19th Century Northern England Brass Bands
19th Century Northern England Brass Bands
NORTHERN ENGLAND:
ROY NEWSOME
PhD Thesis
University of Salford
1999
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents
List of tables VII
Appendices ix
Abstract Xi
Acknowledgements XII
Preface Xiv
1.1 Band instruments, the military band, Sax and the Distins 8
1. 1.1 Early instruments 8
1.1.2 Lowbrasses 13
1.1.3 Themilitaryband 14
1.1.4 Adolphe Sax (18 14-1894) and the Distins 17
1.2 Brass and reed bands 19
1.2.1 Volunteer and militia bands to the end of the
Napoleonic wars 19
1.2.2 Church bands 23
1.2.3 Civilian wind bands 26
1.2.4 Early bands in Scotland, Wales and Ireland 34
1.2.5 Stalybridge, Clegg's and Wharton's reed bands 37
1.2.6 Early works bands 44
1.2.7 Leaders 47
1.2.8 Bands in early Victorian times 48
1.2.9 Enderby Jackson (1827-1903) 52
1.3 The all-brass band 55
1.3.1 The earliest all-brass bands 55
1.3.2 The advent of the brass band movement 56
1.3.3 Burton Constable bands 57
1.4 Conclusion 59
11
3.1 Brass band music in the 1850s 169
3.1.1 Introduction - early published brass band music 169
3.1.2 Developments in instrumentation 170
3.1.3 Repertoire at Belle Vue 173
3.1.4 Collections 175
(i) Goose Eye band books 176
(ii) Black Dyke part books 176
(iii) The Cyfarthfa collection 177
(iv) 4th L. R. V. band books 178
3.2 Developments in the 1860s and early 1870s 180
3.2.1 Into the 1860s 180
3.2.2 Crystal Palace band music 181
3.2.3 Repertoire at Belle Vue 184
3.2.4 Instrumentation 185
3.3 Conclusion 191
'II
Part II i) Repertoire from 1875-1900
ii) Personalities involved in the building of the brass band
movement
iii) The emergence of leading brass bands in Northern
England and their influence on bands in other parts of
Britain
lv
V
Chapter 6 THE GREAT NORTHERN BANDS
6.1 Introduction 287
6.2 The pace-makers 289
6.2.1 Meltham Mills band 289
6.2.2 Besses o' th' Barn 290
6.2.3 Honorary members 295
6.2.4 Black Dike 296
6.3 Other leading bands 301
6.3.1 Kingston Mills and Leeds Forge bands 301
6.3.2 Wyke Temperance and Stalybridge
Old 308
6.3.3 Oldham rifle volunteers band 311
6.4 Extended engagements 316
6.4.1 Introduction 316
6.4.2 The peak years 316
6.5 Conclusion 318
Chapter 7 CONCLUSION 325
Appendices 330
Bibliography 373
vi
LIST OF TABLES (Fart 1)
Table 8 Bands from the Leeds area at Belle Vue in the 1850s 106
Table 10 The five most successful bands at Belle Vue, 1860-1869 126
Table 11 The record of Dewsbury band at Belle Vue from 1860 127
vi'
LIST OF TABLES (Fart II)
Table 29 Comets and fiugel horns in the 1878 and post-1945 bands 260
Table 30 First prizes won at Belle Vue by Gladney and his bands,
1875-1899 261
viii
TABLE OF APPENDICES (Part I)
ix
TABLE OF APPENDICES (Part II)
Appendix 15 Wright & Round art music 1875-1899 351
Appendix 16 Types of contest attended by two bands between 1875
and 1880 354
x
ABSTRACT
This thesis examines the development of the amateur wind band in Britain during the
nineteenth century, with special reference to the increasing domination of the brass band,
bands generally, the growth of the brass band competition is investigated, showing how
the contesting bands were initially concentrated in Yorkshire. The effects of industrial
sponsorship and the emergence of the volunteer movement from 1859 are examined,
along with the consequent shift in the concentration of bands from Yorkshire - mainly to
Lancashire but also, to a limited degree, to other parts of the north and to the north
midlands. Instrumentation and repertoire are also discussed, along with some collections
Part 2 of the thesis looks specifically at developments during the final quarter of
the century, first of all in terms of repertoire, then through some of the personalities
involved - conductors and players - before investigating the roles played by the best of
the bands. Finally, having shown how a regional brass band movement grew from a
nationwide net-work of wind bands, the thesis looks at ways in which the fledgling brass
band movement began to spread, paving the way for the national and, indeed,
xi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The principal primary research area for this thesis has been the collection of early copies
of Brass Band News, located in the Music Department at the University of Salford. The
office of British Bandsinan in Beaconsfield, where past copies of that magazine are
located, has also been a useful source of reference. I am most grateful to Keith Wilson,
Dean of the Faculty of Media, Music and Performance and Director, International Media
Centre for his encouragement, and for allowing free access to the resources of the
A further invaluable source has been Jack L. Scott's PhD thesis, The Evolution
of the Brass Band and its Repertoire in Northern England (University of Sheffield,
1970). Scott visited Black Dyke Mills whilst I was the band's resident conductor. He
examined music in the band's library, and together we discovered Enderby Jackson's
'Yorkshire Waltz' (1856), hidden in some hand-written part books, only one of which
displayed the actual title. Dr. Scott's thesis has revealed a great deal of early information,
and I acknowledge my debt to it in the preparation of this thesis. Two more theses
which have been very helpful are The Popular Musical Societies of the Yorkshire Textile
District, 1850-1914 (Dave Russell, PhD thesis, York University, 1979) and Brass and
Wind Bands in Southern England Between the Late Eighteenth Century and circa 1900
(Michael J. Lomas, PhD thesis, Open University, 1990). These have provided useful
information, have led me to other sources, and have suggested methods of presentation.
The band historian Raymond Ainscoe of Kirkby Lonsdale had, until recently, a
valuable collection of books, scores, posters and programmes. He very kindly allowed
me to consult these and I am most grateful to him. Unfortunately, the collection is now
Other sources have been the standard books on brass band history, particularly
XII
those by Arthur Taylor, Violet and Geoffrey Brand and Trevor Herbert, but especially
the one to which all of us, I am sure, have made frequent reference, The Brass Band
facilitated the assembling and verification of a host of facts, and I hereby acknowledge
my debt to them.
about Stalybridge, Besses o' th' Barn,Bacup Old and Bramley bands contain a wealth of
information; most later ones are largely anecdotal, but generally reveal some facts about
the origins of the particular band. Collectively, these have contributed much to the
thesis, as have a number of the Brass Band Annuals, published around the turn of the
many of the booklets and articles in the Annuals, written, as they were, by enthusiasts,
Local History libraries have proved usefW for following up specific events, and
details of otherwise forgotten bands. Visits to those in Bacup, Bolton, Bradford, Bury,
Halifax, Huddersfleld, Hull, Keighley, Leeds, Oldham, Manchester and Stalybridge have
proved especially useful, and rare books and magazines kept in the Henry Watson
Library in Manchester have also revealed much information. The archives of Black Dyke
and Besses o' th' Barn bands have been invaluable sources and I am most grateful to
Music at the University of Salford, for his patience and skill in guiding me through what
has been a fascinating and enjoyable experience, the gathering of material and
Roy Newsome
Bury, 1999
xli'
PREFACE
'The brass band represents one of the most remarkable working-class cultural
achievements in European history'. . . It is undeniable that the 'movement' was a
northern phenomenon.'2
These comments were written by Dave Russell in 1987. The second sentence quoted
forms the basis of my thesis, but before examining this premise, the first sentence needs
some investigation and enlargement, particularly in view of what has happened to the
the scope of the brass band today has transcended earlier barriers of class, and just as the
boundaries between the working classes and the middle classes have become less
clearly-defined, so the status of the bandsman of the 1990s has changed to such a degree
that the factory worker, whose domain the brass band was - almost exclusively, for
nearly a century, may find himself (or indeed, these days, herself) playing alongside
doctors and nurses, income-tax collectors and social workers, school children and
students, and shopkeepers or proprietors of small businesses. There are brass bands
The popularity of the brass band - certainly in a numerical sense - was probably
at its peak between circa 1890 and circa 1910, after which changes in popular musical
tastes - the coming of ragtime, jazz and musical comedy - were to affect the
environment in which the brass band survived to such an extent that, to quote Russell
once again:
'The final years of pre-war England saw the beginning of a process, still
continuing today, whereby the popular music society, once the pride of a whole
community or at least a sizeable section of it, became a specialist organisation
catering for a diminishing minority.'3
xlv
The brass band survived as a branch of this 'specialist organisation', and its 'diminishing
the expansion of repertoire and in improving standards of performance. They have also
contributed to the world-wide spread of brass bands. The National Brass Band
Championships are currently held in the Royal Albert Hall, London where, since their
first appearance there in 1945, they have attracted a substantial international audience.
This has led directly to the founding of brass band movements and national
the founding, in 1978, of the European Brass Band Championships, though British-style
brass bands first appeared in some of these countries due to the influence of the
Salvation Army. This, from the 1880s had adopted an instrumentation not unlike that of
contesting bands, and played a vital role in the early propagation of brass bands. In
addition to the above-named countries, there are now brass bands in Luxemburg,
France, Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia. Their emergence and progress is due
almost entirely to the European Brass Band Championships.
In Japan also there is a growing number of British-style brass bands but, though
there was a Salvation Army band in Tokyo as early as 1907 (the Tokyo Headquarters
There are circa 100 British-style brass bands in America and Canada, founded
partly through the influence of the Salvation Army but mainly, as in Japan, through
radio, recordings, visits to Britain by enthusiasts, and also through tours by British brass
bands. They generally adhere to British instrumentation, that is, comets not trumpets,
tenor horns not french horns, and no woodwind instruments. The North American Brass
Band Association (N.A.B.B.A.) was formed in 1983 and holds a contest annually.4
Thus, though at the turn of the nineteenth century, it could not have been
xv
foreseen what the future held for the brass band - nor indeed, whether or not it even had
a future, the foundations laid during the final quarter of that century paved the way for
further developments.
In his 1990 thesis, Amateur Brass and Wind Bands in Southern England
Between the Late Eighteenth Century and circa 1900, Michael J. Lomas argues that
bands in the north and midlands had advantages over those in many other parts of the
country; my thesis attempts to highlight these advantages and show how bands,
particularly those in Yorkshire, Lancashire and Cheshire, exploited them as the all-brass
band developed. These bands were pioneers of a genre which has continued its
development in the twentieth century. The thesis will argue that the contest has played a
vital part in this development, and will examine the growth of repertoire during the final
quarter of the nineteenth century, whilst exploring the scope of both the contesting and
The thesis is presented in two parts. Part I covers roughly the first 75 years of the
century - the formative years of the various types of amateur wind bands, and the period
during which the all-brass band emerged in the north. Part II concentrates on the final
quarter of the century, looking in detail at repertoire, the leaders of the brass band in
northern England, and the start of the spread towards a national brass band movement.
Part I explores further the nationwide development of what Lomas calls 'civilian
amateur wind bands' during the first half of the nineteenth century. With an eye on social
conditions and developments, it examines early instruments of brass and reed bands, the
progress of the bands themselves across a wide geographical spectrum, and discusses
some of the instigators of, and the first signs of a growing brass band movement.
It goes on to examine the progress of the brass band contest from the 1 850s,
which isolated brass bands from others, and particularly those in the north of England
from those in other regions. York and the East Riding is seen to be the earliest focal
point, but as mill-owners in the West Riding of Yorkshire took an interest, this region
became the heartland of the brass band. This was short-lived, however, because firstly
through the growth of the Belle Vue brass band contests, and later through the influence
of a major music publisher and proprietor of a monthly magazine based in Liverpool, the
move west continued, with Lancashire offering a strong challenge to Yorkshire as the
centre of the brass band world. Statistics are offered as evidence of these moves, and
also of the almost total absence of brass band contests in other parts of the country,
apart from marginal influences in neighbouring counties north and south of Yorkshire
and Lancashire and isolated examples of high-class brass bands in other parts of the
investigated, the former even out-doing the impact of the industrialists for a time. Part I
of the thesis concludes with a study of brass band instrumentation and repertoire up to
1874, taking into account both published and unpublished music, a number of
Most of the developmental stage of the brass band had been completed during
the first three quarters of the century, and Part II of the thesis begins with an in-depth
study of brass band music published by Wright and Round between 1875 and 1899,
categorIsing it into art music, original band music, and band music with popular music
The first period strtches from 1875 - when the music publishing company was
formed - to 1881, when Brass Band News was first published. Little of the music
published prior to October 1881 (when the magazine first appeared) is available, and
therefore, most of the discussion centres around titles, composers, arrangers, and what
few comments may be gleaned from a catalogue. The catalogue has been crucial to this
XVI'
part of the study. It was published in 1896, and lists all Wright and Round publications
The second period lasts from 1882 to 1889, and is based, not just on titles, but
on a hands-on study of solo cornet parts of many of the publications from that period,
plus some full scores, borrowed from the archive of Besses o' th' Barn band. The final
period covers the whole of the 1 890s. Though the periods become progressively longer,
this does not affect the over-all picture, because where necessary, percentages or ratios
have been used to show relationships. Henry Round emerges as the inspiration behind
the Wright and Round publications, and his contribution is considered in detail. A
relation to the works from which they were 'selected'. His choice of subject and
instrumentation are compared with those of Wright and Round, and characteristics of his
Next, the work of some of the people who helped make the brass band
movement is considered, from the early pioneers such as Richard Smith, George Ellis,
James A. Melling and Henry Round, through the great trio of conductors, John Gladney,
Edwin Swift and Alexander Owen, and several of their disciples - some famous and
many not so famous. We see the part which some of them played in the spreading of the
Their work leads naturally to the bands, and as the basis of this thesis is to
Gladney is seen as the most important of the conductors, and his work is viewed,
xviii
not only in his role at Meitham, where he did much to establish the format of the modern
brass band, but in respect of the vital part he played in helping spread the all-brass band
to other parts of Britain. The spread outwards from the north is discussed, and its
culmination in the founding of a national brass band movement with the arrival of the
A good deal of primary source material has been examined, including scores and band
parts from the 1 860s to the end of the century. These are extant in the archive at Salford
University, and in those at Black Dyke, Besses o' th' Barn and Meltham bands.
Contemporary newspaper reports have also been consulted, particularly from the
Manchester Guardian, but also from the The Times, the Daily Telegraph and the
London Illustrated News. Local papers consulted include the Bacup Times, Bacup and
Rossendale News, Bradford Observer, Bury Times, Eccles and Patricroft Journal,
Halifax Courier, Huddersfield Examiner, Hull Packet, Keighley New North Cheshire
Copies of Wright and Round's monthly Brass Band News, dating from the first
edition of October, 1881, housed in the Salford University archive have been constantly
on hand and extremely useful, whilst copies of the British Bandsman, under its various
titles:
have been periodically perused. (There is a full set of these in the British Library, an
almost full set in the British Bandsman office in Beaconsfield, and copies dated 1893-
xix
1896 in the Henry Watson Library, Manchester). I have also had sight of a few editions
of The Cornet, a monthly magazine published by F. Richardson from 1893, and from the
general musical press, Musical Times, Harmonicon, Musical Directory, the Galpin
Society Journals, Popular Music and publications of the Historic Brass Society.
After several enquiries in the Bacup area regarding any remaining Bacup Old
band artefacts, none of which produced any response, I was introduced to a Mr. Tom
Lord, who was able to show me scrap books, newspaper cuttings, photographs, a comet
which was presented to John Lord, the band's leader and solo comet player and, most
important of all as far as I was concerned, a set of books containing band parts of
arrangements of some 35 band pieces, mostly in the hand-writing of the band's tutor,
George Ellis, and used by the band from 1864. Much work needs to be done on these
books: there are many so-far unidentified pages (these will eventually go some way
toward filling the missing gaps). Contents and scoring methods need to be explored, and
it may even be possible to reconstruct some of the pieces so that they may be re-
performed. Meanwhile, I have written a few observations in the thesis. (The parts were
discovered whilst I was in the final stages of assembling it, so there was not the
opportunity to go into a detailed study at this point in time). I have also devoted an
Appendix to a list of the part books, the titles which they contain, and have quoted a
Band Annuals, published by F. Richardson from 1896. All of these, whilst invaluable in
many ways, must be treated with discretion, as much of the information is based on
hearsay, and is often couched in terms which sacrifice accuracy for interest. There are
now also a number of brass band related books, the more useftil of which have been
Arthur Taylor's Brass Bands (1979), Russell and Elliot's The Brass Band Movement
(1936), and Trevor Herbert's The Brass Band Movement in the 19th and 20/h
xx
Centuries. The study of the history of instruments was aided by the recent and
Reference to three related theses has been useful, suggesting lines of study and
methods of presentation. These were Scott's The Evolution of the Brass Band and its
Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-19 14, and Lomas's Brass and Wind Bands in Southern
Visits to local studies libraries have been helpful. Leeds produced information
about Bramley Old band and Samson Fox (though not about his Leeds Forge band);
Bradford was helpful with information on Queensbury and Black Dike Mills, Marriners!
Stalybridge Old band and Kingston Mills; Salford and Swinton helped locate information
about Alexander Owen, Hull about Burton Constable, and Stirling (Scotland) about
early band activity in Scotland; Oldham was helpful regarding Oldham rifles band, and
particularly reports about Belle Vue contests, early Hallé Orchestra programmes, and
the 1887 Manchester Exhibition. Other local studies libraries visited included
Huddersfield, Halifax, Bury, Bolton, Keighley, Bacup, Rochdale and Stirling. All
Jennison Collection. Other places visited include Burton Constable (Hull), Brocklesby
(Lincolshire), New Lanark, Nent Head, Belper and Saltaire, as well as the Open
Finally, the bands of the period which have survived: Black Dyke has an
extremely well-organised library, and I have been privileged to visit it on a number of
occasions; Besses o' th' Barn has a veritable 'Aladin's cave' though, at the present time,
not very well organised. Nevertheless, it has been an invaluable source during my
researches. Meltham and Meltham Mills band has a limited amount of archival material,
xxi
which I have been allowed to freely inspect, and which has proved useful. Other bands
from the time which, to date, I have not been able to investigate, include Linthwaite,
Nevertheless, I have discovered a great deal about the brass band in the
nineteenth century, particularly here in the north. There is much still to be investigated,
Notes
Russell, 1987, page 162.
2 Thid., page 163.
xxii
INTRODUCTION
During the early part of the nineteenth century, and even during the closing years of the
eighteenth, amateur bands existed in many parts of Britain. Some were attached to the
armed forces, through the volunteers and militia, whilst some were attached to churches
which perhaps found it cheaper to support a band than to install an organ. There were,
also, amateur town and village bands. All of these were small - some even boasting only
two members, and few exceeding twelve. Their instruments were often shoddy, many of
the players musically illiterate, and the 'leaders' were often retired military musicians.
In some cities and large towns there were waits - groups of musicians employed
by the civic authorities to provide music for civic and religious occasions. These were
effect, paid servants, they are outside the scope of this thesis. Undoubtedly, however,
some members of the waits became leaders of amateur bands, alongside the retired
military musicians.
Though there are few survivors from the earliest wave of bands, it seems clear
that no geographical region had any particular advantage or supremacy. Nor is there any
evidence that the demise of the waits or of church bands had a significant effect on the
development of the amateur band. Indeed, as church bands often comprised mainly
stringed instruments, it is likely that they had more influence on the formation of string
bands.
The vast reduction in the number of military bands and those of the volunteers
following the Napoleonic Wars, on the other hand, did affect the growth of amateur
bands, both through the availability of surplus instruments and through the release of'
players and bandmasters who, though probably not having the benefit of professional
musical training, would certainly have had more playing experience than the farm
workers, mill-hands, shoe-makers and labourers who formed the bulk of the playing
1
Many amateur bands were based initially in thinly-populated rural communities.
With the shifts in population which took place after the wars, these became increasingly
difficult to maintain, and though some survived, their instrumentation and standard of
The population shift resulted in the growth of towns in industrial regions, and
these larger communities provided nurseries for the future development of the amateur
wind band. The acquisition and maintenance of good instruments, music, rehearsal
facilities and a qualified leader required financial help, especially at a time when
early as the 1 820s, a number of bands enjoyed the support of industry, and during the
next four decades this was to help revolutionise the amateur band - initially the reed
band, later the brass and reed band and eventually the all-brass band.
Progress towards the all-brass band was due almost entirely to developments in
the design and manufacture of brass instruments, which were quite primitive during the
early years of the 19th century, comprising (in amateur bands) only the natural trumpets
and horns with their restricted range of notes, along with flute, clarinet, serpent and
possibly a slide trombone. The first major development was the adoption of the keyed
bugle - the first treble brass instrument to provide a melody line in amateur bands. The
invention of the valve led to the introduction of the cornet and valved horns and later, to
a full range of saxhorns and the larger brasses - euphoniums and tubas.
Central and east Yorkshire seem to have fostered the development of bands
during the 183 Os and 1 840s; there are reports of mainly- or all-brass bands in York and
the East Riding during the 183 Os, and amateur band competitions during the 1 840s. An
enthusiast called Enderby Jackson wrote about these in the 1 890s and though not all of
his claims stand up to scrutiny, there can be little doubt that by organising a series of
competitions between 1856 and 1863, he helped sow the seeds of the contest craze,
2
By the middle of the century, appalling social conditions which had prevailed
during its earlier years were being eased, and the arrival of the railways was
revolutionising many aspects of life, including the activities of amateur bands. Changes
were also taking place in religion and education, which were to play their part in the
development of bands later in the century. During the 1850s amateur bands escalated in
quantity and quality in areas where industry was developing. From east Yorkshire, brass
bands spread north into Durham, south into Lincoinshire, Nottinghamshire and
Northamptonshire and - most significantly west - into the industrial regions of the West
Riding, and from thence into Lancashire, Cheshire, Derbyshire, Staffordshire and other
adjacent counties. In all of these places there were small towns whose inhabitants
included factory workers, working the kind of hours which enabled bandsmen to
organise rehearsals at mutually convenient times. It was in such towns that amateur
bands survived. A growing network of railways enabled them to travel cheaply to nearby
Historically, the most important competition for brass bands was that held at the
Belle Vue Zoological Gardens, Manchester. Founded in 1853, it created a desire for
bands to meet in friendly rivalry. As other contests appeared, the fun element and the
friendly rivalry developed into fierce and often very unfriendly animosity, but alongside
this there were developments in repertoire, and particularly in standards of playing. The
contest also spawned a breed of star players and specialist conductors, many of whom
were able to make special musical arrangements for their better bands, exploiting their
The commercial potential of the brass band also developed: the more bands and
contests there were, the more music and instruments were needed. Instrument makers
and music publishers were alert to these facts, and played their part in the
encouragement of bands and contests. Another aspect of commercialism was that many
factory- and pit-owners were keen to invest money in brass bands, not only because they
enjoyed, and in some cases benefited from, the success of the bands they helped finance,
3
but also because they were aware that they were making a contribution to the social life
of the community and the quality of life of many of its inhabitants - the workforce.
Other, less-savoury reasons for industrialists becoming involved with bands have been
Much has been written about London-based instrument manufacturers and music
publishers, but it should be remembered that a Glossop instrument maker, John Shaw,
was one of the pioneers of the valve, 1 and that there was the firm of Wigglesworth's, in
Otley,2 who supplied instruments to some early bands. Joseph Higham, in Salford,
also, though the established companies were based in or near London, those which
specialised in brass band music were based mainly in the north. The earliest of these was
Richard Smith, who founded his 'Champion' Brass Band Journal in Hull in 1857. He
moved to London in 1878, where the journal had little or no further impact until the
closing years of the century, after Smith's death. However, Thomas A. Haigh (1843-
1903) founded the 'Amateur' Brass and Military Band Journal in Hull at around the
same time as Smith moved to London, possibly taking over some of Smith's 'goodwill'.
James Frost founded the Manchester Brass and Military Band Journal, probably in
1879, but most significant of all, the Liverpool Brass (and Military) Band Journal was
founded in 1875 by Wright and Round. This company became the largest and most
influential publisher of brass band music during the last quarter of the nineteenth
century.
instrumentalists. In time these gave way to the itinerant musicians of the circus and
musician, while Henry Round was from the theatre. During the early 1870s a
professional clarinettist and member of the Hallé Orchestra, John Gladney, entered the
brass band contesting arena. His father had been an army bandmaster and had
adjudicated at one of the early Belle Vue contests. It may reasonably be thought that
4
army bandmasters would make ideal trainers of brass bands. With very few exceptions
this has not been the case - certainly not since Gladney's time. He was to help establish
the format of the brass band, and became the most successful contest conductor of the
era.
His influence also led to the birth of a school of conductors from within the field
of brass bands, including several who had played under his conductorship. He eventually
played a key role in the spread of the contesting band, being engaged to conduct bands
in all parts of the north and midlands, and in Scotland, Wales and the south. Amongst
the conductors emerging from within the brass band world were Alexander Owen, who
played in Meltham Mills band - the band with which Gladney built his reputation, and
Swift and Owen dominated the brass band scene for the last two decades of the
nineteenth century and, aided by the prevailing social, economic and geographical
conditions in Yorkshire and Lancashire, ensured the supremacy of brass bands in these
It should not be assumed that bands connected with industry were in a majority.
Lomas4 estimates that the number of bands with industrial connections was as low as 16
per cent. However, the presence and development of the sponsored band helped in the
spread of bands which had no such advantages; in some cases, self-supporting bands
Concertizing and other activities developed alongside the contest, and whilst
statistics have been produced which suggest that contesting peaked during the mid-
1890s, it seems likely that the brass band concert maintained its place until the early
years of the twentieth century when, like many other nineteenth-century activities, it
surrendered to the effects of jazz, the cinema, the record industry and changing public
tastes.
5
Notes
1 John Shaw, active from 1854-1894 in Glossop, Derbyshire, took out patents in 1824,
1838 and 1856 for devices which facilitated the sharpening and flattening of sounds on
brass instruments. (Waterhouse, 1993, page 372).
2 George Wigglesworth (died 1843), active from 1830-1843 in Otley, Yorkshire, is
known to have made cornopeans, keyed bugles, trombones and ophicleides. Charles
Wigglesworth, active in Otley in the mid-nineteenth century, was probably the son of
George. (Warerhouse, 1993, page 429).
Joseph Higham (1818-1883) established his business in Salford in 1842, and from
1852 the firm advertised as 'makers to the army'. During 1857 Higham invented and
patented a new type of valve. On his death, he was succeeded by his son-in-lay, Peter
Robinson. In 1893 the company claimed to have produced over 46,000 musical
instruments. (Waterhouse, 1993, page 175).
' Lomas, 1990, page 731.
6
Chapter 1
1.4 Conclusion
7
1.1 BAND INSTRUMENTS, THE MILITARY BAND, SAX AND THE DISTINS
The development of bands was inextricably linked with that of wind instruments, and so
military band at the turn of the eighteenth century comprised oboes, clarinets, french
horns and bassoons, with the occasional use of trumpets and serpents. French horns
were 'natural', as the valve did not yet exist. Trumpets also were natural, though in some
cases a slide was fitted, extending the range of available notes. Amateur bands made use
of a wider range of instruments than this. Fifes, flutes and piccolos were relatively easy
to play and were often included, and in the majority of bands the serpent or bass horn
The arrival of the keyed bugle during the second decade of the nineteenth
instrument, paving the way for the coming of the valve and the revolution which this
was to bring about. By the I 830s the brass and reed band was well-established in many
parts of the country. Reeds were chiefly represented by the clarinet, though the piccolo
and flute were also classed as reeds; the bassoon, where present, was the bass member
of the family. The keyed bugle became increasingly popular and, along with trumpet,
horn, bass horn and serpent, formed the brass sections of early bands.
However, useful as it was, the keyed bugle had tonal and intonational
weaknesses, and a mechanism was needed which would facilitate instantaneous changes
in the length of tubing in order to change the series of sounds playable. This emerged in
the shape of the valve, invented circa 1814 and incorporated initially on horns and
trumpets. Heinrich Stölzel, a horn player from Silesia is credited with the invention of
the valve 1 which, when depressed, directs air through the instrument via a different
route, changing the length of the tube and, consequently, the series of notes playable.
Several other instrument makers were also involved in the valve's development. One, a
8
farmer from Glossop - John Shaw, was possibly a key figure in the development of the
all-brass band. The Dutch firm of Embach takes credit for developing the cornopean, a
corner-stone of early all-brass bands, but its valve action was, according to Enderby
Amsterdam between 1824 and 1830, was played in France and Belgium, and also in
England, where it was copied (again, according to Jackson) by instrument makers Pace
Early models had only two valves, 3 and examples of the term 'cornopean' are
found in reports of early all-brass bands. 4 In France, a similar instrument, the cornet-a-
pistons was developed from the post horn;5 the account of the Burton Constable contest
of 1845 cites the use of 12 cornopeans and three cornet-a-pistons (see Table 5, page 61
below). Within a few years the instrument was referred to simply as the cornet, and was
fundamental to the development of the brass band. Various types of valve were tried,
but the Périnet version, developed in 1839 by the Parisian instrument maker Etienne
Francois Périnet, led to the production of a range of instruments quite similar to those in
use today. The valve was to revolutionise brass instruments, and was almost entirely
Some early band instruments are now obsolete, and those which are still
regularly played have developed considerably since the formation of early amateur
bands. It would seem appropriate, therefore, to consider briefly the principal instruments
The oboe, invented in the mid-seventeenth century, with its double reed and a
range of two octaves, was in common use by the beginning of the eighteenth century.
Though it found a permanent place in the orchestra and professional bands, owing to the
difficulties of playing it, it did not sit comfortably in amateur bands, and was not often
found there.
Early versions of the clarinet were pitched in C, had eight fingerholes and one
key. From the late 1750s, up to five keys were used, and it became a very popular
9
instrument. During the early nineteenth century there were further modifications and
key-additions, as well as the introduction of high E' and F versions, both of which were
useful to bands. From circa 1800 the Bb instrument replaced that in C in the military
band, where it had now become established as the leading treble instrument. 7 Capable of
producing an incisive tone, the clarinet was eminently suited to outdoor playing. In some
bands, even though in other respects they became all-brass, the clarinet held its place
until late in the century. Although a reed instrument, models used in amateur bands were
generally made of brass. Clarinets in C and in high F were commonly used, but both are
now obsolete.8
The history of the flute goes back to well before 2,000 B.C. Early eighteenth
century instruments had one key only, if that, in addition to finger holes, but by 1760
four-keyed models were being produced. Further improvements took place from the
early 1830s, including the incorporation of rings. The flute, though popular with
amateur instrumentalists, was less effective than the clarinet for outdoor playing, and
appeared in amateur bands less frequently. Nevertheless, along with the piccolo, it was
found in some, adding variety to the sound of the melody. The piccolo, a small flute,
sounding an octave higher than the ordinary flute, appeared in the late eighteenth
century, had just one key, and succeeded the flageolet. 9 With its shrill sound it was a
very effective outdoor instrument, and was found in some early amateur bands. 10
The fife was a small transverse flute, made of wood, and with six fingerholes but
no keys. Along with drums, fifes have been used for accompanying marching soldiers
since the fifteenth century, 11 and were present in some early English military bands,
The bugle has mediaeval origins, having been used by hunters to give aural
signals, and also by shepherds and town watchmen. As the bugle horn, it was used by
the military from the last quarter of the eighteenth century, but not until early in the
nineteenth did it take the shape of the modern bugle. Pitched in C or B b, it was then
10
adopted as a military band instrument,' 2 and despite all the developments in the brasses,
the key-less bugle is still used for signalling, and in bugle bands.
a regular feature of early amateur bands, providing the first real challenge to the clarinet
as a melody instrument. Early examples had five keys; later a sixth was added in
England, 14 and up to four more in Europe. 15 Though the keyed trumpet had been in use
for some years, it was the keyed bugle which was adopted by British amateur bands.
This was a huge step forward for the brasses, because the bugle was able to play all the
notes of the chromatic scale, as opposed to only those approximating to the harmonic
series, as was the case with most early trumpets. Despite the superiority of the cornet,
the keyed bugle remained popular until the early 1 840s. This was probably because there
were already many in use, they were cheaper and, as different techniques were employed
in playing the two instruments, many older players would wish to continue playing the
instrument with which they were familiar. It required a new generation of players to
The coming of the cornet was the most significant change in band
instrumentation. Its bore was more conical than that of the trumpet, creating a more
mellow sound. Technically it was very agile and this, along with its natural warmth and
lyricism, were amongst its attractions. Early in its history it was produced in two main
versions - pitched in Db and Ab. During the 1850s and 1860s these gave way to E' and
Bb instruments, the Eb becoming the soprano cornet of the present-day brass band, and
Horns and trumpets provided the middle harmonies and accompaniments to solo
passages. The horn used in early bands was merely a coiled tube with a mouthpiece at
one end and a flared bell at the other, having descended from the fifteenth-century
hunting horn. Only notes approximating to a harmonic series could be played, and
though the use of crooks enabled players to change the pitch of the series, this took time
and could rarely be done during performances of the short pieces played by early bands.
11
The modern french horn, indispensable both in orchestras and professional military
bands, survived for only a relatively short time in the amateur band. Here, it was seldom
used after circa 1860, because due to the length of its tubing it required a different
upping technique from other brass instruments. The natural trumpet worked on the same
principles as those of the horn. The history of the early trumpet is discussed by Tarr18
The bassoon was always used in professional military bands and was found in
handling when on the march, it was not a regular feature in amateur bands.
The origins and development of the trombone are discussed at some length by
Herbert. 20 Dating from the fifteenth century and achieving immense popularity in the
sixteenth, there was a sharp decline in its usage towards the end of the seventeenth.
However, it was regularly used in amateur bands, the valved tenor version
supplementing the middle harmonies and the G bass trombone adding colour to the bass
line. Alto trombones were found in some early bands but, producing a lighter sound than
tenor or bass trombones, survived for only a short time. Not until the 1870s did the slide
The earliest bass instrument regularly used in amateur bands was the serpent,
used in seventeenth century consort music as well as by the waits. Originally, it had no
keys, but by 1800 three or four keys were common. It was used in amateur bands until
the late 1 840s. Some bands preferred the bass horn to the serpent; this worked on
similar principles but was made of brass in the shape of a tall 'V1 and was first made in
London during the 1790s by the French serpent player Frichot. At first it had six
fingerholes and three keys - two more keys being added later.21
The bass drum, an essential feature of all bands, was useful for helping maintain
a regular tempo whilst on the march. Lomas comments on the importance of a range of
percussion instruments in early bands. He refers to the influence of and enthusiasm for
12
'Turkish music' and its imitation, 'Janissary music' - the use of bass and side drums,
tambourine, cymbals and triangle, and maintains that these added the element of
spectacle to band performances and, along with the 'drumstick flourishes', increased the
One of the more important developments during the 1840s and 1850s was the
introduction of lower brasses. The serpent and bass horn were superseded by the
ophicleide, virtually a keyed version of the serpent. This was invented in Paris by Halary
in 1816 and patented five years later. 23 It came into general use in bands circa 1840 and
remained the most common bass instrument for several years. There was a link between
brass instruments and the serpent and ophicleide, in that these two both used a brass
mouthpiece, similar in size to that of the euphonium. When the bombardon took over as
the bass instrument, ophicleides were still often retained, playing what was to become
The euphonium first appeared in about 1843, made by Sommer and known in
Germany as the euphonion. Alfred James Phasey, ophicleide soloist of the Coldstream
Guards and professor at Kneller Hall was a key figure in its development in England.
From 1848 he played a valved instrument of the sax bass type, but suggested certain
improvements, including widening the bore. As a result, one biographer claims that
Phasey 'was practically the inventor of the euphonium.'24 In fact, a similar instrument
had been around for about five years. Further, Phasey's model was pitched in C but
quickly gave way to that in Bb, the instrument in common use today. The small bore Bb
saxhorn became known simply as the baritone - the name it still holds.
The term 'bombardon' was first applied to a Viennese 12-keyed ophicleide, but
was then adopted by the Prussian instrument maker, Carl Wilhelm Moritz, for some of
13
his tubas. Bombardons were pitched in Eb, a fifth lower than the euphonium or bass
tuba in the orchestra, but as a bombardon in the band. 25 Cerveny of Bohemia is credited
with having first invented the larger contrabass around 1845. It arrived in England
during the early 18 SOs, but it was over twenty years before it found its way into amateur
bands, and the ophicleide remained the most common bass instrument for several more
years. The circular bass - convenient for marching - originated in Russia, appeared in
Vienna in 1849 and in England two years later. Its German name was 'helicon' and,
conveniently, it had the same valve scheme as the bombardon. This instrument was used
by many brass bands later in the nineteenth century. However, possibly due to its higher
cost and also, very probably, because it lacked the tonal depth of the bombardon, it did
Thus, a new and improving generation of wind instruments was available from
circa 1830. But, whereas the woodwind instruments were all there at the turn of the
instruments became available, first through the use of keys, and later with the invention
of the valve. This new generation, which existed from circa 1830, was to undergo
refinement and improvement over the next three decades, as the woodwinds had done
Though it is not within the parameters of this thesis to discuss the professional military
band, as it was the role-model for early amateur and semi-amateur bands, it will be
useful to see how it developed. There are many books on the subject, several of them by
Henry George Farmer, a former corporal in the Royal Artillery. It is from the early
chapters of his History of the Royal Artillery Band 1762-1953 that most of the
following information is taken.
14
Oboe (hoboy) bands existed in the British army from 1678, becoming known as
'bands of musick' and gradually replacing the corps of fifes and drums. The normal
instrumentation for the developing British military band was based on the German
Harmoniemusik, with its pairs of oboes, clarinets, horns and bassoons. However, on its
formation, in 1762, the Royal Artillery band provided ten instruments for eight players,
the two additional instruments being trumpets, supplying an extra colour, but requiring
Many early military bandsmen were civilians, and the person in charge carried
one of a number of titles, such as 'Head Musician' or 'Master of the Band'. Not until the
mid-nineteenth century was the term 'Bandmaster' used. The 'Master' also played,
directing the band with upward and downward movements of his instrument - generally
From the 1780s the size of military bands grew, and Table 1 shows the growth
of the Royal Artillery Band between its formation and 1839. By 1806 the clarinet had
taken over as the principal instrument, and the C version had been discarded in favour of
the Eb and Bb. There were no drums during the early years as these, along with the fifes,
were kept as a separate unit. From the late 1760s Jannisary music was arriving in
Britain, and within 20 years had become a significant part of the military band.
In 1802 the Royal Artillery band combined with that of the Royal Irish Artillery,
hence the large increase in its size by 1806. In 1810 George McKenzie became Master
of the Band - the first Englishman to hold the post since 1772, from which date the
Masters had all been German - a common practise throughout the British army.
McKenzie was very efficient; he raised the standard, enlarged the band, and appointed a
band sergeant to look after routine work so that he (McKenzie) could concentrate on
Improvements in the design of instruments were now taking place, with fully
chromatic woodwind instruments, the invention of the keyed bugle and ophicleide and,
15
Table 1 The Royal Artillery Band from 1762 to 1839
Piccolo - - 1 - 1
Flute - 1 - 2 2
Oboeor •) 4 2 3 3 -
C Clarinet) 4/5
Eb Clarinet - - 1 - 3
Bb Clarinet - - 6 11 14
Bassoon 2 2 2 3 4
Trumpet 2 1 2 2(slide) 4
Keyed bugle 3 -
Cornet - 3
Horn 2 2 2 2 2
Alto Trombone 1 1 1
Tenor trombone 1 1 1
Bass trombone 1 1 2
Serpent 2 1 2 2
Bass horn 1 2 2
Ophicleide 1 1
Drums - - 4 5 4
Total 8 14/15* 26 39 48
Keyed bugles were being used by the Royal Artillery by 1820, and a two-valved
cornopean was incorporated in 1835. For a time this lived side by side with the keyed
bugles, but both had been superseded by comets by 1839. The continued importance of
the clarinet is clear, and though the brasses constituted, in effect, a moderately well-
balanced 18-piece brass band (with five bass instruments), they were out-numbered by
1803 saw the first official approval of bands in line regiments, allowing between
six and 12 members, with a sergeant to act as 'master'. 27 By 1823 up to 14 members and
a sergeant were allowed, but even as late as 1846 the maximum was only 20. As may be
16
seen from Table 1, the Royal Artillery band was not governed by these regulations, and
Returning to the development of instruments: concurrent with the arrival of the cornet
there were other essential stages in the evolution of the all-brass band. Valved horns
gradually replaced the natural horn, but improvements were needed in order to keep
pace with the development of the cornet. Sax takes credit for many of the improvements
1814-1894 - His Life and Legacy (see bibliography). At the age of 14 he became a
music student, prior to joining his father and carrying out improvements to the clarinet.
During 1839 Sax spent some time in Paris, and in 1842 he moved there permanently.28
His most important projects, dating from circa 1840, were his development of saxhorns
and saxophones. Saxhorns were to make the all-brass band a reality, whilst saxophones
were to add another colour to brass and reed, and military bands, as well as playing a
vital role in the dance band of the twentieth century. Sax patented the saxhorn in 1843,
but faced years of acrimony from his competitors, who claimed he had not invented a
new instrument, but had merely improved existing ones. 29 Nevertheless, the saxhorn
survived, and was to become the core of the British brass band.
In 1844 the Distins, an English family of touring musicians, whilst visiting Paris,
met Sax and adopted his instruments. The head of the family, John Distin, had first come
into prominence as a keyed bugle player in the Grenadier Guards, having earlier played
slide trumpet in the South Devon militia. 30 Each of four sons (George, Henry, Theodore
and William) also played brass instruments. The first public appearance of the family
brass quintet was in the Adeiphi Theatre, Edinburgh in 1837,31 when John played a
slide-trumpet and the sons (aged between 12 and 19) played, respectively, three horns
and a trombone. After several British tours the family visited Europe but were less
successfiul than they had been in Britain. Their instrumentation now consisted of a slide-
trumpet, a cornet, a keyed bugle, a french horn and a slide trombone. 32 Whilst in Paris
17
they heard Sax's new instruments, and visited him. According to Comettant, Sax's
biographer, he not only provided them with a matched set of instruments, but also gave
them some tuition. 33 Henry Distin, writing of the event some years later, suggested that
were acoustically matched and capable of good intonation, and subsequently the Distins
exchanged their older instruments for a quintet of saxhorns. 35 The new instruments were
very successful, and the rise in their popularity has been attributed partly to the later
tours of the Distins. Saxhorns were first played in London during October 1844 by Sax
himself Laurent, Arban and Dubois, at the Royal Adelaide Gallery, but were not a
success. They fared better two months later when played at Covent Garden Theatre by
A major development in brass instruments, saxhorns made use of the same valve
system as the cornet. The more commonly-used ones were the soprano in Eb
(superseded by the Eb soprano cornet), the [contr]alto in Bb, similar to the fiugel horn,
the Eb tenor saxhorn, which became known as the tenor horn (which, though often
thought of as an alto instrument, had to be called tenor because the next size up was the
alto), and baritone and bass saxhorns in Bb, the equivalent of the modern baritone and
euphonium.
So much for the development of instruments, and the possibilities created for the
new type of band. In the next section, the infrastructure of late eighteenth- and early
nineteenth-century banding is reviewed and specific bands examined, along with the
backgrounds of some of their founders and members, and the environments in which
they existed. It will be seen that the all-brass band began to emerge in favour of the brass
and reed band in certain areas, and that the way was being prepared for the more
18
1.2 BRASS AND REED BANDS
1.2.1 Volunteer and militia bands to the end of the Napoleonic Wars
Lomas has provided a detailed study of militia and volunteer bands in southern England,
offering evidence that as early as the 1 760s a number of militia units had formed them.
Some of the early ones were for fifes and drums, but it was not long before certain units
had wind bands. At least three of what he calls 'full military bands' were established in
south Gloucester during 1797 and 1798. He also points to the small, private bands
suggesting that some of the English militia and volunteer officers formed, in effect, their
own private bands and, given the availability of government funding and public
This funding, providing instruments and uniforms, plus pay and allowances for a
drum major, at least one drummer, and in some cases, a number of other
instrumentalists, makes it difficult to view these bands as amateur, even though, later in
the century, this is exactly the kind of assistance which certain works brass bands
received from their industrial benefactors. A more persuasive reason for not regarding
the bands as amateur is that some of their members were professional musicians.39
These volunteer and militia bands were the amateur or semi-professional counterparts of
military bands attached to regular army units. Farmer claims that innumerable bands
were formed in Britain 'for regiments of militia, volunteers, fencibles and yeomanry',
Dave Russell states that there was a large number of military bands in the textile
districts of West Yorkshire, and speculates that they may have offered inspiration and
help with the training of amateurs. 41 Training by military musicians was quite significant,
19
Lomas. 42 They had from seven to eleven wind instrumentalists, in addition to fifers in,
or available, to some of them. Due to the presence of horns, these may all be reasonably
described as brass and reed bands, and from Table it is obvious that the three
principal instruments were clarinet, horn and bassoon. In all of the following tables the
A B C D E F G
Piccolo - - - 1 - - -
Flute - - - - - - 1
Oboe - - - 1 - - -
Clarinet 3 2 5 2 4 6 3
Bassoon 2 1 2 2 2 1 1
Trumpet - - 1 - - - -
Horn 2 2 2 2 2 2 1
Bugle (horn) - - 1 - - - -
Serpent - - - - - 1 -
Drums/percussion - 1 4 - 1 2 5
Total 7 6 15 8 9 12 11
20
The serpent and the ophicleide, as has been stated earlier, both used a brass mouthpiece,
and are therefore grouped with the brasses, though they are not, strictly speaking, brass
instruments.
The predominance of reed instruments over the brasses in each of these bands
should be noted. Percussion was obviously quite important in some, no doubt influenced
by the Janissary music of the military bands, and the use of fifes was a common feature.
These served a very useful purpose, giving the other instrumentalists regular breaks
when on the march. The fife and drum (or drum and fife) band became a very common
form of amateur band later in the nineteenth century, and in due course many converted
to all-brass bands.
The findings of Lomas in his study of militia and volunteer bands in southern
England are probably a reflection of what was happening in other parts of Britain, a
theory supported by the history of the Bolton volunteers band, and it is perhaps worth
personal cost of some £1,000 per annum, he kept both the regiment and the band 'in a
very high state of efficiency' for the duration of the Napoleonic wars. At the conclusion
of these, the regiment was dc-commissioned, but Fletcher kept the band together as
When a new regiment, the Duke of Lancaster's Own Yeomanry Cavalry was
formed in 1819, Fletcher became colonel, forming a Bolton troop and using Bolton Old
as its official band. During the period of the regiment's annual training in Lancaster, the
band was taken there by stage coach to provide the necessary music for reviews and
other military activities, to play daily in the officers' mess, and to officiate at the Sunday
church parade. Many band members were professional orchestral players, engaged as
1828 seems to have been the peak year for the band, and at this time the leader
was William Entwistle, who played Eb clarinet and provided a rehearsal room in an inn
21
which he kept, in Bolton. There was also a bandmaster, George Slater, a former bassoon
player but who, in 1828, played bass trombone. Amongst his duties was the arranging
and copying of music, for which he received 21 shillings per week from Fletcher - a
modest but acceptable wage for the time. Slater had started his working life as a crofter
on a local farm, but arranging the band's music would give him a more comfortable life-
style. Fletcher financed the band until his death in 1832 after which, though remaining
intact for a few years, 'from removals, deaths and other causes, it ceased to exist'.44
Unlike the members of most amateur bands, those of this band would own their
instruments, though Fletcher bought the band's uniform and provided music. The band
'was often engaged at concerts, club feasts, processions, &c and 'for several years about
eight or ten of the members travelled with Cooke's circus.' 45 Millington gives detailed
backgrounds of each player, which are summarised in Appendix 1. The leading players
were either professional musicians, or did or were to earn their living from some branch
of music. Of the others, two were publicans, one a clerical worker and one a major in
the army and these may be regarded, along with the professional musicians and the
music dealer, as members of the lower middle classes. The remainder, as far as it is
warper, but in circa 1830 he moved to Manchester, working professionally, playing the
clarinet and, later, the oboe. Later still, he opened a music shop and also earned money
through giving private lessons and teaching bands. This must have been the William
Johnson described as 'a very prominent leader of bands' who, on 19 July, 1821,
Clegg's reed band (see page 77 below). 46 A William Johnson, again probably the same
person, also adjudicated at the 1855 Belle Vue contest. At the time of his death in 1856,
22
It is unlikely that the band existed for long after the death of its benefactor, but
its demise was not the end of the story. Several of its members, such as William
Johnson, became influential in the local band scene, and the fact that the Bolton district
was to become an important centre for brass bands later in the century must, to some
extent, be due to the impact caused in the district by the Bolton volunteers/Bolton Old
reed band. This case-history must be typical of many of the country's better volunteer
bands.
There are a number of clear links between volunteer/militia bands and civilian
amateur bands. The first and most obvious is that of the military-style uniform, worn to
this day by the majority of brass bands. The second, and of much greater importance, is
the similarity in instrumentation with amateur bands of the time, albeit un-standardised.
Many of these used either a flute or a piccolo (or both), along with the C clarinet,
referred to by Lomas, 48 and virtually all perpetuated the use of one or more percussion
were again many parallels. Though the volunteer/militia bands had a more sophisticated
array of marches - the quick march, the grand march, the slow march (often written in
triple time and played one-in-a-bar) and the funeral march - amateur bands have a
substantial march repertoire, used both on marching engagements and in concert and
brass bands have, in fact, developed their own special genre, the contest march - more
technically complex than other marches. Both types of band also played what are
described as 'loyal, national and martial tunes', 49 and both played at fairs, shows, bazaars
on the development of the amateur band beyond, as it is put in Russell and Elliot,
keeping alive the music of the villages. 50 The mainstay of church music has always been,
quite obviously, the choir, though the role of the organist in modern times is a quite
23
significant one, providing appropriate 'voluntaries' before and after services, devotional
music at certain points and supporting the choir as it sings hymns, anthems and services.
The church band played a much more subordinate role, supporting the choir by doubling
the vocal lines, and occasionally providing a brief introduction or a short instrumental
According to Dave Russell, church bands 'were perhaps most common in the
rural south of England', particularly in Sussex, 51 where they have been the subject of
however, claimed that the majority of English country churches had either bands or
barrel-organs. His researches had found more of them in Sussex than in other counties
because he himself lived there, and had therefore done more research there. He listed 33
counties where he knew of the existence of church bands between 1660 and 1860, and
these are listed in Appendix 2. He felt that there were probably more church bands in
Choirs had been formed in many rural churches early in the eighteenth centuly;
they sang unaccompanied at first, but from the late 1740s instruments began to be used
to give support. The bassoon appears to have been the first instrument used, and this
gradually led to the forming of small instrumental ensembles. Lomas gives 1780 to 1830
as the principal era for these bands, though many continued well after this, some even
until the 1 890s. 52 Many church bandsmen belonged to the working classes, and were
often self-taught. 53 Lomas states that some church bands 'received financial assistance
from the people of their locality'. 54 This was an important precedent for local support
for other amateur bands later in the nineteenth century, though he maintains that part of
the support came from the church rates - a tax levied on people who lived in houses
owned by the church, 55 and a benefit not enjoyed by other bands. This patronage, along
with that given to militia and volunteer bands, contributed significantly to the growing
listening public which was to develop into the mass audiences which attended band
24
concerts and contests later in the century. A further source of income for some church
bands was created when they toured the locality at Christmas-time, playing carols for the
better-off people and receiving, in return, either money or food and drink. 56 This custom
Church bands were not generally wind bands, though they frequently used wind
instruments, and as they were regarded as bands, rather than orchestras, their
instrumentation calls for comment. The cello seems to have been the most common bass
instrument (it was known as the bass viol at the time), though the earliest 'church band'
early as 1748. Some later bands used a serpent. This was for long regarded as an
'ecclesiastical' instrument, and was probably used in rural churches prior to being
adopted by military bands in the mid-eighteenth century. The trombone was also
Of the treble wind instruments used by church bands, the clarinet was the most
common. The flute 'was also often present as was, sometimes, the oboe, and there were
occasional instances of the inclusion of the fife. Along with the cello, playing the lowest
part, there were frequent examples of the violin playing the highest. The use of brass
instruments was rare, as church bands were in decline by the time these were becoming
established in amateur bands. The keyed bugle was occasionally found, and in some
bands which survived until later in the century, the cornet was included. There were a
few instances of the use of instruments such as the viola (tenor viol) and the horn, but
these were rare, most church bands containing only treble and bass instruments.8
between 1660 and 1860. They are shown in Appendix 2 arranged, according to
Church music underwent major reforms during the middle years of the nineteenth
25
school teacher, or the clergyman's wife or daughter acting as 'choirmaster'. 60 The start
of the reforms coincided with the beginnings of the Oxford Movement in 1833, but
though this was about the time when all-brass bands first appeared, it would be unwise
to equate their appearance with the demise of church bands, as so few brass instruments
We must conclude that church bands were, in effect, a cul-de-sac in terms of the
instrumentalists to support the choir, but they do not appear to have contributed to the
development of bands or band music beyond helping to create a listening public. There
are, however, indirect links. There were instances of instrumentalists who played in both
the church and the village band. There have also been suggestions that some of those
forming brass bands in the north made use of former singers from church choirs because
they already had a knowledge of basic musical literacy. It is possible that some of these
their raison d' être with the ending of hostilities in 1815 and as has been seen, church
bands were on the wane from the early 183 Os. Well before these dates, however, there is
evidence of the existence of what Lomas calls 'secular civilian wind bands', though his
evidence of their existence before 1800 is not convincing. Bands attached to the military,
the waits and church bands certainly existed at this time, and it seems probable that the
reports of bands 'sighted' were from these groups. It is dangerous, therefore, to describe
between 1807 and the late 1830s. These are shown in Table 361 'Band of Musick' is a
26
Table 3 Bands of Musick, 1804 to late 1830s
A B C D E
Flute 1 2 1 1
Oboe - - - 2
3
Clarinet 4 4 2 3
Bassoon 2 - 1 2
1
Trumpet - 5 1 -
Keyed bugle - - - 2 2
Horn 1 2 1 2 1
Trombone - - - 1 2
1
Serpent - - - -
Unidentified ? 3 1 1
Drums/percussion 2 2 1 1 1
Total 10+ 18 8 15 11
Percussion was distinctly less important in this group of bands, and there was no
mention of fifes. The clarinet and horn remained regular members but the bassoon had
lost its permanent place. The trumpet was becoming more popular, andthe appearance
of the keyed bugle and trombone should be noted. In the first three bands, reeds
predominated, but in the other two, the brasses played a more significant role. The
Horsham Band was, in effect, a brass band with three clarinets, very similar in
instrumentation to that of the 1818 Clegg's reed band (see Table 4).
During the 1 820s, as was the case with the military, the size of amateur bands
started to rise, though the band which claims to be the oldest band still in existence,
Stalybridge, set the precedent for larger civilian amateur wind bands, with 19 members
on its founding, in 1814. Its instrumentation is shown in Table 4, along with those of
27
Clegg's reed band in 1818 and 1837/8, Bramley in 1831, Bolton Old in 1828 and the
A B C D E F
Piccolo - 1 1 - 1 -
Flute 4 - - - 1 1
C Clarinet 4 3 4 4 - -
Eb Clarinet - - - - 1 -
Bb Clarinet - - - - 8 5
Bassoon 2 - - - 3 -
Trumpet 1 1 2 2 2
Keyed bugle 1 1 1 1 -
Cornet 5
Horn 2 2 2 2 3
Tromb ones * 1 2(b) 2(alt) 1(b) 2(tfb)
Serpent 1 1 1 2 3
Bass horn 1 2 - 1
Ophicleide 3
Drums/percussion 3 1 1 1 1 3
* a, t and b alto, tenor and bass
Total 19 12 12 13 24 24
A Stalybridge, 181462 was unusually large for the time. Scott notes a
similarity with the contemporary military band, with the use of flutes,
clarinets, french horns and bassoons, and with the absence of the
trombone. 63 With a serpent, a bass horn and two bassoons the
bass line would be quite strong, and the percussion section consisted
of bass drum, cymbals and triangle.
B Clegg's reed band, 1818, 64 with three clarinets (one player doubling
on F and C), a piccolo and a keyed bugle, was well equipped with
treble melody instruments. The trumpet and the horns would be natural
but the trombone must have had a slide, and was probably a bass
trombone. If, as is claimed by Hampson, the band had two bass horns,
it was well up to date in its bass instruments.
C Besses o' th' Barn brass and reed band, 1837/3865 was, in fact, very
similar to Clegg's 1818 band, but with two bass trombones and a serpent
instead of one trombone and two bass horns, may be seen as regressive
rather than progressive. The piccolo and lead clarinet players each
doubled on F and C instruments.
28
D Bramley band, 183 1,66 of which Joseph Jackson was the leader. In a
separate list he is shown as a cornet player, though he could not
have played a cornet in the 1831 band. His inclusion brings the size
of the band to 14, with an instrumentation not vastly different from that
of the 1818 Besses band. I have assumed that the clarinets were in C
though they might well, by 1831, have been B' instruments.
E Bolton Old reed band, 1828. 67 It is interesting to note that there are
no keyed bugles and that the only trombone is the bass trombone,
played by the bandmaster. The clarinet was obviously the dominant
instrument, and with a total of 24 players, playing predominantly
woodwind instruments, this was, in effect, a military band, though still
referred to as a reed band.
F Accrington band, 1842. 68 There are changes in emphasis in this
band compared to the other two large bands in Table 4. The
inclusion of five comets is significant, and the predominance of brass
instruments over woodwinds is in contrast to the balance of the
Stalybridge and Bolton bands, and of the military band combinations
shown in Table 1.
This comparison between Accrington and the other bands mentioned demonstrates the
essential difference between the military band and the brass and reed combination: the
woodwinds formed the foundation of the former, with brasses used mainly for weight
and variety of colour. In the mature brass and reed band, on the other hand, it was the
brass which was essential and the woodwind which was there to add variety.
This was the age of the brass and reed band. From the 1830s it had become
well-established in many parts of the country. Reeds were chiefly represented by the
clarinet, though the piccolo and flute seem to have been regarded as reeds, and the
bassoon, where present, was the bass member of the family. The keyed bugle became
increasingly popular and, along with trumpets, horns, bass horns and serpents, formed
the brass sections of early bands. The importance of the horns may be seen throughout
each of the above tables; their absence from the Accrington band is very surprising and
may be the result of a researcher, at some time, having omitted them from a list.
now began to benefit from the new instrumental developments, in particular through the
introduction of the valve. Thus, even in bands which did not consist entirely of brass
instruments, the brasses began to adopt a more important role. The 1842 Accrington
29
band demonstrated this, anticipating the larger brass and reed band of the future in
having much more a look of completeness in its brass section, with the woodwind
There were also other bands in existence by the end of the second decade of the
nineteenth century, and one of the oldest is the Coxiodge Institute band, of Durham,
claimed to have been founded in 1808. The claim is made by Barrie Perrins in an article
titled 'The First British Brass Band'. 69 This band was located at the northern extremity
of an area which was to house many colliery bands. In the same article, Perrins mentions
New Mills Old band, dating from 1812. The evidence for the establishment of this band
the New Mills Old prize band's centenary. 70 The concert took place on 25 August 1912,
and included massed choirs as well as the band. The leaflet also states that 'L. J. Hall,
Esq., J.P., C.C., will preside, supported by the gentry of the district' - establishing the
presence of patronage by the middle classes. The 'brief history' of the band, incorporated
the involvement of the Beard family. Timothy Beard had founded the band (in 1812) and
two of his brothers had been members. It was John, a son of one of these and therefore
nephew of the founder, who conducted the band in 1912. All four Beards were said to
have been 'composers of sacred music', indicating a measure of musical literacy and an
affiliation with the church. The original band was brass and reed, with a uniform
comprising a 'swallow-tailed coat, blue tunic with epaulettes, and grey tall hats'. New
Mills is located some five miles south-east of Stockport, just inside Derbyshire, and on
The Coxiodge Institute band was undoubtedly from a mining area, and though
New Mills would have been rather more rural, there were coal mines in the region.
Other bands which come from this early period, but which seem not to have entered the
'oldest band' debate include Kirkbymoorside band, which claims 1815 as the date of its
founding, with evidence of money being raised for the purpose of buying a serpent, two
30
bassoons and two horns. 71 They would be justified in assuming, however, that a band
already existed at that time, the five instruments being bought to supplement whatever
Despite the considerable number of public subscription bands which came into
being during the first half of the nineteenth century there is little factual information
about the founding, funding and administration of more than a few. A brief study
suggests that early financing came through the efforts of the members themselves.
Having become established, bands were then able to solicit help from the community in
which they were based, the response to which would be influenced by the prevailing
financial climate and the regard in which the band was currently held - particularly by
It is worth pointing out that during the 1820s instruments would be available
which had formerly been used in army bands, church bands or even, possibly, by the
waits. These may either have been given or sold for a nominal sum to the band or
bandsman. Later, when the new generation of brass instruments arrived, this would not
Of bands other than those already discussed, known to have been formed in the
pre-Victorian period, one of the most interesting was Bramley and one of the most
successful Dewsbury - both located, incidentally, in Yorkshire, though that is not to say
that Yorkshire, nor even the north of England, was as yet monopolising the world of
amateur wind bands. Bramley72 was founded in 1828 and the booklet outlining its
history, published in 1906, is as interesting for its description of the times through which
the band passed as for the history of the band itself. This was the brain-child of Edward
Hesling (1763-1853), a farmer, and father often children. No detail is given of the 1828
band, except that two of Hesling's Sons and a grandson were members, that his eldest
son was a hand-loom weaver, and that band practices were held amongst his looms.
Edward Hesling seems not to have been a member, but he had sons, grandsons and great
grandsons in the band for at least the first 76 years of its existence - that is, until the
31
publication of the booklet. 73 More detail is given about the band in 1831 (see Table 4),
when it played for the celebrations in connection with the coronation of William TV. 74 In
1836 a new band appeared, known as Bramley temperance, with John Whiteley, a local
organist taking on the role of 'leader and bandmaster'. 75 (See pages 47-48 below for
comments about these terms). Whether or not the temperance band grew out of the reed
band is not stated, and though it is possible that it converted to all-brass at the same time
as the name-change, the term brass band is not used in the booklet until the description
of an engagement in 1845.76
A few miles south of Bramley, but still in the Leeds area, Dewsbury band was
founded in 1824 and, like Bramley of seven years later, had clarinets as well as brass
phoenix-like, the Batley and Dewsbury bands arose'. 77 It is not clear what this means,
but there is a distinct possibility that Herbert Milburn (to be mentioned again on pages
55-56 and 105-106) had something to do with the formation of these two neighbouring
bands, and/or with their re-amalgamation some years later, in preparation for the first
Another band dating from the 1 820s and typical of many early bands, was
Holme, in a hill-top village near Holmfirth in West Yorkshire. 78 Farming and hand-loom
weaving were the most common occupations in the village. No details of the original
band are given, except that it had nine members. The band survived successfully for a
number of years, fulfilling local engagements and maintaining good contest results. By
now, most of the district's inhabitants worked in woollen mills, and during a period when
trade was poor several players left the band, including one of the founder-members.
Here was an example of the advantage and disadvantage of family connections within
bands; the band had benefited from the membership of five of this player's sons but at a
stroke, all six left. Fortunately the father had a brother and, according to the account, he
and his six sons 'came to the rescue'. There is still a very active band in the village of
Holme, now known as Holme Silver, 79 and with a history spanning almost 180 years.
32
A major problem with a study such as this is the lack of continuity in the
twentieth century, or of the last two decades of the nineteenth. Some may have risen
from the ashes of earlier groups, but the reality is that the majority of nineteenth-century
bands are extinct. Indeed, many existed only for a short time before either disappearing
altogether, or re-appearing under a different name. Besses o' th' Barn band is a direct
descendant of Clegg's reed band, but Black Dike, to be discussed shortly, though
claiming to be descended from Peter Wharton's, offers no proof of this. In fact, the only
tangible connection between the two was that the founder of Black Dike Mills had, in
his youth, played horn with Wharton. The band itself grew out of Queenshead band and
though feasible, it has never been suggested that this was descended from Wharton's.
nineteenth-century amateur bands, of which neither memory nor record exists. A good
example of this may be seen in the small Durham town of Yarm. Yarm and District band
claims 1945 as the date of its formation, 80 and yet in his Village and Town Bands, Weir
claims that 'The Yarm Town Band played at the opening of the Stockton to Darlington
[railway] line in 1825',81 suggesting that a band was established even then. A band in
Railway, which Lomas believes to have been the Swindon Mechanics' Institute band.
This, according to one writer, functioned 'for the benefit, improvement and amusement
of their workmen', 82 suggesting a rather middle class-biased reason for the employers'
Before investigating the English scene further, it will be useful to look at developments
in other parts of the British Isles.
33
1.2.4 Early bands in Scotland, Wales and Ireland
Most of the nineteenth-century population of Scotland lived in the lowland belt between
the hills of the south and the mountains of the north, and much of Scotland's industry
and many of its bands were in this area. Industries which contributed to the growth of
the Scottish brass band movement included coal-mining, shale-mining, iron and steel,
engineering, shipbuilding and textiles. Coal had long been mined in Scotland, but major
developments occurred in the nineteenth century with increased demands on the arrival
of the steam engine, the increase in metal manufacture, and the growth of ship-building.
The principal coal-mining areas were initially in Lanarkshire and Ayrshire, later in Fife,
The iron and steel industry began in 1759 with the founding of the Canon Iron
Works which, by the end of the eighteenth century was a leading European company,
and by the end of the nineteenth, had its own brass band. Canon is located a few miles
From early in the nineteenth century shipbuilding was a growing industry, both
on the Clyde and the Tay. Glasgow and Falkirk became the principle regions for general
engineering, Dundee produced textile machinery, Aberdeen made machines for farming
the woollen industry had progressed from the domestic system to industrialization. The
former had been widespread but the factory system was instituted mainly in border
towns such as Galashiels, Langholm, Selkirk and Hawick; there were cotton mills in
Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire and Glasgow, with jute-making in Dundee, flax and hemp
manufacture in Forfarshire - all centres for bands. Thus, the nineteenth-century Scottish
band movement was inextricably linked with industry, the development of which
34
The earliest amateur bands in Scotland seem to have been formed at about the
same time as of those in England, though their later development was somewhat slower.
