression of life and was
practiced, to one extent or another, by all the people of a tribe. Traditionally, art
was an anonymous activity expressing a unique cultural perspective of living.
Despite the anonymity of most American Indian art works, the creativity,
craftsmanship, and ingenuity of the individuals with vision shone through with
exceptional clarity. Such talent reflected the consummation and integration of
the Indigenous educational aims of developing people with a heart, a face, and
a visionary foundation. The Tribal artist individuated a tradition of creating
through time and space.
Whereas myth is reflective of inner psychology and cultural concepts
through imagery and symbol, art gives a concrete and tangible expressive form
to these dimensions. Art, then, is a primary foundation of the Indigenous
education process. As product, art makes tangible this process. As process, art
is an integral part of the product itself.

Art As A Way of Ceremony and Transformation

Just as each individual sees reality in a unique way so does each society, and
each generation in a society, understand reality uniquely. Art is a way of seeing,
of being, and of becoming. To see the expressive realities art presents, one must
first learn how to look. To understand this development of art as a way of seeing
requires that one recognize the inherent ritual and ceremony of art as an ongoing
dimension of Indigenous education process.'`'
"The complex process by which an artist transforms the act of seeing into
a vision of the world is one of the consummate mysteries of the arts one of the
reasons that art for tribal people is inseparable from religion and philosophy. The
act of' envisioning and then engendering a work of' art is an important and
powerful process of' ritualization . . . The act of' ritualization is a metaphoric
process whether we are speaking in terms of visual art and architecture, of epic
poetry or the performing arts."'"
Indigenous artisans selected those features ofwhat was being depicted that
conveyed its vitality and essence, and expressed them directly in the most
appropriate medium available. This approach as opposed to the attempt to

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conform to intellectualized theory or schools of thought or depict the exact

form reflects the basic foundation of ritual creation of traditional Tribal art.
The emphasis in the creation of traditional art is on getting to the heart, the spirit,
of' an event or entity.
Art in primal societies reflected the ritualization of' the life process. For
much of' Indigenous art, the aliveness of an artifact was the primary aesthetic
criteria, rather than its beauty. This did not mean that Indigenous artifacts were
not beautiful, rather their inherent beauty was a natural by-product of their life.
The life inherent in much of I ndigenous art reflects a process/product of the
Indigenous educative process. Gaining insight into the nature of Indigenous
education, through an exploration of its foundations, represents important
insight for the new paradigm of education. To get at the meat of the matter as it
concerns the role of art in the Indigenous education process, an exploration of
the ceremony of art is essential.
The ceremony of art touches the deepest realms of' the psyche and the
sacred dimension of the artistic creative process. This is the level that not only
transforms something into art, but also transforms the artist at the very core of'
being. This way of doing and relating to art makes the process and context of art-
making infinitely more important than the product. This transforming quality of'
creation is inherent in Indigenous American Art in varying degrees from the
purely utilitarian artifact to the shamanistic talisman. The plants, animals, and
the technique and media with which the artifacts are created reflect an integra-
tion and clarity of purpose with mind and heart that accomplished modern artists
have difficulty emulating. The innate Nature centeredness of Indigenous art
represents an educated soulfulness that unfolds through the creative process of
the artist onto the medium.
Indigenous artifacts were created with an acutely developed acknowledg-
ment of the natural elements from which they were made. The most elaborate
examples of' such understanding are Indigenous ceremonial artifacts. Each
component of an artifact was carefully chosen for its integrity of spirit and its
symbolic meaning within the traditions ofa particular t ribe Ihe use of particular
natural pigment, clay, wood, stone, plant or animal parts, gathered from special
places in ritually prescribed ways was common in the creation of ceremonial
artifacts. From intention and conception to completion and use, every step in the
creation of a ceremonial artifact had inherent meaning within a greater perspec-
tive of' relationship to spiritual energy.
Spirit, soul, purpose of each component, and t heir transformation through
artistic creation, were practiced and taught through the deliberate creation of a
context in which process, product, and self might become one. The context that

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 THE VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

allowed this process of teaching to unfold might have been ritual, ceremony,
dance, song, pilgrimage, or any combination thereof.
Creativity and transformation are interrelated in every context or act of
artistic creation. Apprenticeships, formal and informal, were the primary vehicle
for learning a particular art form. In such apprenticeship relationships, the
mentor many times set up conditions in which the apprentice would learn how
to identify with the creation of an artifact. In the making of ceremonial art these
conditions were extended to include the transformation of the apprentice to a
requisite level of consciousness. In this way art became a process of spiritual
training that involved the spiritual development of the artist at every turn. It is
no accident that the first shamans can also be considered the first artists.r
The contexts discernible in the creation of ceremonial art in Indigenous
societies follow this general pattern:'`
A. Preparing: This is a conscious effort to simplify, to become aware, to
sharpen the senses, to concentrate, to revitalize the whole being. The
idea was to develop the ability to imbue an artifact with pure and simple
vitality, to have clarity of' mind and the stamina to undertake a very
difficult and sometimes dangerous task, for example, the initiatory
paintings of the caves of Lasceaux, Tres Fries.
B. Guiding Spirit: Consistent adherence to original intent, the idea of'
applying one's will to concentrate one's whole being into a task, a
creation, a song, a dance, a painting, an event, a ceremony, a ritual, etc.

C. The Source..: Attention to the nature of the sources of raw materials to

be used in the creation of an artifact, especially one for ceremonial
purposes, was essential. Not only the quality of materials was impor-
tant, but how and where they were obtained.
D. Aiberitrq to pattern., yet tramwendblg them (47n/deotgo: "Generally, cer-
emonial artistry acknowledged the inherent mystery, the intrinsic
integrity of both medium and material, but within the parameters and
adherence to a sometimes strict cultural convention."
E. Time: A culturally defined dimension, and when combined with the
intuitive and spiritually conditioned sense of timing applied by the
master artist in the production of ceremonial art, time itself becomes an
artistic: and creative ingredient.
In the creation of ceremonial art. time becomes an important variable.
Artists, in the creation of ceremonial art, concerned themselves with the
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 Lx)K To TI It MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INIAQLNOUS EDUCATION

timeliness of creation from beginning to end.

"Ira tribal carver, blacksmith, weaver, singer, storyteller or whatever was
not a diviner of time, such a person would be consulted, and a favorable time
would be divined for the initiation °fa ceremonial artifact. Through prayer and
transcendence of' mind, the artisans would attempt to 'dance' themselves into
synch ron icity with the appropriate sequence of moments for the creation of the
ceremonial artifact. Through the entire creation process there were a series of
'right' moments or phases which might be suggested by a certain smell, a quality
of' the raw material, a feeling, emotion or dream, which might indicate whether
or not to proceed to the next phase of creation, in short, an alignment ofknowing.
F. Right Place: Time and place are integrally related. Therefore, the place
of creation often becomes a consideration in the creation of ceremonial
artifacts. Certain places were considered by Indigenous groups as
being conducive to certain endeavors. Such places might be character-
ized by invisible qualities, the availability of appropriate materials,
environmental areas conducive to heightened awareness and creativ-
ity, dreaming places. healing places, dancing places, living/setting
places, singing places, and creative places.
Part of the reason for preparation before creation of' ceremonial artifacts
was to be able to locate at the appropriate place for creation, through sensitivity
to feedback at several levels of' awareness.
Location also included a sensitivity to the metaphor of space and
orientation, and alignment of sell with environment and the material used.
Space and location orientation are important considerations in all Indig-
enous people's activities.
G. Letting Go and &omig: Self-effacement and surrender to the contin-
gencies of the task of creation often characterize the production of'
ceremonial art. Such a state of' being might result From the phase of
preparation or at some critical turning point in the creative process.
Regardless °flow the state was reached, it was necessary for it to occur
if artist and artifact were to become one, and if the authentic transfor-
mation of both was to occur.
I I, Ildrbh 'II "r111C t C !Vat C the art I which is imbued
with power and authentically symbolizes an essence... is a struggle of
Finding and sustaining appropriate will. It is only appropriat e will, sustained
by an integrated and properly fOcused vigil, that will align with an eloquent
expression Ora 'truth' of a given indigenous group."

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 THE VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

The struggle to express such a truth through the creation of a ceremo-

nial artifact comes only from a long-practiced faith in the effect of one's work
and purpose. The successful outcome of such a struggle depends on what
can be termed appropriate will. Appropriate will results from a full under-
standing of the repercussions of undertaking a task and the purpose to be
fulfilled by the work that is created. Appropriate will integrates the intention
for creating work and puts in context the planning, vigilance, and devotion
required to bring a work to completion.
f. The Packing of a Symbol: Symbol and symbolization are the essence of
art in every form. Indigenous people believe that symbols have a power
beyond their literal connotations. A symbol might protect one from a
danger or invite it; a symbol might heal or kill, induce fertility or
prevent it, communicate a universal or a specific, trigger empower-
ment or take it away. Through the ceremony of art, Indigenous artists
"packed" a symbol with specific meaning and intent. Petroglyphs
represent a clear exemplification of such a packing process. Each
symbol represents a metaphor whose meaning is in the context of the
myth, experience, or understanding of a Tribal group or clan. The
Kokopeli among Puebloan people or the medicine wheel among the
Sioux are but two of the hundreds of examples of such packed
metaphoric symbols among Tribal people of the Americas.
J. Theligil: Deals with the cultivation of patience and focusing intent and
attention throughout the creation of an artifact. Sustaining appropri-
ate attention to every aspect ofcreating an object is not only a reflection
of vigilance but also an honoring of the process of making through
which each detail of work is given its due. It is a way of prayerful work.
"A primal artisan would never for a moment leave the proximity of the
setting of the task, not for a moment, not even if' it were meat or clay cooking
slowly in the perfect pit or oven."
K. The Comp/etion: Is the completed gathering of everything that needs to
be part of creating and packing into a tangible Form. In this stage the
intent °la created work is crystallized and given physical birth into the
human world of use and understanding. This is where an artifact is
brought into its full physical being, ready to be used and serve its
purposo. As a form, it is packed with potential, but this is not the end
of the Indigenous artistic process, only a transfbrmation of orientation
and locus.
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 LOOK To Tr IF MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

L. The G Amy: Is where the completed form, and the life and meaning
inherent in its physical being, is given up to the purpose and process for
which it has been created. The Give Away marks the entrance of the
artifact into a community for symbolic recognition and use. The
artifact may be used once or may be used and reused many times, but
its meaning is always understood as long as a Tribal group remembers
to remember the context, circumstances, and purpose of its creation.
M. ile,ftbetitv and Appreeu. ztthtz lam' wie leaning: Reflected in the honored
use of the artifact for its designated purpose from one generation to the
next, or over the life span of the individual(s) responsible for its
creation. The aesthetics and value of the artifact are directly related to
what it means and the purpose it serves in a Tribal context. For
instance, the potlatch "coppers" so integral to the Potlatch Giveaways
among Northwest Indian tribes increased in value the more they were
given away by the families who honored their aesthetic and intrinsic
meaning. This is one of dozens of examples.'`'
The Ceremony of Art inherent in the philosophy and use of art among
Indigenous societies presents an essential attitude for the learning, teaching, and
using of art in a contemporary educational context for American Indians. Art and
the making of art are natural cultural modes of expression for American Indians
whose development and process is intimately intertwined with their spiritual
orientation. However, the process and intent of art-making, and art as a way to
educate, must build upon a revitalized foundation of Indigenous art in a
contemporary setting. Art for art sake, art as individual writ large, art as
intellectualization, art as commodity, art as social commentary are all dimensions
of the modern contemporary art world whose consequences today's Indian
artists must come to understand in the evolution ofcontemporary Indian art. This
must be accomplished without contemporary Indian artists losing the under-
standing of the intrinsic power and value of the Ceremony of Art that lies at the
core of what art means and the role it plays in defining the soul of Tribal identity.
To accomplish such a task is a great challenge. Yet, it is of paramount
importance to ensure that the process and meaning of traditional Tribal arts are
riot forgotten, because they are a unique and irreplaceable way for "seeing the
voices of our hearts" and accessing wholeness through the creative process.

Art As A Way of Wholeness, Creativity, and Orientation

The making of art in indigenous societies provided a pathway to wholeness

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 TI ff VNONARY AND AgfISTIC FOUNPATIONS Of TRIM'. EfAJCATION

for both the artist and those who utilized the artist's creations. Indigenous
art provided a vehicle for approaching wholeness in that it required the artist
to honor four orienting roles in the creation of a traditional art form,
especially those created for ceremonial or spiritually empowering purposes.
Applying the Indigenous metaphor of sacred directions, and the expression
of dual yet complementary natures, these basic roles can be characterized
metaphorically as follows. (See Diagram.)
In the East, which represents for many Tribal people of North America
the place of' new beginnings (heralded by the first light of dawn), there is the
orientation of the Shaman/Priest. The pairing of shaman and priest in the
East is metaphorically appropriate in that both archetypes preside over the
visionary and spiritually transforming foundation (which provides the basic
impetus for the making of Indigenous art) and the centering process (which
prepares and guides the artist in the creative process). This is the seeing of
what needs to be done.
In the North is the orientation of the I lunter/Warrior that represent the
tracking, finding, and holding of the manifestations and symbols of both spirit
and vision. This orientation concerns the application of one's innate intuition in
finding those things needled to create art that properly addresses the essential
elements ofthe vision to be created. Through this orientation the creatordevelops
the courage and self-confidence to follow what has been seen. In this orientation
there is also the process of centering, developing the heart and strategy to carry
through the creative act.
In the twilight orientation ofthe West are the Artist/Poet. These archetypes
creatively represent the unfolding of events, beginning in the visionary/spiritual
orientation of the East, through the metaphoric use of images, words, forms,
music, songs, and dance. In the roles as creative presenters of the Sun's
illuminating light, Artist and Poet represent the images, fOrms, thoughts, sounds
or actions that document and illuminate the path toward wholeness.
In the South is the orientation of the PhilosopherfTeacher. These arche-
types represent the quest fOr understanding and organizing the metaphorically
coded messages inherent in the art that has been made. The creative play between
understanding, which is the domain of' t he philosopher, and communicating, the
domain of the teacher, form the infrastructure for the formal and informal
transmission of knowledge and meaning of what has been created. This is the
knowing of' what has been made.
In some indigenous orientations, the South is the source of the fertile.
creative winds and the monsoon rains, which warm and nourish the arid lands
of the Southwest. The philosophical and educational orientations associated
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

with the South provide a poetic and natural frame of reference to reflect on the
creative process of learning through art.

The Cardinal. Orientations of Indigenous Creativity

CREATIVITY

These orientations run parallel to contemporary understandings of the creative

process. In essence, each of' the orientations mentioned mirrors the generally
accepted stages of' the creative process. Viewed from this perspective, First
Insight, the first stage of creation, might be associated with the Artist/Poet. In this
stage creative thought begins with dreams, intuitions, exploration of archetypes,
fbrms and images within the individual or group unconscious. The process then
evolves to a perceptive play with VisualNerbal/Spatial/Tactile or Auditory
symbols and forms. Next comes a period of' searching, introspection, and
intellectualization, which develops the artist/poet's level of sensitivity and
empathy for the creative work. Finally, the creator enters into the realm of macro

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 THE VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TRIBAL EDUCATION

vision, which is characterized by metaphoric thinking and transformative vision

upon the metaphysics and spirituality of that which is to be created.
The second stage of Preparatin/Tin/nerd/on is closely akin to the orientation
of the Philosopher/Teacher. This stage begins with a process ormaking meaning,
addressing contingencies, and exploring key relationships relative to an ap-
proach to an artistic work. There is a learning of tools, research, and application
of strategy and logic to find the best way to make what needs to be made. The
process then moves to more reasoning, symbolization, responding, and search-
ing, combined with establishing the proper emotional and intellectual context for
the making of the artistic work. At the macro level, this stage is marked by
inquiry, scholarship, accumulation of knowledge, and further reflection on the
metaphysics of the work to be done. Through this stage, and the preceding one
of First Insight, the form of the creative work gradually begins to take a tangible
prototypical form.
The third stage of Inca /union closely resembles the orientation of the
Shaman/Priest and is similar to the beginning stage of First Insight. The
difference between the two lies in the relative depth each stage submerges into
the unconscious. While First Insight is more perceptual, Incubation is more
primal and alchemically transformative. The learning that is characteristic of
First Insight and Preparation moves to the deeper unconscious realms of dreams,
drives, archetypes, intuitions, and preconcepts based on life/death symbols.
Incubation, at its deepest levels of expression, gives rise to metamorphic
processes and mythological thinking revolving around transformation and
rebirth. These processes and thoughts are in turn expressed through forms of
initiation, ritual, and ceremony. At the macro level, Incubation engenders
hologizing, healing, and expressions of spirituality including those characteristic
of various religious rites and practices. This stage cooks or fires the forms being
created in the deep kilns of the unconscious.
The fourth and final stage °FP:valuation is similar to the orientation of
the Hunter/Warrior in that evaluation is like finding your prey, producing
the work, and taking a stand in defense of what you have made. Evaluation
primarily involves developing a strategy for presenting a work and address-
ing one's critics and one's shortcomings with courage. As a whole, this stage
engenders self-confidence through boldly taking risks and defending the
principles and integrity of the creative process that has led to the art. At the
macro level, the realization of' this stage results in a state of completion. A
relative state of spiritual centeredness and holistic perspective, which is
expressive of' the good heart engendered by the completion of a creative
work, characterizes this last stage of creativity.
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 LOOK To Ti IE MOUNTAIN: AN EC01.0QY Of- INDIC/ENOUS EDUCATION

Indigenous arts provided and continue to provide a foundational way to

express and nourish the soul of the instinctual human need to learn and create.
Art is an essential part of' human learning and plays a pivotal role in the
development of' the inherent potentials of every person, regardless of social,
cultural, or politiCal status.
The place of the arts in Indigenous educational philosophy is without
question. What is questionable is the reliance upon Western European concepts
dart and the ego-centered, capitalistic, schooling for art that Underpins the tacit
infrastructure of the education of Indians in the arts. There is a Way of Indian
art that is distinctly non-Western, non-European in its orientation, philosophy,
aesthetic criteria, and aims. To understand this difference, it is important to
understand the ceremony dart as it is practiced by Tribal people in the creation
of ceremonial artifacts. For historically, Indian artists created for Life's Sake.

The Analogy of The Tree of Life

The tree of life, as an analogy for the educative process and quest for knowledge,
presents a structural symbol for Indigenous education that embodies its life and
Nature centered orientations. Traditional Tribal art is, in every sense, an
expression of' the relationship of Tribal people to life and Nature. The tree
presents an archetype of life, learning, and development that begins with the
sprouting of a seedling embedded in fertile ground, then moves to the various
stages of growth and developMent, through all seasons of life and its trials and
tribulations until it begins to form seeds of its own. What an amazing natural
analogy for a life of learning. Each specie of tree is a particular tribe originating
and rooted in the soil of a particular place, living and growing into its own
particular form and completing itself in the distinct way °fits species, yet having
its own unique expression of life. The leaves, fruits, and seeds of each tree are the
outward expression of its life and its treeness. Each of these is the expression of
the art and soul of the tree and of' Tribal people. What better analogy for the
process of' Indigenous art could one find?
The sacred tree is a symbolic ecological metaphor represented in myth and
ceremony everywhere in the Americas. Many Indian myths refer to the Tree of
Life, which nourishes and connects all life. It is a symbol of the core orientations
of Indian philosophy, holding life and rooted to the Earth. It is the central axis
around which all life and activity revolve. It is the living symbol and source of that
divine creative energy of' life expressed in language, song, dance and craft. The
roots, trunk, branches and leaves of this sacred tree may be seen as symbolic
expressions of' various dimensions of indigenous education and art orientations.

