THE OXFORD BIBLE COMMENTARY

EDITORS

John Barton, Oriel and Laing Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture, University of Oxford
John Muddiman, Fellow of Mansfield College, Oxford

ASSOCIATE EDITORS

Loveday Alexander, University Lecturer in New Testament Studies, University of Sheffield

Martin Goodman, Professor of Jewish Studies and Fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford
Rex Mason, Emeritus Fellow of Regent's Park College, Oxford
Henry Wansbrough OSB, Master of St Benet's Hall, Oxford
This page intentionally left blank
THE OXFORD
BIBLE
COMMENTARY
E D I T E D BY

JOHN BARTON AND JOHN M U D D I M A N

OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
 OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Oxford Bible Commentary / edited by John Barton and John Muddiman.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
I. Bible—Commentaries. I. Barton, John, 1948- II. Muddiman, John.
BS491.3 .094 2001 220.7—dc21 2001021139
ISBN 978-0-19-875500-5 (Hbk.) 978-0-19-927718-6 (Pbk.)
3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
Printed and bound in China through Phoenix Offset
 Acknowledgements
We gratefully and fully acknowledge the assistance we have received from our
co-editors, Dr Rex Mason (for the Old Testament), Professor Martin Goodman
(for the Apocrypha), Dr Loveday Alexander and Dom Henry Wansbrough, OSB
(for the New Testament). Our thanks are also due to the contributors of the
individual articles, and to the expert management and editing team of the
Oxford University Press, in particular Hilary O'Shea, the commissioning
editor, and Sylvia Jaffrey, to whom we are indebted for her expert copy-editing
of such a huge work.
J.B.
J. M.
OXFORD
July 2000
This page intentionally left blank
 List of Contents
List of Maps x
List of Contributors xi
Abbreviations xiii

1. General Introduction 1
2. Introduction to the Old Testament 5
3. Introduction to the Pentateuch 12

4. Genesis 38
5. Exodus 67
6. Leviticus 91
7. Numbers 110
8. Deuteronomy 135
9. Joshua 158
10. Judges 176
11. Ruth 192
12. 1 & 2 Samuel 196
13. 1 & 2 Kings 232
14. 1 & 2 Chronicles 267
15. Ezra-Nehemiah 308
16. Esther 324
17. Job 331
18. Psalms 355
19. Proverbs 405
20. Ecclesiastes 423
21. Song of Solomon 429
22. Isaiah 433
23. Jeremiah 487
24. Lamentations 528
25. Ezekiel 533
26. Daniel 563
27. Hosea 571
28. Joel 578
29. Amos 581
30. Obadiah 590
31. Jonah 593
CONTENTS Vlll

32. Micah 595

33. Nahum 599
34. Habakkuk 601
35. Zephaniah 604
36. Haggai 607
37. Zechariah 610
38. Malachi 615

39. Introduction to the Apocrypha 617

40. Tobit 626

41. Judith 632
42. Esther (Greek) 642
43. The Wisdom of Solomon 650
44. Ecclesiasticus, or The Wisdom of Jesus Son of Sirach 667
45. Baruch with the Letter of Jeremiah 699
46. Additions to Daniel: the Prayer of Azariah,
the Song of the Three Jews, Susanna, Bel and the Dragon 704
47. 1 Maccabees 711
48. 2 Maccabees 734
49. 1 Esdras 751
50. Prayer of Manasseh 770
51. Psalm 151 773
52. 3 Maccabees 773
53. 2 Esdras 775
54. 4 Maccabees 790

55. Essay with Commentary on Post-Biblical Jewish Literature 792

56. Introduction to the New Testament 830

57. Matthew 844

58. Mark 886
59. Luke 922
60. John 960
61. The Four Gospels in Synopsis 1001

62. Acts 1028

63. Introduction to the Pauline Corpus 1062

64. Romans 1083
65. 1 Corinthians 1108
 IX CONTENTS

66. 2 Corinthians 1134

67. Galatians 1152
68. Ephesians 1165
69. Philippians 1179
70. Colossians 1191
71. 1 Thessalonians 1199
72. 2 Thessalonians 1213
73. The Pastoral Epistles: 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus 1220
74. Philemon 1233
75. Hebrews 1236
76. James 1255
77. 1 Peter 1263
78. 2 Peter 1270
79. 1 John, 2 John, and 3 John 1274
80. Jude 1284
81. Revelation 1287

82. Extra-canonical early Christian literature 1306

83. Bibliographical Guide to Biblical Studies 1331

Index 1347
 List of Maps
between pages 1346 and 1347

1. The Ancient Near East before the Exodus

2. Israel in Canaan
3. The United Monarchy
4. The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah
5. The Assyrian Empire
6. The Kingdom of Judah
7. The Babylonian Empire
8. Palestine after the Exile
9. The Hellenistic Period
10. Palestine at the Time of Jesus
11. The New Testament World
 List of Contributors
Dr K. T. Aitken Dr Terence L. Donaldson Dr Peter Hayman
University of Aberdeen Wycliffe College, Toronto University of Edinburgh
Dr Loveday Alexander Professor R. Doran Dr Craig C. Hill
University of Sheffield Amherst College, Massachusetts Wesley Theological Seminary,
Washington DC
Professor Philip Alexander Clare Drury
University of Manchester University of Cambridge Professor William Horbury
University of Cambridge
Professor Dale C. Allison Jr Dr Jeremy Duff
Pittsburgh Theological Seminary University of Oxford Professor Leslie Houlden
Professor Harold W. Attridge King's College, London
Professor J. D. G. Dunn
Yale Divinity School University of Durham Dr Walter Houston
Professor John Barclay Mansfield College, Oxford
David J. Elliott
University of Glasgow Wycliffe College, Stonehouse Professor Sara Japhet
Professor Richard Bauckham Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Professor J. K. Elliott
University ofSt Andrews University of Leeds Professor Gwilym H. Jones
Dr Athalya Brenner University of Wales, Bangor
Dr Grace I. Emmerson
University of Amsterdam Worcester Dr P. M. Joyce
Professor George J. Brooke University of Oxford
Professor Philip F. Esler
University of Manchester University ofSt Andrews Professor Carl-A. Keller
Dr Christoph Bultmann University of Lausanne
Dr Eric Eve
University ofGottingen University of Oxford Professor Rene Kieffer
R. Coggins University of Uppsala
Professor Joseph A. Fitzmyer sJ
King's College London
Catholic University of America, Dr Katrina J. A. Larkin
Professor John J. Collins Washington DC King's College London
Yale Divinity School
Eric Franklin Professor Amy-Jill Levine
Professor James L. Crenshaw St Stephen's House, Oxford Vanderbilt Divinity School, Nashville
Duke University, Durham, North
Professor Terence E. Fretheim Professor Judith Lieu
Carolina
Luther Seminary, St Paul, King's College London
Professor P. R. Davies Minnesota
Professor Margaret MacDonald
University of Sheffield
Professor J. Galambush St Francis Xavier University,
Dr G. I. Davies College of William and Mary, Nova Scotia
University of Cambridge Williamsburg
Dr Rex Mason
Dr John Day Professor Martin Goodman University of Oxford
University of Oxford University of Oxford
Professor H. P. Mathys
Professor Walter Dietrich Professor Donald E. Gowan University of Basel
University of Bern Pittsburgh Theological Seminary
Dr Gordon McConville
Dr Jennifer M. Dines CSA Professor Lester L. Grabbe Cheltenham Gloucester College of
University of London University of Hull Higher Education
LIST OF C O N T R I B U T O R S xii
Professor Carol Meyers Professor D. L. Petersen Peter J. M. Southwell
Duke University, Durham, North Iliff School of Theology, Denver University of Oxford
Carolina
Professor Uriel Rappaport Professor G. N. Stanton
Professor Jerome Murphy- University of Haifa University of Cambridge
O'Connor OP
Dr Adele Reinhartz Professor C. M. Tuckett
Ecole Biblique et Archéologique
McMaster University, Hamilton, University of Oxford
Frangaise, Jerusalem
Ontario
Dom Henry Wansbrough OSB
Dr Robert Murray sJ Dr Rainer Riesner University of Oxford
University of London Dusslingen
Dr Craig S. Wansink
Professor George W. E. Dr C. S. Rodd Virginia Wesleyan College, Norfolk,
Nickelsburg Emsworth, Hampshire Virginia
University of Iowa
Professor J. Rogerson Dr Stuart Weeks
Professor Susan Niditch University of Sheffield University of Durham
Amherst College, Massachusetts
Professor C. Rowland
fProfessor R. N. Whybray
Professor Julia M. O'Brien University of Oxford
formerly University of Hull
Lancaster Theological Seminary,
Dr Alison Salvesen
Pennsylvania Professor H. G. M. Williamson
University of Oxford
University of Oxford
Professor Kathleen M. O'Connor
Professor Daniel L.
Columbia Theological Seminary,
Smith-Christopher
Decatur, Georgia
Loyola-Marymount University,
Dr Sarah Pearce Los Angeles
University of Southampton
 Abbreviations
GENERAL

AASF Annales academiae scientiarum fennicae

AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research
ÄAT Ägypten und Altes Testament
AB Anchor Bible
ABD D. N. Freedman (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary (6 vols.; New York: Doubleday, 1992)
AfO Archivfur Orientforschung
AGJU Arbeiten zur Geschichte das antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums
AJS Review Review of Association for Jewish Studies
AnBib Analecta biblica
ANET James B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 3rd. edn. 1969)
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AP Aramaic Papyrus, -ri
APOT R. H. Charles (ed.), Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament (2 vols.; Oxford:
Clarendon, 1912)
Aram. Aramaic
ARN Aboth de-Rabbi Nathan see 'Abot R. Nat. below
ARW Archivfür Religionswissenschaft
ASOR American Schools of Oriental Research
ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments
ATAT Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament
AID Das Alte Testament Deutsch
ATDan Acta theologica danica

b. Babylonian Talmud
B 4th-cent. MS of part of NT, in the Vatican Library
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BAGD W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, and F. W. Danker, Greek-English Lexicon of the NTand
other Early Christian Literature (Chicago: Univ of Chicago Press, 1979 rev. edn.)
BAR Biblical Archaeologist Reader
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BBB Bonner biblische Beiträge
BBET Beiträge zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie
BBR Bulletin for Biblical Research
BCE Before Common Era
BDF F. Blass, A. Debrunner, and R. W. Funk, A Greek Grammar of the New Testament (Chicago:
Univ of Chicago Press, 1961)
BEATAJ Beiträge zur Erforschung des Alten Testaments und des antiken Judentums
BETL Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium
BEvT Beiträge zur evangelischen Theologie
BHS Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia
ABBREVIATIONS xiv
Bib. Biblica
BJ Bonner Jahrbücher
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
BKAT Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament
BN Beiträge zur Namenforschung
BNTC Black's New Testament Commentaries
BR Biblical Research
Br. Arch. Rep. British Archaeological Reports
BSac Bibliotheca Sacra
BSO(A)S Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) Studies
BWANT Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament
BWAT Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten Testament
BZAW Beihefte zur ZAW
BZNW Beihefte zur ZNW

CAT Commentaire de1'AncienTestament

CBC Cambridge Bible Commentary
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly—Monograph Series
CChr.SL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
CD Cairo Geniza, Damascus Document
CE Common Era
CGTC Cambridge Greek Testament Commentaries
CII Corpus inscriptionum iudaicarum
ConBOT Coniectanea biblica, Old Testament
CP Classical Philology
CQ Church Quarterly
CRINT Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad novum testamentum
CSCO Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium
CTA A. Herdner, Corpus des tablettes en cunéiforme alphabétiques
ctr. contrast
CurTM Currents in Theology and Mission

D Deuteronomist source in the Pentateuch

DCH Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993)
Dittenberg. SIG W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 3rd edn., Leipzig, 1915-24
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
DOTT D. W. Thomas (ed.), Documents from Old Testament Times
(London: Harper and Row, 1958)

E Elohist source in the Pentateuch

EB Echter Bibel
Ebib Etudes bibliques
ECL Early Christian Literature (Extracanonical)
EDNT H. Balz and G. Schneider (eds.), Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament
(3 vols.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990)
EI Eretz-Israel
EKKNT Evangelisch-katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
ErFor Erträge der Forschung
 XV ABBREVIATIONS
ES Seleucid Era
ET English Translation
ETL Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses
ETR Etudes théologiques et religieuses
EvT Evangdische Theologie

FAT Forschungen zum Alten Testament

FB Forschung zur Bibel
FBBS Facet Books, Biblical Series
FCB Feminist Companion to the Bible
FGrH F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente dergriechischen Historiker (Berlin: Weidmann, 1923-58)
fn. footnote
Fr. French
frag. fragment
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments
FS Festschrift fur

GCS Greichische christliche Schriftsteller

Gk. Greek
GNB Good News Bible
GNS Good News Series
GTA Gottinger theologische Arbeiten

H Holiness Code
HALOT Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (L. Köhler and W. Baumgartner,
Hebräisches und aramäisches Lexikon das Alten Testaments, Leiden: Brill 1994-2000,
tr. by M. E. J. Richardson)
HAT Handbuch zum Alten Testament
HB Hebrew Bible
HBC J. L. Mays et al. (eds.), Harper's Bible Commentary (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988)
HDR Harvard Dissertations in Religion
Heb. Hebrew
HKAT Handkommentar zum Alten Testament
HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament
HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual

IA Introduction to Apocrypha
IB Interpreter's Bible
ICC International Critical Commentary
IDB G. A. Buttrick (ed.), Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1976)
IDBSup Supplementary volume to IDB
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
INJ Israel Numismatic Journal
INT Introduction to New Testament
IOT Introduction to Old Testament
IP Introduction to Pentateuch
IPC Introduction to Pauline Corpus
ABBREVIATIONS xvi

J Yahwist source in the Pentateuch

JAAR Journal of the American Academy of Religion
JANESCU Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JBR Journal of Bible and Religion
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JETS Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
JJGL Jahrbuchfürjudische Geschichte und Literatur
JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JSHRZ Judische Schriften aus hellenistisch-romischer Zeit
JSJ Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament—Supplement Series
JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament—Supplement Series
JSP Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JTS Journal of Theological Studies

KAT Kommentar zum Alten Testament

KHCAT Kurzer Handcommentar zum Alten Testament

Lat. Latin
LCL Loeb Classical Library
LXX Septuagint

m. Mishnah
marg. margin
MeyerK H. A. W. Meyer, Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar iiber das Neue Testament
Midr. Midrash
MLB Modern Language Bible
MNTC Moffatt New Testament Commentary
MS Monograph Series; manuscript
MSU Mitteilungen des Septuginta-Unternehmens
Mt Mount
MT Masoretic Text

NAB New American Bible

NCB New Century Bible
NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
NIBC New International Bible Commentary
NICNT New International Commentary on the New Testament
NICOT New International Commentary on the Old Testament
NIGTC New International Greek Testament Commentary
NIV New International Version
NJB H. Wansbrough (ed.), New Jerusalem Bible
NJBC R. E. Brown, J. A. Fitzmyer, and R. E. Murphy (eds.), The New Jerome Biblical
Commentary (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1989)
 xvii ABBREVIATIONS
NJPS New Jewish Publication Society Translation
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup Novum Testamentum, Supplements
NTS New Testament Studies
NTT Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift

OBL Orientalia et biblica lovaniensis

OBO Orbis biblicus et orientalis
OBT Overtures to Biblical Theology
OCB Oxford Companion to the Bible
ODCC Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church
OG Old Greek
OL Old Latin
OTG Old Testament Guides
OTL Old Testament Library
OTP J. H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (2 vols.; Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1983-5)
OTS Oudtestamentische Studien

P Priestly Work source in the Pentateuch

66
P Papyrus of parts of the Gospel of John, C.2OO CE, Bodmer Library, Cologny-Geneva, and
Chester-Beatty Library, Dublin
p74 Papyrus of parts of Acts and Catholic epistles, 7th cent., Bodmer Library,
Cologny-Geneva
p7S Papyrus of parts of the Gospels of Luke and John, 3rd cent., Bodmer Library,
Cologny-Geneva
PAAJR Proceedings of the American Academy of Jewish Research
par. parallel(s)
PBJL Post-Biblical Jewish Literature
PG J. Migne, Patrologia graeca
P] Palästina-Jahrbuch
p1. plural
P.Oxy. Oxyrhynchus Papyri
P.Ryl. Rylands Papyrus
PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaelogy

QD Quaestiones disputatae

RAC Reallexikonfur Antike und Christentum

RB Revue biblique
RE] Revue des études juives
RHPR Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses
RSN[=SNR] Revue Suisse de Numismatique = Schwdzerische Numismatische Rundschau
RSO Rivista degli studi orientali
RSR Recherches de science religieuse
RTR Reformed Theological Review

SAA State Articles of Assyria

SANT Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament
SB Sources bibliques
ABBREVIATIONS xviii
SBAB Stuttgarter biblischer Aufsatzbände
SBL Society of Biblical Literature
SBLDS SBL Dissertation Series
SBLEJL SBL Early Judaism and its Literature
SBLMS SBL Monograph Series
SBLRBS SBL Resources for Biblical Study
SBLSBS SBL Sources for Biblical Study
SB LTT SBLTexts and Translations
SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
SET Studies in Biblical Theology
SC Sources chrétiennes
ScEs Science et esprit
SCI Scripte Classica Israelica
SCM Student Christian Movement
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
Sem. Semitica
SESJ Suomen Eksegeettisen Seuran julkaisuja
SHAW Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften
SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
SJT Scottish Journal of Theology
SJOT Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament
SNR See RSN
SNTSMS Society for New Testament Study Monograph Series
SNTW Studies of the New Testament and its World
SOTS Society for Old Testament Study
SOTSMS Society for Old Testament Study Monograph Series
SP Sacra Pagina
SPCK Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge
SR Studies in Religion
SSN Studia semitica neerlandica
ST Studia theologica
Str-B [H. Strack and] P. Billerbeck, Kommentarzum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch
(6 vols.; Munich: C. K. Beck, 1926-61)
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
s.v. Sub vide
SVTP Studia in Veteris Testamenti pseudepigrapha

t. Tosefta
TBü Theologische Bücherei
T. Dan. Testament of Dan
TDNT G. W. Bromiley (ed. and trans.), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
(10 vols.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964-78).
TDOT Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament (G. J. Botterweck, H. Ringgren, and H-J
Fabry, Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament tr. J. T. Willis, Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans 1974-)
TOB Traduction æcuménique de la bible
TT Teologisk Tidsskrift
tr(s). translation(s), translated (by)
TU Texte und Untersuchungen
 xix ABBREVIATIONS
TWAT G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren (eds.), Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament
(Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1970-)
TZ Theologische Zeitschrift

v. versus
Vg Vulgate
VL Vetus Latina
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Vetus Testamentum, Supplements

WBC Word Biblical Commentary

WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament
WTJ Westminster Theological Journal
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

y. Jerusalem Talmud
YNER Yale Near Eastern Researches

ZAR Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Biblische Rechtsgeschichte

ZAW Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZB Zürcher Bibelkommentare
ZDPV Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina-Vereins
ZNW Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
ZTK Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche

CLASSICAL

'Abot R. Nat. 'Abot de Rabbi Nathan

Aesch. Aeschylus
Ag- Agamemnon
Pers. Persae
Ap. Apuleius
Met. Metamorphoses
Ap. John Apocryphon of John
Ap. Con. Apostolic Constitutions
Apoc. Abr. Apocalypse of Abraham
2-3 Apoc. Bar. Apocalypse of Baruch
Apoc. Sed. Apocalypse of Sedrach
Arist. Aristotle
Eth. Nic. Ethica Nicomachea
Arr. Arrian
Anab. Anabasis
As. Mos. Assumption of Moses
Athenagorus
Apol. Apologia
Leg. pro Christ. Legatio pro Christianis
Aug. Augustine
Conf. Confessions
ABBREVIATIONS XX

De civ. dei De civitate del

De Gen. c. Munich. De Genesi contra Manichaeos
En. Enarrationes in Psalmos

Barn. Epistle of Barnabas

B. Bat. Baba Batra
Ber. Berakot
B. Qam. Baba Qamma
B. Mes. BabaMesi'a

Calvin
Inst. Institutes
Cic. Cicero
Nat. D. De Natura Deorum
Tusc. Tusculanae Disputationes
Clem. Al. Clement of Alexandria
Ped. Pedagogus
Strom. Stromateis
Coptic Apoc. Zeph. Coptic Apocalypse of Zephaniah
Cyp. Cyprian
Test. Testimoniorum libri tres

Dem. Demai
Did. Didache
Dio Chrystostom
Or. Orationes
Diod. Sic. Diodorus Siculus
Diog. Laert. Diogenes Laertius

Eccles. Rab. Ecclesiastes Rabbah

Ep. Arist. Epistle of Aristeas
Ep. Diogn. Epistle to Diognetus
Ep. Heradit. Epistle of Heraclitus
Epict. Epictetus
Diss. Dissertationes
Epicurus
Ep. Men. Epistula ad Menoeceum
Epiph. Epiphanius
Pan. Panarion
Eur. Euripides
Bacch. Bacchae
Or. Orestes
Phoen. Phoenissae
Eusebius
Hist. eccl. Historia Ecclesiastica
Praep. evang. Praeparatio evangelica

Flacc. Flaccus
Frg. Tg. Fragmentary Targum
 xxi ABBREVIATIONS
Gen. Rab. Genesis Rabbah
Git Gittim
Mor. Moralia Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job
Gos. Pet. Gospel of Peter
Gos. Thom. Gospel of Thomas

Hag. Hagiga
Hdt Herodotus
Herc. Furens Hercules Furens
Herc. Oetaeus Hercules Oetaeus
Herm. Sim. Hermas, Similitudes
Herm. Vis. Hermas, Visions
Hes. Hesiod
Op. Opera et Dies
Theog. Theogonia
Hippol. Hippolytus
Haer. Refutatio Omnium Haeresium
Hul. Hullin

Ign. Ignatius
Eph. Ephesians
Rom. Letter to the Romans
Magn. Letter to the Magnesians
Smym. Letter to the Smyrnaeans
Trail. Letter to the Trallians

Irenaeus
Adv. haer. Adversus haereses
Isoc. Isocrates
Con. Dem. Contra Demosthenem

Jer. Jerome
Comm. in Ezek. Commentariorum in Ezekielem
Comm. in Isa. Commentariorum in Isaiam Prophetam
De vir. ill. De viris illustribus
Jos. Josephus
Ag.Ap. Against Apion
Ant. Antiquities of the Jews
J.W. Jewish War
Jos. Asen. Joseph and Asenath
Jub. Jubilees
Just. Justin Martyr
Dial. Dialogus
Apol. Apologia

I Kgdms I Kingdoms

Lev. Rab. Leviticus Rabbah

Lucr. Lucretius
ABBREVIATIONS xxii
Mafe. Makkot
Marc. Aur. Marcus Aurelius
Medit. Meditationes
Mart. ha. Martyrdom of Isaiah
Man. Pol. Martyrdom of Polycarp
Meg. Megilla
Mek. Mekilta

Ned. Nedarim

Origen
C. Cels. Contra Celsum
De princ. De principiis

Pal. Tg. Palestinian Targum

Paus. Pausanius
Pesiq. R. Pesiqta Rabbati
Pesiq. Rab Kah Pesiqta de Rabbi Kahana
Phil. Polycarp, Letter to the Philippians
Philo Philo Judaeus
Abr. De Abrahamo
Agr. De agricultura
Cher. De Cherubim
Conf. Ling. De confusione linguarum
Dec. De Decalogo
Det. Quod deterius potiori insidiari soleat
Deus Imm. Quod Deus sit immutabilis
Ebr. De ebrietate
Place. In Flaccum
Fug. Defuga et inventions
Gig. De gigantibus
Leg. ad Gaium Legatio ad Gaium
Leg. All. Legum allegoriae
Migr. Abr. De migratione Abrahami
Mutat. De mutatione nominum
Opif. De opificio mundi
Praem. De Praemiis et Poenis
Quaes. Ex. Quaestiones in Exodum
Quis heres Quis rerum divinarum heres sit
Sacr. De sacrificiis Abelis et Caini
Somn. De somniis
Spec. Leg. De specialibus legibus
Virt. De virtutibus
Vit. Cont. De vita contemplativa
Vit. Mos. De vita Mosis
Find. Pindar
01. Olympian Odes
Plato
Ap. Apologia
 xxiii ABBREVIATIONS
Cra. Cratylus
Spin. Epinomis
Phd. Phaedo
Phdr. Phaedrus
Resp. Respublica
Symp. Symposium
Tim. Timaeus
Pliny
Ep. Epistulae
Nat. Hist. Natural History
Plut. Plutarch
Art. Artaxerxes
Cic. Cicero
Cleom. Cleomenes
Defac. De facie in orbe lunae
De Is. et Os. De Iside et Osiride
De tranq. anim. De tranquillitate animi
Luc. Lucullus
Mor. Moralia
Nic. Nicias
Thes. Theseus
Polyb. Polybius
Polycarp
Phil. Letter to the Philippians
Ps. Heracl. P seudo- Heraclitus
Ep. Epistle
Ps.-Philo P seudo- Philo
Bib. Ant. Biblical Antiquities
LAB Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum
Ps.-Phoc. P seudo- Phocylides
Pss. Sol. Psalms of Solomon
Odes Sol. Odes of Solomon

IQapGen 20 Qumran Cave I, Genesis Apocryphon

IQDeutb Qumran Cave I, frags, of Deuteronomy, 2nd copy
IQH Qumran Cave I, Hôdayôt (Thanksgiving Hymns)
IQM Qumran Cave I, War Scroll
IQpHab Qumran Cave I, Pesher on Habakkuk
IQS Qumran Cave I, Serek hayyahad (Rule of the Community, Manual of Discipline) [2h dot]
IQSa Appendix A (Rule of the Congregation) to IQS
2Q18 Qumran Cave 2, frags, of Sirach
2QJer Qumran Cave 2, fragment of Jeremiah
3Q15 Qumran Cave 3, Copper Scroll
4Q174 Qumran Cave 4, collection of verses on the last days
4Q275 Qumran Cave 4, collection of messianic testimonia
4Q270 Qumran Cave 4, Zadokite fragments
4Q186 Qumran Cave 4, Horoscope
4Q491 Qumran Cave 4, War Scroll
ABBREVIATIONS xxiv

4Q521 Qumran Cave 4, 'Messianic Apocalypse

4Q560 Qumran Cave 4, :fragments of Book of Mysteries
4Qxiia Qumran Cave 4, :fragment of Zechariah
4Qxiic Qumran Cave 4, :fragment of Zechariah
4Qxiie Qumran Cave 4, :fragment of Zechariah
4QCanta' b' c Qumran Cave 4, Song of Solomon, Ist-3rd copies
4QDeutj Qumran Cave 4, :frags, of Deuteronomy, 10th copy
4QDeutq Qumran Cave 4, :frags, of Deuteronomy, 17th copy
4QDibHam Qumran Cave 4, 'Words of the Luminaries
4QFlor Qumran Cave 4, Florilegium
4QJer a , b , c Qumran Cave 4, :frags, of Jeremiah
4QMelch Qumran, Cave 4,, Melchizedek text
4QMMT Qumran Cave 4, Miqsat Ma'aseh Torah (Halakic Letter)
4QpIsa a Qumran Cave 4, :frag, of Pesher on Isaiah
4QpJer Qumran Cave 4, Pesher on Jeremiah
4QpNah Qumran Cave 4, Pesher on Nahum
4QPrNab Qumran Cave 4, Prayer of Nabonidus
4QSama, b, c Qumran Cave 4, Samuel, 1st, 2nd, 3rd copies
4QSapA Qumran Cave 4, Sapiential Work A
4QLama Qumran Cave 4, Lamentations, 1st copy
6QCant Qumran Cave 6, Song of Solomon
7Q486 Qumran Cave 6, frag, of Letter of Jeremiah
IIQMelch Qumran Cave II, Melchizedek text
IIQPss Qumran Cave II, Psalms Scroll
IIQTemple Qumran Cave II, Temple Scroll

Rab. Rabbah

abb. Sabbat
Sanh. Sanhedrin
Sem. Semahot
Sen. Seneca
Ben. De beneficiis
Ep. Epistulae
Sib. Or. Sibylline Oracles
Soph. Sophocles
El. Electra
Oed. Rex Oedipus Rex
Strabo
Geog. Geographical Sketches
Suetonius
Dom. Domitian
Vesp. Vespasianus
Sukk. Sukka