In the Stirling Journal and Advertiser85 many references to bands of various kinds are
to be found. They generally cover specific events, but whilst failing to reveal anything
interest. There are surprisingly few references to pipe bands but several to flute bands.
Early flute bands in Scotland were similar to England's drum-and-fife bands, 86 and early
'instrumental' bands, like their English counterparts, boasted clarinets, keyed bugles,
serpents, bass horns and ophicleides. The term 'brass band' appears regularly from 1858,
prior to which 'instrumental band' is a common term referring to what in England were
called brass and reed bands. In the same way that 'saxhorn' has been retained in the
names of some bands, so-called 'instrumental bands' are, likewise, still to be found in
Scotland.
band. Local legend has it that during their return from the Battle of Waterloo, in 1815,
the Royal Scots Greys passed through the town. A 'band of music' played during the
celebrations, to which the officer commanding the Greys presented a brass buckle from
his horse's harness, still preserved in the magistrate's office. 87 Other Scottish bands
which may have existed early on include Barrhead (1819), Airdrie (1819), Peebles
(1834), Penecuik (1835), Alva (1838), Galashiels (1846) and Darvel (1846). I am unable
to confirm these dates, though they are claimed by the various bands.
conducive to the extensive formation of bands. In the early years of the nineteenth
population through immigration. The most important developments were the iron and
coal industries centred mainly in South Wales, though there were also some mines in
North Wales, along with a significant slate industry. These led to the formation of a
strong Welsh brass band movement, but not until later in the century.
35
To return to the writings of Enderby Jackson, he stated that the cornopean first
Brown at Blaina, in Monmouthshire. 88 Both were said to be iron works, both reputedly
Therefore, these claims of Jackson's must be regarded as dubious. Despite this, it seems
that there was a band of sorts in Blaina from early times. A centenary supper was held in
the town in 1920, but this was thought by locals to have been a few years late, as they
Wales was one of several important centres in the early development of the iron
and steel industry, partly due to the availability of locally-mined coal and iron ore. A
more important centre for iron smelting than Blaina emerged in Merthyr Tydfll. This was
a rapidly-developing centre, its population rising from 24,000 to 70,000 between 1831
and 1861.90 A few of the immigrants were musicians, brought to the town by Robert
Thompson Crawshay (died 1879), master of the Cyfarthfa Iron Works, to join his
private band. 9 ' Of various suggested dates for the formation of this band Herbert cites
1838 (Coronation year) as the most likely. 92 The Cyfarthfa band contained a mix of
existing local talent and professional musicians, culled from places as far away as
Bradford and London, and including former members of Wombwell's Menagerie band.93
Cyfarthfa became one of the leading bands of Britain, and though it existed only a few
years beyond the turn of the century, its unique music library has survived, and is
discussed later. Herbert insists that the Cyfarthfa administration was not typical of bands
of the period. Though the band used standard brass instruments it differed from other
early works bands in not being made up from the existing workforce of the company.
However, its members had to earn a living through work other than playing and would,
no doubt, be offered jobs in the iron works. This transcends some of the traditional
reasons for having a works band and one suspects that Crawshay's motives were largely
connected with the satisfaction derived from owning a high quality band.
36
But even though there were bands in Wales it was a long time before what could
be called a Welsh brass band movement developed, and there are both cultural and
geographical reasons for this. Culturally, the use of the Welsh language was a factor,
creating an emphasis on the spoken and written word in poetry and prose and, crucially,
on vocal rather than instrumental music. The National Eisteddfod was founded in 1880,
takes place annually, and has been an important feature of Welsh cultural life. Held each
August and alternating between North and South Wales, there are classes for music,
literature, drama and art, with the Welsh language predominating. 94 However, it was
several years before brass bands were included within its syllabus.
From early times there was religious and political conflict in Ireland, and the
founding of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801 did little to
appease it. This conflict, along with the famine in the years 1846-1851 - important years
in the development of amateur bands in England and Scotland - led to a decrease of two
million in Ireland's population, largely through emigration. From the middle of the
century the Irish flute band - the equivalent of the English drum and fife band -
flourished, as it still does. Though there were a few brass and reed bands, these
eventually gravitated towards the military band rather than the all-brass combination as
they were doing elsewhere in Britain. The absence in Ireland of coal reserves and any
form of industrialisation adds weight to the argument that brass bands have flourished in
industrial regions. Though there is, today, a significant brass band movement in
Northern Ireland, and a few examples of brass bands in the south, these are the product
of the twentieth century and are largely due to radio, recordings and visits by Irish
dominated, by the textile industry. Two of them, Stalybridge and Besses, claim
37
continuous existence. All have already been mentioned, and will be revisited again as the
thesis develops.
The oldest, Stalybridge, was formed in 1814, though with roots going back
which, from 1793, were gradually converted to turnpike roads. 96 It had its first cotton
still earned their livings as weaver-farmers. The flying shuttle, invented in 1733, enabled
weavers to double their wages and led to the making of better cloth. Consequently, by
the 1770s the weavers of Stalybridge were happy and relatively prosperous. 97 A list of
some of them contains the family names of a number of members of the later Stalybridge
band. 98 Though not a works band, it was cradled in the heart of industry, located in a
town with a growing population, and several members of the 1814 band probably
The effects of the aftermath of the war with France and the emergence of
factories, with their greedy owners, reduced the quality of life for the workers of
Stalybridge and they became involved with the Luddites in strikes and rebellions against
following account:
'In 1814 there were nearly twelve factories; in 1818 they had increased to about
sixteen. During the first twenty years of the present century [1800-1820] the
excellent position of Staley-Bridge, with all its advantages of fuel and facilities of
conveyance were duly appreciated; so that the town became larger every year;
the streets multiplied rapidly; houses started into existence as if by magic;
extensive factories reared their massive walls; and the site of the woods of Staley
became a flourishing town.'99
There had been a number of attempts to form a band, but that of 1814 was the first to
have lasting success, and a few key figures played an important part in its founding.
38
Thomas Avison (1796-1866) was born in nearby Dobcross but during his early
years the family moved to Stalybridge where the father opened a shoe shop. Avison
headed a group which attempted to form a band during the winter of 1809-18 10, each
member agreeing to subscribe threepence per week towards the cost of instruments, but
this project collapsed when the lady acting as banker refused to return the money. 100
Avison and a friend then had music lessons for two years from William Oldham, of
Mottram; he played the bassoon, which accounts for the unusual presence of two of
these in the 1814 band. 101 In 1812 Avison again tried forming a band, when a group of
13 enthusiasts met, agreeing to donate five shillings each at their next meeting. In the
event only five met this commitment - including Avison himself, who played clarinet and
became the band's first leader and Archibald Barker, who played keyed bugle and was
the son of a local minister. The five further agreed to pay two shillings per week 'until
they had a good band'. 102 Here was the nucleus of the 1814 band.
garret in his shoe shop and the Reverend Barker (father of Archibald) wrote 'an address
describing the beauties and beneficial effects of Music in general, and the New Band in
particular'. 103 This was appended to a cash book and visits were made to local people,
the outcome being the collection of £24 in cash and 180 eggs. The cash and
(presumably) the proceeds of the sale of the eggs was added to £12 already in the funds,
and instruments purchased. Some players probably already owned an instrument, as the
band, on its foundation, had 19 players, with a mixture of woodwind, brass and
percussion 104 (see Table 4 above). Larger than most early amateur bands, it was
establishing practices which were to become common - meeting for rehearsal in a room
provided by one of its members, accepting sponsorship (in this case from some of its
Some ten miles north west of Stalybridge is the district of which Besses o' th'
Barn is part. Having been connected with the manufacture of cloth since the late
fifteenth century when Flemish weavers settled there, the district had become known as
39
Whitefield because the fabrics woven were spread in fields to bleach in the sun, giving an
appearance of white fields. 105
A 1783 map clearly shows the village of Besses o' th' Barn. The area is called
Pilkington, and a turnpike road passes through the village, \Vhitefield being part of the
Account of Whitefield, Besses o' di' Barn and their Parish (see bibliography), which
claims that the origin of the name Besses o' th' Barn comes from an hotel which closed
in 1935, but which had existed at least since 1784.106 In a highly informative book, A
History of Whitefield Pubs, Glenn Worth states that the hotel goes back even further, at
least to 1715, when the first landlord, John Fallows, was licensed. He dispels speculation
that the name of the inn was connected with a visit by the highwayman Dick Turpin and
his horse, Black Bess, favouring the theory that a lady called Bess once kept the inn, and
bit records that in 1755 Parliament passed a Bill for road improvements, which
included a turnpike that passed very close to where Besses o' th' Barn Inn stood. 108 In
1760 a former cart track was made into a proper road, becoming the Bury to
Manchester turnpike, particularly useful to the pack mule trains journeying between
Bury and the Bridgewater collieries at Worsley. 109 There was an elaborate toll bar, built
in the shape of a miniature church, with a tower and a clock - a conspicuous landmark,
demolished in 1881.110 This indicates that Besses o' th' Barn was a noted village on a
well-used road which linked Bury to the north with Manchester to the south.
The new road was an important factor in the development of industry in the area.
Earlier, Whitefield had become a centre of home-based handloom weaving. 111 The
Whitefleid, as was the power loom and the spinning jenny, and Luddite riots were rife in
the region as the nineteenth century progressed.112
Whitefield became a parish in 1829, and 'There were a good many residences at
this time. Cotton manufacture and employments akin to it are carried on'. 113 Hand-loom
40
weaving continued in Whitefleld until sometime between 1830 and 1840, but not until
Clegg's reed band was founded by, and took its name from, a cotton
manufacturing firm owned by the brothers John, James and Joseph Clegg, located in
Besses o' th' Barn. John Clegg played keyed bugle in the band; Hampson states that he
also provided rehearsal facilities - 'the old mangle room' - used for nine years before the
band moved to a room in a local inn, the Mason's Arms. 115 However, according to
Worth, the 'mangle room', used by the band between 1818 and 1827 was, in fact, in the
old barn next to Besses o' th' Barn Inn. 116 There were 12 members (see Table 4 above),
more typical of early amateur bands than the 19 of Stalybridge, but as at Stalybridge,
there were family connections within the band, with three Ogdens and two Fletchers in
membership.
The Clegg family was quite influential in the village. There was, and still is, a
Clegg Street built, according to Holt, by the family, whose original home may have been
located on it, and which at some time housed a weaving shed. 117 In Pigot & Deans' New
Directory of Manchester, Salford, &c. for 1821-1822, the firm of James Clegg & Co. is
mentioned three times. The first entry lists it under 'country manufacturers' 118 (as
the address being 4 Hodson's-square, Pilkington, with the additional information 'Tues.
Thurs. and Sat. Castle Inn, Hunt's-bank', probably indicating the place and the days on
which the company did its trading. In a later entry, 9 under 'Commercial -
Manufacturers of, and Dealers in Cotton Goods', the address is given as 5 Hodson's
This confirms the existence of the firm which provided the wherewithal for the
founding of Clegg's band in Besses o' th' Barn, according to Hampson, 'somewhere
about the year 1818'. Though Hampson is unable to say for certain whether the band
descended from an earlier string band or not, based on information gleaned from 'one or
41
two. . . old members', he states that 'the sole founders at first were Messrs. John, James
and Joseph Clegg, three brothers, and cotton manufacturers of Besses-o' th'-Barn [sic],
two of whom besides being members themselves, bore all cost of instruments, uniform,
music, &c'. 121 This is confirmed by Holt, 122 though in the list of playing members
quoted by Hampson, John is the only Clegg named. 123 From the mid-1820s the firm
seems to have been gradually expanding, the directory for 1824-1825 describing them as
'nankeen, bed-ticks, &c. manufacturers', and in the 1829 directory the factory address is
shown as 4-5 Hodson's square, with the trading address as the Ducie Arms,
Strangeways, 124 less than a mile from Manchester's city centre. By 1852 this had moved
to 14 New Brow Street, and the firm was now manufacturing checks, ticks and
ginghams, as well as nankeens.125
There seems not to be any information about the 1821 census in the area and
therefore it is difficult to trace, with any certainty, the 12 players named as founder
members. 126 However, besides John Clegg, there was a John Eastwood, John and
Wright Fletcher, and three Ogden brothers. In the 1828 Directory, there is mention of a
John Eastwood, licensee at The Ostrich, Rooden Lane, a John Fletcher, manufacturer of
checks, ticks, etc, Besses o' th' Barn, a Wright Fletcher, beer retailer, Prestwich (three
miles from Besses o' th' Barn), and a glazier and beer retailer by the name of Ogden (no
first name given). In addition to these, in a later Directory (1838) the family names of all
the bandsmen except two are to be found, with occupations such as beer retailer,
shoemaker, stonemason, plasterer and painter. Though not conclusive, this points to the
likelihood that some early band members were professional people, and that the others
Located some thirty miles east of Besses o' th' Barn, the Yorkshire village of
Queensbury is dominated by the Black Dyke Mills of John Foster & Son, Ltd., and is the
home of the famous brass band which takes its name from the mills. 127 The following
was written in 1906: 'In 1816 there appear to have been bands organised in the village of
42
Queensbury, and Peter Wharton's Reed Band took first position, the late Mr. John
Foster being a member, and playing the French horn.' 128 Foster was to become the
region's chief employer, and was responsible for founding both Black Dike Mills and its
band. The reed band rehearsed in Wharton's inn - an early example of an amateur band
rehearsing in such a room. Rooms were often provided by a licensee who was a member
Queensbury is an area whose history goes back to the sixteenth century. From
1702 what was still a hamlet became known as Queenshead, taking its name from a local
hostelry, the 'Queen's Head'. This was a coaching house, and stage coaches regularly
was one of about ten villages which would eventually form Queensbury. At the
beginning of the nineteenth century their total population could not have exceeded 250,
and two thirds of the inhabitants lived in single-storeyed houses. 130 Stone-quarrying and
farming were the principal occupations in what was a very rugged area, 1,100 feet above
sea-level. This was the environment in which Peter Wharton formed the reed band of
In 1816, the year of the band's founding, Queenshead was still one of several
hamlets or villages scattered around what was mainly moorland, between the towns of
Halifax and Bradford, linked by one of two turnpike roads which passed through the
village. 13 ' The principal forms of livelihood in the district were farming and hand-loom
military bandmaster, gathering a library containing regimental music which had 'inspired
England's heroes in the several wars of the French Revolution'. 132 I have not located any
information about the size or instrumentation of this band, nor about its personnel,
beyond the fact that Wharton was the leader, playing clarinet, and Foster played horn.
So much for the early years of three bands, each discussed by most brass band
historians. All were in regions where the domestic system flourished prior to giving way
43
to the factory system, and all were in close proximity to turnpikes. None of them were
works bands, but all were in regions which were or were to become industrialized, a
From quite early in the history of civilian wind bands, industrialists took an interest. In a
few cases the 'master' had been an amateur musician himself and therefore knew the
satisfaction of playing a musical instrument. John Clegg was such a person and Clegg's
reed band may have been the earliest band to be formed through the generosity of a
businessman. There is no evidence that he found work for the members, but one report
states that the Clegg brothers actually 'collected' the instruments played by the band. 133
They probably also paid an honorarium to the leader and it is possible that some
members of the band were either employed by the Cleggs or else came within their
circuit of workers. Later in the century, John Foster, the former horn player in
Wharton's band founded his Black Dike Mills band, using his own musical experience to
advantage in setting it up. There were also many more employers who offered assistance
In 1820 William, George and Joseph Strutt, a firm of cotton spinners and
manufacturers in Belper, near Derby, encouraged various arts activities amongst their
workforce. John Strutt, son of George, formed a band and a choir - with a membership
totalling 40, engaging a musician from Derby to teach the members to play or sing. 134
The Strutts were very wealthy and employed most of the population of Belper and its
neighbourhood. How many were in the band itself is not stated; in some accounts the
group is referred to as an 'orchestra' though it was reported that 'On the night of a
general muster you may see five or six of the forge-men, in their leather aprons, blasting
their terrific notes upon ophicleides and trombones.' 35 John Strutt had boxes specially
made, with wheels fitted, to take the band's equipment to Derby or the surrounding
villages 'where their services were required for charitable purposes'. Here was an early
44
example of an employer trying to improve the quality of life in the neighbourhood
through patronage of a band. To discourage members of the band and choir from
leaving the company to become teachers, they had to agree to remain for seven years. 136
Also circa 1820, the London Lead Company encouraged the formation of a band
in the village of Nenthead (or Nent Head) in Cumberland, giving five pounds per annum
in cash and providing a rehearsal room. This company, founded in the seventeenth
century and administered by the Society of Friends (the Quakers), took an interest in
mining in the Nent Valley in the early 1750s. Here was a very caring company,
constantly endeavouring to ease the problems of its employees. The company's history is
traced in Raistrick's Two Centuries of Industrial Welfare, and the village's in Thain's
Through the Ages (see bibliography). Initially, the miners lived in farm houses on the
surrounding moors, but in 1753 cottages were built close to the mine buildings. By 1820
these had become inadequate, and in 1825 a new village was planned. The North
Pennines Heritage Trust, in its exhibition in Nenthead, claims that this was the first
purpose-built industrial village in England. The cottages, with two rooms downstairs
and two upstairs, drainage, cellars, dustbins and a privy, must have been well sought-
after, and there must have been good industrial relations between the workers and a
company which looked after them and their families not only in good times, but also in
Amongst the social activities at Nenthead and other places in the region where
the company had interests, were a number of bands. The one at Nenthead was the
earliest, and in addition to the annual donation of five pounds, the company subscribed
£28 9s. 6d. for new instruments in 1835, and 'on occasions subscriptions of £10 or £15
were given' towards uniforms. 'A prominent feature of the village life', the band provided
music for public occasions and, 'every Christmas morning, paraded the village'. 137 Here
was another good example of co-operation between band and company for the good of
the community. By 1825, other bands had been formed, in nearby Long Marton,
Stanhope 138 and Carrigill, and by 1835 the company also supported bands at Middleton-
45
in-Teesdale, Lunehead, Romald Kirk, Dufton, Mickleton and Eggleston. 139 This must,
at the time, have been one of the richest regions in Britain for bands.
In 1825, Moses Berry, a colliery manager for the Bridgewater Trustees, formed
a reed band in Edgefold, Worsley. This band was possibly a fore-runner of the band
associated with the Duke of Lancaster's Own Yeomanry (mentioned on page 21 above).
The Duke of Bridgewater's estate housed the famous underground Bridgewater Canal,
linking and providing communications between the estate's mines.' 40 Berry engaged
John Fawcett, a clarinettist from Bolton and a former leader of the Kendal Volunteer
band to teach the new band. 141 Fawcett was a shoe-maker by trade and an amateur
musician, playing clarinet, flute, violin, cello and double bass. He sang, and 'could also
play decently on the organ and pianoforte'. 142 In his youth he had joined the Kendal
band, playing clarinet, later becoming leader, and arranging or composing music for it.
Whilst in Kendal he was also connected with local church and chapel choirs, singing and
playing double bass, and also composing anthems and hymns. In circa 1822, he was
opened a shoe shop and continued his shoe-making business. After some years he
moved to Bolton and opened another shoe-shop, but by discontinuing his shoe-making,
he had more time for composing, teaching and looking after the band. 143
The companies mentioned - Strutts, the London Lead Company and the
Bridgewater Trustees - were clearly trying to improve the quality of life of their
employees and it is doubtful that there were ulterior motives behind the formation of
their bands. Indeed, the time spent in rehearsal by Strutt's band and choir counted as
actual working hours, a policy which would have been considered generous at any
time.'44
musical taste 'furnishes to the rich a refined and intellectual pursuit' but to the poor 'a
relaxation from toil, more attractive than the haunts of intemperance'. 145 Here, perhaps,
was a clue as to why some employers encouraged the forming of bands, giving their
46
workers an opportunity of a more attractive life by doing what they (the 'masters') felt
that the workers should be doing. Also, the masters may well have encouraged their
maintained that the cultivation of music amongst working classes in the 'densely
This suggests that the examples quoted were followed by other employers in the north.
But this was not a nation-wide phenomenon. Lomas contrasts the lack of industrial
support in the south with that available in the north and midlands; in the pre-Victorian
era he found only one southern example of possible industrial support, and even that
Coronation celebrations of 1821, at a feast for the workers of W. and P. Playne. Lomas
further points out that many areas in the south never experienced industrialisation, and
also that 'many of the old-established industries . . . were in decline by the early
1.2.7 Leaders
All bands needed a leader, a title commonly used in early amateur bands, the equivalent
of 'Master of the Band' in the military band. As well as leading (playing at the same time
as directing the other members by upward and downward movements of his instrument),
the leader often provided band parts and ensured that the band functioned musically. At
Stalybridge and Queenshead, Avison and Wharton took on this role. Clegg's reed band's
leader, Thomas Leigh, like them, played clarinet. Hampson describes him as 'leader and
bandmaster', but 'bandmaster' was a term used in military bands only from the mid-
47
nineteenth century, 148 and later adopted by amateur bands, so it could not have been in
vogue at the time of Clegg's band. Leigh (or Lee) 149 was a native of Bury, a blacksmith
by trade, who also learned to play clarinet and flute. At the age of 20 he left Bury to
become leader of BesseS Old band. 150 Hampson also describes him as 'conductor' of
iBesses o' th' Barn in both 1821 and 1837, the occasions of the band's first two recorded
contest successes. 151 Again, this must be Hampson's terminology, the title 'conductor'
The next generation of band personalities was built on foundations already laid,
and local rivalry became an important factor in improving playing techniques. The
improved bands attracted leaders and even players, not only from army bands, but also
from travelling circus and menagerie bands. 152 Published band music was still rare, and
the will and ability to arrange music, especially for competitions, became increasingly
important. The terms 'bandmaster' and 'conductor' were now being used, the conductor
being engaged for special occasions - in particular for contests. He was, therefore, able
to work with more than one band, and as time went on, frequently did. Typical of the
successful conductor of this era was George Ellis, who had trained the Accrington band
during the early 1840s, 153 and had played cornet in this band's winning Belle Vue
Wombwell's menagerie, forming a choral society in Burnley 155 and later, as will be seen,
having a very successful time with the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers (Bacup) band - as
Queen Victoria came to the throne on 20 June 1837. Her Coronation took place a little
over a year later, on 28 June 1838, and it is almost certain that many bands were formed
to help celebrate the occasion. Cornwall, a traditionally loyalist area, produced several
of the St. Dennis Band, the authoress suggests that this band was probably formed in
48
April 1838, that the coronation celebrations were the principal reason for the its
formation, and provides evidence that at least two other Cornish bands were formed at
about the same time, and for the same reason. These were in St. Austell and its
neighbouring village, St. Blazey. In addition to these three, other Cornish bands taking
part in the celebrations included Grampound, Bodmin, Falmouth, St. Ives, Chacewater
and Hayle.' 56 Even though some of these may have been drum and fife bands, this
indicates a large amount of banding activity in the county, no doubt, typical of many
other parts of Britain. Several of the places mentioned were in the region where the
China clay industry was developing. Formerly, tin mines and farming had been the chief
forms of labour, but tin mining had almost ceased, and much of the farm-land was either
being excavated or used as dumping space for waste material. The new clay-mining
communities were ideal for the encouragement of bands, and form a flirther link with
industry.
Staying with the coronation, but moving north into Lancashire, celebrations here
were given extensive coverage in the Manchester Guardian 157 - with descriptions of
Manchester's city centre, and in several neighbouring towns. The participation of bands
'The various bands, of which there must have been 16 or 18 in the procession,
played a variety of lively airs; of which the national anthem was most in favour,
and then Rory 0' More, St. Patrick's Day in the Morning, and other popular Irish
airs.'
Most bands are referred to as 'band of music', 'band of musicians' or, most frequently,
49
The processions were gigantic, and apart from the civic dignitaries and a massive
number of trades representatives, it was estimated that well over 40,000 Sunday-school
procession of trades, taken up entirely by the firm of Richard Melling & Co., coach-
builders, of Choriton-upon-Medlock, close to the city centre. This part of the procession
was headed by 'a band of music, of 15 performers in military uniform'. Behind the band
was a young boy on horse-back, dressed as Richard the Lionheart, followed by an open
carriage carrying Richard Melling, with a hundred workmen walking behind the coach.
This raises the question, was the band sponsored by Melling? After the morning
procession Melling presided over a dinner which he gave to his workmen and their
wives, followed by singing and dancing. This part of the account concludes, 'The
Chorlton brass band was in attendance the whole of the afternoon and evening, and
played a variety of popular airs.' This raises further questions which, at the present time
cannot be answered. Was the Choriton brass band the same as that which processed in
the morning? Could James Melling (to be discussed several times later in the thesis) be
related to Richard, and could he have had anything to do with either or both of these
bands? He died in 1870, aged 41, would therefore have been nine years old in 1838, and
could well have been playing the cornet that day. (Equally, he may have been the small
boy dressed as Lionheart). What about the significance of the name of the Chorlton
brass band? My assumption is that the 15-piece band in the procession was made up of
Melling's work people, and was, in effect, an early works band, but that the Chorlton
brass band was a separate unit, perhaps made up of some of the members of the other
band which, with 15 members, was probably a brass and reed band. I would further
guess that James Melling played at least with the brass band that day. 18
Coronation celebrations in neighbouring towns were more modest, but several
involved bands. In Bury, two took part in the procession, whilst in Warrington, there
were four. In the village of Tottington, north of Bury, 800 Sunday-school children and
50
400 employees of the large print works of Joshua Knowles were 'headed by a band of
music'. Again, one cannot help thinking that Knowles would have more than a passing
interest in the band. Rochdale also boasted a band in its procession, whilst nearby but
smaller Heywood mustered two. Both towns were to become brass band strongholds
later in the century, as was the region around Oldham, which had three bands in its
only Ashton Old band but also drums and fifes, two trumpeters, and a further nameless
procession, with 1,500 from the Church of England, 1,200 from the Methodists, 1,100
from the Independents and 600 from the Catholics (forming a separate procession). This
was a fore-runner of the Whitsuntide walks, and the seeds from which the future east
Lancashire brass band movement was to grow were thus being sown - even as early as
1838.
A number of other bands known to have existed in the 1 840s are mentioned
now. The likelihood is that most, if not all, started as brass and reed bands and at some
point became all-brass. They emphasise the wide spectrum and variety of environments
which, as has already been seen, were able to nurture amateur wind bands.
In Banding in the Dales (see bibliography), Duncan Bythell records the existence
in the mid-i 840s of bands in a number of small towns and villages - Low Row, Reeth,
Askrigg, Hawes (to be the home of a series of contests from the 1 880s), Coverdale and
Also from the mid-i 840s, two more Yorkshire bands call for a mention, one in
Silsden, near Keighley, and the other in Leeds. Nail-making was the principal occupation
of the inhabitants of Silsden at the time, but several band members also joined the
degree of professionalism within this village band. 160 For many years the driving force
early bands, not only Newton, but his father and two uncles were members, and his first
51
employer was the band's leader, yet another example of a 'master' being an
instrumentalist. Still in Yorkshire, Leeds Temperance band must also have been formed
during the mid-i 840s (or earlier), as it undertook a 'lengthy engagement at a noted
seaside resort' - namely, Scarborough, in 1847. 161 This was possibly only the second
Finally, in 1848, Farnworth Old - a band not only still in existence, but still using
its original name - was founded in the town of that name, two miles south of Bolton. It
was formed by a local mill owner and the Member of Parliament for Bolton, Thomas
Barnes, and was originally known as 'Barnes's Band', all the bandsmen being amongst his
employees. 162 (It will be recalled that John Fawcett, who was the first leader of the
Edgefold band, in the 1820s, lived for a time in Farnworth). Now we turn to one of the
Much of the information regarding the growth of amateur bands from the 1 830s has
development of bands during the middle years of the nineteenth century. During 1896 he
published a series of articles in Musical Opinion and Music Trade Review under the
heading, 'Origin and Promotion of Brass Band Contests'. Though not completely
accurate, these have provided much material for later historians. There is also a
handwritten, unpublished and undated Autobiography, a type-script copy of which is in
the writer's collection. Taylor, whilst questioning the accuracy of some of Jackson's
reminiscences during his later years, admits that he was 'a valuable and essential witness
to the pioneer days of banding.'163
Jackson was born in Hull, the son of a tallow candle maker. He was educated at
Hull Grammar School, but studied music privately, learning to play french horn,
trumpet, piano and flute, as well as studying harmony and composition. He claimed that
at 15 he could arrange music for orchestra and could compose minuets, waltzes and
52
quadrilles. 164 He became a regular visitor to the Theatre Royal, where he saw and heard
Paganini and Louis Jullien. 165 Both had a profound effect; hearing Paganini fostered in
him the desire to become a musician, but at the Jullien concerts he was struck by the
effect that the music and the orchestra had on the audience, which included many
members of the working classes, creating in him an ambition to bring music to the
people - precisely what Jullien was doing. Leaving the family business, Jackson decided
to earn a living through music. He played in theatres and went on tour with an opera
company, but kept himself busy in his spare time, arranging and composing for bands. In
the towns he visited he made contact with local musicians, giving them copies of his
music in pursuit of his ambition - 'the cultivation of the musical workman'. 166 According
to Russell and Elliot, Jackson was, at one time, the leader of a circus band, 167 though
there seems to be no further evidence of this. Perhaps the opera company he claimed to
written many years after the actual events, they are not altogether reliable. He wrote of
travelling bands in the 183 Os, accompanying circuses, wild beast shows, waxworks and
China exhibitions, and of the Distin family, touring from 1838, and changing their 'ventil
horns' (valved horns) for saxhorns, in 1844. He maintained that they aroused the interest
not only of amateur bands, but of wealthy mill-owners, some of whom, seeing
sets of new instruments. Unfortunately, he did not quote specific examples. Jackson also
wrote of a big demand for Sax horns [sic] and basses, but said that the 'alt horn' and the
baritone (alternative names for the same instrument) were inferior in sound to comets
and basses. 168 (These were probably bass saxhorns - the same size as the euphonium).
At this point, historical fact and Jackson's memory appear to part company. His
claim that the cornopean first came to Britain in 1832, purchased by Messrs. Conley at
discredited (see page 35 above). His assertion that Blaina was the home of the first
53
British all-brass band, accepted by most subsequent historians must also therefore,
unfortunately, be disregarded.
54
1.3 THE ALL-BRASS BAND
Jackson claims that in 1833 the first English all-brass band was formed - in York - by
Daniel Hardman and James Walker. Hardman is described as the last of York's waits and
Walker was a trumpet player. This band had 24 members, who played cornopeans,
french horns, trumpets, trombones and ophicleides. At the time Jackson was writing his
notes for 'Origin and Promotion of Brass Band Contests', Hardman was still alive, aged
90, and receiving a pension as a former member of the Ancient Order of York City
Musical Waits. 169 His job was to produce a band, when needed, for civic functions. A
year later a rival brass band was said to have been formed in York by two brothers
called Bean, using similar types of instruments, but with only 18 players.170
the first York brass band, possibly in 1832, as the Blue Band, supporting the Tory
Hardman and supporting the Whig candidate. 171 This throws further doubt on Jackson's
reliability, but strengthens the case that York was the seat of the earliest English -
There were other amateur brass bands in east Yorkshire around this time, two
being cited by Jackson, both dating from circa 1836. One was said to have been formed
in Hull by Thomas and John Martin, pensioned army bandmasters, who were prevailed
on by Joseph Bean and an E. Retalic, to organise a band. A subscription list was set up
amongst the local gentry, and instruments acquired from Embach and their English
copyists Charles Pace and Henry Keats. The instrumentation was similar to that of the
York bands, 'with good cornopeans'. Jackson himself played trumpet in this band in the
year of its formation. 172
Leeds became a focal point for brass bands at about the same time, when Herbert
Milburn (already mentioned) built up enthusiasm amongst workers in forges, mills and
55
factories. According to Jackson, Milburn organised a number of bands in the Leeds area,
including one at Dewsbury. He selected his prospective members from those who
already played a musical instrument, who sang in a church choir, or were members of
hand-bell teams.' 73 Thus they had some knowledge and experience of musical
performance.
The brass and reed band remained the most common type of amateur wind band for at
least two decades after the introduction of the all-brass genre in Yorkshire. However,
some established brass and reed bands converted to all-brass before the mass changes
following Mossley Temperance band's success at the Belle Vue contest of 1853, when it
The conversions seem to have generally been made by smaller bands such as
Besses and Bramley (see Table 4, page 28) rather than the larger ones which, having a
significant number of woodwind players, continued as brass and reed bands. It was, in
fact, a very small step for these two bands to become all-brass, especially as the brass
(possibly to co-incide with impending coronation celebrations), the players bought their
own instruments and contributed sixpence per month for music. By then the village's
population was circa 500, most of whom worked in nearby woollen mills. Engagement
monies were deposited in the band fund and a local musician engaged as 'conductor'. 174
The date of conversion of Stalybridge is not certain, seven new instruments were
bought in 1839, four of which were clarinets, indicating that at that time, Stalybridge
was still a brass and reed band, but it is stated that 'there is every reason to believe that
during the forties it became a brass band'. 175 Just as this band was unusually large on its
formation in 1814, it was also larger than average for conversion to all brass. As was
56
seen earlier, Bramley also probably converted in the mid-1840s, but Besses did not
We now examine the instrumentation of a group of bands which played in the brass band
contest at Burton Constable, near Hull, in 1845. Five bands played, and the instruments
used by four out of the five are shown in Table 5. (The only information about the
remaining band, Hull Flax and Cotton Mills, is that its leader played a cornet-a-pistons.)
The rules of the contest decreed a maximum of 12 players per band, with percussion
instruments barred. 176 A definite pattern may be seen in the instrumentation of the four
A B C D
Soprano (D") 1*
Cornopean 4 3 2 3
Cornet-a-pistons 1 1
Keyed bugles 2
Trumpet 1
French horns 2
Sax tenors 2 2
1*
Sax basses 1 1
Trombones 3 3 3 2
Serpents 3
Ophicleides 2 2 I 1
Tuba (valved) 1*
A Brocklesby Yeomanry
B Holmes Hull Tannery
C Wold Brass
D Patrington
57
Each band had the maximum 12 players and each had four treble melody instruments,
variety seeming to be a virtue in that the winners had a soprano cornet (the only band to
use the instrument), two cornopeans and a cornet. The runner-up, Holmes Hull Tannezy,
had three cornopeans and a comet, whilst the (apparently) third-placed band used
cornopeans only. In the middle range of instruments the winners used two valved french
horns, and the sax bass would supplement the tuba admirably, though Jackson's memory
must be called into question again here, as there is some doubt about the reality of a
tuba being played in a country district band as early as 1845. In place of french horns the
other two bands used sax tenors. In each band there were three trombones, but types are
not specified. For their bass lines Brocklesby and Hull Tannery each used two
ophic!eides.178
Patrington had, in fact, the only one of the stated instrumentations which
included keyed instruments - bugles and serpents. The trumpet would not have valves,
and the absence of horns would weaken the ensemble. Quite probably these older
instruments were played by an older generation of bandsmen; but they and their
instruments were destined to give way to the newer-style instrumentation of the other
bands. A fuller account of the Burton Constable contest itself is given in Chapter 2.1.3.
58
1.4 CONCLUSION
This chapter has attempted to paint a general picture of amateur bands, their roles in
society, their diverse environments, and some of the problems faced by their members.
Though relying mainly on secondary source material it has attempted to collate that
material in a way which has shown the amateur wind band in the first half of the
design of brass instruments, and a beneficiary of the wealth which grew out of the darker
There can be little doubt that the initial impetus for brass bands in England
existed mainly in areas where the textile industry was all-pervading. Despite the long
hours worked, these were regular and, to a great extent, uniform, meaning that would-
be band members were able to meet at certain times for rehearsals and engagements. In
iron, steel and coal-mining, through shift-work, working hours were less regular and it
was more difficult to arrange mutually convenient times for band activities. Though
there have been many successftul colliery bands they have always had this problem, and
took longer to develop than bands in predominantly textile areas. The densely-populated
textile regions also had the advantage of producing a large number of bands within close
The year 1845 has been suggested as 'the approximate beginning of the extra-
ordinarily marked increase in amateur brass bands', noting that 'it was amongst the new
bands that the Sax instruments were largely found'. 179 These conclusions may well be
certainly was an indication of the growing popularity of brass bands by the mid I 840s,
for which there were several reasons, primarily that a tuill set of valved instruments was
becoming available, comparable to the ranges of the human voice (soprano, alto, tenor
and bass) and the string family in the orchestra. Thus, the feasibility of the all-brass band,
59
already existing in a somewhat primitive form during the 183 Os, became a more practical
However, the mere existence of appropriate instruments does not account for the
explosion in the number of brass bands, nor for their prevalence in industrial, as opposed
to rural, regions. There are several causes for this - physical, economical, psychological,
The oft-quoted argument that brass instruments, with their three (or sometimes
four) valves (or a slide, in the case of the trombone), were easier to manipulate than
other wind instruments, which called into play all the fingers and, in some cases, the
thumbs is, of course, perfectly true. That they were suited to the rough, horny hands of
miners, iron-workers, weavers and other manual workers is also indisputable. But this
argument is somewhat weakened by the fact that many farm workers who played in
rural-based bands also had uncultured hands, yet they coped with the complexities of
multi-holed and keyed instruments. Nevertheless, the argument is a real one, and
probably accounts for the fact that as time went on the brass band, unlike other forms of
amateur wind band, became virtually the exclusive domain of the working man. (Lower
middle-class people, many of whom were members of early amateur bands, were not to
sizeable pool of wealth in the industrial towns of the north and the midlands during the
middle years of the nineteenth century, into which bands were able to tap for help with
the purchase and upkeep of instruments, for the acquisition of music and uniforms, and
in some case for payment of a conductor. Occasionally this happened through direct
industrial sponsorship, but more often it was thanks to the patronage of the better-off
Most bandsmen belonged to the artisan class, so though by no means well-oft they were
some way up the league-tables in terms of earnings, and could generally afford a small
contribution to their hobby. In the towns there was a wider variety of middle-class
60
people prepared to give both financial and practical support to local organisations such
as a brass band. Thus, bands in towns had more resources from which to draw, both for
The psychological reasons for the development of bands in towns go deeper and
further back, to a time when folk songs were being devised. In Russell and Elliot it is
suggested that 'the vast majority of. . . folk tunes come from the purely agricultural
counties', and asks, 'Can it be because the mill-folk had little cause to sing at their
work?' 180 Modem thinking would not, of course, entirely agree with this rationale, and
anyway, much of today's folk-song culture originates from the industrial life of the
nineteenth century. Nevertheless, folk-songs were the products of a few individuals, and
'A man might sing on a lovely summer's morning as he ploughed the fields,
though he was poorly paid and badly clad; but in the stifling damp heat of a
cotton or woollen mill, the glare, noise, and filth of an iron foundry, the dark,
sweaty fetidness of a coal-mine, could a spontaneous song be expected to
arise?'18'
It was also pointed out that a working day of from 12 to 14 hours, with two meagre
half-hour breaks for meals 'would not seem to be an incentive for singing', but that 'if an
artisan did not sing at his work he did when he was able . . . to leave his toil behind
him'. 182 This is a very pertinent theory, and the writer knows of many people, even in
the present era, who regard singing in a choir or playing in a band as therapeutic - a
pleasant antidote to the rigours of a day's work in office or factory. How much more this
The fourth reason suggested for the increase in the number of bands in industrial
has already been mentioned. Dave Russell suggests that it was in towns with population
of between 3,000 and 15,000 that brass bands were most likely to flourish. 183 The
writer ventures to suggest that it was also in such towns that chapel choirs and male
61
voice choirs were likely to thrive, whereas larger towns and cities, with bigger
catchment areas, were more likely to provide the environment for amateur orchestras
The smaller towns often fostered not one, but two or even more, brass bands.
Not only this, the towns were generally in close proximity to other similar towns, which
in turn encouraged their own bands. Inevitably, human nature and local pride combined
to create inter-locality rivalry, and a striving to improve the quality of playing. This
stimulated and was, in turn, stimulated by, the contest, not a new phenomenon, nor one
restricted to bands; but the spread of the brass band contest - almost as spectacular as
that of the brass band itself - was largely responsible for the development of a brass band
Additionally, Scott points out that the valved brass instruments were well suited
to amateurs and were easy to maintain, with their un-complicated valve system, the
convenience of identical fingering for different instruments and perhaps above all, 'the
exciting, bold and masculine sound which appealed to the working class man'.' 84 Brass
instruments were also relatively cheap, were now made of lighter metal than formerly,
and as they were not affected by the weather they were well suited to performances in
fields, town squares and, later, park bandstands. 185 To these reasons I would add that,
considering the type of music played and the way in which it was scored, several of the
parts required only a minimum of reading and technical skills, being ideal both for the
beginner and for the long-term less-able players who, providing that the band had a few
competent players, would in their own way be able to contribute to the performance.
certain points. In the next there is a more structured view as they developed in the third
quarter of the nineteenth century, taking the bands which participated regularly into
better quality music than that generally enjoyed by non-contesting bands. The
foundations were laid during the latter years of the first half of the century, and the
62
ground prepared for the advancements of the next quarter. Brass bands in the industrial
north were already pulling away from other types of bands in other parts of the country,
and the next 25 years were to see the further advancement of this, and the superiority of
Notes
Baines, 1980, pages 206-207.
2 Jackson, 1896, September, pages 814-815. Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 43, also
states that Embach used Shaw's valves, but in a modified form.
Jackson, 1896, May, page 538, tells of the cornet-à-deux pistons and later, of the
cornel-à-Irois pistons. See also Myers in Herbert and Wallace (edited), 1997, page 127.
' Jackson, 1896, September, page 815.
Baines, 1980, pages 169-173. See also Myers in Herbert and Wallace (edited), 1997,
pages 115-130.
6 For accounts of the development of the valve see Baines, 1980, pages 206-2 19;
Bevan, 1978, pages 72-80; and an Myers in Herbert and Wallace (edited), 1997, pages
120-130.
' Marcuse, 1966, pages 106-107. See also Sadie (1984), Volume 1, pages 395-397 and
401.
8 Lomas, 1990, page 91, states (referring to Croft-Murray, 1980, page 141) that 'By the
end of the eighteenth century, the clarinet in C was gradually being replaced by the
clarinet in B", but Hampson, in his 1893 'history' of Besses o' th' Barn claims that this
group was still using F and C clarinets as late as 1837. If this is true, then the change to
Bb clarinets may have taken place later in the north than in the south of England.
Marcuse, 1966, page 410. See also Sadie (1984), Volume 1, pages 774 and 78 1-782.
10 Scott, 1970, page 113, claims that the piccolo was a new idea in bands at the time of
the formation of Clegg's reed band, but that it became more common after 1820.
Marcuse, 1966, pages 181-182. See also Sadie (1984), Volume 1, page 741.
12 Dudgeon, 1993, page 1.
13 In different accounts he is referred to as Halliday or Haliday, and Joseph, James or
John. Dudgeon (in The Keyed Bugle, 1993), through contact with a descendant of the
inventor, confirms that Joseph Haliday is correct. He was a militia bandsman, serving in
Dublin at the time he invented the keyed bugle.
14 Dudgeon, 1993, page 15.
15 Marcuse, 1966, page 284.
16 The keyed bugle is discussed comprehensively in Dudgeon, 1993, and the same writer
adds useful information in 'Keyed brass', an article in Herbert and Wallace (edited),
1997, pages 135-139.
17 Myers, in Herbert, 1991, page 174.
18 Herbert and Wallace (edited), pages 84-102.
19 Ibid., pages 103-1 14.
63
20 Ibid., pages 68-83. See also 'Select bibliography' on page 318 of the same book for
details of a thesis and other relevant articles by Herbert.
21 For further details about the serpent and the bass horn see Bevan, 1978, pages 47-53
and 'The low brass' by the same author in Herbert and Wallace (edited) 1997, page 143-
145. See also Sadie (1984), Volume 1, page 175.
22 Lomas, 1990, pages 91 and 265-267.
23 For further details about the ophicleide see Baines, 1980, pages 198-205 and Bevan,
1978, pages 59-65.
24 Brown and Stratton, 1897, page 318.
25 Scott, 1970, pages 66-67.
26 For further information about the lower brasses see Bevan, 1978, passim and Baines,
1980, pages 249-25 1, 258 and 260.
27 Farmer, 1912, page 93.
28 Horwood, 1980, pages 17-23 passim.
29 Ibid., page 29.
30 Ibid., page 49
31 According to British Bandsman of March 1889, pages 132-134, the Distins were
engaged for one-night only, but were so successful that they were booked for six weeks.
32 Horwood, 1980, page 50.
33Ibid.
Jackson, 1896, July, page 674 (this article reproduces Henry Distin's letter in full).
35Ibid.
36 Horwood, 1980, page 52.
37 Lomas, 1990, page 39.
38 Ibid., page 49.
9 Ibid., pages 59 and 61.
64
4 Ibid., page 131.
55 Church rates were abolished ml 868, removing a significant part of the patronage
(Ibid., page 215).
56 Ibid., pages 135 and 137.
7 Ibid., pages 163 and 165.
58 Ibid., page 175.
9 MacDermott, 1948, page 20.
60 Lomas, 1990, page 198.
61 Table 3 is a modified version of Table 3.1 in Lomas, 1990, and information about the
bands comes from Lomas, pages 259-265.
62 Slcilybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, page 12.
63 Scott, 1970, page 110.
64 Hampson, 1893, pages 9-10.
65 Ibid., page 11 and 12. Hampson lists the players and instruments for the band which
he says 'scored a victory' on '21st June, 1837, Coronation Day'. Clearly, as William IV
had died only the previous day, this would be the date of the proclamation of Victoria's
accession, not of her coronation. It is therefore likely that the 'victory' referred to -
winning a contest devised for bands taking part in the celebrations - actually took place
in June 1838.
66 Resling White, 1906, page 5.
65
86 According to Brass Band News of November 1882 (page 2), the drum and fife band
had moved from 'the one-keyed "wry-necked fife", and the dismal thuds of the drums, to
the instrumentation of the present day, which now has all the elements of a quartett [sic]
of harmony in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd B flat flutes, the F piccolo (for the soprano portion)
and the F or bass flute, most pretty and pleasing effects may be got from such a
combination . . .
87 The buckle certainly still exists, though I have so far been unable to establish with
certainty the validity of the legend.
88 Jackson, 1896, September, page 815.
89 Taylor, 1979, pages 22-23.
90 Herbert, 1990, page 118, quoting from Jones, G. E., 1984, Modern Wales,
Cambridge
91 Herbert, 1990, page 122.
92 Ibid., note 5, page 131.
A number of members of private bands had formerly played with travelling show
bands. One such member of Cyfarthfa Band was Samuel Hughes, the celebrated
ophicleide player, who also toured with Jullien's orchestra and who, later, became
ophicleide professor at Kneller Hall in 1858 and at Guildhall School of Music in 1880.
Hughes was also a noted brass band adjudicator.
Oxford Dictionary of Music, page 221.
Though formerly standing across several local boundaries, in 1896 Stalybridge
became a township in the county of Cheshire (Hill, 1994, pages xvii and xviii).
96 Ibid., page 39.
Ibid., pages 43-44.
98 Ibid., pages 44-45, and Stalybridge Old Band 1814-1914, page 12.
Hill, 1994, page 65.
100 Stalybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, pages 9-10.
101 Later, Oldham gave the band some instruction, and his memory was perpetuated
with a headstone, erected in Mottram church-yard by the Stalybridge band. (Stalybridge
OldBand, 1814-1914, page 10, and Chadwick, 1972, pages 15-16).
102 Stalybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, pagelO.
103 Ibid., page 11.
104 Ibid., pages 11-12
105 Foulkes, 1976, pages 4-5. More details about the origins of the name Whitefield are
given in Worth, 1993, on page 3.
106 fIolt, 1962, page 8.
101 Worth, 1993, pages 10-11.
108 I-Jolt, 1962, pages 8-9.
109 Ibid., page 5 and Whitefield Guide, 1970, page 5.
110 Bolt, 1962, pages 13-14.
iii Whitefleld Guide, 1970, page 5.
112 Ibid.
113 Ibid., page 6, quoting from a Gazeteer of 1864.
66
114 Foulkes, 1976, page 6.
115 Hampson, 1893, pages 10-11.
116 Worth, 1993, page 11.
ill Jbid., page 16
118 Pigot and Dean, 1821-1822, page 184.
119 Ibid., page 252.
120 Ibid., page 332.
121 Hampson, 1893, page 9.
122 Holt, 1962, page 16.
123 Hampson, 1893, pages 9-10.
124 Pigot and Dean, 1824-1825, page 39.
125 Nankeen is a cotton fabric, exported from Nankin, China, or a fabric made in
imitation of it. Clothes, especially trousers, were often made of this material. A tick is a
cover or case, made from striped cotton or linen cloth, which holds the fillings for a bed
mattress. 'Check' is the name given to a cloth displaying a check, or squared pattern,
whilst gingham is a cotton or linen fabric, made from dyed yarn and woven into either a
striped or checked pattern. The 1828-29 directory, incidentally, listed no fewer than 15
manufacturers of nankeens in the Whitefield district, suggesting that the 'companies'
were based in houses rather than factories.
126 Hampson, 1893, pages 9-10.
127 During the nineteenth century the spelling Dike' is generally found, but from around
the turn of the century both 'Dike' and 'Dyke' are used. Harold Foster, a Director of the
company, requested in 1912 that henceforth the spelling 'Dyke' should be used. (Scoff,
1970, footnote, page 69). From hereon, the contemporary spelling Dike' is used
throughout this thesis, except when referring to the present day band, its archive or its
library. John Foster and Son Ltd. hit hard times during the late 1980s and 1990s, and
from 1996 withdrew its sponsorship of the band, which then became known as Black
Dyke band.
128 USA/Canadian tour souvenir, page 13.
129 Peter Wharton (1790-1843) was the son of Richard Wharton, landlord of the Old
Dolphin at Clayton Heights from circa 1790-1807. In 1809 Peter married Susannah
Scott (1790-1862), whose family were waggoners and carriers, of the village of Ford.
Shortly after his marriage, Peter Wharton moved to Ford and opened the New Dolphin,
of which he was landlord from circa 1818-1830. (I am indebted to Mrs. Betty Patchett,
secretary of the Queensbuiy Historical Society, for this information). During my
searches for information about Wharton, I found an obituary of Susanne [sic] Wharton,
'widow of Peter, retired farmer'. This was in the Bradford Observer of 12 June 1862.
She was aged 72, was therefore born in 1790, and had to be the widow of the same
Peter Wharton, who thus seems to have combined farming with his duties as a publican
130 Cudworth, 1968, page 113.
131 Barrett, 1963, page 2.
132 Taylor, 1979, page 9. Considering the location of the village, in close proximity to
the turnpikes, and of the carrier business of Wharton's wife's family, this journey would
be relatively easy to arrange.
67
133 MelTidaY, 1899, page 17.
134 Gardifler, 1838, page 512 and Harmonicon, 1833, page 72.
135 Gardiner, 1838, page 512.
136 Ibid.
137 Thain, 1957, page 29.
138 In Brass Band News of October 1883, on page 3, there is a reference to Stanhope
band, County Durham, confirming its early existence. It was, according to the reference,
founded as Stanhope Sax horn Band in 1824. Though this date may be correct, the name
'Sax horn' must be wrong, as these instruments did not appear until some 20 years later.
The band won 5th prizes on both days of the 1861 Crystal Palace contest. At the time
the article was written the band was being well-supported by the local gentry, and had
recently appeared at the Silver Jubilee Exhibition of the Stanhope Agricultural Show.
139 Raistrick, 1938, page 71.
140 Walton, 1987, pages 72 and 73.
141 Millington, 1884, page 56.
142 Proficiency on a number of instruments seems to have been quite common amongst
bandsme n at this time.
143 Millington, 1884, page 58.
144 Gardiner, 1838, page 512.
145 Quoted in Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 58.
146 Ibid., pages 58-59.
147 Lomas, 1990, page 225.
148 farmer, 1954, page 26.
149 Millington uses the spelling Lee, and Hampson Leigh, but there can be little doubt
that they are one and the same person.
150 Millington, 1884, pages 102-103. This was probably a little-used alternative name of
BesSeS 0' th' Barn band. Hampson gives no details of Leigh, except to name him as
'leader and bandmaster' in 1818 (page 9) and 'conductor' when the band won its first two
contests in 1821 and 1837 (page 71). Leigh left Besses circa 1840 and formed a private
band for Lord Francis Egerton at Worsley. Later he became connected with the Duke of
Lancaster's Own Yeomanry Cavalry band, but by now this was all-brass, and as he
played flute and clarinet, he was unable to play in the band, though two of his sons did.
(Information from Rogerson lecture of 1977-1978).
151 Hampson, 1893, page 71.
152 'The bands of Wombwell's Menageries may, without doubt, be classed as the
foundation of the good English brass bands.' (Brass Band News, December 1883, page
1). Wild beast shows enjoyed immense popularity at fairs; one of the earliest was
Wombwell's Menagerie which travelled all over the country (Sellman, 1975). Its founder
was George Wombwell, 1778-1850 (Lee, 1900, volume 62, page 345). In an article in
Brass Band News of July, 1883 (page 5) about J. W. Tidswell of Denholme in
y0 rkshire, the list of bands with which he had been connected included those of
wright's menagerie, Crocketh's giant show, Hylton's menagerie, Evans's waxworks and
Wornbwell's menagerie.
153 Taylor, 1979, page 25; also Abram, 1894, page 274.
68
154 Abram, 1894, page 274
155 Taylor, 1979, page 25.
156 Trethewey, 1988, page 7, quoting from The West Briton of 20 April, 29 June and 6
JulY 1838.
151 The Manchester Guardian, 30 June 1838, pages 2-3.
158 According to a letter published in Bury Times of 26 September 1914 from Oliver
Qgs, who conducted the band assembled for the funeral of James Melling, in about
1860, when Gaggs first knew Melling, the latter lived in Gartside Street, Manchester,
quite close to Choriton-on-Medway, the location of Melling & Co., indicating a strong
possibility that there was a family connection.
159 Bythell, 1997, page 9.
160 Cooper, 1974, page 57.
161 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 91.
162 Cook, 1950, page 68, and Brass Band News, July 1887 page 6, in an article about a
contest at Blackpool in which Farnworth Old competed, conducted by Edwin Swift.
163 Taylor, 1979, pages 35-36.
164 Jackson, 1885, page 1.
165 Jullien was an eccentric French conductor who formed an orchestra in England, gave
prome Concerts in London and toured the provinces, bringing classical music to
man1Y members of the working classes for the first time.
166 Jackson, 1885, page 2.
161 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 88.
168 Jackson, 1896, March, page 392.
169 Ibid., September, page 815.
170 Ibid.
171 Taylor, 1979, page 23, quoting an un-named York historian, writing in 1924.
172 Jackson, 1896, September, page 815. He states: 'The band as first formed was a very
efficient one, having experienced masters, good cornopeans as lead, excellent horns,
grand trombones, rich basses, and fair trumpets (of which I was one, being then nine
years of age, and the only youngster in the band)'.
173 Jackson, 1896, September, page 815.
174 Brass BandAnnual, 1899, page 32.
175 Stalybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, page 17.
176 Jackson, 1896, November, page 101.
171 Ibid., page 102.
178 Ibid.
179 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 56.
180 Ibid., page 60.
181 Ibid.
182 Ibid.
183 Russell, 1987, page 86.
184 Scott, 1970, page 124.
185 Phillips, 1978, page 119.
69
Chapter 2
BANDS TO 1874
2.1 Contests and their effect on the development of northern brass bands
2.2 The consolidation of the brass band movement between 1850 and 1874
2.3 Conclusion
70
2.1 CONTESTS AND THEIR EFFECT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
NORTHERN BRASS BAND
2.1.1 Introduction
Competition has become so vital to brass bands that many seem to exist purely to
indulge themselves in it. Whilst the purist sees the contest as a means to an end, that is, a
way of maintaining a good standard for the more important function of concert-giving,
many bandsmen regard contesting as the end itself, and concerts a necessary evil,
In his article 'Brass Band Contests: Art or Sport?' 1 Clifford Bevan gives a
résumé of the early development of the band contest. He points to handbell contests as a
possible antecedent, these being held as early as 1745, and with some frequency later in
the century. Some also took place at Belle Vue in the 1850s, whilst in 1859, Enderby
Jackson organised a contest for Lancashire and Yorkshire handbell teams prior to the
The brass band contest, however, was to outlive and outweigh in importance the
handbell and many other musical competitions; but despite its scope and importance
today, it had quite modest beginnings. It should not be assumed that high musical
standards were achieved in early contests, even though bands chose music which they
could perform reasonably well, and players gave of their best. Here is an important
virtue of the contest - it allows a band to try hard for a relatively short span of time,
Yet another aspect of competition is its attraction for the press. By winning a
contest a band is more likely to command space in the local newspaper than it would
playing a full concert programme. As one writer commented: 'The contest is the thing
that has brought the brass band into the greatest prominence and has been its greatest
glory.'2 Bevan also quotes from Harold Hind on another element of contesting: 'Only by
competing against neighbouring bands can the true level of the attainments of a
particular combination be ascertained'. 3 But competition not only allowed for this
71
assessment of attainment, it actually provided an incentive for bands to attempt to play
to their fill potential in order to equal or outbid their neighbours and rivals.
The earliest British band contest is one supposed to have been held in Sheffield in 1818.
The only 'evidence' for this is a statement in the Stalybridge Centenary Booklet in which
William Cottrell recollected his father speaking of this contest being attended by the
band. 4 One has to doubt the ability of Stalybridge band to make the journey across the
Pennines to south Yorkshire at this time. I have made extensive enquiries, but have been
unable to establish the existence of a through route from Stalybridge to Sheffield, and
therefore the 1818 contest in Sheffield is probably either a myth or someone's mistake.
There was, incidentally, a contest in Sheffield in 1858, and it is possible that this was the
There is more certainty about a competition which took place on 19 July 1821
when, along with 'numerous other bands' Besses o' th' Barn (the name used by Hampson,
but probably still Clegg's reed band) appeared in a procession in connection with the
coronation of King George IV. 'To while away the time during the marshalling of the
people', William Joimson (possibly a member of Bolton Old band - see page 22 above),
organised a contest for the bands taking part. Playing 'God save the King', Besses was
declared the winner. 5 Though the description of this contest uses the typical flowery
vocabulary of Hamp son and is, in reality, folklore rather than history, there seems to be
no reason to disbelieve that the contest actually did take place, especially as, according
to the Manchester Guardian, 6 some 18 bands took part in the coronation procession in
which, though designed primarily for social reasons and as entertainment for the local
people, may have been conceived also in competitive terms, giving a slight cutting edge
72
and an atmosphere of local rivalry. One such event is reported in a Scottish newspaper
'A competition took place in Stirling on the 1st current, between the
Bannockburn and Deanston bands of music. We have not been able to ascertain
which carried off the palm of victory. Both bands seemed highly respectable, and
played several fine airs in excellent style.'7
This would certainly have been an event of local interest, giving the two bands an
opportunity to play their favourite pieces in public, and allowing people from two
heroes.
There is more detail about a second contest involving Besses o' th' Barn which
the coronation of Queen Victoria. The procession itself was organised by the
Oddfellows, took place in Farnworth and involved 'four or five' bands. This time there
was an adjudicator - a local singer. There was also a draw for the order of play and a
prize for the winner 'in the shape of a crown'. As in 1821, each band played a piece of its
own choice; Besses played 'Haill smiling morn' and won the crown.8
Quoting from letters from one ¶M', published in Musical World of 24 February
and 24 March 1837, Bevan makes reference to bands of wind instruments in many
these were heard only at elections 'and on similar riotous occasions', creating noise
rather than making music. M' recommended the organising of competitions in adjacent
towns, 'for the purpose of exciting emulation'. 9 Without doubt, one of the benefits of
competition is that it provides an opportunity for less skilful musicians to hear better
ones, providing an incentive to strive for higher standards. 'M' also pointed out that
there were already such competitions in France, a fact confirmed in the annals of the
Burton Constable contest, instigated in 1845 at the request of the Ladies Chichester
who, according to Enderby Jackson, had witnessed such events in southern France.
73
When these French contests first took place is not clear, but before crediting France with
the 'invention' of the band contest, it must be remembered that there had been a contest
in the Manchester area in July 1821 (1820, according to Bevan).'° The event reported
above in Stirling in 1828 also created exactly the kind of incentive anticipated by 'M'.
To the east of Hull lies Burton Constable, an estate owned by Sir Clifford Constable.
The Constable dynasty was established early in the sixteenth century, the first house
being built circa 1570, some seven miles north west of Hull, in the region known as
Holderness. During the eighteenth century the house was extended, and Capability
Brown commissioned to landscape an adjacent deer park. Early in the nineteenth century
the Constable lineage died out, and one Thomas Hugh Clifford of Holdemess took its
name and arms and moved into the estate, which occupied over 12,000 acres and
employed about 70 servants. Known now as Sir Clifford Constable, he had aided Louis
XVIII of France, and it was at the latter's request that he was made a baronet in 1815.11
on the estate. He was George Leng, described by Jackson as 'bandmaster to the barony
and leading violinist'. It was fashionable for noblemen to have their own bandmasters,
but whereas in earlier times the chief qualification was to be 'well-versed in strings', with
the increasing use of brass instruments, 'a knowledge of these was also deemed
essential.'12
by Leng to provide music for a rural celebration at Burton Constable, with fruit and
flower stalls, old English sports, a costumed historical pageant and a grand costumed
ball. This band comprised violins (number unspecified), flute (played by Jackson),
clarinet, cello and harp, 13 and was probably typical of the type of ensemble engaged to
74
play at social events organised by the nobility - possibly having descended from the
waits. It provided music for the pageant and the ball, and Jackson's presence had far-
reaching consequences. What he witnessed during the day and the effect it had on him
was of paramount importance. This was the band contest organised by Leng at the
suggestion of the sisters of Sir Clifford who, having seen such events in France and
introduced there. 14
The result was the most filly-documented of all early contests - that which took
place at Burton Constable in 1845. Again, we rely on Enderby Jackson's account, 15 and
though some of the details may be the reminiscences of an old man, the essential facts
The first band to arrive (on foot) was the Patrington band, 'accompanied by a
huge concourse of followers', supporters from the village, some seven miles to the east.
Next, from seven miles in the opposite direction, came the Holmes Hull Tannery band,
travelling in a four-horsed wagonette. 16 A second Hull band, that of the Flax and Cotton
Mills, arrived in a 'large light van, belonging to the company, and bedecked with
coloured trimmings'. Then came the Wold band, a combination of Malton and Driffield
players. They had the longest journey of all, and arrived in a 'four-in-hand coach in full
May Day panoply. .' Finally came Brocklesby Yeomanry band, from Lincolshire, south
of the Humber. This band arrived, wearing showy uniforms, and in a gaily decorated
Lincolnshire land-owner - possibly one of Sir Clifford's guests and, no doubt, provider
of the wagonette for the band's journey. This procession of bands, quite apart from their
excitement of the day. It must also have been quite an adventure for the band members,
especially those from Brocklesby. There was no railway connection at the time, roads
were in poor condition, and crossing the river, along with some 14 miles of overland
75
The adjudicator was Richard Hall, organist of St. Charles's Church, Hull, and
after hearing the bands play their chosen test piece, he asked to hear two of them again.
This was to be a regular feature in band contests throughout the nineteenth century,
hear the better bands before choosing the winner. Holmes Tannery band, having played
a selection from Mozart's 12th Mass was requested to play a secular piece, whilst Wold,
which had played music from Rossini's Barber of Seville, was asked to perform a sacred
piece. The former returned with a selection from Weber's Der Freischütz, but following
its performance of the 'Hallelujah Chorus', Wold Brass was awarded the first prize of
£12. Holmes Tannery earned the £8 second prize, whilst the others were given £3 each,
Table 5 (page 57 above) shows the instrumentation of four of the five bands
which took part. Wold Brass was the winner, and it seems likely that Patrington came
last. Whilst it would be unwise to place too much store on the success of the bands
being relative to their instrumentation, there must be some significance in the fact that
this band, with its older-style instruments, was so placed, drawing the following harsh
caused their well-meant efforts to pass totally unregarded by their friends and the
populace.' 18 Though the Tannery band came a close second, the instrumentation of
Wold looks preferable, having a more varied collection in both the treble and bass.
with the event. James Walker, the trumpet player and possible co-founder of one of the
early York bands was leader of Wold Brass; Jackson said that he (Walker) often played
in the quadrille band. 19 Holmes Hull Tannery was led by Tom Martin - probably one of
the two brothers who formed the 1836 Hull band in which Jackson played as a 9-year-
old and which, therefore, was probably Holmes' Tannery band. Finally, Hull Flax and
Cotton Mills band was led by James Bean, doubtless the brother of Joseph, and possible
co-founder of another early York band. It seems probable that these were all either
76
retired army personnel, or had been involved with travelling shows or in the theatre, or
The festival itself was probably an annual event, held to celebrate the Feast of
Magdalen which, in 1845 was on Thursday, 27 July, providing an opportunity for the
aristocracy of the region to get together, and also giving the servants and workers a
day's fun and relaxation. The account by Jackson, possibly more colourful than the
reality of the occasion, paints a picture which must have been typical of many events in
rural Britain of the time. It forms a useful stepping-stone to the later and more serious
competitions which developed during the second half of the nineteenth century.