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 THE VISIONARY AND ARTISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TPJRAL EDUCATION

The thousands ofexpressions of I ndian artare the leaves of this great Treed Life.
May the Great Tree flourish once again and flourish in the hearts of all mankind.

A Tree of Life and Indigenous Artistic Expression

ARTISTIC
EXPRESSIONS

CONTEXT': 'ENVIRONMENT

A :1:112I,ENTATIONS

THE Ckg

v)

SPIRITUAL ECOLOQY AND THEOLOGY OF PLACE

BEST COPY AVAILABLE

1 163
 VII 0
WE ARE ALL RELATED

THE COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INMENOVS EDUCATION

Introduction

MITAKUYE OYASIN, "WE ARE ALL RELATE0, personifies the integra

. tive expression of what Indian people perceive as Community.
Understanding the inclusive nature of this perception is key to
the context in which traditional Indian education occurs. Context is essen-
tial in education and determines both the meaning and application of
teaching and learning.
Relationship is the cornerstone of' Tribal community; the nature and
expression of community are the foundation of Tribal identity. It is through
community that Indian people come to understand the nature of their personhood
and their connection to the communal soul of their people. The community is the
place where the forming of the heart and face ofthe individual as one ofthe people
is most fully expressed. Community is the context in which the Indian person
comes to know the nature of' relationship, responsibility, and participation in the
life of one's people.
The Indian individual is spiritually interdependent upon the
language, folk history, ritualism, and geographical sacredness of his
or her whole people. Relationships between members of families,
bands, clans, and other tribal groups are defined and intensified
through relational and generational language rather than through
personal names, which are considered to be sacred and private to the
individual. The relatedness of the individual extends beyond the
family, band or clan to include all things of the workl. Thus nothing
exists in isolation. Individualism does not presuppose autonomy,
alienation, or isolation. And freedom is not the right to express
yourself but the far more fundamental right to be yourself."
Indian community is the primary context for traditional education. Com-
munity is the context in which the affective dimension of education unfolds. It is
the place where one comes to know what it is to he related. It is the place ofsharing
life through everyday acts, through song, dance, story, and celebration. It is the

164
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 THE COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDVC.ATION

place of teaching, learning, making art, and sharing thoughts, feelings, joy, and
grief. It is the place for feeling and being connected. The community is the place
where each person can, metaphorically speaking, become complete and express
the fullness of their life. Community is "that place that Indian people talk about",
it is the place through which Indian people express their highest thought.
How, then, does Indigenous community work? How does it context
learning? What happens in Indian community that makes traditional education
what it is? What are the educational structures of Indian communities, and how
are their roles played out in the process of education? How does the community
link its members to the natural community of' their environment, their place?
How is the communal soul linked to the expression of the individual's role in a
tribe's spirituality? What are the implications of community for contemporary
Indian education? These are some ofthe questions that we will touch upon in this
chapter. Mitakuye Oyaoin, we are all related, we are all Of Community. In
engendering an understanding of this fact in the educational structures and
processes that we create, we honor what is truly most human in each of us.

Cultures As Environments

I luman cultures are constructs that create environments through which humans
are able to live. As human social environments, they conform to the same general
ecological principles as physical environments. For example, cultures evolve,
adapt, and react in response to ever-changing internal and external environmen-
tal factors. Like micro-organisms, human communities act on their external
environments to create conditions favorable to their continuation. Human
communities are born, evolve through several stages of succession, reach climax,
and then gradually decline, giving way to new communities that spring from the
compost or the old.
Indigenous communities reflect this human ecology. It is therefore no
accident that traditional forms of education expressed in Indigenous communi-
ties transferred the recipe for making a living in a given environment. Traditional
education is a vehicle for transmitting the social and ecological messages of the
life ola people. Traditional education is a vehicle for the ecological sense and the
spiritual ecology of the people. Humans create culture as a construct to organize
the social/communal instinct of our species toward survival and sustainable
communities. Culture is the expression of our social genes. Understanding and
transferring knowledge of its complex, ecological messages remain the most
essential educational challenges of our time.

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 How Does indigenous Community Work?

Community, in a universal sense, may be said to be founded on a set of timeless

rules guiding individual and group identity within the web ofall-interpenetrating
symbolic culture.'
Community is the natural context of human life and activity. We are, one
and all, social beings living in relation to one another. Our physical and biological
survival is intimately interwoven with the communities that we create and that
create us. The community is a complex of physical, social, and psychical
relationships that are ever changing and evolving through time and the genera-
tions of people who identify with it. The community began in its first forms with
the extended family, with shared lineages and ways of life. Until relatively
recently in human history, all human communities were made up of people who
were biologically related through family, clan, and Tribal ties. Each person in
these early communities survived through their relations!
Human language, religion, art, technology, laws, ethics, values, forms of
education, and other institutions all serve as particular expressions of commu-
nity. In the context of community, the medium is the message. In other words,
at a conscious and unconscious level, the community is each of us, nc ter who,
when, or where we are. It is through the medium of community .. r first
human ancestors created the phenomena of culture. And it is through commu-
nity that each successive generation of people has expressed the roi.lion faces of
culture. Civilizations are not the enduring human systems communities are!
Indigenous communities mirror the earliest expressions of human culture.
In some cases they are unbroken lines of ancestry originating thousands ofyears
in the human past. It is not unrealistic to say that Tribal people share a deep and
abiding relationship to Place with other members of their community. Early
Tribal communities reflected natural community in terms of structural and
mythic orientation. This is to say that early Tribal communities intimately
oriented themselves to the stars, to mountains, deserts, rivers, lakes, oceans,
plants, animals, and spirits of a Place. Those natural geographies that were
important to the identification of a Tribal people, as a People of Place, were
deemed sacred. Simon Ortiz, Acoma Pueblo poet, relates the Acoma story of
place in the following way:
Acoma Pueblo people began to live atop
its monumental sandstone pinnacle
many, many centuries ago:

Ns
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 THE COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INDIQENOVS EDUCATION

Ancient stories
of their existence speak of a journey on a Life Road
from a time when All Things were in A Place Below
from where they Emerged.

Eventually for an era

of rime, they lived in a wondrous place
where all living things, all people were together,
but from where they had to leave.
Guided by the Creator of All Things,
they had to make their way on the Life Road,
make decisions on how to live, what they should do,
and where they should go.

And they came

to a Place That Was Prepared,
the tall, massive stone they know as Aacqu.

Like all the other Pueblo people. the Acoma

have always known where the Center is.
From the Center place of knowledge 4WD

within themselves they have learned

from the generations before them,
they have always known the Blue mountains
and high places to the North, West, South, and East',
and they have known the Yellow and Red and White
hills and sandstone cliffs.

And upon the land

they have seen tall, slender evergreens, the sagebrush
and yucca, sinewy grasses and brilliant flowers,
and they have seen and heard flying hawks,
crows, and wrens, and they have seen and hunted
deer and rabbits, and they have watched the tadpoles
come alive after the rain.

All this and more,

they know about their place. All this and more
they know about the time that is now. From

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 LOOK To TI IF MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

the beginning, the story tells of who they are

and where they live and all the things that
relate to them and live with them in this world.
From the beginning to the present and into the
future, they know they must keep this Story alive!;
The harmonizing of' natural community with human community was an
ongoing process in Indigenous education. It was both a formal and an informal
process that evolved around the day-to-day learning of how to survive in a given
environment. This learning entailed involvement with ritual and ceremony,
periods of being alone in an environment, service to one's community through
participation in the life making processes with others, and engendering a sense
of enchantment for where the people lived. All of these processes combined
toward realizing the goal of finding and honoring the spirit of place.
This was essentially a deeply felt ecological relationship borne of intimate
familiarity with a homeland, and the homeland became an extension of the "great
holy" in the perceptions, heart, mind, and soul of the Tribal people who lived in
it. From this perspective, it is easy to understand why Indigenous people around
the world lamented the loss of their land. For in truth, from their perspective and
reality, it was a loss of part of themselves.
What then are Indigenous communities, and what do they do? First,
Indigenous communities are models of interconnectedness, and are the intimate
human social structures through which we learn about basic human relation-
ships. For instance, Indigenous communities embody and harmonize the duality
of maleness and femaleness. Understanding the biological and psychological
nature of these complementary relationships ensured the group's survival in the
face of its most basic challenges. The mythic and spiritual qualities of maleness,
femaleness, childhood, middle, and old age are celebrated as a dynamic of natural
life and blended in ways that enhance and express the fullness of the spirit of
community. This helps members to perceive relationship as a way of life.
Indigenous community is about living a symbiotic life in the context of a
symbolic culture that includes the natural world as a necessary and vital
participant and co-creator of community. The life of the Indigenous community
is mutually reciprocal with the living communities in the surrounding natural
environment. Through a rich and dynamic oral tradition, Indigenous communi-
ties reflected the stages of creative evolution and the characteristics of the
animals, plants, natural phenomena, ecology, and geography found in their
place. The oral tradition became an essential aspect of'traditional teaching. Thus,
story becomes a source or content and methodology for Indigenous community

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 THE COMMUNAL. FOUNDATION OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

education. Story allows individual life, community life, and the life and process
found in the natural world to be used as primary vehicles for the transmission of
Indigenous culture. The vitality of Indigenous cultures is dependent on the life
of individuals in community with the natural world. Indigenous cultures are
extensions of the story of the natural community of a place, and they evolve
according to ecological dynamics and natural relationships.
One way traditional people have always expressed their own
symbolic culture is through the ongoing retelling of the animal myth-
dreams that concern their own deepest connections within the larger
field of nature... the message of totemism identifies a human society
interacting with groups as teachers and students within a neigh body
world. We learn how to structure both our lives and culture not
merely by observing nature, but by participating with nature.4
In this sense, Indigenous community becomes a Story that is a collec-
tion of individual stories, ever unfolding through the lives of the people who
share the life of that community. This large community is always a living and
animate entity, vitalized when it is nourished through the attention of its
tellers and its listeners. When a story finds that special circumstance in
which its message is fully received, it induces a direct and powerful
understanding: this becomes a real teaching.
In Indigenous communities the elders, the grandmothers and grandfa-
thers, hold the stories of their families and their people. It is they who give
the stories, the words of good thought and action to the children. They tell
the children how the world and their people came to be. They tell the
children of' their experiences, their life. They tell them what it means to be
one of the People. They tell them about their relationship to each other and
to all things that are part of their world. They tell them about respect just
as their grandparents told them when they were children. So it goes, giving
and receiving, giving and receiving stories helping children remember to
remember that the story of their community is really the story of themselves!

A Personal Story

To remember is a way to re-know and reclaim a part of your life. The following are
personal recollections of my childhood, growing up in the context of'my community
of Santa Clara Pueblo, New Mexico. Remembering these kinds of stories is a way of'
revitalizing the experience of Indigenous education in community.
I remember listening to sounds that, as I grew older, I learned were called

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singing. I remember hearing and seeing the faces of many people.,-14emember

swinging through the air wrapped up in something that I later came to know was
a traditional cradle, suspended from the vigas (ceiling rafters) in Pueblo homes.
What I remember most of that time was always being with people. These were
the first encounters I remember with community; just sounds, sights, and the
feeling of being warm and safe. I remember it was a good feeling!
When I was about five, I remember going with my grandmother to visit
with her friends and relatives in the Pueblo. I remember those days vividly
because each visit was an adventure, a break from the usual routine. I seem to
remember every thingand every place we visited during thatyear. It was theyear
before I started first grade at the local elementary school. I learned so much with
my grandmother during that time before school.
My grandmother was in every sense a matriarch, well known and re-
spected in the Pueblo as well as the Hispanic villages nearby. She was of' a
generation born before the turn of the century. Her world and frame of reference
were therefore of the old times, of old New Mexico, a time when Pueblos
reflected more complete expressions of symbiotic relationships with their
respective environments.
I remember helping the old people prepare, plant, and hoe their gardens.
I remember sitting with those old ones during the hot lazy afternoons eating
Indian cookies and listening to all their stories. I remember spending days in the
foothills and mountains near the Pueblo gathering plants that my grandmother
and other old ones directed me to. I remember playing with the other children
who came with their grandmas and grandpas. I remember eating native trout
baked in a fire pit with wild peppermint and watermelon and wild cherries with
the older people and their children. Afterwards, all the children would jump into
the stream to play and try to catch tadpoles, and the old people laughed and
laughed. I remember always walking. I remember my grandmother telling me
that all older people were my aunts and uncles and their children were my cousins
and that I should call them such and treat them kindly. I remember that every one,
young and old, shared with one another. When we went to visit older people
we would take gifts, usually food, cloth, or meat. We would return with fruit,
vegetables, and other gifts. It was a form of' reciprocal giving; that was how
things got spread around. But that wasn't all community news, prayers,
shiny marbles, comics, toy soldiers, baseball cards, and a hundred other
things got traded too.
When my grandmother and I attended a feast day at a neighboring Pueblo,
I remember the kindness with which we were received, especially by the other
grandmas. In these visitations, I came to know the differences between Pueblos

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 THE COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

and other people, as well as the sense of oneness of the greater Pueblo world. I
felt that, indeed, we were all related. I remember those times when I sat with my
grandmother and other older ladies and men in what is called the "Saints' house'',
a small cottonwood leaf li ned shelter set up especially for Pueblo feast days so that
the saints might also enjoy the dances. In the Saints' house the old ones sat with
the saints praying the rosary, visiting and talking about the community news ard
of course the old times. In this way, they reaffirmed their faith in a Christian god
and simultaneously, the traditional sense of Pueblo community, values, and way
of life. Pueblo life has always revolved around tradition and age-old practices.
Catholicism has been adapted to these ancient communal themes and thereby
has been given a place in Pueblo community.
I remember watching my grandma and other women and men of the
Pueblo replastering their houses with adobe mud, laughing, and working as if
they were one body. I remember my grandmother and other aunts baking bread
in the special outdoor Pueblo ovens called ortrai. My cousin and I would then
sneak about and try fo be the first to taste the fresh bread, pies, and cookies they
left cooling near the oven. I remember those special feasts when all my relatives
would come to my grandmother's home or those times when she would go to help
others prepare feasts for weddings, baptisms, and even funerals.
There are many other memories, many other events of communal life, which
formed me. But those early memories still have the greatest vividness and remain with
me even to this day as the good sense of community. Our sense of being and our
perception through community evolves over time. They mature through time in sync
with the changes in our lives. In this way they form a foundation for personal history.
These memories provide me with my sense of rootedness to place and people that I
carry wherever I go. There were, ofcourse, sad memories as well; memories ofhardsh ip
and pain, memories of'doubt and anger with regard to community. .But, in all, I cannot
remember a time when I didn't learn something through my participation in commu-
nity, when I didn't see something differently or when I was not shared with in a direct
and significant way. I don't remember a time when my community wasn't involved in
teaching something, or when I wasn't impressed with the strength and continuity of
Pueblo community.
The elders tell us, "Celebrate your life, be happy with what you have, care
for one another, he of good thoughts and words, help each other, share with one
another the lifeyou have been given. This is the way our People continue to live
through you and in you, be glad you are one of the People!"
 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN EC01.0Y OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

For The Good of The People:

Foundations For Leadership, Service, and Community Values

People were formed in the context of Indigenous community. They are

given a context through which they can realize themselves by being of
service to their community, their people. The completion of themselves as
Tribal men and women was the communal and religious ideal they sought
an ideal whose depth of expression is almost never achieved in contempo-
rary communities today.
Tribal man is hardly a personal 'sell' in our modern sense of the
word. He does not so much live in a tribe; the tribe lives in him. He
is the tribe's subjective expression.'
A depth of Tribal understanding was achieved through the following key
elements that structured and formed the experience of each Indigenous commu-
nity member from birth to death.`'
Guidance. In Indigenous community, parenting was actively undertaken
by all the adult members of a child's extended family, clan, and tribe. All adults
were considered teachers and any adult member of a group could guide,
discipline, or otherwise play a direct role in educating a child. Every adult was
conditioned to care for the well-being of the group and each of its members.
Every adult was admonished to concern themselves with the development of
each child into becoming a complete person, for the good of the people.
Kinship. The network and full expression of the extended family and clan
within Indigenous community provided a web of relationships that profoundly
affected the perception of children. Therefore, children learned early the
significance of family, responsibility, respect, and the foundations ofrelationship
and kinship. Father, mother, aunts, uncles, cousins, and grandparents, each in
their special way, influenced and formed the family's children. Older children in
the family learned early to care foryounger ones. Through such experience they
learned how to share, nurture, and support others.
Diversity. In the context of the close-knit, interdependent, Indigenous
community, children were exposed to a diversity of people. This included: a
diversity of ages, married and unmarried men and women, a diversity of
personalities and statuses, the handicapped and the "contraries". In the course
°Hiving in community, children interacted with all the people on a daily basis and
in a variety of ways.
Special status. In Indigenous community, all children were considered
special, sacred gifts from the creator. They were seen to have a quality all their

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own that was respected and prized by the community. They were considered to
have a direct connection to spirits in Nature. They appeared as special players
in the guiding myths of some tribes. They were bringers of light and good fortune
to the community. Indeed they were the physical example of the vitality of a tribe.
They were the carriers of the future.
Ethical models. Morals and ethics were modeled by the family and
community. Respect for the elderly, honesty, care for the ill, appreciation of
differences, respect for privacy, proper behavior during ceremonies, and proper
treatment and respect for plants and animals were practiced daily in direct and
tangible ways.
Clear roles. In Indigenous community everyone knew their relationship
to of her people, Nature, and the things of their society. Relationship was the basis
of the community and therefore intimately understood in its various contexts for
teaching, learning, and action. The roles of each individual were clearly defined
and recognized so that expectations could be clearly defined. Traditional
protocol reinforced the relationships and responsibilities associated with major
roles in the clan, society, or tribe.
Customs and practices. Customs associated with each community role or
change of roles served to define specific relationships. Customs and other
practices reinforce community values and activities on a regular basis. Births,
marriages, deaths, initiations, cyclical events based on a ceremonial calendar,
dances, and other special celebrations combined to support and embellish
zommunity values and relationships.
Recognition. Recognition in the form of naming, rites of passage, gifting,
feasting, and other social events honored achievement that benefited and
enhanced the people. These forms of special recognition were valued by each
member of the community and provided motivation for many to seek ways to
perform extraordinary acts of service for the community.
Unique learners. The uniqueness of each child who learned in their own
way and at their own pace was naturally accepted and honored. Indigenous
teachers understood that people learn in many ways and that each person learns
to perceive, then think, and then act in their individual ways. Given this
understanding, most of Indigenous education was experiential and occurred in
the course of doing work. When the time came to learn specific things, general
rules were given and a general context was established. Ultimately, however,
each person chose the way they would learn, and the extent that they wished to
learn, based on their own way of learning and doing.
Commur ity work. Community interdependence characterized activity
related to all major events and tasks in Indigenous community. Community