T. 12 Pair. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs

Tac. Tacitus
Ann. Annales
Hist. Historia
 XXV ABBREVIATIONS
T. Abr. Testament of Abraham
Tert. Tertullian
Adv. Marc. Adversus Marcionem
An. De anima
Apol. Apologeticus
Scorp. Scorpiace
T. Gad Testament of Gad
Tg. Ps.-J. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
T. Iss. Testament of Issachar
T. Job Testament of Job
T. Judah Testament of Judah
T. Levi Testament of Levi
T. Naph. Testament of Naphtali
tr(s). translation(s), translated (by)

v. versus
Vg Vulgate
VL Vetus Latina

Xen. An. Xenophon, Anabasis

Xen. Mem Xenophon, Memorabilia

y. Jerusalem Talmud
Yad. Yadayim
Yebam. Yebamot
This page intentionally left blank
 I. General Introduction
A. Studying the Bible. 1. People's reasons for studying the literary aspects of the Bible, and many commentaries are
Bible—and therefore for using a biblical commentary—are written with the needs of a literary, rather than a religious,
many and various. The great majority of Bible readers have a readership in mind. We think that those who approach the
religious motivation. They believe that the Bible contains the Bible in such a way will find much in this Commentary to
'words of life', and that to study it is a means of deepening stimulate their interest further.
their understanding of the ways of God. They turn to the Bible
to inform them about how God desires human beings to live, B. Biblical Criticism. 1. The individual authors of commen-
and about what God has done for the human race. They expect taries have been free to treat the biblical books as they see fit,
to be both challenged and helped by what they read, and to and there has been no imposition of a common editorial
gain clearer guidance for living as religious believers. Such perspective. They are, however, united by an approach that
people will use a commentary to help them understand the we have called 'chastened historical criticism'. This is what is
small print of what has been disclosed about the nature and traditionally known as a critical commentary, but the authors
purposes of God. The editors' hope is that those who turn to are aware of recent challenges to what is generally called
the Bible for such religious reasons will find that the biblical biblical criticism and have sought (to a greater or lesser extent)
text is here explained in ways that make it easier to understand to take account of these in their work. Some explanation of
its content and meaning. We envisage that the Commentary these terms is necessary if the reader is to understand what
will be used by pastors preparing sermons, by groups of this book seeks to offer.
people reading the Bible together in study or discussion 2. Biblical criticism, sometimes known as historical criti-
groups, and by anyone who seeks a clearer perspective on a cism of the Bible or as the historical-critical method, is the
text that they hold in reverence as religiously inspiring. Jews, attempt to understand the Bible by setting it in the context of
Catholics, Protestants, and Orthodox Christians have differ- its time of writing, and by asking how it came into existence
ent expectations of the Bible, but we hope that all will find the and what were the purposes of its authors. The term 'histor-
Commentary useful in elucidating the text. ical' is not used because such criticism is necessarily inter-
2. A somewhat smaller group of readers studies the Bible as ested in reconstructing history, though sometimes it may be,
a monument to important movements of religious thought in but because biblical books are being studied as anchored in
the past, whether or not they themselves have any personal their own time, not as freely floating texts which we can read
commitment to the religious systems it represents. One of the as though they were contemporary with us. It starts with the
most striking developments of recent decades has been the acknowledgement that the Bible is an ancient text. However
growth of interest in the Bible by those who have no religious much the questions with which it deals may be of perennial
commitment to it, but for whom it is a highly significant interest to human beings (and perhaps no one would study it
document from the ancient world. Students who take univer- so seriously if they were not), they arose within a particular
sity or college courses in theology or religious or biblical historical (and geographical) setting. Biblical criticism uses all
studies will often wish to understand the origins and meaning available means of access to information about the text and its
of the biblical text so as to gain a clearer insight into the context, in order to discover what it may have meant when it or
beginnings of two major world religions, Judaism and Chris- its component parts were written.
tianity, and into the classic texts that these religions regard as 3. One precondition for a critical understanding of any text
central to their life. We hope that such people will find here is a knowledge of the language in which it is written, and
the kinds of information they need in order to understand this accordingly of what individual words and expressions were
complex and many-faceted work. The one-volume format capable of meaning at the time of the text's composition. The
makes it possible to obtain an overview of the whole Bible critical reader is always on guard against the danger of an-
before going on to use more advanced individual commen- achronism, of reading later meanings of words into their use
taries on particular biblical books. in an earlier period. Frequently, therefore, commentators
3. Finally, there are many Bible readers who are committed draw attention to problems in understanding particular words
neither to a religious quest of their own nor to the study of and phrases, and cite evidence for how such words are used
religion, but who are drawn by the literary quality of much of elsewhere in contemporary texts. A second prerequisite is that
the Bible to want to know more about it. For them it is a major the text itself shall be an accurate version of what the author
classic of Western—indeed, of world—literature, whose in- actually wrote. In the case of any ancient text this is an
fluence on other literature, ancient and modern, requires that extremely difficult thing to ensure, because of the vagaries of
it should be taken seriously and studied in depth. A genera- the transmission of manuscripts down the centuries. Copying
tion ago 'the Bible as literature' was regarded by many stu- by hand always introduces errors into texts, even though
dents of the Bible, especially those with a religious biblical texts were often copied with special care because of
commitment to it, as a somewhat dilettante interest, insuffi- their perceived sacred status. In all the individual commen-
ciently alert to the Bible's spiritual challenge. Nowadays, how- taries here there are discussions of how accurately the original
ever, a great deal of serious scholarly work is being done on text is available to us, and what contribution is made to our
GENERAL INTRODUCTION :
knowledge of this by various manuscripts or ancient transla- practised in the English-speaking world. It is always open to
tions. The art of textual criticism seeks to explain the evolution the critic to argue that a given book is not composite in any
of texts, to understand how they become corrupted (through case and therefore never had a redactor, only an author. Most
miscopying), and how their original form can be rediscovered. scholars probably think this is true of some of the shorter tales
4. In reading any piece of text, ancient or modern, one of the Old Testament, such as Jonah or Ruth, or of many of
needs to be aware of the possibility that it may not be a unity. Paul's epistles. Here too what makes study critical is not a
Some documents in our own day come into existence through commitment to a particular outcome, but a willingness to
the work of several different authors, which someone else engage in the investigation. It is always possible that there is
then edits into a reasonably unified whole: such is the case, simply not enough evidence to resolve the matter, as R. Cog-
for example, with documents produced by committees. In the gins argues in the case of Isaiah. This conclusion does not
ancient world it was not uncommon for books to be produced make such a commentary 'non-critical', but is arrived at by
by joining together, and sometimes even interweaving, sev- carefully sifting the various critical hypotheses that have been
eral already existing shorter texts, which are then referred to as presented by previous scholars. An uncritical commentary
the 'sources' of the resulting single document. In the case of would be one that was unaware of such issues, or unwilling
some books in the Bible it is suspected by scholars that such a to engage with them.
process of production has resulted in the texts as we now have 7. Form and redaction criticism inevitably lead to questions
them. Such hypotheses have been particularly prevalent in the about the social setting of the underlying units that make up
case of the Pentateuch (Genesis—Deuteronomy) and of the biblical books and of the redactors who put them into their
Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and Luke). The attempt finished form. In recent years historical criticism has ex-
to discover the underlying sources is nowadays usually called panded to include a considerable interest in the contribution
'source criticism', though older books sometimes call it 'lit- the social sciences can make to understanding the Bible's
erary criticism' (from German Literarkritik, but confusing in provenance. The backgrounds of the gospels and of Paul's
that 'literary criticism' usually means something else in letters have been studied with a view to discovering more
modern English), or 'higher criticism'—by contrast with about the social context of early Christianity: see, for example,
'lower', that is, textual criticism. It is important to see that the commentary here on i Thessalonians by Philip Esler. In
biblical critics are not committed to believing that this or the study of the Old Testament also much attention has been
that biblical book is in fact the result of the interweaving of directed to questions of social context, and this interest can be
sources (R. N. Whybray's commentary on Genesis in this seen especially in D. L. Smith-Christopher's commentary on
volume argues against such a hypothesis), but only to being Ezra-Nehemiah.
open to the possibility.
5. A further hypothesis that has had a long and fruitful C. Post-Critical Movements. 1. In the last few decades biblical
history in the study of both Testaments is that our present studies has developed in many and varied directions, and has
written texts may rest on materials that were originally trans- thrown up a number of movements that regard themselves as
mitted orally. Before the biblical books were written, the stor- 'post-critical'. Some take critical study of the Bible as a given,
ies or other units of which they are composed may have had an but then seek to move on to ask further questions not part of
independent life, circulating orally and being handed on from the traditional historical-critical enterprise. Others are frankly
parent to child, or in circles where stories were told and retold, hostile to historical criticism, regarding it as misguided or as
such as a 'camp-fire' or a liturgical context. The attempt to outdated. Though the general tone of this commentary con-
isolate and study such underlying oral units is known as form tinues to be critical, most of its contributors believe that these
criticism, and it has been much practised in the case of the newer movements have raised important issues, and have
gospels, the stories in the Pentateuch and in the early histor- contributed materially to the work of biblical study. Hence
ical books of the Old Testament, and the prophetic books. our adoption of a critical stance is 'chastened' by an awareness
Again, by no means all critics think that these books do in that new questions are in the air, and that biblical criticism
fact rest on oral tradition, but all regard the question whether itself is now subject to critical questioning.
or not they do so as important because it is relevant to under- 2. One important style of newer approaches to the Bible
standing their original context. challenges the assumption that critical work should (or can)
6. Where texts are composite, that is, the result of weaving proceed from a position of neutrality. Those who write from
together earlier written or oral sources, it makes sense to feminist and liberationist perspectives often argue that the
investigate the techniques and intentions of those who carried older critical style of study presented itself as studiedly un-
out the weaving. We should now call such people 'editors', but committed to any particular programme: it was simply con-
in biblical studies the technical term 'redactor' tends to be cerned, so its practitioners held, to understand the biblical text
preferred, and this branch of biblical criticism is thus known in its original setting. In fact (so it is now argued) there was
as 'redaction criticism'. Once we know what were a biblical often a deeply conservative agenda at work in biblical criti-
redactor's raw materials—which source and form criticism cism. By distancing the text as the product of an ancient
may be able to disclose to us—we can go on to ask about the culture, critics managed to evade its challenges to themselves,
aims the redactor must have had. Thus we can enquire into and they signally failed to see how subversive of established
the intentions (and hence the thought or the 'theology') of attitudes much of the Bible really was. What is needed, it is
Matthew or Luke, or of the editor of the book of Isaiah. said, is a more engaged style of biblical study in which the
Redaction criticism has been a particular interest in modern agenda is set by the need for human liberation from oppres-
German-speaking biblical study, but it is also still widely sive political forces, whether these constrain the poor or some
 3 GENERAL INTRODUCTION
other particular group such as women. The text must be read ical criticism has alienated it from them and located it in the
not only in its reconstructed 'original' context but also as study rather than in the pulpit or in the devotional context of
relevant to modern concerns: only then will justice be done individual Bible-reading. While this volume assumes the con-
to the fact that it exercises an existential claim upon its read- tinuing validity of historical-critical study, many contributors
ers, and it will cease to be seen as the preserve of the scholar in are alive to this issue, and are anxious not to make imperialis-
his (sic) study. tic claims for historical criticism. Such criticism began, after
3. Such a critique of traditional biblical criticism calls atten- all, in a conviction that the Bible was open to investigation by
tion to some of the unspoken assumptions with which everyone, and was not the preserve of ecclesiastical author-
scholars have sometimes worked, and can have the effect of ities: it appealed to evidence in the text rather than to external
deconstructing conventional commentaries by uncovering sources of validation. It is important that this insight is not lost
their unconscious bias. Many of the commentators in this by starting to treat the Bible as the possession of a different set
volume are aware of such dangers in biblical criticism, and of authorities, namely historical-critical scholars! Canonical
seek to redress the balance by asking about the contribution of approaches emphasize that religious believers are entitled to
the books on which they comment to contemporary concerns. put their own questions to the text, and this must be correct,
They are also more willing than critics have often been to though it would be a disaster if such a conviction were to result
'criticize' the text in the ordinary sense of that word, that is, in the outlawing of historical-critical method in its turn. Con-
to question its assumptions and commitments. This can be tributors to this volume, however, are certainly not interested
seen, for example, in J. Galambush's commentary on Ezekiel, only in the genesis of the biblical books but are also concerned
where misogynist tendencies are identified in the text. to delineate their overall religious content, and to show how
4. A second recent development has been an interest in one book relates to others within the canon of Scripture.
literary aspects of the biblical texts. Where much biblical 6. Thus the historical-critical approach may be chastened by
criticism has been concerned with underlying strata and their an awareness that its sphere of operations, though vital, is not
combination to make the finished books we now have, some exhaustive, and that other questions too may reasonably be on
students of the Bible have come to think that such 'excavative' the agenda of students of the Bible. In particular, a concern for
work (to use a phrase of Robert Alter's) is at best only pre- the finished form of biblical books, however that came into
paratory to a reading of the texts as finished wholes, at worst a existence, unites both literary and canonical approaches. Few
distraction from a proper appreciation of them as great litera- scholars nowadays believe that they have finished their work
ture just as they stand. The narrative books in particular (the when they have given an account of how a given book came
Pentateuch and 'historical' books of the Old Testament, the into being: the total effect (literary and theological) made by
gospels and Acts in the New) have come to be interpreted by the final form is also an important question. The contributors
means of a 'narrative criticism', akin to much close reading of to this volume seek to engage with it.
modern novels and other narrative texts, which is alert to
complex literary structure and to such elements as plot, char- D. The Biblical Canon. 1. Among the various religious groups
acterization, and closure. It is argued that at the very least that recognize the Bible as authoritative there are some differ-
readers of the Bible ought to be aware of such issues as well as ences of opinion about precisely which books it should con-
those of the genesis and formation of the text, and many tain. In the case of the New Testament all Christians share a
would contend, indeed, that they are actually of considerably common list, though in the centuries of the Christian era a
more importance for a fruitful appropriation of biblical texts few other books were sometimes included (notably The Shep-
than is the classic agenda of critical study. Many of the com- herd of Hermas, which appears in some major New Testa-
mentaries in this volume (such as those on Matthew and ment manuscripts), and some of those now in the canon were
Philippians) show an awareness of such aesthetic issues in at times regarded as of doubtful status (e.g. Hebrews, Revela-
reading the Bible, and claim that the books they study are tion, 2 and 3 John, 2 Peter, and Jude). The extent of the Old
literary texts to be read alongside other great works of world Testament varies much more seriously. Protestants and Jews
literature. This interest in things literary is related to the alike accept only the books now extant in Hebrew as fully
growing interest in the Bible by people who do not go to it authoritative, but Catholics and Orthodox Christians recog-
for religious illumination so much as for its character as nize a longer canon: on this, see the Introduction to the Old
classic literature, and it is a trend that seems likely to continue. Testament. The Ethiopic and Coptic churches accept also
5. Thirdly, there is now a large body of work in biblical Enoch and Jubilees, as well as having minor variations in the
studies arguing that traditional biblical criticism paid insuffi- other books of the Old Testament.
cient attention not only to literary but also to theological 2. In this Commentary we have included all the books that
features of the text. Here the interest in establishing the text's appear in the NRSV—that is, all the books recognized as
original context and meaning is felt to be essentially an anti- canonical in any of the Western churches (both Catholic and
quarian interest, which gives a position of privilege to 'what Protestant) and in the Greek and Russian Orthodox churches
the text meant' over 'what the text means'. One important and those in communion with them. We have not included
representative of this point of view is the 'canonical approach', the books found only in the Ethiopic or Coptic canons, though
sometimes also known as 'canonical criticism', in which bib- some extracts appear in the article Essay with Commentary
lical interpreters ask not about the origins of biblical books but on Post-Biblical Jewish Literature.
about their integration into Scripture taken as a finished 3. It is important to see that it is only at the periphery that
whole. This is part of an attempt to reclaim the Bible for the biblical canon is blurred. There is a great core of central
religious believers, on the hypothesis that traditional histor- books whose status has never been seriously in doubt: the
GENERAL INTRODUCTION 4
Pentateuch and Prophets in the Old Testament, the gospels that diverts the attention of the reader from the natural flow of
and major Pauline epistles in the New. Few of the deutero- the text. The paragraph or longer section, so it is argued, is the
canonical books of the Old Testament have ever been of major real unit of thought, not the verse. However, certain commen-
importance to Christians—a possible exception is the Wis- tators commenting on certain texts would still defend the
dom of Solomon, so well respected that it was occasionally traditional approach, since they claim that readers chiefly
regarded by early Christians as a New Testament book. There need to be provided with background information necessary
is nowadays comparatively little discussion among different to the proper historical interpretation of the text, rather than a
kinds of Christian about the correct extent of the biblical more discursive exposition which they could work out for
canon (which at the Reformation was a major area of disagree- themselves. Examples of both the older and newer methods
ment), and our intention has been to cover most of the books are to be found in the commentaries below. But even when a
regarded as canonical in major churches without expressing particular commentator offers observations on individual
any opinion about whether or not they should have canonical verses, we would recommend readers to read the whole para-
status. graph or section and not just the comment on the verse that
interests them, so as to gain a more rounded picture. And to
E. How to Use this Commentary. 1. A commentary is an aid encourage this we have not peppered the page with indica-
towards informed reading of a text, and not a substitute for it. tions of new verses in capitals (Vi) or bold type (v.i), but mark
The contributors to this volume have written on the assump- the start of a new comment less obtrusively in lower case (v.i,).
tion that the Bible is open before the reader all the while, 6. The one-volume Bible commentary, as this genre devel-
whether in hard copy or electronic form. The NRSV is the oped through the twentieth century, aimed to put into the
normal or 'default' version. When other versions or the com- hands of readers everything they needed for the study of the
mentator's own renderings are preferred this is indicated; biblical text. Alongside commentaries on the individual
often this is because some nuance in the original has been books, it often included a host of general articles ranging
lost in the NRSV (no translation can do full justice to all the from 'Biblical Weights and Measures' to 'The Doctrine of the
possible meanings of a text in another language) or because Person of Christ'. In effect, it tried to be a Commentary, Bible
some ambiguity (and these abound in the text of the Bible) has Dictionary, Introduction (in the technical sense, i.e. an analy-
been resolved in a way that differs from the judgement of the sis of evidence for date, authorship, sources, etc.) and Biblical
commentator. Theology all rolled into one. But it is no longer possible, given
2. The NRSV is the latest in a long line of translations that the sheer bulk and variety of modern scholarship, even to
go back to the version authorized by King James I of England attempt this multipurpose approach: nor indeed is it desirable
in 1611. It is increasingly recognized as the most suitable for since it distracts attention from the proper task of a commen-
the purposes of serious study, because it is based on the best tary which is the elucidation of the text itself. Readers who
available critical editions of the original texts, because it has no need more background information on a particular issue are
particular confessional allegiance, and because it holds the recommended to consult The Oxford Companion to the Bible or
balance between accuracy and intelligibility, avoiding para- the six volumes of The Anchor Bible Dictionary (ed. D. N.
phrase on the one hand and literalism on the other. But Freedman, New York: Doubleday, 1992), though older bible
comparison between different English translations, particu- dictionaries may be used instead: the basic factual informa-
larly for the reader who does not know Hebrew or Greek, is tion they contain remains largely reliable and relatively stable
often instructive and serves as a reminder that any translation over time.
is itself already an interpretation. 7. Each article concludes with a bibliography of works cited.
3. The Oxford Annotated Bible, based on the NRSV, is par- But in addition at the end of the volume there is an aggregated
ticularly useful for those who wish to gain a quick overview of bibliography that points the reader towards the most import-
the larger context before consulting this Commentary on a ant specialist works in English on the separate books of the
particular passage of special interest. It is useful in another Bible, and also major reference works, introductions, theolo-
way too: its introductions and notes represent a moderate gies, and so forth.
consensus in contemporary biblical scholarship with which 8. The contributors to The Oxford Bible Commentary—and
the often more innovative views of the contributors to this this will probably apply to its users as well—belong to differ-
Commentary may be measured. ent faith traditions or none. They have brought to their task a
4. When a commentator wishes to draw attention to a variety of methods and perspectives, and this lends richness
passage or parallel in the Bible, the standard NRSV abbrevia- and depth to the work as a whole. But it also creates problems
tions apply. But when the reference is to a fuller discussion in coming to an agreed common terminology. As we have
to be found in the Commentary itself, small capitals are noted already, the definition of what is to be included in the
used. Thus (cf Gen 1:1) signifies the biblical text, while GEN Bible, the extent of the canon, is disputed. Further, should we
1:1 refers to the commentary on it. In the same way GEN A etc. refer to the Old and New Testaments, or to the scriptures of
refers to the introductory paragraphs of the article on Genesis. Israel and of early Christianity; to the Apocrypha or the deu-
The conventions for transliteration of the biblical languages tero-canonical literature? How should dates be indicated, with
into the English alphabet are the same as those used by EC and AD in the traditional manner or with BCE and CE in
The Oxford Companion to the Bible (ed. B. M. Metzger and reference to the Common Era? The usages we have actually
M. Coogan, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). adopted should be understood as simple conventions, without
5. The traditional kind of verse-by-verse commentary has in prejudice to the serious issues that underlie these differences.
recent times come under attack as a 'disintegrating' approach A particular problem of a similar kind was whether or not to
 5 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD TESTAMENT
offer some assistance with a welter of texts, dating from the properly be studied separately, but, both as historical and
late biblical period up to 200 CE, which, while not biblical on theological documents, may also be read profitably 'in synop-
any definition, are nevertheless relevant to the serious study of sis'. No attempt has been made by the editors to make these
the Bible: these are the Dead Sea scrolls, the Old Testament additional articles that group certain texts together entirely
pseudepigrapha, and the apocryphal New Testament. The consistent with the individual commentaries on them, for the
compromise solution we have reached is to offer not exactly differences are entirely legitimate. The index of subjects at the
commentary, but two more summarizing articles on this end of the volume relates only to this introductory material
literature (chs. 55 and 82) which, however, still focus on the and not to the commentaries themselves. To locate discus-
texts themselves in a way consistent with the commentary sions of biblical characters, places, ideas etc. the reader is
format. Some readers may wish to distinguish sharply be- recommended to consult a concordance first and then to
tween the status of this material and that in the Bible; others look up the commentary on the passages where the key words
will see it as merging into the latter. occur.
9. In addition to the overall introductions to the three main The Bible is a vast treasury of prose and poetry, of history
subdivisions of the commentary, there are other articles that and folklore, of spirituality and ethics; it has inspired great art
attempt to approach certain texts not individually but as sets. and architecture, literature and music down the centuries. It
The Pentateuch or Five Books of Moses functions not only invites the reader into its own ancient and mysterious world,
doctrinally but also in terms of its literary history as one five- and yet at the same time can often surprise us by its contem-
part work. Similarly, the letters of Paul were once a distinct porary relevance. It deserves and repays all the efforts of
corpus of writings before they were expanded and added to the critical and attentive reading which the Oxford Bible Commen-
growing canon of the New Testament. The four gospels may tary is designed to assist.