With the arrival of valved instruments - heralded by the Burton Constable event -
came the formation of new bands with, according to Russell and Elliot, many mining and
manufacturing villages 'vying with each other for the best band'. 20 Some of these were
able to 'pit their skill against each other' during the late 1 840s at flower shows in the
Botanical and Zoological Gardens in Hull, where competitions for 'small prizes' were
advertised as additional attractions. Thus, with the Burton Constable contest in 1845,
and Leeds Temperance band playing in Scarborough in 1847, 1848 and 1849,2 the east
coast and its environs were already a hot-bed of brass banding activity. This, however,
According to Enderby Jackson, 22 a meeting took place at the Great Industrial Exhibition
at Crystal Palace in 1851 between three brass band enthusiasts, Enderby Jackson
himself James Melling and Thomas Talus Trimnell. The consequences of this meeting
had far-reaching effects on the course of the brass band movement, one of which was
Jackson has already been discussed in some detail; less is known about the other
two. Melling (1829-1870) was described as 'a well-known Manchester Musician and
Comet Soloist,'23 and the possibility of his participation in the 1838 coronation
77
celebrations was referred to on page 50 above. During the early 1850s Melling was
conducting the professional City Royal brass band daily at the Pomona Palace Gardens,
one of several rivals to Belle Vue. 24 Little is known about this band, but an obituary of
'The band which has so long borne his [Higham's] name was started some thirty
one years ago [1852, when an agitation was afoot to provide bands of music for
the public parks in Manchester and Salford. The old City Royal Band, long since
defunct, was the first to give musical selections in the parks. This was followed
by the band organised by Mr. Higham from the ranks of his own workmen.'25
Melling next appeared as conductor of Stalybridge Old, from circa 1858 to 1864,26 and
finally, he held a similar position with Besses o' th' Barn from 1868 until his death in
1870. He must have been highly regarded, because the band which performed at his
funeral consisted of 50 instrumentalists from the orchestras of the Hallé and the Theatre
Royal, and from the professional bands at Belle Vue and Pomona. Oliver Gaggs of the
Belle Vue band was the conductor, and over 200 musicians from various parts of the
country attended.27
Trimnell, the third and apparently least prominent member of the trio, was born
in Bristol. His birth date is not known, but he completed the Oxford Bachelor of Music
degree in 1875, had held organ appointments in Clifton (Bristol) and Chesterfield, and
was organist at Sheffield Parish Church from 1875-1886. For some years he conducted
the 6th Chesterfield volunteer band, and regularly adjudicated at brass band contests. He
also directed the Derby Choral Union from 1882 until 1886, when he emigrated to New
Zealand.28
The three are said to have discussed the progress of brass bands in their
respective regions and the merits of organised band contests. Manchester was selected
as the location for a major competition and Melling, being a Mancunian, took on the
task of liaising with John Jennison, proprietor of the Belle Vue Gardens, located only a
few miles from the city centre. 29 The history of the Belle Vue contests is well
78
documented, 30 but before looking at this in flirther detail, it will be useful to review
some of the background, both of the place itself and of Joim Jennison, its owner.
typescript of an unpublished book by George Jennison, grandson of John, the first owner
of Belle Vue, 'written from news items, private records and personal experience.' Only a
relative few of the book's 164 pages are devoted to bands, but several facts emerge
which are not generally known. Another book, Looking Back at Belle Vue Manchester
has also been useful. Its author, Robert Nicholls, obviously had access to the Jennison
book, amongst other things, and the two have helped assemble a picture of the early
early interest in botany, took to gardening. During 1826 he opened his gardens in
Macclesfield to the public and, after acquiring some birds and animals, was able to
charge for admission. Running the gardens replaced silk weaving as a full-time job, and a
move to Belle Vue, Manchester, in 1836, gave him the opportunity to expand. Here,
Jennison established a zoo, and made the site into one of the world's most famous show-
grounds. A lake was opened in 1843 and a large wooden dancing platform erected
adjacent to it. By 1847 both zoo and gardens were established and the first excursion
train ran on the Manchester and Birmingham railway - from Macclesfield to Longsight
Jennison visited the 1851 Exhibition in London, and many of his innovations at
Belle Vue were inspired by what he saw there. One of these innovations, a gallery with a
seating capacity of 4,000, erected circa 1852 for viewing firework displays 32 for which
Belle Vue was to become famous, was to provide, along with the dancing platfonn, the
On 10 October 1851 the gardens were visited by Queen Victoria, indicating the
extent of their fame, 33 and by now, events were taking place regularly, which made
79
possible the founding of a band contest, some of them mentioned by Taylor. 34 From the
mid-i 840s Jennison made use of a band, described as a 'scratch combination', for special
occasions. Advertisements declared that 'A powerful band will be in attendance' but,
George Jennison rather cynically added, 'making up in noise what they lacked in
harmony'. From circa 1847, Jennison assembled a more permanent all-brass band, made
up of members of staff who could play, supplemented by musicians, who were given
great cornet player, Jules Levy, Herr Sommers [sic] - doubtless Sommer, inventor of the
euphonium, and Thomas German, a trombonist with the Hallé Orchestra. He offered
some of them permanent positions in his band, an offer which a few took up, increasing
its quality in order 'to show the enthusiastic but incompetent players of the North how
things should be done' 35 - meaning the members of the bands which were taking part in
the 1853 contest. During the early years Thomas Hough was bandmaster, but in 1855 he
was replaced by Sommer. German, who became a well-known brass band adjudicator
and conducted Besses o' th' Barn for a time in the 1 870s, was in the Belle Vue band for
at least 40 years. George Jerinison's account of the band states that Giadney, Owen and
Oliver Gaggs played with it. Gladney was, of course, a clarinettist, which suggests that
the clarinet was allowed, along with the brasses. Owen would have played only, one
with the Hallé Orchestra, and also did a good deal of adjudicating at brass band contests.
These links with the Hallé indicate that it was possible to combine positions in both
organisations. Duties at Belle Vue would be primarily in the summer, whilst the Hallé's
Band Contest' starts inaccurately, stating that 'Their inception was due to Mr. Melling, a
Manchester musician who attended a Brass Band Contest near Hull in 1845, and was so
impressed that finally he persuaded Mr. Jennison to try one.' 37 Following the meeting of
80
Jackson, Melling and Trimnell it was assumed, through comments made by Jackson, that
he and Melling had been largely responsible for persuading Jennison to take on the
contest. Recent historians have questioned Jackson's involvement, but I am not aware
that it has ever been suggested that Melling went to Burton Constable. We must
What about Jackson's claim? He admitted to not having been at Belle Vue for the
1853 contest owing to a royal visit to Hull. He implied, however, that many of his ideas
were incorporated in the Belle Vue contest, and that he played a major part in securing
special excursion rates for bands and their supporters. Whilst it cannot be disputed that
some of the ideas from the Burton Constable contest were used at Belle Vue - screened
adjudicators, two own choice test pieces, no percussion - these could hardly have been
Jackson's ideas (unless, of course, he had advised Leng regarding the rules for the
Burton Constable contest - unlikely for an 18-year-old), though he may have told
Melling about them. Neither does the implication that he helped secure concessionary
fares on the railways ring true. In view of George Jennison's comments, we see that the
Jennisons had collaborated with the railways for some time before the brass band contest
was even contemplated. Belle Vue's immensely successflul fireworks displays had proved
a great attraction, and helped the negotiations enormously. During 1851 no fewer than
16,000 school children visited Belle Vue, excursions being arranged by the railway
companies themselves. In 1852, two of the Jennisons visited railway offices in Colne to
the north and Stoke to the south, in order to negotiate rates for inclusive excursion
fares. They were required to advertise and, in effect, underwrite the costs to the railway
companies. Not only did they do this, on the days of the excursions they sent the Belle
Vue band to the starting point of the excursion, where it played popular selections,
performing again at all the main stations en route, whilst passengers were boarding. The
trains carried between one and two thousand passengers, ferrying a total of 30,000
during the year. 38 Thus, Jackson's powers to persuade the railway companies to offer
81
special rates, though they probably applied to other contests in which he was involved,
Taylor, in his second book about brass bands, Labour and Love, An Oral
History of the Brass Band Movement, maintains that the 1853 contest 'was organised by
Jennison. . . with help and advice from James Melling, a cornet player and bandmaster
from Stalybridge, and Joseph Higham, a Manchester music dealer'. 39 This seems to be
the most plausible of all the possibilities, especially as Higham was involved from 1854
Whatever the truth, Jennison was sceptical about the proposed brass band
contest. He pointed out that even Sir Charles Hallé was having difficulty persuading the
monied classes to attend his concerts in Manchester, and reasoned that a band contest's
success would depend entirely on what he called the 'working classes and pleasure-
seekers'. He also felt that there were insufficient good players in local bands to satisfy
an audience - even assuming one could be assembled. 40 The doubts were not without
foundation, as Melling reported that bands in the Stalybridge area, whilst enthusiastic,
Jennison shrewdly requested a list of amateur brass bands, drum and fife bands
and teams of hand bell ringers in and around Leeds, and in places between Leeds and
Manchester, declaring that if satisfied he would visit the railway companies himself with
a view to securing concessions. The outcome was that an experimental contest for drum
and fife bands was arranged for 1852. Jennison probably anticipated a bigger response to
a meeting of such bands at that time than to one of the lesser-known genre, the brass
band, still very much in its infancy and an unknown quantity. The event was a success
and at its conclusion Jennison promised that he 'would further organize an advanced
tested system of educating higher culture in the loftier spheres of musical art among the
82
Thus, in 1853, the first Belle Vue brass band contest was held. With the
exception of 1859 this has taken place every year since, 42 and its importance has
outweighed that of the contest itself for almost half a century it was the apex of the
contest pyramid, and the ultimate aim of many bands was to reach a high enough
appearance of more contests, and was one of the principal reasons why many bands
converted to all-brass.
From its inception until the outbreak of World War lithe Belle Vue September
contest was usually held on the first Monday in the month - part of a local holiday.43
The Manchester Guardian regularly published a report - in the early years, on the day
following the contest; this is the principal source of information, other than lists of prize-
winners, published afier the war until the 1 97Os 44 Lists of winners, unplaced bands and
(in most cases) names of adjudicators, are also given in the Rakeway Year Book 198 7,45
which acquired much of its information from the Manchester Guardian reports.
The first contest took place on the first Monday in September, 1853. Jennison's
caution was proved mis-guided. Despite many problems, including (according to George
Jennison) poor musicians and bad instruments, along with administrative and catering
problems caused by the unexpectedly large attendance, 46 the day was an outstanding
success, partly because of the popularity of Belle Vue and the effectiveness of the
excursion rates, but also due to the fact that the date of the contest had been chosen to
The rules decreed that each competing band should pay an entry fee of £1, that
they should play two own choice test pieces and that no professional musician would be
allowed to play. The adjudicators were screened from view so that the bands would
remain anonymous to them. There were three: John Ellwood, a professional trumpet
player who had been appointed bandmaster to the Duke of Lancaster's Own Yeomanry
Cavalry Band in 1852, John Oakden (senior), a former bandmaster of the 1st Royal
Dragoon Guards and Mr. Dowling, former bandmaster of the 81st regiment.47
83
Jennison contributed £20 towards the prize money and this, along with the entry
fees of the eight competing bands, provided prizes of £16, £6, £4 and £2. The £20
brought Jennison a good return as the contest attracted a crowd of 16,000. The musical
climax came when all 101 performers combined, prior to the announcement of the
results, to play the National Anthem. The winning band was Mossley Temperance
saxhorn band, a mere three years old but playing on a new set of 10 saxhorns.48
This event was the catalyst from which the brass band contest as a serious event
developed. A series of letters in Brass Band News between November 1904 and
February 1905 revealed several additional facts about this and other early Belle Vue
contests though, written up to 50 years after the events, there is some disagreement over
detail. H. Halstead of Lancaster recalled that the first Belle Vue contest was for drum
and fife bands and that there were subsequently 27 such contests, indicating that the
popularity of this kind of band continued until well into the second half of the century.
He also stated that whilst at the early Belle Vue contests there was plenty of enthusiasm
amongst the players, instruments were poor, as was the standard of teaching, and that
players had little musical knowledge. He claimed, however, that Belle Vue changed all
that.49
Two of the correspondents stated that only five bands competed in 1853, not
eight as has hitherto been universally accepted. 50 Alec Hesling of Bramley is one,
though the credibility of his comments is thrown into doubt by his assertion that 19
bands competed in 1855;51 the Guardian states that 15 entered, of which one withdrew
and one was disqualified. 52 However, the other correspondent raising the matter,
Beckett Worth of Boarshurst, 53 was quite clear, even stating that his band, Saddleworth
and Haybottoms, was 'the only band that did not get a prize'. 54 This letter is sufficiently
convincing to throw doubt on existing information. Though eight bands are named in the
report in the Manchester Guardian, there can be no guarantee that the reporter was
there for the whole day. He could have paid an early visit, picked up a programme, left,
84
and obtained the results from someone else. A number of Guardian reports of
subsequent Belle Vue contest lead one to suspect that this was common practice.
1854 saw an expansion in band events at Belle Vue, with the third annual drum
and fife band contest, the second brass band contest and also a contest for brass and
reed bands. 55 The brass band event attracted 14 bands and there were now six prizes -
with a first prize of £20. Mossley temperance band attended but was unpiaced, the
winning band being the Railway Foundry (Leeds) band, conducted by Richard Smith.56
Richard Smith (1820-1890) made an indelible impression on the early Belle Vue
contests, following his 1854 win with Leeds Foundry by taking second place a year later
with the same combination, and in 1856 taking the top two places, with his Railway
Foundry band and with what was called 'Leeds (Smith's)' (or in some reports 'Smith's
Leeds'). 57 Following the announcement of the 1854 results the winning band returned to
the platform and played 'See the Conquering Hero Comes'. In addition to the cash prize
won by the band, Smith received a bombardon worth 10 guineas, presented by Higham.
The award of special prizes such as this was to become an important feature at major
contests.
The spirit of the early contests is summed up in the 1854 Manchester Guardian
report. The 14 bands had, between them, 191 performers, and the audience was
estimated at some 20,000, many brought by special trains from west Yorkshire, east
Lancashire and Staffordshire. Being a local holiday, not all would be there for the
contest; some would be what Jennison had described as 'pleasure seekers' (see above).
However, the reporter concluded that a great proportion of those present were taking an
interest in musical matters, 'proud of the efficiency of the bands from their respective
'All the bands were what are called country bands, consisting, not of professional
musicians, whose whole time is devoted to the study and practice of the art, but
of hard working artisans, who have found its almost unaided study and practice
an intellectual and elevating pursuit during the intervals between labour and
repose.'58
85
This is a somewhat patronising comment, but not untypical of the times. The term
'country bands' implies that the bands came from agricultural regions, but that was not
the case.
The 1855 Belle Vue contest attracted 15 bands; then came a decline - seven in
1856, five in 1857, a slight up-turn to eight a year later, but with the low point arriving
in 1859, when the contest was cancelled because there were but three entries.59
Fortunately, the Belle Vue authorities persevered and the contest became firmly
established from 1860 onwards. This faith was amply rewarded by further large
attendances on contest day, with a reported 30,000 in 1860 and even larger crowds in
Rakeway Year Book 1987 shows that in the six years from 1853 to 1858 a total of 34
different bands competed, seven of which were works bands. Whilst it is not possible to
be sure from where they all came, at least 20 - well over half - were from Yorkshire,
confirming the domination of that county at that time, as far as better contesting bands
were concerned. Thirteen bands seem to have appeared only once, perhaps indicating
the transitory nature of bands and/or their names, and possibly reflecting the level of
The most successful bands were Leeds Railway Foundry, with two first and one
second prizes from three contests, Accrington, with two first and two third prizes from
four contests and Mossley temperance, with one first and two third prizes from four
contests. The most regular competitor was Dewsbury, which attended five out of the six
contests, as well as entering for the cancelled 1859 event. It was rewarded with four
second prizes and a sixth during the 1850s and continued as one of the most regular
attenders during the 1 860s, achieving first place in 1866. Of 13 named adjudicators (the
1856 officials are not named in reports), 12 were military bandmasters, the most
distinguished being James Smyth of the Royal Artillery band, who adjudicated in 1857.
86
The most famous of the non-military adjudicators was Samuel Hughes, ophicleide
George Jennings commented on the decline in the number of bands taking part
after 1854, saying that it was possibly due to poor trade following the Crimean and
American Civil Wars. 61 Entries from 1860 to 1865 were 5, 10, 8, 8, 14 and 8. Then
followed a sharp upturn, with 20 in 1866, 19 in 1867, a relative slump to 11 in 1868 and
13 in 1869. Entries then climbed steadily during the 1870s, with 26 in 1873, 24 in 1874
An important innovation in the history of the Belle Vue contest was taking it
indoors. Littlemore's assertion that the 1853 contest took place in the ballroom 63 would
seem to be without foundation, especially as the official report refers to 'the vast
audience of some sixteen thousand standing in silence', whilst the combined bands
played the National Anthem. 64 According to James Frost, a Manchester music publisher,
the first time the contest went inside was in 1866,65 though in Bacup's 'history',
reference is made to the 1864 contest being held in a large hail, 66 whilst the Manchester
Guardian, describing the day of the 1863 contest as stormy, reports that 'In
consequence of this, the contest, instead of being held out of doors, as usual, took place
in the large hail.'67 The same newspaper's report of the 1860 contest states that 'play
commenced in a large music hall at 2.45!.68 However, there can be little doubt that most
of the early contests were held on the dancing platform close to the lake. Some time
around 1856 a large ballroom, capable of holding 10,000 people was erected below the
fireworks viewing stand, 69 and was to be the first indoor home of the Belle Vue
contests. This fact is confirmed by George Jennings, who states that the 'Ballroom of the
Gardens' became the venue for band contests in 1861, but that it was never large
enough. Little has been made of this development by other commentators, but the
change must be seen as an enormous step forward. Though probably bearing little
comparison acoustically to a concert hail, the ballroom would greatly enhance the
87
sound, would take the contest away from back-ground noises of the open-air, and also
The moral incentive for contesting has always been the will to improve through
preparation, plus the stimulus of the possibility of winning a prize. However, judging
from the advertising material of later nineteenth-century bands, which invariably boasted
of the amount of cash won in prize monies, the prizes themselves were also a major
incentive. In the case of the wealthier bands this was often pooled and paid to the
players, creating a valuable addition to family income or, in some cases perhaps, an
The first prize at the 1853 Belle Vue contest was £16 - with a total of £28,
spread over the four bands. Prize money was gradually increased over the years - £44 in
1854, £50 per year from 1855-1862, £58 in 1863, and £75 from 1864. In addition, there
were 'special' prizes, awarded by instrument and uniform manufacturers, the first of
these being the 10 guinea bombardon presented by Higham in 1854.° As time went on,
the 'special' prizes became quite substantial in many contests, sometimes being of greater
value than the money prizes. From 1870, the winning band at Belle Vue also received a
gold medal, and from 1873 all other prize-winners received a silver medal.
As the rewards increased, so did the chances of rule infringement, and this
resulted in periodical disqualification. 'Fair play' has always been a priority for contest
promoters, but from time to time bands, players or conductors have wandered outside
what was regarded as honesty within the spirit of the contest; rules have been devised,
There were disqualifications at Belle Vue from quite early times. Harden Mills
band was disqualified in 1855 because it had not rehearsed the set test for the time
stipulated in the rules, 7 ' and in 1864 'The conductor of Stalybridge was objected to and
his duties taken over by three of the players'. 72 No mention is made of this in the
88
Manchester Guardian report beyond naming the conductor as W. Schofield. Exactly
how three people were able to take over his duties remains a mystery. There is a W.
Schofield listed amongst Stalybridge's cornet players, and one of the three deputies, W.
Another disqualification took place in the following year, involving Black Dike
and Denton Original bands. Littlemore simply states 'disqualified' in respect of these
bands,74 but Black Dike's commemorative jug indicates that, despite the disqualification,
'In the case of Black Dyke [sic] Mills and Denton bands, they had the advantage
of Mr. J. Salkeld's cornet playing, the result being that they were by rule
disqualified from taking any of the money prizes. They, however, carried off Mr.
Higham's handsome comets.'75
Thus it seems that Salkeld played with two bands, causing both to be disqualified. Using
players who were not bona fide members was probably the most common reason for
disqualification.
The first known major incident occurred in 1867 when a composite band, seen as
an amalgamation of the better players from three neighbouring bands, appeared as Clay
Cross rifles. Bacup Old (as the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers band) was at its height at
this time and the Matlock band was one of its close rivals. 76 James Frost (mentioned
above) played soprano cornet 77 with Matlock, and Jack Naylor was leader and solo
cornet player. It seems that Naylor was determined, at all costs, to defeat Bacup, and
though his band had been placed fourth at the 1864 Belle Vue contest (as Matlock
volunteer rifles), third in 1865 (as Matlock Bath, under Naylor) and second in 1866 (as
Matlock Bridge, also under Naylor), he planned to go one better in 1867 by combining
players from three bands - Matlock, Chesterfield and the real Clay Cross. Bacup's
historiography goes into detail about the uproar created when this band mounted the
platform and of how, despite several attempts to proceed, the band could not be heard.
89
Officials and adjudicators called for quiet but to no avail. The band started to play again,
adjudicators, revealing that it was announced that unless the audience allowed them to
hear the performance they would be compelled to give it first prize - even though they
had already heard playing which they felt could not be beaten. Under these
circumstances they had no choice but to give the award to the band which neither they
nor the crowd had heard, and second prize to the band which they considered
unbeatable, namely the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteer (Bacup) band. This resulted in
much bad feeling, and in Bacup refusing to attend the contest the following year.
However, the problems of the Matlock players was explained in Frost's letter:
'Jack Naylor, our leader, got a 'united' band together, Clay Cross and
Chesterfield, and intended [us] to play with them. This we did not consider good
enough, seeing that we were in splendid form and felt we could win 1St prize.
Naylor would not give way and we could not give way, so we did not compete.'
This suggests that few, if any, of the Matlock players were involved in the performance,
and explains why the composite band appeared as Clay Cross and not as Matlock.
According to B. D. Jackson's letter80 there were fights 'all over the place' following the
announcement of the results. Unpopular decisions such as this were to become common
features at brass band contests, and there are several accounts of adjudicators being
threatened or even attacked by members of bands who could not gracefully accept
defeat.81
Another incident occurred in the 1873 Belle Vue contest, when Black Dike's
Phineas Bower, playing first of all on the euphonium (his regular instrument) and then
on a valve trombone, was declared the best player on both instruments and awarded two
prizes. Whilst this has generally been looked on as rather sharp practise on Black Dike's
part, it seems to have been quite common for a bandsman to play on two different
90
years, in his letter to Brass Band News admitted to having, in 1872, played the cornet
solo and cadenza in Souvenir de Mozart and then changed to soprano cornet in order to
play the solo and cadenza allotted to that instrument, helping his band achieve second
prize. Haley, in his letter, claims to have done precisely the same with Elland Edge band
in the 1873 contest as Bower did with Black Dike, though obviously with less
spectacular results. The outcome of the Bower incident was the implementation of two
more rules - one that in future Belle Vue contests the valve trombone was to be barred,
and the other that no player may play on two instruments in the same contest. Bower's
double win highlighted the practise, which was obviously not in the spirit of the contest,
and he was asked to return one of the two prizes (a euphonium and a trombone). He
refused, and eventually an extra trombone was presented to Richard Stead of Meitham,
Whilst the Belle Vue contests remained the pace-makers, there were also many others.
During the second half of the 1 850s Enderby Jackson came to the forefront of the local
contest movement. He claimed that by 1855 he had obtained the agreement of the North
Eastern Railway Company to run excursion trains to contest venues in Yorkshire, 83 and
he arranged to hold his first contest in the Zoological Gardens in Hull on Monday, 30
June, 1856. Towards the end of 1855 he was canvassing music teachers in various
towns, asking some to actually form bands for the contest. 84 He received entries from
21 bands and then persuaded other railway companies to offer low fares. In composing a
test piece specially for the occasion, 'The Yorkshire Waltzes', he was perhaps influenced
by the fact that Melling had composed the set test piece for the Belle Vue contest of the
previous year, and it is indeed possible that Jackson started up this contest in opposition
to Belle Vue.
Though only 12 bands actually played, the day was a great success and another
money-spinner for the railways. Excursion trains were crowded and more than 12,000
91
people paid for admission to the grounds. Most of the competitors were from west
and Boston made the journey but withdrew their entry when they saw the standard of
the opposition. 85 Taking a leaf out of the publicity machine of the travelling circus,86
Jackson stipulated that all competing bands should parade in their respective towns, play
on their way to the railway station at the start of their journey, and then from the station
in Hull en route to the contest. 87 The parades in the home towns would help make the
local populace aware of the existence of the band and would, hopefully, help create
enthusiasm for it as well as engendering a feeling of pride. They may even entice a few
souls to attend the contest. Bands marching through the streets of Hull would certainly
In its report of the contest, the Hull Packet gave a résumé of each performance.
It praised the bands from West Yorkshire but made the following cutting remark about
'No. 6 was the only East Riding band that had the courage to stand on the same
ground as the men of the West, and, if the object was to show the marked
difference between the music of the hills and that which bears a similar name in
the plains, the demonstration was perfect.'88
The move westwards of the brass band cult was already, it seems, under way.
army bandmasters. Jackson chose from a wider musical world for his panel, which
contained five adjudicators and a referee. Amongst the adjudicators were leading
musicians from the city, including conductors of Hull Subscription Musical Society and
Hull Harmonic Society, the leader of the Operatic and Dramatic Season at the Royal
Queen's Theatre, Hull, and a J. Brown, 'Band Master [sic] to the Right Honourable Lord
92
In addition to each band's performance of 'The Yorkshire Waltzes' and their
own-choice test piece, the united bands - over 180 performers - were conducted by
Richard Smith in Partant pour la Syrie - another Jackson waltz, and 'God Save the
Queen'. The prizes went to Smith's (Leeds) (conductor and leader Richard Smith), Black
Dike (conductor Samuel Longbottom, leader Frank Galloway) and Batley (conductor J.
Pickering, leader J. Farrar). It is significant, as will be seen when rules are discussed,
that Smith was both conductor and leader of his Smith's (Leeds) band, which took top
honours, but that his other band, Leeds Joppa, 9° had a separate leader. As a professional
musician, Smith was allowed to play with only one band - but to conduct as many as he
wished.
The 1856 Hull contest was given good coverage in the Hull Packet, and is
described in detail in Russell and Elliot. 91 Jackson repeated the exercise in the following
year, and this contest also is covered in Russell and Elliot. 92 Additionally, it was
reported in the Eastern Counties Herald, the Hull Advertiser, and again in Hull Packet,
adding weight to the argument that success in competition attracted more publicity than
concert-giving. From this publicity we learn that the 1857 contest was open only to
bands which had not previously won a prize of1O or more. 93 This was obviously to
encourage the up-and-coming bands, but it meant that bands like Smith's (Leeds) and
Black Dike could not compete. Even though 18 of the 29 bands which had entered,
played, and Jackson composed another test piece, Londesborough Galop, the contest
1859, for which he wrote the Bristol Waltzes, 95 and a Jackson-organised contest in
Exeter at about the same time. 96 This indicates that bands existed in or around all of
these towns and cities; the contests would help promote them and would possibly
93
stimulate the formation of others. It also reflects the growing possibilities of travel
through the development of the railways. The contests at Newcastle (18 May 1858),
Sheffield (14 June 1858) and Darlington (also June 1858) are mentioned in Russell and
of a set of rules: bands were required to play two test pieces (on some occasions both
were 'own choice' whilst on others one was set - generally composed by Jackson
himself). Professional bands and professional players were barred, except that each band
was allowed one 'Professional Man' who might play an instrument. This entitled bands to
the use of a professional conductor who also played; however, though he may choose to
conduct a number of bands he would be allowed to play with only one. The maximum
number of players allowed was 18, including the leader or conductor if he also played.
Entry forms were provided on which names and addresses of the conductor or leader
and all performers had to be shown. Where possible, competing bands were conveyed
free from their nearest railway station to the town in which the contest was being held.
Anthem') was played by all the bands combined, generally 'between the first and second
round'. It seems to have become almost statutory in contests of this period for
adjudicators to ask to hear two or more bands again before announcing the final results.
It may be that when all bands had played once (that is, in the 'first round'), they
assembled to play their combined pieces before the adjudicator announced either the full
results, or stated which bands were required to play again. This would then, logically, be
Judges were not named on publicity material, and not until later contests did it
actually state that the order of play would be decided 'by the Leaders of the Bands
drawing lots'. However, as drawing for the order of play was done both at Burton
Constable and Belle Vue it may reasonably be assumed that this was standard practise.
94
Whatever else Jackson may or may not have been, he was a fine entrepreneur,
and advertised his events well. Headings of publicity material for three of his contests
contribution to brass band history, the organisation of contests at the Crystal Palace,
London, between 1860 and 1863.
Brass band contests were not to reach their peak until the 1 890s, but their spread, from
the late 1 850s can be seen through the contest records of various bands. Black Dike's
early contest successes included prizes at contests in Halifax and Batley in 1857 and
Dewsbury, Cleckheaton and Bradford in 1858. The same band also won a contest
organised as part of the York Flower Show in June, 1859, a fact confirmed in Russell
and Elliot, where it is stated, quoting from the Yorkshire Gazette of 18 June, that this
event ran annually from 1858 to 1914. 100 Other 1859 contests included the one at
Lofihouse, immortalised in the Dickensian periodical All the Year Round in an article
headed 'A Musical Prize Fight'. 101 Also in 1859, Meltham Mills band won prizes at
contests in Doncaster and Darlington, whilst Saltaire won first prizes in Howden,
Malton and Lincoln. For every contest recorded there would be many others, but this
selection is sufficient to indicate that the main thrust of the contest in the late 1 850s was
By 1870 local contests were very popular, often attracting large crowds. One
took place in Bury on 2 July in that year; it took place in a field which had a spacious
enclosure with seats, and standing room for those who could not afford them. The
report 102 describes the event as 'an unqualified success, both monetarily [and]
musically', and estimates the attendance at between 9,000 and 10,000, 103 though it
reveals an appalling standard of time-keeping; the contest should have begun at 'half-
past eleven o' clock punctually', but it was almost two o' clock before it began. (Many
reports of contests in this and later periods record late starts). Eleven bands had entered,
95
nine competed, and there were four adjudicators, including John Gladney and the
bandmaster of the 8th regiment, based in Bury. Prizes offered were as follows:
1st: £25 cash plus a monster Eb bass, upright bell, value £22
2nd: £15 cash plus a baritone, with latest improvements, value £13 lOs.
3rd: £10 cash plus a cornet in Bb (patent Excelsior), with latest
improvements, value £10 lOs.
4th: £5 cash
5th: £3 cash
The special prizes were supplied by Higham, order of play was decided by ballot, and
each band had prepared two selections. Bands, bandmasters and test pieces are all listed
in the report, along with the reporter's impressions of the performances. Due to the late
start a conference of bandmasters was held after the first round of pieces, and it was
decided that the adjudicators should eliminate three bands from playing again. At the
conclusion of the contest all bands united and 'played "God Save the Queen" in B flat',
with 'any band refusing to join in having to forfeit the prizes which otherwise might be
due'. One assumes this was to ensure that bands and supporters stayed until the
conclusion. The winning band returned to the platform to play another piece, after which
the local band, Bury Borough 'occupied the stage and played for dancing, which was
vigorously indulged in for a considerable period by the visitors to the contest'. This,
apparently, was common practise at open air band contests, providing that they did not
go on too long.
Thus, the event was a special treat for all involved, whether as performers or
spectators. The report concluded, 'Music has its bad and good applications, and a brass
band contest may be safely enumerated amongst the latter exponents of simple feelings
and intelligible sentiments'. The implication here was that the writer regarded the band
contest as an 'improving' activity - good for the soul as well as for the mind! Lomas
recreation', of which playing in an amateur band was a good example, and which became
so important during the Victorian era. He refers to the 'writings of Hogarth, Gatens,
Mainzer and Haweis,'04 and concludes that:
96
• . from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, various commentators
increasingly associated music and bands in particular with 'rational recreation'
and the promotion of respectable behaviour. These views eventually gained
wider currency amongst the middle class in Victorian Britain and were part of
the explanation for their considerable support for bands."05
The Bury contest is one of many examples of highly successfW local contests, designed
to give opportunities for bands within a vicinity to compete against each other, whilst at
the same time, providing entertainment for the local people. It seems to have been well
organised - despite the late start. There were many others which were less-concentrated,
which were part of flower shows or local festivals, and which were classified as 'added
attractions'.
Jackson reached the pinnacle of his contest promotion with the 1860 contest at Crystal
Palace - former home of the Great Industrial Exhibition of 1850, but now transplanted
to Sydenham. The series ran for four years, and is discussed quite ftilly elsewhere,106
though after a thorough review of the 1860 contest, the others receive progressively less
coverage, parallel with the gradual waning of the series. For the first two years it was a
two-day event, with bands winning 1St or 2nd prizes on the first day not being allowed
There was also a comparable drop in the number of competing bands. 107 Lomas
suggests a number of possible reasons for this decline, but in fact, Belle Vue was also
going through a discouraging time between 1859 and 1865 (see page 92 above).
Appendix 4 gives the results of the six contests, and though the Cyfarthfa band from
97
Wales figures strongly in the 1860 results, Blandford from Dorset took 1St prize in
1863, and even allowing for the uncertainty about the actual locations of two of the
Appendix 5 lists 218 band contests, reports of which have been located in a variety of
annuallregional break-down of them, whilst Table 7 lists the known winners in 139.
(there were joint-winners in two). The figures are not absolute, of course, being based
on the incomplete statistics from which I have been able to draw. Table 6, viewed on an
annual basis, indicates a somewhat erratic growth in the total number of brass band
contests, but computing in five-year periods shows a marked upward trend. Following a
slow start in the years 1845-1854 (a mere five known contests - though there would
almost certainly be others), the five-yearly totals between 1855 and 1874 amounted to
30, 34, 68 and 81. Yorkshire (Y) had a slight over-all edge on Lancashire (L), but
ftirther examination reveals that their 31/11 ratio between 1855 and 1864 changed
dramatically to 49/6 6 between 1865 and 1874, adding weight to the theory that the brass
band movement developed east of the Pennines before spreading to Lancashire. The
close proximity of the northern counties and what, for want of a better term, I have
called the north midlands (NM), enabled these regions to feed on the banding activities
of Yorkshire and Lancashire. Contests in the south (including Wales) (S) and midlands
(M) were particularly sparse, and co-incided almost exactly with the 1860-1863 series of
even more striking level than the numbers of contests listed in Table 6. The relatively
large number of winning bands had some influence, but the combined successes of Black
Dike and Meitham bands were clearly the principal factor. These two bands were both
98
attached to industry, as were at least four more of the winning Yorkshire bands.
Matlock and Cyfarthfa were the only non-Yorkshire sponsored bands. Thus, the
influence of the industrialists who helped finance bands cannot be ignored, and there
seems to be no doubt that it is as a result of their philanthropy that the brass band
Year N Y L NM M S Total
1845 - 1 - - - - 1
1850 - - - - - 1 1
1853 - - 1 - - - 1
1854 - 1 1 - - - 2
1855 - 2 1 - - - 3
1856 - 1 1 - - - 2
1857 - 3 1 - - - 4
1858 2 5 1 - - - 8
1859 1 7 - 1 3 1 13
1860 - 5 1 - 3 2 11
1861 - 2 1 - - 4 8
1862 - 2 1 - 1 2 6
1863 - 1 2 - - 1 4
1864 - 3 2 - - 5
1865 - 5 5 4 - - 14
1866 - - 1 1 - - 2
1867 1 2 6 - - - 9
1868 1 4 13 1 - - 19
1869 3 10 9 2 - - 24
1870 1 6 6 1 - - 14
1871 . 2 5 4 1 - - 12
1872 2 4 6 1 - 1 14
1873 1 7 8 3 - - 20
1874 4 6 8 3 - - 21
Total 18 82 79 19 7 13 218
The apparent success of the north midlands is somewhat misleading, relying as it does
on that of Stalybridge Old band. Though located in Cheshire, the town was closely
99
linked with both Oldham and Manchester, and it would not be too deceptive to regard it
as a Lancashire band. 108 This also underlines the effect of close proximity. The main
thrust in Lancashire, however, was undoubtedly through the Bacup band which, almost
throughout its contesting career, was attached to the rifle volunteers. Its record 32
contest wins were achieved in the space of eight years from 1864 to 1871. Black Dike's
18 wins, on the other hand, were obtained between 1857 and 1874. The other great
contesting band of the period, Meitham Mills, achieved its first 20 wins between 1871
and 1874, sowing seeds for further major successes later on.
Table 7 Winning bands region by region 1 845-1874
Region Wins Bands
Northern 2 Wear Yacht Club (1), Lofihouse (1)
As the northern brass band movement was now becoming so vast, the thesis henceforth
concentrates mainly on the more successful bands of the various types and times. They
were successful for a variety of reasons. Not least, of course, financial stability was
helpful, but also the geography of the region was such that there developed a large pool
of players, able to move from band to band; in particular, the ambitious player could
100
progress to better and even better bands - in many cases without having to travel more
than a few miles. The possibility of travel to nearby neighbouring towns for festivals and
competition was another geographical advantage, and the logistical advantage for
factory workers was that when the whistle blew to end the day's work there was time for
101
2.2 CONSOLIDATION OF THE BRASS BAND MOVEMENT
BETWEEN 1850 AND 1874
2.2.1 Introduction
The progress of amateur bands during the first half of the century, though slow, had
been significant, partly because of improving and cheaper instruments. Social conditions
for the working classes also improved a little, giving its members more time for social
activities such as playing in a band. The railways arrived, were developing rapidly,
creating work and investment, changing the life-styles of people in all classes, and
A complete picture of bands in the 1 850s is neither possible nor necessary, but as
bandsmen themselves, and of the financial support which was forthcoming in many
quarters, bands were able to play a wider range of music to a higher standard than
formerly. As one of the most accessible forms of music-making, band music was also
improvements in playing skills, and as more industrialists took an interest and funding
became more readily available, the door was open for long-term consolidation. Living
conditions for the lower classes were also improving, and the benefits of a growing
educational system being felt. The stimulus created by competition led to improving
standards as bands strove to become better, musically, than their neighbours and rivals;
progress of amateur bands accelerated during the third quarter of the century. The
contest provided a great stimulus but was, in a way, incidental, as other factors began to
emerge. These included the appearance of elite works-sponsored bands, extra finance
for a large number of bands with the re-appearance of the volunteer movement, and the
influence of religion and the temperance movement. For bands with none of these
advantages, the industrial towns had by now produced a wealthy middle class, many
1.02
members of which were prepared to encourage their local bands with both practical and
financial support. However, the support, in whatever form it took, was almost entirely
to the advantage of the northern-based bands and this, along with the impact of contests,
Lomas states that though many southern bands fulfilled a large number of
engagements, there were few contests in southern England during the nineteenth
century. 109 I have found virtually no evidence of the development of contests in Wales
during the third quarter of the century, though there were some in Scotland. Therefore,
clearly, as bands in the north and north midlands improved their standards through
contest preparation, the foundations for the great northern brass band movement were
being laid.
The spread of the contest, which depended on a number of bands meeting in one
coming of the railways. This coincided with, and no doubt helped precipitate, the spread
of the brass band. Travelling to different places was an attractive prospect, and a new
experience for most bandsmen. Easy access to a railway station was a great advantage
to a band because otherwise, travel was difficult or even impossible. Similarly, a contest
Dave Russell discusses performance outlets for bands during the 1850s and
1860s. He makes the point that rehearsals were now directed more towards the
improvement of performance than had formerly been the case,' 1 ° even though band
concerts were still generally informal - playing in parks and at shows, or providing
incidental music for events such as the opening of railways, reservoirs and schools,
village celebrations or demonstrations. 11 ' Sunday afternoon park band concerts were
authorised in London in 1856 - to a chorus of protest, 112 but enthusiasm for such
concerts was growing in cities like Leeds and Bradford, where audiences of up to
15,000 were not unknown in the late 1850s. 113 They continued throughout the 1860s
and were becoming commonplace by the early 1870s. Providing a worthwhile use for
103
expensive public parks, they were also a response to the increased leisure time now
being enjoyed by many members of the working classes. Russell states that the first
concert in Manningham Park, Bradford, was given by Bramley Band, on 3 June 1871.
Despite cold winds there was a large crowd, sections of which tried dancing to the
music, but were stopped by members of the parks band committee - in the name of
respectability. 114 In another source the same writer casts doubt on the attendance of
large numbers of the working classes at parkband concerts, but adds that many from the
middle classes did attend, though he was not sure whether this was in order to hear the
music, or to show off their fine clothes.115
The number of brass bands in existence increased rapidly from the late 1 850s,
co-inciding with the growth of the railways, which enabled them to travel quickly and
cheaply to places some distance from their own localities. Excursions rates appeared,
return trips being offered for the equivalent of single fares or even less. 116 They became
a regular feature of major band contests, Enderby Jackson even securing free travel for
bands and excursion rates for supporters at some of his contests, in particular for the
series at Crystal Palace from 1860 to 1863.117
by the railways, but all benefiting from a gradual reduction in working hours. These
included the appearance of dance halls, billiard rooms, bowling greens, cricket and
football grounds, and golf and tennis clubs. 118 All were to become counter-attractions
to the brass band as time went by, contributing to its decline (in popularity, that is)
Along with these changes, various societies were established. From as early as
the 1 820s Mechanics' Institutes were founded, designed to put intellectual activities
within reach of the more skilled members of the working classes - including members of
amateur bands. Originally intended to have concentrated on the sciences and technology,
they veered towards literature and the arts and were frequented mainly by lower-middle-
L04
class clerks and shopkeepers, holding little attraction for those for whom they were
initially intended, 119 and having little effect on the development of the amateur band.
Links between bands, churches and chapels were forged as the century
progressed and travel became easier, with processions of witness and Sunday school
anniversaries making use of bands - both local and from further afield. Friendly societies
were formed, providing company for like-minded people as well as aid in sickness, old
age and death. 120 The railways were particularly useful when it came to regional and
national rallies of these societies, and brass bands often provided the music. Cities such
as Leeds were the focus for many events involving large numbers of people.
Several towns within easy reach of Leeds boasted bands which appeared at one or more
of the early Belle Vue contests, and there can be little doubt that the influence of
Herbert Milburn and Richard Smith was felt in the region as a whole. In the 183 Os Leeds
had been a major wool manufacturing centre, but had gradually veered towards
engineering, and influence on these bands from this industry may be clearly seen. Table 8
lists the appearance during the first six years of the Belle Vue contests of bands from the
Leeds area. 121
Following this, the number of competing bands from the area decreased, as did
their impact on the prize lists. Only Dewsbury continued as strong contenders, winning
in 1866, taking second prizes in 1860, 1861, 1862 and 1865, and third prize in 1870.
Heckmondwyke Albion earned a fourth and a second prize in 1860 and 1868, and also
appeared in 1864, conducted by Smith, but was unplaced. In this same year, however,
Smith secured third prize for his Leeds Model Band. Table 8 also indicates, as it would
even more-so if projected further, problems created by apparently casual naming of both
bands and conductors. In 1854 there were two bands from Batley, but one may assume
that Victoria Batley conducted by J. Farrar in 1854 is the same band as Batley United
playing under the same conductor a year later. However, was Heckmondwyke,
105
conducted by 'G. Brook' in 1854 the same band as Heckmondwyke Albion, reportedly
conducted by 'J. Brooke' in 1860, and 1862? One has to assume that it was, especially as
the conductor of Heckmondwyke Albion in 1866 reads 'J. Brooks'. 122 Name changes
and inaccuracies such as these seem to have been quite common at this time, and create
Table 8 Bands from the Leeds area at Belle Vue in the 1850s
During the 1860s and 1870s the leading bands were from west Yorkshire and east
Lancashire (with the exception of Robin Hood rifles band, from Nottingham), and apart
from Dewsbury, the Leeds influence had become non-existent. Such industrial
connections as may be assumed within this Leeds-based 'school' of bands was largely
1.06
connected with engineering, though it is significant that Dewsbury remained a textile
town. The ensuing shift westwards heralded the era of the great textile-based bands,
There were several early examples of bands being helped by commercial concerns. Some
were mentioned in Chapter 1.2.6 above, but these were not works bands, though they
benefited from the industrial support they received. The Cyfarthfa band, attached to
Crawshay's Ironworks (see page 36 above), must be seen as an early works band, even
though Crawshay regarded it as his own private band. In addition to Cyfarthfa, also
connected with iron and steel or engineering were the Leeds Railway Foundry, Low
Moor Iron Works (Bradford), Doncaster Railway, and Tees-side Iron Works bands.
The early 1850s provided the focal point of the move towards more heavily
sponsored works bands. Some of the greatest successes came to bands connected with
northern textile mills - including Saltaire, Black Dike Mills, Marrine?s, Meitham Mills,
and Kingston Mills bands. Each of these seems to have had a different kind of
relationship with the 'master', but each was established at a time when living conditions
Many problems were caused by shifting population, and we look now at the problems of
Bradford and solutions to some of them, applied by Titus Salt (1803-1876). From being
a small town of 13,264 inhabitants in 1801, Bradford's growth as a textile town reached
population figures of 66,715 by 1841 and 103,778 by 1851.123 Many mill-workers lived
conditions. Water was polluted by waste, and disease flourished. Children were over-
worked and under-nourished, and infant mortality was high. After several appeals by
1.07
aldermen and 42 councillors set out to improve matters. One of the aldermen was Titus
this time, caused sales from Salt's Bradford mills to plummet by £10,000 per month, but
despite this he found work for 100 unemployed wool-combers, storing their work until
trade improved. Fortunately, this had happened by the end of the year, and Salt gave
2,000 of his work-people a day's holiday, taking them to Malham on the newly-built
railway.
Owner of seven mills, Salt had accumulated vast wealth, with which he decided
to build a new mill in a self-contained village. He purchased land three miles to the
north, near the Bradford to Skipton railway and adjacent to the River Aire. Building was
started in 1851 on the village, to be called 'Saltaire', combining the names of the river
and the owner. It was to be an industrial settlement in which people could live close to
their work, amid such basics as fresh air, pure water and cleanliness - commodities not
found in central Bradford. On 20 September 1853, Salt's fiftieth birthday, the mill was
officially opened, initially with 2,500 employees, most of whom travelled daily from
Bradford. Later the number rose to 4,000, virtually all of them by then living in Saltaire.
debating and essay societies, an institute for educational and social functions, with a
library, a gymnasium, a School of Art and a School of Science. 125 There was also a
drum and fife band for boys and the Saltaire brass band, both housed in the institute.'26
The brass band was formed in 1855 and its first conductor was Joseph Paley, a noted
cornet player. 127 Saltaire had (and still has) a park, with gardens and facilities for
outdoor games. 128 At its opening, Saltaire brass band and the rifle volunteers marched
The idea of model villages, or 'villages of co-operation' was not new; Nenthead
(discussed on page 44 above) was a fore-runner of the more famous ones, though
Robert Owen (1771-1858) pioneered the principle in New Lanark. 130 By 1861 Saltaire
L08
had a population of 2,510, living in 447 houses. Those occupied by bandsmen comprised
a living-room, a small kitchen, two bedrooms and a cellarette. Though not luxurious,
Salt was a Member of Parliament from 1859 to 1861 and in 1869 was awarded a
baronetcy by Queen Victoria. He died on 29 December 1876 and was accorded a great
funeral - with an estimated 100,000 people lining the route of the cortege to Saltaire
The Saltaire band, though given scant attention in books about Salt and his
village, was one of the leading brass bands in the early 1 860s. It is inconceivable that it
was not an object of local pride, or that it did not play an important part in the life of the
community. Following the 1860 Crystal Palace contest, at which it gained second prize,
'The Saltaire band is composed entirely of men in the employment of Mr. Titus
Salt, at the establishment. . . near Bradford, which is called after his name. It is
rumoured that Mr. Salt promised a considerable sum of money to his band in the
event of their winning the first prize. .
According to the Morning Herald, July 1862, 133 the band cost Salt over £1,000 per
year. The most informative document to hand regarding the band is its entry form for the
Crystal Palace contest of 1861 , 134 in which it did actually win first prize. The name of
the band is given as 'Saltaire Band of the Bradford 3rd West Yorkshire Rifles' - linking it
Amongst the 17 brass instrumentalists named (see Appendix 6) is the leader and
already highly successful conductor, Richard Smith, who played soprano cornet; his
occupation is given as 'bandmaster'. Doubtless all the others worked in the mill, except
Yorkshire musical family. 136 He was later to become professional conductor at Black
Dike where, no doubt, he passed on some of Smith's teachings. With the prospect of
employment, and all the running expenses of the band covered by the company, there
109
were definite advantages for those lucky enough to be members of Saltaire band at this
time.
Salt was not typical of mill-owners of the period, but he paved the way for
others who attempted to help their workers by giving them a better environment in
which to live and work, with social facilities which included, in some cases, the
grammar school, after which he worked in the wool trade for some years prior to, in
1824, becoming a partner in his father's business, first as a wool buyer, and later in
manufacturing.
There are a number of parallels between Salt and the next mill-owner to be considered.
Resources for Black Dike Mills band were provided by another Bradford-based
industrialist and contemporary of Salt's, John Foster (1798-1879). His father was a
farmer and a colliery owner, less affluent than Salt's, but able to send his son to
Thornton Grammar School. On leaving there, he worked for a time with his father. In
1819, at the age of 21, he married Ruth Briggs, daughter of a landowner who lived at
Black Dike farm in Queenshead, and in the same year started his business as a wool
manufacturer. 137
Foster was one of several merchants operating in the area, and by 1835 some
700 cottage weavers were on his books. 138 This reflects not only the degree of his
success, but also the population explosion which was taking place. Barrett estimates that
whilst the population doubled between the years 1700 and 1800, it multiplied by 25
between 1800 and 1860. 139
Having built up good connections through the domestic system Foster, seeing
the success of mills in Halifax and Bradford, planned to build a factory in the hill-top
region between the two. He built his first mill in 1835 and employed 700 workers, in
addition to the 700 cottage weavers on his books, as the mill was concerned chiefly with
110
spinning, providing the weavers with yarn. In 1842 more land was purchased, including
the Black Dike farm, leading to the mills becoming known as Black Dike Mills. In 1843
a weaving shed housing 300 power looms was erected, 140 providing employment for
some of the cottage weavers, but also putting many of them out of work. However, by
Roads in the district were being improved, and by 1830 there were four toll bars,
with 11 stage coaches passing through daily, as well as wagons, carrying goods. Thus,
there had been major changes in the locality between the founding of Wharton's band
and that of the next known band in the district, the Queenshead band. Wharton's band
had been formed in 1816, though there is no indication as to when it ceased to exist, nor
when Foster was actually in membership. Russell and Elliot claims that 'Wharton's band
was disbanded through the loss of members by removal, but a new reed band arose in
1833 . '141
reached its zenith between 1838 and 1843, with 18 musicians.' 42 Some years later
players were lost by death, removal or other causes, and the vacancies could not be filled
by players with comparable talents. The report continues: 'When this state of things had
continued for some time, it was changed into a brass band, but that, apparently, did not
'Messrs. John Foster & Son, of Queensbury [sic], having lately become
acquainted with the depressed position of the band, determined to make an effort
themselves to raise it up again. Accordingly they have purchased from that
eminent maker, Mr. Joseph Higham. . . a new set of instruments which have this
week been delivered to the band, that in future is to be denominated 'Black Dike
Mills Band'. A new and talented leader, as well as several performers, have been
added to the band which now comprises 19 musicians; and Messrs. Foster have
also provided for them a comfortable room in which they will meet for
practising.'
Other band historians seem not to have been aware that the Queenshead band had
already converted to all-brass before Foster took it over. On taking over the band,
111
Foster is said to have provided the players with jobs in the miii, 143 though it is likely that
not to have been involved in their activities, suggesting that the inhabitants were
reasonably content. Though not building a new village, as Salt had done (un-necessary
anyway, as Queenshead was not in the same shocking state as Bradford), the Fosters
took a firm lead in enriching the lives of the villagers by, for example, setting up funds
for the building of the parish church in 1845 144 and donating 500 books to a Literary
In 1854, a Hall of Freedom was opened, but this was funded by public
subscription. The idea had been mooted three years earlier at a gala, at which
'Entertainment was provided by the Queenshead brass band (suggesting that the
conversion had already taken place by 1851) and a quadrille band'. 146 When the hail was
opened running costs were a problem, and amongst the scale of charges was: 'Band
rehearsals, Hall 1/6d'. This was possibly the last headquarters of the Queenshead band
prior to its becoming Black Dike Mills band and moving into premises provided by
Foster.
The Albert Memorial, funded by the Fosters, was erected in 1863, and on its
unveiling, amongst the organisations in the procession were Black Dike Mills and
Halifax Borough bands, the Band of the 4th West Yorkshire rifle volunteers (also from
Halifax) and Queensbury concertina band, 147 indicating that there was an active local
band movement. At about the same time, the district became known as Queensbury.
Galloway, except that he was bandmaster until 1862. It is possible that he had been a
key figure in the Queenshead band - perhaps its leader or bandmaster. Longbottom was
from Mixenden, near Halifax, and his former musical interests were in the organ and the
violin.
112
Black Dike, for whatever reasons, has been consistently successffil from 1860 to
the present day. The third band to be discussed had, like that at Saltaire, a period of
relative glory, but then melted into obscurity. It was founded at least ten years before the
Saltaire band came into being and Queenshead band became Black Dike but, like these
two, owed its existence to an industrialist.
Marriner's Ltd., worsted spinners, Keighley (see bibliography). The Marriner family
business was founded during the latter part of the eighteenth century. From 1817-1857
control was in the hands of two brothers, Benjamin and William, but following the
retirement of the latter, Benjamin retained control until 1866, when it passed to his two
sons. William Lister Marriner (1825-1908), the elder of these, was responsible for the
band. His maternal grandmother was a member of the Lister family - wealthy Bradford
mill-owners, and property belonging to this family came, through her, to the Marriners.
Lister then became a kind of family name, and William Lister Marriner was commonly
known as 'Lister'.'48
Ingle bases an Appendix on information taken from a book called The Origin
and Progress of the Caminando Band, unsourced, whilst Herbert makes reference to W.
must be one and the same document, and both writers quote the following, culled from
'As this brass band is formed for mutual amusement and instruction in music,
and, as peace and harmony are essential to its welfare, it is highly requisite that
no dispute or angry feeling should arise among its members, therefore for the
prevention of any such occurrence [sic], the following rules and regulations have
been adopted '150
The rules cover membership fees, choice of music, practice, absenteeism and voting.
113
Like John Clegg of Besses o' th' Barn, Lister Marriner played the keyed bugle
but, hearing a group of brass instrumentalists in Keighley in May 1844 (possibly the
Distins), he bought himself a cornopean and also helped a friend procure a trombone. 151
Though Herbert, referring to the minute book, states that 'as early as 1842 [Marriner],
was imposing monthly subscriptions on its members', 152 other sources give 12 January
1845 as the date when Marriner's band was formed, with a membership of five, 153 and
this would seem to be the more likely founding date. An instructor was appointed and
the first rehearsals took place in the mill's engine house. A number of local engagements
came the band's way, and the members decided to purchase a uniform. This amounted
merely to blue cloth caps trimmed with gold. 154 During its early years the band was run
on democratic lines, existing mainly for the pleasure of members, fulfilling engagements
In 1852 Marriner took control, paid the members for their shares in the music
(which had, presumably, been bought out of their subscriptions), provided new
venues. Marriner's role is underlined in the Keighley Year Book, 1877, which tells of 'the
'Since November, 1852, Mr. Marriner has provided instruments, music and uniform at
his sole cost.'155
During 1860, Marriner helped found the 35th Yorkshire West Riding volunteers.
In the following January his band joined the corps en masse, and members were
provided with military uniforms. 156 At the 1861 Crystal Palace contest the band's entry
was as 'W. L. Marriner's Band, and also the Band of the 35th Rifle Volunteer Corps'.
However, in 1862 it was called simply 'W. L. Marriner's Private Brass Band', 157 Despite
this, it must have remained a volunteer band, as it took part in a contest in 1865 for
Ingle supplies information about a number of band members. The first, William
Hainsworth Pickles, commenced work at Marriner's at the age of 18, joined the band a
114
year later, but worked as an overlooker for 47 years. His obituary 158 told of early
contest successes, how these led to an increased number of engagements and to a series
of concerts organised by Marriner. It also told of other bands being formed, of some
members being 'tempted away to Harden Mill to form a band there', 159 and of Marriner's
band being invited to play at the house of another local manufacturer who was
contemplating forming a band in nearby Haworth. These are interesting facts, and
works band.
of his dealings with some of the members. He wrote, for example, to one Asa
Waddington as follows:
'As intimated to you a short time ago, Jonathon [sic] Preston has applied for his
old place in the warehouse and in the Band and I have agreed to take him back. I
am therefore under the necessity of asking you to forego your place in the Band
for the present."6°
This suggests that Marriner involved himself in the 'hiring and firing' of players.
Underlining this, he wrote to a player called Calvert who had previously played with the
band, but who was now living in Hawick, Scotland. If he would agree to return,
20 shillings, in addition to which, jobs would be found for his children. He also offered
Calvert a cottage in the mill yard for a few days, to give him time to find a permanent
house. Calvert accepted, and Marriner sent £4 to help with the cost of moving back to
Keighley. Here is a ftirther example of significant advantages for a good working class
brass player.
Marriner's band seems to have been run as a socially-biased amateur village band
until 1852, when Marriner took over the management. 1852, therefore, is the date when
I would consider it became a works-sponsored band. Marriner died in 1908, having for
64 years provided all monies needed for running the band, apart from contest
115
expenses. 161 The bandsmen themselves probably paid these, sharing any prize monies
won. Marriner'S band was reasonably successful, and owed much of its success to the
Meitham Mills band pre-dates Marriner's by about two years, but there is some conflict
of opinion both about the date of its change from brass and reed to all-brass, and of
when and how it became a works band. The line taken in the official history of the band
is that it was formed circa 1843 and that conversion took place in 1846. Without
specifying dates, but with a hint that the very founding of the band depended on it, the
history states: 'Jonas Brook, head of the cotton thread mill at Meitham Mills, was the
man behind Meitham Mills band, and over the years he and his family served the band
with distinction.'162
Mills prize band'. 163 This reports the death of a founder bandsman, Joseph Preston, who
had been a foreman joiner at Meltham Mills, a bombardon player in the band from the
time of its conversion, and a trumpet player in the original brass and reed band. It gives
the date of formation of the original band as 1842, but gives William Leigh Brook (of
Jonas Brook and Brothers) the credit for the band's founding, stating that, 'Fully
appreciating the value of music as a healthy relaxation and as a means of refinement and
education, [he] resolved to establish a band in the village.' The report further states that
'the reed band continued until about thirty years since [sic] when it was re-established as
An 1896 version of the band's history 164 gives 1843 as the founding date of the
brass and reed band which, it maintains, 'continued as such until about 40 years ago,
when it was altered to a brass band' - suggesting 1856 as the approximate date of
change. It can thus, with reasonable certainty, be said that there was a brass and reed
band in Meltham by 1843; but the conflict of opinion about the date of conversion is
116
worth ftirther investigation. 1846 (the earliest suggested date) is a plausible enough
claim, as instruments were available by then, but acceptance of the other two dates, or
their mean (1855) would bring the conversion into line with the trend towards works
brass bands in the 1850s, and also raises the possibility that it was at this time that the
local mill-owner started to take an interest - as was the case in Saltaire, Queenshead and
Keighley. The early Whitsuntide processions, said to have been led by the newly-formed
brass band, could quite easily have been accompanied by the brass and reed band and I
was, therefore, tempted to side with the later date, especially as it was claimed in two
Regarding the commencement of links with the mills, the 1896 report states: 'It is
to the support and interest taken in the Meltham Mills Band by Messrs. Jonas Brook and
Bros., that it has been enabled to carve for itself a reputation votth'j of the firm b
which it originated." 65 These comments reportedly from, and about, the involvement of
the Brook family make interesting reading, but I was suspicious of them, mainly because
the early 1 840s were a time of great industrial unrest and of Chartist activities. The
Huddersfield district had been rife with agitators, almost since the end of the Napoleonic
wars. Marsden and Longroyd Bridge (both within a few miles of Meitham) have been
quoted as seats of rebellion, and in fact, in the year 1842, the Chartists' destruction of
machinery was at its height. 1842 was also the year of the Plug Riots', when insurgents
from Stalybridge marched over the Pennines, drawing plugs from engines and
incapacitating every mill they passed. One of the mills named as a casualty is that of
'Messrs. Brooks, Meitham Mills'. 166 This seems hardly the time for a mill-owner to be
extolling the virtues of music; nor is there any evidence to suggest that the band at that
time could claim to be 'worthy of the firm by which it originated'. In fact, for more than
15 years beyond 1855, there is no hint that it was more than an average village band,
involved in normal village activities, with occasional ventures into the contest field. Here
there was some success, but nothing more spectacular than fifth prizes at Belle Vue in
117
An article in a 1904 edition of Brass Band News, reporting the death of Edward
Brook of Meitham Mills, throws much light on the early history of the band and virtually
confirms my theory about the date of conversion and of the time when the firm became
involved with the band. It is signed 'R. S.' - probably indicating that it was written by
Meltham's former trombone soloist Richard Stead. It claimed that 'Meitham Mills Band,
like many others, had to struggle on almost alone at its inception some seventy years
ago', and recalled the time when serpent, bass horn, trumpet, piccolo and flute were in
use, and when 'the drum was considered with reverence and was destined to fill up many
a gap in the music'. It went on to state that the band converted to brass 'about 50 years
ago', that a bandmaster and a conductor were engaged, and that the band played in
several contests without success. Later, the band won a few prizes, heard of Gladney,
and approached the firm of Jonas Brook for help. The plea was heard sympathetically
and 'Mr. Gladney was engaged and is still professional bandmaster.' Though a clarinettist
in the Hallé Orchestra Gladney was unknown as a conductor. However, the firm paid his
fees, purchased new instruments and uniforms, provided a practice-room and gave an
This was excellent news for the band, even though there were conditions: first,
the band was not to play in a public house in the neighbourhood, it was never to practice
on Sunday, but it must play for the local Sunday school on Whit Mondays. Other results
of the company's support were that there were no players' subscriptions, that contest
winnings were divided amongst the players and any instrument won in competition, if
not needed by the band was sold, and its proceeds shared. Edward Brook had been very
proud of the band and had doubled the prize money won at one contest per year, of the
band's own choosing. He was also generous to the village and the villagers, rebuilding
the Parish Church, building the Town Hall, and fttnding a recreation ground. On his
death, some 1,200 workpeople each received a gift of £5.168
Though there is doubt about the claim that the band was formed 'some seventy'
years before the writing of the tribute (taking it back to the 1830s), the evidence now
118
seems to be overwhelmingly in favour of the mid-1850s as the date of conversion. It
would seem that, as with the Queenshead band, the all-brass band was already in
existence when the band became attached to the works, and it is interesting to see how
Brook was setting certain moral standards in return for his philanthropy.
Kingston Mill was built around the turn of the eighteenth century in Hyde, Cheshire, was
owned by the Sidebotham family, and was so-named because of similarities between the
area where it was built and parts of Kingston, Jamaica, where one of the Sidebothams
owned some estates. 169 The early history of the band is recorded in an article in the
North Cheshire Herald' 7 ° headed, 'Kingston Mills Band - its origins, progress and
success - a retrospect'. It is from this source that most of the following is culled.
The idea of forming the band came from an employee, John Smith, who worked
as an oiler, and who had been a keyed bugle player in nearby Levenshulme band. He and
a group of enthusiasts met and agreed to ask John Sidebotham, the owner of the mill, if
they could borrow £30 with which to purchase instruments. Sidebotham thought that
this sum would be of little use but, as he approved of the idea, promised to buy the
Instruments were ordered from Higham of Manchester, and John Eliwood (see
page 83 above) was engaged as tutor. Joseph Higham, who supplied the new
instruments about a month after supplying Black Dike's instruments had, according to
his obituary (see extract from this on page 78 above), formed a company band in
1852. 171 A poem about Kingston Mills band, penned by James Weston some years after
its founding, 172 recalls that Higham brought his band to Hyde on the occasion of the
delivery of the instruments. The poem also suggests that some of the would-be members
of the new band were non-players at the time. The poem is reproduced in full as
Appendix 7
119
Sidebotham provided the practice room, and within six months of the arrival of
the instruments the new band, with 18 members, was able to head the local Whitsuntide
procession. This was a tribute to the generosity of Sidebotham, and another good
example of the quality of life of a community being enhanced through industrial support
of a brass band.
A problem faced by many bands, including Kingston Mills, was the acquisition of
new music. Band parts were still hand-written, and the report says that as much as 15
shillings had to be paid for a set of quadrilles. To cover the cost of this and other
incidentals, members contributed one shilling per week, taken out of their weekly wages,
which suggests that all band members worked at Kingston. This was a considerable sum
- at least five per cent of gross earnings for most of them. Even when firmly established,
the band went through unsettled periods. One, during which the band 'was practically
annihilated' was at the time of the cotton famine, resulting from the American Civil War
(1861-1865). Unemployment was rife and many bandsmen resigned, unable to pay their
weekly subscription. But despite this, changes in conductors and in places of rehearsal,
the band survived, and was to see better times in the 1870s.
in the Hyde district. The first was awarded to the winner of a race, part of the newly-
inaugurated Hyde Athletic Sports Day. Higham was not happy with this arrangement,
decreeing that in future, the instrument must be awarded through musical success - in
effect, a band contest. This was the spur which Kingston Mills band needed, and in order
to increase their chances, they obtained the services of John Gladney - at about the same
as he had taken over at Meltham. The ploy worked and the band won two new comets
in the competition.