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work, organized through clan or society, involved every member of the commu-
nity in projects that were for the good of the people. These activities ranged from
agriculture to hunting, from building to art making, and from food gathering to
ceremony. As a matter of common survival and tradition, people of a community
came together as an integral unit for the benefit of all. In work, in play, and in
ceremony, community was constantly being reinforced and experienced by
every member ofa group. It is this day-to-day practice at community that forged
the communal spirit and provided such a powerful foundation for learning and
understanding the nature of relationship.
Environment. Living in the natural world was a common context for the
development of both the individual and community in Tribal societies. Nature
was the essential frame of reality that formed the learning experiences of all
Indigenous people. Indeed, Indigenous societies attempted to resonate all
aspects of their social organization with their understanding of the natural world.
Indigenous cosmology was informed throughout by natural reality. The geo-
graphical and structural orientations ofIndigenous communities to their natural
place and the cosmos reflected a communal consciousness that extended to and
included the natural world in an intimate and mutually reciprocal relationship.
Through clan and societal symbolism, ritual, art, and visionary tradition,
Indigenous communities connected themselves to the plants, animals, waters,
mountains, sun, moon, stars, and planets of their world.
Spirit. Spirituality and a sense of the sacred permeated all aspects of
Indigenous community. Life was sacred, relationship was sacred, Nature
was sacred, and the tribe was sacred. Each of these processes and structures
was a creation of the highest thought and tied to the guiding myths and
foundations of the religious expression of a tribe. Among Indian people, as
Vine Deloria so aptly states,
Religion is not conceived as a personal relationship between the
deity and each individual. It is rather a covenant between a particular
god and a community. The people of this community are the primary
residue ofthe religion's legends, practices, and belief's. Ceremonies of'
a community scope are the chief characteristic feature of religious
activity Stories, songs, games and art were used to instill respect
[for the sacred]. Life, as a whole, was tied to spirit."
Therefore, the ultimate quest ofboth individual and community was to Find
life, to find "that place that Indian people talk about". Through these contexts of
learning, the individual became intimately conditioned to the nature of right, or
successful relationship and the importance of each role and individual in the
1 "1
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 THE COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INDIQFNOUS EDUCATION

complete expression of community. This understanding, in the context of Tribal

communities, formed the foundation for the development of extraordinary
leaders. In Indigenous community, individuals rose to positions of leadership
based on their service to the people. To be of service to one's people was a major
goal of every adult member of' a tribe.
Leadership in and of itself was never a goal of Indigenous education but
rather a result of living in community and striving toward becoming complete.
Traditional learning was always geared toward understanding and applying
what was useful and beneficial. Indigenous community was predicated on the
perception that all things can be useful, and the qualities of being useful and
beneficial intertwine. These perceptions imply reciprocity, support, benefit,
purpose, and vision. These perspectivescombined with an ingrained love For
one's people and orientation to act for the good of the people formed the
foundation for the expression and development of Indigenous leaders. Leader-
ship was a role that had to be earned in Indigenous community. It was earned by
achieving a level of integrity that was irreproachable.
Indigenous leadership was about commitment to nurturing a healthy
community and enriching the cultural tradition of one's people. Indigenous
leadership was about service and support of community values and life. Indig-
enous leaders were predisposed to care deeply and imagine richly with regard to
their people. They listened to their own visions and the visions of their people;
they used their imagination and creativity; and they gathered the people and
moved them together to find their life.

The Natural Sense of Community

Community in its natural, social, and metaphysical sense is indeed, as Acoma

Pueblo poet, Simon Ortiz, so aptly poses, "that place the Indians talk about."
Pueblo communities are about creation. They are expressions of a natural
creative process that is described in a mythical sense through Pueblo Storytelling.
All things that Pueblo people do celebrate the life that is the community. This
engenders a deep and abiding belief in the creative power of life in all its forms.
Pueblos believe that without regularly practiced belief in community, the stories,
the songs, dances, prayers, and way of life lose not only their meaning, but also
their natural power to move and enliven us as living People. It is in this belief' that
thoughts are regularly extended to all creation with love, respect, and reciprocity.
Knowing we are People, significant but equal and not one
being more important than the other; this is the way we must see

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ourselves. This is the way we share the fruitfulness and difficul-

ties of life. In this way we will always strive for harmony with all
growing things, and we will always keep a reciprocal and grateful
relationship with the land and waters on which we depend. In this
way, we will always have something to do with the stars, which
are far away yet as close as our eyes.8
Pueblos, like other Indigenous people, extend their sense of community
and responsibility to include maintenance of all the natural world. This is part of
the reason for the continual Pueblo insistence, in the face of great odds, on
preserving their aboriginal lands. It is a foundational Pueblo belief that the
ongoing life of the world can only be maintained through a proper and respectful
relationship with the land, waters, other life, people, and the rest of creation. For
the Pueblos, this is a responsibility that must be-decisively chosen since, without
such a choice, creation, and true and complete community, is not possible.
This commitment to care for the world also entails ensuring that Pueblo
tradition and community remain whole. This is to have a structure through which
the care and relationship to the natural world can he maintained. Even though
Pueblos are independent and separate, there is a sense of oneness, a recognition
and respect for one another that transcends their differences in language and
custom. It is to this greater sense of community, unity, and solidarity that Pueblos
have chosen to commit themselves. Pueblos reflect thoughts and approaches to
communal education similar to that of other Indigenous people. It is the way they
have actively strived to maintain "that place the Indians talk about."

Elements of The "Soul" In Indigenous Community

In Indigenous community everyone was a teacher, and everyone, at one time or

another, was a learner. By watching, listening, experiencing, and participating
everyone learned what it was to be one of the People, and how to survive in
community with others. Learning how to care for one's self and others, learning
relationship between people and other things, learning the customs, traditions,
and values of a community: all of these understandings and more were the daily
course of Indigenous education,
In Indigenous community a universal expression of ritual tradition was
reflected that permeated all community activity with a sense of harmonious
relationship. Integration and connectedness were consciously sought at all
important levels of community structure and activity. Such integration was
achieved through a series of rites that symbolized the importance of relationship

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and responsibility within community. These rites evolved through concentric

rings of interrelationship, beginning with family, then clan, band, and tribe. They
extended to the place of the people, and finally to the universe as a whole.
Through these integrated rings of relationship and action, Indigenous commu-
nities directly expressed their mutual relationship with each other, other groups
and the natural world. In addition, Indigenous communities expressed the cycles
within cycles and honored, through ceremony, all important human and natural
cycles within the boundaries of their world.
For Indigenous communities breath, water, and spirit were the compo-
nents that tied all life together. The people understood that the community's
continuity was carried within each individual, making each individual needed in
the perpetuation of the life of the community. There was a place for everyone, the
child, the adult, the old ones, the mentally impaired, the "he-she". Each person
had something to offer, a special gift, and was allowed to participate to some
extent in the life of their community.
Traditional sports and competitions held a special place in the hearts and
minds of Indigenous people and acted to identify and bind communities together.
Traditional games provided ways to settle disputes between communities and
tribes. They were a way for Indigenous people to play with each other, to share
themselves, other than in work or ceremony, yet integrally connected to both.
Traditional games provided a way to gain recognition and practice skills valued
in Indigenous community, skills such as caring, leadership, honesty, fairness, and
loyalty. In addition, traditional sports developed the whole person, physically,
psychologically, mentally, and spiritually. Therefore, traditional sports formed
a natural framework for Indigenous teaching and learning. Traditional sports
were about developing face (character) and heart (emotional development).
These carried over into communal values that directly affected the life and quality
of the people who made up the community. A more complete exploration of the
nature of Indigenous sport will be presented in the segment dealing with
Indigenous health and wholeness. Indigenous sports were a major form of re-
creation for Indigenous community.
Ritual and ceremony combined to form a community complex for finding,
maintaining, and perpetuating The Center, or soul of their people and commu-
nity. I ndigenous communities were collective expressions of the soulfulness of a
people. It is through collective community as well as the individual, that the
vitality of the human soul and the spiritual resolve of a community is engendered.
Each Indigenous community tried to model themselves after their perception of
the Cosmos. This cosmic orientation, combined with myths, dreams, visions, and
special teachings gained through ceremony, played a direct role in reinforcing,

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enhancing, and extending the community's relationship to all things. It is this that
the community taught (through story, art, dance, ceremony, and prayer), as the
culturally patterned knowledge and experience.
The Navajo Sing embodies a communal complex. This complex exempli-
fies the identification of the Indigenous individual with their community educa-
tional process and their family, clan, tribe and natural universe. The Sing
incorporates art, ritual, and communion with internal and external forces to
restore the harmony between an individual and the rest of the world. In the Sing.
the ritual creation of a sandpainting provides an expression, and a context, for
learning about Indigenous health and wholeness.
Navajo sandpaintings "are made in a rich ceremonial context for the curing
of individuals who have gotten out of balance with their world .... At a certain
a
moment during the ceremony the ill person is placed at the center of one of' the
dry paintings; the understanding is that the person thus becomes identified with
the power that is in the image painted and pressed into the body of the ill person;
again to emphasize the element of identity: the painting is not a symbol of some
meaning or power, the power is there present in it, and as the person identifies
with it, the appropriate cure is accomplished.' "'
Through the Sing, the individual re-establir,hes a harmonious relationship
to his or her community, as traditionally identified by the Navajo and as related
by the mythic story behind the ceremony.
The Sing exemplifies the fact that communities are organic and very
human. In their complete expressions, they reflect an integral wholeness and are,
themselves, vehicles for human wholeness. The Sing is thus an example of how
Indigenous communities reflect contexts for achieving health and wholeness.

Health, Wholeness, and Indigenous Community

There is a direct relationship between Indigenous community, the learning

process therein, and the quest for health and wholeness. Much ofthe formal and
informal learning that takes place in Indigenous community might just as easily
be called endogenous education. A significant part ofexperiential education that
occurs in community involves learning about one's inner self. This is done by
participating in a process of' illumination that comes forth from an individual's
ego center. This aspect of i ndigenous education, which has an individual as well
as communal dimension, is embodied in the variably translated metaphor,
seeking life or for life's sake. Health, wholeness, and harmony of the individual,
family, clan, and Tribal community were the ideal state of life, and therefore the
ideal goal of life in community. To reach this ideal state, the tools of

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 TI iF COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INDIOENOUS EDUCATION

medicine, art, sport, and other formal and informal teaching were used in the
context of Indigenous community.
The whole human being and the whole community are integrally related.
The whole person, as the whole community, is an amazing complex of diverse
aspects. The human being holds together because of an integrated and organic
relationship among constituent systems based on the Life Principle. The Life
Principle is that dynamic combination of the physical, social, psychological, and
spiritual being into the animated organic form that we recognize as Life!
The understanding of this principle is not new. All human cultures have
recognized that life is wondrous, sacred, and systematic in its development. The
educational dimensions of health, wholeness, self-knowledge, and wisdom have
been espoused by most, if not all, traditional educational philosophies around the
world. It was a natural outcome that Indigenous education engendered the
development of a person with well-integrated relationships among all aspects of
self and the world.
The "right" education was, ofcourse, a culturally defined construct that had
as its main criteria the harmonization of the individual with his or her culture. The
process of teaching is considered right to the extent that it effectively accom-
plishes this feat from the perspective of the culture it is designed to serve.
Indigenous community measured its teaching against its ability to produce
harmonious social integration of each individual within the fabric of the commu-
nity. The wholeness of the community was directly dependent on the wholeness
of' its members. So success in properly educating each community member was
a matter of survival and continuity for the whole culture.
Achieving harmony, peace of mind, and health were ideal goals that were
anything but easy to attain. They had to be actively sought, sacrificed, and prayed
for. The elders of Indigenous community knew by experience that true learning
causes change and at times may elicit a transformation of self at a person's very
core. Transformation is a breaking apart to reform at a higher level of being and
understanding. In its real expression in people, transformation is anything but
peaceful and harmonious. Indigenous community recognized this aspect oft rue
learning and provided for it though ritual preparation, rites of' passage, and
initiations. Society, uals, healingceremonies, sports, pilgrimages, vision quests,
and other rites provided the communal context in which individuals might attain
one of Indigenous education's highest goals, that of' completing one's self.
The path to completeness within the context of Indigenous community
required development of the whole person, expression of the highest thought,
and walking the "Good Road." Inherent in Indigenous approaches to education
is the recognition that there is a knowing center in all human beings. Community,

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healing, and whole-making rituals provided a kind of warp to help individuals

access the potential inherent in each person's knowing center. Elders knew that
encountering one's personal center (which was a'manifestation of the greater
universal center) was not always comfortable or without real peril. Therefore,
coming into such contact was choreographed through specific and appropriate
preparation to help each pilgrim negotiate their journey to their own source of
knowledge, their knowing center, their soul. This was done because it was in the
best interest of community to develop complete men and women.
The potential of human learning unfolds through our life cycle just as our
journey toward wholeness evolves in meaning. Learning and becoming whole
are, at every level ofexpression, intimately intertwined. Indigenous communities
provided a fertile and supportive context for the unfolding of what Jungian
psychology terms "individuation" or becoming individually whole and complete.
The difference between Indigenous individuation and individuation in the
Jungian sense was that oforientation. Indigenous orientation was focused on the
community and the spiritual as culturally defined by a specific tribe. Jungian
individuation is oriented to the individual ego in the context ()fa modern Western
cultural orientation. However, both orientations share a focus the goal of
completeness and inner growth that Forms a possible bridge for integrating
them in a contemporary context of Indian education.
Individuation is a work, a life opus, a task that calls upon us not to
avoid life's difficulties and dangers, but to perceive the meaning in the
patterns and events that form our lives. Life's supreme achievement
may be to see the thread which connects together the events, dreams,
and relationships that have made up the fabric of existence. Individu-
ation is a search for and the discovery of meaning, not the meaning
that we consciously devise, but the meaning embedded in life itself...
(There is no sure road to individuation, it is a path riddled with doubt
and uncertainty. It takes courage, perseverance and unmitigated
Kith in one's Center to seek to become truly whole.). . . .
Becoming whole does not mean being perfect, but being com-
pleted. It does not necessarily mean happiness, but growth. .. . It is
not getting out of life what we think we want, but the development
and purification of' the soul... to be healthy, then, has nothing to do
with serenity, and less to do with adjustment, to be healthy is to
become whole. We can, perhaps, say that the truly healthy person is
the person who is involved with a life long process of individuation.'"
Learning about self and individuating was rarely considered the sole

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concern of traditional American Indian teachers. However, the process of

individuation explained by Jung was well understood and accommodated in
Indigenous approaches to education. In these approaches, inner peace was not
directly sought, since it was traditionally felt that to seek inner peace overtly was
paradoxically to ensure that one would never find it. Rather, inner peace and
wholeness were sought by way of ceremony, ritual, and living everyday, life in
community. Individuation in the context of Indigenous community came of its
own, but it had to be worked for! Many paths of individuation, and the
maintenance of' health and wholeness, were developed by Indigenous people.
One such path was that of running and Indigenous games.

Indigenous Games For Life

Indigenous games were intimately related to all aspects of' Indigenous commu-
nity and perceptions of health and wholeness. The realm of' traditional games
provides an ideal way to connect the ideas presented in the prior segment on
health and wholeness.
Games were a community event whose purpose was not only to entertain
but, as in all aspects of Indigenous community, a way to seek life and attain a level
of physical and spiritual completeness. From the earliest ages, children in
Indigenous communities were introduced to a variety of games that developed
physical skill, thinking, and personal character. What was learned through their
participation in games prepared them fora full life in community. They ran, they
played, they swam, they jumped, they threw, and they faced and overcame
hardship for the good of the people.
Indigenous games were tied to the guiding myths of the people and were
themselves sacred activities because they required the participation of the whole
person. As with all Indigenous communal activities, sports were imbued with
ceremonial and ritual activity. Offerings, prayers, songs, and gifts were prepared
and given to entreat the spirits of' life to look with favor on the sacrifices of'
participants. For many Indian tribes, the gamesjust as hunting, warfare, or
ceremonywere a way of making one's medicine.
Indigenous games reinforced, as well as expressed, community values
related to respect, honor, interdependence, and service. Indigenous participants
carried all that they were and all that they valued into the realm of' the games.
Indigenous games included an array of events: ball games using sticks of
various sorts, kicking ol'a ball while running, foot races of every length, dancing
contests, contests of archery skill, spear throwing, swimming, games of chance,
games matching strength, endurance or thinking. Games were played by men,
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women, and children and might include several hundred players and be several
days in length. During the time when these community-wide games took place,
they became the center of' a community's life. In every respect these games
reflected the spirit, health, and vitality of' the community. They were directly
connected to the way a community defined what it was to be healthy and whole.
In most traditional Indian societies, games of skill or dexterity
were rarely played by adults for mere amusement or fun. Rather, they
were played for some purpose that was of importance to the commu-
nity. To a considerable extent, sports were enjoyed in the same
manner as are popular sports today; in addition however, they were
interrelated with social issues .... Although it may not be apparent
in most of today's Indian communities, sports were originally meshed
with tradition, ritual, and ceremony."
Dr. Joseph B. Oxendine, a Lumbee Indian and author ofilmerican Indian
Herliage, states that the major factors that characterized traditional Indian
sports included:
1) a strong connection between sports and other social, spiritual, and
economic aspects of daily life
2) the serious preparation of mind, body, and spirit of both the partici-
pants and the community as a whole prior to major competition
3) the assumption that rigid adherence to standardized rules and techni-
cal precision was unimportant in sport
4) strong allegiance to high standards of sportsmanship and fair play
5) the prominence of both males and females in sports activity, but with
different expectancies
6) a special perspective on team membership and on interaction and
leadership styles
7) the role of gambling as a widespread and vital component in all sports
R) the importance of art as an expression or identity and aesthetics'=

Running For Life

The realm of Indian running presents an ideal model othe integration of games

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 THE COMMUNAL FOUNDATION OF INDIC,ENOUS EDUCATION

of sport with community ideals, values, spirituality, and orientation to health and
wholenes,. A large portion of Indian games involved running, since for all Indian
tribeS running was part of their everyday life.
From Alaska to the tip of South America, Indian people ran for competi-
tion, communication, transportation, and ceremony. Running was a way of
learning, ritual practice, training, and being alive! Running was celebrated and
often formed the context for mythic adventure in the folklore of many Indian
tribes. Animal and human characters were often pitted against one another to
compete for a prize, favor, or special blessing. It was in the context of the racing
story and the process of the race that the lesson of the racing tale was discovered.
The racing tale concerned the nature of inner and outer strength. Sometimes the
lesson was about something important to know and understand related to the
values of a community. The moral might be about fair play, honesty, or
perseverance. The moral might deal with the wisdom of strategy and knowing
yourself, your course and your opponent. The tale might explain in a mythic
sense why certain things are done by a tribe or why certain present-day situations
exist. In every case, running hr :rigs out a truth important to self-knowledge and
individual or communal well-being.
Many Southeastern tribes, such as the Alabama and Cherokee, tell
of proud Hummingbird being challenged by Crane to race. Overly
confident, Hummingbird zips ahead in daylight, but stops at night to
sleep, while crane flaps patiently along. On the final evening, to avoid
waking Hummingbird, Crane heads for higher altitudes, reaches the
ocean, and wins the right to inhabit marshes and rivers forever. The
lesson: racing is as much an exercise of consciousness as of speed.''
Indians, such as the Tarahumara (which means footrunner), identify
themselves with running to such an extent that not one aspect of their social, 11.

spiritual, or economic life does not reflect its direct influence. Tarahumara feats
of' long distance running are renowned in modern times. Introduced to the
running-way olbeing as soon as they arc able to walk, the Tarahumara continue
to run for purposes of communication, work, competition, recreation, and ritual.
However, their running way of' life reflects what was really the commonplace
integrative expression of' the natural human activity of' running among practi-
cally all Indian people.
Running formed the basis of the oldest form of' communication among
Indians. Through an elaborate system of paths Indian people criss-crossed the
Americas. Many of their pathways have today become the paved roads and
interstates that connect all regions of' the United States.