2. Introduction to the Old Testament J O H N BARTON

A. The Old Testament Canon. 1. 'The Old Testament' is the than of the Orthodox church. For a comparison of the Hebrew
term traditionally used by Christians and others to refer to and Greek canons, see the chart at i.
the Holy Scriptures of Judaism, which the Church inherited 3. How did this situation arise? There are many theories
as part of its Jewish origins and eventually came to see as a about the origins of the various canons, but one which is
portion of its own composite Bible, whose other main section widely accepted is as follows. By the beginning of the Com-
is the New Testament. The early Church recognized as Old mon Era, most if not all of the books now in the HB were
Testament Scripture both those books which now form the already regarded as sacred Scripture by most Jews. Many,
Hebrew Scriptures accepted as authoritative by Jews, and a however, especially in Greek-speaking areas such as Egypt,
number of other books, some of them originally written in also had a high regard for other books, including what are now
Hebrew but now (with a few exceptions) found only in Greek the deuterocanonical or apocryphal books, along with others
and other, later, translations. Since the Reformation, the Heb- which are no longer in any Bible. The early Christian church,
rew Scriptures alone are recognized as part of the Bible by which was predominantly Greek-speaking, tended to accept
Protestants, but Catholic and Orthodox Christians continue to this wider canon of books. In due course, mainstream Juda-
acknowledge also these 'Greek' books—sometimes called the ism decided to canonize only the books extant in Hebrew, but
'deuterocanonical' books—which are referred to as 'The Apoc- the Christian churches continued to operate with a wider
rypha' in Protestantism. In this commentary all the books canon. Certain Church Fathers, notably Melito of Sardis
recognized by any Christian church have been included, just (died c.igo CE) and Jerome (£.345—420) proposed that the
as they are in the NRSV, but (again as in the NRSV) we have church should exclude the deuterocanonical books, but this
followed the Protestant and Jewish custom of separating the proposal was not accepted. It was only at the Reformation in
Apocrypha from the Hebrew Scriptures. the sixteenth century that Jerome's suggestion was recon-
2. The official list of books accepted as part of Scripture is sidered, and Protestants opted for the shorter, Jewish canon of
known as the 'canon', and there are thus at least two different the Hebrew Scriptures as their OT. The Catholic Church
canons of the OT: the Hebrew Scriptures (for which Jews do continued to use the longer canon, and the Orthodox
not use the title 'Old Testament'), and the OT of the early churches were unaffected by the Reformation in any case.
church, which contained all the Hebrew Scriptures together Some Protestants, notably Lutherans and Anglicans, treated
with the deuterocanonical/apocryphal books. This second whatthey now called the Apocrypha as having a sub-scriptural
canon has in turn been received in a slightly different form status, but Calvinists and other Protestants rejected it entirely.
in the Catholic and Orthodox churches, so that there are a few (See Sundberg 1964; 1968; Anderson 1970; Barton 1986;
books in the Orthodox canon which do not appear in the 19970; 1997/7; Beckwith 1985; Davies 1998.)
Catholic Bible (e.g. 3 Maccabees, Ps 151) and one book (2 4. Since we have included a separate Introduction to the
Esdras) which is often found in Catholic Bibles but is not Apocrypha in this Commentary, little more will be said about
extant in Greek and therefore not canonical in the Orthodox these deuterocanonical books here. But it is important to
churches. The Protestant Apocrypha has traditionally in- grasp that the term 'Old Testament' does not identify a
cluded the deuterocanonical books of the Catholic rather corpus of books so simply as does the corresponding 'New
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD T E S T A M E N T 6'
Testament', since different Christians include different books C. Writing the Hebrew Scriptures. 1. People often think of the
within it. 'Hebrew Bible' or 'Hebrew Scriptures' is unambigu- books of the Bible as each having an author. This was normal
ous and is nowadays often preferred to 'Old Testament', but in ancient times, too: Jews and Christians thought that the
it cannot be used to refer to the longer OT of the ancient 'books of Moses' were written by Moses, the 'books of Samuel'
church. by Samuel, the Psalms by David, the Proverbs by Solomon,
and each of the prophetic books by the prophet whose name
B. Collecting the Hebrew Scriptures. 1. If the Hebrew Scrip- the book bears. This raises obvious historical problems—for
tures were complete by the beginning of the Common Era, example, Moses and Samuel then have to be seen as having
that does not mean that the collection was new at that time. recorded the details of their own deaths! But modern study
Many of the OT books were recognized as authoritative long has made it clear that many of the books of the OT are the
before the first century BCE. The Pentateuch, or five books of product not of a single author but of several generations of
Moses (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteron- writers, each reworking the text produced by his predecessors.
omy), probably existed in something like its present form by Furthermore, some material in the biblical books may not
the fourth century BCE, and the historical and prophetic books have originated in written form at all, but may derive from
(Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, oral tradition. In their finished form most of the books are the
and the twelve Minor—i.e. shorter—prophets) may well product of redactors—editors who (more or less successfully)
have been compiled no later than the third century BCE. The smoothed out the texts that had reached them to make the
Jewish arrangement of the Hebrew Scriptures recognizes books as we now have them.
these two collections, which it calls respectively 'the Torah' 2. Modern scholarship recognizes important collections of
and 'the Prophets', as having a certain special prestige above material in the OT that are not coterminous with the books in
that of 'the Writings', which is the Hebrew title for the third their present form. In the Pentateuch, for example, it is widely
collection in the canon, consisting of other miscellaneous believed that earlier sources can be distinguished. These
works (Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Daniel, Chronicles, Ezra, sources ran in parallel throughout what are now the five
Nehemiah, and the five scrolls read at festivals, Esther, Ruth, books, in particular an early (pre-exilic) strand called '}' which
Song of Songs, Lamentations, and Ecclesiastes). This may is to be found throughout Genesis-Numbers, and 'P', a prod-
well be because the Writings were formed rather later, per- uct of priestly writers after the Exile, which is now inter-
haps not until the first century BCE—indeed, some of the woven with J to form the present form of these books (see
books contained in them, notably Daniel, are themselves INTROD. PENT.). Scholarship has also pointed to the existence
much later than most of the books in the Torah and Prophets, of originally longer works which have been broken up to make
and so did not exist to be collected until that later time. the books as they now stand. An example is the so-called
2. In the Greek Bible, followed by the traditional, pre- Deuteronomistic History, supposed by many to have been
Reformation Christian canon, this division into three collec- compiled during the Exile and to have comprised what are
tions is not followed, but a roughly thematic arrangement is now the books of Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and
preferred, with all the 'historical' books at the beginning, the Kings, with points of division falling elsewhere than at the
'wisdom' or teaching books such as Proverbs in the middle, present limits of the books. The Psalter has clear evidence of
and the prophetic books (including Daniel) at the end. This the existence of earlier, shorter collections, such as the Psalms
produces what looks like a more rational arrangement, but it of Asaph and the Psalms of the sons of Korah, which were
may obscure the process of canonization to which the Hebrew partly broken up to make the book of Psalms as we now have
arrangement is a more effective witness. This commentary it. The book of Isaiah seems likely to have consisted originally
follows the traditional Protestant arrangement, which adopts of at least three lengthy blocks of material, chs. 1-39, 40-55,
the order of books in the Greek Bible but extracts the deutero- and 56-66, which have been brought together under the
canonical books and groups them into the separate Apocry- name of the great prophet.
pha. The different arrangements can be seen in the chart at i. 3. Underlying these longer works there were legends, tales,
3. The collection of scriptural texts was probably under- prophetic oracles, wise sayings, and other traditions which
taken by learned scribes, the forerunners of the people de- may once have existed without any larger context, and circu-
scribed as 'scribes' in the NT. But it should not be thought of as lated orally in particular areas of Israel. The stories of the
a conscious process of selection. On the whole the HB prob- patriarchs in Genesis, for instance, may go back to individual
ably contains most of what had survived of the writings of hero-tales which originally had only a local importance, but
ancient Israel, together with more recent books which had which later writers have incorporated into cycles of stories
commended themselves widely. Growth, rather than selec- purporting to give information about the ancestors of the
tion, was the operative factor. Specific Jewish communities, whole Israelite people. Individual proverbs may have origin-
such as that which produced the Dead Sea scrolls, may have ated in the life of this or that Israelite village, only much later
worked with a larger corpus of texts, but there too the texts we collected together to form the book of Proverbs. Prophets
now know as biblical had pride of place. There is no evidence taught small groups of disciples about matters of immediate
of disputes about the contents of the Bible until some time concern, but later their words were grouped together by
into the Common Era: in earlier times, it seems, old books theme and applied to the history of the whole nation and its
were venerated and not questioned. Even where one book was future.
clearly incompatible with another, as is the case with Kings 4. Thus the process which gave us the OT is almost infin-
and Chronicles, both were allowed to stand unreconciled itely complicated. Recently, however, literary critics have be-
within the one canon. gun to argue that alongside much anonymous, reworked
 7 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD TESTAMENT
material, there are also books and sections of books which do many grammatical variations. In some cases these may be
betray the presence of genuinely creative writers: the popular due to the use of dialect forms, though this is not certain.
idea of biblical 'authors', that is, is not always wide of the Some scholars believe that the oldest parts of the OT, such as
mark. The story of David's court in 2 Samuel and i Kings, the Song of Deborah in Judg 5, preserve an archaic form of the
for example, is now widely regarded as the work of a literary language. (See Saenz-Badillos 1993.)
genius, and similar claims have been made for other narrative
parts of the OT, including segments of the Pentateuch. This E. The Text. 1. Until the discovery of the Dead Sea scrolls,
Commentary tries to maintain a balance between continuing which include at least portions of every biblical book except
to hold that most OT books came about as the result of a Esther, scholars were dependent on Hebrew MSS no earlier
process stretching over several generations, and a willingness than the ninth century CE. The three most important are the
to recognize literary artistry and skilful writing where it can be Cairo Codex (of the Prophets only), written in 896 CE; the
found. The general trend in OT study at present is towards a Aleppo Codex (£.930 CE), unfortunately damaged by fire in
greater interest in the present form of the text and away from 1947; and the Leningrad Codex, dated 1009 CE. The latter is a
an exclusive concentration on the raw materials from which it complete text of the whole HB, and has become the standard
may have been assembled. This present form is often more text which modern printed Bibles take as their basis.
coherent than an older generation of critics was willing to 2. In general terms the Dead Sea discoveries have con-
accept, even though evidence of reworked older material often firmed the accuracy with which the Leningrad Codex has
remains apparent. (See Rendtorff 1985; Smend 1981.) transmitted the Hebrew text. Although there are innumerable
differences in detail, the Dead Sea MSS, though one thousand
D. Language. 1. The original language of the OT is predom- years older, do not show major deviations from the text as we
inantly Hebrew, though there are a few sections in Aramaic know it. The HB was transmitted from the beginning of the
(Ezra 4:8—6:18,7:12—26; Dan 2:4—7:28). Aramaic and Hebrew Common Era by schools of scribes, the most important of
are related, but not mutually comprehensible, languages be- whom are the Masoretes, who worked from 500 to 1000 CE;
longing to the Semitic family, which also includes Arabic, and their claims to have transmitted the Hebrew text with
Ethiopic, and the ancient language Akkadian. Aramaic was great faithfulness is on the whole confirmed by the evidence
more important historically, since it was the lingua franca of from the Dead Sea. One of their tasks was to record the
the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian empires, whereas traditional pronunciation of biblical Hebrew, by then a dead
Hebrew is simply the language of Palestine, closely related to language, by adding pointing, that is, signs indicating vowels,
the tongues of Israel's neighbours, Moab, Edom, and Ammon. to the basic Hebrew text (see D. 2). The Masoretes set them-
2. Hebrew and Aramaic, like some other Semitic lan- selves the task, almost impossible to imagine in an age before
guages, were originally written without vowels. In any lan- computers, of recording every detail of the text: they compiled
guage written with an alphabet more information is provided lists of unusual spellings, the frequency with which particular
in the writing-system than is actually needed to make sense words or combinations of words occurred, and even obvious
of most words: for example, if we wrote Th Hbrw Ingg' no- errors in the text. Their work can be seen in the margins and at
one would have any difficulty in understanding this as 'the the top and bottom of the text in a printed HB, in the form of
Hebrew language', especially if they were helped by the con- many tiny comments, written in unpointed Aramaic. Their
text. So long as Hebrew was a living language, this caused few object was not to improve or emend the text they had received,
problems. Although some words might be ambiguous, the but to preserve it accurately in every detail, and they succeeded
context would usually determine which was meant. Modern to an astonishing extent. The student of the Bible can have
Hebrew is usually written without vowels, too, and this sel- confidence that the text translated by modern versions such as
dom causes difficulties for readers. Once biblical Hebrew the NRSV rests on a faithful tradition going back to NT times.
became a 'learned' language and passed out of daily use, 3. This of course is not to say that that the text was preserved
however, systems of vowel points—dots and dashes above with equal faithfulness between NT times and the times of the
and below the consonant letters—were devised to help the original authors. The work of the Masoretes, together with the
reader, and the system now used in printed Bibles is the work evidence of the Dead Sea scrolls, ensures that we can feel
of the Masoretes (see E.2). The unpointed text continues in confident of knowing in general terms what text of Isaiah
use today in the scrolls of the Torah read in synagogue wor- was current in the time of Jesus. That does not mean that we
ship. can know what version of Isaiah was current in the days of the
3. Most scholars think that two phases in the development prophet Isaiah himself. Here we are dependent on conjecture,
of Hebrew can be found in the pages of the OT: a classical and the reconstruction of the original text, in the literal sense
Hebrew which prevailed until some time after the Exile, and a of'original', is beyond our powers. What we can say is that the
later Hebrew, first attested in Ezekiel and P, which develops HB we possess today is the HB that was known to Jews and
through Ecclesiastes and Chronicles in the direction of later Christians in the first centuries of our era, carefully preserved
Mishnaic Hebrew—the learned language of Jews from about even where it does not make sense (which is occasionally the
the first century CE onwards, by which time Aramaic had case)! (See Weingreen 1982; Wurthwein 1979; Talmon 1970.)
become the everyday tongue. However, this is disputed, and
anyone who acquires classical Hebrew can read any biblical F. Ancient Translations of the Old Testament. 1. By the end of
book without difficulty. As in many languages, there are wide the Second Temple period (4th-2nd cents. BCE) there were
differences between the Hebrew of prose narrative and that substantial communities of Jews who no longer had Hebrew
used in verse, where there is often a special vocabulary and as their first language, certainly outside the land of Palestine
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD T E S T A M E N T 8
and perhaps even inside it. For many, Aramaic had become gested by looking briefly at some of the genres of literature to
the everyday tongue, and all around the Mediterranean Greek be found there.
became the lingua franca in the aftermath of the conquests of 2. Narrative. More than half the OT consists of narrative,
Alexander the Great (d. 323 BCE). Aramaic paraphrases of the that is, the consecutive description of events set in the past. It
HB began to be compiled, for use in the liturgy, where read- is hard to distinguish between what we might call history,
ings in Hebrew would be followed by an Aramaic translation, legend, saga, myth, folktale, or fiction. There are passages in
or Targum. Initially Targums were apparently improvised, the books of Kings which seem to be excerpts from official
and there was a dislike of writing them down for fear they documents and thus approach close to something we might
might come to seem like Holy Scripture themselves. But later recognize as history. At the other end of the spectrum there
they were collected in writing, and a number have survived to are at least three stories—Jonah, Ruth, and Esther—which
this day. from our perspective are probably fiction, since they rest on no
2. Various Greek versions of the Bible were also made. A historically true data at all. Then there are a lot of stories that
legend says that the initiator of Greek translations was Pto- seem to lie between these two extremes: the stories about the
lemy Philadelphus of Egypt (285—247 BCE), who ordered that a creation, the first human beings, and the ancestors of the
translation of the Torah should be made so that he could know Israelites in Genesis, the early history of Israel from Exodus
under what laws his Jewish subjects lived. According to the through into the books of Samuel, tales about early prophets
legend, seventy-two scholars worked on the project for sev- such as Elijah and Elisha, an account of the court of David
enty-two days: hence their work came to be known as the which is almost novelistic, and the retellings of older stories in
Septuagint (meaning 'seventy', traditionally abbreviated the books of Chronicles, as well as a very small amount of first-
LXX). The truth is probably more prosaic, but the third cen- person narration in Ezra and Nehemiah. But the OT itself
tury remains the period when Greek translations of the Torah shows no awareness of any differences or gradations within
began to be made, followed by versions of other books too. this range of material, but records it all in the same steady and
Later translators set about correcting the LXX versions, neutral style as if it were all much on a level. Sometimes God
among them Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion (see Sal- or an angel makes regular appearances in the narrative, as in
vesen 1991). About six different translators can be detected in Genesis and Judges, sometimes events are recorded without
the LXX itself. The version is in general faithful to the Hebrew, overt reference to divine causation, as in 2 Samuel; but the OT
and far less of a paraphrase than the Aramaic Targums. Quite itself does not draw attention to the difference, and we cannot
often the LXX seems to be a translation of a different Hebrew assume that the writers saw any distinction between 'sacred'
original from the one that has come down to us, and in some and 'secular' history. (See Barr 1980.)
books, notably Jeremiah, it is obvious that the translators were 3. Law. Within the narrative framework of the Pentateuch
dealing with a quite different (in this case, shorter) version of we find several collections of laws, such as the so-called Book
the book. Any quest for an 'original' text of Jeremiah under- of the Covenant (Ex 21-4), the Holiness Code (Lev 17-26), and
lying the MT therefore has to treat the evidence of the LXX the Deuteronomic legislation (Deut 12-26). In fact the whole