It is amazing what favours such success can buy. I have experienced it in my
own career in brass bands, as a literal wave of euphoria sweeps through the community
and suddenly, for the time being, finance ceases to be a problem. In this same year
(1872) a new uniform was purchased - paid for by public subscription. Filled with
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confidence, the members of the band played outside the house of their original
benefactor. Moved with what he heard, Sidebotham asked if there was anything they
required; the outcome was that the band returned to its former home in the mills for
the report. On its return the band was greeted by thousands of well-wishers, waiting
outside Denton railway station to welcome their 'heroes' home. Such was the enthusiasm
Here were five bands which received tangible help from industrialists. Black Dike,
Meitham and Marriner's each existed before the sponsorship commenced - the two
former first as village brass and reed bands before converting to all-brass, and the latter
being formed initially as a brass band. Saltaire and Kingston Mills bands, on the other
hand, were formed from scratch, both probably at the request of workmen who already
played brass instruments. All were supported by philanthropic mill-owners, with the
Lister Marriner was, during the early years of the band's existence, the mill-
owner's son, and in 1852 he virtually bought the existing band, looked after its day-to-
day running, controlling players, engagements, music and finance. He seems to have run
the band as part of the business, and there is little to suggest any great degree of
philanthropy in his attitude towards it. It is unlikely that the other four owners
concerned themselves with such details, though they would certainly want to know
about the progress of the respective bands, and to what kind of use their money was
being put.
The members of the early Marriner's band had paid a weekly subscription of two
pence, and there can be little doubt that the two village bands (Queenshead and
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Meitham) would also have demanded a subscription from members, but this would not
apply to Saltaire. However, from its formation, Kingston Mills members were required
to pay quite heavily for the privilege of playing in the band - one shilling per week.
Benefits to the bands varied. In the case of Saltaire and Black Dike it was a case
conductors and, seemingly, employment if required. It is also possible that, as with some
of the other bands, players were entitled to a share in any contest prize monies won.
Meltham and Marriner's were certainly able to do this. In reality, the cost to the owners
of allowing bands to keep prize monies would be relatively small in the early years, but
even a modest few pounds per year would be very welcome to the players.
Kingston Mills band seems to have enjoyed fewer privileges than the other
bands. Though all its members probably worked in the mills, apart from the initial set of
instruments and possibly the provision of a conductor, the band had to be self-
supporting - buying music, uniforms and other equipment, repairing or replacing the
instruments as necessary, and paying its own contest expenses. These would all come
from the weekly subscription. There also seems to have been a period when the band's
connections with the mill were somewhat tenuous, as it had to find its own
accommodation. Perhaps Sidebotham made a charge for the use of his premises, and as
The occupations of some of the bandsmen calls for comment, and again,
information is taken from the respective Crystal Palace entry forms. There is a certain
parity between those of the Black Dike and Saltaire members in that the majority of each
worked on various processes in the preparation of the yarn, whilst each also had a small
number of craftsmen, who may have worked in the maintenance section of the mills.
Table 9 gives more detail about the occupations of the members of Black Dike and
Saltaire bands - based on those declared on the 1860 and 1861 Crystal Palace entry
forms, and a comparative table of wages from 1857, described as 'a close approximation
to the actual wages paid per week to various classes of workmen' in Saltaire.'73
122
Table 9 Occupations of members of Black Dyke and Saltaire bands
At Meitham eight band members were occupied in ordinary mill jobs, whilst there was a
stone-mason, a wood turner, a joiner, two mechanics and a store-keeper, some of whom
were on the mill's maintenance staff. But there was also a publican, a rag merchant and
an engine driver - obviously not connected with the mills. This reflects the wider
catchment area at Meitham, and even though two-thirds of Meitham's members worked
for Jonas Brook's, the remainder did not, and at no point has it been suggested that band
automatically live in the village and work in the mills, whilst at Black Dike, all the
members worked in the mills and would very probably live in Queenshead (or
Queensbury, as it was called from 1863). Not all members of Meitham Mills band lived
in the village - some had to walk up to three miles to rehearsal, and hence the wider
range of occupations.
The impact of the works bands was both dramatic and long-term, but it helped create an
elite segment of the brass band movement. By taking the upper echelons of the
movement forward, the potential was created for the remainder to follow, but it would
123
be impossible to do this without widespread help. This came with the re-mustering of
the volunteer movement, dormant for many years but, in 1859, revived as a matter of
urgency. After the Napoleonic wars there was a period of peace in Europe lasting almost
40 years, following which the British Army was involved in the Crimean War (1853-
1856), the Indian Mutiny (1857-1859) and the China War (1857-1860), Meanwhile,
France's Napoleon Ill, nephew of Bonaparte, had become Emperor. Following a threat
on his life by an Italian terrorist, England was accused of sheltering the would-be
assassin, and the British Ambassador was publicly insulted. Anglo-French relations
voluntary military activities from early times until 1859, in Rifleman Form, Beckett
gives details of the volunteers from 1859 until 1908, at which time the force was re-
organised as the Territorial Army, whilst Tamplin outlines the work of the volunteers in
a particular part of London. Lomas has undertaken a very detailed and informative study
of the volunteers, in particular its financing, and how this affected amateur bands in
southern England.'75
enthusiasm, and in the first few years financed by generosity'. 176 The consequence for
bands was that, as Taylor puts it, 'The new volunteer corps, heavily subsidised and of
course officered by the upper and middle classes, absorbed and encouraged brass bands,
often providing rehearsal rooms, instruments and uniforms'.' 77 The volunteers were
supplementary to the regular army and the militia, and though the force as a whole
from the lower middle classes. 178 Many joined from patriotic motives, but there was
also an expectation of o pportunities for social climbing. The great surge of interest in
the first two years is reflected in the number of corps established - 133 in 1859 and 579
in 1860, but only 36 in 1861.179
124
Members of the gentry were vital in the early years, their presence and financial
support helping to establish the movement. However, the majority of upper middle class
members left during 1862-1863, as did many from the lower middle classes when social
climbing opportunities failed to materialise. This made the volunteers more reliant on
members of the artisan class and, naturally, had an adverse effect on finance. From 1863,
therefore, it was necessary for the Government to provide a capitation grant to enable
the volunteers to continue. 180 Many corps found the grant inadequate and had to
organise fund-raising events, often with the aid of the band. Bands, however, were part
of the problem; though considered by many to be a necessary ingredient, they were not
reviews, camps, company and battalion drills, and an annual inspection were essential.
There were also Easter reviews, which helped popularise the volunteers, and aided
recruiting. 181 Bands took part in many of these activities and were seen as desirable and
even, in some cases, essential. In the short term, the effects of the volunteer movement
on bands, from 1859, was even greater than that of the industrialists, and there were
A few new bands were created, but the majority were existing bands which
linked up with the volunteers. Inevitably, the quality of the volunteer band was related to
the quality of its fore-runner, but at whatever level this was, there were opportunities to
(i) finance was available (at first), for buying or repairing instruments and for the
purchase of music and uniforms, rehearsal facilities were readily available, and it
was often possible to appoint an experienced conductor;
(ii) there were now more performance opportunities, existing engagements being
supplemented by the requirements of the corps; and
(iii) the financial benefits became two-fold, because bands were not only
receiving a share (often much more than their fair share) of corps funds plus
donations from the officers, but also, due to the patriotic overtones of the
125
volunteers, fund-raising tended to be easier than it had been formerly (see
comments about Bramley band on page 154 below).
Many employers supported the force in its early years, encouraging their employees to
become volunteers. Saltaire and Marriner's were just two of many sponsored bands
Bands were an attractive part of the corps, the volunteers themselves finding it
much easier to march with a band than without. There were, in fact, several examples of
senior officers defending the costliness of the band with this argument. The general
public were also far more impressed with a column of soldiers with a band at its head
Lomas unearths a great detail of financial argument and intrigue, but the primary
purpose of this section of the thesis is to investigate the effects of the volunteers on the
northern contesting scene, also, not without its moments of intrigue. Bands of the
volunteers produced some quite spectacular results at Belle Vue between 1860 and
1869. Table 10 shows the five most successful bands in the decade, along with major
prizes won, and the county of the bands. All were attached to the volunteers.
The Bacup band had been formed in the village of Broadclough circa 1855, 182 and
when the volunteers were established in 1859 it became, almost immediately, the band of
the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers. It was to become the most successful band of the
decade, and will shortly be discussed in detail. The 4th West Yorkshire rifles band from
Halifax had existed for a mere seven months before the 1860 Belle Vue contest,183
which it duly won. It is likely, therefore, that this was one of the bands actually forrried
126
as a volunteer band. It repeated its success at Belle Vue in the following year, drawing
the following press comment: 'The playing of the Halifax band was characterised by
great precision, good quality of tone, the solo parts being exceedingly well
performed.' 184 This does not sound like the performance of a band of virtual beginners,
so it may reasonably be assumed that on its foundation, it attracted some of the town's
better players. Further confirmation of this lies in the fact that the band had won first
prizes in contests at York and Bradford in between the Belle Vue wins. 185 In 1862 the
band entered for the Belle Vue contest but did not compete, and its one remaining
appearance there was in 1864, when it was unsuccessful. The only other reference I have
found to this band is in a report of the death of a William Webster, a former member of
the 4th West Yorkshire rifles band. This, the report implied, had later become the Band
of the 1St Duke of Wellington's West Riding Regiment, suggesting that the volunteer
Table 11 The record of Dewsbury band at Belle Vue from 1860
Dewsbury band was mentioned on page 86 as being one of the most consistent Belle
Vue entrants during the 1850s and 1860s. This must be the same band in each of the
years shown in Table 11, despite inconsistencies with the name. It seems to have been
one of those bands which was attached to the volunteers for only a short time - about a
127
The 17th Lancashire volunteers (Burnley) band came to the fore during the
second half of the 1 860s, appearing at Belle Vue each year from 1866 to 1871, taking
first and second prizes in 1868 and 1869. Burnley's greatest claim to fame, however,
came in 1871 when, conducted by John Gladney, it secured 5th prize. This was
Burnley's last appearance at Belle Vue, but Gladney's first, and it heralded one of the
The saga of the last of the bands in Table 10 rivals some of the intrigues
uncovered by Lomas in his investigation into the finances of the volunteers. Formed in
1860 and from early times known as Matlock prize band, its first members worked in a
quarry owned by a George Knowles, who seems also to have been the band's first
conductor. 187 The band made sufficient progress to appear at Belle Vue in 1864,
earning fourth prize, under Knowles. Solo cornet player Jack Naylor then became
leader, and under his leadership, as Matlock Bath, the band took third prize in 1865,
moving into second place in the following year as Matlock Bridge - still with Naylor as
leader. In this year he also conducted an unsuccessftil Clay Cross band, from a village
some miles west of Matlock. The rumpus caused in 1867, when Naylor took a
composite band made up of players from Clay Cross, Matlock and Chesterfield to Belle
Vue and won first prize, was discussed on pages 89-90 above. This was a very large
catchment area and the band, as Clay Cross 3rd Cheshire rifles, was obviously a hand-
picked team of players assembled for the occasion and masquerading as a local volunteer
band. The name Clay Cross does not appear again in the Belle Vue lists, though Matlock
volunteers returned in 1869 and 1870, still led by Naylor and taking second prize on
both occasions. In view of Lomas's revelations, one would assume that money changed
hands in the formation of both Matlock and Clay Cross volunteer bands, and that it was
Turning to the 1 860s series of Crystal Palace contests, with reports in various
newspapers, and results of all four contests plus the two second-day events in 1860 and
1861 provided by Taylor, the impact of the volunteers is less clear, partly because of the
128
short duration of the series, and by the possibility that bands were not given their full
names in the reports. In 1860, only one named volunteer band seems to have reached the
play-off for the final 12 bands, and this was Chesterfield. It was not awarded a prize,
though it took fourth prize on the second day. 188 The 1861 contest attracted more
volunteer bands (partly because by now more bands had become volunteers), even
though there were far fewer bands in total. Amongst the volunteer bands which played
were:
The Darlington band had competed in the 1860 contest as Darlington saxhorn band, so
must have enlisted during the intervening 12 months, as had the Saltaire and Keighley
bands.
Newark (Sherwood rangers). None of these were awarded prizes. 190 Chesterfield was
also present, but is not shown as a volunteers band. Again, according to Taylor's list of
prize-winners, none of the successful bands in 1863 were from the volunteers.
Though not conclusive, these figures suggest that successful volunteer bands
reached a peak in 1861. A fuller picture is gained through analysis of the Belle Vue
contests, shown in full in Appendix 8. Here again, the 1861 figures show a peak relative
to preceding and succeeding years - parallel with the surge in the number of units
formed in those years, and following the large number of corps formed in 1860. There
were heavy fluctuations during the first six years, reflecting the lack of stability in the
volunteers during that time, with an all-time peak in 1864, when half ofthe bands taking
129
part were from the volunteers, possibly a reflection of bands struggling during the time
of the cotton famine and being forced to enlist. Figures then stabilized for seven years
before tapering off to a fairly low level, reflecting a cooling-off of enthusiasm for the
I return now to one of the earliest of the volunteer bands and the most successful
brass band of the 1 860s. This was the band of the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers, later
known as Bacup Old. Its history is contained in a booklet, Reminiscences of the Bacup
Old Band, being a series of extracts from the Bacup Times of 1893, edited by John
Leach and published in 1908 (see bibliography). This means that, even though the
reports are somewhat biased, the booklet is more reliable than many other similar
booklets, because it is based largely on contemporary newspaper reports rather than the
memories of older bandsmen. The band was originally formed, circa 1855 (see page 126
above, and footnote 182 on page 163 below), in the village of Broadclough in the
township of Bacup, by John Stevenson, its soprano cornet player and first leader. No
details of the band are given except that very quickly 'it got into low condition'. 191 Two
things happened which saved it from extinction - the demise of a band attached to St.
John's Church, Bacup, and interest shown by two local musicians - brothers-in-law, and
both called James Lord. One, the choirmaster at a local Wesleyan Chapel had a son,
John, who had been leader of St. John's band, which was disbanded shortly after the
formation of Broadclough, though there is no hint as to whether the new band was the
cause, the effect, or of no significance in the demise of the old. It could be that the
church band had been brass and reed, and that Broadclough was just one of many
examples of conversion to brass. Lord and several other former members of St. John's
joined the new band which, within a few years, linked up with the volunteers. Stevenson
remained leader until 1860, after which he became the band's euphonium player, the
duties of leader being taken over by Lord. His family was to be a corner-stone of the
band throughout its existence. Amongst the family members, in addition to John, there
was his father (James) and two brothers, and their uncle (James) and his two sons.192
130
Following its insecure beginnings, on becoming a volunteer band in 1859193
there was an immediate up-turn in its fortunes, as 'the gentlemen of the district begat 1 to
George Ellis was appointed tutor, and it may be assumed that his fees would be part of
There is virtually no further comment in the booklet about the band's activities in
connection with the volunteers, though its resignation from the force in the spring of
1870 indicates that its volunteer duties were such that it was unable to continue fulfilling
them in addition to its 'civilian' engagements. This seems to have been readily accepted,
and a band from the neighbouring village of Newchurch, became the 4th Lancashire rifle
Lord, probably guided by Ellis, had great success, the tally of prizes in the 48
contests attended by Bacup between 1 September 1862 and 5 September 1871 (the
parameters of its contesting activities) included 33 firsts, eight seconds, two thirds and
four fourths. During eight years of contesting as the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers
band, prizes to the value of over £1,100 were won, and in the band's first year away
from the volunteers this was increased by a further £297 14s. The band attended only
two contests in 1871; the first was duly won, but the second was the more formidable
Belle Vue September Contest. Twice in its short history Bacup had won this contest in
two successive years, 1864/1865 and 1869/1870. It was, in 1871 therefore, for the
second time, attempting a hat-trick of wins at Belle Vue - a feat which at the time had
never been achieved. On a day of high tensions the judges requested to hear again no
fewer than six of the 16 competing bands before announcing their decision. Though
awarded prizes for the best cornet and soprano cornet players, Bacup Old ended in third
place. 196 Despite this, the band had created a record with its 33 first prizes in 43
selection contests attended, and claimed a further record between iS May 1869 and 22
July 1871, by winning thirteen first prizes in succession.197 The contest successes of the
131
Not surprisingly, Bacup's concerts were quite serious affairs; on 28 October
1865 they participated in a joint concert in Pudsey with Burnley Valley choral society
and on 4 November, a joint concert in Bacup with Trawden band (of which Lord was
professional conductor) lasted over three hours. 198 Leach states that at this time the
band was 'inundated with engagements to attend concerts, social gatherings, etc.' 199 At
a concert on 26 October 1867, following the debacle at Belle Vue when the so-called
Clay Cross band deprived Bacup of a hat-trick of wins, Bacup gave a concert in the
local Mechanics' Institute. There was a full house and 'hundreds were turned away', as
the band played selections from Der Freischutz, Maritana and The Amber Witch, and
arrangements of Handel's Worthy is the Lamb' and the 'Amen Chorus'. Two weeks later
at another concert, two of these selections (it is not stated which) were replaced by
selections from Gemma di Vergy (Donizetti) and William Tell. 200 Thus, the band had a
After taking the name Bacup Old, success continued to come the band's way.
However, this was short-lived. The death of George Ellis on 8 October 1871 proved to
be the beginning of the end of the band. 201 Another factor in its demise was the
departure of several key players who, formerly employed in mills, with regular (if long)
working hours, had now gone into businesses of various kinds - some as publicans - in
which they were unable to give the time and dedication necessary to maintain the band's
high standard. 202 Prior to all this it had become the pre-eminent band of its day, and
throughout its existence Ellis was tutor, and Lord its leader/conductor.
The question must be asked, why should a band such as this disappear so
rapidly? Though seemingly efficiently run, there appears to have been no policy for the
grew old so did its members. Some entered other walks of life and some emigrated,
while others just grew tired or ill. At least two of the members, John Lord and Richard
Marsden (solo euphonium), became well-known and in demand as professional players,
132
conductors and adjudicators, both - for a time - attached to another band which was
A number of temperance bands have already been mentioned, but the move towards
such bands gained momentum towards the end of the period under review. Therefore, it
seems appropriate to examine their history and motives. Temperance is, of course,
closely linked with nonconformism, which flourished in industrial towns and urban areas
- the very places where brass bands also thrived. Skilled manual workers and artisans
such as those found in bands formed the largest social group within chapel population.
Neither the aristocracy not the gentry were, on the whole, attracted to nonconformism,
but merchants and manufacturers were, and many young men viewed chapel as a place
On the other hand, the local public house played a large part in the lives of the
Victorian poor. Wages were often paid on a Saturday night, resulting in much spending
in public houses, which became rather like community centres, often with facilities for
reading newspapers, holding committee meetings and even attending a docto?s surgery.
There were also representatives of Friendly Societies, burial clubs and trade unions on
hand, providing a variety of ways of reducing take-home pay. Poor people's music halls'
were often attached to public houses, and frequented by labourers and artisans,
bandsmen amongst them. 203 Many people were shocked by the amount of drunkenness
found amongst workers from the 1 850s and, in line with nonconformist ideals, attacked
both drinkers and makers of drink. The campaign was spear-headed by the temperance
organisation was founded in Ireland in 1829, spreading first to Scotland and then to
England and Wales.204
133
Many bands were initially connected with Sunday schools, missions and other
religious institutions, though few such connections lasted very long. 205 The same
applied, on a larger scale, to bands attracted to the temperance movement. The long-
term problem was that though on the founding of a mission or temperance band, all its
members were in sympathy with the ideals of the chapel or society, with the passage of
time it became increasingly difficult to replace players with others who possessed the
The Bramley band claimed to be the first temperance band, having been
established as such in 1836. 206 There was also a Leeds Temperance band in the late
1840s (see page 52 above). The next recorded teetotal band is Mossley temperance
saxhorn band, the first to use a full set of saxhorns, and winner of the 1853 Belle Vue
contest (see page 84 above). The elation of early success for this band seems to have
given way to disillusionment at later failure, and at apathy in a community which would
not support its band. This resulted in an inability to purchase more up-to-date
instruments, and several members moving to other musical appointments. Fees from
engagements were ploughed back into band funds but this was insufficient to keep the
band solvent. With little or no outside help the band was unable to survive, and in 1868
instruments and other properties were sold to meet the band's liabilities.207
None of these bands seem to have had any connections with a temperance
society, but their founder-members would all be teetotal. Many later temperance bands
were founded by groups of bandsmen who could no longer tolerate the behaviour of the
bands of which they were members. Several towns and villages had both types of band,
and there was often bitterness and friction between the two. For example, a band had
existed since 1856 in the village of Wyke, near Bradford, but when Wyke temperance
band was founded in 1869 208 'from the remnants of the local Band of Hope Union
drum-and-fife band' 209 bad feelings festered, especially when the temperance band began
beating the other one (by then known as Wyke Old band) at contests.
134
Wyke temperance band was to become a very successful combination later in the
century, as was Wingates, perhaps the most famous temperance band of all, dating from
1873. This came into being as a drum and fife band, formed by members of a Bible class
at Wingates Independent Methodist Church. Taylor gives a good account of its early
history. He claims that during a parade of the Good Templar's Lodge210 in the village of
Westhoughton, the elders 'were astounded and mortified to see the musicians who were
leading the procession stop, and nip smartly into a pub for refreshment.' 211 Russell and
Elliot maintains that 'A player from an established local ensemble - presumably of a
secular character - had rashly challenged the Bible students to compete with him and his
companions on non-scriptural ground.' 212 If the band's own current publicity material is
accurate, this challenge came from members of Westhoughton Old band, formed in
1858 . 213 Returning to Taylor's account: within a year the Good Templars spent £200 on
brass instruments, and a new all-brass band was formed. Wingates' publicity suggests
that this was a loan with which, along with the proceeds of fund-raising events, a set of
second-hand instruments was bought. The original name of the band was Wingates
Good Templars band, but from circa 1878 it became known as Wingates temperance
band.
wing of the brass band movement. The reason for the formation of many temperance
bands was as a reaction to the drunkenness and unruly behaviour prevalent in many
traditional brass bands. It is unlikely that all members of temperance bands were total
abstainers, but they would be expected to drink in moderation - and beer only, not
spirits. Whilst it might have been relatively easy to find a group who wished to form a
band of beginners, as bands became more proficient and better players were required, it
suitable calibre. This eventually led to some so-called temperance bands becoming
anything but temperate, and causing them eventually to drop the word from their names.
135
Though there is no evidence to suggest that temperance bands received financial
help from the temperance movement, they often played at temperance rallies, for which
they were presumably paid fees. These may well have helped towards the acquisition of
the bands' first music and instruments. They were also occasionally granted loans,
perhaps had preferential rates when hiring temperance halls in which to rehearse, and
must certainly have benefited from the security of being in sympathy with an established
and respected society. When seeking donations or subscriptions from local people they
would undoubtedly receive a more sympathetic hearing than certain other bands which
may have brought an element of disrepute to the community through their behaviour. As
the ideals of the temperance movement became more widely accepted, and with the
formation of more temperance societies, what might be called the 'temperance band
movement' also increased - slowly in the 1850s and 1860s, more quickly in the 1870s
and 1880s, but thereafter facing decline, partly through the arrival of the Salvation
Army, strongly in favour of temperance, but quickly forming its own wing of the brass
band movement.
are some concerning bands attached to Friendly Societies. These, neither necessarily
contributions to funds used to ease hardships in times of illness, old age and death.
Amongst the names of Friendly Societies which used or supported bands were the
Shepherds, the Oddfellows, the Druids and the Foresters. In Stalybridge, an early
bastion of the amateur band, a band was formed in 1832 known as The Shepherds' band,
all its members belonging to the Ancient Order of Shepherds Friendly Society. 214 The
International Order of Oddfellows seems not to have promoted its own bands, but it
certainly provided engagements for them at its demonstrations. The name of the Druids
appears from time to time as, for example, in the history of Dannemora Steel Works
band of Sheffield, with roots going back at least to 1873, when Sheffield had a Druids'
136
Band. 215 There was, and still is, an Ancient Order of Foresters, which has a band
today, even though there was a time when they did not exist. Many writers - for example
Hampson in his 1896 book about Besses o' th' Barn band - refer to bandmasters and
conductors quite freely, with no regard for the fact that such terms did not always exist
in band circles.
Even in opera and the orchestra, the term 'conductor' did not appear until the
nineteenth century. Orchestras were led, often jointly by the leading violinist and the
keyboard player. Their role was not so much to interpret as to set the tempo and keep
the orchestra together. The art of conducting developed, along with the orchestra, from
about 1830, arId by mid-century was accepted not only as normal, but as vital, given the
types of music by then being composed. The military band, as was seen on page 15, had
its 'master of the band' who, like the early leader of the orchestra, both played and took
charge. Not until the early 1 850s was the baton used - at about the same time the term
'bandmaster' replaced 'master of the band'. James Smyth (1826-1885), of the Royal
Artillery, seems to have consolidated the position and role of the army bandmaster. He
was appointed bandmaster of the Royal Artillery in 1854, and was influential in the
establishment of the Royal Military School of Music, Kneller Hall, in 1857 . 2 16 Smyth
became a regular brass band adjudicator, and also arranged set test pieces for the Crystal
It follows, then, that those in charge of civilian wind bands would continue being
called leaders up to and beyond 1850. They taught the bandsmen, often arranged the
music, and played and directed whenever the band performed. With the introduction of
137
the title 'bandmaster' in the military band, the brass band's leader would also, gradually,
adopt the same title, the use of which would surely be precipitated by the volunteers.
The term 'conductor' certainly seems to have been applied to some of the band
trainers or tutors in the late 1 850s and early 1 860s, for example Richard Smith and
Samuel Longbottom (of Black Dike). How much of their role was as time beater and
how much as conductor it is impossible to say. Smith played whenever he was allowed
to, but when this was forbidden he would need to control the performance with his
hands. Longbottom did not play a brass instrument, therefore he would always direct
with his hands. He appears to have been a reluctant conductor, however, often leaving
the control of the performance to his bandmaster. There are many reports of Smith,
Enderby Jackson and others conducting massed bands during the course of a day's
contesting. Early examples would have probably been mere time-beating; later, they
perhaps became a little more sophisticated but, one imagines, without achieving the
finesse associated with conducting as it is known today. It is my view that the first bona
fide brass band conductor was John Gladney. As a clarinettist in the Hallé Orchestra, he
would be au fail with the work of Charles Hallé and contemporary developments in
orchestral conducting.
But even by the time of the early Belle Vue contests many bands did not have a
conductor, so the leader - generally either the clarinet, soprano or solo cornet player -
controlled the band's performance, in the same way that the military band's 'master' did.
a wide musical experience but also with an intimate knowledge of the brass band, its
possibilities and limitations. James Melling was such a person; he is known to have
conducted Belle Vue, City Royal, Stalybridge and Besses o' th' Barn bands, (and
probably several others), but he died in 1870, at the age of 41,217 and therefore did not
Richard Smith was the first of a line of major brass band conductors. There are
no details of his early life beyond the fact that he may have played in the band of a
138
travelling menagerie. 218 In an article in The London Illustrated News219 about the 1861
Crystal Palace brass band contest (won by Saltaire, conducted by Smith) some career
details were given. He was described as one of the best of cornet players who, through
his conducting successes, was styled 'The Champion Teacher of Yorkshire'. Bands under
his direction had already won 62 prizes, in addition to other items, including batons,
instruments and cups. Smith's early successes at Belle Vue (1854-1861) were with the
Railway Foundry (Leeds) and Leeds (Smith's) bands, and he had further successes in the
1860s with Saltaire. He also earned a prize with his Leeds Model Band and may have
Successful conductors often became associated with more than one band at a
time. Smith was possibly the first of these, but he removed himself from the conducting
scene when he took his publishing business to London in 1878. John Lord (1839-1890),
circumstances and worked in a mill from the age of seven. From the time of the cotton
received a basic education. His father and grandfather had musical interests, and his first
involvement was singing in a church choir. He played the cornet from circa 1848 and
took part in his first contest in 1856.220 Lord seems not to have had any formal musical
training, and later he made his living as a publican; therefore, he could not be regarded
with Trawden band, some success with Dewsbury (see Table 11, page 127), and also
made an unsuccessful appearance at Belle Vue with Newchurch band, which had
succeeded Bacup as the local volunteer band. He also, for over 20 years, conducted
139
apprenticeship as a joiner he had toured with Wombwell's band, later becoming its
leader. Tiring of the itinerant life, he settled in Blackburn, where he 'began a career as
teacher of numerous brass bands in east Lancashire and west Yorkshire'. 221 These
obviously included Bacup, and he would doubtless make a good living from his work
Dewsbury Old band had, in John Peel, a good leader who directed them in a
employed other conductors, especially as Peel grew older, including Greenwood Firth -
Black Dike's solo trombonist, J. W. Tidswell - one-time conductor of the Belle Vue and
Wombwell's bands, and John Lord. In this respect, Dewsbury helped pioneer the two-
conductor system which was to become popular. In addition to Dewsbury's Belle Vue
successes, it also had a good success rate in local contests, some of which are listed in
Appendix 13. One of these (that on 4 May 1870) suggests that at that time there was
We now trace the progress of some of the bands already discussed, observing the
fhnctions of their conductors and bandmasters. Throughout its existence Bacup OldJ4th
Lancashire rifle volunteer band, had George Ellis as its tutor, as well as John Lord as
leader/conductor. Lord's involvement has already been discussed. Ellis took much of the
credit for the band's success, but though he occasionally played euphonium with the
years. From its founding in 1855 there was both a leader/bandmaster and a professional
conductor. The first pair, appointed by John Foster himself were John Galloway and
the 1860 Crystal Palace entry form. He did not conduct Black Dike at the earlier Belle
Vue contests, but it must be assumed that he acted as tutor, in the same way that Ellis
had done at Bacup. In the list of Black Dike's bandmasters, John Galloway is shown as
the first - appointed in 1855 and succeeded, in 1863, by William Rushworth. However,
140
the Belle Vue lists show an F. Galloway as 'conductor' of Black Dyke [sic] in 1856, and
the same F. Galloway leading the band into first place in the 1862 and 1863 contests.222
'Frank' Galloway is clearly listed as soprano cornet player on the 1860 Crystal Palace
entry form. 223 No explanation for these differences has been found and I have,
therefore, concluded that Frank was either the son or a brother of John and that the two
solo cornet player224 became the second bandmaster, steering it into fifth place at the
1864 Belle Vue contest. Following this, Longbottom took over as the regular contest
conductor, and achieved a Belle Vue win in 1871 and 3rd prizes in 1868 and 1873.
At the close of 1869 Rushworth retired and was succeeded by William Jasper,
who had followed Galloway as soprano cornet player. However, Jasper left a year later
and the band was without bandmaster for a time. It attended no contests in 1870 and
only three in 1871, one of which was that at Belle Vue, giving Longbottom his only win
there - though he must be given credit for the successes of his bandmasters. Jasper
returned for a short time, finally retiring in 1873 and being succeeded by Phineas Bower,
the band's euphonium player who had achieved such notoriety in 1873 (see pages 90-91
above).
Longbottom died in 1875; during his 19 years at Black Dike the band had won
first prizes at Crystal Palace in 1860 and Belle Vue in 1862, 1863 and 1871, netting a
total of935 19s. in cash, instruments to the value of £252 6s. and various other prizes,
cups and medals. Despite regular changes of bandmaster, the presence of Longbottom
brought a stability without which it is difficult to see that the band would have enjoyed
the consistent success which it did. Black Dike's contest successes up to the time of
Stalybridge Old band, not having the advantage of sponsorship, followed a less-
structured course with its conductors than Black Dike. James Melling is the first
recorded conductor; there were only three successftil competition attempts under his
conductorship, spread across the years 1859-1864. The 16-year-old Alexander Owen
141
became leader in 1868, and between then and 1870 Stalybridge attended 12 contests,
winning just under £120. Following differences within the band, Owen and some other
players left in 1871. There were then several changes; Richard Sourbutts225 became
soprano cornet player/conductor, whilst Joseph Peers, a young protégé, became the
band's comet soloist. Under John Reece, a former leader/soprano comet player -
possibly with the aid of other conductors - it had successes in seven contests during
1872_1873. 226 The band at this time 'came under the influence of John Gladney'.227
What this means is unclear; perhaps he acted as tutor, as Ellis and Longbottom had done
at Bacup and Black Dike. However, this had no immediate impact, and it was several
years before he actually conducted Stalybridge. With all this uncertainty at the top, with
older instruments and indifferent financial stability, Stalybridge Old, despite its longevity,
was not making the progress, nor achieving the successes of Bacup or Black Dike. Its
above). Even after the sponsorship started there, some time in the mid-1850s, the band's
contest programme was spasmodic, unambitious and modest, under what might be
called its 'local' conductors. However, from the appointment of Gladney in 1871 the
situation changed dramatically, and by the end of the period under review the seeds were
sown for Meltham Mills to become the premier band of the 1870s. Its contest records to
the 1860 Crystal Palace contest, the win of the following year - conducted on both
occasions by Richard Smith - and more than a decade later, second place in 1872 and
fifth in 1874 at Belle Vue, both under Gladney. Its only other appearance at Belle Vue
was in 1873, when it was unplaced. Some of its successes in local contests are shown in
Appendix 13.
won a first and second prize at a contest in the Royal Gardens, Leeds. During the course
142
of the two days, 14 bands played, five of them on both days, the honours being shared
by Marriner's and Dewsbury, who each collected both a first and second prize. 228 The
next recorded success was in 1860 when, during August at a contest in Peel Park,
Bradford, Marriner's band was awarded a fourth and a fifth prize, followed in
September, at the same venue, by a first prize for 'sight playing' - a type of test often
advocated but rarely administered. 229 Its most major success came in 1861, at the
Crystal Palace. As in the previous year this was a two-day event, the first day featuring
the 'National Contest' and the second, at which the bands gaining first and second prizes
in the 'National' were barred. Taylor lists winners for the series (1860-1863) but leaves a
doubt about the 1861 results by giving 'Keighley' as third prize winners on Tuesday, 23
July and 'Marriner's, Keighley' as winners on Thursday, 25 July. 230 The Keighley Year
Book 1877 confirms that both prizes were, in fact, won by Marriner's band, along with a
silver cup for the bandmaster (not named), some music from Chappell & Company's
brass band journal and a special prize for John Midgley, playing an instrument of his
own invention called a 'double bass trombone'. 231 The band was moderately successful
at several contests over the next few years, but attended no more after 1869. 232 Some
Early bands in Scotland and Wales were discussed in Chapter 1.2.4. Hugh Johnstone233
suggests that the origins of many of Scotland's brass bands, during the second half of the
century, were through military bands in garrison towns such as Edinburgh, Dumfries,
Forfar, Inverness and Fort William. With the demise of these, from circa 1860, several
Burgh Councils and village committees bought their instruments and formed amateur
bands. Most were originally drum and fife or brass and reed bands, but later many
changed to all-brass. It seems to have been more common for councils to assist in the
formation of bands in Scotland than was the case in England, particularly in the border
regions. There was also help from industry, though this was less substantial than in
143
England, Nevertheless, Scotland's brass band strongholds were in regions where heavy
Useful information concerning Scottish brass bands and contests comes from
two books by Robert A. Marr - Music and Musicians at Edinburgh, 1886 and Music for
bibliography). These books provide some information about contests in the 1860s, and
about bands taking part at contests in Edinburgh in 1887 and Glasgow in 1888.
As was seen on page 35 above, Langholm claims to have had the first amateur
band in Scotland. According to Marr, a later Langholm band was instituted in 1856. It
began contesting in 1864, and its conductor, from 1875, was William Calvert. Calvert, it
was claimed, had played with various bands, including some in northern England, and
Airdrie, boasting a reed band in 1819, became a brass band in 1860. By 1871
William Donaldson, according to Man, had been 'conductor' for 52 years, suggesting a
continuous existence for the band. Following his death in that year the band 'became
Penecuik Silver Band celebrated its 150th anniversary in 1985, claiming 1835 as
the date of its founding, specifically to assist the society of Free Gardeners, which
provided the band's rehearsal room in its early years. Galashiels was formed as a brass
and reed band in 1846. Its conductor in 1888 was Thomas Moore, referred to on page
279 below. 236 Hawick Saxhorn was instituted in 1858, according to Marr, 237 though I
have a copy of a poster dated 23 October 1855 announcing a Public Meeting of the
article names the 14 original members, and indicates that the fist bandmaster was
Stephen Teal from Yeadon. (See pages 272-273 below for further discussion of links
contests in England from the 1853 Belle Vue event, before proceeding to discuss bands
144
and early band contests in Scotland. He gives credit to the Glasgow instrument maker,
H. D. Douglas, for organising the earliest brass band contests in Scotland. These were in
1862, 1864 and 1865. That in 1864 attracted 25 bands, and had three adjudicators. The
results were a reflection of those in England of the time, with six of the seven bands
being attached to the volunteers, the odd one out being Hawick which, under Teal, came
fifth. Parallel with events in England, it seems that some bands were attached to works,
and that the 1859 volunteer movement 'appeared to offer a good opportunity for the
formation and maintenance of good brass bands'. But, Marr added, many of the
conductors were retired army bandmasters, and they preferred brass and reed or, if
Returning now to Wales: though Blaina band existed from early times and
Cyfarthfa from 1838, the emergence of a Welsh amateur band movement was still some
way in the future. 239 Cyfarthfa was the outstanding WeLsh band during mid-century. It
was at the height of its contesting career in 1860 when it attended the first Crystal
Palace band contest, taking third prize on the first day when the contest was open to all
corners, and first prize on the second day, when Black Dike Mills and Saltaire bands
were not allowed to compete. Cyfarthfa's music is discussed briefly on page 177 below.
Russell and Elliot mentions a 'once celebrated Morriston Band', stating that it
was actually founded in a village close to Bristol, but moved 'bodily' into Wales during
the 1 860s. Local interest was aroused to the point where a rival band, known as 'the
happy family band', was formed. In 1875 a contest was organised between the two
bands - possibly the first to be held in Wales. The local band won 'and thereafter
gradually absorbed its rival until one strong united ensemble was formed'.240
Even in 1874 - the final year of the period under review - there were no real
signs of a Welsh brass band movement. Russell and Elliot dates the rise of this
145
2.3 CONCLUSION
The third quarter of the nineteenth century was a period of consolidation for the all-
brass band, though it developed most rapidly in the northern counties. One of the
principle initial stimuli for this was undoubtedly the Belle Vue brass band contest.
Though open to all, during the 1 850s it was supported almost entirely by bands from the
north. Bands listed in relevant issues of the Manchester Guardian are from the counties
Table 12 Counties from which Belle Vue contestants came, 1853-1859
This illustrates the numerical domination of Yorkshire bands and the almost total
picture, with Yorkshire bands taking three first prizes, six seconds and two thirds,
Lancashire also taking three first prizes, but no seconds, and four thirds. Leeds Railway
Foundry band was the most successful, reflecting the twin advantages of industrial
support and an experienced leader (Richard Smith) who, in this case, also took
additional first and second prizes with his Leeds (Smith's) band. The second most
successful band was Accrington, which had amongst its membership the experienced
There were also, of course, other band contests in the north during this period,
including the two-day event in Leeds on 28-29 May 1855, mentioned on pages 142-143.
Of the 14 bands which appeared, all but one were from Yorkshire - the exception being
146
Lancashire's Whitworth band. There seem to have been no rail concessions for this
event, and what was billed as a 'national brass band contest' was essentially very
As was seen on page 93 Enderby Jackson mounted the first of his many brass band
contests in 1856. Jackson had liaised with the railways, and excursion trains brought
enthusiasts from as far south as Lincoln, as far north as Scarborough, and as far west as
Huddersfield. Though amongst the actual entries there were bands from as far afield as
Newark, Leicester, Stockton-on-Tees, Mansfield, Boston and Holbeach, 242 all bands
which actually played were from Yorkshire, except Fairbairn's Wellington Sax Horn
[sic] band from Shropshire. The two premier prizes went to Smith's (Leeds), conducted
by Richard Smith and Black Dike, under Samuel Longbottom - again emphasising the
Jackson, no doubt encouraged by his Hull successes, went further afield, and in
the process, tempted some bands to make longer journeys. The Morley band from west
Yorkshire, for example, won second prize at his contest in Newcastle on 28 May 1858,
where 15 bands competed. 243 Just over two weeks later, 16 took part in the 'Great
Brass Band Contest and People's Festival' in Sheffield's Newall Gardens. 244 Here, there
were many attractions other than the band contest, and 20,000 people are said to have
attended with again, excursion trains converging on the city from all sides, and Meltham
Mills from Huddersfield amongst the prize-winners. In the following month a Jackson-
organised event in Darlington attracted several bands from Yorkshire. 245 He continued
organising contests, and certainly did not restrict them to the north, though he seems to
have had his greatest successes there, and in so-doing, assisted the development of the
northern brass band movement. He was, in fact, having more success during the second
i 47
Records of individual bands show that there were also contests other than Belle
Vue and those organised by Jackson, and that bands were increasingly prepared to
travel. Black Dike, in addition to its trip to Hull in 1856, attended contests in Halifax
and Batley during 1857, Dewsbury, Cleckheaton and Bradford in 1858, and Hull and
York in 1859. Also, during 1859, Bramley band attended contests in Hull, Darlington,
travelling, but also winning prizes to the value of £94. 246 Other 'travelling' bands in 1859
included Meitham Mills - which competed in Sheffield, Doncaster and Darlington, and
Saltaire band - which won contests as far apart as Howden, Malton and Lincoln.
and instrumentation in amateur bands in the north, not seen generally in other parts of
the country. A further significant factor was rail travel, and in particular the concessions
secured for bandsmen and their supporters, enabling them to attend contests without
incurring too much expense. The social, geographic and economical status of many
northern towns also combined to give their bands advantages over those in most other
parts of Britain. For successful bands there was also an added attraction in the winning
With all this contesting, it was inevitable that bands which took it seriously improved
musically and pulled away from the rest. We must not assume, however, that all bands
were in a strong position at this time. Many were struggling for survival, with old and
attract or pay an experienced leader/conductor, and even worse, losing their better
players - gravitating towards better bands. Therefore, bands in the lower echelons found
life extremely difficult. For many of them, salvation came in the shape of the volunteers.
The impact of the volunteers on bands was dramatic, and virtually nationwide - though
by no means evenly spread. Northern bands were already more firmly established than
-148
many of those in other parts of the country, but bands in all regions now had new
opportunities. Of course, bands in northern counties retained all the advantages available
to them, and contesting had by now become a very significant part of their activities.
One must assume that bands in most other parts of the country were not enthusiastic
One also gets the impression that the brass and reed band maintained its
popularity above the all-brass band away from the north. There are probably many
reasons for this, but I put forward two. We have seen that bands in industrial towns
were generally more easily able to acquire finds, and this meant that they could buy the
new generations of improving brass instruments, clearly helping the cause of the all-
brass band in these places. The other, and perhaps even more potent reason for the
advance of the northern brass band was the emergence of specialist brass band trainers -
enthusiastic for contests and able to draw the best out of their bands in preparing for
them. In many other parts of the country, throughout the 1850s, and probably even
more-so during the period of the volunteer bands, bands were often led by ex-military
musicians. In many cases, if not most, these would be clarinettists, steeped in military
band traditions, with appetites neither for the brass band nor its contests. Many military
developments, but few took on the teaching of all-brass bands. Early northern band
trainers seem generally to have been comet players, several of whom came not from the
Volunteer bands have already been discussed in some detail. We view them now in the
context of the whole spectrum of contesting bands. Their effect was immediate, and
the numerical distribution of the different types of bands competing at Belle Vue from
149
1860 (the first year in which volunteer bands were able to participate), to 1874 - the
This reflects the domination of volunteer bands over works bands in all but four of the
years, but indicates that from 1865 the contest depended largely on the support of
independent bands. It also shows a dramatic rise in the total number of participating
following the end of the American Civil War and the cotton famine. Towards the end of
effect on the results were positively astounding. Table 14 shows their impact on the
prize-lists during the same period. Concurrent with the rise of volunteer bands there was
also a slight shift from the domination of Yorkshire, and a gradual increase in the
150
Table 14 Pries won by the 10 most successful bands at Belle Vue, 1860-1874
Yorks. Lancs. Derbys. Staffs. Notts. Chesh. Shrop. LQnd. ScQI. Cumb. Unkno.
18604 - - - 1 - - - - - -
18615 1 1 - 1 - - 1 - - 1
1862 3 4 1 - - - - - - - -
1863 4 4 - - - - - - - - -
18646 4 1 1 1 - - - - 1 -
1865 3 4 1 - - - - - - - -
18668 7 3 1 - - - - 1 - -
1867 9 8 1 1 - - - - - - -
1868 6 4 1 - - - - - - - -
1869 3 8 1 1 - - - - - - -
18702 7 1 1 - - - - - - -
18716 5 1 2 - - - - - - 1
1872 7 12 - 1 1 1 1 - - - -
18739 10 2 - 1 2 1 - - - 1
1874*5 7 - - - - - - - - -
* In 1874 24 bands competed, but the names of only 12 have so far been identified.
Having looked at the progress of bands during the third quarter of the nineteenth
century, much of it made possible through the advent of works-sponsored band, the
151
volunteers, and the railways, finally, here is an overview, up to the year 1874, of the
The works bands, as a group, had not yet fulfilled the promise of some of their early
spectacular successes - with one exception. Black Dike followed its 1860 Crystal Palace
win with consistent success across a range of contests, and by 1874, from 54 contests
entered, had won prizes to the value of some £1,220 (see Appendix 10), including three
Belle Vue wins. In 1874 it attended six contests, winning two and gaining prizes at each
of the others.247
Following good starts at the Crystal Palace contests, neither Saltaire nor
Marriner's bands achieved anything else particularly spectacular. (Saltaire had taken
second prize in 1860, winning the following year, whilst Marriner's was placed third in
both 1861 and 1862, and also won on the second day of the 1861 event). Appendix 13
gives a list of the local successes of both bands, which I have compiled from a variety of
sources. The lists are without doubt incomplete, but whilst that of Marriner's suggests a
general maintenance of standards for a decade or so, that of Saltaire seems to indicate an
early decline, after a promising start. The early successes of Saltaire were under the
direction of Richard Smith. There seems never to have been a leader or conductor of
note at Marriner's, and the lack-lustre records of both bands must be at least partially
due to the inconsistent employment of gifted leaders. Neither band took any long-term
interest in the Belle Vue contests. Marriner's, as 'Keighley V.R.' made a solitary and
prize at the 1861 Crystal Palace contest, playing his double slide contra bass trombone.
Saltaire made a late rally at Belle Vue, appearing there in 1872, 1873 and 1874 under
John Gladney, taking second prize in 1872 and fifth in 1874. 248 Marriner's did no more
contesting after 1869, 249 by which time Lister Marriner was playing a less active role in
152
the running of the band. It may have been, of course, that with the commitments
required by the parent companies and the volunteers - to which both bands were
attached - that neither had time for serious contesting. Meltham Mills band, despite
having possibly the most generous sponsorship of all the nineteenth-century works
bands, took almost 20 years to emerge as a leading band, and it was not until the
appointment of Gladney as full-time conductor, in 1871, that its phenomenal rise began,
indicating that financial support alone was not a passport to success. As Appendix 12
shows, between 1858 and 1870, Meltham had attended only nine contests, winning a
paltry £34. Gladney masterminded a dramatic change, taking the band to 34 contests
between 1871 and 1874, and in that short time winning £808 in cash, and instruments to
the value of almost £176. (Meitham's domination during the next few years is discussed
in Chapter 6.2.1). The last of this group of works-sponsored bands, Kingston Mills,
though formed at around the same time as the others, had a more modest sponsorship
and a slower start to its contesting career. Like Meitham it engaged John Gladney, in
1871, to take it to contests. This would, of course, be on a more casual basis than at
Meitham, and it was to be some years before the partnership produced any notable
results. 250 Nevertheless, the years 1873-1874 were years in which the band was working
The considerable impact of volunteer bands on the contesting scene has been reviewed
in some detail. It had, before 1874, however, run its course. The last of the successful
volunteer bands at Belle Vue was the Robin Hood rifles band from Nottinghamshire. Its
1871, 1872 and 1873 appearances earned it, respectively, fourth, first and second prizes.
Burnley (17th Lancashire rifle volunteers) also had three successes, a win in 1868, third
place in 1869 and fifth in 1871, whilst Matlock's three successes were fifth place in 1868
and second prizes in 1869 and 1870. The most successful volunteers band and, as has
already been seen, the most successful of all bands in the I 860s was that of Bacup (4th
153
Lancashire rifle volunteers). This band's successes are outlined in Appendix 9, but in
1870 it had relinquished its volunteer status, and little more than a year later, had
disbanded. Therefore, glorious as the involvement of the volunteer bands had been - and
it is impossible to say to what degree they may have saved the amateur band from virtual
extinction - by 1874, volunteer bands were having no noticeable effect on major brass
band contests. (But see details of Oldham rifles band on page 316 below).
In the field of temperance bands, Mossley had already disbanded in 1868, but Bramley
was going steadily on. From the 1850s it became known as Bramley Old, but also had
military connections. In 1862 it became the band of the 1st West York[shirej Artillery,
being paid over £300 per year, 251 though for how many years is not stated. Then, in
1871, it was engaged as the Band of the Princess of Wales' Own Yorkshire Hussars, a
yeomanry unit, for which it was paid over £400 per year. 252 By 1874 the band claimed
to have earned £1,415 7s. 9d. as a result of this engagement, maintaining that 'There is
thus something to be said for a band attaining to military honours, as it carries with it a
tremendous amount of prestige'. 253 Two other temperance bands mentioned earlier,
Wyke and Wingates, were to find their successes in later years, Wyke from 1888, but
Turning to the independent bands: the Belle Vue record of Dewsbury band is shown in
Table 11 (page 127), and its local contest record in Appendix 13. These point to a
deterioration in its success rate during the 1 870s and in fact, little is heard of this band
after 1874. As has been pointed out, it became attached to the volunteers for about a
year, in 1861, and in 1870 there appears to have been a separate Dewsbury rifles band -
though no other references to this have so far been found. Another band which formed a
temporary attachment with the volunteers was Stalybridge. The centenary booklet states
154
that 'In 1869 the Band became the providers of martial music to the local volunteers'.254
This ambiguous statement could mean either that the band enlisted or that it was
engaged by the corps to lead its parades. In fact, I have found a contest reference which
confirms the former. In July 1870, as 13th Cheshire rifle volunteers Stalybridge, the
band attended the contest in Bury, discussed on pages 95-96. How long it remained with
the volunteers is not certain, but most references during this period use the name
Stalybridge Old. Its appearances at Belle Vue in 1864, 1865, 1869, 1870, 1872 and
1873 confirm that it had some standing in the contesting world, even though its
collection of prizes amounted only to a second prize in 1864 and a fourth in 1865. 1874
was the band's most successful year to date, eight contests attended earning prize
Linthwaite band (near neighbours of Meitham) was the band with which Edwin
Swift, one of the three leading conductors of later in the century, grew up. A few facts
about this band are gleaned from the booklet tife and Career of the Late Mr. Edwin
Swift' (see bibliography). Swift was the playing leader from circa 1857, when he was
aged 14. He was virtually self-taught, and up to 1867 Linthwaite band was described as
'nothing more than a common village band'. In 1868 it became the 34th West Riding
volunteers band and, in the process, received some new instruments. How long it
remained with the volunteers is not stated, but in all of its contest successes it is referred
to simply as tinthwaite'. From 1870 the band engaged a separate solo cornet player,
because of problems with Swift's health, and by 1874 it had won 10 first prizes,
including its only win at Belle Vue - in 1874. 255 Linthwaite band was therefore, one of
the many bands which was helped increase its status through connections with the
volunteers.
One more band needs to be discussed before closing this chapter - not because of its
achievements during this period, but because it was to become one of the two leading
155
brass bands later in the century. This is the band which was founded in 1818 as Clegg's
reed band, later becoming Besses o' th' Barn brass and reed band. In 1853 it re-formed
as an all-brass band. Its background and early history were discussed on pages 39-42
above and its early contesting exploits described on pages 72 and 73. Of the original
members of Clegg's reed band only two were still playing in the 1837 band at the time of
Queen Victoria's Coronation celebrations, though the size of the band remained at 12.
One of the members, John Greenhaigh (bass trombone), later joined the orchestra of the
Theatre Royal in Manchester, John Hulton (french horn) was the father of a future
Besses o' th' Barn bandmaster and William Jones (pcco)o) was bandmaster of a 1oca)
school band for over 40 years. It may be reasonably concluded, therefore, that there was
already musical experience within the band in excess of that in most amateur bands of
the period.256
Jones (18 18-1891), who supplied Hampson with much of the material for the
book, had joined Besses in 1830. 257 He had been taught by the piccolo player of the
1818 band, is credited with having given instruction to the band at various times, and
claimed to have introduced the cornet to the district. The last engagement he undertook
with the reed band was in 1849, though this band remained intact until 1853 when it was
dispensed with the reeds, 'no time was lost in procuring the necessary means required to
replace them with brass.' Rehearsals were held first in the house of the leader, and later
in a local temperance hail, prior to moving to an area 'within the precincts of the old
By 1860 the size of the band had grown to 18. The names of the members are
given as of those shown on an oil painting of the band in 1860. However, whilst 18 are
named, only 17 appear in the painting. 258 It seems that Jones had returned to the band
as solo cornet/conductor, though it must have been at about this time that he finally
retired, the original painting being presented to him on 31 May 1860, and his name not
156
Walker Hulton, a cornet player and son of the former french horn player now
became bandmaster, and at some point during the early 1 860s James Melling became
conductor. Robert Jackson had recently joined when, in 1868 under Melling, the band
attended its first contest as a brass band. Jackson was to become a key figure in the
band's future, but for the time being this contest, 'along with a few others, proved
nothing but a financial failure'. However, between 1868 and 1870 the band won five
prizes, worth £31 lOs. in cash, plus two new instruments, eachvalued at 12 guineas.259
Those which included instruments were both 4th prizes, won at the Belle Vue contests
of 1869 and 1870 indicating that, with the help of Melling, the band was beginning to
rank alongside the better bands of the time. 260 Just when it appeared that the band was
German, a trombonist in the Hallé Orchestra (see footnote 36 on page 159 below), long
time member of the Belle Vue band and destined to become well-known in brass band
circles as both conductor and adjudicator. Under these two the band won further prizes
including, under German, third prize at Belle Vue in 1874261 - the band's highest
This has been an extended chapter, covering a time which was crucial to the
development of the all-brass band and the beginnings of the domination of such bands in
the north. The study of the progress of the bands will now be set aside whilst the
Notes
1 Bevan in Herbert (edited), 1991, pages 102-119.
2 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 77.
157
8 Hampson, 1893, page 11.
9 Bevan in Herbert (edited), 1991, page 103.
10 See Hampson, 1893, page 10 and Bevan in Herbert (edited), 1991, page 104.
1 Ward, 1967, pages 19-20 and 22, and from a Burton Constable publicity brochure.
12 Jackson, 1896, November, pages 101-103.
13 Ibid., page 102.
14 Ibid., page 101.
15 Ibid., pages 101-103.
16 A wagonette was a lightly-constructed four-wheeled pleasure carriage, with seats
Member of Parliament, and was created Earl of Yarborough and Baron Worsley on 30
January 1837. (Information from Burke's Peerage, 1970, page 2893).
18 Jackson, 1896, November, page 102. Bevan (in Herbert, 1991, page 104), wrongly
states that Patrington was one of the two bands required to play again; he also, again
wrongly, as far as I know, says that Jackson played in one of the competing bands.
19 Jackson, 1896, November, page 102
20 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 88
21 Ibid., pages 9 1-92.
22 Ibid., page 96.
23 Sialybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, opposite page 20.
24 Taylor, 1979, page 37.
25 Brass Band News, May 1883, page 2.
26 Stalybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, opposite page 20.
27 Hampson, 1893, pages 17-19.
28 Brown and Stratton, 1897, page 417. According to Newcomb, 1980, page 3,
Trimnell adjudicated at New Zealand's first two national contests, held in Dunedin in
1891 and Wellington in 1892.
29 Belle Vue is no longer in existence. On 14 February 1982 brass bands said goodbye
to the famous showground, staging the North West Brass Band Association's annual
contest there. Even as the contest took place, the King's Hall (opened in 1911) was in
process of being demolished. At the conclusion of the contest Glossop School Band
played 'Auld Lang Syne' - a fitting end to an almost 130-year association. (Nicholls,
1989, page 76, and an event etched in the memory of the writer, who was privileged to
conduct Besses o' th' Barn.band during the final ceremony).
30 See the relevant chapters in Russell and Elliot, 1936 and Taylor, 1979.
31 The name 'Belle Vue' had been in use since 1819, when a building which served as
both inn and farmhouse was built and named 'Belle Vue House' (Nicholls, 1989, page 7).
32 Nicholls, 1989, page 9.
33 Jennison, 1929, page 53.
34 Taylor, 1979, page 37.
158
36
Some Hallé Orchestra programmes were examined to confirm membership claimed by
a number of brass band figures. The earliest were programmes for the Hallé's 11th
season, in 1868. Amongst the wind players of the 80-strong orchestra, clarinets were
plaed by Herr W. Grosse and Mr. J. Gladney; Mr. J. Eliwood was on trumpet and Mr. J.
Gaggs on cornet, whilst Mr. German was the second of three trombonists. In the
programmes for the 22nd season (1879-80), Grosse, Gladney and German were still in
the orchestra, but the names Ellwood and Gaggs had gone. The ophecleidist was Mr.
Marsden - doubtless the former euphonium player of Bacup. In programmes of a few
years later Grosse and Marsden had been replaced but German and Gladney were still
present, Gladney doubling on bass clarinet.
Jennings, 1929, page 100.
38 Ibid., page 94.
Taylor, 1983, page 5.
40 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 98.
41 The Manchester Guardian, 10 September, 1853, quoted in Russell and Elliot, pages
99-100.
42 Since the demise of Belle Vue itself, the contest has taken place elsewhere and for
some years has enjoyed the title of 'The British Open Brass Band Championships'.
Exceptions were 1856 and 1873, when the contest was held on the second Monday in
September and 1863, when it was held on the last Monday in August.
'4 The latest one in my possession was published in 1973.
Using terminolgy of the era, the Manchester Guardian (10 September 1853, page 7)
calls the third adjudicator 'Mr. Dowling, late bandmaster of the 81st regiment'. This was
mis-read by some commentators as 'Mr. Dowlingate'.
48
The Manchester Guardian, 10 September, 1853, page 7.
49 Brass Band News, December 1904, page 4.
50
Reports are presumed to be based on that in the Manchester Guardian, 10 September
1853.
51
Brass Band News, December 1904, page 4.
52
The Manchester Guardian, 4 September 1855, page 3.
Brass Band News, January 1905, page 4.
The four prize-winners were Mossley, Dewsbury, Bramley and Bury.
Taylor, 1979, page 41.
56 The Manchester Guardian, 6 September, 1854, page 5.
7 According to Cook, 1950, page 156, Smith founded Leeds Model Band in 1856. This
159
63 Littlemore, 1987, page 305.
64 The Manchester Guardian, 10 September 1853, page 7.
65 Brass Band News, November 1904, page 4.
66 Leach, 1908, page 12.
67 The Manchester Guardian,1 September 1863, page 2 (the contest was held on 31
August this year).
68 Ibid., 4 September 1860, page 2.
69 Nicholls, 1989, page 10.
70 Jennings, 1929, pages 102-103.
71 The Manchester Guardian, 4 September 1855, page 3.
72 Stalybridge Old Band 1814-1914, page 23 and Littlemore, 1987, page 310.
.160
89 Information from publicity material in the former Ainscoe Collection.
So far, I have not found out anything about this unusually-named band.
91 Hull Packel, 4 July 1856 and Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 103-105.
92 and Elliot, 1936, pages 105-106.
3 Hull Packet, 3 July 1857, page 6.
94 Jackson, 1885, page 4.
95 Lomas, 1990, page 419.
96 Ibid., page 721.
97 Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 107-108.
98 In the former Ainscoe Collection.
99 By then, Crystal Palace had been moved from Hyde Park to Sydenham, where it
pages 14-15, several references in Herbert (edited), 1991, pages 21-183 passim, and
NeWS0me, 1998, pages 38-42.
107 Lomas, 1990, pages 721 and 723.
108 It is convenient at this point to leave Yorkshire and Lancashire as separate regions
and to include Cheshire in the North Midlands. Later in the thesis, two Cheshire bands
are seen as belonging to the 'northern' band scene.
109 Lomas, 1990, page 725.
110 Russell, 1979, page 181.
111 Ibid., page 183.
112 Ibid.
113 Ibid., page 184.
114 Ibid., page 185.
115 Russell, 1987, page 172.
116 perkin, 1971, page 101.
111 Taylor, 1979, pages 51-52.
118 perkin, 1971, page 145.
119 Ibid., page 142.
120 Ibid.
161
121 Information taken from reports in the Manchester Guardian and Littlemore, 1987,
pa 307-309.
122 Littlemore, 1987, pages 309-311.
123 From census figures in Bradford local studies library.
124 Much of the information about Salt and Saltaire is taken from Alderson, 1986, pages
to 20 passim.
125 Reynolds, 1983, page 279. This building is now known as the Victoria Hall and
Institute. In the upper part is a hail which is still used for concerts, some of which are
given by brass bands. It was used by Black Dyke Mills band during the 1970s for the
making of long-playing records.
126 Ibid., page 303.
127 Brass Band News, December 1881, page 5.
128 Reynolds, 1983, page 280.
129 The park is still there and boasts a cricket field, gardens and playing areas. It houses
a statue of Salt, erected in 1903 to commemorate his 100th birthday and the 50th
piveary of the mill.
130 Cole, pages 2 15-219.
131 Suddards, 1976, page 18.
132 Quoted in Russell & Elliot, 1936, page 117; Herbert states that this was to have
been a bonus of50 (Herbert (edited), 1991, page 24).
133 Quoted in Ingle, 1974, pages 162-163.
134 In the former Ainscoe Collection; a typescript of this is shown as Appendix 6.
135 Reynolds, 1983, page 303.
136 The father, Thomas, was born circa 1815, played the cello and was a weaver in
E CGIesIuI1 (near Bradford). He had five sons, three of whom became trombonists. (See
SUt01e Smith, page 78, for the family tree.)
137 Barrett, 1963, page 99.
138 Cudworth, 1968, page 114.
139 Barrett, 1963, page 7.
140 USA/Canada tour souvenir, 1906, page 7.
141 Russell & Elliot, 1936, page 66.
142 Halfczx Courier, 15 September 1855, page 5. The report mistakenly gives 1853 as
the date of the formation of the Queenshead band, but there can be no doubt that it
mea5 1833.
143 ]3rass Band News, May 1899, page 6.
144 Barrett, 1963, page 21.
145 Ibid., page 37.
146 Ibid., page 32.
147 Ibid., page 37.
148 Ingle, 1974, pages 165-166.
149 This was formerly located in the University of Leeds Brotherton Library, but its
present whereabouts are unlcnown.
150 Quoted in Herbert (edited), 1991, page 35 and Ingle, 1974, page 159.
62
151 Ingle, 1974, pages 158-159.
152 Herbert (edited), 1991, page 32.
153 Ingle, 1974, page 159 and Keighley Year Book 1877, page 125.
154 Ingle, 1974, page 159.
155 Keighley Year Book, 1877, page 125.
156 Ingle, 1974, page 170.
151 Herbert (edited), 1991, page 27.
158 Discussed by Ingle, 1974, pages 160-161, quoting from Keighley News of 15 March,
191•
159 Harden Mills band entered the 1855 Belle Vue contest but was disqualified (see page
93 above).
160 Ingle, 1974, page 163.
161 Lister Marriner's son, Raymond, had already been taking an interest in the band and
had, in fact, become its bandmaster (Ingle, page 164), continuing to support it for some
years until it changed its name. Keighley News of 6 June 1980 states that in 1912 it
became the Keighley Borough band, supported by public subscription, whilst Ingle,
quoting from Keighley News and Bingley Chronicle (4 March 1950) adds that in 1914 it
merged with Keighley Town Band, retaining a link with Marriner's, however, with the
initials W. L. M. on the band caps.
162 Massey, 1996, pages 3-4.
163 Brass Band News, March 1884, page 3.
164 Brass Band Annual, 1896, pages 19-23.
165 Ibid., page 19.
166 Sykes, 1898, pages 299-301.
161 Brass Band News, March, 1904, page 8.
168 Ibid.
169 Middleton, 1899, page 343.
170 23 December, 1886, page 6. (There is a copy in Stalybridge local studies library).
171 Brass Band News, May 1883, page 2. This was not all-brass, but either a brass and
reed or military band.
172 The poem is quoted in the North Cheshire Herald, 23 December, 1886, page 6.
173 Reynolds, 1983, page 293.
174 Tamplin, 1965, page 1.
175 J.omas, 1990, pages 479-575 passim.
176 Tamplin, 1965, page 85.
ill Taylor, 1979, page 50.
178 Beckett, 1982, page 84.
179 Lomas, 1990, page 481.
180 Beckett, 1982, page 94.
181 Ibid., pages 113-116.
182 Abram, 1894, page 274. Leach quotes 'about the year 1858', but as he also states
that the band had 'got into a very low condition' (prior to joining the volunteers) it is
likely that it had existed for a few years. Therefore, I favour 1855 as the more likly date.
1.63
183 Halifax Courier, 8 September 1860, page 4.
184 Ibid., 7 September 1861, page 4.
185 Ibid.
18&A handbook of rules (on page 55) of the '1st Batt. Duke of Wellington's Regimenf in
Box Lii 885 in Halifax local studies library, published in 1893, refers to this battalion as
'Late Fourth West Riding of Yorkshire Rifle Vol. Corps', suggesting that the corps (and
the band) had merely changed its name. The band would, therefore, have remained a
volunteer band - probably still all-brass. The rules are dated 1875.
187 Brass Band News, May 1906, page 10 - in an article about James Frost.
188 The Times, ii July 1860.
189 The Manchester Guardian, 24 July 1861.
190 Taylor, 1979, page 258.
191 Leach, 1908, page 6.
192 Ibid., pages 6-8.
193 According to lists in Beckett, 1982 (page 295), the 4th Lancashire (Rossendale)
corp S dates from shortly after 4 July 1959, when its first officer was commissioned.
194 Leach, 1908, page 7. Munn was not only rich, but also musical. Several of the band's
programmes (in the possession of Mr. Tom Lord of Bacup - no relation to John) contain
pieces composed by him.
195 Ibid., page 53.
196 Ibid., pages 62-63 and the Manchester Guardian, 5 September 1871, page 8. Black
Dike won first prize and the special prize for the best euphonium player.