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Running is also a metaphor for overcoming the difficulties of life. It

embodies an important dimension of Indian spirituality attained through physi-
cal training. It was a way of training heart, mind, body, and soul. Plenty Coups,
a famous chief ofthe Crow, provides the insight into such training in the following
excerpt from his autobiography:
The day was in summer, the world green and very beautiful. I was
playing with some other boys when my grandfather stopped to
watch. 'Take off your shirt and leggings,' he said to me. I tore them
from my back and legs, and naked except for my moccasins, stood
before him. 'Now catch me that yellow butterfly. Be quick!' Away I
went after theyellow butterfly. How fast these creatures are, and how
cunning! In and out among the trees and bushes, across streams, over
grassy places, now near the ground, then just above my head, the
dodging butterfly led me far before I caught and held it in my hand.
Panting, but concealing my shortness of breath as best I could, I
offered it to Grandfather, who whispered as if he told me a secret,
'Rub its wings over your heart, my son, and ask the butterflies to lend
you their grace and swiftness.
'0 Butterflies, lend me your grace and swiftness!' I repeated
rubbing the broken wings over my pounding heart. I f this would give
me grace and speed, I should catch many butterflies, I knew. But
instead of keeping the secret, I told my friends, as my grandfather
knew I would,' Plenty Coups chuckled, 'and how many, many we
boys caught after that to rub over our hearts.... We worked very hard
at this, because running is necessary in both hunting and war . .14
In the act of running, and through the creation of games associated with
running, Indian people expressed themselves as human beings in the most direct
and physical way. Running, like dancing, provided a way to connect the human
spirit with the spirits of the natural world.
Through running, Indian people connected themselves with their inner
and outer realities. They learned how to play and re-create themselves in deeply
profound ways as they ran for life. They learned how to be of service to their
people and their community. They connected themselves with their mythic
stories and the spirits of those stories who also liked to run. They learned about
themselves and about their physical and spiritual abilities. They "saw their life"
as in the Papago vision runs that occurred during their pilgrimage to the sea to
collect salt. They developed their bodies, hearts, and souls, and thereby came to
know the nature of what it meant to become complete, whole, and healthy.

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Running was only one of the Indigenous ways of communal sport and
life. But a seed is contained in this expression of community. It is about the
nature of the individual in community and the community's place in the
education of the whole person. The implications of this individually and
community-oriented process of education remain significant for a contem-
porary approach to Indian education.

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LIVINQ THE VISION

INDIQENOVS EDUCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY WORLD

Introduction

HIS WORK HAS BEEN A PILGRIMAGE, tracking the spirit of Indigenous

education through concentric rings of relationship. Images and meta
phors have been portrayed as reflected in the words of many people,
Indian and non-Indian, artist and scholar. Through creating a symbolic web of
structures and images based on metaphors about "that place that Indian people
talk about", we have explored the character of specific concentric rings. In doing
so, we have gained some perspectives on the Center of the human process of
learning and teaching. Metaphorically, we have looked to the top of an inner
mountain to gain a perspective of where Indian education has been and where
it is now.
We are poised to see where Indian education may go and the best paths it
might take to get there. The top of this mountain is a place to contemplate the
choices that we must make about the future of education. EaCh choice implies an
orientation, inherent consequences, and a set of possible paths. I believe this is
the place that all education has reached in our global village. All education is
rooted in or has evolved from, an Indigenous past. In reality, all education is
founded upon Indigenous basics.
In its most holistic sense, this work has been about the foundational aspects
of education in all human cultures. It can be viewed as inclusive of all people and
time periods even those of modern education. However, my particular orien-
tation is that of an American Indian e :4ucator living in contemporary times and
playing a new role in the history of American Indian people. I have attempted to
present a perspective that reflects the thoughts and feelings of many contempo-
rary Indian people. For American Indians and education, this; is a time of choice.
In many respects, the survival of the unique cultural identity of American Indian
people depends on the choices we make now. In making these choices and
attempting to understand the consequences of each, it becomes crucial that we
ask questions about spirit, philosophy, structures, roles, contexts, and intent of
American Indian Education in the twenty-first century.
In the "tracking the spirit of vision" model presented previously, there is a

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set of concentric rings called The Asking. This represents the first stage in the
search for meaning and establishment of relationships around one's vision. The
Asking is the first stage of focusing the dreams, intuitions, and desires that
motivate the questing for vision generated from the Centering Place. The Asking
is the place of questions, and this is the place that, I believe, American Indians are
in tracking a collective vision of Indian education.
Questions are the basis of dialogue and stem from the basic human desire
to know, to understand, to explain, and to story. Essential questions have guided
the development of this work, questions that I felt were profound and urgent in
their need for exploration and explanation. This place of Asking begs for dialogue
at all levels of relationship, structure, and expression. Such dialogue has been
going on in small ways, in informal and formal ways, here and there. We all share
in those first intuitions, those dreams, because we share essential metaphors, and
we are, indeed, all related. Thought Woman is whispering in our ear and again
turning the wind that stands within each of us.
What are the essential questions that must be posed to enact a collective
transformative vision for American Indian education? From my perspective
they include the following:
How can we empower ourselves to vision and find our life in a twenty-first
century world through the path of education? How do we prepare ourselves for
a challenging visionary transformation? What are the dimensions of the kind of
revitalized Indian educational leadership that must be addressed? What are the
educational models we have already tried, and what have we learned from them?
What are the structures we need to create? What are the implications of the
Foundations of Indigenous Education for modern global education?
I do not pretend to have the answers to these questions. I do, however, see
paths, models, and images that invite further exploration. I present one of the
models, guided by an insight from my own vision, as a seed for thought and
dialogue. It is a Model for Teaching Indigenous Science. I present this model
because Western Science has been the single most powerful paradigm of modern
Western culture. There is a parable that often flashes through my memory during
times of quiet, deep relaxation, or just before I fall asleep:
It is an essential, life-sharing act of each generation of a
People to nurture that which has given them Life and to
preserve for future generations the guiding stories of their
collective journey to find life.

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The Need For Indigenous Approaches To Education

Alienation from mainstream approaches to education have been one of the

consistent criticisms leveled against modern education by Indian students.
Beyond compensatory programs, remediation, and programs that attempt to
bridge the social orientations of students with those of the school, they have been
given few choices of school curricula that truly address their alienation. Most
attempts at addressing these issues have revolved around refitting the problem-
atic Indian student to the system that caused their alienation. Too often, the
Indian student is viewed as the problem, rather than the unquestioned ap-
proaches, attitudes, and curricula of the educational system. The knowledge,
values, skills, and interests that Indian students possess are largely ignored in
favor of strategies aimed at enticing them to conform to mainstream education.
Few comprehensive attempts have been made to create a body of content and
teaching models that are founded on contemporary expressions of' American
Indian educational philosophy. The inherent worth and creative potential of
Indian students and Indian perspectives of education have not been given serious
consideration by mainstream education. As a result, man:, of the brightest and
most creative Indian students continue to be alienated from modern education
and drift about in a malaise of apathy and self' abuse.
The alienation of' Indian students from education and the resultant loss of
their potentially positive service to their communities need not continue, if' we
revitalize our own deep heritage of education. Indigenous approaches to
education can work if we are open to their creative message. We must apply our
collective creative energy to revitalize and reintroduce their universal processes
of teaching and learning. Indigenous educational principles are viable whether
one is learning leadership skills through community service, learning about one's
cultural roots through creating a photographic exhibit, or learning from Nature
by exploring its concentric rings of' relationship.
The creative potential of building upon and enhancing what students bring
with them culturally has been explored at a number of Indian educational
institutions. The development of Tribal community colleges and the evolution of
contract schools governed by tribes offer plausible structures for developments
of t his nature. Such structures are, however, only a first step toward a much more
comprehensive vision of what Indian education Call be.

Empowering Ourselves

Every journey toward transformation begins with reflection on those things for

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which one cares deeply, and the relationships that exist in one's inner and outer
worlds. Today, words like transformation and empowerment are the modern
catch-terms for processes that Indian people traditionally termed "making or
finding one's personal medicine". Creation, identification, and empowerment of
American Indiansas Tribal people in the, face of modern constraintshave
been the central dilemma of American Indian life since the time of the first
European contact. The struggle to maintain American Indian identities, in a
modern context, has continued to intensify and become more complex since the
turn of the century. The struggle to maintain who we are, and what we believe
in, has resulted in expressions of' hopelessness and accompanying forms of'
disempowerment. Collectively, American Indians continue to suffer from
"ethnostress" that began during the time of first contact. Ethnostress is primarily
a result of a psychological response pattern that stems from the disruption of a
cultural life and belief system that one cares about deeply. Such a disruption may
he abrupt or occur over time and generations. Its initial effects are readily visible,
but its long-term effects are many and varied, usually affecting self-image and an
understanding of' one's place in the world.'
Among American Indians, the long-term effects of ethnostress have
become all-too-apparent in community disintegration, declining health,
inadequate education, and in the rates of alcoholism, suicide, and a host of
other self-destructive behaviors, including child abuse. In response, a slew
of Federal programs have been introduced, supplemented by State and
private initiatives, to address the most pressing of' these situations. Few of
these efforts have addressed the phenomena of ethnostress or the fact that
the central issue is authentic empowerment. As a result, when the money
runs out, so does the empowerment, because money alone empowers very
little except temporarily addressing an obvious physical need. The unfortu-
nate state of Indian affairs today resembles a video-arcade game of musical
chairs. The chair an Indian individual, tribe, school, or organization gets
depends not only on how well you have learned to play the game, but how
many compromises of spirit and authenticity you are willing to make to
appease the political, bureaucratic, and industrial controllers of' the game.
Each time you turn around more chairs are missing, and you have to be
faster, shrewder, and more competitive to stay in the game. The more you
play, the more you become like the controllers and a part of the Real World.
The real object of the game is to become another byte in the Great
Computer's memory. The Great Computer and the Great Mystery are
parallel constructs of human cosmology; the essential difference lies in your
percept ion ofaut henticity. The Great Computer is contrived to support and

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legitimize its controllers. The Great Mystery, on the other hand, is the field
of all natural relationships.
Ethnostress has many faces in Indian life, each presenting barriers to
attaining authenticity in ourselves and our communities. When we don't ac-
knowledge and deal with the reality of ethnostress, we act out its all too familiar
effects. We do this by perpetuating dysfunctional relationships, divisive behav-
ior, cynicism, mistrusting our own thinking, and other forms of self-invalidation,
both of ourselves and of our culture. We enact the negative elements of the old
communal tale of the "crabs in the bucket". In this tale, rather than supportthe
empowerment of each other, we present obstacles, feeling that if we can't have
it no one else should either. In defeating others in their attempts toward
authenticity, we defeat ourselves, and we remain unempowered.2
To have authentic empowerment you must have a system of educating that
not only trains for vocation but prepares individuals: for self-actualizing them-
selves, fulfilling their human potentials, enlivening their creative spirit, and
finding their personal meaning, power, and what in earlier times Indian people
called medicine. This is exactly what traditional Indigenous processes of educa-
tion did. This education helped people And their way to the center of their
individual and collective power. This is the essential meaning of the word
empowerment. The implementation of Indigenous ways of educating is toward
this most basic of human need. It authentically empowers and perpetuates the
development of the spirit of families, communities, and tribes.
Indian self-empowerment takes commitment; it takes hard sustained work
by individuals and communities. It also requires an honest self-examination of
where we are individually and collectively.
There are some baseline concepts that we can use to assess "where we are
at." For instance, some Indian people seem to suffer a "hostage syndrome" that
mirrors the documented psychological effects of individuals who are kept in
captivity for a long period of time. The syndrome is characterized by the states
of alienation and confusion. These are emotional and thinking processes that
individuals experience when they have adapted to the loss of their freedom and
the demands of their captors. For individuals in confinement, these effects
become readily apparent and observable. For groups, the effects are less
apparent, but no less telling in the way that adaptive behaviors, attitudes, and
states of' mind may be generated, even over a long time. Reservations, and the
status of being wards of' the government, have had syndrome-like effects on the
individual and social psycholou of Indian people. These effects range from total
rejection of the perceived controllers to an attempt to identify with them and
become the same. Reading the case histories of prisoners of war, echo the range

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 INDIOENOVS EDUCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY WORLD

ofadaptations American Indians made during their earlyyears of reservation life.

There are numerous examples of mind games engaged in by the controllers. The
cliches used in such relatio :lips speak to the true nature of the hostage
syndrome. Here are just a few: "tradition is the enemy of progress," "command
and control," "divide and conquer," "leave your past behind," "breaking the
spirit," "incentives and initiatives," "total quality management," "zero-based
budgeting," "re-education, "cultural development," "culturally disadvantaged."
"assim ilation," "relocation," "psychological realignment," "at risk." Sound famil-
iar? There are new political, bureaucratic terms being coined every day. The
message is more subtle; the intent has become more unconscious, but the effects
are much the same.
The hostage syndrome has given rise to a view of Indian culture as being
of the past: the so-called "culture under glass" that has dominated the view of
most Americans since the late 1800s. Anthropologists, archeologists, and eth-
nologists of that era perpetuated a view of the "vanishing Red Man," the ghost
of which still haunts us today. Their perspective formed the foundation of what
contemporary America images as Indian. Many Indian people in their search for
authenticity have based their perceptions of identity on these early ethnological
perspectives. Although these perspectives were grounded in the reality that
scholars presumed would happen, they underestimated the tenacity and adap-
tive ability of Indian cultures.
It is true that much has been lost in the wholesale assaults on Indian culture
during the past 500 years. But, the cultural roots of Indian ways of life run deep.
Even in communities where they seem to have totally disappeared, they merely
lie dormant, waiting for the opportunity and the committed interest of Indian
people to start sprouting again. Indigenous education is one of' those dormant
roots. The tree may seem lifeless, but the roots still live in the hearts of many
Indian people.
Culture is an environment subject to the same ecological principles and
truths as a physical environment. Culture is a dynamic human creation that is
always in process at one or several levels simultaneously. Each generation of' a
People is their culture. Just as the life °fa person can't be frozen in time, so it is
true of living cultures. As individuals and groups of people in a culture reassess,
revitalize, reaffirm, and recreate themselves, the culture as a whole tra.nsforms.
It is an active and perpetually creative process. Living cultures cannot be put
under glass, and Indian people, individually and collectively, must learn how to
apply this active ecological principle of their cultures to empower themselves.
Learning this and applying it with deepened understanding is a first step for
Indian people in liberating themselves from themselves and the response

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patterns of victimization, apathy, abuse, fear, anger, alienation, powerlessness,

and despair. By doing this, we cease to perpetuate the hostage syndrome in the
perception of ourselves and our communities. This is a powerful communal act
that cuts to the heart of self-determination and expression of Tribal sovereignty.
It is more than a political act; it is an act of the soul!

Preparing Ourselves For Transforming Vision

The seeking of any vision requires a period of preparation. There is the initial
preparation of setting one's intent, asking questions, and psyChological empow-
erment. Then there is the process of seeking, a preparation accomplished by
exploring the paths of the landscape through which one must pass, learning its
story, and physical nature. That landscape may be internal as well as external.
It is essentially coming to know those things, stories, people, or events important
to your self-knowledge and your quest. It is about history, not the kind of history
that is in books (although that is a place you may begin or end), but the kind of
history that lives in the minds and hearts of a People. It is the oral history that
presents how a people see themselves in their journey as a People. The key is
learning to seek in a way that reclaims a people's oral history and cultural
tradition for the purpose of constructing a transformative vision. We must
establish dialogue about what our visions might be and try things out. We must
appreciate what others have done in formal and informal ways, big and small,
past and present. In this way we energize our visions as we live and grow. This
is not as complex as it may sound' since Indigenous educational processes have
numerous vehicles for doing exactly this.
Seeing, talking, and doing are the basis of most learning. All cultures
of the world have evolved formal and informal contexts in which this way
of learning forms an integrated relationship with personal history, oral
history, folklore, and the arts. Any number of historic and contemporary
American Indian mythic and social structures might serve as a basis for
developing symbiotic models based on dialogue, communication, and expe-
rience. Every traditional American Indian social event presents a context for
story, sharing, and experience. The key is to organize these events
combined with other communal events and contextsto form reflective
centers for learning and empowerment. Then work the concentric rings of
relationship toward preparing ourselves for new visions and realizing our
collective potential for educating and thriving in the twenty-first century.
Intellectual, social, and spiritual learning unfolds in a definite context of
relationships. We encounter this, and try to understand it to obtain meaning and

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orient ourselves. For Indian people, this primary context of relationship and
meaning was found in the natural environment. In a sense, all traditional Indian
education can be called environmental education because it touches on the
spiritual ecology of a place. Indian people expressed a way of environmental
education that oriented them to "that place Indians talk about."
The description that follows is an expression of how Indian perspectives of
Nature and their relationships therein can form the basis of a contemporary
environmental education curriculum. This is my own work based on exploration
of environmental education as seen through the metaphors, concepts, and reality
of Indian people. It is a work that spans the breadth of my career as a teacher and
incorporates perspectives gained from my own Indigenous roots and my creative
process as an artist. It has been my way of living the vision that has evolved from
finding my face, finding my heart, and finding that work through which I am
currently expressing my life.