very seriously. of Leviticus and large parts of Exodus and Numbers contain
3. In the early church Greek was at first the commonest legal material, and from the perspective of the redactors of the
language, and the LXX has come down to us largely becaus Pentateuch the giving of the law is the main purpose of
it was preserved in Christian hands. Its divergent ordering Israel's sojourn at Sinai. At the heart of the law lie the Ten
of the books, as well as its inclusion of more books than Commandments (Ex 20, Deut 5), and the rest of the legisla-
the Hebrew Scriptures, came to be regarded as distinctively tion is presented as a detailed exposition of the principles the
Christian features, even though in origin it is plainly a Jewish Commandments enshrine.
work. Once Latin displaced Greek as the language of the 4. From a historical point of view the laws in the Pentateuch
Western church the need was felt for a further translation have much in common with the laws of other nations in the
into Latin, and various Old Latin M S S have survived, along- ancient Near East, such as the famous Code of Hammurabi.
side the evidence of biblical quotations in Christian writers But they also differ from them in striking ways—e.g. in a
who used Latin. The Old Latin versions are translations from higher valuation of human life, much more interest in regu-
the Greek and thus stand at two removes from the Hebrew lations concerning worship, and a greater tendency to lay
text. In the fifth century CE Jerome made a complete Latin down general principles. As presented in the Pentateuch,
version of the whole Bible from the original languages. This however, the laws are understood as the foundation of the
translation, which came to be known as the Vulgate, became highly distinctive relationship of Israel with its god, YHWH.
the official Bible of the Western church until the Reformation, They are the terms of the solemn agreement, or 'covenant',
and continues to enjoy a high prestige in the Catholic church. made between YHWH and the people through the mediation
Naturally both the Greek and Latin Bibles, like the Hebrew, of Moses. The idea of a legislative framework which regulates
have come down to us in a range of different MSS, and the the relation between a god and his people was unusual in the
quest for 'the original LXX' is no easier than that for the ancient world. It led in post-biblical times to the idea of Torah,
original HB. (See Roberts 1951.) a complete ethical code covering all aspects of life as lived
before God, which would become the foundation-stone of
G. Contents of the Old Testament. 1. The OT contains a huge later Judaism. This tendency can already be discerned in
variety of material, much wider than the contents of the NT, Deuteronomy, where the laws are not just to be enacted and
embracing every aspect of the social and political life of an- observed jurisprudentially but are also to be a subject for
cient Israel and post-exilic Judaism. The variety can be sug- constant meditation and delight. (See Noth 1966.)
 9 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD TESTAMENT
5. Hymns and Psalms. The Psalms have sometimes been stories about the prophet that would not be out of place in
described as the hymnbook of the temple, though since they Kings, and perhaps conies from the same school of writers.
are hard to date there is no agreement as to whether they are 8. Sometimes the prophets relate visions and their divine
best seen as the hymnbook of Solomon's Temple or of the interpretations, and towards the end of the OT period this
Second Temple, built after the Exile. We do not know which became the normal way of conveying divine revelation, in the
psalms were intended for public liturgical and which for form usually called 'apocalyptic'. Daniel is the only book in
private prayer—indeed, that distinction may be a false one the HB generally called apocalyptic, but later portions of the
in ancient Israel. There have been many theories about the prophetic books show developments in this direction and are
use of the Psalms in worship, but all are highly speculative. sometimes referred to as proto-apocalyptic. Prime candidates
What can be said is that Israel clearly had a tradition of writing for this description are Isa 24—7, Joel, and Zech 9—14. (See
sophisticated religious poems, and that this continued over a Blenkinsopp 1984.)
long period: Ps 29, for example, seems to be modelled on a
Canaanite psalm and must therefore have originated in early H. Themes of the Old Testament. 1. Despite its variety, the OT is
pre-exilic times, while Ps 119 reflects a piety based on medita- a document from a religious tradition that retained, over time,
tion on the Torah, and is generally dated in the late post-exilic certain characteristic features. These can be introduced here
period. Psalms can also be found outside the Psalter itself, for only in the most sketchy outline, but it may be helpful to the
example in Ex 15, i Sam 2, and Jon 2. (See Gillingham 1994.) reader to be aware of four interlocking themes.
6. Wisdom. There are at least three kinds of wisdom litera- 2. Creation and Monotheism. YHWH is consistently pre-
ture in the OT The book of Proverbs preserves many sayings sented throughout the OT as the God who created the world,
and aphorisms which draw moral and practical conclusions and as the only God with whom Israel is to be concerned.
from aspects of daily life. These may in some cases have Older strands of thought do not yet treat him as the only God
originated in the life of the Israelite village, in others in the there is (strict monotheism), a development generally thought
royal court, but all have been gathered together to form the to have taken place around the time of the Exile. But it is never
great collection of sayings that runs from Prov 10 to 30. A envisaged that any other god is a proper object of worship for
second kind of wisdom is more speculative in character, con- Israelites. There are occasional survivals of a polytheistic sys-
cerned with theological and cosmological questions, as seen tem—e.g. in Ps 82—but no extended text in the OT speaks of
e.g. in Prov 8:22—36. Frequently in such passages Wisdom is the actions of gods other than YHWH as real or other than
itself personified as a kind of goddess, and the writer specu- purported. The OT presents much of the life of the pre-exilic
lates on the involvement of this being in the creation of the period as one of warfare between YHWH and the gods of
world and on its/her relationship to YHWH. Thirdly, we find Canaan for Israel's allegiance. We know that as a matter of
what is sometimes called mantic wisdom, which draws on historical fact many people were far from being monotheistic
ancient Near-Eastern traditions about the interpretation of in their religious practice in this period. But all our texts imply
dreams and portents to gain insight into the future, and this or affirm that for Israel there can in the end be only YHWH.
is manifested by Joseph in Genesis, and in the book of Daniel. 3. Alongside the majestic account of creation in Gen i,
Two books, Job and Ecclesiastes, seem to reflect on deficien- where God creates by mere diktat, the OT is familiar with
cies within the traditions of wisdom, and argue for a generally older creation stories in which creation was accomplished
sceptical and non-committal attitude towards the mysteries of when the chief god killed a dragon and made the world out
life. They are part of a general tendency towards greater of its body (see Ps 74, Job 3)—a pattern of thought widespread
pessimism about human capabilities of reason and under- in the ancient Near East. However, this theme seems to be
standing, characteristic of post-exilic Jewish thought. (See used in a literary way, rather than reflecting a genuine belief of
Crenshaw 1981.) the authors—much as English poets in the past might con-
7. Prophecy. 'Prophecy', like 'wisdom', is something of a ventionally invoke the Muses though they did not believe
catch-all term covering a wide diversity of material. Its basic these beings actually existed. Jews and Christians alike have
form is the oracle: a (usually) short, pithy saying in which the seen the Hebrew Scriptures as important, among other rea-
prophet either denounces some current evil, or predicts what sons, because they affirm the oneness of God and his absolute
YHWH will do in the immediate future as a response to power over the creation, and in this they have correctly cap-
human conduct. One of the difficulties of studying the proph- tured a theme which is of central importance in the Bible
etic books is that these oracles are often arranged in an itself. It finds its most eloquent expression in the oracles of
order which reflects the interests of the editors, rather than Deutero-Isaiah, as the author of Isa 40-55 is known: see
registering the chronological sequence of what the prophet especially Isa 40:12—26. (See Theissen 1984; Whybray 1983.)
himself said. The matter is complicated further by the inser- 4. Covenant and Redemption. It is a central point in many
tion of many non-authentic oracles, representing perhaps OT texts that the creator God YHWH is also in some sense
what later writers thought the prophet might or would have Israel's special god, who at some point in history entered into
said in later historical situations, had he still been alive and a relationship with his people that had something of the
able to do so. It is probably in the prophetic books that the nature of a contract. Classically this contract or covenant was
concept of authorship breaks down most completely. Many entered into at Sinai, and Moses was its mediator. As we saw
prophetic books also contain brief narratives and biographical above, the laws in the Pentateuch are presented as the terms of
details about the prophet whose name they bear. Sometimes the contract between YHWH and his people. Acting in accord-
these are indistinguishable in style and approach from narra- ance with his special commitment to Israel, YHWH is
tives in the 'historical' books—e.g. Jeremiah contains many thought to have guided their history, in particular bringing
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD T E S T A M E N T 10
them out of Egypt and giving them the promised land as a deceitful trading standards (e.g. false weights and measures),
perpetual possession. Later prophets hoped for a restoration and many sexual misdemeanours, including adultery, incest,
to this land after the Jews had lost political control of it to a bestiality, and homosexual acts. It insists on the duty of those
succession of great powers: Assyria, Babylonia, and Persia. in power to administer justice equitably, and forbids exploita-
5. In the prophetic version of the covenant theory, the tion of the poor and helpless, especially widows and orphans.
contractual nature of the arrangement is stressed in such a All moral obligation is traced back to an origin in God, either
way as to imply the possibility of the destruction of Israel if the by way of 'positive' law—YHWH's explicit commands—or
nation is disobedient. It is not too much to say that the main else through the way the divine character is expressed in the
preoccupation of most of the prophets was with how YHWH orders of nature. Some moral obligations at least are assumed
would 'manage' this strict interpretation of the covenant, to be known outside Israel (as was of course the case), and
punishing his people and yet somehow preserving the special especially in the wisdom literature appeal is made to the
relationship with them which the covenant implied. In other consensus of right-minded people and not only to the declared
strands of OT thought, however, the emphasis falls more will of YHWH. (See Wright 1983; Barton 1998; Otto 1994.)
heavily on YHWH's commitment to his people and the idea 9. Theodicy. In a polytheistic system it is easy to explain the
of a bargain is less apparent. Thus the covenant with Abraham, disasters that overtake human societies: they result from dis-
and that with David and his descendants, tend to be presented agreements among the gods, in which human beings get
as almost unconditional. Either the obedience required from caught in the crossfire, or from the malevolence of particular
the human partner is seen as minimal, or else disobedience gods towards humankind. This kind of explanation is not
(though it will be punished) does not have the power to lead to available in a monotheistic culture, and consequently the
a complete breakdown in the relationship with YHWH. After kind of problem which philosophers deal with under the title
the Exile the covenant between YHWH and Israel was often 'theodicy'—how to show that God is just in the face of the
seen as unbreakable on the national scale, but individuals had sufferings of the world—bulk large in the writings of the OT.
a duty to remain within the covenant community by faithful 10. On the corporate level, the Exile seems to have been the
adherence to Torah. crisis that first focused the minds of Israel's thinkers on the
6. The God who makes a covenant with Israel is a God of problem of how to make sense of apparently unjust suffer-
redemption as well as of creation. He saves his people from ings. Lamentations is an extended expression of grief at the
Egypt, and then constantly intervenes in their history to de- rough treatment that YHWH has apparently handed out to
liver them from their enemies, even though he can also use the people he had chosen himself; Jeremiah also reflects on
these enemies as agents of his just punishment. In every the problem. Ezekiel tries to show that God is utterly just, and
national crisis Israel can call on YHWH for help, and though that those who complain of his injustice are in fact themselves
his mercy must not be presumed on, he is a reliable source of to blame for what has befallen them. Second Isaiah combines
support in the long term. (See Nicholson 1986; Spriggs 1974.) a conviction that God has been just to punish Israel with an
7. Ethics. In some OT traditions, such as that of the law, assurance that destruction is not his last word, and that he will
ethical obligation is tightly bound up with Israel's contractual remain true to his ancient promises to Abraham, Isaac, and
obligations to YHWH, whereas in others (notably wisdom) Jacob. Through reflection on the disaster that has befallen
there is more appeal to universally applicable standards of Israel all these thinkers come to an affirmation of the superior
justice and uprightness. Everywhere in the OT, however, it is justice of God—greater, not less, than that of any human
taken as given that God makes moral demands on both Israel power.
and all human beings. These demands characteristically in- 11. At the level of the individual the problems of theodicy
clude two aspects which to modern, non-Jewish readers do not are discussed in Job and, to some extent, in Ecclesiastes. Here
seem to belong naturally together: a strong commitment to explanations in terms of human guilt are for the most part
social justice, and a deep concern for ritual purity. Ritual and rejected, since we are told at the outset that Job is a righteous
ethical punctiliousness are seen as points on a single spec- man, who manifestly does not deserve to suffer as he does.
trum, so that some texts can speak of gross moral outrages The book concludes that God cannot be held to account, and
such as murder as polluting the sanctuary of YHWH just as that his ways are imponderable, though perhaps also that
do ritual infringements (see Ezek 18). Pagan writers in the there are forms of fellowship with him in which understand-
ancient world often drew attention to the high moral stand- ing why one suffers is not a first priority. For Ecclesiastes, the
ards of Jews, while simultaneously being puzzled that they world manifests no moral order such that the righteous can
were so concerned about matters of diet and ritual purity. At expect to be rewarded and the wicked punished, but 'time and
the same time there are prophetic books, such as Amos and chance happen to all'.
Hosea, which seem to distinguish the two types of ethical 12. Convictions about the justice of God are crucial to the
concern, and which argue that YHWH requires social justice way the story of Israel is told in the historical books: Kings and
more than ritual purity, and perhaps that he does not care Chronicles in particular are concerned to show that God is
about ritual purity at all: this latter possibility is also envisaged always just in his dealings with his people. Kings sees this as
in some wisdom texts. manifested in the fact that sin is always avenged, even if it
8. The OT's moral code is remarkably consistent through- takes many generations for God's justice to be implemented;
out the period covered by the literature. It stresses justice, both while Chronicles believes instead in immediate retribution.
in the sense of fairness to everyone, rich and poor alike, and in The Psalms, too, contain many reflections on the respective
the sense of intervention on behalf of those who cannot help fate of righteous and wicked, and contain some profound
themselves. It forbids murder, theft, bribery and corruption, insights on this theme—see especially Ps 37, 49, and 73.
 II I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE OLD T E S T A M E N T
There are, in fact, few books in the OT where the theme of The Hebrew Bible Greek ffible
theodicy is absent. (see Crenshaw 1083.) ^
Jeremiah
1. Arrangement of Books in Hebrew and Greek Bibles Baruch 1—5
Lamentations
The Hebrew Bible The Greek Bible Letter of Jeremiah (= Baruch 6)
-p 1 ' 1
Ezekiel
Torah: Historical Books: Susanna (=Daniel 13)
Genesis Genesis Daniel 1—12 (with additions Song of
Exodus Exodus Azariah and Song of the Three Jews)
Leviticus Leviticus Bel and the Dragon (= Daniel 14)
Numbers Numbers
Deuteronomy Deuteronomy Notes: Books additional to the HB are in italics
Books are given the names familiar to English readers: Samuel and
Prophets: Kings are in Greek the 'Four Books of Kingdoms', and Ezra-Nehemiah
Joshua Joshua is '2 Esdras'.
Judges Judges
Samuel Ruth
Kings i Samuel
Isaiah 2 Samuel
Jeremiah i Kings
Ezekiel 2 Kings
The Twelve: i Chronicles REFERENCES
Hosea 2 Chronicles
Anderson, G. W. (1970), 'Canonical and Non-canonical', Cambridge
Joel i Esdras History of the Bible (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), i.
Amos Ezra 113-59.
Obadiah Nehemiah Barr, J. (1980), The Scope and Authority of the Bible, Explorations in
Jonah Esther (with additions) Theology, 7 (London: SCM).
Micah Judith Barton, J. (1986), Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in
Nahum Tobit Israel after the Exile (London: Darton, Longman & Todd).
Habakkuk i Maccabees (IQQI) What is the Bible^1 (London" SPCK)
Zephaniah 2 Maccabees I1 J J7al' MaKingme i^nnsnan aime (Lonaon. uarton, Longman &
Todd).
Haggai 3 Maccabees
(1997b). The spirit and the letter: Studies in the Biblical canon
Zechariah 4 Maccabees (London: SPCK).
*Malachi
* i i•
(1998), Ethics and the Old Testament (London: SCM).
Writings: Didactic Books: Beckwith, R. T. (1985), The Old Testament Canon of the New Testament
Church and its Background in Early Judaism (London: SPCK).
Psalms Psalms
Blenkinsopp, J. (1984), A History of Prophecy in Israel from the Settle-
Job Proverbs ment in the Land to the Hellenistic Period (London: SPCK).
Proverbs Ecclesiastes Crenshaw, J. L. (1981), Old Testament Wisdom: An Introduction
Ruth Song of Songs (Atlanta: John Knox).
Song of Songs Job (1983) (ed.), Theodicy in the Old Testament (Philadelphia: Fort-
Ecclesiastes Wisdom of Solomon ress).
Lamentations Ecclesiasticus Davies, P. R. (1998), Scribes and Schools: The Canonization of the
Esther Hebrew Scriptures (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox).
Daniel Gillingham, S. E. (1994), The Poems and Psalms of the Hebrew Bible
(Oxford: Oxford University Press).
Ezra-Nehemiah Prophetic Books:
Nicholson, E. W. (1986), God and his People: Covenant and Theology in
Chronicles Twelve Minor Prophets: the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon).
Hosea Noth, M. (1966), 'The Laws in the Pentateuch: Their Assumptions
Amos and Meaning', in his The Laws in the Pentateuch and Other Essays
Micah (Edinburgh: T. &T. Clark), 1-107.
Joel Otto, E. (1994), Theologische Ethik des Alien Testaments (Stuttgart:
Obadiah Kohlhammer).
Jonah Rendtorff R. (1985), The Old Testament: An Introduction (London:
Nahum SCM).
Roberts, B. J. (1951), The Old Testament Text and Versions: The Hebrew
Habakkuk
Text in Transmission and the History of the Ancient Versions (Cardiff:
Zephaniah University of Wales Press).
Haggai Saenz-Badillos, A. (1993), A History of the Hebrew Language (Cam-
Zechariah bridge: Cambridge University Press).
Malachi Salvesen, A. (1991), Symmachus in the Pentateuch (Manchester: Uni-
Isaiah versity of Manchester Press).
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 12
Smend, R. (1981), Die Entstehung des Alten Testaments (Stuttgart: Kohl- Theissen, G. (1984), Biblical Faith: An Evolutionary Perspective (Lon-
hammer). don: SCM).
Spriggs, D. S. (1974), Two Old Testament Theologies (London: SCM). Weingreen, J. (1982), Introduction to the Critical Study of the Text of the
Sundberg, A. C. (1964), The Old Testament of the Early Church (Cam- Hebrew Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
bridge, Mass.: Yale University Press). Whybray, R. N. (1983), The Second Isaiah, Old Testament Guides
(1968), The "Old Testament": A Christian Canon', CBO 30: (Sheffield: Academic Press).
H3-55- Wright, C. J. H. (1983), Living as the People of God (Leicester: Inter-
Talmon, S. (1970), 'The Old Testament Text', Cambridge History varsity Press).
of the Bible (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), i. 159- Wurthwein, E. (1979), The Text ofthe Old Testament: An Introduction to
98. the Biblia Hebraica (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans).