197 Leach, 1908, page 5, quoting from Brass Band News of April, 1906.
198 Ibid., page 20
199 Ibid., page 21.
200 Ibid., page 40-41.
201 Ibid., page 59.
202 Ibid., page 61.
203 One such establishment was built in Bolton in 1840 by Thomas Sharples, a horn
player in Bolton Old band (see Appendix 1).
204 Encyclopedia Britannica, Micropaedia Volume ii, page 622.
205 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 124.
206 Hesling White, 1906, page 7.
201 Brass Band Annual, 1896, page 24.
208 British Bandsman, November 1888, page 4.
209 The Band of Hope was a Methodist-inspired temperance society and its name recurs
reg0'1Y in the annals of bands of the time.
210 The Order of Good Templars was the first international temperance society, being
f0 ned in New York in 1851. It demanded total abstinence.
211 Taylor, 1979, page 106.
212 Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 124-125.
213 Taken from publicity material in the writer's collection.
214 I-Jill, 1984, page 178.
164
215 Brass BandAnnual, 1897, page 35.
216 Zealley and Ord Hume, 1926, page 18.
217 Hampson, 1893, page 17.
218 See article in British Bandsman of 1 February 1899, page 41, by J. Ord Hume
headed A Chat on Amateur Bands.
219 3 August, 1861, page 68.
220 Leach, 1908, page 70; see also an obituary in the Bacup and Rossendale News of 29
AuISt 1890, page 2.
221 Leach, 1908, page 64. An article about Ellis in Abram, 1894, on page 274, credits
Ellis with an association with Accrington band in the 1850s, and claims that in 1856 he
was leader of 13 bands.
222 Littlemore, 1987, pages 307 and 310.
223 A search of registers in Bradford local studies library revealed a Francis Galloway
ving three children baptized at Holy Trinity Church, Queenshead, in 1860, 1861 and
186 4. He is shown as a warehousman, precisely the occupation given on the 1860
crystal Palace entry form. I have concluded that this must be the same person.
224 See Crystal Palace entry form, which describes him as a Woolsorter [sic].
225 Sourbutts is the subject of a 'profile' in Brass Band News, May 1889, page 4.
226 Stalybridge Old Band 1814-1914, pages 26 and 36.
227 Ibid., page 28.
228 Bradford Observer, 31 May 1855, page 8. On each day there was prize money
talling £50 and a set of medals for the winning bands. At the request of the bands, the
prize money was shared equally, the winners simply taking the medals. Dewsbuiy took
them on the first day (worth £40) and Marriner's took them on the second (worth £10).
229 These are reported in the Bradford Observer, of 9 August 1860, on page 5, and 6
September, also on page 5. The first was two contests in one, with £30 in prize money
for each. The bands played one own choice test piece and then combined to play 'Rule
Britannia' - some 200 bandsmen conducted by J. W. Dodsworth., musical director of
Bradford Theatre Royal. (He had his own band, called Dodsworth's, which won third
prize in the first event). The bands then played again in a different order, playing a
different piece. Heckmondwyke won the first contest and Dewsbury took second place,
but went on to win the second contest. The second contest was also two-tiered, with a
straight contest limited to bands which had not previously won a prize exceeding £10.
followed by a contest for playing at sight. Each band was allowed 10 minutes in which
to study the piece before playing. Marriner's, conducted by J. Sugden, was the winner of
both events. Crowds of 9,000 and 10,000 were said to have attended these two events.
230 Taylor, 1979, page 258.
231 Keighley Year Book, 1877, page 125. Myers, in Herbert (edited), 1991, (page 183)
calls Midgley's instrument a 'double slide contra bass trombone in Bb'. I recall seeing
what must have been this instrument at an exhibition in Keighley many years ago, but
recent enquiries have failed to reveal its present whereabouts.
232 Keighley Year Book, 1877, page 125.
233 Hugh Johnstone's unpublished paper, Origin of Brass Bands in Scotland and a
History of the Scottish Amateur Brass band Association, Founded 1895 has been
helpful in preparing this sketch of the background of the Scottish brass band movement.
165
234 Marr, 1889, page 142. It is quite conceivable that this was the Calvert mentioned in
connection with Marriner's band on page 114 above.
235 Ibid., page 139.
236 Ibid., page 141.
237 Ibid.
238 Ibid., pages 126-137.
239 Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 156-157.
240 Ibid.
241 Taylor, 1979, pages 25 and 28; Abram, 1894, page 274.
242 Taylor, 1979, page 46, quoting from publicity material in the former Ainscoe
Collect ioI seen some years ago by the writer.
243 Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 107-108.
244 Ibid., page 107 and Taylor, 1979, page 47. 26 bands appeared, but whereas Russell
and Elliot state the 'only sixteen were permitted to play', Taylor states that 10 of them
declined to play.
245 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 108.
246 Hesling White, 1906, page 19.
247 At the end of the year its bandmaster, William Jasper, retired and was succeeded by
the band's illustrious euphonium player, Phineas Bower, who was to hold the office for
30 years. Professional conductor Samuel Longbottom was to die a year later, and these
two occurrences halted the bands' progress - but only for about two years.
248 Subsequently, Saltaire was to appear only rarely at Belle Vue and seems to have
existed simply as a village band, possibly with little support from the mills, though they
still owned the instruments. These were called in and the band disbanded in 1894. Brass
Band News of March, 1894, on page 6, reported thus: 'Many old contesters will learn
with regret that the once famous Saltaire Brass Band is no more, the instruments and all
properties having been called in by the Company. So passes away the remains of one of
the best bands Yorkshire ever produced.' This illustrates one of the hazards of this kind
of sponsorship; it can, and often does, lead to the sudden death of the sponsored.
249 Keighley Year Book, 1977, page 125.
250 1875 was the date of the first major success of Kingston Mills Band.
251 Hesling White, 1906, page 23.
252 Ibid., pages 25-26.
253 Ibid., page 28.
254 Stalybridge Old BandJ8l4-1914, page 24.
255 Life and Career of the Late Edwin Sw/i, 1904, pages 4-8.
256 Hampson, 1896, pages 12-16.
251 All of this information about Besses is gleaned from Hampson, 1893, pages 12-26.
258 The painting may be seen on page 14 of Hampson, 1893, and (in part) on the front
cov er of Dave Russell, 1987.
259 Hampson, 1893, page 72.
260 Prize-winners were Bacup, Matlock, Burnley, Besses o' th' Barn and Linthwaite, and
in j870, Bacup, Matlock, Dewsbury, Besses o' th' Barn and Wednesbury Rifles.
166
261 Hampson, 1893, page 72.
167
Chapter 3
3.3 Conclusion
168
3.1 BRASS BAND MUSIC IN THE 1850s
Little has been said about band instrumentation or repertoire, so this chapter surveys
developments up to 1874. Scott, in The Evolution of the Brass Band and its Repertoire
in Northern England provides useful information about early brass band music, pointing
to 1836 as the year in which the first published edition appeared. This was 'Eight
Popular Airs for Brass Band' arranged by George MacFarlane, 1 published by R. Cocks
& Co.,2 and scored for three keyed bugles, two trumpets, two horns, three trombones
and a serpent. In 1838, Cocks published 'Praeger's Thirteen Melodies' for brass band,
using almost the identical instrumentation. 3 Two further publishers introduced brass
band music into their catalogues at an early date, D' Almaine publishing a set of songs,
dances, marches and tunes from opera in 1837, and from the early 1840s Wessel & Co.
issued a weekly brass band journal of popular airs and selections. 5 These form the
earliest wave of brass band music, and show the transition from keyed bugle and serpent
to cornet and ophicleide. Table 16 gives the instrumentation for these early publications.
Publications continued during the 1 840s, and though there is no evidence that
they had a large circulation, Scott makes the point that as some editions were re-issued,
there must have been a demand. It should also be remembered that the majority of
amateur bands were still using both reed and brass instruments, but the very existence of
these publications indicates that there was already a swing towards all-brass bands.
Boosey had been publishing military band music from the mid 1840s, but did not venture
into the field of brass bands for some years. Boosé 's6 Brass Band Journal appeared in
1852 and 1853, Rudall, Rose and Carte's Musical Directoiy of 1854 giving partial lists
of the pieces. 7 No arrangers are named - suggesting perhaps that Boosé himself had
made them.
169
Table 16 Instrumentation of early published band music
A B C
Keyed bugle 3 2
Comet 4
Trumpet 2 2 1
Horn 2 2 2
Trombone 3 3 3
Serpent (or bass horn) 1 1
Ophicleide 1
Tympani 1
These were all established music publishers who added band music to their existing
catalogues. What is widely regarded as the first brass band publishing house was
founded in Hull in 1857 by Richard Smith, the highly successftil band trainer. 8 Little is
known about Smith's early publishing activities, except that he called his business the
Little thought was given to instrumentation or its standardisation during the period of
the early bands - most would be content to use whatever instruments and/or
instrumentalists were available. From 1853, when Mossley temperance band won the
first Belle Vue brass band contest with its matched set of saxhorns, the fact that
instrumentation affected the quality of the performance became apparent, though it was
over a decade before it had any perceptible effect. There seem to have been no early
The 3-year-old Mossley band, by winning the 1853 contest, procured a triumph
not only for itself but also for the new instruments. 9 No details about these are given,
170
other than that they all had upright bells' 0 and that they were pitched in Ab, ll but the
ten players possibly played two each of soprano, contralto, tenor, baritone and bass
made and matched by the same manufacturer, had a decided advantage over the ad hoc
collections in other bands. Though the respective skills of players and leaders should not
be discounted, one must agree with Bevan's summation of Mossley's performance that
'There is little doubt that it won on sheer quality of sound: a matched blend contrasting
favourably with the various timbres of keyed bugle, french horn, trumpet and ophicleide
Most music played by early bands was hand-written, mainly because of the lack
of standardisation. This is obvious from what little information there is about the
instrumentation of various bands other than Mossley, at the 1853 event. Table 17
illustrates the point, though it is not possible to vouch for the complete accuracy of all
the information it contains. As well as three bands which played in the contest, the
instrumentation of the newly-formed all-brass band at Besses 0' th' Barn is shown. This
This list shows that the cornet was now in the ascendency, and signifies the
decline of the keyed bugle, serpent and bass horn. Instrumentation was discussed in the
letters which appeared in Brass Band News between November 1904 and February
1905, to which reference has already been made. Gladney said that reed instruments and
ophicleides were freely used at Belle Vue, even in the 1 860s, 13 whilst Richard Marsden
stated that between 1853 and 1863 bands generally played D" and Ab instruments and
ophicleides, 15 a comment backed up by Marsden, who first played at Belle Vue with
Bacup in 1863, by which time he was playing the euphonium, having previously played
the ophicleide. Many such transitions would be made around this time.
171
Table 17 Instrumentation offour bands in 1853
A B C D
Soprano cornet - 2(Db) 2(Db)
Cornopean 2 - - -
Cornet - 3(Ab) 3(Ab) 4
Trumpet - 2 - -
Keyed bugle 3 - - -
Tenor cornet - I (Ab) - -
Ophicleide 3 2 2 1
Bombardon - - 1 -
Total 11 15 12 9
A Dewsbury Old, Belle Vue 1853. Though the band was placed second in the
contest, the instrumentation had a decidedly old-fashioned look about it, with
three keyed bugles. It was, nevertheless, described as 'fairly typical of bands
generally"6
B Bramley Temperance, Belle Vue 1853. Though both Russell and Elliot and
Taylor credit this band with having 18 players, I go along with the instru-
mentation listed by Hesling White in 'A Short History of Bramley Band', in
which he stated that 15 was the maximum allowed, and that bombardons and
euphoniums had not yet come into use. Even though playing predominantly Ab
and Db instruments, Bramley's line-up had a more up-to-date look than that of
Dewsbury. The name 'tenor cornet' is something of a mystery; being in Ab, it may
have been an early form of fiugel; the so-called tenor cor had not yet come into
use
C Saddleworth and Haybottoms, Belle Vue 1853. This list is taken from a letter
from Beckett Worth.' 7 Again, this was quite forward-looking. The trombone
was a bass trombone. Despite Hesling White's comment, the bombardon
could conceivably have been used, though it is more likely to have been a
sax bass
D Besses o' th' Barn, 1853. This was the instrumentation used, according to
Hampson, when Besses first became all-brass. Though small in number this
instrumentation is, again, quite modern. The trombones were tenor and bass.'8
The lack of standardisation created a problem for publishers, who obviously wanted to
reach the widest possible market. Henry Distin 19 was one of the first to tackle it, and by
172
1857 was publishing music suitable for brass or brass and reed bands with between 10
and 24 instrumentalists.20 The recommended maximum for the all-brass band was 17.
players, and also includes that of Kingston Mills band on its formation in 1855. Points to
note are the early use of Eb/Bb instruments, the use of the word tuba instead of saxhorn
(made by Distin, and saxhorns in all but name) and the absence of the trombone from the
small band. The piccolo cornet was the equivalent of the modern soprano cornet, the B'
alto tuba similar to the flugel horn, the Eb alto and tenor tuba (probably different names
for the same instrument) the equivalent of today's tenor horn, the baritone tuba was
what is today called simply the baritone (or, occasionally, baritone horn) and the B" bass
tuba was a fore-runner of the euphonium. Thus, as for many years to come, the Eb
contrabass (tuba, or bombardon), was the lowest sounding instrument. This table further
emphasises the growing appetite for the cornet and also for the piccolo, or soprano
cornet, even though the brass clarinet was still available. The flugel and the Eb horn
(under whatever name) had become permanent features, and the regular use of the Bb
bass tuba (euphonium) was a vital step forward, along with the use of the E' contrabass
(bass or bombardon). With the addition of these instruments, the overall sound of the
In the 1853 and 1854 Belle Vue contests each band was required to play two own
choice selections, but in the following three years the requirements were one set test
piece and one selection of the band's choice. In 1855 the set test was an original
overture by James Melling called Orynthia, probably the first ever specially-composed
test piece. Unfortunately, no known copy exists. This was the most interesting musical
innovation of the period, but the experiment seems not to have been a success as it was
not repeated, and bands continued to provide their own arrangements of selections. In
1856 and 1857 the set tests were a Flotow overture and a Verdi selection, whilst 1858
173
saw a change to oratorio, bands playing two extracts from Haydn's Creation. All were
individually scored for the bands, because there was still no standard instrumentation.
A B C D
Eb piccolo cornet 1 1 1 1
Eb clarinet (brass) - 1 1
Eb trumpet - 1 2
Bb cornet 2 3 3 5
Bb alto tuba (fiugel) 2 2 2 1
Eb alto tuba 2 - -
Eb tenor tuba - 2 2 2
Bb baritone tuba 1 1 1 1
Trombone - 2 3 2
Bb bass tuba (euph.) 1 1 1 2
Eb contrabass 1 1 1 1
10 15 17 15
The letters to Brass Band News mentioned above recall some of the details of the early
Belle Vue arrangements. Richard Stead of Meltham, whose connection with Belle Vue
started in 1858, threw some light on the origination of the arrangements of one of them,
saying that in this particular year they were made by each band from the vocal score.
Arrangements obviously varied from band to band, and whereas in Accrington's version
the ophicleide was the featured soloist, in Meitham's, the part was given to bass
during his solo in 'On Thee Each Living Soul Awaits' (The Creation, Haydn), someone
in the band singing the remainder. Despite this, Accrington won first prize, suggesting
174
that these early contests were not taken too seriously. Robinson confirmed this
anecdote, adding that it was the alto trombonist who vocalised the remainder of the
solo. 22 In a further letter, Stead stated that Meitham's arrangement was made by a J.
Illingworth and that Meitham was conducted by H. Hartley, an organist and violinist.23
According to the Manchester Guardian the conductor was A. Jackson, but he was
Arrangements were often, though not always, made by the leader or conductor.
Beckett Worth, in his letter, 25 discusses the pieces played by Saddleworth and
Haybottoms band in 1853. These were 'Fill the shining goblet', and 'Hallelujah Chorus',
and though the former was arranged by the band's leader, John Hanson (playing Db
soprano cornet), the latter was arranged by the ophicleidist, W. Wood. Alec Hesling, in
his letter,26 gave the following information concerning arrangers: Dewsbury's Lucrezia
Borgia and the Rossini Cavatina (1853) were arranged by its conductor (Squire
Greenwood), and Richard Smith (leader) made the arrangements for Leeds Railway
band, but Meltham 'had an old soldier who wrote for them' - possibly the J. Illingworth
referred to by Stead 27 Though Hesling claimed that Mossley's 1853 version of 'The
Heavens Are Telling' was arranged by its leader, William Taylor, doubt is cast on this by
a letter from Angus Holden, 28 claiming that both of Mossley's 1853 pieces were
arranged by Bill Roe, 'Leader of Charles Duncan's Imperial Tent Works Show', probably
one of the members of travelling shows who supplied early amateur bands with
arrangements.
3.1.4 Collections
Comparatively little - neither of the vast amount of hand-written material nor early
published music - has survived. There are, however, several collections which call for
175
(i) Goose Eye band books
There is, or was, a set of band books in Keighley Museum, discovered by Scott and
discussed by him in his thesis as the 'Goose Eye' band books. 29 I tried, unsuccessfully, to
locate these myself but instead, found a different set of books - less interesting than
those found by Scott, but discussed in my Brass Roots. 30 I do not believe they warrant
further comment.
Labelled 'Black Dike Military Brass Band', these books were compiled during the first
few years after the band's change, in 1855, from the Queenshead band. Eight have
survived, housed in Black Dyke's archive, each containing 42 pieces. (There were 43,
but number 15 has been removed from each remaining book). Half the pieces are
arrangements from art music and the remainder mainly dances, with examples of the
waltz, the polka, the quadrille and the galop, plus two un-named marches. There are
four overtures and five operatic selections (categorized variously as selection, cavatina,
aria or grand scena). Verdi, Donizetti and Bellini are each represented, and 'Hallelujah
Chorus', 'The Heavens Are Telling' and Mendelssohn's 'Wedding March' are to be found
Enderby Jackson as test piece for his 1856 Hull contest (see page 91 above), and
appearing at number 17 in the books. It adopts the waltz structure of Strauss and other
contrasting waltz themes (all in either binary or ternary form) and a finale, referring to
earlier material. Dynamics were added in red, suggesting that more care was taken in the
performance-preparation of this piece than of the others, which exhibit only basic marks
and subdominant, the occasional use of a diminished chord and some chromaticism in
176
Clarinet in Db Alto sax horn in Ab
Fugle [sic] horn in Eb Tenor trombone
Solo cornet in Ab ophicleide Ophicleide
2nd cornet in Ab Bass drum
The clarinet takes the top part and, interestingly, the Eb 'fugle' is scored in the manner of
a 2nd soprano cornet, often complementing the clarinet in the same way that the 2nd
cornet complements solo cornet. Scott concluded that the band gradually increased in
size as the books were being compiled, and that there must originally have been part
books for trumpet and bass trombone. The final three pieces require a cornet and an alto
saxhorn in Bb (flugel horn), suggesting that by the time these were written, some of the
older instruments were being replaced by more up-to-date ones. These part books have
Part books from the now defunct Cyfarthfa band of Merthyr Tydfil (mentioned on page
36 above) form a much more substantial collection of early band pieces than those at
Black Dike. Six sets, comprising 105 part books have survived, containing over 350
pieces. Trevor Herbert has written at length about this band and its music. 32 Just over
half are arrangements from art music - some 70 from opera and circa 50 which may be
classed as 'sacred'. There are also transcriptions of piano pieces, glees and an organ
fugue, but the most remarkable part of the collection is its 40 or so orchestral
of which there are five, as well as single movements from other symphonies. However,
the piece which calls for special mention is the Tydfil Overture by Joseph Parry (1841-
1903), one of the most influential Welsh musicians of the nineteenth century and, as
Herbert points out, the first composer of stature to write for brass band.
Based on the evidence of a photograph from circa 1855, the Cyfarthfa band at
that time comprise three keyed bugles, four comets, two tenor horns, four trombones, a
177
instruments, plus bass and side drums. This was both large and forward-looking for the
mid-i 850s.
The recently discovered '4th L.R.V.' band parts from Bacup are, I believe, going to be a
source of much interest. There are 21 part books, containing band parts for some 35
It has been possible to compare the titles with the band's activities, outlined by
Leach, 34 and this has made it possible to date some of the pieces. Though not very
orderly at the moment in most books, there are 10 numbered sets which I have dated
between 1864 and 1868. There are several others which, though not all coming after
Number 10 chronologically, may have been written on separate sheets and added to the
books later. There are also several titles which appear in only a few of the books,
suggesting that the actual fixing into the books was the responsibility of the individual
members and that, perhaps, because they were not in regular use, some of the parts were
not inserted.
The first selection in the books, Reminiscence of Auber will possibly also prove
to be the most interesting of the arrangements, and I have looked at this in some detail.
It was the test piece for the 1864 BelIe Vue contest, the first of four which the Bacup
band was to win during its short career. The contest, and the intense interest it caused in
Bacup, are described by Leach. 35 Over 2,000 inhabitants travelled by train to Belle Vue
to support their band. Because of the large entry (14 bands) the own choice test piece
was dispensed with. The Auber itself lasted circa 14 minutes and was, for the time, a
very comprehensive test. Leach states: 'The cadenza in this was the most difficult ever
sent out, but John Lord came off finely'. This creates a slight mystery because Lord, the
band's leader, is also generally described as its solo comet player. There is no solo
comet part for the Auber selection, though there are two identical soprano parts (as
indeed there are for most of the pieces). There is, however, a difficult soprano cadenza,
178
and I must assume that this is the one played by Lord. It is shown in Appendix 14. The
absence of the solo cornet part (is it lost or was there ever one?) suggests that perhaps
Lord played soprano cornet for this contest and that he, and not William Greenwood,
the band's regular soprano player, played the cadenza. The fact that there are two
soprano parts and a solo cornet part for most of the pieces raises the possibility that
Lord alternated between the two during the band's general playing.
The absence of the solo cornet part leaves a few doubts, added to by the absence
of the solo euphonium part which, without any doubt, would have existed. Nevertheless,
I have attempted a brief analysis of the selection. It consists of nine different sections, as
shown below:
These collections, particularly those of Black Dike, Cyfarthfa and the 4th L.R.V.
provide a valuable insight into the types of music played by leading bands in the 1850s
and 1 860s. They also provide the opportunity for studying playing skills and scoring
179
Information about the instrumentation of three bands in 1860 and 1861 comes from
entry forms for the Crystal Palace contests, part of the former Ainscoe Collection, but
now in the care of the respective bands. Though differences persist - especially in the
case of Black Dike, with a clarinet, french horn and ophicleide - there are signs that
bands were progressing towards a more standardised instrumentation than had been the
case at Belle Vue in 1853. Details are shown in Table 19. Meitham was stronger than
the other two in the lower-middle range of baritone/euphonium, pointing to the future.
Though Besses a' th' Barn did not compete at Crystal Palace, its 1860 instrumentation,
as given by Hampson, is also included in this table. The absence of a euphonium here is
surprising, and is possibly due to a lapse of someon&s memory. The three horns
comprised one in Eb and two unspecified - probably also in Eb, but possibly in Db.
180
The three sopranos of Saltaire, though not unique, were not common, would pose
problems in intonation and never became standard. Its family of three trombones,
however, looked to the future, and was destined to become standard, as indeed, was the
The four-year series of Crystal Palace contests (1860-1863) was mentioned on pages
97-98 above. Much of the music played there has survived in a number of scores and
sets of band parts in the former Ainscoe Collection. 36 Bands played two own choice
tests in the 1860 contest, none of which seem to have survived, but in the Collection
there were scores for set tests in the other three years:
1861 LeProphète Meyerbeer
1862 Robert le Diable Meyerbeer
1863 La Forza del Destino Verdi
All were arranged by James Smyth (1818-1885), and demonstrate the changes in
instruments and instrumentation taking place at the time. Also in the Collection were a
number of pieces played by the massed band - at least three arranged by Enderby
Jackson himself. The one surviving full score from 1860 is his arrangement of 'God Save
Db soprano Bb bary [sic] [baritone]
1st Ab cornet Tenor and bass trombones
2nd A' cornet Solo bass [euphonium)]
Eb and Db altos Bass
Trombone and bass parts are in bass clef, with all other instruments using treble,
transposed according to the pitch of the instrument. Russell and Elliot 38 lists the
instruments reputedly played in the 1860 massed band; the list is reproduced in Table 20.
181
Table 20 Instruments used in the 1860 Crystal Palace massed band
This list matches the instrumentation shown on the Jackson score and there are a
number of points worth noting: there were still no 3rd comets; the Eb aithoms were to
become the solo horns of the future, whilst the 1St and 2nd Db aithorns retained their
anomalous names of '1st' and '2nd' even when they changed to Eb; the tenor trombones
would almost certainly be valved, and were slightly out-numbered by (slide) bass
trombones; ophicleides were probably divided between playing the euphonkm part (still
generally called solo bass) and that of bass; and the large number of Eb basses was in
contrast to the presence of only two B" contrabasses - fore-runner of the later, larger,
BBb bass.
In the Jackson score the melody is given to soprano, 1st cornet and, at times, to
Eb alto - usually sounding at the sub-octave. Bass trombone, solo bass and bass take the
bass line, whilst the remaining instruments fill in the middle harmonies. In a version of
'The Heavens Are Telling', arranged by Tidswell, 39 of which only the band parts have
survived, the scoring seems to have been similar to that of Jackson, except that there
was a div/si soprano part, and the bass trombone alternated between the bass line and
In 1862 the principal change was the establishment of Bb and Eb pitch for the
.182
James Frost, in his letter to Brass Band News 40 made a point about the reason for
changing from Ab and Db instruments to those in B b and Eb. He had joined the Matlock
band circa 1860, when it was still playing the older type of instrument. He stated that
because much of the music played was in keys with four, five, six or even seven flats, it
was easier to use instruments in the newer pitches. The key for any given piece would be
instruments pitched in Db would play in a key with one flat less than those in Ab, but
those pitched in C (trombones and ophicleides) would be required to play in a key with
four flats more. Thus, a piece written in E" major for the Ab instruments would be in B"
major for the D1' instruments, but in the somewhat unfriendly key of Cb major for
pitched instruments would require only two flats more than Bb instruments in their key
signatures.
The family of altos gave the score a more advanced look, though there was as
yet no move to 'modernise' the lower part of the band. The Eb corni, probably french
horns, may have been played in the lower part of their range making them, effectively,
extra baritones. Solo bass would be the equivalent of the later solo euphonium and basso
content of the three test pieces, though in some ways, the 1861 test was more
adventurous than its successor, with a cadenza for the alto as well as for the comet, and
rather more exposed scoring. Both selections took some eight minutes to perform, and
their scores confirm that the change to E' and B" took place in 1862. In the 1863 score
(La Forza), 'Bb bary' has become 'B b alt', and there are 1st, 2nd and bass trombones,.
providing a further 'family' of instruments. This selection was a more comprehensive test
than the earlier ones, lasting about 13 minutes, with a wider range of instrumental
colour. It was also well up to date, the opera itself having been premiered a mere nine
183
3.2.3 Repertoire at Belle Vue
The set test plus own choice piece formula returned in 1860; the emphasis on operatic
selections for the set test continued, though with a slight change, in 1864, to
'Recollections of Auber', discussed in 3.1.4 (iv) above. However, as Auber's fame rested
almost entirely on his operas it may be assumed that this also was, in reality, an operatic
selection, but with extracts not restricted to one opera. This was the year in which, due
to the large entry (14 bands) 'the bands were not called upon to play a selection of their
own'.42
1863 was probably the year of the first published test piece, in addition to being
the year in which the playing of Bb comets in the set test was required, 43 following a
similar move at Crystal Palace in 1862. The Manchester Guardian stated that following
the 'own choice' part of the contest, bands played a selection from Faust 'arranged by
There is no mention of an arranger in the 1864 report, but in his November 1904
letter Gladney stated that he thought Melling arranged the 1865 test piece, a selection
from Verdi's Un Ba/b in Maschera; 45 this was confirmed in Bury Times of 9 September
1865 which, reporting the contest, stated that the music was arranged by J. Melling of
Manchester, and that the music was 'sent [to the bands] by the proprietor'.46 However,
all the parts for this selection in the Bacup band books are hand-wriften by George Ellis.
1866 was the last year in which bands prepared two test pieces for the Belle Vue
contests, and more definite information now emerges about the arrangers. Herr Grosse,
principal clarinettist in the Hallé Orchestra, arranged the 1866 selection (from
Meyerbeer's L' Africaine - the opera having been first performed as recently as 1865),
William Winterbottom, a Royal Marines bandmaster arranged the tests for 1867, 1869,
1870 and 1871, whilst that for 1868 was made by James Waterson, a bandmaster in the
Life Guards (see page 187 below). Charles Godfrey (1839-1919), bandmaster of the
Royal Horse Guards from 1868 to 1904 arranged Souvenir of Mozart for the Belle Vue
184
contest of 1872, after which he arranged every Belle Vue test piece until 1915 (also
Chapter 4.3. Table 21 lists the first 12 years of specially arranged test pieces.
1863 Faust, Gounod, arranged 'Messrs. Chappell and Hammond'; (plus own choice)
1864 Reminiscences of Auber, arranger unknown; (own choice piece not required)
1865 Un Ballo in Maschero, Verdi, arranged James Melling; (plus own choice)
1866 L'Africaine, Meyerbeer, arranged Herr Grosse; (plus own choice)
1867 Der Freischütz, Weber, arranged William Winterbottom
1868 Roberto le Diable, Meyerbeer, arranged James Waterson
1869 Le Prophète, Meyerbeer, arranged William Winterbottom
1870 Ernani, Verdi, arranged William Winterbottom
1871 Ii Barbiere, Rossini, arranged William Winterbottom
1872 Souvenir de Mozart, arranged Charles Godfrey
1873 Dinorah, Meyerbeer, arranged Charles Godfrey
1874 Faust, Spohr, arranged Charles Godfrey
there would almost certainly be a tendency for them to gravitate towards that of the
scores provided, thereby assisting the move towards standardisation during the late
3.2.4 Instrumentation
The size of bands had obviously been gradually increasing. Stead wrote that in 1858
numbers varied from 14 to and according to Marsden, Bacup's fill band in the
1860s was 19, though he conceded that some bands had fewer. 48 Ben Haley of
Brighouse said that in th 1860s most bands had circa 17 players, but not more than
Gladney maintained that in 1871 bands generally had 16-20 players, whilst Joseph
Paley said that by 1872 most bands had 20. In fact, the Manchester Guardian states that
as early as 1866, 'The bands consisted severally of 20 performers', and in its report of the
1867 contest it clearly showed that all competing bands had this number of players.50
Despite these differences in detail, the size of bands had risen during the 1 860s.
.185
Table 22 Instrumentation in the later 1860s
Eb piccolo piston or clar Eb soprano cornet Petit bugle (Eb soprano) Lb soprano comet
1st Bb solo piston 1st Bb cornette 1st Lb cornet a piston Bb solo cornet (leader)
2nd B b solo piston 2nd Bb solo cornet Solo bugle Bb repiano
1st Bb piston of flugel Bb flugel horn 2nd bugle Bb flugel horn
2nd Bb piston or flugel 2nd Bb cornet* 3rd bugle 2nd cornet (or flugel)
4th bugle 3rd cornet (or flugel)
1st bugle (fanfare)
Corni in Eb (1st tenor)* Eb tenore primo 1st horn+ 1st L b tenor horn
Comi in Eb (2nd tenor)* Eb 2nd sax 2nd horn+ 2nd E b tenor horn
Corm in Eb (3rd ten. ad lib) Eb 3rd sax tenor 3rd horn+ 3rd Eb tenor horn
1st trom. ad lib (bass clef) Tenor from. primo 1st trom. (bass clef) 1st trombone
2nd from. ad lib (bass clef) 2nd tenor trombone 2nd from. (bass c lef) 2nd trombone
2nd trombone (tenor clef)+
Bass trombone* Bass trombone 3rd from. (bass clef) Bass trombone
Eb Bombardon Bombardon or tuba Basses (bass clef)
Eb bass+ Eb bass
Lb bass+ Bb bass
Bb bass
BBb bass BBb bass
As has been seen, Belle Vue test pieces were being published from 1863. The earliest
band parts which I have located, however, (apart from those in the recently-discovered
4th L.R.V. band books - see Appendix 14) date from a few years later, and are not all
directly connected with Belle Vue. The first, published in 1866, was the selection from
L'Africaine, arranged by Grosse. 51 A set of parts for this has survived in Black Dyke's
archive, headed 'Journal No. 47 - Chappell'; it uses instruments as shown in Table 22.
Most parts are printed, but those marked + are hand-written and may, therefore, be
different from the original parts. Parts marked * are missing, but are presumed to have
existed because of the implication of the names of other parts. For example, the presence
of a 3rd horn part suggests that there had been parts for 1st and 2nd horn.
186
In the archive of Meitham and Meltham Mills band, I found parts for the 1868
Meyerbeer'. Though no arranger is shown in existing lists of Belle Vue contests, the fact
that it was Waterson is mooted in a letter from John Gladney to Brass Band News of
'Mr. Waterson of the 2nd Life Guards arranged Roberto [sic] (1868) for the
Courtois Union Band, a band of professional brass instrument players who all
played Courtois instruments. This band was organised by Messrs. Chappell and
Co. Mr. Jennison [Belle Vue manager] merely adopted this piece.'53
All the band parts except one in the Meitham set are hand-written; the exception is the
solo cornet part, which is printed and names the arranger, confirming that it was
Waterson, and that the selection was published. Returning to the Black Dyke archive,
there is a set of parts for 'Fantasie sur 1' opera Herculanum' by Ed. Van Buggenhoud.54
is clearly marked, however, 'Test piece, Blackpool, 31St August, 1 868;' the parts are
listed in Table 22. The remaining instrumentation shown in Table 22 is that of Gladney's
selection from Lucrezia Borgia (Donizetti). Parts for this are still intact in Black Dike's
distinct French influence in its use of the word piston - an abbreviation of cornet-a-
piston, though corni for the horns is of Italian derivation. 'Althorn' was in vogue at the
time, but as the 2nd baritone and solo euphonium parts were handwritten, their names
probably differed from the originals. This was arranged primarily as a test piece, so it is
surprising that there was a percussion part. The 1868 Waterson score veered more
towards English nomenclature, though the B" bass would undoubtedly take on the role
of euphonium, and it is worth noting that there was only one of these, as well as only
one baritone. The bombardon part contains a cadenza, not shown in the Eb bass part
(though in other respects they are similar), and therefore they may be regarded as solo
187
and second bass. The use of a BBb bass was quite advanced for the time, and a part of
were still not standardised. The differences are the use of 1St and 2nd soprano, Eb
instead of Bb flugel horn, a repiano cornet (an early example of the use of this term), a
3rd cornet, two Eb saxhorns and two baritones (rather than the three saxhorns and one
baritone in the Meitham version) a 2nd euphonium and the absence of a Bb or BBb bass.
Besses did not compete at Belle Vue in 1868; they may have played the selection at
some other contest but did not, according to Hampson, win a prize playing it. This was
during the period that James Melling conducted Besses. The Van Buggenhoud
in the upper part of the band. These parts were, presumably, intended to be played on
flugel horns, but with the possible exception of the 'solo bugle', would doubtless be
played on comets in English bands. The Bb bass would be a larger instrument than the
Bb bass sax (or euphonium), but would have a smaller bore than the BB b bass.
Gladney's score showed a natural progression from the earlier ones, and closely
resembled the instrumentation used for the next 70 years. It also used modern
terminology, and allowed for the use of one, two or three flugels, a characteristic of later
scores by Gladney. By using two independent euphoniums, as well as 1st and 2nd
baritones and a trio of trombones, Gladney was exploiting and extending the sonorities
of the lower tenor/baritone range. Similarly, his bass section was approaching that of the
modern brass band. 'Basses' was probably played by two Eb instruments, and the Bb and
Table 22 thus indicates the steady move during the second half of the 1860s
towards modern instrumentation, with a gradual increase in the number of parts scored,
though it is not possible to be sure what the actual number of players was, as there is no
indication which parts, if any, were shared. From the early 1870s Gladney began steering
188
his bands towards the instrumentation of the modern contesting band, a policy which
brought him rich rewards, with the following successes at Belle Vue during the 1 870s:
Gladney had also been campaigning for the use of the slide trombone since 1869, when
he arranged Lucrezia Borgia. Trombone solos up to this time had been unusual, an
exception being one written by Waterson in his Robert le Diable selection of 1868. This,
it seems, was played on the valve trombone in most bands. Gladney's attempts to include
the slide trombone in his instrumentation was with the intention of improving the band's
sound, whereas an 1873 Belle Vue rule banning the use of the valve trombone (see
pages 90-91 above) was an attempt to prevent players of other valve instruments from
Brass Band News in which, as well as explaining how he modelled Meltham band 'on the
'When I wrote Lucrezia Borgia for the great contest at Bacup in 1869, I wrote a
solo for slide trombone and insisted on its being played on a slide, and as I was
to judge it could not be shirked.
This probably represented the start of the campaign to replace the valve tenor trombone
1873, subject to Gladney's memory, was not only the last time the use of the
valve trombone was permitted in a Belle Vue contest, it was also the last time reed
instruments were allowed, and from this year there was a rule regulating the maximum
189
Scores and parts of test pieces arranged pre-1875 are quite rare, and in addition
to those listed in Table 22, the only other examples I have found references to are copies
of Godfrey's arrangement of Dinorah (Meyerbeer - for the 1873 Belle Vue contests) and
Gladney's selections from Verdi's Stffe1io and Mozart's Ii Flauto Magico (the Italianised
discussed in the next chapter but for the record there are, at the present time, sets of
parts for Dinorah in the archives of the Haydock and Meitham bands.
collection of scores owned by the music publisher R. Smith and Co., and stored in their
Aylesbury office. Dated 1870, it varies from the Lucrezia Borgia selection only in that it
has parts for two soprano comets. His 1874 arrangement of a selection from Verdi's
SUffelio58 (a copy of the parts of which are in Salford University's brass band archive)
dispenses with the extra soprano, calls for only one fiugel horn, and introduces tenor clef
into the tenor trombone parts and treble clef into all bass parts. The instrumentation is
thus virtually the same as that of the modem contesting band, though with slight
variation in the names of the parts. Horns are here classified as 'solo', '2nd' and '3rd', and
baritones as 'solo' and '2nd'. There are two separate parts for euphonium; '2nd' generally
doubling 'solo euphonium' either at the unison or sub-octave, but occasionally becoming
technical demands. It contains seven extracts from the opera, each self-contained and
with its own natural conclusion; consequently, there are no links or contrived cadenzas.
The key scheme is simple, B b instruments being restricted to C, F, Bb and E' majors and
D minor. Solo cornet and euphonium take most of the solo work, but there are also solo
passages for flugel horn and trombone, with one for solo horn doubled by baritone.
There are a number of exposed bars but no actual solos for the soprano.
190
3.3 CONCLUSION
Part I of the thesis has shown how, from an early, rudimentary, but completely nation-
wide amateur band movement, the all-brass band emerged in northern England, where
the economics and geography of the region combined to pave the way for higher-quality
and arrangers had to tailor their work to match individual combinations. As time went
on, publishers such as Distin devised what today might be called 'flexi-scores' - able to
cope with bands which differed in size and instrumentation. With the advent of a greater
quantity of published music, the better bands were gradually forced into adopting an
The second point concerns the use of thu scores. It is doubtful if these were
prepared for the early arrangements, involving relatively few instruments. Parts were
probably written out directly from a piano copy or vocal score. The average leader
would not have sufficient musical literacy to be able to read a full score, and even if one
had been available, in performance, he would have found great difficulty in turning pages
every few bars, in addition to playing and leading. With the advent of more complex
arrangements and increasing musical literacy, and with the arrival of conductors, scores
became necessary, and many of these - hand-written - have survived in some band
libraries.
improve, and the skill and musicianship of bandsmen developed concurrently with this as
instrumentation became more standardised. Perhaps most important of all, there was a
growing contingent of potentially skilled band trainers, currently gaining playing and
contesting experience which they would exploit during the century's final quarter.
191
From 1875 there was to be a veritable explosion in the availability of cheap,
published music, and the stage was set for the coming of the great northern brass band
How this developed is the subject for the remainder of this thesis.
Notes
1 British Bandsman
of 1 June 1899 (page 163) provides the following information:
'Macfarlane, George, was one of the earliest English cornet players with any reputation.
He flourished 1835-50, was a member of the Duke of Devonshire's private band, and
author of the "Cornopean Instructor. . . with Exercises, Preludes, Airs, and Duetts [sic],
in every key in which the instrument is playable with effect". In Catalogue of Printed
Mrusic in the British Library to 1980, he is credited with 10 compositions between 1845
and 1860, though there is no mention of the 1836 publication.
2 Cocks was a leading publisher of wind instrumental music of the period.
employed by the latter. Carl Boosé (18 15-1868), a clarinettist, came to London in 1835,
following service in the German army. He served in a number of British regiments, and
was bandmaster of the Scots Guards 1842-1859, following which he took up a similar
appointment with the Royal Horse Guards. Well noted for his arrangements, he became
editor for Boosey in circa 1846. (Information from the New Grove, Sadie, 1980, and
Zealey, A.E. and Ord Hume, J., 1926).
Quoted in Scott, page 213.
An article in The Illustrated News of the World of 3 August, 1861, following his
Crystal Palace success with Saltaire, gives a few facts about Smith' brass band career.
According to Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 143, he was born in Batley (no date given);
Dave Russell, 1987, page 137, states that he became a 'menagerie musician'.
Russell, 1987, page 175, suggests that Lawson's Wellington Saxhorn Band, of Leeds,
founded in December, 1851, may have been the first saxhorn band in Britain.
10 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 102.
11 Ibid., page 208. This states 'in Ab' , but probably means 'D b and Ab'.
12 In the article by Bevan, 'Brass Band Contests: Art or Sport?' in Herbert (edited),
15Ibid.
16
and Elliot, 1936, page 102.
17
Published in Brass Band News, of January 1905 (page 4).
18
Hampson, 1893, page 15.
192
19 He was the youngest member of the Distin family (see pages 17-18 above), and by
now was in business selling instruments and music.
20 Scott, 1970, pages 138-139.
21 Brass Band News, November 1904, page 4.
22 Ibid., December 1904, page 4.
23 Ibid.
24 According to the entry form in the band's archive, Henry Hartley conducted Meitham
Mills Band at the 1860 Crystal Palace, and Alfred Jackson was the leader. Both are
listed as publicans.
25 Brass Band News, January 1905, page 4.
26 Ibid., December 1904, page 4.
27 On the 1860 Crystal Palace entry form there is a James Illingworth, described as a
store keeper, and playing 1St baritone. This is most likely the Illingworth who made the
arrangements (see Massey, 1996, page 5).
28 In the former Ainscoe collection, seen some years ago by the writer.
29 Scott, 1970, pages 214-215.
30 Newsome, 1998, pages 96-97.
31 See Scott, 1970, pages 229-235 and Newsome, 1998, pages 72-75 and Appendix 3.
32 See, for example, 'Instruments of the Cyfarthfa Band', The Ga/pin Society Journal
(1988), pages 2-10; 'The Repertory of a Victorian Provincial Brass Band', Popular
Mrusic volume 9, number 1, (1990), pages 117-132; several entries in Bands (1991)
(edited), and a compact disc, Virtuoso Victorian Brass Music from Cyfarthfa, Wales,
recorded by the Wallace Collection, and released by Nimbus in 1996 (NI 5470). In
connection with this project, see also 'The Wallace Collection's Cyfarthfa Project' (John
Wallace) in the Historic Brass Society's Newsletter, Issue Number 8, Summer 1995, and
a 'Conversation with John Wallace and Trevor Herbert' by Ralph Dudgeon in the
Historic Brass Society's Newsletter, Issue Number 9, Summer 1996.
Reproduced in Herbert (edited), 1991, page 14.
Leach, 1904, pages 11-13.
Ibid.
36 This music is now in the possession of Arnold Myers of Edinburgh.
Smyth was bandmaster of the Royal Artillery Band (Woolwich) from 1854 to 1881
(Zealley, page 18).
38 Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 114-115.
9 Or Tideswell. There seem to have been a number of these amongst early band people;
this is probably he who at one time conducted Wombwell's band and the Belle Vue band
(see Taylor, 1979, page 43).
40 ]3rass Band News, November 1904, page 4.
41 For further information about the Crystal Palace band music see Newsome, 1998,
pages 76-78, and Appendix 4.
42 Leach, 1908, page 12.
43 The Manchester Guardian, 1 September 1863, page 2.
4 Ibid.
193
This opera had been premiered in Rome in 1859 and London in 1861 and was
therefore, in keeping with many early selections, quite modern.
46 Bury Times, 9 September, 1865, last page (un-numbered).
51 Grosse was principal clarinetist in the Hallé orchestra, and conductor of Droylsden
reed band (see Brass Band News, August 1891, page 4).
52 Waterson also adjudicated at the 1868 Belle Vue contest, as he had done once
previously, in 1864. He was to become one of the first editors of British Bandsman
(founded 1887).
Gladney's letter to Brass Band News, November 1904, page 4.
Edouard Van Buggenhoud (b. 1818) is listed in 'The Heritage Encyclopedia of Band
Music', Volume 3 (Rehrig, 1996), on page 797. He was born in Brussels and studied at
the Conservatoire there. He conducted in theatres in France and Belgium, and in 1852
founded the magazine, Le Metronome, which published music for wind band. The entry
does not mention Herculanum which must, nevertheless, have been one of his more
important works.
The contest was won by Black Dike, Bacup being second, Matlock 3rd and Saftaire
4th (see Leach, 1908, page 45).
56
Even though band parts were being published for test pieces, it was rare throughout
the nineteenth century to have printed full scores. If required, they were reconstructed
from the band parts.
The Manchester Guardian reports, and Littlemore, 1987, pages 312-3 14.
58 Shffelio was premiered in Trieste in 1850. One of Verdi's least popular operas, it
suffered from a plot built around a German Protestant minister's adulterous wife, which
did not lend itself to the Italian opera culture, and despite being regarded as one of
Verdi's finer early-period operas, failed to achieve lasting success. Aroldo, essentially a
revised version of Stffelio, but incorporating much new material, appeared in 1857.
Though appealing to several later brass band arrangers, in the theatre it suffered an even
worse fate than Stfj'elio, the original score of which, presumed lost, was re-discovered
in 1968, since when there have been a number of revivals. Many later brass band test
pieces were similarly based on forgotten or unsuccessful operas, presumably because
their arrangers were concerned only with musical content, and not with problems caused
by dubious plots or inferior librettos.
194
PART II
Chapter 4
4.5 Conclusion
195
4.1 PRINCIPAL INFLUENCES
The development of band music and instrumentation to 1874 was discussed in some
detail in Chapter 3. Later developments within the period, resulting from the work of
John Gladney, were centred around the better bands of the time, but without doubt he
also helped establish and regularise an instrumentation which, with but slight
modifications, was to become the standard instrumentation of British brass bands - and
Gladney's early contributions to the brass band movement have already been
accomplished and experienced musician, with more musical acumen than any of his
contemporaries - mostly retired army or travelling show musicians. This quickly became
apparent as he steered his Meitham band into a position of pre-eminence, acquiring high-
quality players, adapting the instrumentation, and making special arrangements which
exploited both individual playing skills and the well-balanced band. His conducting
successes in the 1870s, with Meitham and other bands, were seen on page 189, his
arrangement of a Lucrezia Borgia selection (1879) mentioned on the same page, and his
Stffelio selection (1874) briefly discussed on page 190. Other arrangements of his,
notably his selection from Mendelssohn's Elijah (circa 1876) are discussed in my Brass
Roots. 1 G1adneys influence during the approach to, and throughout the final quarter of
perhaps more than anything else, spurred on the spread of the brass band during the final
quarter of the nineteenth century. Several publishers catered for the combination, but
with the development of the northern brass band movement it was inevitable that
northern publishers took the lead. The greatest stimulus by far came with the founding
of the Liverpool Brass Band (and Military) Journal, by Henry Round and Thomas
Hargrave Wright, in 1875. The substantial space allotted to their publications in the
thesis is indicative of the part I believe they played in the furtherance of brass band
•196
music in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and it is fortuitous that so much of
Though catering for a large number of lesser-able bands than the high-flyers of
Gladney's, Wright and Round publications owed much to his pioneering work,
particularly in the use of three saxhorns as the central pillar of the score. There were
differences, of course, with no formal part for flugel horn, and a generally lighter bass
section; but these were designed to help the average band, whilst at the same time
commercially, but Wright and Round scoring practise certainly owed much to him, and
Another major force in the development of band music at this time came through
the work of Charles Godfrey (junior) (1839-1919), who arranged all Belle Vue test
Winterbottom and James Waterson, had helped lead bands towards an acceptable
instrumentation (see pages 184-185 above), but it was Godfrey who consolidated this
during the course of this chapter. However, though they undoubtedly added their quota
to the music available, their influence seems to have been marginal, paling almost into
.197
4.2 WRIGHT AND ROUND.
4.2.1 Introduction
Little is known about the beginnings of Wright and Round or its founders, though
Russell and Elliot claims that both were professional musicians, 'connected with local
theatre orchestras and other musical bodies'. Henry Round is described as a band teacher
who composed and arranged music for bands 'under his tuition', parts being hand-written
and lithographed prior to the publishing company being founded in order to meet
Some information about Round's early life is gleaned from an article headed 'My
First Carot; 3 he came from a poor but happy home, and quite obviously had natural
musical talent. A later glimpse of him as a successful band trainer is seen in a profile of
Robert Rimmer4 (brother of William). Round was the conductor of Southport rifles
band, of which William was the solo cornet player and Thomas, father of William and
Robert, bandmaster, when Robert joined. His profile refers to a period when, under
Round, the rifles band won 14 consecutive first prizes. The early 1880s would be the
period referred to - about the time of the founding of Brass Band News (October 1881)
- but some years after Wright and Round had founded their music publishing company.
Round's publishing activities spread minimally beyond the bounds of brass bands
and his Liverpool company. Advertisements suggest that he was publishing glees
through F. Pitman, London, and there are 11 entries under his name in the Catalogue of
states that he died peacefully, after a short illness, on 25 July 1914.6 He was in his 79th
year, had been a founder of the firm of Wright and Round, but had retired from business
An early 'Wright and Round's General Catalogue'7 gives details of the company's
publications between 1875 and the end of 1896. Also included in the catalogue are
.198
details of Wright and Round's Drum and Fife Band Journal - comprising 250 pieces,
and the company's String Band Journal - 12 albums, each containing nine pieces. With
the exception of two marches, all pieces in the albums are dances, though in the Drum
and F?fe Band Journal there are several marches interspersed with the dances, along
with a few selections or fantasias from opera. Supplementary to the catalogue, I have
listed pieces which were advertised in Brass Band News between the beginning of 1897
and the end of 1899, to give an almost complete list of Wright and Round brass band
The contents of the Brass Band (and Military) Journal are significantly different
from those of the string and drum and fife bands, though many pieces found in the other
two may also be found in brass band versions. The essential difference is the inclusion in
the brass band lists of no less than 98 examples of 'ait music, the following composers
being represented:
This reflects the popularity of Handel and the Italian opera composers. Fifty-four of the
pieces were selections (in this analysis I have not differentiated between the 'selection'
and the 'grand selection'), eight were headed 'fantasia' - but in effect these were also
selections, with perhaps a shade more originality, making a total of 62. Fifty were from
opera, oratorio or incidental music - all from one specific work, whilst 12 were based on
the music of a particular composer. Of the remaining pieces in this category, 13 were
solos, mostly from opera or oratorio, and 23 were transcriptions of individual extracts
(mainly choruses) from oratorios or masses, with a few other types of extract from
199
opera or oratorio. A full list of art music from the catalogue and advertisements is
shown in Appendix 15. With the exception of seven selections attributed to Round and
one to Wright, no arrangers are named. One has to assume that most, if not all, were by
one or other of the owners - acting as editors, and it is probable that they were virtually
Classification of the remaining pieces in the catalogue was more difficult. They
fell into two broad categories - one in which there was some relationship with other
popular music of the time, and the other - by far the largest group in the catalogue -
each of which appeared in every year between 1875 and 1899. Original solos first
appeared in 1878 and were published regularly until 1888, but only spasmodically
years from 1876, 1891-1893 being the most productive, with the publication of nine.
token appearance during the final quarter of nineteenth century Wright and Round
publications, with the appearance of five examples between 1875 and 1880, and none
thereafter. The contest glee and contest quadrille put in a brief appearance during the
first half of the 1880s, and the anthem first appeared in1889.
(ii) Pieces transcribed for band, retaining some or all of the basic
elements of the original version;
200
The inclusion of known themes in a significant number of pieces was very important,
giving the bands' largely uncultured listeners something to relate to, as they may have
already heard these, either in their original form or, more likely, in some other
music hall. Many of the pieces in category (i) acknowledged permission from other
publishers - owners of the original titles of the tunes used. Pieces in category (iv) did not
Between 1875 and 1881, Wright and Round published 189 pieces. The catalogue goes
only as far as number 174, but several publications contained two, three or even four
separate items. There was also a 'Christmas Number' in 1880, with six ftirther titles;
neither these nor their successors are taken into account in the following analysis, the
majority of them being very slight. Of the 189 pieces, I have classified them as 22 pieces
of art music, 128 band pieces, and 39 linked with popular music of the day.
trends. One was the common use of the word 'fantasia'. A somewhat ambiguous term
even in mainstream music, in the Wright and Round catalogue it could be an original
of instrumental solo. Another trend was in the solo category: solos published during the
first three years were all from opera, those of the following two years were specially
composed, whilst the years 188 1-1882 produced a mixture of both. Other trends
concerned the marches anl dances. The march, though overshadowed by dances in 1875
and 1876, quickly became established as the leading genre, and from 1878 showed a
significant reliance on known tunes in what may be called the 'song-march', using one or
more popular songs of the day. Some of those which incorporated existing tunes
acknowledged the fact. For example, 'The Brave Englishman' (1878), though shown as
being composed by Wright, gives 'Death of Nelson' as a sub-title, whilst another march,
201
'The Banner of England' (1880) credits Callcott as the composer though in reality, one
suspects, he would merely have composed one of the themes used in the march.
NB: In the march and dance categories (a) indicates wholly original pieces, whilst (b)
indicates the use of one or more known melody.
Band music
Marches (a) 7 8 10 6 8 4 8
Dances (a) 10 9 7 7 6 8 12
Solo/fantasia - - - 3 1 1 3
Overture!
fantasia - 1 - 2 - 1 1
Descriptive!
fantasia 1 - 2 - 1 1 -
Another march, 'Les Huguenots', is attributed to Meyerbeer, though the same would
doubtless apply as was the case with the Callcott march. Many marches give no such
acknowledgement. Transcriptions of art music are rare during these years, with only two
examples. Eight transcriptions of light music are listed, though there are probably others
amongst the dances; as there was doubt about the identity of some of the composers, I
202
have shown them all as original band pieces. The declared transcriptions are by such
Most of what may be described as 'art music' consisted of operatic selections (or
fantasias); not surprisingly, Verdi was to the fore. There were also four other selections
and six instrumental solos. (It is interesting to note that all of these were for tenor
instruments, and surprising that there were no comet solos). These are all listed in Table
24 (the dates refer to the date of the brass band publication, not to the works' original
publication dates).
203
Most of the band pieces were marches or dances - 74 of the former and 63 of the latter.
Of the marches, approximately 51 appear to have been totally original, whilst the
remaining 23, though basically original, made use of at least one melody from some
other genre. 8 Amongst the transcriptions there were four marches originally written for
given. The predominance of the quadrille reflects not only the popularity of that
particular dance, at the time, but also the common phenomenon of the quadrille contest.
Appendix 16 lists venues and types of contest attended by Hebden Bridge and
Heptonstall bands between 1875 and 1880, indicating the importance of both the march
(for some reason, called 'quickstep' in contesting terms) and the quadrille.
As has already been observed, from 1878 the solo from opera gave way for a
time to 'composed' solos, 'Star of Paris' by L. Neubert, a cornet solo in the style of a
polka, a trombone solo by Round, 'The King's Herald' - described as a cavatina and
therefore, probably in the style of an operatic excerpt, and a Wright fantasia for cornet
song, and possibly more complex than the cavatina-type solo. Each of these was
published in 1878, and in the following year Round wrote his 'Polyphemus' - a 'solo for
basses', probably derived from the famous aria from Handel's Ads and Galatea. The
year I 8S0 saw two more solos, a 'solo polka' by Round - 'Imperial' - instrument not
(appearing in the art music category). Another 'solo polka' by Round is listed in 1881,
called 'Crack Shot', and there is a polka, 'Sweet Smiles' - described as an 'easy cornet
solo'. Thus, the styles of solos were being varied, those from opera being supplemented
ideally suited to the style and tempo of the polka, and creating a link with the popular
dance-form. The cornet was also now taking its place amongst the 'stand-up' soloists.
204
From October 1881 it becomes possible to discuss publications in greater detail,
because with each monthly edition of Brass Band News there were specimen solo cornet
parts of impending publications. An overview of the parts displayed during the first 14
months' issues helps paint a very clear picture of Wright and Round's music to the end of
1882. Now that actual parts are available, it seems appropriate to look briefly at the
structure of these early pieces. The earliest cornet part is of Round's The Red Cross
its structure is not remotely related to that of any established kind of overture. The piece
has two main sections, one a waltz and the other, effectively, a polka; it is in B' major
throughout. (All keys quoted are those of the B' instruments). The waltz is in ternary
form, its middle section being a short trombone solo, with cadenza. In the polka, a 10-
bar introduction leads to a two-bar motif which forms the basis of much of this section.
This gives way to what feels distinctly like a verse and chorus, with a bass solo section
leading to a coda in which the motif appears in augmentation. Printed on a mere quarto-
sized sheet, 9 the overture would take only some four-and-a-half minutes to perform -
even with repeats. Round had already written two similar pieces - the overtures Knight
Templar (1876) and Neptune (1880), and two fantasias The Tournament and Queen's
Prize (both 1878), probably more substantial than the overtures. Appendix 17 lists
Wright and Round's overtures and fantasias, and shows that Round periodically returned
to the 'Overture (petit)' - presumably to encourage bands which had a desire to play
'serious' music, but which were not yet capable of playing the more substantial examples.
The solo cornet part for The Red Cross, together with the short programme note, is
The second of the 1881 samples is Round's march, 'The Minstrel Boy', which
confirms the theory that this type of song-march, to become so popular, was largely
original, but at some point referred to a known tune - in this case the well-known Irish
205
Key: F major; simple duple time;
Introduction: 9 bars; first theme: 16 bars; repeated;
Fanfare-style link: 9 bars;
Second theme ('The Minstrel Boy'): 32 bars;
Bass solo: 8 bars: repeated;
Trio, in subdominant key' one theme only, 16 bars, repeated.
The whole of the F major section is then to be played again, giving the march a ternary
feel. The short programme note states that an American melody, 'Long, Long, Ago' is
also incorporated into the march, but I have not been able to identify this. (It is certainly
The remaining 1881 items reprinted in Brass Band News were four short dances,
published on one quarto sheet, headed, 'Second holiday number of dance music'. The
dances were:
Highland schottische Coming Thro' the Rye T. H. Wright
Valse Daybreak H. Round
Mazurka Lovely May Linter
Polka Turtle Doves H. Round
The schottische opens with the strains of its title song and then becomes a medley of
original tunes, all with a strong Scottish flavour. C major is the principal key, but the
subdominant and its subdominant (F and Bb) are also visited. The only gesture towards
structure is that through the use of dal segno the 'Coming Thro' the Rye' theme is
repeated at the conclusion. The valse ('Daybreak') is in F, but also visits the subdominant
key. Its structure may be represented as A-B-.C-D-E-A-B, though if one considers A-B
as A, and C-D-E as B, it may be seen as being in ternary form (A-B-A). The mazurka,
nominally in C major, appears as a rondo: A-B-A-C-A, with B' in the dominant key and
'C' in the subdominant - very conventional, in fact. The polka, based in F major, follows
Thus, the marches and dances, and even the overtures, are seen to follow basic,
rudimentary forms. They contain few technical demands for the performers, and require
206
4.2.3 Publications, 1882-1889
Table 25 classifies Wright and Round publications between 1882 and 1889. The 287
pieces have been categorized as 32 pieces of art music, 177 original band pieces, and 78
with popular music links. Solo comet parts of all 1882 publications except three are to
be found in copies of Brass Band News, and a brief review of them throws a little more
light on early Wright and Round pieces. The first of the year was Linter's sacred
fantasia, 'Reminiscences of Moody and Sankey'. 10 Appearing nine years after the
would appeal to audiences at a time when non-conformism was becoming very much the
religion of the people. It must also have appealed to up-and-coming bands. Its nine
sections, mostly linked by chordal modulating passages, contained solos for horn,
cornet, euphonium and trombone, a quartet for soprano, cornet, horn and baritone, and
interesting passages for basses. The programme note used to advertise it suggests that it
was a sequel to an earlier Linter fantasia, 'The Revival'. Both pieces reflect the strong
A copy of the solo comet part and the programme note are shown as Appendix
19. This fantasia was published in octavo size, but the next publication, a selection from
Weber's Abu Hassan was in quarto. There are three sections, the central one being a
cornet solo, and a short coda makes use of moving basses. The selection appears as an
attractive reflection of the early Weber singspiel. This was the 14th in the series of
operatic selections or fantasias published by Wright and Round, and though it must not
be assumed that all its predecessors were as slight, it is likely that some were.
The third of the 1882 publications comprised two companion pieces, both by
Round, a romanza, 'The Wanderer' and a serenade, 'The Evening Star', to be played 'in
continuation of the romance'. The first was a euphonium solo, in slow compound
quadruple time, and the second a cornet solo with several sections, but also 'with a dat
segno, giving it a ternary shape. Here was a pleasing two-some, featuring the principal
207
Next came three short dance numbers, all on one octavo sheet. They were
similar in style to the 1881 dances previously discussed; they were a quadrille - 'The
Dances which came later in the year included Wright's lancers, 'Merrie England',
a Linter schottische, 'Sweet Sixteen' and a galop, 'Sparkling Wine' by Voigt - probably
several other pieces in the popular music category, it is really a transcription of music
originally written for a different kind of band. There is also a mazurka by Muller, called
'Birthday'. This composer could be one of several German musicians of that name; he
may even have been a British army bandmaster, many of whom, in the second half of the
century, were of German origin. The remaining 1882 dances were 'in-house'
compositions - two valses 12 by Round - 'Rose of England' and tight and Shade', and
two more pieces by Linter, a galop, 'The Climax' and a varsoviana, 13 Merry-go-Round'.
including 'Come, Landlord, Fill the Flowing Bowl', 'Humpty Dumpty', 'Come, Lasses
and Lads', and 'The Lass of Richmond Hill'. It would be extremely popular with dancers
as well as rewarding to play. Linter's 'Sweet Sixteen' was clearly in minuet and trio form,
with coda. The Voigt and Muller pieces were both very short - published on a single
quarto-sized sheet. The Voigt, though almost in minuet and trio form, adopted a device
frequently used in marches of a later era, that is, an aggressive episode sandwiched
between two contrasting settings of the lyrical trio melody. The Muller mazurka was in
simple ternary form, but 'ith few examples of dotted notes in a type of dance which
normally abounds in them. Of the Round valses, 'The Rose of England' did not appear in
Brass Band News, but 'Light and Shade' did. It is reminiscent of the Viennese waltz both
cadenza, and leading to four separate waltzes and a coda, based on themes from waltzes
one and three. A programme note in Brass Band News indicates that the title reflects the
208
fact that it was 'composed expressly to show off the light and shade of a brass band'. 14
sheet, each adopt the minuet and trio form, but the varsoviana also has a coda, in which
NB: In the march and dance categories (a) indicates wholly original, whilst (b) indicates
the use of one or more known melody.
Band music
Marches (a) 5 6 3 9 10 8 4 12
Dances (a) 11 11 10 7 8 13 15 18
Solo/fantasia 5 1 2 4 2 I I -
Overture!
fantasia 1 - 1 - - 1 1
Contest quad. 1 1 - 1 -
Contest glee 1 1 - 1 -
Anthem - - - - - 1
Table 25 shows that during 1882, Wright and Round published 11 marches - five
probably wholly original and the others using existing themes. The earliest of the original
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marches was 'The Fusilier', by J. Deveigne - possibly an amateur composer. A quadrille
of his was published in 1881, and in 1893 he re-appeared as composer of a polka. 'The
Fusilier' was, however, as far as one can tell from the solo cornet part, quite competently
written. Rhythmic interest is maintained by the juxtaposition of triplet quavers and the
dotted-quaver/semi-quaver pattern.
The second original march, 'A Summer Ramble', was by S. Potter. Potter was
also probably an amateur composer, though his name was to appear several more times
in the Wright and Round catalogue between 1882 and 1898 - mainly as a composer of
dances. The first part of 'A Summer Ramble', in C major, has an introduction and three
musical ideas, the third of which is a short bass solo. All are repeated. The trio, in the
subdominant, comprises one 16-bar melody, played mezzo forte and repeated fortissimo
- with slight modifications. This march becomes tedious through the unimaginative
Round contributed three marches during the years 1882-1889. The first, 'The
short passage in the style of a bugle call. Then comes a jaunty section in ternary form,
leading to a bass solo. Here, unlike in many other marches, comets are given quite
interesting figures. The coda which rounds off the first section indulges in a little
chromaticism, with the use of either augmented sixth chords or a seventh on the
flattened submediant (it is not possible to be sure which, with the aid only of a solo
cornet part). The trio - binary and in the subdominant, is also mildly chromatic, possibly
passing through D minor. A copy of the solo cornet part of this particularly interesting
march is shown as Appendix 20. The remaining two Round marches in this series ('The
Rivals' - numbers 1 and 2) constitute a 'double number' and appear on one quarto-size
sheet, being quite short. Advertising material suggests that they could be memorised and
15
played on those occasions when the use of copies 'is found inconvenient'.