Indigenous Science: Seven Orientations of Environmental Knowledge

The Rational.
There are many possible ways of defining Indigenous Science based on the
theoretical orientations of anthropology, sociology, theology, or history of'
science. Each of' these disciplines studies the epistemology of groups through
their particular perspectives, to gain insight into how groups approach classify-
ing, learning about, and transferring their knowledge of' reality.'
Ethmiscience" is a term invented by ethnologists to define and describe the
methods, thought processes, philosophies, concepts, and experiences by which
a primal group of people obtains and applies knowledge about the natural world.
It was coined For use in non-Western cultures who lacked a word to describe the
science-like epistemology, perceptions, interpretations, and applications related
to knowledge of' the natural world. The use and application of the term
"ethnoscience" are very telling of how Western scholars and educators have
viewed non-Western cultures. The term has often been used to set apart so called
non-objective, non-literate, irrational, and primitive orientations to the natural
world from the objective, rational Western reality of Science. Yet the term,
ethnoscience, is useful Fur describing some of the key elements I mean by
Indiger ous science.
The implied separation, both in language and reality, reflects a dile- ima
that has been historically associated with the orienting, teaching, and learning of'
science, especially pertaining to the education of non-Western, traditional
people. Ethnoscience denotes a culturally based science, while Science is per-

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ceived as the "truly objective study of natural reality, and the standard against
which all others must be compared." The implication is that ethnoscience is
cultural while Science is somehow a cultural. This is a perception commonly held
by many educators, scientists, and the public and reflects a conditioned response
emanating from the hidden curriculum of' modern Western education. It is a
perception that lies at the root of an attitude and approach that has caused
significant alienation of many Indigenous people from mainstream Western
approaches to science education. This perception combined with my own
cultural orienta: ion to the natural world and the alienation experienced by many
Native Americans to conventional ways of teaching sciencemotivated my
exploration of ethnoscience.
Through the study of ethnoscience, one begins to develop an intuitive
understanding of a people's way of' living, perceiving, learning, and acting
in relationship to their particular environment. Science, in its universal
sense, along with Art and Religion, form a three-way path through which the
nature and expression of the cultural mind and its core orientations may be
explored. All three systems express, translate, and transfer the culture from
which they are formed to its members, through their unique, complemen-
tary, and ever evolving processes.
Until recently, ethnoscience has remained an isolated thematic area of
study in cultural anthropology. Here it has played a valuable role in the study of
cultural thinking and learning. However, ethnoscience has taken on new
significance as a result of work in cognitive psychology, linguistics, mythology,
deep ecology, and even theoretical physics. The integration of' a variety of
orientations is characteristic of ethnoscientific inquiry since, by nature, it
involves a multidisciplinary approach to research. Ethnoscience uncovers the
processes through which a culture develops strategies and classifications for
making Nature accessible to explanation and understanding. Through ethno-
science one is able to study, understand, and explain the similarities and
differences in the way cultures apply the process of science. Science is essentially
a cultural extension of man, a cognitive tool For trying to understandand explain
the reality of Nature.
Therefore, the study of the ethnosciences of American Indians becomes a
valuable tool for understanding, the cultural influences in science. It provides a
way for Indians and non-Indians to gain insights about themselves and cultural
conditioning in the natural world.
Tb,,!ethnoscrencesorAmerican Indian tribes are unique within themselves,
yet many share characteristics because of adaptation to the same geographical
area or because they are reflecting the same guiding values. In spite of diverse

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expressions there are tangible strands of relationship that allow American

Indians to understand one another's approaches to knowing and relating to, the
natural world. The approaches associated with healing, hunting, or the arts
reflect this unity-in-diversity of cultural thought.
Variations of the mythic structures such as the "Trickster," "Sacred
Twins," "Earth Mother," "Sun Father," "Corn Mothers," "Great Serpent,"
"Mother of Game," "Tree of Life," "Holy Winds," "Sacred Mountains," "Chang-
ing Woman," "Creation/Emergence," "Celestial Beings" and the "Great Mys-
tery," occur in all Indian cultures and exemplify their inherent interrelatedness.
These are the mythic structures that symbolize the processes of Nature and
represent primal and mythical ways of perceiving the world. They represent
distinctly Native American ways of perceiving the natural world. They are also
extensions of science in that they reflect unique cultural interpretations of
phenomena of the natural world. They explain the world, which is exactly what
science is supposed to do. Science is Story!
The story of science was integrated with all other aspects of Indian life.
When you apply holistic thinking to interpret the symbolic language, art, dance,
music, ritual, and metaphors through which the story of Indian science has been
transmitted, you begin to realize that they reflect tremendously perceptive and
sophisticated ideas about the processes of Nature and the Universe. Recent
research of ancient and contemporary Indigenous philosophies by scientist/
philosophers David Bohm, Fritjof Capra, and others, has made it apparent that
many Indigenous people have incorporated understandings into their systems
that are only now being explored or confirmed by the most advanced research
in Quantum Physics. It appears that these preliminary realizations are only the
tip of the iceberg. Exploration and re-examination of the philosophical and
ecological foundations of primal cultures have begun in earnest.
Many aspects of American Indian cultures are now being examined
through more enlightened perspectives that have evolved from theoretical
physics, ecology, theology, ethics, mythology, and the psychology of con-
sc;ousness. This examination has great potential for American I ndians.1 It
presents a contemporary foundation for interpreting important elements of
the traditional paradigms of Native America in the context of a twenty-first
century world. Native American youth must be prepared to take an active
part in all areas of such a renaissance.
A renaissance of this nature requires an exceptionally creative approach to
American education, and Indian education specifically. In most American
schools, curricula in the arts, sciences, social sciences, and humanities remain
cloistered in conventionally sterile boxes where they reside lifelessly in a state of
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LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

perpetual dysfunction and impotence. They lack any semblance ofan integrating
Center. The educational outcome in these schools is mediocre at best. At worst,
they become battlegrounds wrought with fear, hopelessness, and despair: school
becomes a place of unfulfilled prc,mise and alienation. Science, taught from a
Western American cultural perspective, presents the antithesis of traditional
culture for many Indian youth and initiates real psychological conflict and
displaced anxiety. Native American students generally respond by being apa-
thetic or rebellious, or they drop out.
For many Indian students, conventional science courses are seen as dry and
mechanical, comprised of memorizing facts and formulas, taking tests and
answering questions from the back of their text book. The process has very little
to do with their lives. For the more traditionally raised students, school science
is viewed as a tool for desecration and exploitation of reservations.
Alienation from science, as it is conventionally taught, is widespread among
Indian students. This affects student performance in math and science as
indicated by their generally low test scores in science related areas. This
alienation from science has resulted in lack of scientific expertise among all tribes,
leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and dependency on non-Indian consult-
ants for decisions related to resource development, health, and other areas
requiring scientific expertise. Tribal self-empowerment, self-determination,
development of the leadership and capacity to live according to their own story
become even more difficult to attain.
Science is a way of story; it is a process and structure of thought that is a
natural part of human thinking. Every culture has used and developed this
storymaking tool in its unique way. The core of the problem of science education
today lies in the way Western educators have scripted the story. That script is
called "curriculum modeling", and like the screenplay that brings a story to life
for an audience, the conventional models of science education have grievously
neglected their audience. They haven't updated the play, and they haven't
presented a culturally empowering performance to American Indians. There-
fore, the problem is one of content and presentation. Creativity in presentation,
and cultural sensitivity in content are the essential ingredients of a winning
production. This is the key to science education that is culturally relevant and
empowering for Indian people. Science is a cultural system, and objectivity is
really a subjective matter. Objectivity is a relative cultural system you happen to
be applying. As such, the study of science from American Indian perspectivescan
provide invaluable bridges for cross-cultural learning and understanding.
This ethnoscience curriculum model incorporates an Indigenously derived
structure called a "curriculum mandala". The mandala represents the integrated

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INDIQENOVS EDVCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRST CENTVRY WORLD

concentric rings of relationships among seven courses that comprise the curricu-
lum. The seven courses are founded on the shared metaphor and meaning of
sacred directions among Native American Tribal groups. From this shared
cultural perspective, directions represent not on ly geographical orientations, but
consciousness as well. Sacred directions provide a way for individuals and
groups to place themselves physically, psychologically, mythically, and spiritu-
ally. This is an inherently environmental model in that Indian tribes traditionally
associated a specific color, a kind of natural phenomena, an animal, a plant, a tree,
certain spirits, and a kind of thinkingall of these have symbolic meaning in the
cultural perceptions of a tribe with a specific direction. These symbols are
essentially ecological in that they related to a people's perception of themselves
in relationship to their environment. Each entity associated with each direction
symbolizes a quality of thought and being. For every tribe, the combination of
these qualities formed the foundation for wholeness and the dynamic process of
natural reality. The Indigenous science curriculum follows the logic and integra-
tive process that is inherent in the orienting of Indigenous learning.

THE MODEL

The Center

The first course of the curriculum is entitled, "Creative Process: The Centering
Place." It is the Center of the curriculum, the place of emergence. It explores the
elements of creation and learning that a:e the first and most basic kind of
orientation. Learning how you learn and create, by exploring the way others
have approached learning and creating, allows you to establish a relationship to
the human enterprise of creation. By exploring the ways Nature creates, you
experience the wonder. You establish a meaning and context for the learning that
you engage in. In this orientation, students explore their creative nature through
making art, creative encounters with Nature, writing journals, researching
creative expression in Indigenous cultures, and a variety of other creative
learning activities. They learn to appreciate the quality and depth or understanding
that Indigenous people possess related to the nature of creativity and its relationship to
the human spirit. The centering place is a preparation for the holistic jou mey oflearning
based on the understanding of one's own creative spirit and capacity. Through this
orientation, students begin the process of finding their own center, "that place that
Indian people talk about", that place of'self-knowing and el powerment that forms the
foundation for a transfonnative process of learning and creation.

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East

The East is the next orienting direction. East is the place of the Sun's first light,
the place of first insight and illumination. The course associated with this
direction is entitled, "Philosophy: A Native American Perspective". In the East,
students are oriented to the natural philosophy that guides the attitudes,
expressions, and applications of Indigenous knowledge. "Ecosophy" is the most
recent term for the integration of environmental knowledge with physical, social,
mythological, psychological, and spiritual life characteristic of Indigenous soci-
eties. The symbolism of wisdom, first light, rebirth, the Sun, and the dawn of
thought associated with the East provides a context for the creative study of
ecosophy. Students come to understand how philosophy is the foundation for the
formation and expression of the knowledge systems of a culture.
The ecological paradigms inherent in Native American philosophies are
compared to the various schools of Western and Eastern philosophy to gain
insight into the differences and similarities of orientations, epistemology, and
views of man and Nature. Students learn how philosophy expresses the way
cultures view the world. These views form the images, myths, symbols, ethics,
aesthetics, and visions by which a culture creates itself. Students explore the
natureof the theology of place that binds Indigenous people to their place and
forms their ecological understanding of their deep and abiding connection to
their land.
In the East, students learn how to think about the world in relationship to
the social structures, concepts, ideas, and values that reflect the special character
of individual cultures. The East is where students may create their own
foundation of thought in preparation for their personal journey of learning.

West

The West is the next circle of orientation. It is the place of sustenance, the
group mind, social well-being, and community. The course associated with
this direction is entitled, "The Tribe: Social Psychology from a Native
American Perspective". In this orientation, students explore the social and
psychological implications of the concentric rings of environmental rela-
tionship. Tribalism as a form of social organization is explored in relation-
ship to other forms of community. Students apply principles and concepts
from human ecology, environmental ethics, mythology, cultural anthropol-
ogy, sociology, and social and Jungian psychology to examine the social
ethos of American Indian Tribal communities.

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INDIQENOUS EDUCATION FOR A TwENTY-FIRST CENTURY WORLD

Students are encouraged to explore questions of critical concern such as:

Why is community important? What is Tribalism, and why has it been the social
organization of' choice and necessity for 495 of tiL(-. last 500 generations of
mankind? What are the thinking patterns of The Tribe pertaining to its valuing
people, NatUre, and social relationship over materialism, exploitation of natural
resources, and individualism? What kind of ecology of mind is perpetuated in
Tribal community? How has the disintegration of Tribal community affected the
social psychology and well-being of contemporary American Indians? What is
the contemporary nature of multiculturalism and its promise for American
Indian community?
In the Western quadrant, students are immersed in exploration of social
experience, and through dialogue, research, creative learning activities, guest
speakers, special projects, film, and the arts students develop their understanding
of the social environment in which they live and the concentric rings of
relationship that extend from the community to the natural world. In short, they
encounter the group mind in themselves and in others. Through such an
encounter, they come to understand more completely the inherent ecology of'
human community and its reflection in themselves.

South

The next orientation is that of the South. The South is the domain of plants,
fertility, the healing wind, good fortune, and spiritual wholeness. The course of
this direction is entitled: "Herbs, Health and Wholeness: a Native American
Perspective" and has two primary dimensions. In the first part of this orientation,
students explore the nature of human relationship to plants and their role in our
perception of, and dependence on, the natural world. Plants are explored within
the context oftheir natural ecologies, traditional uses, and concepts of health and
wholeness held by American Indian groups. Methods and content from plant
ecology, botany, pharmacology, and traditional systems of medicine are applied
to help students gain direct knowledge of how American Indians historically
used plants for food and medicine. Through direct encounters with plants in their
natural environments, students establish their own relationship with plants and
the natural world. Students gather plants, make teas and other herbal prepara-
tions, draw and create natural art forms using the plants that they have gathered,
keep journals and create stories related to what they are experiencing as they
encounter plants and Nature. They connect themselves and learn by being with
and in Nature.
In the second part of this orientation, concepts and principles from systems

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of ecology, mythology, storytelling, holistic health, Jungian psychology, tradi-

tional American Indian systems of medicine combined with other medical
systems such as Chinese Herbology and Ayerveda are all used to examine the
nature of health and wholeness.
Students are introduced to the metaphors, symbols, and lifeways tradition-
ally incorporated by American Indians to gain insight into the communal and
cultural domain of healing. Harmony, as a guiding concept, is explored in various
expressions of American Indian ritual, dance, art, and medical practices such as
the Blessing Way of the Navajo and the Yuwipi of the Sioux. The metaphor of
seeking life is also examined as an expression of Indigenous orientations of the
Life Principle, that dynamic interaction of physical and spiritual reality that we
recognize as life. Students explore the matter of wholeness as a reality that each
living thing participates in. Students begin to internalize that health is a dynamic
state of being whole and in harmony to all aspects of their environment, internal
as well as external. Healing is the restoration and maintenance of a dynamic state
of health through revitalizing and centering a person or situation with creative
application of natural processes. Students learn about the road to their healing
center and how to work with the creative flow of the wholeness of Nature. They
begin the journey for empowering of themselves by becoming their own healers.

North

North is the orientation that is associated with animals, and human relationship
to this other community oflife. The North is the domain of inner forms, the cold
hardening winter wind, the unconscious, the origins of dreams, and the symbol
of life begetting life through death. In this direction, myth becomes the vehicle,
and animals 4-he focus, for the exploration of the concentric rings of physical,
social, ecological, and spiritual relationship between man and all other living
things. The course associated with this direction is entitled, "Animals in Native
American Myth and Reality".
In this realm, students explore the reflections of' animals in our human
selves. Animal is an arbitrary term since, biologically speaking, humans are part
of the animal kingdom. Animals inhabit an important place in human thought
and culture precisely because we are intuitively aware of our primal and essential
physical relationship. Animals appear in the first stories, the first arts, the first
expressions of ritual among all cultures. Animal life and behavior have been a
model for human understanding of what it is to be human. Our reliance, love,
respect, and even fear of animals are deeply embedded in our psyches. The
ancient stories that we tell are stories of our relationship to our animal brethren.

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 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY WORLD

The development of myth, Tribal community, art, and ritual can be tied to our
need as humans to come to terms with the animals in the places where we have
lived. Hunting and the quest of the Hunter of Good Heart are explored as the
story of our mythic relationship to animals.
In this orientation, students are presented with concepts from wildlife
biology, ecology, mythology, and theology that help them put in context the
animal myths that they study. This is combined with students establishing a
direct personal relationship with the animal world. This may take the form of
drawing animals, making animal masks, working with animals, creating music,
dance or performances that revolve around stories of animals or the creative
inspirations that they ignite. In every way, students are encouraged in their
attempts to revitalize their connections to animals. In the North, the way of myth
combines with the way of art to express and bring to life the nature of the
relationship of man and animal. Students enact and enliven their animal genes
in ways that are profoundly transformative and energizing.

Below

The next orientation is that of the Below upon which we dwell, and her processes
of life. The Below is the domain of the Earth Mother and the archetypal elements
of earth, wind, fire, water, and air. In mythological metaphor, it is the place of
Changing Woman, the earth mounds called mountains, the origin of the winds,
and the fire and breath of life and thought. Its characteristic processes and
products are symbolized by the dynamic and creative interplay of the elements.
The geophysical processes such as hydrologic cycle, volcanic activity, erosion,
plate tectonics, the seasons, and all manifestations of weather represent her life
and being. The course associated with this orientation is "The Archetypal
Elements: Geoscience from a Native American Perspective."
In this orientation, students are introduced to the natural phenomena that
sustains all life through an exploration of Native American mytholcgy related to
the Winds, Mountains, Seas, Forests, Lakes, Rivers, Plains, and Deserts. The
representation of these natural entities in traditional rituals and art forms is
studied, along with related manifestations, to gain insight into their nature and
characteristics as seen through the eyes and minds of Native people. Concepts
and principles of geoscience, physical science, geology, and meteorology are
applied to allow students to gain a basic understanding and appreciation of the
geophysics of earth processes. This is combined with creative encounters and
interpretations of Earth processes through drawing, painting, sculpting, story-
ing, and other art forms. Students are encouraged to establish their own

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

relationship with Earth and to creatively express that understanding through art.
Students metaphorically root themselves in the Earth and its way of dynamic and
creative expression.