3. Introduction to the Pentateuch G. I. D A V I E S

A. What is the Pentateuch? 1. The name 'Pentateuch' means ical' before 'creed' raises some problems, for example whether
literally 'the work comprising five scrolls', from Greek pente the story which the Pentateuch as a whole tells is real history, a
and teukhos, which can mean 'scroll'. It has been used since at question whose answer has important theological implica-
least early Christian times for the first five books of the OT, tions which critics of von Rad were quick to point out. But
Genesis to Deuteronomy. The Jewish name for these books there are also problems of a simpler kind which relate specif-
was usually and still is 'the law': Hebrew torn, Greek nomos or ically to its accuracy as a description of Genesis i-n. Von Rad
nomothesia (the latter is literally 'legislation'), and it is this was, for much of his scholarly career, fascinated by the histor-
name which appears in the NT: e.g. Lk 24:11, 'What is written ical focus of so much of Israel's faith, and he tended to over-
in the law, the prophets and the psalms', where we meet the look or play down its teaching about God the Creator. This
threefold subdivision ofthe Hebrew canon that continues to may well have been due to an understandable wish on his part
be used, with the substitution of'writings' for 'psalms' as the not to allow a foothold in the OT for crude Nazi ideas about
third section. Cf. also the Greek Prologue to Sirach (£.132 BCE). racial supremacy grounded in the order of creation which
2. But there is a much deeper way of asking, and answering, were current at the time he wrote his earliest works on the
the question, 'What is the Pentateuch?', one which goes be- Hexateuch. It is, nevertheless, necessary to emphasize that
yond merely defining its external limits to enquire into its the beginning of Genesis is not about history in the ordinary
nature. In other words, what sort of a thing is this section of sense of that word, or indeed in any sense, and the idea that
the Bible? This question can only really be answered after a the Pentateuch is a 'historical' creed is in danger of losing
full examination ofthe text, and one justification for the kind sight ofthe important theological statements about creation
of detailed critical analysis which has been popular in modern in those chapters.
OT scholarship is that it enables us to give a well-judged (if 2.4. A different way of representing the theological charac-
complicated!) answer to that question. It is a question of ter ofthe Pentateuch is of course the traditional Jewish ex-
considerable theological importance, as can be seen from an pression: the law. This is as characteristic of Judaism as von
introductory look at a few answers that have been given to it, Rad's emphasis on faith is characteristic of his Lutheranism.
some of which will be examined more fully later on. If it seems at first sight to focus too much on the second half of
2.1. Four ofthe five books in the Pentateuch deal with the the Pentateuch, where the laws are concentrated, and to give
time of Moses, and one recent suggestion has been that we insufficient attention to the 'story' character of the earlier
should think ofthe Pentateuch as a biography of Moses with an books, it is worth saying that this problem has not escaped
introduction, that is, Genesis. This attempts to answer the the notice of Jewish commentators, and a very early one, Philo
question in terms ofthe literary genre ofthe Pentateuch. of Alexandria, in the first century CE, had what he thought was
2.2. Its main weakness, however, is that it puts Moses as an a perfectly satisfactory answer to it. It is that while written law
individual too much in the centre ofthe picture, important as is indeed mainly found in the later books ofthe Pentateuch,
he undoubtedly is as the leader of his people Israel. We might the personalities who appear in Genesis, for example, consti-
do better to call the Pentateuch the story of Israel in the time of tute a kind of'living law', since through their example, and in
Moses, with an introduction (Genesis) which sets it in the light some less obvious ways, it was God's intention to regulate
of universal creation and history. human behaviour, just as he does later by the written law.
2.3. To many, however, this would not be theological Another way of making the description 'law' more widely
enough to do justice to the strongly religious element that applicable involves going back to the Hebrew term torn.
pervades the story from beginning to end. Gerhard von Rad Although commonly translated 'law', its original meaning is
suggested that the Pentateuch (or to be more precise, the something like 'instruction', and it could be used of other
Hexateuch, that is the Pentateuch plus the sixth book ofthe kinds of instruction as well as law in the strict sense. For
Bible, Joshua—see below) was an amplified creed, more spe- example, the word torn is found in Proverbs, where the context
cifically an amplified historical creed, as will be seen in more shows that the reference is to the kind of teaching contained
detail later. The implication is then that the Pentateuch is a there, not to the law as such. If we use tora as a description for
product and an expression of faith—it is preceded as it were by the Pentateuch in this more general sense of 'teaching' or
an implicit 'I believe in God who...', it is a confessional 'instruction', it can easily embrace the non-legal parts of these
document, as one might put it. Of course the adjective 'histor- books as well as the legal ones. On the other hand, while tora
 13 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
understood in this wider way does preserve an important another. If nothing else this view serves to underline the
truth about the Pentateuch (especially if it is thought of as differences in character, concerns, and origin of Deuteron-
'The Teaching', with a capital T), it is in danger of being too omy, as compared with the earlier books. Yet those differences
vague a description to identify its distinctive character within should not be exaggerated, and it can be argued that Deuter-
theOT. onomy belongs as much with the Tetrateuch as with the books
2.5. Another theological definition, which has the merit of that follow it, and when we come to look at the theology of the
combining the advantages of the last two, is to call the Penta- Pentateuch in more detail that will become clearer.
teuch a covenant book, a document which presents the terms of
God's relationship to his people, in the form of his promises to B. The Documentary Hypothesis. 1. To make further progress
them and the laws which he requires them to obey. The with our question, 'What is the Pentateuch?', we need to dig
support of the apostle Paul can probably be claimed for this deeper and consider more closely how it came to exist and
description, for when he speaks of'the old covenant' in 2 Cor what kinds of material it is made up of. A useful way into such
3:14 it is very likely that he means specifically the Pentateuch. study is to review, critically where necessary, the main direc-
He is clearly thinking of a written document, because he tions which Pentateuchal scholarship has taken over the past
refers to the 'reading' of the old covenant, and the substitution century and a half (see also Clements 1997: ch. 2).
of the expression 'whenever Moses is read' in the following 2. The year 1862 was auspicious for the development of
verse points firmly to the Pentateuch (for 'Moses' as short- Pentateuchal study in England and Germany. It was in that
hand for 'the books of Moses' see Lk 24:27). A somewhat year that Julius Wellhausen went, at the age of 18, as a new
earlier Jewish reference to the Pentateuch as 'the book of the student to the German university of Gottingen to study theo-
covenant' occurs in i Mace 1:57. Despite the antiquity and logy. That same year a young British student, T. K. Cheyne,
authority of this description, it scarcely does justice to the was also in Gottingen, and he was to play an important part in
narrative element in the Pentateuch, especially in Genesis. bringing Wellhausen's later ideas to prominence in Britain—
2.6. A description which combines the literary and the he became a professor at Oxford. The year 1862 was also when
theological aspects has been proposed by David Clines: he a series of books by John Colenso, a Cambridge mathemat-
regards the Pentateuch as the story of the partial fulfilment of ician, began to be published, and so brought critical OT
the promise to the patriarchs. This has the great advantage of scholarship very much into the public eye in Britain only
highlighting the important theological theme of promise in shortly after the publication of Charles Darwin's Origins of
Genesis, and of showing how Genesis is linked to the later Species and the collection called Essays and Reviews. And yet by
books theologically, and not just by the continuation of the 1862 the critical study of the Pentateuch was already some 150
story. But of course it says nothing about Gen i—n, and one years old.
may wonder whether it takes enough account of the vast 3. There is no need to amplify this statement here—the
amount of legislative material in Leviticus and Deuteronomy details are in most Introductions to the OT—except to say that
especially. particularly since about 1800 strenuous efforts had been
2.7. One might legitimately wonder whether there can be made, chiefly in Germany, to discover the process by which
any brief answer to the question which is not open to some the Pentateuch had reached its present form, and that at the
objection or another! If nothing else these quite different beginning of the i86os the leading scholars held to what was
descriptions, and the comments on them, should have shown known as the Supplementary Hypothesis (Ergdnzungshypoth-
thatthe Pentateuch is a many-sided piece ofliterature and one ese). According to this, the original core of the Pentateuch was
which has features which appeal to a variety of religious and a document known as the Book of Origins (Das Buch der
other points of view. The final description that I will mention Urspriinge), which was put together by a priest or Levite in
is that the Pentateuch is an incomplete work, a torso, because about the time of King Solomon. A distinguishing mark of
the story which it tells only reaches its climax in the book of this book was that in Genesis and the beginning of Exodus (up
Joshua, with the Israelites' entry into the land of Canaan. For to ch. 6) it avoided using the name YHWH for God, and
von Rad, as we saw, the real literary unit is the 'Hexateuch', employed other words, especially 'elohim, which means
'the six books', and he had many predecessors who also took 'God', instead. This core, it was held, was expanded in the
this view. It was especially popular among the source-critics of eighth century BCE, the time of the first great classical
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, who be- prophets, by the addition of stories and other matter in which
lieved (as some still do) that the sources out of which the the name YHWH was freely used from the very beginning.
Pentateuch was composed were also used by the editor or Later still, in the time of Jeremiah (7th cent), the work was
editors who composed Joshua. It is less popular today, be- further supplemented by the addition of the major part of
cause Joshua is generally treated as part of the long historical Deuteronomy and shorter sections with a similar spirit else-
work which extends to the end of 2 Kings, the Deuteronomis- where, and so the Pentateuch reached its present form, before
tic History. In fact since Deuteronomy formed the introduc- the Babylonian Exile. Wellhausen's teacher at Gottingen, Hein-
tion to that work and, even when taken alone, its connection rich Ewald, had played an important part in the development of
with the first four books of the Bible can seem very weak, some this theory and still held to it in its essential points in 1862,
scholars therefore speak of 'the Tetrateuch', that is the four though not with the rigidity of some of its other adherents.
books from Genesis to Numbers, as the primary literary unit 4. But changes were in the air. An important challenge to
at the beginning of the Bible. From this point of view the this theory had already been made by the publication in 1853
Pentateuch would be not so much a torso as a hybrid, the of a book by Hermann Hupfeld. Its main theses were: (i) that
combination of one literary work with the first section of the so-called 'original core' contained some passages which
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 14
were of later origin than the rest and represented a first stage the Pentateuch was a Book of Origins that began with the
of expansion of the core; and (2) that both these later passages account of creation in Gen i and included most of the priestly
and the passages which the Supplementary Hypothesis itself laws in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers. Doubts about the
had distinguished from the core were not fragments picked antiquity of these texts had already been expressed in the
up from all over the place but had been parts of large pre- 18303, but detailed critical arguments only began to appear
existing narrative compositions which the compilers of the in the early i86os. One can see this in the work of the Dutch
Pentateuch had drawn on as sources. scholar Abraham Kuenen (1828—91), whose Introduction to the
5. Hupfeld thus did two things. He refined the analysis of OT began to be published in 1861. Kuenen, who accepted
the Pentateuch into its component parts, which were now Hupfeld's division of the Book of Origins into earlier and later
seen to be not three but four in number, and he replaced the layers, also held that the priestly laws in the supposedly earlier
idea of the expansion of an original core with a truly docu- layer were not in fact all ancient but had developed over a long
mentary theory of Pentateuchal origins. His four originally period of time, some of them being later in date than Deuter-
independent source-documents correspond closely in extent onomy. An even more radical conclusion had been reached by
to those of later theories, three parallel narrative sources and a German schoolteacher, Karl Heinrich Graf, who on 7 Octo-
the law-code of Deuteronomy (with some other passages ber 1862 wrote to his former OT professor, one Eduard Reuss,
related to it). His oldest narrative corresponds closely to T am completely convinced of the fact that the whole middle
what is now called the Priestly Work (P), the remainder of part of the Pentateuch [apparently Exodus 25 to the end of
the Book of Origins is the later Elohist (E), and the sourc Numbers] is post-exilic in origin,' i.e. it all belongs to the final,
which uses the name YHWH is the Yahwist (J). Hupfeld did not the first, stage of the growth of the Pentateuch, after the
not depart from the dominant view at the time about the writing of Deuteronomy. Wellhausen himself, looking back
relative ages of the materials in these sources, and his position on his early student days, also in the early i86os, wrote that he
can be represented in terms of the modern symbols for them had been puzzled at the lack of reference to the allegedly very
as P-E-J-D (for a fuller account of the sources as later under- old priestly laws in the early historical books such as Samuel
stood see sections c.j and G). and Kings and in the prophets, though he had no idea at the
Hupfeld's new ideas did not succeed in displacing the time why this was. It was not until 1865 that these very new
dominant Supplementary Hypothesis, at any rate not imme- ideas came out into the open, when Graf published his views
diately. But some time before 1860 Ewald had recognized the in book form. But while he maintained that all the legal parts
existence of a second Elohist and the character of J and E as of the Book of Origins were post-exilic in origin, he still held
continuous sources—which places him very close to Hupfeld. to the traditional early date for its narratives. In response to
A. Knobel, though less well-known, had reached similar con- the appearance of Graf's book Kuenen now argued that the
clusions independently of Hupfeld about the same time, and Book of Origins could not be divided up in this way, because
over a larger range of texts. His work is ignored in most the narratives were intimately related to the laws; so, if
modern accounts of the history of Pentateuchal criticism (as Graf had so powerfully demonstrated) the laws were
(though not by Wellhausen) and deserves greater recognition. late in origin, the narratives associated with them in the
These scholars brought the analysis of the Pentateuch to 'earlier' part of the Book of Origins must be late too.
a state which received only relatively minor modification at Graf's letter to Kuenen accepting the validity of this point
the hands of those such as Wellhausen, whose work was survives—it is dated 12 Nov. 1866—and subsequently Graf
to become the classical account of Pentateuchal origins put this change of mind into print in an article in which he
and indeed remained so until very recently. Hupfeld's con- responded to various criticisms of his book, though the
tribution at least was fully recognized: Wellhausen, for ex- article only came out in 1869 after Graf's death. In this way
ample, wrote in his own work on the composition of the the order (as represented by the modern symbols) P-E-J-D
Hexateuch: 'I make Hupfeld in every respect my starting- of Hupfeld was transformed into the J-E-D-P that became
point.' Where he and subsequent scholarship departed from standard.
Hupfeld was in the chronological order in which the sources 8. It is clear that Abraham Kuenen played a very important
were to be placed. part in the development of this revised theory, although it (like
6. Two changes were in fact made. One, the placing of the Knobel's contribution) is often overlooked. What is interest-
YHWH-source—what we now call J—before the second Elo- ing is that Kuenen gave a great deal of the credit for the
him-source—what we now call E—did not make a fundamen- contribution which he himself was able to make to John
tal difference to the time at which either source was thought to Colenso's series of volumes entitled The Pentateuch and The
have been written, and we shall not spend long on it. Once Book of Joshua Critically Examined. These books were one
Hupfeld had made the separation between E and P it was reason why an attempt was made to depose Colenso from
really inevitable, as it was the supposed antiquity of the P texts the see of Natal, which he held, an attempt which was only the
which had led to the idea that the Book of Origins was the beginning of a long wrangle in the Anglican Church in South
earliest source. When E was detached from this, it could easily Africa. Much of what Colenso wrote merely echoed what was
be seen that in certain respects it had a more sophisticated already being done in Germany, but in the first volume of the
approach to religion than the rather primitive J, and so it was study he presented what seemed to him to be a devastating
natural to date it a little later. attack on the genuineness of the narratives of the Book of
7. The second change in order was much more decisive, in Origins and particularly the large numbers which they give
fact it was quite revolutionary. According to both the Supple- for the participants in the Exodus (e.g. Ex 12:37), the very thing
mentary Hypothesis and Hupfeld's theory, the oldest part of which had seemed to others a guarantee of the accuracy and
 15 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
antiquity of the source; on the contrary, argued Colenso, it was and involved a number of different scholars in several coun-
quite impossible that the numbers could represent real tries. But it also begins to open up a topic of quite central
historical facts: they must be fictional. This argument so importance at the present time when some very searching
impressed Kuenen that he found no difficulty at all in regard- questions are once again being asked about the validity of