The final march was by Linter, and was described as a 'grand slow march'. Titled
'Apollo', this is less effective than some others discussed, the first part being a mere
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succession of ideas, seemingly unrelated. The trio, in ternary form, makes rather more
musical sense, but the rallentando and ad lib pause bar (with five beats, two of which
contain quaver pauses) seems somewhat illogical in the middle of the trio.
The earliest of the marches making use of known melodies is 'The Statue' -
attributed to Hérold. It is fairly conventional and not particularly attractive, its most
interesting feature being the use, in the trio, of a well-known theme from Hérold's
Zampa. The second march in this category, 'Bringing in the Sheaves' (1882), by Linter,
according to publicity material uses 'two beautiful sacred melodies now in much use in
America'. It must be assumed that the march's title is also the title of one of these songs,
but what the other is, I have not ascertained. Given that its overall structure is to a large
extent limited by the shape of the songs, the march is quite conventional, with the
'in house', using the verse and chorus from the famous song, 'Sailing, Sailing, Over the
Bounding Main'. This was, indeed, written by Marks, 16 was used 'by permission of Reid
Brothers. . . London,' and helped make a good march, which was surely very popular in
its day. Two more 'song-marches' from 1882 based, according to the catalogue, on
popular melodies of the day, were by Devers, and were also published by permission of
Reid Brothers. These were 'Our Jack's Come Home Today' and 'The Lighthouse
Keeper'. They follow a similar pattern to 'Sailing', in all three cases the verse and chorus
appearing in the first part of the march. This process was reversed in the last march to be
Wright, the march is original up to the trio, which is a straight setting of the famous
Moving away from the marches, we see a significant rise in the number of solos
in the band music category. Band contests during the 1 880s oflen also featured classes
for soloists, particularly for cornet and euphonium, creating the extra demand for solos
reflected here. Of 16 published between 1882 and 1889, there were eight solos and a
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duet for cornet, four solos for euphonium, two for trombone and one unspecified, but
probably playable by either cornet or euphonium. Seven of them were slow, eight were
roughly of the polka type, and one was an air vane - a form which was to become a
very popular type of brass solo. Here are brief comments on three of them - all
composed in 1882 - one by Enschell and the others by Round. The Enschell piece, 'Con
Amore', is described as a 'Fantasia (easy cornet solo)'. It has two sections, one in simple
quadruple time and the other in simple triple. The first is quite slow and song-like, and
incorporates a recitative and a cadenza, whilst the second is rather quicker, and in the
style of a polonaise. In contrast, Round's 'Spick and Span', a 'cornet polka', is in the style
form. The other Round solo from this period is a 'euphonium polka' - 'The Jockey'. This
cadenza, which in turn leads to the polka itself. From here-on, the structure is not vastly
different from that of the cornet solo, but moving parts are restricted to ordinary semi-
Round was clearly emerging not only as the most prolific, but also as the most
interesting innovation in 1882 was the introduction, by him, of an original contest glee
and a contest quadrille. There were still a number of quadrille contests during the early
1880s, and also some glee contests. Generally, bands were allowed to play any
appropriate piece of their choice. Round saw that here was a possible way of extending
the repertoire, introducing contest pieces written in the style of the glee or quadrille.
'Saint George and the Dragon' - composed specifically for quadrille contests - appeared
in Brass Band News of January, 1882. It is shown along with its programme note, as
Appendix 21, therefore, little need be said about it, beyond pointing out that triple
tonguing was required of the cornet player in figure four, and explaining the usual
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Each set of quadrilles contains five separate dances, called 'figures', which may
be in either simple or compound duple time. The figures each have an introduction and
two other sections. These may be thought of, respectively, as 'A', 'B' and 'C', and are
played in the order A-B-A-C-A-B-A-C-A, making each figure into a rondo. The final 'A'
is sometimes replaced by a Coda. (This was the normal way of writing and playing
quadrilles and lancers, and may be clearly seen in Numbers (figures) two and five of
'Saint George and the Dragon'. Perhaps because it was a contest piece, Numbers one,
three and four were organised rather differently, though their aural effect would be the
same).The dances are quite energetic, and it was usual to have a break between each
figure. Contemporary reports suggest that members of the audience often danced whilst
the band played quadrilles - even in contests - and there was no reason why they should
The companion piece was the glee, 'The Forest Queen'. The glee was a choral
composition, at the height of its popularity between 1750 and 1830. It comprised a
number of self-contained sections expressing the moods of the various passages of the
poem on which it was based. It was, therefore, a kind of tone-poem, but based on vocal
idioms rather than instrumental ones. As was seen above, a few glees by well-known
glee composers were transcribed for band during Wright and Round's early years, and it
was not surprising, therefore, that the versatile Round should pen one of his own.
'The Forest Queen' was published by Wright and Round in 1882, and two years
of a librettist, so it must be assumed that Round wrote his own words, and for his
subject, he wrote a poem based on the legend of Robin Hood and Maid Marian. The text
of this is shown as Appendix 22. The musical sections vary, reflecting the changing
moods of the poem, and with short links between the sections. There is dynamic variety,
change of pace and rhythm, and in addition to solo and tutti passages, there is a stanza
for quartet, featuring two comets and a horn and, alternately, baritone and euphonium;
the glee would take seven to eight minutes to perform. 18 The idea of writing these
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specialised test pieces did not last, and Round produced only two more of each
One final piece from the years 1882-1889 needs a mention, and that is Round's
selection from Wagner's Rienzi. No solo cornet part appeared in Brass Band News, but
there is a hand-written score in the archive of Besses o' th' Barn. There was a review in
Brass Band News of May, 1882, under the heading 'Grand Selection, "Rienzi", Wagner,
Arranged as a Band Contest Piece by H. Round'. In typical Brass Band News style, over
half the review is devoted to extolling the virtues of the selection without divulging
anything about it. It continues with a brief review of the styles of the various sections,
mentioning some of the solos. Little of substance could have been learned, however,
1882. Though the Belle Vue contest had adopted the set test piece back in the 1850s
along with, until 1866, a second piece of the band's own choice, the majority of other
band contests demanded only a single own choice test. The 1882 Trawden contest was
by no means the first local contest to call for a set test, but it was not common to have
one specially arranged. Trawden is a village, mid-way between Keighley and Burnley,
and the 1882 event was the 15th in its annual round of band contests. It was open to
bands which had not won a first prize in any selection contest during the preceding year.
Wright and Round were appointed 'musical agents for the contest', thereby assuring
good coverage in their magazine. The test piece was advertised as The Last of the
Tribunes (Rienzi), by Wagner, arranged for the contest by Henry Round. It would be
forwarded to competing bands six weeks before the contest, and was not on general sale
until after the contest. 14 bands entered, but only nine actually competed (quite normal
for the time). It was estimated that over 4,000 people attended, many walking 10 miles
over moorland. 19 This is one of several scores from this period which I have reviewed in
my Brass Roots. 20 Even though Rienzi had been first performed (in Dresden) as early as
214
1842, its London premiere was not until 1879, so the selection was well up-to-date as
4.2.4 Instrumentation
So far, only titles, structure and content have been discussed. What of scoring and
instrumentation? It has already been seen that Wright and Round publications were
available for military band, as well as for full and small brass band. Not until the 1885 list
was it made clear what the instrumentation of these bands actually was. Here, it stated
that the fill brass band (20 parts) consisted of the following:
Attention was called (*) to the fact that there were two solo comets and two Eb
bombardons in the military and frill brass bands. The small brass band (14 parts) was as
follows:
Thus, the smaller band dispensed with parts for the conductor, solo tenor horn,
The military band instrumentation, the 1885 list declared, was the 'same as Full
Brass Band, with the addition of E flat Clarinet, Piccolo, and 1st, 2nd and 3rd B flat
Clarinets'. Useful as this information was, it seemed imperative to see some actual
music. A visit to the offices of the present-day Wright and Round, in Gloucester,
215
revealed a collection of scores, some of which were original H. Round specimens. Three
are from the early years of publication - Pride of Scotland' (1876), 'The Wedding Day'
(1880) - both described as 'grand fantasia', and the hitherto missing contest glee, 'The
'Pride of Scotland' was written on plain scoring paper, its 20 staves allotted as
follows:
The piccolo was pitched in Db, tenor trombones written in tenor clef, and there was no
A perusal of the score shows that the wood-wind parts are entirely optional, and
that the score is self-sufficient with brass only. This piece would not work, however,
with the small brass band, which was probably reserved for lighter-weight pieces. From
page two the wood-winds are collectively labelled 1Mily' - assumed to be an abbreviation
for 'Military'. However, with this type of scoring, it would have been more appropriate
to call the full band 'brass and reed' rather than 'military'. There are no solos for wood-
winds, though their upper ranges are well exploited and they even, at times, become
totally independent, their running semi-quavers decorating largely chordal brass. The
fantasia would last approximately eight minutes, and contained solos for cornet, horn
The remaining early scores are on more elaborate scoring paper, with 23 staves
(one for each part), the names of the instruments printed in the left margin, and clefs also
216
printed. However, they reveal no changes in scoring techniques. This format of
instrumentation and scoring was used up to the end of the century and beyond.
The first 15 years of Wright and Round's publications have been discussed in some
detail. They set the pattern for most of the remainder of their nineteenth-century pieces,
and therefore further comments are reserved for pieces of special interest, for those
which introduced something new, and for noting any trends. One trend already
mentioned was the increasing use of melodies from other sources. This was most
apparent in the marches, exactly 50 per cent of which during the years 1882-1889
embraced a known tune, in comparison with 31 per cent during the years 1875-188 1.
There was no significant change in the proportion of dances using known melodies, but
the proportion of marches to dances levelled out, with 74 to 63 in the earlier period,
against 108 to 106 in the later years. Another trend was a significant rise in the number
of transcriptions of individual pieces of art music, which contrasted with the total
absence of 'descriptive' pieces in the 'band music' category during these years. A further
point to be noted was the appearance, in 1889, of an original anthem, 'Glory to God' by
Round. A number of anthems had been transcribed both from the art music and popular
music categories, but this was the first appearance of this genre in Wright and Round's
original band music. In the dance music section, it will be seen (from Table 25 above)
that the quadrille was now on the wane in band repertoire. It had, in fact, already lost
much of its popularity as a dance. The mazurka and the varsoviana were almost extinct,
the polka, valse and schottische becoming the most popular dances as far as band music
was concerned.
It was some time before sacred music appeared with any regularity. When it did,
it generally took the form either of a march encompassing one or more sacred tunes, or
a transcription of a piece of sacred art music. A solitary sacred march appeared in 1875
(Round's 'Day of Rest'), and there appears to be nothing else in this category until his
217
march, 'Onward, Christian Soldiers' was published late in 1878.22 This was quickly
followed by a selection from Spohr's The Last Judgement, though this may not have
been seen as a sacred piece. In 1880 the sacred repertoire was increased with not only a
march and three transcriptions - 'Hallelujah Chorus', the 'Dead March in Saul', and J. B.
Dykes' 'Funeral Hymn' - but also with Wright and Round's first 'Christmas Number',
containing six short, seasonal pieces. There was again only one sacred piece in each of
the years 1881 and 1882, though they were of a rather more substantial nature. These
were the fantasias by Linter - 'The Revival' and 'Reminiscences of Moody and Sankey'.
Again, in 1882, there was a 'Christmas Number' - this one containing eight pieces. The
following year brought a Linter march, 'Christ the Lord is Risen Today' and Haydn's
chorus, 'The Heavens Are Telling' - along with the third 'Christmas Number'. From 1884
sacred pieces appeared with more regularity, with a total of 29 between then and 1889,
as well as a Christmas Number every year, and a set of'Four Hymn Tunes' in 1887.
These were also the early years of Salvation Army bands, the first of which was
formed in Salisbury in 1878. So rapidly did they multiply that by 1883 there were said to
be 400 of them in the British Isles. 23 It is possible that some early Salvation Army bands
played music from the Wright and Round Catalogue, but Brass Band News of
September 1885 reported that the Army's General William Booth, had decreed that
'From this date, no [Salvation Army] band will be allowed to play from any music,
excepting The Salvation Army General Band Book.' Whilst, on the face of it, this was
bad news for the likes of Wright and Round, their sacred repertoire was expanding, and
one must assume that with Salvation Army bands performing it - not always, it would
seem, to a musically acceptable standard - Booth's edict would work two ways, and
'outside' bands wishing to play music similar to that played by Salvation Army bands, not
having access to the General Band Book, had to buy it from commercial publishers such
The sacred music side of the catalogue was both important and significant,
bearing in mind the types of engagements which many bands undertook during the later
218
years of the nineteenth century and, therefore, it has been discussed at some length.
Other developments which do not call for discussion, but which need to be mentioned
for the sake of completeness, are the appearance of the contest march, the cornet duet,
and a gavotte. The contest march first appeared in Wright and Round's catalogue in
1887 with a Round march, 'The Royal Tiger', followed a year later by the same
composer's 'The Iron Duke'. During the later years of the nineteenth century and
especially the early years of the twentieth, the contest march was to become an
important addition to brass band repertoire. It was more florid and posed more technical
problems than other marches, and often began in a minor key. Round was also
responsible for a cornet duet, 'Paul and Virginia', published in 1886, possibly the first of
a kind of piece which was to become popular during the early years of the twentieth
century. The gavotte was really a one-off - again by Round, called 'The Royal Court',
and published in 1887. Though I have classed it as a dance, it is unlikely to have been
Table 26 gives a break-down of pieces published by Wright and Round in the final
decade of the nineteenth century. The pattern is much the same as before, with only
minor developments.
Of the 442 publications (bearing in mind that this is the longest period reviewed),
48 are from the realms of art music, whilst 325 are original band pieces and 69 have
some link with popular music of the day. The following table of comparisons can now be
made:
219
Table 26 Classification of Wright and Round publications, 1890-1899
NB: In the march and dance categories (a) indicates wholly original, whilst (b) indicates
the use of one or more known melody.
1890 18911 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897* 1898* 1899*
Art music
Selections 3 4 4 4 5 6 2 1 5 4
Solos - 2 - 1 1 - - - - -
Transcriptions 1 - - 1 - - 2 - - 2
Band music
Marches (a) 12 11 9 11 15 16 13 7 14 12
Dances (a) 18 14 16 15 18 21 18 11 20 18
Solo/fantasia - 2 - - - - - 1 - -
Overture/
fantasia 1 4 3 2 1 - 1 - - -
Anthem 3 3 2 3 - - 1 2 1 2
Variations - - - - 1 1 1 - - -
Other - - - 1 - - - - - -
(In the years marked * the figures are culled from advertising material, and may not be
complete).
This indicates a stable proportion of art music throughout the three periods, an
increasing reliance on pieces linked with the popular music scene in the middle years and
220
a surge towards original band pieces during the final years. It also indicates considerable
In art music, the swing towards transcription noted in the 1 880s was reversed in
the 1 890s, but there was a marked increase in the number of selections published. The
following figures show a comparison between the three categories of art music within
the three periods. Figures are based on the numerical average per annum:
1875-8 1 1882-89 1890-99
Selections 2.00 1.50 3.80
Solos 0.86 0.63 0.40
Transcriptions 0.29 1.88 0.60
The increase in the number of selections published in the 1 890s is a reflection of the
increasing number of contests, especially during the first half of the decade. The
selections were, also, generally more substantial, with only one appearing in the small
quarto size.
The demand for solos appeared to be diminishing, but it should be borne in mind
that all of these figures are cumulative, and that the diminishing numbers of new solos
perhaps disguises the fact that the number available was, in reality, rising. Further,
soloists tend to cling to their prepared solos for longer periods of time than bands wish
to hang onto their band pieces, and therefore, older soloists would probably be still
playing older solos. The following shows the number of solos published during the three
periods:
1875-81 1882-89 1890-99
Solos from art music 6 5 4
Solos written for band 9 16 3
Marches and dances continued to dominate the original band music output. The
appearance of the contest march was noted on page 219. above. Three more are to be
found in the lists for the 1 890s - 'Patriotic' (Swift, 1890), 'Cock-o'-th'-Walk' (Round,
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1890) and 'The Avenger' (Rimmer, 1996). It is quite likely that other marches were
The move towards the domination of dances, hinted at in the middle period was
consummated during the 1890s. A comparative set of figures may now be shown:
1875-8 1 1882-89 1890-99
Marches 74 108 154
Dances 63 106 175
Of course, this does not take into account how many sets of each were sold, but the
figures seem to indicate the continuing, even increasing, popularity of dances played by
brass bands towards the close of the century. This may well reflect an increase in the
Changes were noted in the relative popularity of various dances played by bands
during the first two periods under review - perhaps a belated reflection of changing
tastes in dancing. Though the polka, valse and schottische remained by far the most
popular (based on the number of items available in each category), changes continued
with other dances. The quadrille finally gave way to the lancers in popularity, the
mazurka and the gavotte disappeared, and a new dance emerged - the barn dance. This
came to England from America circa 1888,24 a fact reflected in some of the titles, for
example 'The Darkie's Wedding' (1897 - the earliest barn dance published by Wright and
The original anthem for band, introduced in 1889, found a significant outlet
during the 1 890s, with 17 further examples published by Wright and Round. In structure
it was similar to the glee, with a number of contrasting sections, though more sacred in
style. Sacred music, already discussed on pages 217-218 above, continued to take on a
significant role during the 1 890s. The next most popular form after the anthem was the
sacred march, 12 appearing during the 1890s. A selection from Mendelssohn's Saint
Paul (1890) may or may not have been regarded as a sacred item, though it would be
222
eminently suitable for sacred concerts or outdoor religious services. There were three
oratorio choruses - two by Mendelssohn and one by Handel, and of the three airs vane
for band, two were based on hymn tunes - Adestefidelis (1895) and Hanover (1896).
The 'Christmas Number' had now become a regular feature, containing eight items in
most years, but 18 in 1895, 16 in each of 1896 and 1897, and lOin 1899.
Light transcriptions also took an up-turn in the 1 890s, as may be seen from the
following:
Why this should be is not clear. Those in the 1890s were mainly (as in the previous
periods) of glees, with examples by Bishop, Callcott, Danby, Parry, Stephens, Webbe
and others. There were also two concert items by M. Piccolomini, a song and an anthem
catalogue - all either arranged or composed by Round. Three of the selections, Wagner's
Rienzi (1882), Spohr's The Last Judgement (1884) and The Lyric Garland (1885) are
discussed in my Brass Roots, 25 with further comments about Rienzi on pages 2 14-215
above. An earlier selection, Un Ballo in Maschera (1876) appears tuneful and not
difficult, and uses Round's standard instrumentation. His fantasia on Bellini's Romeo and
Juliet (1890) is really a very ordinary selection. Not difficult, it does, however, contain a
baritone solo. Four composer-selections give the arranger more scope in selecting his
extracts. Wagner (1886), a 'Grand selection', is also a good selection, using extracts
from The Flying Dutchman, and Lohengnin. Weber (1890) is also a good selection, and
would have justified the tag, 'Grand'. This contains solos for baritone and trombone, and
though much of the material would be unknown today (except to opera enthusiasts),
part of the Oberon overture makes a very effective finale. Rossini (1891) - in the wake
of Alexander Owen's Rossini's Works - bears no resemblance to that highly successful
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selection (to be discussed later), though it contains a number of familiar melodies. The
grand selection, Mozart (1892), is effective, tuneful and popular, containing well-known
extracts from Don Giovanni, Magic Flute, and The Marriage of Figaro. Other
selections seen, but which give no cause for further comment, are those from
Round's most interesting scores is for the fantasia, Tam o' S/ian/er'. It is also one of
Brass Roots.26
The original overture or fantasia, by the late 1 880s sometimes set as the test
piece for a contest, developed rapidly during the first half of the third period. The total
number of such pieces published during the three periods was 5, 4 and 12 - 1891 being
the peak year, with four. All except one were composed by Round, and a complete list is
shown as Appendix 17. The 'Overture (petit)' The Red Cross was discussed on page 205
above, but as this was not typical of this group of pieces, I propose to make some brief
The 1889 overture, Excelsior was far more comprehensive - rather like a tone
poem without programme. It falls into three main sections: in the first there are a
number of distinct ideas - a Grandioso, three Andantes and an Allegro; the principal
keys are D minor, D major, E minor, G major and C major, with a hint also of C minor.
The Grandioso and the first two Andantes suggest a ternary formula, but otherwise
there are no thematic inter-relationships. The whole of this section is repeated, and the
second-time bars form a link with the overture's middle section - slower than the first,
chorus. The principal keys here are F and C majors. A short Animato leads to the final
section, an Allegro in ternary form with a coda, and in F major throughout. The overture
contains a number of solo passages, two for cornet duet, and sections for small
ensembles within the band, and would take some 11 minutes to perform.
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Nil Desperandum, of 1890, is a work of similar duration and structure, though
visiting a wider range of keys. It opens Pomposo marcato, and after introducing a
number of ideas, leads to the central Larghetto, in which a mainly triplet-based melody
The third principal section, a Vivace and a Moderato (which contains a duet cadenza for
baritone and euphonium) leads to a piu mosso final section, where interest is focussed
structured and more musically sophisticated. The middle section adopts the quaver as
the basic beat - not common in these pieces, is clearly in ternary form, with 'A' being an
Andante with 108 to the minute in 6/8 time, and 'B' a Larghetto with 88 to the minute in
3/8. There is a short passage in canon in the first section and an imitative duet between
solo cornet and soprano in the second, all of which indicates a certain amount of musical
progress towards the original works of the twentieth century. For further information on
this group of pieces see my Brass Roots for a discussion of the grand fantasia, Joan of
It is already obvious that many composer/arrangers wrote for Wright and Round
during its first quarter-of-a-century. In fact, there were some 140 different names in the
lists, excluding the composers of art music whose pieces were 'borrowed'. Many
appeared only a few times and some, as has already been noted, would be amateur
music, whose pieces were transcribed specifically for publication by Wright and Round.
Karl V. Keller is probably one such writer. Thirteen of his German-titled pieces (all
Round himself was by far the biggest contributor, with almost 300 pieces to his
suspect he arranged anonymously. The second highest contributor was his partner,
Thomas H. Wright, with over a hundred titles. Sixty-nine pieces are attributed to Linter
-225
- later F. Linter, and eventually, Frank Linter. I have found no biographical information
about this writer, and have concluded that Linter is a pseudonym, possibly - even
probably - of Wright's. I do not think that his writing is up to the quality of most of that
suspicious, and for the same reason, is Enschall - no initial or first name is ever
mentioned. The same comments apply to his quality of work, and the case against him is
strengthened in that the appearance of his pieces co-incided with an apparent lull in
Wright's output.
Other names which warrant a mention are John Jubb, James Ord Hume,
Alexander Owen, William Rimrner and Edwin Swift. Jubb (b. 1852 and still alive in the
1920s), a member of a prominent banding family in Sheffield, was a noted brass band
composer in his day, with at least 79 published marches, along with contest pieces, solos
and dances. Wright and Round published 18 of his marches between 1884 and 1899.
Ord Hume (1864-1932) was, of course, one of the great march writers, a prolific
composer of band music, and a dominant figure by the turn of the centuxy. His two
marches published by Wright and Round were amongst his early ones. Owen, more
renowned for his conducting and for his epic selections, had a march and a cornet solo
published by Wright and Round. 28 Edwin Swift, like Owen, was more widely known for
his conducting and his selections, but he also had a number of pieces published,
including five marches issued by Wright and Round. As was the case with Ord Hume,
the career of Rimmer (1862-1936) was in its early stages during the period under
review. He was to acquire a reputation second to none in the early years of the twentieth
century, taking over, singl-handed, the collective roles of Gladney, Owen and Swift as
the outstanding brass band personality of the early twentieth century. The eight marches
of his, published by Wright and Round between 1891 and 1897 were early works - fore-
Wright and Round were, without doubt, the leading publishers of brass band
music during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. They had quickly established a
226
successful formula, with a judicious mixture of art music and band music, some of which
was directly influenced by music from other popular musical genres. They catered for
bands of all technical levels, but avoided music which could be performed only by the
best. There are obvious commercial overtones in this policy, but in running what must
have been a very successful business, they were also stimulating the growth of the
amateur brass band movement, both at contesting level with its unparalleled range of
test pieces and in its extensive collection of entertaining pieces. Henry Round was,
without doubt, the musical driving force, but by 1899 he was 62 years old, not enjoying
the best of health, and was to live for only another six years. Unfortunately, no-one was
there to take over the leadership, or to look for new paths. Therefore, though surviving
as a successful music publishing house, the company was unable to continue the
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4.3 CHARLES GODFREY (JUNIOR)
Despite the output of Wright and Round and others, unpublished music continued to be
written throughout the final quarter of the nineteenth century, mainly by professional
conductors such as Gladney, as show pieces for their star bands. But in the field of
published music, the closest rival to Henry Round was Charles Godfrey (junior). He was
bandmaster of the Royal Horse Guards from 1868 to 1904, succeeding Carl Boosé, who
was responsible for arranging some brass band music during the 1850s (see page 169
above), and during these years, Godfrey became involved with brass bands both as an
adjudicator and as the arranger of all Belle Vue test pieces from 1872. He was a member
of an influential family of military musicians, 29 and also followed a line of military band
In the Salford University archive there are sets of parts for 18 of the 42
selections arranged by Godfrey for Belle Vue contests between 1872 and 1899
(including July contests from 1886). There are also six hand-written scores in the
archive of Besses o' th' Barn Band, with only one selection duplicated (The Golden
Web). Despite a large quantity of music by Godfrey (both composed and arranged)
being listed in the Catalogue of Printed Music in the British Library to 1980,30 none of
the Belle Vue selections are shown. Nevertheless, with the aid of the band parts at
Salford and scores at Besses, it is possible to obtain a clear picture of the series.
In 1875 (the starting-point of this chapter), Godfrey scored his 'Grand Fantasia,
from Balfe's Posthumous Opera, Ii Talismano' for the Belle Vue contest of that year.
Michael William Balfe (1808-1870) was born in Dublin and forged a career as violinist,
singer, conductor and composer. As a boy he had lessons from Joseph Haliday,
bandmaster of the Caval militia at the time, and inventor of the keyed bugle (see page 11
above). 31 His last opera, The Talisman, was not performed until June, 1874, almost four
years after his death, and therefore the selection, appearing in 1875, was virtually music
228
of the moment, keeping brass band music in line with current musical developments,
albeit in this case through a not particularly successful opera. Band parts for the
The absence of repiano cornet is more likely the result of a lost part than of it not being
called for. It will be noted that only one flugel horn is required, but that there are no less
than five Eb horns. Though there is much doubling within the five they are all, at one
time or another, independent, and therefore necessary for the satisfactory performance
of the selection. These are the essential differences between this instrumentation and
Gladney's, which normally required up to three flugels but only three saxhorns. 'Aithorn'
is an alternative name for baritone, and the aithorns performed the normal functions of
baritones. Trombones, euphoniums and bombardons were all written in bass clef - a
reflection, along with the enlarged horn section, of Godfrey's military band background.
The BBb bass, in treble clef, doubled the bombardon (undoubtedly played on E' bass)
for most of the time, going into the lower octave only rarely, and hardly ever going
below C below the trebl& stave. The second euphonium spent most of its time either
The cornet-conductor part was solely for the use of the conductor, and it would
be essential for the solo comets to play the part marked 'Cornet jmo in Bb'. The solo
euphonium had the major share of solo work, with arias, recitatives and cadenzas, whilst
solo cornet played comparable though less substantial passages. Flugel and trombone
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may be regarded as secondary soloists. The selection would take approximately 17
minutes to perform, but my impression is that it would have been less rewarding to play
or to hear than the Elycth selection of Gladney's, mentioned above. The music was, in
the main, quite slow, and presented few technical challenges. The Mendelssohn selection
was more emotional and soul-stirring, and obviously the work of a more distinguished
composer.
From 1878 the five horns were reduced to four 32 throughout the series.
Otherwise, the instrumentation was identical to that for Ii Talismano, but of course
including parts for repiano cornet. The only apparent change was that from the early
1890s, tenor trombone parts appeared in tenor clef. A list of titles of the 1872-1899
selections, compiled from Belle Vue results sheets, is given as Appendix 24, with a
composer-summary below.
Bearing in mind that there are less than half the number of works represented here than
in the Wright and Round list (see page 199 above), a comparison shows that Godfrey
used a relatively wider range of composers - over half of them only once - but that
Mozart was the only Classical or pre-Classical composer to be used. Wright and Round
published music by Bach, Beethoven, Gluck, Handel, Haydn, Locke and Schubert in
addition to some by Mozart. The most striking omission from the Godfrey series is
Handel; one must conclude that Wright and Round were systematically introducing what
they considered to be 'music of the masters' to the brass band world, whilst Godfrey was
creating a series of arrangements which would test the skill of bands and, particularly,
230
the imagination of conductors in creating interesting and convincing performances of
Victorians; time has brought familiarity and popularity to music not particularly well-
known a hundred or more years ago, and similarly, much which would be known then
has since gone out of fashion. Nevertheless, Godfrey seems not to have gone out of his
way to include popular favourites in his selections. On the contrary, he used several
little-known composers, and even when arranging music of major composers he did not
the obvious by not including the (nowadays) popular 'Chorus of Hebrew Slaves' or
familiar sections of the overture. La GazzaLadra (September, 1884), on the other hand,
does have a slightly familiar air about it, opening and closing with references to the
overture, whilst Der Fliegende Holländer (September, 1888) and Rigoletto (July,
1898), both to be discussed later, would be quite popular even today, as they introduced
much familiar music. In the test for September 1889, the 'Grand Fantasia on the Works
of Mendelssohn,' Godfrey used extracts which are certainly familiar today, including the
Nocturne and part of the Overture from A Midsummer Night's Dream, one of the 'Songs
Without Words', 'If With All Your Heart' (Elijah), a part song, a march from Athalie,
and returning to A Midsummer Night's Dream and its 'Wedding March' for the finale.
Praise (Lobgesang), though not well-known today, may have been more familiar in the
selections by the Italians Bellini and Donizetti, the Frenchman Gounod, the Germans
Meyerbeer (who spent most of his life in Paris and is regarded as one of the founders of
grand opéra) and Spohr, a talented violinist and a conductor of considerable repute in
England. As a composer, he was more highly regarded in his own time than he is today.
231
I also include Balfe in this group. Though he enjoyed a good reputation in England and,
of course, his native Ireland through his Bohemian Girl and as conductor at Her
Majesty's Theatre for seven years, he was perhaps less widely acclaimed abroad.
The Bellini and Donizetti operas used by Godfrey were mature works, and
though they may not have produced familiar music, their style was attractive and
approachable, with melodic content appropriate to the brass band medium. The
Meyerbeer operas, rich in melody, also contained impressive choruses which lent
themselves to transcription. The Spohr selections were somewhat less appealing, but
The Last Judgement in particular, would be seen as a link with what was regarded as
high art.
Most of the works so far mentioned were several decades old; the Gounod
operas were the most recent, being composed betveen 162-177. 11 Thlismano of
Balfe was the exception, and as has been seen, the opera was first perfonned less than a
Going ftirther down the status tables of composers to the distinctly minor
composers, there is a strong leaning towards Germans. Four minor German composers
were used by Godfrey - Kreutzer, Lortzing, Nicolai and Humperdinck; there were two
Italians - Mercadante and Pizzi, two from France - Hérold and Bemberg and again, a
solitary Englishman - Arthur Goring Thomas. These composers were featured in tests
arranged between 1883 and 1899 - relatively late in the century, the music itself having
Herald's Le Pré-aux-Clercs, the subject of the 1892 July test piece, is the oldest
of this group of operas, being composed in 1832 (the year after Herald's more famous
Zampa and the year before his death). Das Nachtlager in Granada, the second oldest
opera used, was composed by Conradin Kreutzer 34 in 1834, and played in the
September contest of 1891. Mercadante's music was played twice at Belle Vue - in
September, 1883 (II Guiramente, 1837), and July, 1889 (Ii Bravo, 1839). Lortzing's
trilogy of operas exploited by Godfrey were Zaar und Zimmermann (1837), Undine
•232
(1845) and Der Waffenschmiel (1846). Selections from these were played at Belle Vue
in September, 1892, July, 1899 and July, 1896, respectively. The last of the earlier group
of minor composers, Otto Nicolai wrote his most successful opera, The Meny Wives of
Windsor in 1846-1847, and it was first performed in 1849, only two months before his
death. The Godfrey selection from it was played at the July contest of 1897. Thus, for a
The years 1893-1896 saw a new trend, probably introduced at the instigation of
Godfrey. This involved a series of arrangements from contemporary operas (an idea not
new in band repertoire as a whole, but certainly an innovation as far as Belle Vue was
concerned).
The 1893 selection was from Elaine, an opera by the French composer,
Covent Garden during the previous year, with Melba in the cast. It was, therefore, well
to the fore in contemporary musical circles. In 1894 the test piece was taken from
Goring Thomas's The Golden Web. Described in Grove as 'A delightful comic opera', it
had not been produced until after the composer's death in 1892, receiving its first
September, 1894. The following September heralded a selection from a work whose
fame was to outlive that of the others in this group - the fairy-tale opera, Hansel und
Gretel by Engelbert Humperdinck (1854-1921). This had been first performed in 1893 in
Weimar, and therefore the 1895 premiere of Godfrey's selection was in keeping with
current policy. The final • piece in this group, and indeed the last of the Godfrey
selection from this opera was published by Chappell, from which Godfrey probably got
the idea for the test piece. Composed in 1893, its use at Belle Vue within three years
was the last nineteenth century example of an up-to-date selection being used there.
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4.3.2 Godfrey's style - as exemplified in three selections
Having reviewed the series, I now propose to examine three of the selections in more
First, the second of his Meyerbeer selections, L' Etoile dii nord (1854).
Changing tastes are nowhere more apparent than in the operas of this composer. After a
chequered early career in which his native German operas were failures he went to Italy,
where he enjoyed modest success writing in the style of Rossini. In 1826, at the age of
35, he visited Paris, where he later took up residence. There, in 1831, his Robert le
Diable achieved great success and established him as one of the founders of French
grand opéra. This, along with Les Huguenots (1836), Le Prophète (1849) and L'
Africaine (1865) - all spectacular successes at the time of their premieres at the Paris
Opéra and, indeed for the remainder of the nineteenth century - provided popular
selections for brass band. Meyerbeer's other success, L' Etoile dii nord, an opéra-
comique, also found favour with brass bands, and provided Godfrey with the material
for his September 1887 test piece. It was published by permission of Novello, and
though only one of its sections would be familiar to a present-day audience, it is possible
There are seven different sections in the selection, and with one exception, each
runs smoothly, without break, into its successor. The exception uses a cornet cadenza to
create the link, though actually, even this is taken from the opera, and not merely
contrived to show off the soloist. The selected extracts are as follows:
Allegro con spirilo, tutti; from Number 24 in the opera, a chorus of soldiers,
'Come, noble hearts'; the first 42 bars of the actual chorus are faithfully
reproduced, but transposed from the original key of E major to Eb (Concert
pitch); one-bar link to
Allegro molto moderato, trombone solo; from Number 25 in the opera, 'Guard
those I leave today', sung by Catherine (mezzo-soprano); transposed from the
original key of G major to concert Ab.
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Allegro moderato pesante, tutti; four-bar introduction by Godfrey leads to a
well-known waltz, an abridged version of the Introduction to Act 2 in the opera;
the original key of Eb major is retained.
Andantino con moto, euphonium and soprano cornet duet; from Number 18 in
the opera, 'How her tone so noble moves me' sung by Peter (bass) and Catherine;
faithfully reproduced in the original key of Ab major.
Allegretto ben moderato, tutti; from Number 5 in the opera, chorus 'Drink we to
Finland'; transposed from the original key of G minor to F minor and abridged;
leads to a modified Pressez from the close of Number 5, and a cornet cadenza
taken from the close of number 35 - a replica of the original, but transposed.
Allegro con spirito, tutti; final 14 bars of the opera, the chorus, 'At last the day-
dawn breaking'; exact transcription, in original key of Eb major.
So much for L' Etoile dii ford. From Meyerbeer we move to the most influential of all
opera composers, Richard Wagner. He was 22 years younger than Meyerbeer (they
were born in 1791 and 1813 respectively), but though to some extent influenced by the
older composer's historical epics, he despised him. A controversial figure even in the
wider musical world, Wagner's music took some time to find a place in brass band
repertoire. Edwin Swift is thought to have been the first to introduce it in brass band
contests, during the late 1870s, with his selection from Tannhauser. He was often
criticised for his pains by anti-Wagnerians within the brass band world. Not until 1882
did Wright and Round publish any Wagner, and that was a selection from his first
successful opera, Rienzi (1838-1840) - see pages 214-215 above. Godfrey waited even
longer.
Wagner's second success came with his Der Fliegende Hollãnder (1841), and
this provided the material for Godfrey's September 1888 test piece, which uses the
235
Andante, tutti; refers to a Chorus of Maidens from Number 7 in the opera, but is
actually transcribed from the Overture, transposed from F major to Bb.
Animato ma non troppo, tutti; from Number 13 in the opera, 'Steersman! Leave
the watch'; transcription of the orchestral introduction, transposed from C major
to Bb.
Sostenuto, trombone solo followed by a trombone and cornet duet; from Number
11 in the opera, 'Oft from the depth of darkness'; sung by the Dutchman
(baritone) and Senta (soprano); extended aria, transposed from E major to Eb,
and culminating in a duet-cadenza, as written by Wagner.
Allegretto, tutti; from Number 6 in the opera, the 'Spinning Chorus' (ladies);
four-bar introduction by Godfrey, then a straight transcription, transposed from
A major to A'.
Andante, euphonium solo; from Number 15 in the opera, cavatina, 'Hast thou
forgot that day?' Sung by Erik (tenor); transposed from F major to Db; the final
cadenza is an elaboration of that written by Wagner.
Allegro molto, cornet solo, with trombone and tutti; from the Finale of Act 2,
'What is the pow'r within me working' sung by Senta and the Dutchman, and
leading to the orchestral coda of the Act; transposed from E major to Db.
This was to be Godfrey's only flirtation with Wagner in the whole of the Belle Vue series
of test pieces. The other nineteenth-century operatic giant was Guiseppe Verdi born in
the same year as Wagner. In the wake of Rossini, Donizetti, Bellini, and others, Verdi
written between 1836 and 1850 - met with varying degrees of success, but from 1851,
with the premiere of Rigoletto, his reputation as a major operatic composer was assured.
Two of the six operas visited by Godfrey for the Belle Vue test pieces come from the
pre-Rigoletto period. The earliest, Nabucodonosor (Nabucco) (1841) brought Verdi his
first major success, whilst Luisa Miller (1849), though less well-known, remains an
belong to what might be called Verdi's 'middle period'. These are from the operas
Verdi's greatest works from this era, Aida (1870). These were played, respectively, in
1898 (July), 1880, 1899 and 1876. Rigoletto was, of course, a mile-stone, heralding this
236
middle period. Godfrey's selection from it is the last of the three selections which I have
Allegro con brig, tutti; this is from the Prelude and Introduction to the opera,
and also recurs a number of times in vocal sections; transcribed at the original
pitch - Ab major.
Allegro moderato, cornet solo; from Number 9 in the opera, Scena and Aria,
'Dearest name' (Cara nome), omitting the introduction; this is a substantial aria,
sung by Gilda (soprano); transposed from E major to Eb; the final cadenza is
adapted from a vocal style to an instrumental one in the cornet solo, but retains
some of the original characteristics.
Allegro, trombone solo; from Number 11 in the opera, Scena and Aria (two
thirds of the way through) 'Yea love commands the lover'; sung by II Duca di
Mantova (baritone); transposed from D major to Ab.
Vivace, soprano cornet solo; from Number 3 in the opera, Minuetto e Rigodino -
being the instrumental coda; transposed from C major to Eb.
Vivacissimo, tutti; from Number 8 in the opera (final part); devised from a duet,
'Oh farewell!' sung by II Duca and Gilda; transposed from D" major to A"; six bar
coda added by Godfrey to round off the selection.
Based mainly on the above three analyses (but also with reference to some other
selections, as follows:
(i) Approximately seven different parts of the particular opera are incorporated;
(ii) The order in which they are used is not the order in which they occur in the
opera;
237
(iii) Transposition occurs freely, and purely for the convenience of the brass band
instrumentalists;
(iv) Only familiar keys are used, with flat keys up to and including five (for Bb
instruments), and no sharp keys;
(v) Cadenzas are not inserted unless they are relevant to the opera. They may be
identical to the original, or modified to suit the instrumental idiom;
(vii) Solo passages are freely allotted, and do not make excessive demands of
range. Cornet, euphonium and trombone are the primary soloists; soprano,
flugel horn, solo horn and baritone are used as minor or secondary soloists,
but are generally given solo passages rather than important solos;
(viii) There are usually some rhythmical problems for the whole band to solve.
Further study of the band parts reveals that there is generally at least one solo each tc
cornet, euphonium and trombone. The cornet takes solos allotted to the mezzo-soprano
in L' Etoile dii nord and the soprano in each of the other two selections examined, whilst
the euphonium takes over the role of bass in L' Etoile dii norci, tenor in Der Fliegende
Hollander and baritone in Rigoletto. Euphonium parts are not particularly high in
register, rarely going above Gb concert. The trombone takes on the role of mezzo-
soprano in L' Etoile du nord and baritone in the other two. In L' Etoile du ford, the
trombone soloist goes up to Ab concert. Other instruments are occasionally given short,
(Rigoletto) is entrusted to the baritone, and in the same selection there is a solo for
soprano cornet. Both are relatively short. The soprano cornet parts are usually quite
busy and lie mainly between low C and high G, with the occasional call for a high A or
Bb.
One has to assume that many of these selections would be arranged from the
vocal scores of the respective operas. That being so, they would be relatively easy for an
experienced musician to work, given careftil choice of passage. The lay-out of the vocal
score lends itself to the type of scoring developed for bands at this time, and once the
238
extracts, keys and links were established it would be almost routine for a man with
selections consisting mainly of solo passages with pedestrian accompaniments for the
remainder of the band, does not apply to the selections I examined, as there are quite
interesting passages for all instruments. Though not technically demanding, they called
for reading skills, and would need to be well-rehearsed to be effective. This applies less
to the Rigoletto selection which was prepared for the July contest, where bands were of
less stature than those competing in September. Here, though there was little concession
to the soloists, one has to admit that the inner parts were more routine, and would be
These selections were published in limited editions and supplied to bands which
had entered the respective contests. They form an important part of brass band
repertoire during the final quarter of the nineteenth century. Though they do not
necessarily tell us what the very best bands were capable of playing, they give a good
indication of the capabilities of, say, the country's top twenty bands.
239
4.4 OTHER SOURCES
Before examining the work of the remaining late nineteenth century brass band
influenced. The scores are all from the archive of Besses o' th' Barn.
First, the score for T. H. Wright's Gems of Mozart. It is dated 1884, having been
prepared for a contest in that year at Trawden, but there can be no doubt that it is
publication number three from Wright and Round's 1875 list. The instrumentation is
conventional, with horns designated 1st, 2nd and 3rd tenors, but with the 'monstre' BBb
bass, probably added for the benefit of the 1884 Besses band. The selection is
and an overture, Leopold, possibly by a V. Delannoy, but undated. All these scores
require four horns, two as 'Tenor in Eb' and two as 'horn in Eb', suggesting that there is a
military band influence here. Tenor trombones use tenor clef but, unusually, considering
other aspects of these scores, basses are all in treble clef. (Perhaps Smith was one of the
first to see the advantages of a common notational system and the potential it offered for
interchange within the band). In the earliest score, the basses are called Eb and Bb bass,
but in the second, the Bb has become 'monstre', and in the third, it is called Double Bb
Three scores are by J. A. Kappey (Jacob Adam Kappey, 1826-1906), one of the
many German military musicians who settled in England and joined the British army.
Marines, Chatham, and also editor of Boosey's Military and Brass Band Journal. 37 A
regular adjudicator at contests, Kappey also wrote a number of test pieces. The scores
240
are a Boccaccio selection (Suppé), York and Lancaster and The Cambrian Plume.
Boccaccio is dated 1882 (three years after the opera was premiered in Vienna, and the
same year as its London premiere). York and Lancaster, written for the Liverpool
Exhibition contest of 1886, was described as a 'grand original fantasy' but is, in fact, a
very interesting Introduction, Theme, and Variations. The Cambrian Plume (on Welsh
airs) is also interesting - more than just a selection, and quite rightly labelled 'fantasia'.
The scoring of all these pieces adhered to the conventional, except that it required a 4th
arranged for a Dolgelly contest, held on New Year's Day, 1892, by T. A. Haigh, a music
publisher to be discussed shortly. Though conventional in other respects, this calls for
four horns (the usual two Eb tenors and two E' horns). It is a very workmanlike score
and would sound well with a modern band - given the use of an extra horn. I have a
theory that Haigh took over the business from Richard Smith when he moved from Hull
to London in 1878, and there is certainly a degree of parity between this score and those
Finally, in this review of selected scores from Besses' archive, there is an 1892
score of a Nabucco selection (Verdi). As the opera was first produced in 1842, this was
its 50th anniversary. No arranger is named, but there is an indication that it is from
Boosey's Journal. The scoring is conventional except that it calls for divisi 3rd comets -
an alternative way of asking for a 4th cornet, as is required by Kappey, editor for
Boosey (see above). There is, clearly, some link between these scores.
Changing clefs and names of instruments may be seen as but minor refinements,
and of no real consequence. The variation in the horn sections does need noting,
however, and the occasional use of an extra lower cornet, though not becoming an
immediate regular feature, was a pointer to the tatute, and to the estabhshnent of the
25-piece band (plus percussion). Realistically, however, these hand-written scores prove
241
little beyond the fact that scoring had come close to standardisation by the mid-1870s,
but that the minor differences persisted even to the end of the centuly.
4.4.2 More publishers and the prospect of progress as a new century dawned
Early publishers of brass band music were discussed in Chapter 3.1.1, but not all of them
continued in this field. Call for brass band music in southern England must have been
small, and in the long term, it was only publishers which had military band journals who
continued to supply brass, or brass and reed bands. With skilful scoring there was much
common ground between the three types of band, and certainly there was much overlap
of repertoire. There was also a strong link between military and brass bands through the
bandmasters who became involved in brass band contests. The three major publishing
houses which stayed with brass bands were Boosey, Hawkes (separate companies in the
nineteenth century) and Chappell, though the lafter's involvement seems to have been
minimal after their publication of some early Belle Vue test pieces. The other two
persevered with brass band music, but only as a side-line to their more lucrative military
band journals.
Thus, until late in the century, brass band publishing stayed mainly in the north of
England, Wright and Round being the most influential. There were exceptions, of
course. Lafleur's Alliance Music was advertising brass band music in 1 882.38 Other
southern publishers of brass band music included C. Mahillon and W. J. Wilicocks, both
of London, Cary of Newbury, and the London Brass Journal (later the London Brass
and Militaiy Band Journal) in Brixton. The 1887 journals of Rivière and Hawkes
(forerunners of Hawkes and Son) were also periodically advertised in Brass Band News.
Meanwhile, two other northern companies prospered for a while. Thomas Albert
Haigh (1843-1903), mentioned above, was a Yorkshire-man, and a good singer prior to
his developing interest in brass bands. In 1877 he moved to Hull, and within two years
had established his Amateur Brass and Military Journal there, following the departure
of Richard Smith who, in 1878, took his 'Champion' Brass and Reed Band Journal to
242
London, where its impact seems to have been minimal until after Smith's death in 1890.
Based on advertisements in the brass band press (Brass Band News and, from 1887,
British Bandsman), Haigh seems to have been reasonably successful for the duration of
the nineteenth century. In addition to his own music, he published pieces from the pens
of Ord Hume, Rimmer, Swift, and an up-and-coming composer, George Allan, who
excelled in contest marches. The other northern publishing company, founded at about
the same time as the Amateur Journal, was the firm of J. Frost and Son of Manchester,
where James and George A. Frost founded the Manchester Brass and Military Band
Journal. They survived until the mid-1890s, but had a less interesting catalogue than
Chester-le-Street Brass Band Journal and the Northern Brass and Military Band
Journal of South Shields, whilst in the midlands, the Millerean Edition of Birmingham
produced a few brass band pieces. All of these companies survived in the shadow of
Wright and Round but when, during the 1 890s, Hawkes took a greater interest in brass
I have found only a few examples of earlier Hawkes music, though R. Smith and
Company published quite a lot of pieces. They were, however, mainly of a lighter
nature, and not significantly different from the Wright and Round output. A newly-
band music in 1894. Again, their style was similar to that of Wright and Round. During
the twentieth century, these two companies were to merge. Boosey published a few
brass band pieces - mainly transcriptions of ballads and overtures, but their major band
Meanwhile, Hawkes and Son moved into the brass band field in a big way with
their 'Eclipse' Journal, first published in January 1891. Warwick Williams was the
editor, and advertisements indicated that there would be 35-45 publications each year
for brass or brass and reed bands, catering specifically for bands of 12, 16 or 20 players.
43
This, of course was in addition to Hawkes' other brass band publications. Contributors
to the 'Eclipse' included Williams himself, Ord Hume, and R. Rimmer (probably Robert,
brother of William). It seems to have been a success and was published annually until
1916. Brass Band News of May, 1898, carried a large Hawkes advertisement, with no
mention of the 'Eclipse' and no hint of any change of style, but an advertisement the
following May showed the company breaking new ground, with an emphasis on popular
music, and including selections from Gustav Kerker's The Belle of New York and Sidney
Jones's The Geisha. These were early examples of the musical comedy, the former
having been premiered in New York in 1897 and London in 1898, and the latter in
London ml 896. The selections were published for brass band only, suggesting a demise
in the market for brass and reed band music. This batch of music (which also included a
Sullivan selection) took published brass band music from a place of virtual stagnation,
there having been no significant change for the better part of a quarter of a century.
Concurrent with this there was rejuvenation in the air for the company of R.
Smith. Since Smith's death in 1890 it had survived under the leadership of Sam Cope
(1856-1947), but like Wright 'and Round, had pioneered no new ground. In 1898 the
company was bought out by entrepreneur John Henry Ties (who was to found the
National Brass Band Championships in 1900). He was determined to shake up the brass
band movement, seeing great musical potential in the playing skills of the British
working man. The effects of this were not really be felt before the turn of the century,
though as TIes had also taken over the British Bandsman, a new and livelier type of
journalism was also emerging.
244
4.5 CONCLUSION
This chapter has looked in some detail at the state of published and, to a lesser extent,
unpublished music during the final quarter of the nineteenth century. The most
concentrated regions of brass bands were already established in the north of England -
mainly in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and the availability of large quantities of appropriate
music at realistic prices, in contrast to the earlier laborious and expensive method of
acquiring hand-written parts was a major factor in the spread of bands now taking place.
Wright and Round were leaders in the field, though there were also many other
publishers - both north and south - contributing to the mass of music which was
becoming available.
One of the advantages enjoyed by the Liverpool company was the fact that its
founders and principal contributors, Henry Round and Thomas H. Wright, were
themselves involved with bands, and therefore knew what was required. Backed by
knowledge and experience, they stimulated the proliferation of bands of all levels.
From October, 1881, when the same company began publishing its monthly
Brass Band News, they were able to publicise their own involvement whislt encouraging
bands and would-be band promoters, creating ever-increasing demands for music, which
they were both able and willing to supply. They published a vast amount of easy music
for elementary bands, particularly marches, dance music and sacred pieces, enabling the
bands to take part in local functions. For better bands, which wished to pit their skills
against each other, they provided a steady stream of music suitable for the various types
of contest, which not only helped bands to develop technically but also, in many cases,
introduced them and their listeners to music by some of the great composers.
Improved social conditions for the working classes were also now a major
factor. There was more time for leisure activities than in former years, as well as more
money with greater purchasing power. However, it has to be seen as fortuitous that as
these conditions materialised, there existed the wherewithal in terms of music and
instruments to exploit them.
245
In 1896 Wright and Round published their Amateur Band Teacher's Guide and
Bandsman's Adviser. Compiled by the editor of Brass Band News, it claimed to be 'A
Synthesis of the Systems on which the celebrated Prize Bands of Lancashire and
Yorkshire are Taught'. Though it would hardly be an ideal introduction to brass banding
today, on its publication, it must have been a boon to those involved in starting or
improving a band. Most of the articles are reprints from earlier editions of Brass Band
News, and its aims were to assist teachers and to offer guidance in general musical
This is by no means a rare book, but I was fortunate enough, recently, to acquire
a copy which had attached to it the Wright and Round's General Catalogue, to which I
list of publications, along with the dates when they appeared. Within the catalogue are a
number of informative articles, one of which is headed 'To our subscribers, friends and
patrons'. Though brimming with self praise, it crystalizes what the company had
I have also been fortunate in having access to the archive of Besses o' th' Barn
band, which houses many unique and valuable scores from the period, and Salford
University's brass band archive, with its rare collection of Brass Band News (containing
solo cornet parts of most early Wright and Round publications), a substantial collection
of band parts from Charles Godfrey's Belle Vue arrangements, and the original Henry
Round scores, now transferred from Wright and Round's office in Gloucester to Salford.
Collectively, these have enabled me to perform an in-depth study of brass band music of
the period, the likes of which, to my knowledge, has not previously been undertaken.
There is scope for more detailed work to be done, especially of the music of other
publishers but my study should give future scholars a general view of what is available.
Of course, Brass Band News was not merely a vehicle for self-promotion. It also
attempted to educate its readers, provided opportunity for exchanges of views, and a
platform for advertising anything remotely connected with bands. Perhaps above all, it
246
told its readers what was going on in their own vicinity and amongst neighbouring
bands.
The picture it painted, however, was one of expansion rather than of progress.
Instrumentation was relatively stable throughout the period, though with some variation
in the use of flugel horns, tenor horns and basses. Some of the very best bands used up
to three flugel horns (and occasionally more than one soprano cornet), but this never
threatened to become standard. The extra flugels gave a darker colour to the over-all
sound of the band (the equivalent of replacing half of the second violins of an orchestra
with violas), as well as creating extra intonation problems - as indeed the extra soprano
comets would do. Arrangers with a military band background seem generally to have
opted for the use of four horns, but eventually three became standard (surprisingly, not
universally until after the first world war). Basses were the last to become standardised,
largely for economic reasons. The family of two E' and two BBb basses started with the
better bands and gradually filtered downwards. (Meltham Mills, for a period, carried five
basses, but this pattern was not followed). The consistent use of treble clefs for all
except bass trombone did not become standard until into the twentieth century. This, of
course, had no effect on the sound of the band; it merely made changing instruments by
Repertoire also, though expanding, broke little new ground. The original
overtures and fantasias of Round were a stepping-stone to the original works of the
following century but, written in eclectic styles, they produced no new sounds or
musical ideas. They were, in effect, selections, but based on original material rather than
part of the popular repertoire. The emphasis on particular types of dance changed over
the years, reflecting changes in the popularity of certain dances. Marches also accounted
for a substantial proportion of the music published, with the contest march emerging as
one particular type. Selections continued to be the main type of art music; a wide range
247
of these was published, varying in scope and technical demands, and catering for bands
of different abilities.
Not until the closing years of the century was there a move - notably by Hawkes
and Son - to modernise the popular repertoire. This was done by introducing a new type
of arrangement, based on music played by light orchestras at the spa towns and at the
seaside, and of musical comedy or operetta selections rather than the operatic and
composer selections which had been in vogue. These changes took place initially in
concert rather than contest. The older-type selection was to dominate the contest for
some time into the twentieth century. Overtures were sometimes transcribed, but their
regular use seems to have been a later development. Dances continued to be played by
the less famous bands, but the better bands were beginning to introduce more music
from the popular musical world into their concert programmes, through transcriptions of
to discuss some of the people who made bands and their music what they were, before
looking in detail at the bands which were the pace-makers during this period.
Notes
1 Newsome, 1998, pages 86-87.
2 Russell and Elliot, 1936, pages 143-144.
Brass Band News, December 1883, page 2. This is published anonymously, but in the
copy at Salford University there are hand-written annotations, quite obviously by Round
himself; indicating that it was a true story from his own childhood. The article tells of
Round's father being 'maimed and crippled' in an industrial accident and of his mother
having to struggle to bring up a family of six. It was, the article states, a 'singing family',
and Round developed an early enthusiasm for music. When aged about 11 he composed
his first piece - a setting of 'Hark the Herald' which he, his sister (Sarah) and a friend
sang, along with five other carols and an anthem, during the early hours of Christmas
Day. He had had no musical training, and yet, in addition to writing the music, he
extracted some kind of three-part singing from himself and his fellow choristers.
Brass Band News, March 1894, page 4. After playing for a number of other bands,
Rimmer had joined Southport rifles band. He played with this band 'during the whole of
its splendid contesting career, when it won fourteen consecutive first prizes, under the
conductorship of Mr. Harry [sic] Round.. .' When exactly this was is not stated, but as
Robert Rimmer was born in 1863, it is likely that he played with the Southport band
248
during the late 1870s and early 1880s. The band competed at the Belle Vue September
contest in 1882 and 1883 under Round, but at the equivalent contest was conducted in
1885 by Thomas Rimmer, and in 1886 by John Gladney. It was not successful at any of
these, though had seemingly done better at other, less-prestigious events.
See, for example, Brass Band News, May 1884, page 5, and Catalogue of Printed
Ivlusic in the British Library to 1980, Volume 49, pages 209-2 10.
6 Band News, August 1914, page 4.
A copy of this is in my collection, attached to a copy of the 'Amateur Band Teacher's
Guide and Bandsman's Adviser' - published in 1896.
8 There is a certain amount of presumption in this, as in the absence of early copies of
the pieces, the choice was based largely on the titles and the brief comments attached to
some of them in the catalogue. I have assumed that marches with titles such as 'The
Advance Guard' (1875) were original, but that those called, for example, 'Bonnie Gallant
Charlie' (1878) or 'Rose, Shamrock and Thistle' (1880) owed some debt to an existing
melody or melodies.
'Quarto' was the march-card size, almost equivalent to the modern A5, whilst 'octavo'
was double this, a little smaller than today's A4.
10
Dwight Lyman Moody (1837-1899) was an American businessman, active as a lay
worker in the Congregational Church, who achieved fame as a preacher in England
between 1873 and 1875. Along with David Sankey (1840-1908) he compiled a
collection of hymns, published in 1873 as the 'Sankey and Moody Hymn Book'
(Macmillan Encyclopedia).
This Voigt is discussed in Smith, 1986, on pages 43 1-432.
12 Valse is the French name for what, in Britain, is generally called the Waltz, and is
used for most of the Wright and Round publications in this form. A few, by a German
writer, adopt the German title 'Walzer' (or, in some cases, incorrectly, 'waltzer'), and
some of the slighter versions are referred to as 'valsettes'.
13
The varsoviana was a slow dance, similar to the mazurka, but originating in France
during the 1 8 SOs. The name sprang from the French word for Warsaw. The mazurka
itself; a Polish dance in triple time in which dotted notes are a feature, originated from a
region near Warsaw, where the inhabitants were known as ¶Mazurs' (Oxford Dictionary
of Music).
14
Despite this claim, the valse was published as a piano solo by Reid Brothers, in 1886.
The missing 'Rose of England' was also published as a piano solo, but in 1884, by F.
Pitman. (Catalogue of Printed Music in the British Library to 1980).
15
This would probably be in the days before the common use of the so-called lyre, an
attachment used to secure music to the instrument in such a position that the player
could read it without actually having to hold it.
16 Godfrey Marks was the pseudonym of James Frederick Swift. Strangely, according to
the Catalogue of Printed Music in the British Library to 1980, volume 38, page 42, the
song was not published by Reid Brothers until 1886, four years after the publication of
the Wright and Round march.
17 Another contest glee by Round, 'Hours of Beauty', published for band in 1883, also
appears in the 1884 Pitman collection. (Catalogue of Printed Music in the British
Library to 1980).
249
18 This information is taken from Round's original 11111 score for brass and reeds, now in
the collection at Salford University.
19 The contest was advertised in Brass Band News of February 1882 and subsequent
editions, and reported in the May edition. Alexander Owen conducted the bands which
took first, second and fifth prizes (Clayton-le-Moors, Rochdale Borough and Mossley).
20 Newsome, 1998, page 140.
21 These scores and several others by Round are now located in Salford University's
archive.
22 Not having seen this I cannot say whether or not it is based on Sullivan's hymn tune,
but it might well have been, as this dates from 1871. (Fuld, edited, 1985, pages 416-
417).
23 Brindley Boone's Play the Music, Play! gives an excellent account
of the beginnings
and spread of Salvation Army bands.
24
See Gammond, 1991, page 41.
25 Newsome, 1998, pages 139-140.
28 The march, 'Prosper the Art', published as a 'Masonic march', by 'brother Alex Owen',
orchestra, and for brass and reed, drum and fife, and brass bands. Most of the brass band
music was published by the Alliance Musicale, but there were also pieces published by
Lafleur, Rivière and Hawkes, and Chappell.
31 Information about Balfe comes from from Grove, 1954, volume 1, pages 370-371.
32 These are printed on three band parts, 1st Eb saxhorn, 2nd Eb saxhorn, 3rd & 4th Eb
saxhorns.
Hymn of Praise (opus 52) is a symphony-cantata for chorus and orchestra, and has
four movements, the last of which is choral.
Not to be confused with Rudolph, the dedicatee of Beethoven's 'Kreutzer' Sonata.
Grove, 5th edition, volume 8, page 424.
36 New Grove Dictionary of Opera, volume 3, page 1027.
overtures and grand selections offered for military band and for small or large brass
band.
250
Chapter 5
5.1 Introduction
5.4 Conclusion
251
5.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter explores inter-relations between the personalities who helped shape the
brass band movement. The early militaiy band connection continued for some time, and
at least two practising bandmasters - John Ellwood and John Gladney (senior) - exerted
some influence on the next generation of band personalities. Eliwood was a native of
Lancaster and a wood carver by trade. No dates of birth or death are available, but he
was alive in 1884 when Millington wrote his Sketches of Local Musicians (see
bibliography). He became a leading exponent of the slide trumpet, lived in Leeds for
some years, but then moved to Manchester, playing trumpet at the Theatre Royal, in the
bandmaster of the Duke of Lancaster's Own Yeomanry Cavalry Band (see pages 21 and
83 above), an appointment he held for 30 years. He was also bandmaster of the 3rd
1853 and 1854. In 1855 he was engaged as tutor of the newly-formed Kingston Mills
Band (see page 124). Even more significantly, Eliwood helped in the musical education
of one of the giants-to-be of the brass band movement, Alexander Owen. Owen, born in
Worsley under Bandmaster Ellwood' 4 thus establishing a link with a noted band figure of
John Gladney (senior) was father of the more famous John Gladney, already
referred to several times. He was a military bandmaster, serving in Ireland at the time of
his son's birth, in 1839. In 1867 he adjudicated at the Belle Vue contest. Though the
younger Gladney's musical experience encompassed playing with Jullien, Belle Vue
Band and the Hallé Orchestra, his father would undoubtedly have assisted with his early
252
John Eliwood also had a son, W. H. Eliwood (born Swinton, 1860). He studied
organ, piano and harmony, played the trumpet professionally, and conducted several
253
5.2 PROFESSIONAL BRASS BAND CONDUCTORS
It was a new generation which was to forge the shape of the all-brass band, moulding it
into the highly efficient ensemble of the 1 880s and 1 890s. Amongst the pioneers were
George Ellis and Richard Smith. Ellis was born in 1817, Smith probably a little later.
These were the most influential of the early specialists, both having played with bands
Smith (see pages 138-139 above) was the first to make his presence felt, with his
successftil Leeds bands of the mid-1850s and Saltaire in the early 1860s, by which time
he had already moved into music publishing. He conducted many bands, and his
influence was far-reaching. One of his Saltaire players, trombonist Joseph Fawcett later
became professional conductor at Black Dike, thus helping continue that influence.
On the other side of the Pennines, Ellis (see pages 139-140 above) was building
the 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers (Bacup) band into one of the finest of the late 1 860s
and early 1 870s. Like Smith, he also conducted many other bands, particularly in east
Lancashire. His influence through this, and also through those who played under him,
James Alfred Melling (see pages 77-78 and 138 above), though younger than
Smith or Ellis, may also be seen as a pioneer - not only of bands, but of the brass band
contest (see pages 80-82 above). Nothing is currently know about Melling's early life or
musical training (but see page 50 above), though the list of bands he conducted during
His influence through these was significant, and it has emerged that he had a
number of pupils, one of whom was Reuben Taylor, born at Compstall near Stockport in
254
cornet, he studied with Melling, and later conducted 'numerous bands', including
directly to the teachings of Melling and Ellis. Along with Richard Smith, they laid the
foundations of the modern brass band on which later conductors and tutors were able to
build.
From late 1888 a series of personality profiles appeared in Brass Band News.
Some were highly informative, others little more than a photograph and some incidental
quotes. Over a hundred of these have been studied. Being written during the life-time of
the persons concerned, and generally by an acquaintance, the factual information must
be regarded as accurate, though dates may be approximate, and some of the opinions
expressed need treating with discretion. They have been useful, along with information
gleaned from other sources, in formulating the present chapter. Before proceeding,
however, it will be useful to look at a list of the more successful contesting bands of the
time, based on Belle Vue results. Table 27 shows the highest-placed 20 bands in the
dates of birth, though it is realised that their influential periods may not be in that order.
The late 1830s witnessed the births of three important Lancastrians - Henry Round
Round has been discussed at great length as publisher, composer and arranger
(see Chapter 4.2 above). He also conducted bands in the Liverpool area and as far north
as Southport, where his conductorship of the rifles band surely influenced the careers of
255
Table 27 Principal prize-winners at Belle Vue, 18 75-1899, shown in five-year
periods. (Qualification limits: minimum of one first prize, or two
appearances in the first four places).