Above

The seventh orientation is that of the Above. This is the domain of the Celestial Father,
the Great Mystery, the Sun, Moon, and Stars. The course associated with this direction
is entitled: "Astronomy: a Native American Perspective". Through this orientation
students are immersed in the many cosmological perspectivesofNative Americansand
their relationship to their environment. Students are introduced to the astronomical
knowledge of selected Indian groups of the Americas: the Chumash of California, the
Anasa7i of New Mexico, the Skidi Pawnee of the Plains, the Aztecs, Maya and Inca
of Mexico, Central and South America. These ancient New World astronomies are
compared to ancient Old World astronomies of the ancient Britons, the Babylonians,
and Egyptians to demonstrate the parallels of approaches and orientation.
Concepts and principles drawn from modern astronomy, physics, anthropol-
ogy, cosmology, and mythology are applied to help students gain an understanding of
modern conceptions of the Universe. Students also make observations of the Sun,
Moon, Planets, Stars, and constellations to understand the patterns of celestial bodies.
This also helps- them appreciate the sophistication and depth of understanding of
ancient Indigenous astronomers. Students visitancient astronomical sites such as those
of the Anasa 7i at Chaco Canyon in New Mexico. They study ancient architecture and
art to gain insights into how ancient Americans viewed themselves in relationship to
the Cosmos.
Students are encouraged to create their own art in relation to their thoughts and
creative inspiration as they study and reflect on the Cosmos. Their creations may
include such art forms as calendar sticks, horizon calendars, medicine wheels, star
masks, painted star charts as well as poetry, short stories, star mobiles, and jewelry. The
creative possibilities are endless!
By tracing the concentric rings of relationship presented in the course, students
come full circle in their journey through the orientations of Indigenous environmental
understanding and expression. The Cosmos is the grand context and expression of the
creative center that is within. Students expand thei r awareness of'the environment and
of themselves as creative beings who are part ofa greater story ofcreation, greater than
anything that they can even imagine. They become empowered through the realization
that they are part ofa greater human story of being and becoming. They learn that they
can expand their vision oft hemselves, and that their lives are part ofthe story ofcreation
and life. They come to "that place the Indians tall, about!"
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 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY WORLD

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

The Sun Dagger: A Cosmological Metaphor For

American Indian Education In A Twenty-First Century World

High atop Fajada Butte in Chaco Canyon National Park, New Mexico is a
monument to the ingenuity and sophistication of Indigenous thought. By
shaping and precisely placing three sandstone slabs against a concave horizontal
indentation facing the sun, and then inscribing one large and one small spiral, the
ancient Anasazi inhabitants of Chaco Canyon created the only known solstitial
and lunar marker made by an ancient civilization anywhere in the world. This
monument to the genius and cosmological perspective of Indian America is
appropriately called the "Sun Dagger."
Fajada Butte is a high sandstone mesa rising from the floor of Chaco like
a silent sentinel guarding a gateway that leads to the world of an ancient
Indigenous past. Chaco Canyon is centrally located in the San Juan Basin of
northwestern New Mexico. The canyon is the center of a complex of ancient
Anasazi Indian sites that date back over a thousand years. The ruins located in
and about the canyon are the most extensive and elaborate expressions of
Anasazi culture yet discovered.
From near the top of Fajada Butte one can see the winding course of Chaco
Canyon, and the expanse of dry washes, sandstone mesas and horizons that seem
to go on into infinity. Fajada Butte, and its location in the Chaco basin, is indeed
an appropriate location for an Indigenous marker of the cycles of physical and
metaphysical time. The geographical context of'Chaco Canyon, the natural form
of Fajada Butte and the Sun Dagger in its elegant simplicity, profound
sophistication, and harmonious integration into the natural structure of the
butte presents an extraordinary environmentally based metaphor of the essen-
tial perspective that has been achieved by Indigenous education.
The story of the Sun Dagger's discovery is a tale that mirrors the
rediscovery ofthe Indigenous prospective. Anna Sofaer, an artist recording rock
art sites located on Fajada Butte, was the first non-Indian to see the unique play
of light and shadow created by the Sun Dagger as the sun reaches its noon
position around the time of Summer Solstice. What Sofaerwitnessed in late June
1977, would change her life and would later force archeo-astronomers around
the world to reconsider their preconceived notions regarding the conceptual
capabilities and scientific sophistication of ancient American Indian cultures.
Over a period of several years and tireless effort, Sofaer was able to piece
together the amazing ways in which the Sun Dagger marked the cyclic
movement of the Sun and Moon. The basics of how the Sun Dagger functions
may be described as follows:
9
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 INDICANOUS EDUCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY WORLD

The site consists of two spirals carved into the rock behind the three
horizontal stone slabs. Just before noon on the days surrounding summer
solstice, a knife of light bisects the larger spiral. At winter solstice, two noonday
daggers frame the large spiral. Finally, during the equinoxes, the smaller spiral
is bisected at midday by a lesser dagger, while a larger shaft of light passes to the
right of center of the larger spiral.
The large spiral has 19 grooves, which may reflect the Anasazi knowledge
of the 19.00-year Metonic cycle of the moon (the time required for the same phase
of' the moon to recur on the same day of theyear). The slightly shorter lunar cycle
of 18.61 years corresponds to the time between successive major standstills. At
Fajada Butte the moon's shadow bisects the spiral at moonrise during the minor
northern standstill and just touches the petroglyph's left edge during major
northern standstills. At both places a straight groove has been cut, which is
parallel to the moon's shadow.'
The Anasazi understood the complementary movement of the sun in
relationship to the moon as a visible manifestation of the sacred interplay of
complementary opposites expressed throughout the Cosmos. They translated
this understanding through various expressions in their ritual traditions and
mythology. The Sun Dagger reflects the integration of Anasazi understanding
of the movement of he Sun and Moon through time and space with a profoundly
spiritual and sophi ,ticated cosmological orientation. The Sun represented the
ultimate symbol of light and of life for the Anasazi. They were interested in all
aspects of the Sun and traced its journey across the sky throughout theyear. They
were interested in the relationship of move. nents of the Sun and Moon to the
Earth. The Anasazi strove to resonate their lives, their spirits, and their
communities with the natural cycles that they perceived in the Cosmos.
Near midday, during Sun's passage overhead on the summer solstice, a
bright ray of sunlight begins to cut through the three positioned sandstone slabs
on Fajada Butte. As the Sun moves closer to its highest point in the sky, the dagger
of' sunlight becomes more pronounced and it points toward the center of the
largest spiral. As the Sun reaches its noon time position, the dagger of light spears
through the center of the spiral as if heralding, and simultaneously pinpointing,
the most sacred and energy-filled time in the Sun's annual pilgrimage across the
sky. I n a similarly dramatic way, the interplay of light and shadow created by the
Sun Dagger also marks the times of winter solstice, the Fall and winter equinoxes,
and even the major and minor standstills of the Moon, which occur over a cycle
of' 19 years.
The Sun Dagger metaphorically reflects the connection between time,
space, and life on Earth with that of the Sun, Moon, Planets, Stars, and
q

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

constellations. The play of light and shadow, illumination and orientation,

mirroring the cyclic evolution of the Cosmos is recorded by the Sun Dagger.
It is a metaphor of the creative learning and honoring of relationship that is
indicative of Indigenous education. The Sun Dagger visually shows the
drama of the life and movement of time. It represents how the life of the
universe is enfolded in the reality of every moment and all life on Earth. The
spirals, like miniature replicas of an evolving universe, radiate (Si om a center
in concentric rings that show the interrelationship of cycles and a continuity
that extends to infinity.
How is the Sun Dagger in its function and its symbolism metaphorically
like Indigenous education? Indigenous learning and teaching are developmental
processes. They originate with inner experience as a center and radiate out
through time and space, forming concentric rings of relationship to other
experiences of learning. A cycle of learning is related to the one before and the
one after in a continuum of time through the life of the individual and through
the generations of a tribe. Learning is also continually moving back and forth
between light and shadow through the experiences that occur in one's life. There
are times during our lives that a focused point of illumination cc, urs and the
creative energy of the conscious (sun) or the unconscious (moon) come into their
fullest potential. There are also seasons and cycles of major and minor standstills
of creative focus that characterize human learning and teaching; these must be
to honored.' Learning in the sunlight (conscious modes) and learning in the
moonlight (unconscious modes) complement one another through a process of
education. There are pillars of cultural knowledge and context that at times form
and illuminate learning and at other times cast shadows, enclose or hide, to
contrast one realm of learning from another. The large and small spirals, around
which the dagger of light dances with the shadows, may be seen to represent the
motion and direction of human thought one rational, one intuitiveboth
contained within the same space. Finally, profound learning happens when we
climb to a high place, overcoming hardship and obstacles along the way, to gain
a perspective that gives us a broader, more expansive, view. Wisdom and
important knowledge can be found only through "looking to the mountain" and
then rising from a lower plane to a higher one as the physical metaphor of Fajada
Butte and its location in Chaco Canyon so magnificently represents.
The Sun Dagger, Fajada Butte, and the r ''is of Chaco Canyon have been
abandoned for more than eight hundredyears.. ,pite of abandonment, the Sun
Dagger has continued to mark the passage of hundreds of sacred time cycles of
the Sun and Moon. The discovery of this metaphysical symbol and tool of
Indigenous America was greeted at first with great doubt, followed by contro-
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 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION FOR A TWENTY-FIRIT CENTURY WORLD

versy among Western scientists. This gave way to a flurry of experiments and
observation of the site under glass, in the usual tradition of objectified science, in
an attempt to fit it to the tacit infrastructure of Western understanding. Just as
the natural reality it records, its Indigenous message cultivating a deep under-
standing of human relationship to the cosmos cannot be denied. The Anasazi
understood, as did other Indigenous people, that we are related not only to each
other and all other life on Earth, but we are also related to, and a part of, the
greater Universe. Therefore, an essential task of Indigenous education continues
to be about learning the nature of this relationship and honoring it!

SUN DAGGER
An Ancient Metaphor for A Contemporized Indigenous Education

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BEST COPY AVAILABLE
 IX

FINAL. THOWHTS

INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

IT IS ESSENTIAL THAT THE RELATIONSHIP of

Indigenous education to establishing
and maintaining individual and community wholeness be seriously considered.
Much of Indigenous education can be called "endogenous" education; it
revolves around a transformational process of learning by bringing forth
illumination from one's ego center. Educating and enlivening the inner self is the
imperative of Indigenous education embodied in the metaphor, "seeking life" or
for "life's sake." Inherent in this metaphor is the realization that ritual, myth,
vision, art, and learning the art of relationship in a particular environment,
facilitates the health and wholeness of the individual, family, and community.
Education for wholeness, by striving for a level of harmony between individuals
and their world, is an ancient foundation of the educational process of all cultures.
In its most natural dimension, all true education is transformative and Nature
centered. Indeed, the Latin root educare, meaning 'to draw out', embodies the
spirit of the transformative quality of education.
"A transformational approach to education is distinctly universal, integra-
tive and cross-cultural because it is referenced to the deepest human drives. From
this viewpoint all human beings concern themselves with self-empowerment and
with whatever enables them to transform their lives and the conditions in which
they live; such a viewpoint engenders the intent of people striving to create whole,
happy, prosperous, and fulfilling lives."'
The goals of wholeness, self-knowledge, and wisdom are held in
common by all the traditional educational philosophies around the world.
Indeed, even through medieval times all forms of European education were
tied to some spiritual training. Education was considered important in
inducing or otherwise facilitating harmony between a person and the world.
The goal was to produce a person with a well-integrated relationship
between thought and action. This idealized outcome was anticipated as
following naturally from the right education.
The right education is, of course, a culturally defined construct; its main
criteria is socializing the individual to the collective culture of a group. However,
this socialization is only one dimension of education, a first step in a lifelong path
of learning. Right education causes change that in time creates a profound

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 L./

INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

transformation of self. This transformation is a dynamic creative process that

brings anything but peace of mind, tranquillity, and harmonious adaptation. The
exploration of self, and relationships to inner and outer entities, require a tearing
apart to create a new order and higher level of consciousness. Harmony is
achieved through such a process, but it lasts for only a short time before it has to
be revised as people and their circumstances change. This is the endogenous
dynamic of Tribal education. (See Diagram)
The process begins with a deep and abiding respect for the spirit of each
child from before the moment of' birth. The first stage of Indigenous education
revolves around learning within the family, learning the first aspects of culture,
and learning how to integrate one's unique personality in a family context. The
first stage ends with gaining an orientation to place.
Education in the second stage revolves around social learning: being
introduced to Tribal society, and learning how to live in the natural environment.
The second stage ends with gaining a sense of Tribal history and learning how
to apply Tribal knowledge in day-to-day living.
The third stage revolves around melding individual needs with group
needs through the processes of: initiation, learning guiding myths, and partici-
pating in ritual and ceremony. This stage ends with a profound and deep
connection to tradition.
The fourth stage is a midpoint in which the individual achieves a high level
of integration with the culture and attains a degree of peace of mind. It brings the
individual a level of empowerment, personal vitality, and maturity. But it is only
the middle place of life.
The fifth stage is a period of searching for a life vision, a time of pronounced
individuation and the development of mythical thinking. This stage concludes
with a deep understanding of relationship and diversity.
The sixth stage ushers in a period of major transformation characterized by
deep learning about the unconsciousness. It is also a time of great travail,
disintegration, wounding, and pain that pave the way for an equally great
reintegration and healing process to begin in the final stage. The pain, wound,
and conflict act as a bridge to the seventh stage.
In the seventh stage deep healing occurs in which the self mutualizes with
body, mind, and spirit. In this stage, deep understanding, enlightenment, and
wisdom are gained. This stage ends with the attainment of a high level of spiritual
understanding. It acts as a bridge to finding one's true center and to being a
complete man or woman in "the place the Indians talk about."

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

The Indigenous Stages of Developmental Learning

Sense of .
Learning Empowerment
Tradition Relativity
Relationships

Sense of .
Deep
Place Learning

\ I I

it/bible/intent
II i..doin

These stages of interrelationship form a creative continuum, lifeway, that

helps us to become more fully human as we move through the stages of our lives.
Indigenous education traditionally recognized each of the most important
interrelationships through formal and informal learning situations, rites of
passage, and initiations.
Inherent in Indigenous education is the recognition that there is a knowing
Center in all human beings that reflects the knowing Center of the Earth and other
living things. Indian elders knew that contacting one's inner Center was not always a
pleasant or easily attainable experience. This recognition led to ceremonies, rituals,
 INDIQENOVS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

songs, dances, works ofart, stories, and traditions to assist individual access and use the
healing and whole-making power in each person. Connecting to that knowing Center
was choreographed through ritual preparation to help individuals on their journeys to
their own sources of knowledge. The potential for learning, inherent in each of the
major stages of a person's life, was engaged and applied to knowing one's Center. This
was the essential reason for the ritesofpassage associated with Indian tribes and various
societies within each tribe.
Since the highest goal of Indigenous education was to help each person find life
and realize a completeness in their life, the exploration of different approaches to
learning was encouraged. This was done with the understanding that each individual
would find the right one for them in their own time. But the process of finding one's self
and inner peace with its implications of being "adjusted", as it is called in modern circles
today, was not the central focus of Indigenous education. Seeking peace and finding
self were by-products of following a path of life that presented significant personal and
environmental challenges. This "individuation", as Jung called it, did not come easily.
It had to be earned every step of the way. In the process of earning it, one learned to
put forward the best that one had; one learned the nature of humility, self-sacrifice,
courage, service, and determination. Indian people understood that the path to
individuation is filled with doubt and trials. They understood that it was a path of
evolution and transformation.
Individuation is a work, a life opus, a task that calls upon us not to
avoid life's difficulties and dangers, but to perceive the meaning in the
pattern of events that form our lives. Life's supreme achievement may
be to see the thread that connects together the events, dreams, and
relationships that have made up the fabric of our existence. Individu-
ation is a search for and discovery of meaning; not a meaning we
consciously devise but the meaning embedded in life itself. It will
confront us with many demands, for the unconscious, as Jung wrote,
'always tries to produce an impossible situation in order to force the
individual to bring out his very best.'
There are elemental characteristics that exemplified the transformational
nature of Indigenous education. The following are a few important elements for
learning goals and the development o. content areas.'
First, was the idea that learning happens °fits own accord, if the individual
has learned how to relate with his/her inner Center and the natural world.
Learning about one's own nature and acting in accord with that understanding
was a preconditioning that prepared the individual for deep learning.
Second, there was the acceptance that experiences of significant hardship

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 LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOCiY OF INDK)ENOUS EDUCATION

were a necessary part of an individual's education, and that such circumstances

provided ideal moments for creative teaching. A wounding or memory of a
traumatic event and the a,sociated learning provided a constant source for
renewal. This transformation enlarged the consciousness if individuals were
helped to understand the meaning of these events in their lives.
Third, was that empathy and affection were key elements in learning. Also,
direct subjective experience combined with affective reflection were essential
elements of right education. Therefore mirroring behavior back to learners
became way that they might come to understand their behavior and how to use
experience to the best advantage.
Fourth, an innate respect for the uniqueness of each person created the
understanding that each person was their own teacher in their process of
individuation. Indigenous education integrated the notion that there are many
ways to learn, many ways to educate, many kinds of learners, many kinds of'
teachers, each honored for their uniqueness and their contribution to education.
Fifth, that each learning situation is unique and innately tied to the creative
capacity of the learner. When this connection to creative learning and illumina-
tion is thwarted, frustration and rigidity follow. Learning therefore, had to be
connected to the life process of each individual. The idea of life -long learning was
a natural consideration.
Sixth, that teaching and learning are a collaborative contract between the
teacher and learner. In this sense the teacher was not always human but could
be an animal, a plant, or other natural entity or force. The teachable moment was
recognized through synchronistic timing or creative use of' distractions And
analogies to define the context for an important lesson. The tactic of distract-to-
attract-to-react was a common strategy of Indigenous teachers.
Seventh, that learners need to see, feel and visualize a teaching through
their own and other people's perspectives. Therefore, telling and retelling a story
from various perspectives and at various stages of' life enriched learning,
emphasized key thoughts, and mirrored ideas, attitudes, or perspectives back to
learners for impact. Re-teaching and re-learning are integral parts of complete
learning. Hence, the saying, "Every story is retold in a new day's light."
Eighth, that there are basic developmental orientations involved with
learning through which we must pass toward more complete understanding.
Learning through each orientation involves finding personal meaning through
direct experience. The meaning that we find is subjective and interpretive, based
on our level of maturity, self-knowledge, wisdom, and perspective.
Ninth, that Life itself is the greatest teacher and that each must accept the
hard realities of life with those that are joyous and pleasing. Living and learning

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 INDICANOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

through the trials and pains of life are as important as learning through good
times. Indeed, life is never understood fully until it is seen through difficulty and
hardship. it is only by experiencing and learning through all life's conditions that
one begins to understand how all we do is connected, and all the lessons that we
must learn are related.
Tenth, that learning through reflection and sharing experience in
community allows us to understand our learning in the context of greater
wholes. In a group there are as many ways of seeing, hearing. feeling, and
understanding as there are members. In a group we come to understand that
we can learn from another's experience and perspective. We also become
aware of our own and other's bias and lack of understanding. We see that
sometimes people do not know how to use real innovation and that many
times people do not know how to recognize the real teachers or the real
lessons. We see that a community can reinforce an important teaching, or
pose obstacles to realizing its true message. As the Tohono Odum phrase it,
"when all the people see the light shining at the same time and in the same
way," then a group can truly progress on the path of knowledge.