ing those narratives, as well as the priestly laws which Graf what, for brevity, we may continue to call Wellhausen's
had examined, as a late and artificial composition. theory.
9. It is evident from all this that the classical documentary
theory of Pentateuchal origins owes little or nothing, as far as C. The Logic of Source-Criticism. It is in fact possible to distin-
its origin is concerned, to Wellhausen: this was mainly the guish, logically at least and to some extent chronologically as
work of Hupfeld, Graf, and Kuenen, themselves of course well, four stages in the argument which led to the formulation
building on much earlier work. To call it 'the Wellhausen of Wellhausen's account ofthe origins ofthe Pentateuch, and
theory', as is often done, is a misnomer, though a revealing if we define them appropriately we shall find that they are
one. What the new theory still needed, and what Wellhausen quite generally applicable to all attempts to analyse the Penta-
was to provide, was a presentation of it which would convince teuch into its constituent parts, and indeed to all attempts at
the many scholars who still held either to the Supplementary discovering what sources were used in biblical and other
Hypothesis or to Hupfeld's version of the documentary the- writings.
ory. The work in which Wellhausen did this so successfully 1. The first step was the acceptance that an enquiry into the
was originally called History of Israel. Volume I (Geschichte sources ofthe Pentateuch was permissible at all, i.e. that it was
Israels I)—when no further volumes appeared this was not ruled out by the tradition which regarded Moses as the
changed to Prolegomena to the History of Israel (Prolegomena author of the whole Pentateuch. This tradition goes back to
zur Geschichte Israels)—and it was published in 1878. It is still the NT and contemporary writings, though it is probably not
worth reading and its thorough attention to detail, its treat- implied by anything in the OT text itself. Clearly if this trad-
ment of evidence from all parts of the OT, and the force and ition is not open to question, there is little room for Penta-
vigour of its arguments still make a strong impression on the teuchal criticism of any kind: one could only enquire into the
reader. sources that Moses may have used for the writing of Genesis,
10. Two criticisms are often made of it. The first is that it which is exactly what one early work of criticism, published in
embodies a Hegelian view of history which has been imposed 1753, purported to uncover (Jean Astruc's Conjectures sur les
upon the data of the OT (so e.g. W F. Albright and R. K. memoires originaux dont il paroit que Moyse s'est servi pour
Harrison). This is not justified as a criticism of Wellhausen's composer le livre de la Genese). The reasons for questioning
method of working, whatever similarities may be traced be- the tradition of Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch are
tween some of his conclusions and those of Hegel-inspired broadly of two kinds: (i) the relatively late date of the first
history-writing. It is a complicated issue but essentially it appearance of this tradition (not at any rate before the Baby-
seems that what Wellhausen did was to approach the Penta- lonian exile); (2) various data in the Pentateuch itself which
teuch as a secular ancient historian would approach his pri- seem to be inconsistent with it: an obvious one is the account
mary sources in an effort to discover their character and of Moses' death (Deut 34).
closeness to the events described: his presuppositions and 2. The second step was the analysis ofthe text, the demon-
methods are those of a historian rather than those of a philos- stration of its lack of unity in detail. In the eighteenth century,
opher, and not significantly different from those with which well before the formulation ofthe Wellhausen theory, theories
more recent historians have worked. Where he does refer to had been developed to account for what seemed to be signs of
Hegel once it seems to be an implied criticism. The other composite authorship, or the use of sources. Some passages,
criticism is that Wellhausen presented his theory in isolation such as the Flood Story, appeared to arise from the combina-
from knowledge of the ancient Near East, which makes it of tion of two originally separate accounts ofthe same event. In
no more than antiquarian interest: so Harrison again and other cases it seemed unlikely or even impossible that two
especially K. A. Kitchen. Wellhausen did not of course have separate passages could have belonged to the same continu-
the benefit of knowing many of the archaeological discoveries ous account, the two creation stories for example. In the
of subsequent years, and what he did know he did not regard history of Pentateuchal criticism the distinction between
as of primary importance for interpreting the OT (unlike this, analytical, stage of the enterprise and the next stage,
Gunkel: see below). But the main structure of his source- synthesis or the attribution of passages or parts of passages
critical arguments has seemed to most subsequent scholars to a particular source or layer of the Pentateuch, has not
to be unaffected by these discoveries, rightly in my opinion. always been carefully observed. Indeed a clear distinction is
Where they have departed from them it has been because perhaps not to be found before the handbook of Wolfgang
they sensed weaknesses in his treatment of the OT evi- Richter (Exegese als Literaturwissenschaft, 1971). But the two
dence, and not because of fresh evidence from the ancient operations can and should be regarded as separate. To put it in
Near East. a quite general formula: if ABCD represents a section ofthe
11. This briefhistorical introduction to the origins ofthe so- Pentateuch, the assertion that A is of separate origin from B
called Graf-Wellhausen theory about the sources ofthe Penta- and that C is of separate origin from D is one thing; but the
teuch should have removed some misconceptions about it, question of whether A belongs to the same source as C or D or
and in particular it has shown that far from being the product neither, for example, is another question, and different an-
of one man's mind it was arrived at through a process of swers to it will produce different theories about the larger
research and discussion which lasted over several decades sources ofthe Pentateuch.
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 16
So on what basis is it argued that the Pentateuch is of over criteria such as 3 and 4 at c.2 above to argue that sections
composite origin? Four main kinds of criteria have commonly of the Pentateuch have a common source.
been used: 4. The fourth step is that of arranging the sources (or
supplements) in chronological order and dating them. It is in
1. repeated accounts of the same action or story.
this area that Graf, Kuenen, and Wellhausen made a real
2. the occurrence of statements (or commands) that are in-
innovation. In relation to c. i, 2, and 3 they did little more
compatible or inconsistent with each other.
than refine the results of their predecessors, especially Hup-
3. vocabulary and style—the use of different words for the
feld: but on this point they made a radical change from him, in
same thing, including e.g. different names for God; and
arguing that the Book of Origins/First Elohist (P) was the
variations of style.
latest, not the earliest of the four sources, and in dating it to
4. the appearance of different viewpoints on matters of reli-
the post-exilic period. How are such conclusions reached, in
gion in particular, but also on other matters.
general terms? Along two main lines, which must still be
Two observations on these criteria should be made at this taken into consideration in any discussion of the matter:
stage: their use will be clarified by an example later on. 4.1. The relative age of the sources can be considered in
various ways: Does one source or layer take for granted the
1. The argument for disunity is strongest when several of
prior existence of another one? Is one source obviously more
these criteria occur together—so for example in the analy-
primitive in its way of presenting events, or its legal require-
sis of Gen 1—3.
ments, than another? Numerous examples of both these
2. In recent years it has been generally realized that criteria 3
kinds of arguments can be found in Wellhausen's Prolegom-
and 4 are of far less value for analysis, at least when they
ena (1885). They can be cogent, but it must be pointed out
occur alone, than i and 2. Variations in relation to 3 and 4
that the argument from primitiveness to antiquity and from
may perfectly well occur within a single account (so Noth
sophistication to lateness is a dangerous one, because it too
1972 and Westermann 1984). In fact it is much more at the
quickly assumes that the religion of Israel developed in a
next, constructive, stage that such factors enter in, by
single line with no setbacks or decline throughout its history
suggesting which of the various fragments into which
or divergent patterns of religion coexisting at the same time.
the Pentateuch has been analysed have a common origin,
In practice the classical theory has relied much more heavily
i.e. belong to the same source or layer.
on arguments of a second kind.
3. The third step is the development of hypotheses about the 4.2. The actual or absolute dates of the sources can be fixed
major constituent parts of the Pentateuch and their interrela- by reference to evidence outside the Pentateuch. Such argu-
tion. Various models are possible, of which the idea that a ments can themselves be subdivided according to whether
number of independent source-documents have been com- reference is being made to fixed points in the events of Israel's
bined is only the best-known because it is the pattern exem- political and religious history (such as the Babylonian exile) as
plified by the classical Documentary Hypothesis of Graf, we know them from the historical books of the OT, or to
Kuenen, and Wellhausen. Other 'models' are possible, how- doctrines (such as the demand for the centralization of wor-
ever, and indeed have been tried, such as that the Pentateuch ship in Jerusalem) whose first formulation we can date by
is simply a conglomeration of small units put together by an reference to these same historical books and the writings of
editor (the Fragmentary Hypothesis) or that an original core the prophets, for example. Even here it is fair to say that the
was amplified by the addition of fresh material, either mater- strength of the arguments used varies, and where a link can be
ial that had previously existed independently as small units established with something like the Exile, it can still be diffi-
or new material that was composed for the first time for the cult to deduce a very precise date for the source in question.
purpose of modifying the existing core (a Supplementary But for all that, it has seemed possible to define in broad terms
Hypothesis such as that which was dominant in the middle the time when the various source-documents were put into
of the igth cent.). It is also possible, and in fact common today, their definitive form. I emphasize that last phrase because
to have a combined theory which exhibits features of all three when scholars assign a date to a source they are not saying that
models. this is when it was suddenly created out of nothing. They
With all of these models (except the Fragmentary theory) recognize that much of the material in the sources is older
there is the problem of attribution, deciding what material than the sources themselves, it comes from earlier tradition.
belongs to the same source or stage of supplementation. What they are looking for when they date a source is the latest
Sometimes this can be determined by what we may call element within it, because that will show when it reached its
narrative continuity: i.e. an episode in the story presupposes definitive form.
that an earlier part of the story has been told in a particular
way. For example, Gen 9:6, 'Whoever sheds the blood of a D. An Example of a Source-Critical Argument: The Analysis of the
human, by a human shall that person's blood be shed; for in Flood Story (Gen 6-9) into its sources. 1. Now we shall move
his own image God made humankind,' clearly presupposes back from theory to practice, and look at some of the detailed
the account of the creation of human beings in Gen 1:26—7 claims made by the classical theory associated with Wellhau-
(note the reference to 'in his own image'), rather than that in sen and the arguments that were used to support them.
Gen 2:7, and so they presumably belong to the same source or Historically, Pentateuchal source-criticism seems to have
layer. Fortunately the character of the Pentateuch is such that begun with the observation that Genesis opens with not one
this kind of argument can quite often be used. Where it but two different accounts of creation (so already H. B. Witter in
cannot, one must have recourse to such factors as agreement 1711): 1:1—2:3 (or 2:4a) and 2:4 (or 2:4/7)—25). The second
 17 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
repeats a number of events already described in the first, but Noah, his family, and the animals all went into the ark, cutting
not in exactly the same order, and with some notable differ- it a bit fine this time we may suppose! It is a strange way to tell
ences in presentation. The difference that was to be put to a story, and there are further curiosities to follow which we
most productive use in subsequent scholarship was, of must forgo because of shortage of space, as we must do also
course, the difference over the divine names: the fact that with some details of the explanation which seems to be re-
whereas the first account refers to God only by the word quired to do justice to them.
'God' ('elohim)', the second used the compound phrase 'the 5. But let us consider again the first two cases of repetition,
Lord God' = YHWH 'elohim, combining with the word 'God' in a slightly different way. We have in the paragraph 6:11-22 a
the proper name by which Israel knew her God, YHWH. speech of God to Noah with introduction and conclusion, a
2. According to the word used to refer to God, the second passage which makes perfectly coherent sense. But before it
account of creation was referred to as 'Yahwistic' and given the are two verses which parallel w. 11-13, and after it are five
symbol J. J was used (after the German form, jahwistisch) verses which parallel w. 17-22. And the striking thing is that
because the abbreviations were worked out in Germany and whereas 6:11—22 use the word God (w. n, 12, 13, 22), the
the 'y' sound is represented by 'j' in German. The first account parallel passages placed before and after it use YHWH (6:5,
could be and was for a time called Elohistic (E), although this 6,7; 7:1, 5). That is, we seem to have here two versions of a part
description of it was given up after Hupfeld's discovery that of the Flood story, one of them, like the creation account in
there were two major source-documents which avoided the Gen 2, using the name YHWH, the other, like the creation
name YHWH in Genesis. This source is known today as the account in Gen i, avoiding it and using 'elohim instead. But
Priestly Code, or Priestly Work (abbreviated as P), because of instead of being placed one after the other, as with the creation
the prominent place given to priesthood and ritual in its later accounts, the two versions of the Flood story have been inter-
parts, particularly in the books from Exodus to Numbers. The woven, with sections from one alternating with sections of the
early history of mankind, prior to the Flood, is also described other. This interpretation of the situation is strengthened by
twice, once in the form of a series of stories (chs. 3—4, 6:1—4), two additional factors:
and once in the form of a genealogy (ch. 5). The first of these
1. tensions or contradictions within the story which seem
connects directly with ch. 3, while the second has various
likely to be due to the combination of two different ver-
similarities to ch. i, so they were attributed to J and P respect-
sions of it; e.g. the number of pairs of animals taken
ively.
into the ark (one pair according to 6:19—20; seven pairs
3. In the Flood story (6:5-9:17) things are not so tidy. Does it
of clean animals, i.e. those that could be eaten, and of
belong to J or P? Uses of the name YHWH do occur, but only
birds, but only one pair of the unclean animals according
in restricted parts of the story (6:5—8; 7:1—5, 16; 8:20—2): else-
to 7:2-3).
where the word 'God' ('elohim) is employed. Thus the story is
2. the fact that when the whole story is analysed, one is left
hardly typical of P, which avoids YHWH, but yet it is not
with two substantially complete accounts of the Flood, one
typical of J either, which uses YHWH much more consis-
showing affinities (including the name YHWH) with the
tently. What is one to make of this situation? Should one
second creation account and the other showing affinities
attribute the Flood story to a third source occupying an inter-
with the first.
mediate position with regard to the divine names between P
and J? Or has either J or P changed its practice at this point? One or two details remain unclear but the majority of scholars
4. Careful attention to the details of the story suggests that are agreed on something very like the following analysis: (a)
neither of these solutions is correct. We may note that there 6:5-8; 7:1-5, 7-10, 12, 16/7-17, 22-3; 8:2/7-30, 6-12, 13/7, 20-2
are a surprising number of repetitions or overlaps of details in (= J); (b) 6:9-22; 7:6, n, 13-160,18-21, 24; 8:1-20, 3/7-5,130,
it. Thus (i) w. 5-7 describe how YHWH saw the evil which 14-19; 9:1-17 (= P). A more detailed presentation of the
men did on the earth and declared that he would therefore argument can be found in the commentaries on Genesis by
destroy the human race. When, after three verses referring S. R. Driver (1904: 85—6) and J. Skinner (1910: 147—50); cf.
specifically to Noah, we come to w. 11-13 we nnd another Habel (1971: 14-15).
reference, this time to God seeing the corruption of'all flesh' 6. This brief but important example will give an idea of how
and saying that he will therefore destroy it. (2) The paragraph the analysis of the Pentateuch proceeds in the classical docu-
then continues with instructions to Noah about how the ark is mentary hypothesis. It is work of this kind which lies behind
to be built (w. 14-16), how Noah and his family are to enter it the lists of passages belonging to J, E, D, and P in the standard
(w. 17-18) and how he is to take a pair of every kind of living introductions to the OT There are, it should be said, some
creature with him (w. 19—21). And this, we are told, is exactly passages where scholars have not been unanimous about the
what Noah did, 'he did all that God commanded him' (v. 22). recognition of the sources, and here caution is necessary. The
therefore comes as something of a surprise when, in 7:1-4, we following sketch will give a general idea of what has been
find YHWH telling Noah again to enter the ark with his family thought to belong to each of the four sources:
and the animals, and it again being said (v. 5) that Noah did a Genesis: Chs. i—n are formed from J (2:4/7—4:26; 6:1—4;
he was told. (3) By the time we get to the actual entry into the part of the Flood Story (see above); 9:18—27; parts of 10; 11:1—9)
ark we are more prepared for repetitions, and we are not and P (1:1-2:40; most of 5; the rest of the Flood Story; 9:28-9;
disappointed: 7:7-9 make explicit that Noah, his family, and the rest of 10; most of 11:10-32); most of chs. 12-50 come from
the animals entered the ark, apparently with plenty of time to J (including 12—13; J ^> most of 19 and 24), E (including most
spare, as it was another 7 days before the flood started (v. 10). of 20—2 and 40—2), and P (17; 23; 28:1—9; 35:9—I3> an(^ most of
Then the rain began (w. 11-12), and then we are told again that the genealogies).
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 18