Lord and Marsden were both members of the 4th Lancashire rifles volunteer (Bacup)
band, Lord as leader and Marsden as euphonium soloist, and therefore very much under
Ellis's influence. Lord was discussed on page 139 above, where his influence was seen
both at Bacup and in other bands conducted by him. Marsden, a former ophicleidist, was
highly respected for his playing at Bacup, and he later played with the Belle Vue band
and the Hallé Orchestra. During the 1880s he advertised in the 'professional cards'
column, and was a frequent adjudicator at band contests. He then moved to Scotland
(taking his Lancashire experiences with him), pioneering the system of the professional
band trainer there.8
256
Returning to Yorkshire, Joseph Paley was born in 1842 in Baildon, a few of
miles north of Saltaire. He took over the leadership of Saltaire band in 1865, possibly
succeeding Richard Smith, but certainly inheriting the benefits of his teaching. Paley
came from a poor family, but had a beautiful singing voice as a boy. After this broke he
took up the cornet, and played with a number of local bands before moving to Saltaire.
He conducted many other bands in Yorkshire, Lancashire and Cumberland, thus taking
Saltaire is some 10 miles from Bramley, but whereas the former is on the
outskirts of Bradford, the latter is close to Leeds. Bramley band was discussed on pages
31-32 above; through its members this band influenced future developments both within
the district and further afield. The name of its early tutor (my term), an organist called
John Whiteley, for example, appears from time to time in other places, but there was
also a family of Jacksons. Joseph, the father, had been leader at least since 1831, and his
three sons, 'B. D.', (born 1841), Joseph (junior) (born 1848) and Harry (date of birth not
known) all played with Bramley before moving elsewhere. Their only pedigree was that
their father was Bramley's long-standing leader, and no doubt he saw to their musical
instruction.
Dewsbury mill, provided that he played euphonium in the works band, conducted by his
brother, Harry. From 1868 he took up conducting, working with a number of bands -
from 1874 with Wyke Old, and from 1883 with Batley Old - which was to become a
Joseph also played horn and euphonium. He played in Black Dike for a time, but
on baritone and trombone. Again like his elder brother, he conducted Wyke Old and
then, on the death of Meek Hesling (another former leader of Bramley), succeeded him
as bandmaster of Leeds Forge band (to be discussed later), by then at the height of its
fame.
257
Hugh Whitham, born in Horsforth, Leeds, in 1846, was another former member
of Bramley band. Like the Jacksons, his musical training stemmed from home - he, his
father and two brothers forming a family quartet. He took up the cornet at the age of 10,
and when 15, joined Bramley band. After playing with a number of other bands he began
conducting, and in 1876 conducted Wyke temperance band (before it became famous).
but from 1886 returned to Yorkshire, conducting Batley temperance band. 12 Thus, the
Seddons. Two are discussed in the profiles - George T. H. and Alfred R. Their father,
also George, was a 'noted musical man', playing cello and contra-bass, and being a tenor
singer and local choirmaster. The children were well-educated musically. To save
confusion, the elder boy was known by his second name, Tom. He was born in Ashton-
under-Lyne in 1845, and had lessons in piano, organ and musical theory. Later, he
developed a love of brass bands, took up the euphonium and played in Hurst village
Alfred was born in 1850, also in Ashton, and like his brother, studied piano,
organ and theory. During the 1860s both brothers moved to London where, in 1867,
Tom conducted the City of London Orchestral Union, became involved with a number
of local bands, and also taught Alfred to play the cornet. During a brief return to
Ashton, Alfred had lessons from Hurst band's solo cornettist, but then joined the music
profession as pianist with a travelling concert company. Between 1869 and 1873 he was
yeomanry band. He then, for a time, played in the Belle Vue band, meeting several
important banding people, before moving to Derby, playing with and conducting several
Derbyshire bands.13
This seems not to have been a typical working-class banding family, and Alfred
Seddon was later described as a businessman. The family is mentioned because it played
258
a part in 'exporting' the Lancashire banding tradition, both to London and into
Yorkshire and Lancashire traditions will be looked at in some depth later in the chapter).
Alfred also became an adjudicator, and after a failed attempt to form a National Band
Association, was instrumental in founding the Midlands Band Association, becoming its
first president. 14
Of all the influential conductors of the later years of the nineteenth century, three stood
out. As so many other conductors owed something to them, now seems to be the time
to discuss them as a group. They were John Gladney, Edwin Swift and Alexander
Owen. Their domination of the contest scene, particularly between 1875 and 1895, was
reflected in the Belle Vue results, and their individual tally of prizes is shown as
Appendix 26. These results, in turn, reflect the large number of bands which they
conducted, peak years being 1889 and 1891. In the former, all but two bands out of 18
were conducted by one or other of them, and in the latter the figure was two out of 20.
At own choice contests, they regularly used their own special arrangements, designed to
John Gladney was born in Belfast, son of a military bandmaster (see page 252 above).
His early musical studies included lessons on violin, flute and piano. He also became
proficient on cornet, trombone and bassoon, but later took up the clarinet, playing with
opera companies and touring for a season with Jullien. In 1860, at the age of 21, he
became a member of the Hallé Orchestra, remaining there for over 30 years, and was
connected with the Belle Vue band during the 1 860s. In 1869 he arranged his selection
from Donizetti's Lucrezia Borgia for a contest in Accrington (see Table 22, page 186,
and pages 187 and 188), at which he also adjudicated. He made his debut as a contest
259
conductor at Belle Vue in 1871, taking Burnley volunteers into fifth place. Shortly after
view, the most influential of all nineteenth century brass band conductors, not only
through what he achieved at Meitham, but for his development of brass band
instrumentation and later, as will be seen, for his contribution to the exportation of the
to become almost standard for many years - and which was very similar to that still used
by contesting bands. He soon discovered the potential and limitations of the brass band,
and his 24-piece band was to replace the existing 16- to 18-piece one. Table 28 shows a
comparison between the 1878 Meitham band and the present-day contesting band.
Table 28 Comparison between the instrumentation of Melt/tam Mills band in
1878 and that of the post-1945 contesting band
Table 29 Corn ets andflugel horns in the 1878 and post-1945 bands
260
The comets and fiugels are the main points of departure, and Table 29 shows how they
were organised in the two eras. Basses also need some clarification. The bombardons of
the 1878 band were similar to the modem EEb bass, but with a narrower tube bore.
Similarly, the 'single' Bb bass had a considerably narrower bore than the modern BBb
bass, but the 'monstre double B' came close to the size of the present-day instrument.
During his early years at Meitham Gladney was adding his own arrangements to
the repertoire, though not always to the advantage of Meitham. For example, his
selection from Verdi's S4ffelio seems to have been first performed by Stalybridge,
during 1875. His William Tell selection (Rossini) was, however, first played by Meitham
Following Meltham's Belle Vue hat-trick, it was not allowed to compete there
for the following two years. From 1879 to 1883 Gladney conducted Besses, and was
also with Stalybridge between 1880 and 1882, having previously been associated with
them in 1875. Table 30 shows the extent of his successes at Belle Vue with his various
bands
Table 30 First prizes won at Belle Vue by Gladney and his bands, 18 75-
1899
1875 Il Talismano (Balfe) Kingston Mills
1876 Aida (Verdi) Meitham
1877 Jessonda (Spohr) Meitham
1878 Romeo e Giulietto (Gounod) Meitham
1884 La Gazza Ladra (Rossini) Honley
1885 Nabucco (Verdi) Kingston Mills
1886 La Favorite (Donizetti) Kingston Mills
1887 L'Etoile du Nord (Meyerbeer) Kingston Mills
1890 Euryanthe (Weber) Batley Old
1891 Das Nachtlager in Granada (Kreutzer) Black Dike
1893 Elaine (Bemburg) Kingston Mills
1895 Hansel und Gretel (Hump erdinck) Black Dike
1896 Gabrielli (Pizzi) Black Dike
1899 Aroldo (Verdi) Black Dike
261
In addition to the Meitham hat-trick, as will be seen, Gladney completed a hat-trick with
Kingston Mills, though this was after the demise of Meitham as a contesting band. He
conducted Honley, near neighbours of Meitham in 1884, Linthwaite during the 1886
season, and in 1888 took over the conductorship of Black Dike, where again he had a
very successftil time up to his retirement, in 1907. It has been estimated that he was
Meitham Mills 187 1-1883
Besses o' th' Barn 1879-1883
Kingston Mills 1875 and 1885-1901
Black Dike (Dyke) 1888- 1907
In contrast to that of Gladney, Swift's musical background was almost non-existent. The
following information comes mainly from a booklet, 'Life and Career of the Late Mr.
Edwin Swift' 16 (see bibliography). The son of a hand-loom weaver, he worked in a mill
until he was 32 years old. As a boy he played in a drum and fife band, whilst
surreptitiously practising on his brother's comet. When he was 10 years old he joined
Linthwaite - a modest village band with poor instruments - but he worked assiduously at
Later, partly through a public appeal but mainly, one suspects, through an
attachment to the local volunteers, new instruments were purchased, and the 25-year-old
Swift was charged with preparing the band for contesting. They pitched immediately
into the Belle Vue arena, and were rewarded on their second attempt, in 1869, with fifth
prize. In the years 1873 nd 1875 they gained fourth and third prizes, by which time
Swift had become a respected local conductor, and in 1876 he took three bands to Belle
At Linthwaite, Swift initially carried out typically the duties of leader - playing
and directing, but from the end of 1871 a leading comet player called Charles Auty17
was engaged and Swift was able to concentrate on conducting and arranging. By 1875
262
he had a number of bands under his tuition and was able to leave his mill job in order to
specialize in band work. This was a remarkable achievement, as the booklet claims he
Linthwaite is situated only three miles from Meltham, where Gladney had built
the country's premier band; there was, therefore, intense local rivalry though, apparently,
no ill-feeling. Just as Gladney had arranged selections for Meitham, so Swift built up a
special repertoire for his bands, including selections from William Tell and Tannhauser.
In 1877 Linthwaite, playing the Rossini, beat Meltham at the Edinburgh contest, but the
Wagner selection was condemned by some adjudicators as 'being before the age'. Other
Swift selections included his Bayreuth, a Wagnerian selection regarded, in its day as his
masterpiece.
temperance, Leeds Forge and Honley - all mentioned in Table 27. He was appointed
professional conductor of Wyke in 1885; this and Linthwaite remained his two most
important bands, and with each of them he occasionally beat the two leading bands of
the era, Black Dike and Besses. He also had some success with Leeds Forge, of which
he was professional conductor between 1886 and 1890.18 From 1898 Swift was in poor
health, and he died of cancer in 1904. His achievements did not compare with those of
Gladney's but considering his background, and the inferior resources at his disposal, they
The third member of the 'Triumvirate' was Alexander Owen who, as was seen on page
252, was brought up in an orphanage, worked in a colliery and played under the tuition
unearthed. 19 Information from this, Stalybridge Old Band 1814-1914, and Hampson,
263
1893, form the basis of the following summary of Owen's career, supplemented by
Dike, Leeds Forge and other bands - particularly Besses o' th' Barn, and as the arranger
of some celebrated contest selections, Owen was to become a dominant figure. Of his
background, Sialybridge Old Band 1814-1914 states simply that he was recommended
by Mr. Salkeld of Manchester, and that he was 'a young man apprenticed to a cavalry
bandmaster' 20 Hampson stated that Owen was born in 1851, and in characteristically
flowery language, asserted that 'the wonderful precocity of his talents revealed itself at a
establishment comes from two booklets in the local studies section of Manchester
Central Library. 22 Many facts about the school are revealed, one stating: 'it is interesting
to relate that Mr. Alex Owen, conductor of the world-renowned Besses-o' th'-Barn
Band [sic], was in his boyhood days a scholar, and a member of the school's band'.23
A music master had been appointed in 1850, and he was probably Owen's
earliest musical influence. The first school band was drum and fife, later converted to all-
brass, and the first bandmaster was a Mr. R. Kirk. He trained many of the boys for
service in the army; they became band boys at 14 and finished their training at the 'Army
College of Music' - probably Kneller Hall, founded in 1857. Others joined 'noted
Northern bands'.24
Thus, through Kirk and the school band, Eliwood and the Yeomanry band,
Owen was well prepared to become solo cornet and leader of Stalybridge Old band.
There were several contest successes (see Appendix 11) before, in 1871, a disagreement
led to a split and the formation of Stalybridge Borough band, with Owen and a number
of the 'Old' players defecting. An article in Brass Band News states that he was
appointed 'instructor to the celebrated Old Band in 1868, aged 18.' The article also
264
states that the Borough band was established in 1871, that Owen had given his services,
that it had become the band of the 4th Cheshire rifle volunteers in 1881, and that up to
the time of the article it had attended 19 contests, winning 44 prizes. It ftirther stated
Meanwhile, in 1875 he became solo cornet player of Meitham Mills, under John
Gladney, the third and no doubt most significant banding influence in his career. Here,
his only brief was to play when required. He actually kept a public house in Stalybridge,
travelling to Meitham when necessary. It was during his tenure at Meltham that the band
took over Boarshurst band (Oldham). 1878 was the year in which Meltham completed
the hat-trick at Belle Vue, and the rules decreed that they should not compete there for
the next two years. The significance of this, coupled with Owen's conducting experience
at Boarshurst, led directly to him being appointed conductor at Black Dike, which had
won the 1879 Belle Vue contest (following Meitham's feat). Owen succeeded
immediately by leading Black Dike to further wins in 1880 and 1881, completing their
first hat-trick and then, in 1882, winning the contest with what can only be considered as
outsiders, Clayton-le-Moors band, 26 achieving his own personal hat-trick, though still a
In 1884 Owen was appointed conductor of Besses o' th' Barn band. For the next
four years he conducted both them and Black Dike. He also continued to play the
cornet, and whenever allowed to do so played and conducted. In 1888 he resigned from
Like the other two members of the 'triumvirate', Owen made special
arrangements for his bands to play in competitions. The most celebrated of these was his
Rossini. 27 During his first three seasons at Besses, it was played at no fewer than 19
contests, earning a prize at each, including 14 firsts. At a contest in 1887 a rule was
devised precluding Besses from playing Rossini, which was replaced, temporarily, with
265
Owen's Beethoven's Works. Meanwhile, he was preparing his selection from Faust
(Berlioz) with which the band went on to win an incredible 19 first prizes from 20
contests. Thus, his arrangements were a major factor in his contest successes.
Stalybridge he had also conducted the local choral society, or Harmonic Society as it
was known. At a concert in the town during Januaiy 1887, over 200 performed under
his baton in a promenade concert featuring both band and singers. 28 He was later
involved in concert work with Besses, and in due course his arrangements were directed
incensed at the inaccurate pirate copies of some of his selections which were appearing
that he had multiple sets of six of them made, to be sold privately at two guineas per
set.29
Nor did Owen shy from controversy. In 1885 he delivered a scathing attack on
the Belle Vue management, criticising the large number of entries accepted, the
unhealthy conditions in the unventilated contest hall, and the fact that Charles Godfrey
always arranged the test piece and adjudicated. Following his complaints, a July contest
was instigated, and entries in September limited to 20. The ventilation of the hall was
improved, but Godfrey remained as adjudicator and arranger. This was not good enough
for Owen, and in 1886 he and his bands boycotted the competition. However, they were
back the following year, despite the management's intransigence over Godfrey.30
Thus ends this résumé of Owen and indeed the 'triumvirate'. By the turn of the
century Swift was about spent. Gladney went on a few more years with Black Dike, but
Owen, still only 48 in 1899 was to remain a dominant figure until his death in 1920. His
activities however, during his last 15 years were much less focussed on contesting.
Rimmer and others had arrived, and Owen busied himself more with concerts and
tours.3'
266
5.2.4 A later group of influential personalities
conductors who, even though benefiting from the guidance of their elders, did not find it
easy to establish their reputations. This applied particularly to the first two, G. F.
Birkinshaw and Fenton Renshaw, each only one year younger than Owen, and both
dying whilst still fairly young. The third member of the group, however, William
Rimmer, being a decade younger, and still not 40 by the end of the century, was able to
establish himself as the work of Swift and, to a lesser extent Gladney, was drawing to a
close.
'Fred' Birkinshaw, one of the leading cornet soloists of his day, and a promising
conductor, was born in Barnsley on 24 October 1852. He began playing cornet when
aged six, playing with Doncaster rifles. Four years later the family moved to Leeds; his
father played the cornet professionally, and took a job at Thornton Varieties. He died six
months later and Fred took his place, though still only 10 years old.
He played in theatres in several towns, but at 26 left the profession, and became
bandmaster of Buttershaw Mills band, near Bradford. In the following year (1879) he
joined Black Dike, and a year later succeeded Owen as solo cornet player at Meitham,
remaining there until they ceased contesting in 1883. He was then engaged as solo
cornet/conductor at Besses, but only for one season. He later returned to Black Dike,
being contracted season by season, and playing there in 1889, 1891 and part of 1892.
His association with Gladney had been invaluable; he took to conducting, and
within a few years had worked with at least 15 bands. However, before he had chance to
mature, he contracted rheumatic brain fever. He died on 7 June 1896, aged only 43.
Nevertheless, in those few years, he was able to pass on some of the wisdom he had
learned from Gladney.32
267
(ii) Fenton Renshaw (1852-1909)
Fenton Renshaw was born in the village of Brockholes, near Huddersfield. He worked in
a mill as a young man, but also played the euphonium. An obituary 33 described him as
'one of the promoters of the famous Honley Band of the seventies'. Honley, near
neighbours of Meltham's, came to the fore briefly on the latter's demise. Gladney
conducted Honley in its peak year (1884); Renshaw was bandmaster at the time, and
succeeded his mentor as conductor. He went on to become one of the more successful
band trainers of the 1 880s and 1 890s, being professional conductor to over 50 bands -
mostly in Yorkshire, but also to some in the midlands and South Wales. Like
Birkinshaw, he died before reaching full maturity as a conductor but he had obviously
learned from Gladney, and had been able to pass on his accumulated wisdom.
The name of the third member of this group, William Rimmer, is still revered throughout
the brass band world, both for his conducting achievements and his music. Much of his
success came in the twentieth century, and is therefore not relevant to this thesis.
unaware of later events. His brief stay as solo cornet player of Besses (probably early in
1889), for example, is referred to by Hampson simply as 'the introduction of Mr. William
An account two years later, though more comprehensive, still does not give a
taste of things to come. It tells us that his father [Thomas] conducted Southport rifles
band for over 20 years, that William had piano lessons from being nine years old, and
that at 15 he joined his father's band as a drummer, later playing cornet and working his
way up to repiano position. It also states that he played under Henry Round in
Southport rifles, winning 50 prizes, and that later he played with Besses, Kingston iils,
Heywood rifles and Radcliffe Old. He therefore already had considerable playing
experience, and had played under Round and Owen, when he became bandmaster of
268
Southport Art volunteers, in 1889. A year later he was appointed conductor of
composing, he was 'teacher' of Southport police string band, and was also an organist
and choirmaster.34
A timely article in 1899 gives a century-end view, and goes considerably further
in praise of Rimmer than the others, describing him as 'a prolific composer, conductor,
editor, judge, and above all, a teacher of rare ability'. He was still a fine cornet soloist,
and to the list of bands he had conducted was now added Pemberton Old and Wingates
temperance - with which he was to remain for some 20 years. In the seasons 1898 and
1899 he had been musical director of the Southport pier military band. His compositions
were continuing apace, and in 1897 he had become musical editor for the Cornet Band
Table 31 William Rimmers Belle Vue results, 1896-1899
1u1 September
1896 Pemberton Old 3rd Kingston Mills 2nd
Crooke 6th Pemberton Old Unpiaced
Heywood Rifles Unplaced
269
In the contest field he was progressing towards the record-breaking feats which were to
come. 36 Table 31 makes interesting reading, partly for the number of contesting bands
with which he was already associated, but mainly for his three out of three feat in the
Most of the conductors discussed so far formed the core of the generation which
reigned during the last quarter of the century. Of the remaining profiles considered,
some of the subjects were just instrumentalists and many were too young to have any
influence on the nineteenth century band scene. One deserves a mention because, though
he was not to blossom until post-1905, his formative years were in the nineteenth
century. He was William Halliwell, born in the village of Roby Mill, near Wigan, in
1864. His first instrument was the harmonium, but by the time he was 12 he was a
competent organist. Not until the age of 16 did he take up a brass instrument, joining a
local temperance band on cornet. He also played trumpet for a choral society, and
therefore had first-hand experience of oratorio, and opportunities to study fill scores.37
He became involved in conducting local bands, but apart from possibly having played
briefly under Edwin Swift, his teaching seems to have been based on musical intuition
Two less-famous conductors, both older than Flalliwell, did have playing
experience under noted conductors. Ned Holditch, born near Bacup area, circa 1860,
had played under Lord and Owen and went on to conduct a number of local bands,39
whilst T. Mitchell, born in Todmorden in 1855, having played under the same two
Even more experienced, Whitham Smith, born in 1855 near Denton, played
under Richard Marsden and Edwin Swift early in his banding career, for five seasons
with Oldham rifles under Owen, and more latterly, under Gladney at Kingston Mills. He
270
was thus well equipped to deal with the four bands of which he was bandmaster at the
The year 1853 saw the birth, in Whitefield, of Robert Jackson. He played in
Whitefield school band before joining Besses o' th' Barn, at the age of 15. He played,
therefore, under Melting and his successors, including Gladney and Owen. For much of
this time he was Besses' bandmaster, but he also conducted many bands in the district,
In Yorkshire, Angus Holden, born in Horbury in 1873, was one of the younger
school. As a successful cornet player, he tried to model himself on Owen, though he had
271
5.3 THE SPREADING OF THE ALL-BRASS BAND
The amateur wind band was still a national phenomenon but the specialised all-brass
band had developed most potently in Yorkshire and Lancashire. However, through
conversion of drum and fife bands and brass and reed bands, as well as through the
forming of new bands from scratch, towards the close of the century it was becoming a
national movement in its own right. This section does not set out to be a detailed study
The export of the tradition has already been touched on a number of times:
Richard Marsden moved to Scotland 44 and Hugh Whitham moved temporarily into
Lincoinshire; Paley was said to have conducted bands in Cumberland, Renshaw in the
Midlands and South Wales, and the Seddon brothers in London - Alfred also in
Derbyshire. These are just a few examples. There were many more. Some are revealed
in the profiles and reviewed here, along with profiles of a few bandsmen native to a
particular district, and exportation even from other districts. Movement into Scotland
seems to have been both the earliest and the most extensive, therefore I propose to start
there, gradually moving south, first down the western side of England, and then the east.
(i) Scotland
As has already been noted (see pages 34-3 5) there were many bands in Scotland by mid-
century, so it follows that there were also many leaders or bandmasters. One of these
cornet and held certificates of the Tonic Sol-fa College, but was mainly self-taught. He
worked with a number of bands in Fife, including Kelty, Lochgelly and one in the village
of Lassodie,45 all still active.
The border town of Hawick was one of the first to import English band trainers.
Hawick saxhorn band is still in existence, proudly bearing its original name. As early as
1855 (possibly 1856), this band tempted Stephen Teal to leave Yeadon and settle in
272
Hawick. He was followed by Frank Gray, the subject of the profile, 46 also from Yeadon.
This profile provides interesting reading and makes it worth while to digress slightly.
Young band, playing on a D b soprano cornet, made by Wigglesworth of Otley. Teal was
leader of the 'Young' baid, but played soprano in the 'Old'; Gray played soprano in the
'Young' band, but when this was disbanded he played 2nd soprano in the 'Old'. He was
taught, however, by Milburn (see pages 32, 55-56 and 105 and 106 above), whilst the
'Old' band was conducted by Tidswell (see page 182 above). Yeadon Old took part in
the 1860 Crystal Palace brass band contest (see pages 97-98 above), taught by Mr.
Whiteley of Bramley (see page 32 above). Gray moved to Hawick in December 1860 to
form and teach the Border rifles band. 47 Thirteen new instruments were bought, arid
within three months the beginners were playing as a band. A 1904 article4a announced
There are profiles of two more band 'teachers' who went to Scotland, one from
each side of the Pennines, both of whom were fine cornetists. Thomas Wheelwright
(born in Buttershaw, 1855), had played under Harry Jackson, formerly of Bramley (see
page 257 above), Swift and Gladney, and had also played professionally in the theatre,
1890; the profile49 says that he had been with the saxhorn band for seven months, and
that he was also giving instruction to Langholm band. 50 The other was W. G. Chapman
(born in the early 1 850s, probably in Whitefield). He commenced his contesting career
with Besses, under Melling, remaining with them until at least 1873, when he seems to
have been barred from playing at Belle Vue, presumably because of his by then
professional status. He also played with other notable bands. Wheelwright was
appointed 'teacher' to Dunfermline Town band in 1892; it was stated that the band was
made up of'learners'.51
Yet another Scottish band turned to England for assistance. This was in
Dalmellington, some 10 miles south-west of Ayr. This band, located in a mining region,
273
was formed in 1864, became all-brass in 1868, and in 1888 engaged Albert A. Carr of
even greater relevance to the present chapter, as they refer to contests held in Edinburgh
and Glasgow in 1887 and 1888 respectively. As well as giving interesting information
about Black Dike and its conductor, Owen, Man lists all the music played by the band
bands taking part. It was a two-day event, Friday being restricted to Scottish bands, 10
of which competed, and Saturday open to all. This attracted 15 English bands and five
Scottish. Inevitably, all of Saturday's prizes went to English bands. 53 The Glasgow
contest of 1888 followed a similar pattern, attracting 19 Scottish and 20 English bands.
About half of the Scottish bands had been formed during the 1870s and 1880s. Man
also cited 17 Scottish towns which, by 1888, had hosted brass band contests. The most
prestigious of these was held annually in Alloa, and was frequented by several Yorkshire
Alloa instrumental band was founded in 1875 and first conducted by a local
musician. 55 From 1881 it started competing in contests and enjoyed some success. In
1889 Richard Marsden of Manchester was appointed conductor, and this partnership
formerly of Oldham Rifles band (see pages 312-313) below. Under Robinson the band
Born in West Auckland in 1859, Thomas Moore played cornet and became conductor of
the town band and several others. The profile claims that he had been a pupil of
moved north, where he also conducted Galashiels rifles and Portobello bands.56
274
The collective influence of these and other similar appointments, plus visits to
Scotland by leading English brass bands stimulated the Scoftish brass band movement
and, whilst not achieving the status of banding in the north of England, it is an important
A late, but significant link in the Scottish/English nineteenth century chain was
when, at the first Scottish championships, held in Edinburgh in 1895, John Gladney
conducted two bands - Bo'ness and Carriden, and Kelty and Blairadam. Bo'ness won the
championship section, whilst Kelty won the second section. One wonders how the
history of brass bands would have been changed had Scotland had its own 'triumvirate'.
continued influence of English conductors, with the names Gladney, Marsden (of course
there were two of these, including one Scotsman), Robinson, Moore, Atkinson and a
late arrival, E. Sutton, who had succeeded William Rimmer as solo cornet player in
Southport rifles band under Henry Round, and who had been brought to Scotland in the
(ii) Cumberland
The profiles of two bandmasters active in Cumberland show a thriving local band
movement in the towns and villages west of the Lake District. Henry Thompson (born in
Cockermouth in 1841) was initially a flute band trainer, but he then became bandmaster
of a host of brass or brass and reed bands, including Workington Old saxhorn,
Harrington Art, Derwent Tinpiate Works, Maryport Art and Ellenborough. At the time
George Lowden (born in Keswick in 1849) had played with or conducted Frizington,
Workington Saint Cuthbert's, Workington Art, and Flimby and Frizington Saint Joseph's
bands.59
275
Qii) The West Midlanth
Moving to the West Midlands, we find an early band enthusiast in Congleton. John
Barnett, born in 1847, a cordwainer by trade, joined Congelton Old reed band, playing
cornet. He regularly changed bands and instruments, but at one time played in Kidsgrove
band under Gladney. In 1875 he took over the conductorship of Congleton Excelsior
reed band, but soon had it converted to all-brass. During the 1 880s he was bandmaster
of Congleton volunteers and Sandbach rifles,60 Sandbach being the home of the future
Fodens band.
Moving south from Cheshire into Staffordshire, where there was a strong and
well-established brass band fraternity, we find George Turner in Hanley, born in 1858
and growing up as a potter. His first instrument was the bass drum, but later he played
euphonium and several other instruments. He played with a number of bands, including a
Moving south again, but still in Staffordshire, were Nimrod Wood and James
Roberts. Wood, born in Wednesbury in 1856,63 was taught to play the ophicleide by his
father, but later played various other instruments, becoming a good euphonium player
and winning several solo contests. His father seems to have been his only teacher, but in
1886 he himself became teacher of a new band - Rising Life-boat Crew brass band,
which later became Barrow Iron and Steel Works band. At the time of the profile, Wood
was also conductor of Barrow Temperance and Irish National Forester bands. 64 Roberts
was born in Willenhall in 1857, joined a choir at 10, and at 13 helped form a drum and
fife band. When, shortly afterwards, the Good Templars formed a brass band, he joined
this on third cornet. Making good progress, he soon became leader, and in 1887 was
appointed conductor. He then took on Willenhall temperance band which, the profile
claimed, was the premier south Staffordshire band at the time. Roberts had obviously
become an influential local musician, because in addition to conducting five or six other
276
Perhaps the most distinguished nineteenth century Staffordshire bandsman was
John Bailey, born at Mow Cop in 1859. From playing euphonium in a local band he
became solo euphonium of Leeds Forge and Black Dike, before moving to South Wales
(iv) Wales
Despite early banding activities at Blaina and Cyfarthfa, the Welsh brass band movement
was slow to emerge. Very much a singing nation, and with the prevalence of the Welsh
Nevertheless, there were seeds which were to grow into a strong Welsh brass
movement, beginning probably in the 1880s. John Bailey, as has been seen, was a Welsh
immigrant late in the nineteenth century. He had several predecessors. Possibly the first
was George Hanney, born in Marksbury, between Bristol and Bath, in 1840. He was
taught to play by his father, a clarinettist in the local church band. There was a large
family, and the father and his six sons formed a group known as the 'Happy Family Band'
or, alternatively, Hanney's band. George was the eldest of the sons, and initially played
soprano, becoming solo comet and, as the band became larger, conductor. The family
moved into South Wales, was for a time known as the Morriston band and, circa 1876,
became the band of the 1st Glamorgan artillery volunteers. At the time the profile was
written (1891), Hanney had three brothers, five sons and six nephews in the band. In
1892 this band, conducted by 'G. Hanney', became the first Welsh band to figure in the
prize lists at Belle Vue, taking fourth prize. 67 The band appeared at Belle Vue again in
1894 and 1895, but without success. Nevertheless, Hanney has to be given credit as a
London and the south, moved to South Wales in 1886, along with his son. He became
involved with Ferndale band and the South Wales and Monmouth Brass Band
Association.69
277
Indicative of the late development of the Welsh brass band movement, R.
Dawson received a 'tempting offer' in 1894 from Fochriw brass band, to become its
conductor. He was born in Farnworth in 1871, had first played the violin, but at 16 took
up the cornet and joined the Farnworth Old Barnes band (see page 56 above). He
became bandmaster and solo cornet player, under the professional conductorship of
William Rimmer. Having moved to Fochriw, he not only brought contesting successes to
iLJJhe North-East
In North-East England, three conductors appeared in the profiles, all born in the 1 850s.
One was imported, one exported, and the other remained there. The exportee was
Thomas Moore, discussed in the section on Scottish bands. The 'native', Thomas
Snowdon, was born in New Durham in 1852, but lived in Spennymoor (where there are
currently two thriving bands). He came from a musical family, and was a miner at nearby
Tudhoe colliery when a band was formed there in 1873. The brothers John and George
Raine71 seem to have been key banding figures in the town, and when they left, circa
1874, the Whitworth band, of which they and Snowdon were members, was in a poor
state. Snowdon had been on first fiugel, but he now became leader, re-built the band,
The imported bandsman was C. H. Kay, born in Manchester in 1859, who played
under music publisher James Frost (see page 243 above) and later, in Kingston Mills,
locally. Arthur Hindley, born in Nottingham in 1842, was connected with drum and fife
bands until he was 20. During the 1860s he played horn and then cornet with
278
Nottingham temperance sax-tuba band, and during the 1 870s became bandmaster of a
number of bands, including the sax-tuba, Nottingham juvenile sax-tuba, and Hucknall
temperance. In 1886 he became bandmaster of Robin Hood rifles, a band which had
Cotgrave, south west of Nottingham, in 1851. He came into a musical family, played
violin, cello and contra bass, but was a shoemaker by trade, and at 15 he joined a local
brass and reed band on euphonium. He played with other bands also, playing both cornet
and soprano. During the 1 860s he helped organise two temperance bands - Cotgrave
and South Nottingham, of which three of his brothers were also members. He
encouraged band contests, and at the time of the profile (1890) was training five bands
for a contest in Derby. The profile also claimed that he was the originator and secretary
he played a fife, and at 18 was teaching drum and fife bands. But he also learned to play
cornet, and in 1872 was playing soprano with the Nottingham sax-tuba band. At the
time of the profile (1894) he was bandmaster of five brass bands and band sergeant of
W. R. Howe was mentioned in the section on bands in Wales. He was born in Thornsett,
Derbyshire, in 1841, and had played baritone in New Mills band (see page 30 above). He
was a skilled arranger, and at 16 became bandmaster and solo comet player. In 1863 he
band. Whilst there, he also taught several other bands, including the Order of Shepherds
brass band (Millwall), the Order of Ancient Britons brass band (Poplar) and Thames
Iron Works brass band, and became bandmaster of Millwall Steel and Ironworks brass
band. He was also a noted cornet soloist and a member of Poplar orchestral society.
279
This suggests that there was a brass band fraternity in this London district, and that it
had strong connections with industry. Howe moved to South Wales in 1886.
The most important brass band developments in the south took place in Luton,
and these were aided by help from further north. The early history of the Luton Red
Cross band is told in an 1896 article. 77 It was one of those bands which grew out of the
the rules of the mission rather restrictive, broke away and formed the Red Cross band.78
The new band first contested in 1891, under a conductor called Ryan from Kettering,
but was unsuccessful. In the following year, new instruments were bought and a Mr. W.
Goodger of Sheffield engaged to conduct, resulting in the band's first successes, in 1893.
In the following year, J. T. Ogden was engaged as solo cornet and conductor. He is
discussed in the profiles. 79 Born in Radcliffe Bridge (near Whitefield) in 1859, he first
played horn in local bands. He was then 'taught' by a number of leading conductors,
including Birkinshaw, Owen and Swift, prior to his appointment at Kingston Mills,
playing under Gladney, and becoming one of the leading soprano players of the day.
Under Ogden's guidance Luton made good progress but, no doubt on his
recalled that he had great success with two Scottish bands in 1895). Such was Gladney's
influence that, though not able to beat the leading northern bands for some time, Luton
Red Cross appears as one of Gladney's bands in the Belle Vue entries from 1896, and in
fact it earned sixth prize in 1897.80
280
5.4 CONCLUSION
The above, though rather sketchy, and ignoring many parts of the country, demonstrates
a great deal about bands, bandsmen and conductors during the latter part of the
nineteenth century. It shows, first of all, the tremendous family influence - fathers
teaching sons, the forming of family ensembles, and extensive family connections within
some bands.
It also demonstrates that many who went on to become conductors had come
from what were described as 'musical families'. Some had fine singing voices, were
members of a choir, and it was not unknown for the conductor of a local band also to be
a choirmaster, or even the musical director of the town's theatre. Some were able to play
the violin, and in the case of a few of the better-off ones, they had also learned to play
the piano, possibly the organ, and had had lessons in musical theory and harmony.
reviewed. Changes of embouchure seem to have presented no problems, and the moves
were obviously facilitated by common valve and notation systems. The large numbers of
bands within some districts enabled bandsmen to play in a number of bands at any one
time, and it is quite conceivable that the euphonium player in one band might play horn
It also becomes apparent that even in the 1880s and 1890s, conversion from
drum and fife or brass and reed to all-brass was still common. Many of the brass banders
had formerly been connected with one of the other types of band.
A surprising number of bands bore the name of a mill or factory. What this
meant is not clear, and would vary from band to band. There may have been some
financial help, a job for the leader or conductor, or merely permission to hold band
The usage of the words 'teach', 'taught' and 'pupil' is rather intriguing. One has to
conclude that being a pupil of, or being taught by, meant that the player concerned had
281
been in a band conducted by, for example, John Gladney. It is impressive to see the
rapid progress made, with modest help, by those who were enthusiastic and diligent.
Finally, there is the question of rewards. Either there was not a great deal of
commitment to any one band, or else each band paid the bandmaster or leader a small
honorarium which, collectively, enabled him to survive on his banding activities. This
theory is supported in the profile of George Turner of Hanley. At the time (:1890),
Turner was conducting four bands, two of which were contesting bands, and from these
four he was able to make a living. Then there is the example of Dalmellington,
mentioned in the section on Scotland. When Albert Can was engaged as conductor in
1888 he was given a house, a job, and extra remuneration for his work with the band.81
If this was a typical appointment, there was an obvious attraction for a young conductor
willing to move from his own locality to accept such a position. It is also apparent from
the profiles that some cornet and euphonium players were able to play professionally
from time to time, without completely turning their backs on brass bands.
and Lancashire and the presence of highly competent band trainers gave these counties a
considerable advantage. They also indicate that with the passage of time certain other
regions - primarily Scotland - were able to benefit from the importation of professional
help. However, this help was never sufficient for them to compete on equal terms with
bands, would be able to earn a good living from their professional fees. They all played
their part in the development of the brass band in the final quarter of the century, but it
is impossible to ignore the vital part played by John Gladney. His influence was
immeasurable.
Notes
1 The Gentlemen's Concerts were established in Manchester circa 1770, went into
decline in the 1840s, but were rejuvenated by the appointment of Charles Hallé as
282
conductor in 1850. When the Hallé Orchestra was established, in 1858, inevitably it
overshadowed the Gentlemen's Concerts. These, nevertheless, survived until 1920.
(Information from Oxford Dictionary of Music, 1985).
2 Millington, 1884, pages 6 1-2.
3 'Tutor' is a title which was used regularly; it was another name for 'teacher', and
13 Ibid., February 1890 and November 1896. George T. H. Seddon became a noted
adjudicator, officiating at the 1902 Crystal Palace National Brass Band Championships.
14 In 1886 a William Seddon, former bandmaster of Kettering rifles band became editor
issued in 1998 under the title 'Edwin Swift "The Man", with the sub-title, 'Our Heritage
- Linthwaite Band'. No publisher is named, but the booklet is currently available from
The Linthwaite Band, Hoylehouse Fold, Linthwaite, Huddersfleld.
17
There is a brief biography of Auty in the British Bandsman of 1 January 1899, on
page 13. He was born in 1843, and died in Milnsbridge (adjacent to Linthwaite) in May
1888. In addition to his brass band work he was a member of the orchestra of the
Huddersfield Choral Society.
18 Brass Band News, June 1886 and February 1890.
19
This was in the Eccies and Patricroft Journal of 13 August, 1920, a copy of which is
in Salford Local History library.
20
Stalybridge Old Band 1814-1914, page 24.
21
Hampson, 1893, page 36.
22 Pauper in the Palace b.y E. 0' Brien and Swinton Industrial Schools
by A. E. Guest
(see bibliography).
23 Guest, eighth page of main text.
26 This was the only prize ever won by this band at Belle Vue.
283
30 See correspondence in Brass Band News of October and December 1885, and August
1887.
31 For further detail on the 'triumvirate', see my Brass Roots, pages 49-5 7.
32 Information from Brass Band News, February 1889, Orchestral Times and
42 Brass Band News, September 1889, and Hampson, 1893, pages 21-26.
Brass Band News, April 1894. According to British Bandsman, 1 November 1899,
Mrs. Holden played harp, sackbut and lute, and was sometimes engaged by bands for
concerts, along with her husband.
There were two Richard Marsdens active in the Scottish band scene, the Richard
Marsden already discussed as a former member of Bacup Old, and another who was a
native Scot.
Brass Band News, February 1891.
46 Ibid., January 1892.
Johnstone.
3 Marr, 1887, pages 98-102 and 147-162.
2M
Ibid., May, 1896.
58
Ibid., March 1893.
Ibid., September 1895.
60 Ibid., April 1891.
62 Sourbutts is the subject of another profile, not included in this review. He was born in
Newchurch, where the village band succeeded Bacup as the band of the 4th Lancashire
rifle volunteers. He must, at some stage, have come under the influence of John Lord.
Later, Sourbutts conducted Stalybridge Old. (see page 147 above, and Appendix 11).
63 The 34th Staffordshire volunteer rifles band from Wednesbury had appeared at Belle
66 From 1902, Bailey conducted Cory band. (Brass Band News November 1893 and
April 1912).
67 The other prize-winners were Besses (Owen), Kingston Mills (Gladney), Lindley
71 George Raine became the solo cornet player of Linthwaite band under Swift.
72 Brass Band News, May 1891.
professional conductor and then, from 1911, William Halliwell. In 1923, under Halliwell,
and with some help from the Mortimer family (imported from Hebden Bridge in
Yorshire), Luton Red Cross became the first, and to date, only southern band to win the
National Brass Band Championships.
81
This information was gleaned in an interview with Dalmellington band's historian,
Hugh Johnstone.
285
Chapter 6
6.1 Introduction
6.5 Conclusion
286
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Table 27 on page 256 gave a break-down of the bands which figured most strongly in
Belle Vue contests between 1875 and 1899. Table 32 shows the actual results of the top
13 of these.
If contesting were the only yard-stick by which success was measured, then a review of
the activities of these bands (or the higher-placed ones) would be the logical menu for
this chapter. In fact, concert activities also developed dramatically during these years,
and some of the lower-placed bands, because of this, are more worthy of inclusion than
essential publicity, and helping widen the repertoire. Appendix 28 shows the
achievements of the most successful bands during three selected eras - 1862-1871, the
era of Bacup's 4th Lancashire rifle volunteers band, 1872-188 1, the era of Meitham
Mills, and the remainder of the century which, though not dominated by any one
particular band, gave Kingston Mills its finest period. It is interesting to note that though
287
over-all Black Dike was the most successfW because of its consistency, it fell to second
place in the 'league-tables' of all three eras. Kingston Mills, Black Dike, Wyke
Temperance and Besses were certainly the leading contesting bands during the last 15
years of the century, with Black Dike and Besses being the two outstanding bands in the
concert field. Oldham rifles and Leeds Forge join the elite group because of their other
activities, and Stalybridge, though not quite in the upper strata, did interesting things
and so is also included. Meitham Mills was primarily a contesting band, but is included
in order to follow up what was said earlier about it. Of the eight bands, four had
industrial connections, three (including the temperance band) were public subscription
bands, and there was one volunteer band. Industry was still, therefore, playing a
significant part, but independent bands were also surviving at the top level. It is also
interesting to observe that Yorkshire had regained its supremacy, whilst Lancashire was
288
6.2 THE PACE-MAKERS
The early years of Meltham Mills band, and its relationships with Jonas Brook and
Bothers were discussed on pages 116-119 above, and its associations with Gladney
One of the reason's for Gladney's success (as is a reason for that of most leading
conductors) was the fact that he surrounded himself with good players, including a few
of star-quality. His solo cornet player, for example, was Alexander Owen, possibly the
greatest cornet player of his day. There was also a local musical family, that of the
Steads, the eldest band member from which was James, on Eb bombardon. Of more
significance were his nephews, the brothers Wright, Edwin and Richard. The two first-
named were respectively leading soprano cornet and euphonium players of the time, and
1874; Appendix 29 completes the picture, showing their successes from 1875 to 1882
when the band's contesting virtually came to an end. During 12 years under Gladney, the
band had amassed a total of £2,863 16s. in cash, plus special prizes to the value of £573
2s. These included the first ever three successive wins (the 'hat-trick') at Belle Vue,
which resulted in the band being barred from competing there for the next two years, a
factor in its downfall. In 1881 Meltham returned to Belle Vue, taking second place to
Black Dike - completing its hat-trick. In the following year Meitham was un-placed, and
The financial help of the company was an important factor in the band's success-
story. A professional musician, Gladney's services would not come cheaply, but were
paid for by the company, along with the cost of his journeys from Manchester. Also, no
expense seems to have been spared in providing the band with the best possible
instruments. The policy of doubling the prize money won at one contest per year,
289
instituted by Edward Brook in 1872, added to the incentive of striving for success. By
It is remarkable that a band can come literally from nowhere, reach the highest
standards within a short space of time and then, just as quickly, fade into comparative
obscurity. Meltham Mills band was a prime example of this, following in the footsteps of
Bacup Old a decade or so earlier. Meitham's demise was blamed principally on the fact
that during the two-year ban from competing at Belle Vue, a number of key players
joined other bands. The next band to be considered had none of Meitham's advantages.
Besses o' th' Barn band has already been the subject of much discussion. Its early days as
Clegg's reed band were reviewed in Chapter 1.2.5 and its conversion, via brass and reed
to all-brass, in 1853, along with its early history as a brass band and its contest successes
Though one of the oldest of amateur bands, Besses did not hit the contesting
world with any conviction until the 1880s. It had come dangerously close to disbanding
in 1853, and once more, towards the end of 1875 all was not well, as 'another
disturbance ensued, which almost led to the breaking up of the band, causing all to give
up with the exception of four members.' 3 Jackson was one of these and, despite the
band's small size, he became bandmaster. He was to be its conductor for three years, but
remained bandmaster for many more, still holding the position in 1893 when Hamp son
The four members undertook to teach learners, and they were so effective that
within three years vacancies had been filled and the band was again contesting. Under
Jackson it took five prizes - including two firsts - winning £33 in cash and a drum valued
at £2 1 Os. This gave the band sufficient confidence to approach Gladney, inviting him to
be its conductor. 4 He accepted, remaining at Besses from 1879-1882, and one of his
290
first moves was to recommend replacing the old instruments. With his help a second-
hand set was purchased for £160, with funds provided by 'a few admirers and friends'.5
Even before this, in his first year, Gladney had helped win eight prizes, worth £56. In
1880, aided by the new instruments, a similar amount was won, but during the following
two years fewer contests brought in less cash and, by the end of 1882, through
Gladney's fees and the purchase of the instruments, expenditure 'had so very far
exceeded the income, that the services of Mr. Gladney would necessarily have to be
dispensed with'.6
won, the figure often being quoted in their publicity. It follows, therefore, that fees paid
fees were charged, but a clue appeared in an article in Brass Band News. 7 This stated,
'Bands are finding out that good tuition pays for itself and that to spend 50 pounds a
year, for good tuition is more economical than to spend 20 pounds for tuition, which
only keep [sic] them in the old rut of "ne'er do weels." It must be assumed that these
fees represented an average, and that someone of Gladney's stature would be more
expensive.
Besses o' th' Barn Band now found a compromise, retaining a less famous and
less expensive conductor, George Frederick Birkinshaw, discussed on page 267 above.
He was with Besses for only one season (1883), though he took them to 12 contests,
Another significant event of 1883 was the influx of a new batch of players from
Besses o' th' Barn Congregational band, which had existed for about a decade and
which, for some time had been conducted by Jackson. Five of them were still in
membership in 1892 when Besses was at the height of its contesting career. Two other
additions were also made, William Lawson, who was to be the band's trombone soloist
until well into the twentieth century and John Frederick Carter, a leading euphonium
291
With such input, the standard of the band was improving, though a conductor of
stature was needed to exploit its talents. What are described as 'a few warm-hearted
zealots and fellow-workmen subscribers' contributed £40 in the hope that this would
enable the band to move forward and compete with the leading bands - it being realised
that not since the demise of Bacup Old in 1871 had Lancashire had a band equal to the
Alexander Owen (see pages 263-266, above) was the conductor whom the
Besses men chose. He was still conducting Black Dike, and Besses' officials had every
reason to believe that he was the conductor of the future. Whilst they saw enormous
potential in Owen, he would see a young band with ambition, offering a different kind of
'Terms' were discussed, agreed, and on 24 February 1884 Owen held his initial
rehearsal. Six weeks later came the first contest of the partnership, bringing a first prize
and a special award for the best euphonium soloist. During Owen's first year, winnings
totalled £144 in cash, and instruments to the value of69 15s. In the year's final contest,
at Derby, Besses played Owen's Rossini's Works for the first time, earning first prize and
special awards for the cornet, euphonium and trombone players. 11 The effect of this, the
most successful year in the band's history to date, was 'numerous engagements' during
Contests were now falling into two categories - first-class, which offered
substantial prizes and attracted the best bands, and second-class for the others. At the
commencement of the 1885 season Besses decided that in future it would attend only
first-class events, 12 a good commercial decision because from three fewer contests, the
band netted £198 in cash, and won instruments worth £66 is.
One of the contests entered, on 30 May 1885, was at Alloa, Scotland. Besses
now had a more sophisticated fund-raising policy; w\at were XescrioecI a "oixota'j
members' organised a football match in the village, raising £40 towards expenses. With
such encouragement, as Hampson put it, they 'took Rossini to Scotland'. The visit was
292
successful, Besses taking first prize of £40 in the main contest, and a further £2 by also
Towards the end of 1885 there came a new initiative - the procuring of
its suitability, a deputation agreed to hire the building for an annual rent of £10, with an
option to purchase at any time, for £150. A meeting of band and honorary members
further decided to rent the building for one year after which, hopefully, it would be
bought. An agreement was signed and the building cleaned, refurbished and equipped
with a refreshment bar and games area. More honorary members were enlisted, and
were able to enjoy the social facilities for a quarterly fee of one shilling, 'the proceeds of
which, after defraying all necessary and incumbent expenses [were] to be devoted to the
tuition fund of the band'. The building became the financial responsibility of band
members and took the title 'Besses o' th' Barn Old Band Social Club Union'.13
In 1886, Besses' nine wins included two in Scotland - Alloa, for the second year
in succession, and Edinburgh International Festival, where the £60 prize was the largest
won by any brass band up to that time. 1887 was less spectacular, possibly due to the
players having to carry out work on the new premises, but the year's six first prizes
included wins at three major exhibitions mounted in connection with Queen Victoria's
4887 was a good year in other respects; the club's membership increased,
engagements were plentiful, and the previous year had brought in prize monies totalling
£318 9s., along with instruments valued at £37 is. 14 The premises were purchased and
the band formed into a limited company, articles of association being signed and sealed
on 30 March 1887. Its name was now changed to 'Besses o' th' Barn Old Band Union,
293
The stability brought by the acquisition of the property and the forming of the
company enabled Besses, like Black Dike, to remain at the forefront of brass banding for
many years. 16 It became one of the leading contesting bands up to the time of the
April 1889 and 28 June 1890,17 24 first prizes in 27 competitions, 18 and prizes to the
value of £310 9s. in a single month, 19 including the phenomenal successes playing
Rossini and Faust, referred to on page 266, above.
from its last 27 contests. By winning its first two in 1890 - at Hawes and Edinburgh -
the 12 successive wins put the band within striking distance of equalling the record of 13
wins in succession held jointly by Bacup Old (1870-1871) and Meitham Mills (1877-
1878). The attempt at this target was foiled when Kingston Mills band beat Besses in its
next contest, organised by Leeds Forge, on 5 July 1890.20 At a later contest, Leeds
Forge band itself put Besses into second place at a contest in Hyde, in which Owen had
the doubtful distinction of conducting and playing solo cornet with all seven bands in the
contest. 2 ' The 10 wins from 14 contests in 1892 included, for the first time, a Besses
win at the Belle Vue September contest, at which the total value of the prize, including
46 first prizes. 22 These included wins at exhibitions in Edinburgh in 1886 and 1890, as
well as at those in Newcastle, Liverpool and Saltaire in 1887, referred to above; it had
also won several contests labelled (by Hampson) 'Championship of Great Britain'. 23 A
At this point, the more-or-less definitive lists provided by Hampson ceased with
the publication of his book, and reliance from henceforth is placed on reports in Brass
Band News. There appears to have been a slight cooling off in the number of contests
attended during the next few years (for example, nine reported in 1893 and seven in
1894).
294
The brass band contest was now at, or more likely past its peak, and there seems
little point in giving any more statistics about Besses' later contesting exploits. As will be
seen shortly, concerts were playing a more vital role in the activities of the leading bands
during the 1890s. The foregoing does give an indication, however, of the frenetic
business of contests during the decade from circa 1884. Wins and record-wins seem to
have been vital, and the band press incessantly announced contest results.
Besses o' th' Barn band was, however, unique. No other leading nineteenth-
century band has such a comprehensive record of its history as that provided by
limited company; and there could be few, if any, which as early as 1887 had a substantial
Though Besses was earning relatively large sums of money both from engagement fees
and contest successes, it is obvious that it needed further help. Frequent references were
made by Hamp son - some of them quoted above - to the help of 'honorary members', a
system employed by many unattached bands. Obviously, the villagers of Besses o' th'
Barn had a band of which they were proud, and were therefore happy to give it their
'support'. When the bandroom and social club materialised there was an additional
good band secretary could enlist considerable help from the community. The Amateur
secretary who had seen and exploited the advantages of honorary membership. His aim
was to enrol 500 members, each contributing half a penny per week. Before proceeding
he had to prove that the band was alive and worthy of their support, and therefore took
it out to play in the town on six consecutive Saturday evenings. That done, he had little
difficulty in obtaining his 500 half-pennies per week, in addition to which he found over
295
30 inhabitants willing to contribute 10 shillings per annum, and a few who gave between
one and five pounds. Nevertheless, he valued the 500 halfpenny contributions more than
anything else. These were not only contributors - they formed the majority of the band's
supporters.25
Like Besses o' th' Barn and its band, Queensbury and Black Dike have been discussed
extensively - the Peter Wharton/John Foster connection on pages 42-43 and 110-113,
early contest successes of Black Dike on page 152, a list of prizes won up to 1875 in
Having looked in detail at the contesting record of Besses, there seems little
point in covering the same ground at Black Dike, and therefore the thesis looks at other
Bower on his retirement as bandmaster in 1897, after holding the position for 29 years.
As well as being bandmaster, he had also been secretary for 21 years; 125 bandsmen had
been members during his term of office (indicating a turn-over of about five per year).
As secretary, he said, during the past eight years he had handled an average of 1,000
'From 1867 to 1895 the band had attended 187 first-class contests, securing 75
firsts, 48 seconds, 28 thirds, 13 fourths, nine fifths, and two consolation prizes.
Since 1866 the band had had over 1,000 engagements, and from the beginning of
1867 to the end of 1895 had travelled 45,650 miles. They had won over £5,000
value in prizes. .
Earlier in the report Colonel Foster, M.P., who made the presentation, referred to the
four 'able conductors of the band, Mr. Longbottom, Mr. Fawcett, Mr. Owen and Mr.
Gladney'. Longbottom had, of course, died in 1875. It seems that Bower ran the band
single-handed for a time, but then Joseph Fawcett (formerly of Saltaire - see page 254
above) became professional conductor, taking the band to Belle Vue in 1878 and 1879,
296
winning second and first prizes. Owen was then appointed, remaining until 1888, when
Some of Black Dike's activities, naturally, were reported in the band press, and it
will be useful to look at a few of the reports in order to see the scope and extent of the
band's work during final years of the century. First, a week's engagement at the 1886
10 August, lasting until the following Saturday. The band played two programmes per
day, with a total of 40 fantasias or operatic selections, seven overtures, 10 glees and 34
miscellaneous pieces - mainly dances. There was no duplication, except in the case of
requests. 28 The band was received with great enthusiasm by the Scottish band fraternity,
1887, Jubilee year, was a busy time for many bands, and Black Dike were
reported to have had engagements on 84 days during the year. These included
Dike's itinerary for 1891. This included a three-day engagement in Harrogate, 16 park
engagements in the Bradford, Leeds and Harrogate areas, an athletics festival, a flower
local sacred concerts and a two-day engagement in Nottingham. The band also played at
Hornby Castle for the State Entry of the High Sheriff (a member of the Foster family)
into Lancaster. Belle Vue was the venue for the band's only contest of the year, which it
duly won. Following this, arriving at Queensbury railway station at one o' clock on the
Tuesday morning, the band was greeted by thousands of admirers, and on the following
Saturday there was a celebratory march through the village. Welcomes and celebrations
such as these were common in many northern villages. Black Dike had at least nine
further bookings during September and October, and claimed to have a repertoire of 500
pieces. 31 However, in this context, 'repertoire' probably meant 'library'.
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Summer-time was obviously the busiest period for bands. The 'Bradford District'
notes for August, 1894,32 reported a very busy Black Dike, with 25 engagements in July
A different kind of event took place in March, 1895, with a more formal concert,
in the Curzon Hall, Birmingham. Some unfavourable comparisons were made between
this concert and an earlier one given in Birmingham Town Hall by Besses. Nevertheless,
praise was heaped on the band's soloists - John Paley (a famous cornet player, and son
of Joseph - see page 257), Fred Bower, (trombone, nephew of Phineas), and John Bailey
(euphonium - see page 277). Gladney conducted, and the programme included the
instrumental solos and some lighter novelty items, with bird-whistles, a whip, and
singing by the bandsmen. The following gives an idea of the Daily Post reporter's view
of the playing:
'The selections from William Tell and Les Huguenots were magnificently
rendered. The precision and attack were very striking, but not the greatest merits
of the performance, for these qualities may be attained by anyone with industry
and attention. But the splendour of the tone, the crisp phrasing, the fire, the
sharp, clear accents, and the life and vigour of the playing were the best evidence
of true artistic work'.33
Though the writer was not over-impressed with the repertoire, he was obviously taken
A topic frequently discussed is the fact that bands rarely advertise what music
they will play in a particular concert; opinion usually concludes that it is the band's name
which attracts an audience, not what it will play. There are occasional exceptions, and
probably one of the earliest examples was in connection with a Black Dike concert in
From early days Hérold's Zampa overture has been a favourite with bands, rarely
failing to create a good audience response. The William Tell selection would almost
certainly be Gladney's own arrangement, 34 and the inclusion of two Gilbert & Sullivan
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selections reflects their early popularity. It is not possible to say whether or not the
advertised programme was the complete programme. It is hardly likely to have been
played in the order shown, and probably a number of lighter pieces would be included to
add variety. Additionally, it was customary for soloists to play encores and also for the
band to respond with encores - not only at the end of a concert, but at any other point
Band News of April 1898 and, quoting from several newspapers, gives further insight
into the reactions of non-brass-band critics of the time. Reviews are quoted from the
Birmingham Daily Post, Birmingham Daily Mail, and Daily Gazette. All are
complimentary of the band's playing, though the Post is critical of the choice of some
items, describing the arrangements of excerpts from Elyah and Beethoven's C Minor
Symphony as sacrilege. 'Corno', the correspondent of Brass Band News, not happy with
the band playing Gilbert & Sullivan, rather sanctimoniously wrote, 'the jingling quadrille
and the valse rhythms of Sullivan's comic operas do not fill the aching void'. The
reporter from the Mail painted on a broader canvas, and also referred to the other great
'The extraordinary increase of brass bands all over the country, and keen
competition for supremacy, have given an impetus to this branch of music
culture that is almost unparalleled. But it is in the Black Dike and the Besses we
find such wonderful perfection, such startling ensemble, and an almost
electrifying attack. Only a few months ago we heard the Besses, the great rivals
of Black Dike, and, in matters where so much similarity exists, it is difficult to
express an opinion without touching upon the delicate ground of comparison.
Hearing Black Dike again, especially under such favourable conditions as on
Saturday, we were startled by their almost overwhelming tone power, and their
unsurpassed mode in producing a graduated crescendo'.
These are interesting comments, which also recognise the value of competition in
striving for perfection. Later in the same year Black Dike played twice daily for a week
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on Bridlington Quay, drawing the following comments from a local correspondent, un-
'It speaks volumes for the capabilities of a band when it can present Wagner,
Beethoven and Spohr, in palatable form to the many people whose knowledge of
music is based on the rendering of a typical song by a music hall artiste, or
buskers on the sands. Yet the Dike do this, and do it very successfully, as the
nightly crowd round their bandstand testifies. The passionate and irresistible
abandon of their crescendos, excelling in finished attack and musicianly
phrasing, the tender and beautifully sustained pianos and diminuendos cannot but
carry conviction to the soul of the rankest Philistine.'36
Here the writer's thoughts were concerned with the effect of the music on the listeners,
returning to the ideals of Enderby Jackson of almost 50 years earlier. Taking music to
the people through concert programmes was now becoming important, though the value
of the contest remained in that it helped keep the standard of playing high. It was also
apparent that bands which were consistently successful in competitions were, through
the resultant publicity, the ones which were offered the more prestigious concert
engagements.
Sadly, an intense rivalry had now developed between Besses and Black Dike,
with attempts to get both together for a challenge contest. Letters, often with bitter
comments, had appeared in Brass Band News during the early months of 1895, from the
respective secretaries (William Bogle and Harry Bower), as well as several from
supporters. The contest did not take place, but the wrangling went on and marred many
Having looked in some depth at different activities of Besses and Black Dike we
must see what the other leading bands were doing. There is little which hasn't been
covered through the two leading bands of the time, so histories and activities are
300
6.3 OTHER LEADING BANDS
We left Kingston Mills band on page 121, having discussed its formation and its first 20
years of existence to 1874. 1876-1878 were the years of Meitham's hat-trick at Belle
Vue and 1879-188 1 years in which Black Dike recorded a similar achievement. Kingston
looked as though it was going to bid for similar honours when it won the contest in
1875 and was runner-up to Meltham in the following year. But it receded into the
background for a time before presenting Gladney with another hat-trick in the years
1885-1887 (see Table 30 on page 261). By now the Belle Vue rules seem to have been
changed, as Kingston was barred for one year only (1889). Unlike Meitham, however, it
appeared regularly in the prize-lists until the turn of the century, as is indicated in
Appendix 28.
Parallel with success in competition, Kingston Mills band was keenly sought for
Stockport indicates that the programme consisted mainly of extracts from oratorio and
opera, but also with a lengthy selection from the works of Beethoven (undoubtedly
Gladney's fantasia, Beethoven). Not surprisingly, it also included the selection from La
Favorita (Donizetti) with which the band had recently won its second successive Belle
Vue contest. There was a large audience, and the report mentions another concert at
According to a ftirther report, the band's uniform had become unfit for use, and a
banding this would cause no surprise, but the contemporary report rather cynically says:
'This disability [to not be able to appear in a smart uniform] has lost them several
important engagements from conductors of public fetes, who evidently are of the
opinion that the uniform does the playing, and that they prefer the services of
indifferent players in regimentals to those of more experienced and more artistic
executants in plain clothes'.38
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After a clash with a firm of military tailors the band invited local firms to tender for
supplying new uniforms, and on Saturday, 7 May, paraded through Hyde, much admired
for 'its smart and soldier-like appearance'. On the following Monday it gave a concert in
nearby Denton: 'The audience was a large and influential one, all the elite of the district
being present'. A month later there is a report of a procession in Hyde and also of three
Wednesday in Nottingham. 39 The new uniform seems to have been paying for itself.
Though much of Kingston's success was thanks to the skills of its professional
conductor, John Gladney, credit also goes to those responsible for conducting the band
during his (probably frequent) absence. Thomas Valentine was one who undertook this
duty; the following is gleaned from an article written about him in 1892. He commenced
his (amateur) musical career as a cornet player in Glossop Old band (located just a few
miles from Hyde) in 1877. Amongst his teachers was Thomas German (the trombonist in
the Hallé Orchestra), who persuaded him to widen his musical experience by playing
with amateur orchestras. 40 Glossop Old was one of the bands tutored by Gladney, and
thus Valentine came under his influence. In 1888 he was appointed bandmaster, and also
engaged as a solo cornet player at Kingston. Two years later he was appointed
(generally referred to as resident conductor) is the regular conductor of a band and not
normally called on to play, in former times, the bandmaster was often one of the band's
senior players, 42 who normally played in the band when the professional conductor was
in charge.
By 1894 there had been a change of emphasis in the daily work of the members
of Kingston Mills band, most of them now being colliers. Valentine remained as
bandmaster but, still holding its own musically, the band had hit hard times, and a recent
collier's strike was blamed for the band's shortage of funds. The enthusiasm was still
there, however, and the band had recently given a successful concert in St. James's Hall,
Manchester. Engagements were being booked for the forthcoming season, and the band
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remained reasonably buoyant until the turn of the century, after which it faded into
The next band for discussion is Leeds Forge, the most short-lived band discussed
in this chapter. Linked with the engineering industry, rather than textiles, it appeared
later than the others discussed, and survived only a liftle over ten years - from 1882 until
late in 1892. It is not possible to say with confidence that it had roots in other bands, but
the strength of bands in the Leeds area was discussed in Chapter 2.2.2 and there were,
of course, bands in the Leeds area even earlier, about which Enderby Jackson stated:
'In 1836 Herbert Milburn of Leeds was busy organising his Leeds brass bands,
and also attempting the formation of bands amongst the working men engaged in
the iron foundries and the manufacturing mills and workshops.'44
The mention of iron foundries is certainly a pointer to the future, as some years later the
Railway Foundry (Leeds) band, conducted by Richard Smith, took two first prizes and a
second at Belle Vue between 1854 and 1856. In fifth place in 1854 was a band named
Milburn, Leeds, conducted by one Herbert Milburn - surely the person named by
Jackson (see Table 8, page 106). This band is mentioned only once more in the Belle
Vue lists, in 1857, when it was again placed fifth but, alas, out of only five bands. The
Leeds Railway Foundry band (also mentioned by Jackson in connection with his own
1856 Hull contest) seems not to have appeared at Belle Vue after 1856.
However, the band which won first prize at Hull in 1856, along with a second at
Belle Vue later in the same year, was the band known as Leeds (Smith's) - or Smith's
Leeds. This cannot be the Railway Foundry band under a different name, because the
two bands won first and second prizes respectively at the 1856 Belle Vue contest. Smith
formed the Leeds Model band in 1 856, and therefore it is possible that Smith's Leeds
and Leeds Model are one and the same band. There is another factor which adds further
confusion to the issue, but before the significance of this can be assimilated, the life of
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Samson Fox (1838-1903) was born near Bradford, son of James, a Leeds cloth-
mill worker. When ten years old he worked in the mill with his father but, showing an
aptitude for engineering, was apprenticed at Smith, Beacock and Tannett, a Leeds firm
of machine tool makers. Whilst there, he designed and patented a number of special
tools. Later he became senior partner in the firm of Fox, Brother and Refitt, also
specializing in the manufacture of machine tools. In 1874 he founded his Leeds Forge
Company, being managing director until 1896. During this period he made his fortune,
taking out patents for several important inventions in the development of rolling stock
for railways and boilers for steamships, even opening factories in Chicago and Pittsburg.