Survival: An Indigenous Value and An Economic Necessity

Indigenous people evolved ingenious strategies for making a living in even the
most inhospitable environments. The ingenuity of Indian people in developing
economic systems of trade is a testimonial to their ability to survive and thrive in
each place they have lived.
This hirtoric Indian awareness and application of economics are
expressed today in the numerous markets and trade fairs that exist in Indian
Country. The boom in Native American arts and crafts is a visible expres-
sion of this continuing tradition.
Today, Indian people make a living not only in the form of arts and crafts,
but in the vocational trades. business, education, government service, and
numerous other professions. Economics has always been a part of the social
ecology of Indigenous societies. From the earliest times Indian people have
engaged in sustainable economic activity in a relatively harmonious relationship
with their natural environments.
In the making of a living, Indian people traditionally and historically
interjected an ecological attitude, a sense of' spiritual ecology, a mutually
reciprocal, sustainable relationship. Economics, providing for one's material and
physical needs both at the individual and communal levels, was traditionally tied
to spiritual, ecological, and communal aims. Traditional Indian expressions of

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

the "give away", the "potlatch", the exchange of food, services, and labor during
individual and communal activity are all reflections of an Indian sense of
economic ecology.
A mutually reciprocal cycle of giving and receiving established a sustain-
able form of economics in Indigenous communities. In all Indian communities,
material wealth, land, and service (labor) were communally shared to ensure that
every member of the community was cared for. This form of economics was an
ecological necessity that formed the foundation of long-term serviceability.
From this ecological stance, service, leadership, community responsibility
and traditional governance tied individual and community in an intimate and
sustainable relationship of interdependence. The individual was the community
and the community the individual.
Among the early Chumash Indians, the Antap (traditional high priest), in
cooperation with the Alchuklash (religious council), collected food and essential
material goods from the various Chumash villages as a form of' tax. Food and
material were stored in the central village, and during special ceremonies related
to the Winter Solstice, redistribution took place to the old, to widows, to
orphans, and other Chumash needy. It was a form of socially conscious
economics that ensured the long-term sustainability of the Chumash.
This portrays how economics was done in those times and in "that place
Indians talk about". It was an economic system that evolved from a unified
understanding that all forms of economics are tied to natural resources and to
people in relationship with eac.h other. As with all ecologies, the forms and
expressions of Indigenous economics were diverse and multidimensional. There
is a foundation of Indigenous economics, complete with ecological orientations
and sor'al expressions that may be studied for evolving a contemporary expres-
sion of' Indian education.
Today, Indian people and Indian communities struggle to be economi-
cally viable. In these times, economic survival is associated with accessibility
to modern education. Economic development is often tied to the capacity of
tribes to be self-determined and self-governed. This capacity is always tied
to Western education since it plays the role of gatekeeper to contemporary
economic survival. Therefore, a contemporary application of Indian educa-
tion must creatively integrate the orientation of economic survival and
ecological sustainability if it is to serve the needs of Indian people living in
contemporary times.
Historically, Indian people were ecological economists who expressed
forms of living and using resources that sustained an ecological way of life. The
principles of those times and "that place that Indians talk about" are desperately

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 INDIQENOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDMDVA1 TRANSFORMATION

needed by Indian and non-Indian alike if we are to sustain ourselves in this time
of true ecological crises.
Indian people have many strengths that are rooted in their traditional
ecologically oriented economics. The first step is to re-educate ourselves to these
economic understandings and to teach ourselves how to translate them to serve
ourselves and our communities.
There are traditionally rooted skills in the areas of agriculture, forestry,
trading, politics, governance, environmental sciences, engineering, philosophy,
and crafts, to name a few. These are the modern disciplines into which our
Indigenous ecological economics may be translated.
The areas of Indian arts and crafts provide a case in point. The creation of'
sustainable "eco- business" presents another. Art has been integral to the eco-
nomics of Indian communities since the turn of the century. With its humble
beginnings as a curio/tourist trade, the Indian art market has grown into a billion
dollar industry supporting individual artists, their families, their communities,
and a whole network of art entrepreneurs. In spite of the productivity of Indian
artisans, most reap only a small portion of the economic benefit stemming from
this industry. Lacking the necessary skills or capital to run their own businesses,
many Indian artisans remain essentially art producers, similar to independent
farmers producing a crop and selling it at low commodity rates. Indian people
must create opportunities to learn the art of business and become the entrepre-
neurs of their own enterprises.
Ecologically sound business and economic principles can be an expression
of Indigenous thought, guided by the contemporary -extension of Indigenous
ecological ethics and philosophy. The key is to learn how to transfer these
principles to making a living in a contemporary context.

Social Consciousness and Indigenous Education

Paulo Freire, Brazilian social reformer and educator, introduces a notion of'
education that closely parallels the role of' Indigenous education. The
similarity is in the transformation of the social consciousness of American
Indians as they strive for self-determination in the face of the challenges of
the twenty-first century.4
Freire's thesis is that the critical consciousness of the cultural and historical
roots of a People as expressed and understood from the perspective of the
people themselves -- is the foundation of their cultural emancipation. The
modern struggle of Indigenous people throughout the world has largely been
characterized by an attempt to maintain the most cherished aspects of their ways

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENMS EDUCATION

of life, their relationship to their lands, their consciousness of themselves as a

distinct People. They are constantly engaged in a dynamic struggle to retain the
freedom to be who they are in the midst of subtle, and at times overt, oppression
by modern societies.
Freire's central message about education is that one can only learn to the
extent that one can establish a participatory relationship with the natural,
cultural, and historical reality in which one lives. This is not the same as the
Western-schooled authoritarian style of problem solving, where experts observe
a situation from the outside and at a dSstance, then develop a solution or dictate
an action or policy. This approach takes the problem out of the context of human
experience and leads to a distortion of the problem as an event that has
relationship only to itself. This ultra-objectification denies the interrelationship
and reduces participation and learning to an intellectual exercise. The result is
perpetuation of depender. :e on an outside authority and the maintenance of the
political power brokers behind such authority. Indigenous people who are
administered education, extension services, and economic development in these
terms usually remain oppressed and gradually become dependent on the
authority. Under these circumstances, Indigenous people's ability to revitalize
and maintain themselves culturally, socially, and economically through a self-
determined process of education is significantly diminished, if not destroyed.
Freire's approach is to begin with the way a group communicates about
their world and their experiences in their own social contexts. Then generative
words, metaphors, or proverbs are identified: words that evoke thought, feelings,
or reveal a historical perspective that has intrinsic meaning to a People and their
cultural way of life. These words or phrases are translated into a variety of
meaningful images and discussed with the People themselves to "unpack" their
meaning. Various stages of dialogue evolve through structures called "culture
circles". In the culture circle a group reflects on key generative words and
symbols, facilitated by a coordinator who helps form the dialogue. Since the
words and symbols being used come from the language, cultural, or historical
ience of the group, the people begin to reflect on their collective stories.
They do this in ways that stimulate new insights about themselves, their
situations, and solutions to problems that they face. Motivation, meaning, and re-
searching their cultural roots to find models for viewing their problems are
elements built into the culture circle. The group learns by telling and retelling
their stories, reflecting on their meaning, and reinforcing the vital elements of
their cultural orientation. This learning process stimulates the thinking of
"people submerged in a culture of silence to emerge as conscious makers of their
own cultures." The group learns how to create new meanings; they learn to apply

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 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

insights derived from their own culture, history, and social experience to their
contemporary life. What they learn about themselves, through themselves,
forms the basis for authentic empowerment. It is the beginning of release from
imposed authority through a process of education that has become their own.
Through such a process the group can truly cease being objects for outside
political, economic, or educative manipulation. Instead, they become subjects in
making their own stories for the future and controllers of their own destiny.
Freire's method has had a profound effect on increasing the literacy and the
social consciousness of, not only rural people in Brazil, but millions of people in
third-world nations. It works because it acts to release what is essentially an
Indigenous response to learning. It fosters authentic dialogue about what is
important to people in contexts of social and political situations that directly
affect them. The relevancy of what is being learned and why it is being learned
becomes readily apparent, because it is connected to the cultural orientations as
the people themselves perceive them. The democratization of knowledge and the
educational process perpetuated by Freire's approach mirrors what occurs in
Indigenous education. A new relationship among Indigenous people, modern
education, and knowledge bases is made possible. The knowledge and orienta-
tion of modern educators are changed from an expert-recipient relationship to
one of mutually reciprocal learning and co-creation. What is established is a more
ecologically sound and sustainable process of education. An education is
engendered that frees teachers, learners, and community to become partners in
a mutual learning and becoming process.
Freire's method mirrors, at a social level, the ecologically inspired orienta-
tion of Indigenous education that I have called "natural democracy." There is a
direct communication among all individuals engaged in the educative process.
The implicit paternalism, social control, and non-reciprocal orientation between
experts and recipients of education give way to authentic dialogue. This dialogue
generates a high level of critical consciousness and an educational empowerment
that allows Indigenous people to become agents of transformation in their own
social and cultural contexts.
The history of American Indian education has largely been character-
ized by a policy of assimilation. This has been combined with covert
attempts at modernization of American Indian communities to fit them into
the mainstream profile of American life. For the most part, this has been a
technical process of development, combined with intense indoctrination in
the political and bureaucratic ways of the federal government. Educational
development, like other extensions of federal aid, has occurred through the
actions of' technicians, bureaucrats, and political manipulators who act to

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 1.00k TO THE MOVNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INIKENOL6 EDUCATION

keep real decision-making power outside the parameters of the tribes and
individuals affected. Many educators, social reformers, business men, and
politicians involved with Indian issues perpetuate this federal and main-
stream paradigm. They do this either because they have never questioned
their own educational conditioning within this system, or because they have
not found or explored alternatives. This situation has prevented Indian
people from being the beneficiaries of the exploration of their own transfor-
mative vision and educational process. As a result, Indian tribes are still
relegated to having to react to their administration by the federal govern-
ment because of continued dependence on federal aid and extension ser-
vices. RatLer than being pro-active and truly self-determined in their efforts
to educate themselves, Indian people continue to struggle with modern
educational structures that are not of their own making, but are separated
from, and compete with, their traditional forms of education. There contin-
ues to be an educational schizophrenia in Indian education as it exists today.
Indian people continue to be one of the most educationally disadvantaged
and at risk groups in America. This reality exists in spite of the substantive
and inventive expressions of traditional education and philosophy that this
book has outlined. The essential question is: what needs to hapi.-,n to reclaim
and rename this important heritage, not only for Indian people, but as a
contribution to the educational development of all future generations?
I view the next phase of Indian education as requiring the collective
development of transformative vision and educational process based on
authentic dialogue. This development requires that new structures and
practi'ces emerge from old ones through a collective process of creative
thought and research. These new structures and practices can only be
generated by an ongoing and unbiased process of critical exchange between
modern educational thought and practice, and the traditional philosophy
and orientations of Indian people.
A new educational consciousness, an "Ecology of Indigenous Education",
must be forged that allows Indian people to explore and express their collective
heritage in education and to make the contributions to global education that stem
from such deep ecological orientations. The exploration of traditional Indian
education and its projection into a contemporary context is more than an
academic exercise. It illuminates the true nature of the ecological connection of
human learning and helps to liberate the experience of being human and being
related at all its levels.
From this perspective, education takes on the quality of a social and
political struggle to open the possibilities for a way of education that comes from
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 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

the very soul of Indian people. It also brings to the surface the extent of the
conditioning of modern educational processes that have been introjected into the
deepest levels of their consciousness. They become critical observers of the
modern education to which they have had to adapt, an education that demands
conformity to serve certain vested interests of American society. Through the
exploration of Indigenous education they learn how to demystify the techniques
and orientations of modern education. This understanding allows them to use
such education in accord with their needs and combine the best that it has to offer
with that of Indigenous orientations and knowledge. They cease to be recipi-
ents of modern education and become active participants and creators of
their own education.
At a more inclusive level, exploration of Indigenous education liberates the
Indian learner and educator to participate in a creative and transforming
dialogue that is inherently based on equality and mutual reciprocity. This is a way
of learning, communicating, and working in relationship that mirrors those ways
found in Nature. It also destigmatizes the Indian learner from being disadvan-
taged and the educator from being the provider of aid. It allows both the learner
and educator to co-create a learning experience and mutually undertake a
pilgrimage to a new level of self-knowledge. The educator enters the cultural
universe of the learner and no longer remains an outside authority. By co-
creating a learning experience, everyone involved generates a critical conscious-
ness and enters into a process of empowering one another. With such empow-
erment, Indian people become enabled to alter a negative relationship with their
learning process. With the reassertion, contemporary development, and imple-
mentation of such an Indigenous process at all levels of Indian education, Indian
people may truly take control of their history by becoming the transforming
agents of their own social reality.
Indian people must determine the future of Indian education. That future
must be rooted in a transformational revitalization of our own expressions of
education. As we collectively "Look to the Mountain'', we must truly think of that
seventh generation of Indian children; for it is they who judge whether we were
as true to our responsibility to them as our relatives were to us seven generations
before. It is time for an authentic dialogue to begin to explore where we have
been, where we are now, and where we need to go as we collectively embark on
our continuing journey to "that place that Indian People talk about". I hope that
this work will contribute to that dialogue.

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Land and Stars, The Only Knowledge

North, West, South, and East.
Above and Below and All Around.
Within knowledge of the land,
We are existent.
Within knowledge of the stF_.s,
We are existent.

Coldness and wind and the snow, northward.

Mildness and mountain and the rain, westward.
Hotness and desert and the hail, southward.
Warmness and mesa and the sun, eastward.
Starshine and sky and the darkness, upward.
Earthsource and stone and the light, downward.

By this Northern Mountain, we live.

On this Western Peak, we live.
In this Southern Canyon, we live.
Upon this Eastern Mesa, we live.
Under this Sky Above, we live.
Above this Earth Below, we live.

We are Existent within knowledge of land.

We are Existent within knowledge of stars.
All Around and Below and Above.
East, South, West, and North.
This is our prayer. This is our knowledge.
This is our source. This is our existence.

Always the land is with us.

Always the stars are with us.
With our hands, we know the sacred earth.
With our spirits, we know the sacred sky.
We are with the land and stars.
We are with the stars and land.

With offering, all around outside.

With offering, all around inside.

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 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AND ITS ROLE IN INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION

This is the knowledge we have.

This is the existence we have.
In thankfulness, we give and we know.
In thankfulness, we receive and we know.

Simon Ortiz, 1993

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 APPENDIX

AN OVILINE OF INDIQENOVS TEACHINQ AND LEARNINQ ORIENTATIONS

Introduction

ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ELEMENTS of Indigenous teaching and

learning revolves around "learning how to learn." Learning how
to learn is a key element in every approach to education. There-
fore, the cultivation of the human capacities listening, observing, experi-
encing with all one's senses, developing intuitive understanding, and re-
specting time-tested traditions of learning naturally formed the basis for
skills used in every process of Indigenous learning and teaching.
Native American people in both North and South America developed a
variety of approaches to teaching and learning. These approaches ranged from
loosely organized informal contexts in hunter-gatherer tribes, to formally
organized academies of the Aztecs, Maya, Inca and other groups of Mexico,
Central, and South America. Whatever the approach, there was a continuum of
education in Tribal American societies that involved an array of ritual/initiatory
practices, closely following the human phases of maturation and development.
In each phase of this continuum, an important aspect of learning how-to learn was
internalized. Learning how to learn in Tribal societies unfolded around the
following four basic areas of orientation.
First, the attention to practical needs of the Tribal society, which system-
atically addressed learning related to physical, social, psychological, and spiritual
needs of Tribal members. The most important of these were learning how to
survive in the natural environment and learning how to be a productive member
of the Tribal society.
Second, the teaching of individuals in individual ways when they showed
the readiness or expressed the willingness to learn. The emphasis was on allowing
for the uniqueness of individual learning styles and encouraging the develop-
ment of self-reliance and self-determination.
Third, the application of special intellectual, ritual, psychological, and
spiritual teaching tools that facilitated deep levels of learning and understanding.
Indigenous teaching was predicated on three basic criteria: flexibility, viability,
and effectiveness.
Fourth, the honoring and facilitating of the psychological and transforma-
tional process of flowering or opening to self-knowledge and the natural

222 2'21
 AN OUTLINE OFINDIQENOVS TEACHINQ AND LEARNINQ ORIENTATIONS

capacities of learning. This was usually accomplished by helping individuals

overcome their self-generated impediments to learning.
The list of Indigenous axioms that follows represents the wisdom and
creative approaches applied by Tribal teachers in creating an educational
process that reflected a sophisticated ecology of education. Indigenous education
allowed for a diversity of sophisticated teaching tools that few modern educa-
tional approaches are able to duplicate in breadth and creativity. These interpre-
tations of Indigenous teaching axioms are derived from a host of readings and
observations related to Indigenous education in American Indian, Sufi, Taoist,
and East Indian teaching traditions. They are presented in a simplified form with
a minimum of description in the hope that teachers will apply their creative
interpretations based on the development of their own lessons and curricula. As
processes, these axioms are applicable to the holistic presentation of any content
and adaptable to every age level.'
1. Tribal teachers begin teaching by building on the commonplace. We
have common experiences, understandings, and human traits that can
be used to pose a problem in terms, forms, or experiences that are
familiar to students.
2. Remember that learning is a natural instinct and that success in
learning something new is tied to human feelings of self-worth. Create
a learning environment that flows with this natural current of human-
ness. Enabling successful learning is an essential step in cultivating
motivation and enhancing self-confidence in learning.
3. Basic understanding begins with exploring how things happen. Ob-
serving how things happen in the natural world is the basis of some of
the most ancient and spiritually profound teachings of Indigenous
cultures. Nature is the first teacher and model of process. Learning
how to see Nature enhances our capacity to see other things.
4. The focus of teaching on perennial phenomena, such as solar and lunar
cycles, stimulates the deepest level of learning how to learn and the
development of self-knowledge.
5. Indigenous teaching focuses as much on learning with the heart as on
learning with the mind.
6. Indigenous teaching facilitates learning how to see how one really is,
rather than an image manufactured through one's or other's egos. This

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF 1NDIOENOVS EDUCATION

real perception of self helps the student realize that they are essentially
responsible for the barriers to their own learning.
7. The real situation provides the stage for most Indigenous learning and
teaching. Overt intellectualization is kept to a minimum in favor of'
direct experience and learning by doing. Teaching through a real
situation expands the realm of learning beyond speculation and allows
the students to judge the truth of a teaching for themselves.
8. Readiness to learn is considered a basic determinant for the success or
.failure of a teaching. Indigenous teachers recognize that readiness for
learning important things has to be conditioned through repetition and
the attunement ofthe student to the teaching. They watch for moments
of teachability and repeat the teaching of' key principles in numerous
ways and at various times.
9. Placing students in situations in which they constantly have to examine
assumptions and confront preconceived notions is a regular practice of
Indigenous teachers. Through facilitating this constant examination of
what students think they know, they remain open to new dimensions
of' learning and prepare for higher levels of thinking and creative
synthesis.
Em.
10. Indigenous teaching is always associated with organic development.
Indigenous teaching is planted like a seed, then nurtured and culti-
vated through the relationship of teacher and student until it bears
fruit. The nature and quality of' the relationship and perseverance
through time determine the outcome of a teaching process. Appren-
ticeship, and learning through ritual stages of learning-readiness, are
predicated on the metaphor of' planting seeds and nurturing the
growing seedlings through time.
1 1. Teaching is a communicative art. Indigenous teaching is based on the
nature and quality of communicating at all levels of being. Indigenous
teachers practice the art of communicating through language, relation-
ship to social and natural environments, art, play, and ritual.
12. Teaching and learning is a matter of serving and being served. Service
is the basis of the relationship between student and teacher. This
foundation is exemplified most completely in the apprentice-teacher
relationships found in all expressions of' Indigenous education.