He also played a leading part in the political lives of Leeds and Harrogate, and was
Fox was actually 15 years old when apprenticed to Smith, Beacock and Tannett,
at Victoria Foundry, Leeds, 47 which means that the apprenticeship would have begun in
1853 - the year of the first Belle Vue contest, and a year before Richard Smith won first
prize with his Leeds Smith's Band. This opens up two possibilities regarding this band.
Was it Smith's own band, as has been assumed, or was it attached to the firm of Smith,
Beatock and Tannett, in which case, could it have been the vehicle through which Fox
was given the idea of having his own band? Further questions are raised when one sees
that there is an unplaced band at the 1855 Belle Vue contest with the name 'Victoria
Foundry'.48 Could this have been the foundry of Smith, Beacock and Tannett?
There are thus several imponderables, and the only conclusions that may
reasonably be drawn are that there could be a connection between Leeds Model and
Smith's Leeds, that this band may have been named after a foundry (Smith, Beatock and
Tannett) rather than after Richard Smith himself, and that one or more of these bands
may have been helped by Herbert Milburn. It seems improbable that Leeds Forge band,
not founded until 1882, had any direct links with earlier Leeds bands, but Fox would be
aware of bands linked with foundries, and it is feasible that bandsmen connected with
earlier bands may have created the initiative for the founding of Leeds Forge band.
304
This happened in 1882, but had little effect on major contest results, though the
quality of the band was such that it had an impact on northern banding, and it is likely
that it did more bridge-building with other branches of music than other bands of the
period did. Within a few years, Edwin Swift was appointed professional conductor, and
by the year 1886 it was making its presence felt in local contests. 49 Between 1888 and
the end of August 1890, it won 55 prizes, including 26 firsts, aggregating circa £830 in
prize monies.
With such an eminent conductor and the financial backing of a major company, it
was able to attract leading players. For example, William Jasper, a soprano cornet player
with a fine reputation was a founder member. He had played under Richard Smith in the
1 850s in his Leeds Model band, and had been bandmaster of Black Dike Mills band in
1870 and from 1872-1874. Joseph Riley, another former Black Dike soprano cornet
player became solo cornet player at Leeds Forge in 1888.50 Conversely, John Bailey, the
noted euphonium player, went to Black Dike on the demise of Leeds Forge Band.
Further information about Fox comes from an article telling of a gift he made to
the Royal College of Music. 51 It seems that, though never having been a musician, he
had always taken a deep interest in music, doing much to develop and foster it among
those with whom he had been brought into contact. For example, he became chairman
of the Leeds Coliseum, playing a significant part in organising musical concerts with
The largest single contribution which Fox made to the world of music was the
gift of £30,000 towards the cost of building the Royal College of Music, given to co-
incide with his own 50th birthday in 1888, though 'The structure, erected by the
generosity of Samson Fox, M.I.C.E., was formally opened on 2nd May 1894.152 Leeds
Forge band played at the opening ceremony of the original building in 1883 and again
at the foundation-stone laying ceremony of the new building on 8 July 1890. Fox took
his band to London 'to show what a brass band should sound like'. He was also
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concerned that it should look good, and to this end bought a new set of uniforms,
costing £300.
The mini-concert given by the band, conducted by Alexander Owen, prior to the
stone-laying ceremony in 1890, is a rather disappointing affair, its five pieces being:
The band had had several contest successes playing the Round overture, and Fox
apparently 'requested' it. Sir George Grove, one of many influential people present asked
for a copy of the score so that he could follow it during the band's performance. He is
reputed to have described it as 'a splendid little thing', but one cannot imagine that he
was particularly impressed by this purely functional piece, nor by the two unknown
marches. Reminiscences of Rossini (another name for Rossini) would be effective in its
own way, and to have Sullivan's name linked with the programme would at least be
helpful. All in all, however the programme hardly seems worthy, although the occasion
As was pointed out in the review of Kingston Mills band, much of the credit for
any band's success must be attributed to its bandmaster. It is not clear who undertook
this task in the early years of Leeds Forge Band, though it would probably be William
Jasper. From 1886 until his death two years later, Meek Hesling, formerly of Bramley
Band, took on this role,. whilst Joseph Jackson (see page 257, above), succeeded
Hesling. It was quite normal for a few hundred listeners to attend the band's
rehearsals. 56
At this time, Leeds Forge Band was busy with both contests and concert
engagements. Brass Band News57 reprinted an article about its performance at the
306
Newcastle Exhibition quoted from the Newcastle Chronicle of 28 June, 1887, part of
which states:
'The band of the Fusiliers was absent, its place being taken by Fox's celebrated
Leeds Forge Band. These Yorkshire bands are famous everywhere, and the
Forge Band is one of the best of them. It is entirely a brass band, and the
selections played yesterday were all carefully and artistically rendered.'
Here was a band which seemed to be more concerned with fulfilling good concert
engagements than with earning a reputation for its contest prowess. As if to underline
this, it had a quite modest record at Belle Vue, six appearances between 1886 and 1891
A great rivalry developed between Leeds Forge and Besses, and most of the
following facts are supplied by Hampson. 58 Fox bought his band two sets of
instruments59 and two sets of uniform (one of which was quite elaborate), provided a
substantial sum for tuition costs, and allowed time out of work for rehearsals for special
contests. In addition, he offered a gold medal to each member of the band, as well as
extra money for 'working expenses', if and when they defeated Besses o' th' Barn band in
competition. Hampson continues: 'All this was done purely and simply from motives of
love and interest for the welfare of his own townspeople and the furthering of the
musical cause.' One cannot help but detect an element of tongue-in-cheek behind this
comment but, considering the character of Fox, it is likely that the offer regarding the
defeating of Besses was more a pioy to get the band to reach the highest possible
Early in 1890 Swifi retired and Leeds Forge band was taken over by Alexander
Owen. The scheme worked as far as the Leeds band was concerned, because on 2
August 1890, at a contest in Wyke, the new band beat the old. Its joy was short-lived,
however, as after two further successes against Besses, Leeds Forge band was wound
up, apparently without warning. Its end is summarised in Russell and Elliot with the
following statement:
307
'There were . . . changes of the management and directorate of the Leeds
Forge Company, and the famous band did not long survive them. During the
closing months of 1892 its brilliant career came to an end entirely. Much to the
astonishment of the band's supporters, the instruments and equipment were
abruptly recalled, and all activity from that moment suspended.'6°
Leeds Forge band did not quite achieve the status that its benefactor would have wished.
It was one of a few which, though both successfhl and popular did not, for any length of
time, pose a threat to the supremacy of either Black Dike or Besses o' th' Barn bands.
From the ashes of Leeds Forge grew the Armley and Wortley band which, though never
rising to a position of prominence, survived into the post World War II era. 61 We now
The behaviour of certain bands at contests, particularly during the late 1 880s and early
members of losing bands, aggravated by several hours spent in beer tents, led to violent
scenes during the announcement of results, unruly behaviour by bands and their
longer tolerate the behaviour of bands of which they had been members. They called
themselves 'temperance bands' because members had agreed to abstain from excessive
drinking rather than because they belonged to a temperance society. This move by more
there was little or no restraining influence amongst those left behind in the old bands.
Furthermore, with the passage of time, as the so-called temperance bands needed better
players, they were prepared to take in anyone who was a good enough player, regardless
of their drinking habits. Within a few years they had become just as unruly as the others.
308
Not surprisingly, relations between two such bands from the same town or village could
be extremely strained.
Arthur Taylor tells of the vicious rivalry between Wyke temperance and Wyke
Old bands. 62 He also describes an experience of Dr. William Spark, organist of Leeds
parish church and a regular adjudicator at band contests in the 1 880s. Spark's letters to
the Leeds Times - reproduced in Brass Band News of July, 1888 are shown as Appendix
32.
An article in Brass Band News63 states that Wyke temperance band was formed
on 1 August, 1869, emanating from a struggling flute band. A number of the original
The article confirms the rivalry - even hatred - which existed between the temperance
band and Wyke Old, the latter seemingly having more support than the former, with
(understandably) all publicans and the more rowdy of the villagers on its side, whilst
supporters of the temperance band came only from the ranks of those who dared declare
When the Old band started luring the temperance band's better players to their
side by offering payment, the latter had problems because they had no money with which
supporter - mortgaged his house in order to pay the players not to defect.
It was also around this time that a ladies' sewing class was started in order to
raise money to help with band expenses. Here was an example of another form of find-
raising for independent bands, either supplementary to, or instead of, the honorary
member system outlined above. It came to be known as the 'ladies committee', of which
there were to be hundreds, if not thousands, during the twentieth century. The ladies had
no jurisdiction over the management of the band, but were simply there to raise money
1885, and within a few years it was meeting Besses and Black Dike on equal terms. It
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also attracted important engagements. The Brass Band News article, written under the
nom de plume 'Wormwood', concludes with an outline of the band's activities during
1895:
'During the year they have fulfilled 71 engagements, many of them being for two
or three days; also attended 14 contests, winning eight first and six second
prizes, defeated Besses seven times, and tied once out of 11, and defeated Black
Dike four out of five, winning at contests £403; receiving from engagements,
£792; total £1200. The band had travelled this year to and from concerts and
contests - 2924 miles by train, and almost 90 miles by waggonettes; total 3014
miles. A very appropriate finish to a successful season is their six days
engagement at the exhibition [in] Glasgow, the last week in the year. .
Points to note here are the importance of the railway to the band's travel, the pre-
occupation with monies won in contests, and the use of Besses and Black Dike as yard-
sticks to success.
On the demise of Wyke Old, circa 189064 the former Wyke temperance band
became simply Wyke band. This suggests that by that time it could not realistically be
The other independent band, Stalybridge Old, though never quite amongst the
elite, had always been pioneers, and its concertizing became more impressive than its
contest results. As early as 1851 the band gave a concert in the local drill hall, playing
five selections itself, but also engaging concert artistes, including the celebrated
Yorkshire soprano, Mrs. Sunderland (1819-1905). This was in connection with the
band's 37th anniversary; it seems that there had been celebrations in earlier years, but
these had taken the form of tea parties and 'free and easy' concerts. 65 Later, Stalybridge
organised an astonishing series of celebrity concerts. These took place between 1872
and 1893, and the guest artistes engaged included the following celebrities:
Madame Antoinette Sterling (1876), American alto singer, for whom Sullivan's
'The Lost Chord' was written in the following year;
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Michael Maybrick (1878) - the baritone who regularly sang ballads written by
himself as Stephen Adams;
Edward Lloyd (1878 and 1882) - the tenor whose career singing oratorios and
cantatas led to the distinction, in 1900, of becoming Elgar's first Gerontius;
Joseph Maas (1880, 1881 and 1884) principal tenor of the Carl Rosa Opera
Company;
Marie Roze (1888) - a French soprano, who also sang for Carl Rosa for a time;
Signor Foli (1883 and 1890) - actually an Irish-American bass, who was born in
Tipperary, lived in America during his early years, but studied in Italy before
returning to Britain;
Madame Valleria (1890) - an American soprano, who had sung for several
seasons at Covent Garden but who, by this time, was officially retired;
Jean Gerardy (1891) - at the time a 13-year-old Belgian prodigy, who was to
become internationally known as a touring cello soloist.
Unfortunately the high fees charged - generally between £50 and £60 - became a burden,
led to losses on the concerts, and following that on 5 December 1893 they were
abandoned. 66 Stalybridge Old band continued to struggle with its finance, and did little
of significance during the remainder of the century. Finally, in this review of the leading
The volunteers, and in particular, the 4th Lancashire volunteer rifies/Bacup Old band
were discussed at length in Chapter 2.2.5. Their early impact on the northern band scene
was quite dramatic, but , as time went on, their usefulness and influence waned.
movement.
The second most successful volunteer band was that of Oldham rifles, originally
formed in 1865 and becoming a volunteer band in 1871.67 A letter in the Qidham
Evening Chronicle of 27 November 1956 signed 'Old timer' 68 tells of early bands,
311
mentioning Oldham amateur, Oldham borough and Oldham rifles. The correspondent
stated that the 'amateur' was before his time but that he remembered the borough band,
The history of the volunteers in Oldham stretches back to 1803 when they were
used by local magistrates for maintaining peace and quelling riots, 69 but the 31st
Lancashire volunteers was raised in 1859. From an obituary of a Major Thorp 70 it seems
that the corps was known by a decreasing series of numbers - first as 3 1st, later as 23rd,
22nd and 7th, and finally as the 6th volunteer battalion of the Manchester regiment. The
band was often referred to as that of the 22nd Lancashire volunteers, so this must have
been the designation during the 1880s when the band was at its zenith.
When Oldham rifles began contesting (circa 1880) Alexander Owen was
appointed conductor and given credit for much of the band's success. In 1882 it attended
13 contests, won five first prizes, two seconds and one third, with monies totalling £134
4s.71 Also during this year there was a contest actually organised by the band -
something which many bands did at ths time. Thirteen bands competed, playing Henry
Round's new waltz, 'The Rose of England'. The adjudicator's decision was greeted with
'loud expressions of marked dissent', 72 one more of many examples of poor behaviour at
contests.
There are reports of two concert performances in 1883. In the first, as 'the Band
Orchestra of the People's Concert Hall at an annual benefit concert on Ash Wednesday.
Owen's Rossini's Works was performed, and Owen himself played two cornet solos.73
facts. During 1880, Owen's first year, the band won a total of £24 11 s; in his second
year the total was £57 and in the third, £133 3s. 75 (134 4s. was claimed at the time -
see above). The band was thus making good progress in competitions. The officer who
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made the presentation claimed that, through being connected with the volunteers, the
band 'had a chance which other bands had not, for it appealed to [people's] patriotic
impulses'. He also claimed to have 'marched at their rear for 18 years', suggesting that
the 'amateurs' - if that band was the predecessor of the volunteer band - had
accompanied the corps when on the march. Robinson had been connected with the band
for 15 or 16 years - taking his connections back to pre-Oldham rifles band days.
Robinson had a quite impressive brass band pedigree. He was born in Mossley in
1845, his father playing solo cornet in Mossley band - presumably the temperance
saxhorn band which won the first Belle Vue contest. Robinson junior commenced his
contesting career playing at Crystal Palace in 1860 and 1861. His first appearance at
Belle Vue was in 1868, when he played solo horn with Meitham Mills. By now the
family had moved into Oldham, and he became a member of the rifles band, playing
under various conductors, and for 12 years serving as 'sub-conductor' under Owen.
Robinson also conducted a number of other bands, including some in the Conway
district of North Wales, and in March 1892, moved to Scotland to take charge of the
Alloa band.76
he was 16 years old the family moved to Stalybridge where he joined Stalybridge Old
band, playing euphonium, and rising to the solo position. He then joined Oldham rifles as
euphonium soloist (circa 1886), becoming bandmaster in 1891. Holloway was, the
report stated, a composer and a cultured musician, being holder of a 'Certificate of the
Oldham rifles had a modest degree of success in the Belle Vue September
contests between 1882 and 1888, winning a second prize and four lower placings, then
earning fifth prize in 1892. On all these occasions it was conducted by Owen. In 1893
Holloway, who then took the band to the July contest in 1895, but again without
313
success. Finally, it re-appeared at the September contests of 1897 and 1898 under
Oldham rifles' highest contest achievement was its second prize in the 1884 Belle
Vue contest. This received scant reports in the local press 79 in view of the considerable
achievement, 80 reflecting very poor local press coverage for a band which was well-
known nationally, and which was, after all, part of the volunteers. Paradoxically, on the
same page as the Belle Vue report which, incidentally, mentioned 18 competing bands
and a crowd estimated at 100,000, there was a lengthy report (over four full-length
Annual camps, though of a military nature, had also become social and sporting
events, with band concerts and music halls, athletics and sport. 82 For the 1884 camp of
the Oldham volunteers, 500 officers and men mustered on Saturday afternoon and
marched to the railway station, headed by the band under Robinson, holding the rank of
band-sergeant. Their destination was Blackpool where, again headed by the band, they
marched to the site of the camp, the route being lined with spectators.
On Sunday morning there was a church parade, in which the battalion was joined
by the Blackpool artillery volunteers - along with its band and about 5,000 visitors.
There was also a volunteers choir and a harmonium, though hymns were accompanied
by the bands. During the afternoon the Oldham band gave a short concert. Each day
there was a 'band call and fall in' at six o' clock in the evening, followed by the Retreat.
The band was excused duties on Monday, as it was competing at the Belle Vue contest
and winning second prize. On Tuesday there were visitors from home, including
Alexander Owen, who conducted an evening concert, given for the officers. On the
following two days there were a number of parades, and at a garden party given by the
officers on Thursday, the band played a programme of light music - mainly dances.
Friday was inspection day, when a visiting officer assessed the troops in drill, discipline
and shooting. 83 This itinerary was probably typical of that of hundreds of such camps,
held each year throughout Britain, involving bands. Along with the demise of the
314
volunteer movement, Oldham rifles band disappeared around the turn of the century
315
6.4 EXTENDED ENGAGEMENTS
6.4.1 Introduction
1887 was the peak year for band engagements extending over a number of days, but
there are precedents which should be mentioned. As early as May, 1864, Bramley band
was engaged to play in the Botanical Gardens, Belfast, on the Saturday of Whit week-
end, returning to play at the Leeds Royal Parks Gala on the Monday and Tuesday. 84
There are also reports of more extended engagements, perhaps the earliest being
one for Bacup Old band when, in 1867, it played for a whole week at an exhibition in
evening and did not involve the band in any travelling, unlike three engagements
undertaken by Stalybridge Old Band some years later when, during the annual holidays
of 1883, 1884 and 1886, it played in the Isle of Man, 'combining business with
pleasure'. 86 None of these engagements were of any great musical significance, but they
serve collectively to illustrate the growing popularity of the brass band away from the
contest platform.
bands. Between 1886 and 1893 a number of these took place - in Edinburgh,
Manchester,87 Newcastle and Saltaire. At these, bands were usually engaged to play for
a whole week, and at some a contest was held during the final week-end, attracting
good bands and large crowds; that at the Edinburgh International Exhibition, on 23
October 1886 was advertised as the 'Championship of Great Britain'. Black Dike had
played at the Exhibition for a week during August (see page 297 above). 88 During the
preceding months 'Dike' had also played for a fortnight and two separate weeks in
Newcastle, for a week and three separate days in Manchester, and also at Saltaire - quite
316
In an 1887 article headed Where the bands are 89 it was reported that Black
Dyke [sic] had fulfilled a week's engagement at the Manchester Exhibition, 90 had played
for a week at Saltaire Exhibition, and for a further week at the Newcastle Exhibition.
Wyke temperance was, at the time of publication of the article, playing for a week at the
temperance was to follow them for a further week. Leeds Forge band also had week-
long engagements at both Saltaire and Newcastle, whilst Oldham rifles, following a
week in camp in Cleethorpes with their regiment from 27 August were engaged to play
Through winning the Newcastle Exhibition contest Besses o' th' Barn Band was
offered a week's engagement in Newcastle during October. Playing two programmes per
day, 100 different pieces were performed during the week, including music by Auber,
Meyerbeer, Mozart, Rossini, Sullivan, Verdi, Wagner, Weber and others. Here indeed
was confirmation that 'Art music was also disseminated widely amongst the working
classes by military and brass bands .
317
6.5 CONCLUSION
The foregoing is an outline of the achievements and activities of eight of the leading
bands in the later years of the nineteenth century. Though in Table 6 (page 99), for
convenience, Cheshire was regarded as being in the north midlands, the locations of the
two bands discussed (Hyde and Stalybridge) are so close to Lancashire that it is
reasonable to view all seven bands as belonging to the north. They moved into higher
spheres of music-making than amateur wind bands in any other part of Britain and
The initial impetus for the superiority of northern bands was the input of a group
of industrialists during the 1850s, though this did not achieve lasting success for any
band except Black Dike. Saltaire and Marriner's had long been left behind, whilst
Meltham and the late-corner, Leeds Forge, enjoyed only a decade of glory, Kingston
Of the independent bands, Besses 0' th' Barn was the undoubted leader, though
its glory-days started over 20 years later than those of Black Dike. Its success must be
attributed as much to its fund-raising skills - compensating for the absence of a sponsor -
as to its musical training. The same must be said of Wyke Temperance, though the
A common thread through seven of the eight bands is their connection with one
or more of the three great band trainers. Meltham had the full-time attentions of
Gladney; Black Dike, from 1880, used Owen and then Gladney; whilst Besses, from
1897, used the same pair in reverse order. Kingston Mills relied entirely on Gladney, but
his services must have been more spasmodic than they had been at Meltham, due to his
accumulation of work with other bands, including Black Dike. Wyke had SWift to thank
for most of its success, whilst Leeds Forge employed SWift at first and later, Owen.
The longevity of success at Black Dike and Besses must have been due to their
willingness to replace ageing players with younger ones. Bower claimed that Black Dyke
31S
had had 125 different players in some 21 years; reading Hampson, one gets the
impression that there were also regular replacements at Besses. Bacup, on the other
hand, seems to have been an exclusive club, not even deceased players being replaced.
Meitham and Kingston were probably much the same, whilst the demise of Oldham rifles
may be linked with the dying throes of the volunteer movement, and that of Leeds Forge
Notes
1 Richard Stead's descendants include Reginald Stead, for many years leader of the BBC
Northern Orchestra and George Stead, an outstanding male voice choir conductor, who
had great success with the Colne Valley Male Voice Choir. (This information comes
through personal acquaintance with the late George Stead and other surviving members
of the Stead family).
2 BandAnnual, 1896, page 21.
Hampson, 1893, page 21. There is a hint on page 28 that this break-up was at least
partly caused by financial problems.
' Ibid., pages 23-26.
Ibid., page 28.
6 Ibid
March, 1889, page 3, in an article about Joseph Jackson, bandmaster of Leeds Forge.
8 Hampson, 1893, page 29.
319
total number of concerts between May and Christmas to 191. In 1906 the band
commenced the first of its two so-called world tours, playing in America, Canada,
Honolulu, Fiji, New Zealand and Australia. This lasted from July 1906 to November
1907, and was followed by a second tour, confined to South Africa, Australia and New
Zealand, between November 1909 and February 1911 (Taylor, 1979, pages 103-105 and
unpublished material in the writer's Collection). Though today not aspiring even to be
amongst Britain's top ten brass bands (but it could put in a strong claim to be counted in
the top 20), Besses o' th' Barn Band boasts a history as great as, and more colourftul than
any other amateur band which ever existed.
17 Hampson, 1893, pages 8 1-82.
18 Ibid., page 52.
19 Ibid., page 64.
20 Ibid., page 56.
21 Ibid., page 57.
22 Ibid., page 69.
Ibid. 7 April, 1895, page 4, quoting from the Birmingham Daily Post of 18 March.
Dating, according to the writer's estimates, from 1876.
The soloists at Sheffield were amongst the brass band celebrities of the day. Paley
was a leading cornet player but also achieved fame playing the trumpet. In 1892, against
the wishes of his father, he had gone to America where he had been introduced to
Patrick Gilmore, the famous band leader, who was impressed with his playing, and Paley
became the youngest member of his band. Following Gilmore's sudden death later in the
year Paley returned home, and in 1893 became Black Dike's cornet soloist. (See articles
in Orchestral Times and Bandsman of April and September 1892 and Brass Band News
January 1892 page 4, March 1892 page 6, December 1894 page 6 and May 1902 page
6). Jeffery, less famous than Paley, was nevertheless a very experienced musician. After
having violin lessons from the age of 7, he switched to cornet and played with his local
town band (Calverley, near Bradford). Later he played with both Bramley and Saltaire
bands and for a time conducted Maniner's Band in Keighley. After a 24-week
professional engagement in Morecambe playing the euphonium he returned to Saltaire,
320
took up the trombone, was heard by someone connected with Black Dike and invited to
become a member. Joining Black Dike at the age of 35, he developed into a fine player,
appearing as soloist with orchestras as well as bands. (Brass Band News profile,
October, 1894, page 4).
36 Brass Band News, October 1898, page 9.
39Ibid.
40 See page 162 above for reference to German's association with Besses o' th' Barn.
41 Brass Band News, July 1892, page 4 and British Bandsman, 1 November 1899, page
334.
42 Valentine was also a music copyist. By profession he was an accountant and estate
agent, which may be amongst the reasons for his success in this sphere. Several of his
hand-written scores are in the archive of Besses, and the writer can testify to their
neatness and clarity.
' The Belle Vue 'swan song' for Kingston Mills was to be in 1901, when it collected its
sixth Belle Vue title. In 1946 Hyde British Legion Band was formed 'from a nucleus of
the famous Kingston Mills Band' (Cook, 1950, page 93) but even this band exists no
longer. Thus, another band reached a quite sensational pinnacle and then receded into
nothingness.
'4 Jackson, 1896, September, page 815.
'9 Contest results published in Brass Band News during 1886 and 1887 credit Leeds
Forge Band with one 1st prize, four 3rd prizes and a 4th.
British Bandsman, February 1888, page 99.
1 Brass Band News, March 1888, page 6.
British Bandsman of May 1888, page 154, reported that Leeds Forge band had been
provided with a new set of Besson instruments.
60 Russell and Elliot, 1936, page 161.
61 See Cooper, 1974, pages 86-87 for ftirther information about the change-over.
321
62 Taylor, 1969, pages 80-83.
63 Brass Band News, January 1896, page 5.
64 Ibid.
66 Details are taken from Stalybridge Old Band, 1814-1914, pages 40-42.
73 Ibid., March 1883, page 5, though a search of local newspapers failed to confirm this
event.
Ibid., December 1883, page 3.
Brass Band News, January 1884, page 3.
76 BrassBandAnnual 1895, page 21.
' Brass Band News, January 1893, page 4.
78 Probably having passed one of the Royal Academy's local examinations prior to 1889
when the Academy became part of the Associated Board. Cyril Erlich discusses the
work of the colleges and their diplomas in The Music Profession in Britain, but throws
no light on the claimed qualification.
The Standard, 6 September 1884, page 6.
80 Honley Band, under John Gladney was the winner, Black Dike Mills was 3rd,
was still a band carrying the name, and a march was composed in its honour by Charles
Anderson, called 'ORB' [Oldham Rifles Bandi. This remains one of the most popular
contest marches in the repertoire.
82 Beckett, 1982, page 115.
Hesling-White, 1906, pages 23-24. For the Leeds engagement the band was paid
directly out of the collections taken at the park gates, comprising 97 pounds in weight of
copper coinage, literally shovelled into a bag and taken to the bandroom for distribution
amongst the players.
85 Leach, 1908, page 27.
87 The Manchester Exhibition of 1887, known as the Royal Jubilee Exhibition, featured
such things as art, gardens and the latest developments in engineering. It devoted much
attention to music, with a resident band as well as appearances by leading army bands,
both from Britain and overseas. Several brass bands also appeared, Black Dike playing
twice daily between 13 and 20 August, with Alexander Owen conducting. The resident
band was called the Royal Jubilee Exhibition Band, was conducted by Edward de Jong
322
and played daily throughout the period of the Exhibition. (Information from bound
copies of the Exhibition programmes in the local studies section of Manchester Central
library).
88 There are accounts of Black Dike in Edinburgh in Brass Band News of September
1886, page 4, and of the contest in Brass Band News of November 1886, page 6.
89 Brass Band News, September 1887, page 5.
90 British Bandsman of 15 September 1887 (the first edition - page 16) reported that
Black Dike played at the Manchester Exhibition in that year and was paid £150 for
seven days' attendance.
91 Temperley, 1981, page 79.
323
Chapter 7
CONCLUSION
324
7.1 CONCLUSION
The thesis set out to account for the rise of the brass band and the heavy concentration
of the more successful examples in the north of England. It has relied heavily on a study
of brass band contests. These had a two-fold function; they were, in themselves, prime
entertainment, often attracting large crowds; but also, without any doubt, they helped
raise the standards of those amateur bands which took them seriously. This, in turn,
brought prestige to the more successful ones, leading to the offer of engagements in line
Functions for all kinds of amateur wind bands were, during the first half of the
nineteenth century, generally associated with some other activity - for creating noise at
perhaps heading a political, patriotic or religious procession. Even early band contests
were often part of some other event - an agricultural show or a gathering of the
aristocracy. They were invariably held in the open air, and therefore it was advantageous
for bands to have instruments which could make plenty of noise. As instruments and
playing standards improved, however, noise ceased to be the main criteria, and as bands
moved into the realms of so-called art music, they became adept at playing expressively,
England, which led to a new style of playing, and with appropriate tuition, the better
bands were able to achieve almost professional standards. This was crucial to successful
performance, and the group of dedicated brass band trainers working mainly in the
northern counties from the mid-1850s were largely responsible for the improving
standards of bands. Tuition came first from army or ex-army musicians, and later from
'Amateur' banding also had its professional over-tones, which provided much of
the motivation. The writing, publishing and selling of band music became a matter of big
business later in the century, as obviously also did the making and selling of instruments
325
- not even touched upon in the thesis. Conductors and leading players were also able
either to make a comfortable living from their music-making - preferable in many cases
to the kind of work undertaken by many of them in their formative years - or else
supplement their regular income with periodical pay-outs from the band, either in the
form of retaining fees (again, not touched upon in the thesis), or the sharing of prize-
monies, and in some cases, engagement fees. There was also the added joy of travelling,
of the social benefits of belonging to a successful organisation, and in the case of many
of the members of works bands, enhanced job prospects and quality of life.
concerts - still, of course, mainly in the open air. The essential difference was that in the
case of the former, people were present for some reason other than to listen to the band
- though the fact that they were there caused them to hear it, whilst at the latter, which
may be concerts or contests, the people had, in general, come to listen to the band or
bands.
By the I 870s links were being formed with the serious musical establishment.
did, and still do, become professional musicians as a result of initially belonging to a
brass band, thereby increasing their personal status in the community. (In the twentieth
century several of those who have progressed from playing in an amateur band to
formation, in 1858, of the Hallé Orchestra and, to a lesser extent, through the existence
of the 'Gentlemen's Concerts'. These were begun in Manchester in circa 1770, and
though they went into decline, they were revitalised by the appointment of Charles Hallé
326
as conductor in 1849. Footnote 36 on page 159 above points to a number of early band
personalities who were also members of the Hallé. The most influential of these was
John Gladney, whose early musical experiences were playing in bands, but who
progressed and became a clarinettist in the Hallé Orchestra for over 30 years. His was
probably the most important single contribution to the development of the all-brass
band. He brought a new musical dimension into the movement, and through his personal
success with a range of bands, his direct influence on a generation of players and
create a new level of amateur music-making amongst leading northern brass bands,
stimulated by the growing contest movement, and the increasing breadth which it
brought to the repertoire. Further research may well prove that the Hallé Orchestra's
existence in Manchester was a significant factor in the undoubted move east from
Yorkshire in the gravitational centre of the brass band movement in the second half of
the century.
None of this could have happened if the bands themselves had not been able to
attract appropriate financial support. This came initially during the 1850s, when a
major works bands. Only a few bands benefited from this, but during the 1 860s, with the
growth of the volunteer movement, extra resources became available to a large number
The combination of financial stability and quality tuition led to the emergence of
an elite brass band movement in northern England during the final quarter of the
nineteenth century. Leading bands were now in great demand, both for individual
concerts and for engagements lasting up to a week in one venue. 1887, Jubilee year, was
the peak year for these, with top brass bands undertaking the kind of engagements
hitherto entirely the domain of professional and military bands. Obviously, however, as
the brass bandsmen had to earn their livings from non-playing work, there was a limit to
37
There were, of course, other factors besides finance and tuition which
contributed to the growing domination of northern bands. One of the most important
was the geography of the region, with a preponderance of towns or large villages which
were ideally suited in size, population, and prevailing occupations to assist in the
nurturing of amateur bands. The development of transport in these regions was also
crucial. The railways, in particular, helped mobilise the bands which were thus able to
meet each other regularly in competition. The more successful ones then enjoyed the
benefits of local pride, whilst those less successfiil were provided with the incentive to
Another major factor was, of course, the development of the brass band music
publishing industry. The thesis has concentrated on the publications of Wright and
Round and the arrangements of Charles Godfrey (junior), as these reflected the principal
The two leading bands of the 1 890s were Black Dike and Besses o' th' Barn. In
addition to the endless round of competitions which they still undertook, and a large
number of open-air engagements - many of them in park bandstands - both bands were
the Birmingham area. These seem to have materialised only in the last few years of the
earlier), and therefore do not figure strongly in the thesis, apart from symbolising the
progress being made by the best northern brass bands, and pointing to future
developments in the twentieth century, such as gramophone recordings, tours and radio
broadcasts.
Meanwhile, the 1ocal' band movement had not been stagnant. Most early drum
and fife bands had either gone, or had converted into brass and reed or all-brass bands,
whilst many former brass and reed bands had become all-brass. From the 1 880s there
were sufficient brass bands in other regions of Britain, particularly in Scotland and
Wales, for the formation of brass band associations, which generally organised annual
328
contests for member bands. Much of this development was the result of band trainers
In 1898, a businessman, John Henry Ties, visited the Belle Vue September
contest. He was so impressed with what he heard that on his return to London, he
became the proprietor and editor-in-chief of the British Bandsman, owner of the
publishing house of R. Smith and Company, and took steps to found the National Brass
Band Championships, which took place annually at Crystal Palace, starting in 1900.
This, of course, is outside the scope of the thesis, though it represents the
culmination of the development of the brass band in the nineteenth century. The story of
how lies became involved is recounted in Russell and Elliot, on pages 171 to 176, and
Brass Bands in the Twentieth Century (Brand, V. and G., (edited), 1979).
329
APPENDIX 1 - Members of Bolton Old reed band, 1828 (see pages 2 1-23)
NB: All dates are approximate, and taken from Millington, pages 109-110.
33c5
APPENDIX 2 - Church bands 1660-1860 - locations and instruments
(see pages 23-26)
Counties (in alphabetical order) in which Macdermott found evidence of church bands:
Instruments, arranged as far as possible, according to Macdermott 'in the order of their
frequency':
331
APPENDIX 3 - Samples of Enderby Jackson's publicity (see page 95)
332
APPENDIX 4 - Crystal Palace contest results 1860-1863 (see pages 97-98)
The National contest The Sydenham contest
1st Blandford
2nd Dewsbuiy Old
3rd Matlock Bath
4th Darlington
333
APPENDIX 5 - Contest details 1845-1874 (see page 98)
Place/event Bands Winner Sur
1845
27/7 Burton Constable 5 Wold Jackson, Nov. 1896 p. 101-3
c.18S0
-/9 Witney 2 Witney Lomas Vol. 2 p. 125
1853
5/9 Belle Vue 8 (or 5) Mossley Guardian 10/9/53 p. 7
1854
4/9 Belle Vue 13 Leeds (Rly. Fy.) Guardian 6/9/54 p. 5
-I- Withernsea - - Russell & Elliot p.103
1855
28/5 Leeds Royal Gardens 8 Dewsbury Bradford Observer 31/5/55
29/5 Leeds Royal Gardens 11 Marriner's Bradford Observer 31/5/55
3/9 Belle Vue 15 Accrington Guardian 4/9/55 p. 3
1856
30/6 Hull, Zoological Gdns. 12 Smith's Leeds Hull Packet 4/7156
8/9 Belle Vue 7 Leeds (Rly. Fy.) Guardian 9/9/56
1857
-/6 Hull, Zoological Gdns. 18 Morley Hull Packet 3/757; Russell &
Elliot pp. 105-106 (1)
7/8 Belle Vue 5 Smith's Leeds Guardian 8/9/57 p. 3
Halifax Black Dike Black Dike jug
-I- Bailey (Black Dike 2nd) - Black Dike jug
1858
28/5 Newcastle 15 Wear Yacht Club Russell & Elliot pp. 107-8 (2)
14/6 Sheffield, Newall Gdns. 16 Dewsbury Russell & Elliot p. 107 (3)
-/6 York Flower Show (annual contest organised from 1858) Russell & Elliot p. 108
-/7 Darlington - Leeds Model Russell & Elliot p. 108 (4)
6/9 Belle Vue 8 Accrington Guardian 7/9 p. 2
-I- Dewsbury - Black Dike Black Dike jug
-I- Cleckheaton (Black Dike 2nd) Black Dike jug
-I- Bradford - Black Dyke Black Dike jug
1859
25/4 Wolverhampton - Stalybridge E.J. publicity; Stalybridge p. 20
23/5 Hull - Bramley Bramleypp. 19&29
31/5 Darlington (Brainley 2nd, .Meltham 3rd) E.J. publicity; Bramley p. 19
15/6 York Flower Show - Black Dike Bramley p. 19; Black Dike jug;
Russell & Elliot p. 109 (5)
27/6 Sheffield - Bramley Bramleyp. 19
12/7 Chesterfield - Bramley Bramleyp. 19
19/7 Birmingham (Bramley 3rd) Bramleyp. 19
5/9 Bristol Zoological Gardens Gloucester Lonias Vol. 2 p. 127 (6)
30/9 Lofihouse . - Lofthouse Russell & Elliot pp. 109-113 (7)
-I- Doncaster (Meltham 2nd) Meltham 1860 C. Palace entry form
Howden - Saltaire Saltaire 1860 C. Palace entry form
-I- Malton - Saltaire Saltaire 1860 C. Palace entry form
-I- Lincoln - Saltaire Saltaire 1860 C. Palace entry form
1860
-/6 York Flower Show - - See 1858
3/7 Boston - - E.J. publicity
10/7 Crystal Palace 44 Black Dike Times, Telegraph, etc.
11/7 Crystal Palace 70 Cyfarthfa Times, Telegraph, etc.
7/8 Bradford Peel Park 11 Farnley/Bowling J3dfd. Observer 9/8/60
1/9 Bradford - Halifax Rifles Halifax Courier & Guardian 819160
334
Appendix 5 - continued
335
Appendix 5 - continued
1866
3/9 Belle Vue 20 Dewsbury Guardian -/9/66; BacUP pp . 22-23
10/9 Matlock 8 Dewsbury Bacup p. 23
1867
4/4 Accrington 13 Bacup Bacup p. 28
-/6 York Flower Show - - See 1858
29/6 Nelson 8 Bacup Bacup p. 29
12/8 Denton - Bacup Bacup p. 29
30/8 Skipton 7 Bacup Bacup p. 29
219 Belle Vue 19 Clay Cross Guardian -/9/67; Bacup pp. 31-39
16/9 Blackpool 8 Bacup Bacup p. 31
5/10 Preston, Avenham Park - Bacup Bacup p. 31
-I- Workington (in 1882 Brass Band News reported the 16th annual contest)
1868
4/4 Accrington 11 Bacup Bacup p. 43
6/6 Burnley 8 Mattock Bacup p. 44
-/6 York Flower Show - - See 1858
18/7 Ramsbottom - Bacup Bacup p. 44
20/7 Hull (Black Dike 3rd) - - Black Dike jug
1/8 Todmorden - Black Dike Bacup p. 44; Black Dike jug
3/8 Heywood 4 Bacup Bacup p. 45
15/8 Bacup (Huttock Top) 8 Mattock Bacup p. 45
15/8 Denton (Stalybridge 2nd) - Stalybridge p. 35
22/8 Burnley (Stalybridge 4th) - Stalybridge p. 35
28/8 Skipton - Bacup Bacup p. 45
31/8 Blackpool 5 Black Dike Bacup p. 45; Black Dike jug
5/9 Bnerfleld - BacuplBurnley Bacup p. 45
719 Belle Vue 11 Bumley Rifles Guardian -/9/68; Black Dike jug
16/9 Glossop 8 Bacup Bacup p. 45
17/9 Middleton - Bacup Bacup p. 47
-/9 Darwen - Bacup Bacup p. 48
-I- Workington - - See 1867
-I- Trawden (in 1882 Brass Band News reported the 15th annual contest)
1869
3/4 Accrington 6 Darwen Rifles Bacup p. 48
1/5
Newchurch (Stalybridge 5th) - Statybridge p. 36
-/5 Colne 8 Bacup Bacup p. 49
12/6 Darwen - Buniley Bacup p. 49
19/6 Dewsbuiy - Bacup Bacup p. 49
-/6 York Flower Show - - See 1858
6/9 Belle Vue 13 Bacup Guardian -19/69; Bacup pp. 5 1-52
7/9 Todmorden 8 Bacup Bacup pp. 49-50
11/9 Disley, Lyme Park (Stalybridge 2nd) Stalybridge p. 36
21/9 Rochdale - Bacup Bacup p. 51
22/9 Glossop (Stalybridge 3rd) Stalybridge p. 36
25/9 Altrincham (Stalybridge 2nd) Stalybridge p. 36
28/9 Ramsbottom - Bacup Bacup p. 51
-I- Loftus - Black Dike Black Dike jug
-I- Halifax - Black Dike Black Dike jug
-I- Marske - Black Dike Black Dike jug
-/- Elland (Black Dike 5th) - Black Dike jug
-I- Harrogate (Black Dike 2nd) Black Dike jug
-/- Mirfield (Black Dike 2nd) Black Dike jug
-I- Armley (Black Dike 3rd) Black Dike jug
336
Appendix 5 - continued
337
Appendix 5 - continued
Guardian -/9/73;Meltham p. 39
8/9 Belle Vue 26 Meltham
-I- R
awtenstall (Meitham 2nd) - Melthamp.39
Meltham Meltham p. 39
-I.. Nelson -
-I- Bury - Meitham Meitham p. 39
Halifax (Meltham 2nd) - - Melthamp.39
-I..
-I- Hollingworth - Meitham Meltham p. 39
-I- Morley (Meitham 2nd) - - Meltham p. 39
-I- Batley - Meltham Meltham p. 39
-I- Stalybridge - Meitham Meitham p. 39
-I- Todmorden (Black Dike 2nd) - Black Dike jug
-I- Bradford (Black Dyke 5th) - - Black Dike jug
-I- Gorton (Besses 4th) - - Hampson p. 72
-I- Workington - - See 1867
-I- T
rawden - - See 1868
1874
31/5 Huddersfield - Stalybridge Stalybridge p. 36
6/6 Golcar (Stalybridge 3rd) - - Stalybridge p. 36
15/6 Kidsgrove - stalybridge Stalybndge p. 36
27/6 Huddersfield - Meitham Meltham p. 39
- See 1858
-/6 York Flower Show -
4/7 Bury (Stalybridge 4th) - - Stalybridge p. 36
18/7 Dalton Gardens - Stalybridge Stalybridge p. 36
22/8 New Mills - Stalybridge Stalybridge p. 36
24/8 Barnsley (Stalybridge 2nd) - Stalybridge p. 36
7/9 Belle Vue 6 Linthwaite Guardian -/9/74
-I- Wititehaven - Meltham Meltham p. 39
-/- Halifax - Meltham Meltham p. 39
-I- Mossley (Melthani 2nd) - Melthamp.39
Manchester Pomona Palace Meithain Meltham p. 39
-I- Workington - Meitham Meltham p. 39
-I- Batley - Meitham Meitham p. 39
Hyde - Melthalfl Meitham p. 39
Middlesboro Black Dike Black Dike jug
Loftus - Black Dike Black Dike jug
-I- Middleton (Black Dike 2nd) - Black Dike jug
-If- Trawden - - See 1868
338
APPENDIX 6 - 1861 Crystal Palace entry form - Saltaire band (see page 109)
CRYSTAL PALACE, TUESDAY & THURSDAY JULY 23rd and 25th, 1861
Name of Volunteer Corps: Saltaire Band of the Bradford 3rd West York Rifles
Contest entered: Tuesday, July 23rd
Title: Selection, Ernani, Verdi
Prizes won 1859/60: 1859 Howden 1st, Malton 1st
1860 Lincoln 1st, Hull 1st, C.P. 2nd
Uniform: Light grey, scarlet facings
Railway company and station: Great Northern. Saltaire is 3 miles from Bradford
(In different hand) - Prefer Shipley on the Midland
Name Profession or trade Instrument Key
339
APPENDIX 7 - Poem about Kingston Mills band, 1855 (page 119)
Chorus:
So now my lads your glasses fill,
And join in the toast with me,
Prosperity to the Kingston Band
Wherever it may be.
At Whitsuntide in '56
They stood a test that ne'er was done before,
Just six months old they led themselves,
And, played eight hours or more;
They played so nobly through Hyde fair
The horses could not stand,
While folks came from far and near
To hear the Kingston Band.
(continued. .
340
Appendix 7 - continued
34 1
LPPENDIX 8 - Numbers and percentages of volunteer bands in Belle Vue
contests to 1874 (see page 129)
1859 no contest
1874 Full list not availabe, but only one volunteer band
competed out of 11 known entries
342
PPENDIX 9 - Prizes won by 4th Lancashire Rifle Volunteers/Bacup Old band
1862-1871 (see page 131)
Contests Cash Instruments
th LRV 1862 1 £4 lOs
1863 2 £14
1864 2 £37 £7 7s
1865 6 £111 lOs £10 lOs
1866 2 £13
1867 7 £178 5s £56 14 - included Besson Jupiter
soprano
Total 48 £1,054 £308 7s
343
APPENDIX 10 - Prizes won by Black Dike 1856-1875 (see page 141)
1870 -
Conductor: Samuel Longbottom
1871 3 £46 £46 19s - Bb bass and euphonium, plus silver medal
1872 Return of Jasper as bandmaster (no contests recorded)
1873 4 £43 £82 1 7s - included soprano, euphonium and
trombone, plus silver medal
1874 6 £123 7s £30 3s
Jasper retired; Phineas Bower appointed bandmaster
Conductor: Samuel Longbottom
1875 1 -
Longbottom died
344
APPENDIX 11 - Prizes won by Stalybridge Old band 1859-1874 (see page 142)
Contests Cash
345
APPENDIX 12- Prizes won by Meitham Mills band 1858-1874 (see page 142)
Conductor: A. Jackson
1858 1 £3
1859 3 -
Conductor: D. Wood
1867 -
Conductor: J. Berry
1868 1 £6
1869 -
1870 3 £19+
Total: 43 £841 18s £175 19s
346
APPENDIX 13 - 'Local' contest results - Dewsbury,
Saltaire and Marriner's (see pages 143, 152 and 154)
Dewsbury
1855 28 May Leeds 1St
1855 29 May Leeds 2nd
1858 14 June Sheffield - £16
1859 3 June York competed
1 860(?) Lincoln 1st £15
1862 Birmingham 1st
1863 Liverpool 1St
1865 7 April Accrington 2nd £7 + Cornopean Worthy is the Lamb
1866 10 September Matlock 1St 2 x own choice
1867 4 April Accrington 2nd Worthy + o.ch.
1867 12 August Denton 3rd 2 x own choice
1868 1 August Todmorden 5th
1870 4 May Mirfield 2nd £12 (Dewsbury Old)
1870 4 May Mirfield 5th £2 (Dewsbury Rifles)
1870 25 June Halifax 2nd £18
1871 Meltham 1st £20 + £2 for sight playing
Saltaire
1859/1 860 Howden 1St
1859/1 860 Malton 1st
1859/1860 Lincoln 1St
1859/1860 Hull 1st
1865 8 August Lancaster 2nd £20 (volunteer bands only)
1867 12 August Denton 4th
1867 16 September Blackpool 3rd Maritana + own choice
1867 5 October Preston 2nd Amber Witch + own choice
1868 6 June Burnley 5th
1868 18 July Ramsbottom 4th 2 x own choice
1868 15 August Bacup 2nd Own choice (Herculanem)
1868 28 August Skipton 3rd
1868 31 August Blackpool 4th Herculanem
Marriner's
1855 28 May Leeds 2nd
1855 29 May Leeds 1St
1860 August Bradford 4th/Sth
1860 September Bradford 1st for sight playing
1865 26 July Stalybridge 2nd £12 lOs. 2xownchoice
1865 8 August Lancaster 1St £30 + silver cup (volunteer bands)
1865 l8August Skipton 1St
1867 29 June Nelson 2nd 2 x own choice
1867 30 August Skipton 3rd 2xown choice
347
APPENDIX 14 - 4th L. R. V. band books (see pages 178-179)
'Music from the Bacup Old Band or IV, L. R.V. Band, also called "The Invincibles".
Given to the Bacup Natural History Society by the remnants of the band by Alex Hamer
of the Market Hotel April 13th 1901. (See page 99/100 Museum Receipts.)'
348
Appendix 14 - continued
(1) Solo cornet part headed 'Alto sax', but generally higher than the real alto sax part
(2) Grosse arrangement
(3) Winterbottom arrangement
(4) Waterson arrangement; includes four printed parts from unidentified journal
(5) Winterbottom arrangement; includes four printed parts from Chappell Journal No. 64
(6) Includes three printed parts from Chappell Journal No. 57
(7) Includes one printed part from Chappell Journal No. 50
O Never Bow Down (duett); We Will Never Bow Down (Chorus)(Judas Maccabaus)
Handel 15 parts
Hallelujah Chorus Handel 1 part (printed)
Praise the Lord possibly Handel 11 parts
Judge Me 0 Lord (Kyrie eleison); Gloria (12/h Mass) Mozart 16 parts
The Heavens Are Telling from The Creation Haydn 3 parts
Achieved is the Glorious Work from The Creation Haydn 2 parts
And God Said (unidentified) 1 part
I Will Give Thanks (unidentified) 8 parts
And There Fell (unidentified) I part
Les Blinetts (?) . (unidentified) 10 parts
349
Appendix 14 - continued
-3
APPENDIX 15 - Wright and Round art music - 1875-1899 (see pages 199-200)
351
APPENDIX 15 - continued
352
APPENDIX 15 - continued
(See Lomas, 1990, pages 309-317, for a discussion of what he calls the 'hierarchy of
music').
353
APPENDIX 16 - Types of contest attended by two bands between 1875 and 1880
(see page 204).
This information comes from lists of contest success of Hebden Bridge and Heptonstall
354
APPENDIX 17 - Original overtures and fantasias by H. Round and T. H. Wright
(see pages 205 and 224-225)
H. Round
T. H. Wright
Overture Enchantment 1892 511
355
APPENDIX 18 - The Red Cross (see page 205)
iJt1; 'z: t1
n
APPENDIX 19 - Reminiscences of Moody and Sankey (see page 207)
357
APPENDiX 20 - The Comniander in Chief (see page 210)
358
APPENDIX 21 - Saint George and the Dragon (see page 212)
t >1 Ii1[-Ufl
359
APPENDIX 21 - continued
CONTEST Q,UADB.ILLE
"ST. GEORGE AND THE DRAGON,"
K. llou.
Tus annual contest quadrille published this
month will be found very easy and melodious,
the harmonies effectively studied and well
displayed; the variations have the charm of
beiug well within the range of amateur
performers, the counter melodies and .con-
tertante running accompaniments for the
different instruments are well worked up, and
the general ensemble is, without doubt, a
masterpiece of contest quadrille writing. No.
1 opens with a minor unison phrase, bold and
striking in style; this is followed .by a lively
running movement in semiquavers for the
primo cornet and soprano, the effect of which
is considerably enhanced by a staccato ac-
companiment in quavers for the band; a
recurrence of the first movement D9W takes
place, but this timb set in heavy harmonies,
which forms an agreable change to the original
style; the trio is a movement fo. the. comets
and tenor horns, which is nered by a
vigorous reply in fugde for the basses. No. 2
is noticeable for a heavy bass accompaniment
in the t.uttis, which is relieved bya beautiful
melody diversified by an obligato accompani-
ment for t.he upper portion of the band, while
the theme is assigned to the trombones,
baritones and euphonium. No. 3 is a charm-
ingly simple melody, with asostenuto accoin-
paniment for the band; this is relieved by a
vigorous bass solo, which resolves into the
original movement, treated, however, in a
totally different manner in the harmonies and
accompaniments; a forte bass solo forms the
trio, which is replied to by a trumpet theme
from the comets, which is very effective and
telling for the whole band No. 4 opens with
a piquant style of melody from the comets,
which is diversified by a very showy move-
ment in semiquavers from the tenor horns;
the trio is relieved by an independent accom-
paniment from the basses, a tripletongueing
variation from the solo cornet and a showy
variation for the euphonium. No. 5 opeus
with a bold military phrase, which is imitated
and answered by a similar movement in the
basses; the first an&-bhird time is a vigorous
theme for the solo corn ets, which provides a
very effective occasion for a fugue acctmpani-
meet for the soprano, and which is taken
advantage of and forms a capital relief to the
preceding figures; t.he second and fourth time
is a heavy solo for the tenor horns, baritones,
trombones and euphonium, which is accom-
panied by the treble in3truments in groups of
sixes. Altogether this quadrille may be
classed as one of Mr. H. Rou.ud's best efforts,
and has only to be known to be appeeiated.
We would advise all quadrille contesting bands
to provide themselves ar once with this set, as
they are sure to become quite as successful, if
not more so, as any of the former ones by the
same composer.
n
APPENDIX 22 -Text of 'The Forest Queen' - Henry Round (See page 213)
361
APPENDIX 23 - Pride of Scotland (see page 216)
-S
APPENDIX 24 - Charles Godfrey selections 1872-1899 (see pages 228-233)
Ju1 September
1872 Souvenir de Mozart
1873 Dinorah (Meyerbeer)
1874 Faust (Spohr)
1875 Ii Talismano (Balfe)
1876 Aida (Verdi)
1877 Jessonda (Spohr)
1878 Romeo et Giulietta (Gounod)
1879 The Last Judgement (Spohr)
1880 I Vespri Siciliano (Verdi)
1881 Cinq Mars (Gounod)
1882 II Seraglio (Mozart)
1883 Ii Guiramente (Mercadante)
1884 La Gazza Ladra (Rossini)
363
APPENDIX 25 - Extract from 'To our subscribers, friends, and patrons'
(fromWright and Round 1896 General Catalogue. See page 246).
• . . . When we first started our Journal, we had no friends amongst Amateur Bands -
we were unknown to them and they to us. And for a little time we could make but little
headway. Our music was not simple enough they said. Classical music was not wanted,
nothing was wanted except very easy arrangements of the Nigger songs of the day. But
instead of pandering to this miserable state of things, we resolved to fight it down, and
with this object in view we started the Brass Band News. For a time, it was no great
success. Ignorance and prejudice die hard, but we kept pegging away. We never
troubled in the least, we knew success must come. And it did come. It began like a
rivulet that bubbles along the vale, then the floods come - the floods of success, and
swelled the little brook into a mighty river, which swept everything before it in its
impetuosity. Gentlemen, this is a growing and decaying world. That which is not
Therefore, we went on, the others chose to stand still, and, as a natural consequence,
went backward. Every improvement, every new idea in arranging, engraving, and
printing of music has had its origin in the tiverpool Journal.' What we do to-day our
belated rivals will try to imitate tomorrow, but as for their giving birth to a new idea for
the benefit of Amateur Bands, it seems hopeless to expect such a thing. The nakedness
But our claims do not end at the improvements effected in music. We claim to
have been the means of creating hundreds upon hundreds of Amateur Bands, and of
consolidating thousands ofothers. We have shown bands how they should be organised,
worked and kept up. This being so, what is there strange about our success? These
bands are all our friends, because we have been their friends. . .
364
APPENDIX 26 - Gladney, Swift and Owen: Belle Vue results 1871-1899
(see page 259)
(2) Up to and including 1879 five prizes were awarded; from 1880 there were six.
(3) Owen was in dispute with the contest management and reftised to take his
bands to the 1886 contest. Also in this year, Todmorden were awarded 3rd
prize and then diqualified, so only five prize-winners are known.
365
APENDIX 27 -Nineteenth-century arrangements by Gladney, Swift and Owen (see
page 259)
366
Appendix 28 - Leading bands at Belle Vue through three eras (see page 287)
N.B. The figures indicate the position of the bands in the respective years, up to fourth
place, and the points are based on the same principal as earlier, thst is, 4 for a win, 3 for
a second place, and so on.
Points: 26 14 12
Points: 27 17 9 7
Points: 31 27 21 15
367
APPENDIX 29 - Prizes won by Meltham Mills band, 1875-1882 (see page 289)
368
APPENDIX 30 - Prizes won by Besses 0' th' Barn band, 1867-1892 (see page 294)
369
APPENDIX 31 - An advertisement for a Black Dike concert (see page 298)
The following advertisement appeared in the December, 1897 issue of Brass Band
News:
The finest Brass Band in the World will play the following Concert Programme:
Commence at 8 Admission 6d and 1/-
370
APPENDIX 32 - Dr. Spark on band contests (and on himself) (see page 309)
371
APPENDIX 19 - continued
Dr. Spark
DR SPARK ON HIMSELF
In a later edition, Dr. Spark says - In my article, No, XXXIX, which appeared in your
issue of the 9th instant, I had occasion to complain of the scandalous behaviour of
certain individuals at a band contest at IBarnoldswick, near Skipton. I regret much that,
by mistake, I imputed the unruly and disorderly conduct to the Wyke Temperance Band,
who, I am now informed are teetotallers, and accepted my ruling in the contest in a
perfectly proper and becoming manner. I am very sorry that they should have suffered
any inconvenience on account of what appeared in my article, for I am now convinced
that I made the charge there contained against the wrong persons.
372
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(a) Text
(b) Music
(c) Miscellaneous
2. Reference books
(a) Directories
(b) Dictionaries, encyclopedias, etc.
3. Books
6. Articles
7. Other sources
373
The following is a key to the locations or additional locations of items other than the
RN = Author's collection
374
1. Primary source material
(a) Text
Bradford Obser'er -31 May 1955, 9 August 1960, 12 June 1862 (BR)
Brass Band News, Liverpool, Wright and Round, from October 1881 (SD)
British Bandsman and Orchestral Ti,nes, London, R.Srnith, from June 1888 to December 1890 (BB)
British Musician and Orchestral Times, London. RSmith, from Janualy 1894 to December 1898 (BB)
Jackson, Enderby, 'Origin and Promotion of Brass Band Contests', series of articles in Musical Opinion
& Musical Trade Review: April, July, September and November, volumes 19 and 20, 1896
'Jed-Forest Instrumental Band', from Jedburgh Gazette, 5 and 12 July 1912, article by T.S. Small (RN)
375
Keighley News (KE)
Iviusical World, 24 February and 24 March 1837, 5 January 1838, 3 November 1855, 14 July 1860
Orchestral Times and Bandsman, London, R.Smith, Januaiy 1891 to December 1892 (BB)
4th L.RV. part books. Special attention paid to 'Recollections of Auber' (1864); also seen: selections
from IvIaritana (Wallace, 1867), The Amber Witch (Wallace, 1867), Der Freischutz (Weber, 1867),
Mount of Olives (Beethoven, 1868), Le Prophète (Meyerbeer, 1869) and others, 1864-circa 1872 (L)
Meyerbeer: L'Africaine (selection), arranged Grosse; Chappell Journal No. 47; parts, 1866 (BD)
Meyerbeer: Robert le Diable (grand fantasy), arranged Waterson; parts, 1866 (MM); score, showing
alternative instrumentation, 1868 (BOB)
Donizëtti: Lucrezia Borgia (selection), arranged Gladney; parts and score, 1869 (BD)
Chapter 4.2
Round: The Red Cross (overture petit); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881
(SU)
Round: The Minstrel Boy (March); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881 (SU)
376
Wright: coining Thro' the Rye (highland schottische); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News,
November 1881 (SU)
Round: Daybreak (valse); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band Neivs, November 1881 (SU)
Linter: Love/v AIav (mazurka); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881 (SU)
Round: Turtle Doves (polka); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881 (SU)
Linter (arranged): Reminiscences ofMoody and Sankey (fantasia); solo cornet part printed in Brass
Band News, November 1881 (SU)
Weber (no arranger named): Abu Hassan (selection); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News,
November 1881 (SU)
Round: The Wanderer (romanza - euphomium solo); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News,
November 1881 (SU)
Round: The Evening Star (serenade - cornet solo); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News,
November 1881 (SU)
Linter: The Beehive (quadrille); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881 (SU)
Wright: Militaire (schottische); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881 (SU)
Enoch Round: Innocence (polka); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, November 1881 (SU)
Deveigne: The Fusilier (march); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, December 1881 (SU)
Hérold (attributed): The Statue (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, December 1881
(SU)
Linter: Apollo (grand slow march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, January 1882 (SU)
Round: Saint George and the Dragon (quadrille); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, January
1882 (SU)
Potter: A Summer Ramble (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, February 1882 (SU)
Round: Light and Shade (valse); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, February 1882 (SU)
Round: Spick and Span (cornet polka); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, March 1882 (SU)
Wright: Merrie England (lancers); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, March 1882 (SU)
Enschell: Con Amore (fantasia - cornet solo); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, April 1882
(SU)
Round: The Commander in Chief (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, April 1882
(SU)
Linter: Bringing in the Sheaves (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, May 1882 (SU)
Round: The Rivals - No. 1 (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, May 1882 (SU)
Round: The Rivals - No. 2 (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, May 1882 (SU)
377
Devers: Our Jack's Come Home Toda y (march); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, June
1882 (SU)
Marks: Sailing (march); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, June 1882 (SU)
Round: The Jockey (euphonium solo); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, June 1882 (SU)
Wright: The Bailiffs Daughter (march); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, June 1882 (SU)
Linter: Sweet Sixteen (schottische); solo cornet part printed in Brass Band News, August 1882 (SU)
Muller: Birthday (mazurka); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, August 1882 (SU)
Voigt: Sparkling Wine (galop); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, August 1882 (SU)
Devers: The Lighthouse Keeper (march); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, September 1882
(SU)
Linter: Climax (galop); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, September 1882 (SU)
Linter: Merry-go-Round (varsoviana); solo comet part printed in Brass Band News, September 1882
(SU)
Wagner: Rienzi (The Last of the Tribunes) (grand selection); 1882 (BOB)
378
Donizetti (arranged Round): Marino Faliero (selection), 1893 (BOB)
Meyerbeer (arranged Godfrey): L' Etoile du nord (selection); parts, 1887 (SU)
Wagner (arranged Godfrey): Der Fliegende Ho/lander (selection); parts, 1888 (SU)
Godfrey (arranged): Grand Fantasia on the Works ofMendelssohn ; parts, 1889 (SU)
Kappey: York and Lancaster (grand original fantasy); score, 1886 (BOB)
Mozart (arranged Haigh): The Magic Flute (overture); score, 1892 (BOB)
Verdi (no arranger named): Nabucco (selection - Boosey's Journal); score, 1892 (BOB)
(c) Miscellaneous
Early maps of Bury and district (in Bury local studies library)
379
Census reports for 1841: Bury
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Directory of British Brass Bands, voiwne eleven; Matlock: Newton Mann, for the British Federation of
Brass Bands, 1997
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1967
New Dire ctorv ofAlanchester, Salford, &c; Pigot and Deans, 1821-1822, 1825-1826, 1829, 1852
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University Press, 1969 edition
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1968
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Lee. Edward, Music of the People: A Study of Popular Music in Great Britain; London, Barrie and
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unpublished dissertation, (College of Ripon and York St. John), 1976 (BUR)
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6. Articles
Bevan. Clifford. 'The Low Brass', The Cambridge companion to Brass Instruments; pages 143-156.
Herbert and Wallace (Ed.): Cambridge University Press, 1997
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of Lancashire and Cheshire, volu,ne 121; pages 59-75: Liverpool, 1969
Dudgeon. Ralph T., 'Keyed Brass', The Cambridge Co.'npanion to Brass Instruments; pages 131-142.
Herbert and Wallace (Ed.): Cambridge University Press, 1997
Elliot, J. H., 'The All-Brass Ensemble', Music and Letters volume Xli; pages 30-34. 1931
Galpin. F.W.. 'The Village Church Band', It'Iusical News volume 5, 8 July pages 31-35, and 15 July
pages 56-58; London, 1893
Galpin. F.W.. 'Notes on the Old Church Bands and Village Choirs: A Revised Version of the
Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club', The Antiquary volume XLII,
pages 101-106: (an extended version of an 1893 article); London: Elliot Stock, 1906
Gammon, Vic. 'Babylonian Performances: The Rise and Supression of Popular Church Music, 1660-
1870'. Popular Culture and Class Conflict 1590-1914: Explorations in the Histor y of Leisure: Yeo.
Eileen and Stephen (Ed.), Sussex: Harvester Press, 1981
Herbert, Trevor. 'The Repertomy of a Victorian Provincial Brass Band', Popular Music volume 9/1 pages
117-132; Cambridge University Press, 1900
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pages 68-83; Herbert and Wallace (Ed.): Cambridge University Press, 1997
Herbert T. and Myers A., 'Instruments of the Cyfarthfa Band', Galpin Society Journal No. 41; 1988
Hiebert, Thomas, 'The Horn in the Baroque and Classical periods', The Cambridge Companion to Brass
histruments, pages 103-114: Herbert and Wallace (Ed.), Cambridge University Press, 1997
Hoe, Robert (junior), A,nerican Circus Ivlusic; Poughkeepsie (U.S.A.): unpublished, circa 1975 (RN)
Myers, Arnold. 'Design, Technology and Manufacture since 1800', The Canzbridge Companion to
Brass Instruments, pages 103-114; Herbert and Wallace (Ed.): Cambridge University Press, 1997
Perrins, Barrie, 'The first British Brass Band', Brass Band Digest, pages 18-19; Baldock: Egon, 1984
Rogerson, B.. 'A Touch of Brass', Eccies & District Historical Society Lectures paragraphs 4.1-4.4,
1977-1978
Sadie. Stanley (Ed.). 'Military Bands', The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments, volume 1;
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London: Macmillan, 1984
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7. Other sources
Championship Contest Results from 1895-1966; compiled by Forfar Instrumental Band and published
by the Scottish Amateur Band Association. 1966
Championship Contest Records from 1895-1994; compiled by the Scottish Amateur Brass Band
Association Executive Committee, 1994
Life and C'areer of the Late Mr. Edwin Swift, a Self-made Musician; Milnsbridge: Hawley, 1904
I 'ictorian Bradford: The Living Past; Krumlin, Halifax: Ryburn Publishing, 1987
I3liiteJield Guide; The Urban District of Whitefield official guide, Gloucester: The British Publishing
Company. 1970
(c) Miscellaneous
Ainscoe Collection, formerly with band historian Raymond Ainscoe, Kirkby Lonsdale
389