9) )
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 AN OUTLINE OFINDIOENOVS TEACHINQ AND LEARNING ORIENTATIONS

13. Indigenous teaching involves making students think comprehensively

and facilitating their awareness of the higher levels of content and its
relationship to other areas of knowledge. Such comprehensive think-
ing forms a firm foundation for the creative process of teaching and
learning. Comprehensive preparation and immersion in a learning
process invite new understandings. They allow perceptions of dimen-
sions of knowledge that are there all the time but need to be worked
before they reveal themselves.
14. IndigenoUs practices such as creative dreaming, art, ritual, and
ceremony help the student externalize inner thoughts and qualities
for examination. Such practices help students to establish a con-
nection with their real selves and learn how to bring their inner
resources to bear in their lives. Helping students gain access to
their real selves is part of the transformative education that is
inherent in Indigenous teaching.
15. Indigenous teaching revolves around some form of work. Indigenous
teachers recognize that work invites concentration and facilitates a
quietness of the mind. This leads to illuminating insights about what is
being taught.
16. Tribal teachers understand that all teaching is relative, and each path
of knowledge has its own requirements that need to be addressed.
Flexibility and learning how to adjust to the demands of the moment
are key skills cultivated throughout Indigenous education.
17. Learning about the nature 01 self-deception is a key aspect of Indig-
enous preparation for learning. A first step in understanding the nature
of' true learning is reaching a level of clarity regarding why one is
learning. Students become aware that ambition, self-gratification,
power, anc; control as purposes for learning are forms of self-decep-
tion. These have to he avoided because they lead to misuse of knowl-
edge and further perpetuation of self-deception.
18. Tribal teachers realize that striving for real knowledge requires a
cultivated sense of humility. The human tendencies toward pride,
arrogance, and ego-inflation have to be understood and avoided in the
search for one's true face, heart, and vocation.
19. Mirroring consequences ()fa teaching back to students to expand their
perspective and deepen their learning is often used in Indigenous

24 225
 LOOK To. THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

education. Tribal teachers facilitate learning through direct, and at

times provoked, perception. They do this by setting up a situation that
forces students to see the limitations of what they thought they knew.
In this way, students are encouraged to reach deeper into themselves
and realize the deeper levels of meaning represented by a teaching.
This practice helps students cultivate the humility necessary for
maintaining an openness to new learning and the creative possibilities
of a teaching.
20. The cultivation of humility prepares a foundation for the students to
learn the nature ofattention. Attention may be considered a foundation
of Indigenous learning in that almost every context from learning
basic hunting and fishing skills, to memorizing the details of ritual, to
listening to story, to mastering a traditional art form relied on its
practiced application. Attention in the Indigenous sense, has to do with
the focus of all the senses. Seeing, listening, feeling, smelling, hearing,
and intuiting are developed and applied in the Indigenous perspective
of attention.
21. Learning the nature of appropriate activity is a natural consideration
of Indigenous teaching. Activity in Indigenous life always has a
purpose. Busy work is not a concept Tribal teachers are interested in
perpetuating, since helping students learn to engage in activity appro-
priate to the situation is a skill required for more advanced Indigenous
teaching.
22. Knowledge and action are considered parts of the same whole.
Properly contexted and developed knowledge leads to balance in
terms of action. Therefore, to assure the integrity and rightness of an
action, a great amount of time is spent reflecting and seeking informa-
tion and understanding before forming an opinion or taking an action.
Prayer, deep reflection, patience, and "waiting for the second thought"
are regularly practiced in Indigenous decision making.
23. A concept of "each person's work," akin to the Hindu concept of
"karma," is honored in the processes of Indigenous education. Indig-
enous teachers see that each student is unique and has a path of
learning that they need to travel during their life. Learning the nature
of that path is many times the focus of Indigenous rites of initiation and
vision questing. The trials, tribulations, and work that become a part
of each individual's learning path constitute the basis for some of the

226 9)
 AN OUTLINE OFIND1QENOVS TEACHING AND LEARNING ORIENTATIONS

most important contexts of Indigenous teaching and learning.

24. From the Indigenous perspective, true learning and gainingsignificant
knowledge does not come without sacrifice and at times a deep wound.
Indigenous teachers realize that only by experiencing extreme hard-
ship and trauma are some individuals ready to reach their maximum
level of learning development. The ritual incorporation of life's hard-
ships into such ceremonies as the Sun Dance transforms the reality of
woundedness into a context for learning and reflection. In this way, the
wound or traumatic life-event is mobilized to serve as a constant
reminder of an important teaching. As long as the wound or the
repercussions of an event are used to symbolize something deeply
important to know and understand, they provide a powerful source for
renewal, insight, and the expansion of individual consciousness.
In summary, a primary orientation of Indigenous education is that each
person is their own teacher and that learning is connected to each individual's life
process. Meaning is looked for in everything, especially in the workings of the
natural world. All things comprising Nature are teachers of mankind; what is
required is a cultivated and practiced openness to the lessons that the world has
to teach. Ritual, mythology, and the art of storytelling combined with the
cultivation of relationship to one's inner self, family, community, and natural
environment are utilized to help individuals realize their potential for learning
and living a complete life. Individuals are enabled to reach completeness by
learning how to trust their natural instincts, to listen, to look, to create, to reflect
and see things deeply, to understand and apply their intuitive intelligence, and
to recognize and honor the teacher of spirit within themselves and the natural
world. This is the educational legacy of Indigenous people. Iris imperative that
its message and its way of educating be revitalized for Life's sake.
Look to the Mountain, Look to the Mountain!

99 )
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 NOTES TO THE TEXT

PREFACE

1. Vine Deloria, "The Perpetual Indian Message," Winds of Change 7,

No. 1 (Winter 1992).
2. Nicholas C. Peroff, "Doing Research in Indian Affairs: Old Problems
and a New Perspective" (Kansas City: University of Missouri, L. P. Cookingham
Institute of Public Affairs, 1989).
3. Ibid.. pp. 8-9.
4. David Bohm and F. David Peat in their book Science, Order, and Creativity
(New York: Bantam Books, 1987) provide a parallel thesis about the "tacit
infrastructure" of science and its historic view of itself as being unquestionably
objective , thus denying the cultural and social context in which it exists.
5. Ibid.
6. Gregory A. Cajete, "Science, A Native American Perspective: A Cultur-
ally Based Science Education Curriculum" (Ph.D. diss., International College,
Los Angeles, 1986).
7. Thomas Berry, "The Viable Human," Revision 9, No. 2 (1987): p. 79.

CHAPTER I

1. Fritjof Capra, Turning Point (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982).
Presents a similar thesis in this contention that science must evolve a new
paradigm of thought, action, and application to meet the challenges of the next
century.
2. Eber Hampton, "Toward a Redefinition of American Indian/Alaska
Native Education" (Analytic paper, Harvard Graduate School of Education,
1988). Presents an excellent case for the reassessment of Indian education from
the standpoint of traditional orientations mentioned. Mr. Hampton also presents
an excellent outline of one of the possibilities upon which an Indian philosophy
of education may be based. Some of his key categories are listed in this paragraph.
3. Deloria, "The Perpetual Indian Message."
4. Several sources were used as resources for describing these elemental

228
 NOTES To THE TEXT

points of Indigenous education. In the bibliography see the followingauthors for

further explanation: Castle, E. B. (1961); Egan, Kieran (1987); Haines, Joyce;
Shah, Idries (1978); Dooling, D. M., and Paul Jordan-Smith (1989).

CHAPTER II

1. P. V. Beck and Anna L. Walters, The Sacred (1977), p. 84.

2. Esther Martinez, ed., San Juan Puebla Dictionary (1983), p. 143.
3. Cajete, "Science, A Native American Per'spective," pp. 150-165.
4. Beck and Walters, The Saari). See pp. 3-32 for narrative description of
the metaphor "Seeking Life" as it is represented in traditional American Indian
contexts.
5. Miguel Leon Portillo, Aztec Thought and Culture (1963), pp. 3-24.

6. Ibid.
7. Marion Wood, Spirits, Heroe,f, and Hunters from North American Indian
Alytholtyy (1982), p. 85.
8. Ray A. Williamson, Livbig the Sky (1984), pp. 281-290.
9. B. Devall and George Sessions, Deep Ecology (1985), p. 93.

CHAPTER I I I

1. Joseph E. Brown, The Spiritual Legacy of the American Indian (1982).

Provides a basic orientation to these five dimensions of American Indian
spirituality.
2. Beck and Walters, The Sacred. Provides numerous excerpts describ-
ing American Indian people's relationship to the Great Mystery and its
applications in the traditional teaching or morals, ethics, and responsibility
to Tribal community.
3. Tom Heidlebaugh, "Thin .ig the Highest Thought" (Unpublished
manuscript, 1985). Provides insights into Indigenous thinking as a way of
orientation. Heidlebaugh captures something of the sense of spirit-ual ecology"
shared by Pueblo people as they orient themselves in the center of their world.
His essay also illustrates that ecology is a way of thinking and placement relative
to the highest and most noble human understanding.

C)
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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY Of INDICANOV5 EDUCATION

4. James K. McNeley, Holy Wind In Navajo Philosopty (1981). Presents one

of the most extensive descriptions of Navajo traditional philosophy related to the
"Wind soul." Although the concept of holy wind exists, in other Tribal philoso-
phies, the greatest amount of written information exists for the Navajo. There-
fore, the work of McNeley has been used extensively to illustrate this important
Indigenous environmental orientation.
5. McNeley, Holy Wind in Navajo Philosophy, p. I .
6. Benard Haile, The Holy Way of the Red Ant Way Chant, told by Hastinn
Dijooli (White Cone), 1933, Manuscript 63-15, pp. 97-98, Museum of Northern
Arizona, Flagstaff.
7. McNeley, Holy Wind in Navajo Philosophy, p. 12.
8. Ibid., pp. 16-17.
9. Ibid., pp. 36-37.
10. Jan Clayton-Collins, "An Interview with Burnam Burnam," Shaman:,
Drum, No. 14 (1988): pp. 29-33.
11. Terry Tempest Williams, Pieces of White. Shell (1987), pp. 101-104. This
story is quoted in its entirety as it was written by the author from the original story
told by Claus Chee Sonny, a Navajo medicine man.
12. Primary sources: Grinnell, George Bird, "Scar Face." Blackfoot Lodge
Tales, pp. 93-103, and Wood, Marion, "Scar Face and the Sun Dance," Spirits,
Heroes and Hunters, pp. 85-89.

CHAPTER IV

1. J. Donald Hughes, American Indian Ecology (1983), pp. 2-3. The work of
Donald Hughes is used extensively in this chapter since it provides a repertory
of the ecological mindsets and environmental understanding of American
Indians before the onset of erosion due to cultural assimilation.
2. Ibid.
3. Oren Lyons, "Our Mother Earth," Parabola 7, No. 1 (Winter 1984): pp.
91-93.
4. Eugene Linden, "Lost Tribes, Lost Knowledge," Time (September 23,
1991): pp. 46-56.

DO C
 NOTES To THE Tna

5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Theodor Abt, Progrem Without Lam of Soul (1989) , pp. 83-90. Theodor Abt
presents an excellent synopsis of the repercussions of Western culture's break
from the land and the subsequent loss of a part of the soul of human experience
and relationship with Nature.
9. Ibid.
10. Dennis Martinez, Law and Theology Conference (Boulder: University of
Colorado, June 12-13, 1992).
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Dolores LaChapelle, Way of the Mountain Nemiletter (Silverton, Colo-
rado, Autumn, 1992): p. I.
14. Trebbe Johnson, "Four Sacred Mountains of the Navajos," Parabola 13,
No. 4 (November 1988): p. 41.
15. Craig D. Goseyun (White Mountain Apache), conversation with the
author, Santa Fe, N.M., August 16, 1992.
16. John Young, &kopeli (Palmer Lake: Filter Press, 1990).
17. Hughes, American Indian &Woo, p. 28.
18. Ibid., p. 46.
19. Ibid., p. 64.
20. Lowell John Bean, "California Indian Shamanism and Folk Curing,"
in American Folk Medicine, ed. Wayland D. Hand (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1976), pp. 109-123.
21. Donald Sandner, "Navajo Indian Medicine and Medicine Men," in
Wayi (?.f Health, ed. David S. Sobel (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1979), pp. 117-146.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.

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 LOOK To THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOGY OF INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.

CHAPTER V

1. Christopher Vecsey, Inzagaze Ourselves Richly (1991), pp. 13-14.

2. John E. Pfeiffer, The Creative Eybsion (1982). John Pfeiffer provides an
extraordinary exploration of the origins of art in pre-historic human societies and
its connection to myth and ritual.
3. Naomi Goldenburg, Changing the Gods: Feminism and the End of Traditional
Religions (Boston:- Beacon, 1979), p. 47.
4. D. Feinstein and Stanley Krippner, Personal Mythology (Los Angeles:
Jeremy P. Tarcher, 1988), pp. 1-8. The work of Feinstein and Krippner in the
area of personal mythology reflects the importance of an understanding of
mythology to personal growth and transformation.
5. John Stokes, personal conversations with the author, The Tracking
Project, 5403 Corralles Rd., Corralles, N.M., 87048, fall 1985.
6. Barbara G. Myerhoff, Peyote Hunt (1974).
7. There are several versions of this myth recorded in the early 1900s by
ethnologists working in the Hopi-Tewa village of Hano and among the Rio
Grande Tewa. This particular version of "Water Jar Boy" is similar to that
recorded by Elsie Parsons, in her book Term Tales, The American Folklore
Society Memoirs, vol. 19 (1926), p. 193.
8. Elaine Jahner, "Stone Boy: Persistent Hero," in Smoothing t be G round, ed.
Brian Swan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 171-186.
9. Portillo, Aztec Thought and Culture, p. 140.
10. Jerome Rothenberg, ed., Technicians of the Sacred (1985). Presents an
excellent description of this characteristic of Indian mythopoetics.
11. Ibid., preface, xvii-xxxiii.
12. Kieran Egan, "Literacy and the Oral Foundations of Education,"
Harvard Educational Review 57, No. 4 (November 1987): p. 451.

232
(,:). :31
 NOTES To THE TEXT

13. E. A. Havelock, Pirfizce to Plato (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

1963), p. 29.
14. Ken Wilber, Up from Eden (Garden City: Anchor/Doubleday, 1981).
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Feinstein and Kripp. ner, Per illythokay, pp. 213-223.
18. Ibid., p. 219.
19. Deloria, "The Perpetual Indian Message."
20. Nollman, Spiritual Ecology, p. 198.
21. Cajete, "Science, A Native American Perspective."
22. Joseph Campbell, Prinzitive ,11.2fiboloay, quoted in Sam Keen and Anne
Valley-Fox, Your Mythic Journey (1989), p. 2.

CHAPTER VI

1. D. M. I)ooling, "Alchemy and Craft,"Parahokz 3, No. 3 (August 1978): p. 24.

2. Arthur Amiotte, "Our Other Selves, the Lakota Dream Experience,"

Parabola 7, No. 2 (May 1982): p. 30.
3. Ibid., p. 32.
4. Patricia Garfield, Ciralitr Aram* (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974).
5. Linda Marks, hiving h Vidion (Indianapolis: Knowledge Systems,
Inc., 1989).
6. Myerhoff, Peyote Hunt.
7. Guadalupe Rios de la Cruz (Wife of Ramon Medina Silva, Huichol
Mara akame), conversations with the author, Santa Fe, N.M., August 31-
September 28, 1990.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid., an English translation of a song by Ramon Medina Silva as related
by his wife and presented in "To Find Our Life,"a film by Peter Furst, University

q
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 LOOK TO THE MOUNTAIN: AN ECOLOQY OF INDIQENOUS EDUCATION

of California at Los Angeles, 1969.

11. Marks, Living with Vision.

12. Ibid., p. 36.

13. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, "The Uses of Art," Parabola 16, No. 3
(August 1991): pp. 7-8.
14. Jose Argelles, /Wanda& (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1972).
15. Fredrick Franc, Art as aWay (New York: Crossroad Publishing, 1981).
16. Jamake Highwater, The Primal Mind (1981), p. 79.
17. Transcendence of consciousness, i.e., taking awareness to the brink of
conceptualization and fundamental associations of symbolism through exercises
with mind and breath appear in the learning of many cultural art forms. This is
because sustaining a level of transcendence of consciousness is inherent in all
creative disciplines. Frank Garcia, "The Ceremony of Art," (Unpublished
manuscript, Santa Fe, N.M., 1990).
18. This section is paraphrased with permission of Frank Garcia, Santa Fe,
N.M. from his unpublished manuscript, "The Ceremony of Art," and personal
conversations from 1989 to 1993.
19. Ibid.

CHAPTER VII

1. Highwater, The Primal Mind, p. 172.

2. Nollman, Spiritual Ecology.
3. Simon Ortiz, "Surviving Columbus," (Draft manuscript, Santa Fe,
N.M., 1992).
4. Nollman, Spiritual Ecology, pp. 182-183.
5. Vine Deloria, God if Red (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1973), p. 201.
6. Key sources: McClellan Hall, "Something Shining, Like Gold but
Better," (National Indian Youth Leadership Project, 1991); and his "Gadugi: A
Model of Service-Learning for Native American Communities," Phi Delta
iKippan (June 1991): pp. 754-757.
7. Deloria, Gas is Red, p. 200.
r) ,

234
 NOTES To THE Twr

8. Simon Ortiz, "Fight Back: For the Sake of the People, For the Sake of
the Land," INAD Literary Journal (Albuquerque, N.M.) 1, no. 1 (1980): p. 31.
9. Joseph E. Brown, in I Become Part of It, D. M. Dooling and Paul Jordan-
Smith (1989), p. 20.
10. John A. Sanford, Healing and Wholeness (1977), pp. 20-21.
11. Joseph Oxendine, American Indian Sports Heritage (Champaign: Human
Kinetics, 1988), p. 5.
12. Ibid., pp. 4-5.
13. P. Nabokov and Margaret MacLean, "Ways of Indian Running,"
CoEvolution 26 (Summer 1980): p. 5.
14. Plenty Coups in "Ways of Indian Running," Nabokov and MacLean
(1980): p. 6.

CHAPTER VIII

Tribal Sovereignty Associates, The Power Within People, (1986).

2. Ibid.
3. All excerpts dealing with Indigenous science are taken from: Cajete,
"Science, A Native American Perspective: A Culturally Based Science Educa-
tion Curriculum," (Ph.D. diss., 1986).
4. J. M. Malville and Claudia Putman, Prehistoric Artromnny in the Southwest,
(1991), p. 32.

CHAPTER IX

1. Robert D. Waterman, "Introduction to Transformation."

2. Sanford, Healing and Wholeness, p. 22.
3. For further reading related to these maxims of Indigenous teaching and
learning read: Hyemeyohsts Storm, SecvnArnntt, (New York: Ballantine Books, 1972).

4. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Seabury, 1970).

235
 NOTE TO APPENDIX

1. Idries Shah, /xaming How To Lwrn 1978. For Indigenous maxims of teaching
and learning that come from the Sufi tradition.

()
236 .
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9
4v 4 (W.

243
 NOTE ON THE AUTHOR

DR. GREGORY CAIETE IS AN EDUCATOR, practicing artist, and educational consult-

ant. He is a Tewa Indian from Santa Clara Pueblo, New Mexico, where he lives
with his wife Patricia and son, James. Dr. Cajete received a B.A. in Biology/
Sociology from New. Mexico Highlands University, a M.A. in Education from
the University of' New Mexico, and a Ph.D. in Social Science Education from
International College, Los Angeles.
Dr. Cajete has taught extensively at the Institute of American Indian Arts
in Santa Fe, where he was the founding Director of the Center for Research and
Cultural Exchange. Additionally, he has lectured widely in schools, universities,
and for educational programs throughout the United States, Canada, Europe,
and the former Soviet Union.
Currently, Dr. Cajete operates a private educational consulting firm, Tewa
Educational Consulting, specializing in environmental education and multicultural
curriculum/program development in science, social science, and the arts.

94
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