Exodus: Chs. 1-24 are again made up of extracts from J, E, could only be felt when a true appreciation of the late date and
and P. The only passages of any length which are clearly from largely fictional character of Chronicles had been gained, and
E are 1:15—21 and 3:9—15. P is the source of 6:2—7:13; 12:1—20, the dating of P is closely connected with the study of Chron-
40-51, and various shorter passages. Traditionally the Deca- icles. Graf's epoch-making essay of 1865 on the Pentateuch
logue (20:1-17) and the Book of the Covenant (20:22-23:33) was published along with a study of the books of Chronicles,
were ascribed to E, but it is now widely doubted if they while Wellhausen devoted more than 50 pages of the Prolegom-
appeared in any of the main sources. Chs. 32—4 are usually ena to them. Chronicles does relate the existence of institu-
thought to have been based on] and E (32 £134 J; 33 parts from tions characteristic of P in the pre-exilic period, and it was only
both), but they may be all J except for some late editorial when it had been shown that these elements of the Chron-
additions. Chs. 25—31 and 35—40 are all from P. icler's account were fictional that a clear view of the nature of
Leviticus: The whole book, together with Num 1:1—10:28, is pre-exilic religion could be obtained, and so the necessity of a
from P, though it is clear that already existing collections of late date for P established.
laws have been incorporated in Lev 1-7 and Lev 17-26 (the 2. The second kind of argument was based on the relation-
latter section being known as the Holiness Code = H). ship of the laws and narratives of P to the laws in Deu-
Numbers: The rest of the book, from 10:29, is again a teronomy and the final chapters of Ezekiel. The origin of
mixture of], E, and P. E is most clearly present in the story Deuteronomy in the eighth or seventh century BCE was gener-
of Balaam (ch. 23 and some verses in 22). P provided the ally regarded in the mid-nineteenth century as having been
sections of chs. 16—18 that deal with the revolt of Korah and established beyond doubt by the critical arguments of W. M. L.
the vindication of the Aaronite priesthood, most of 25:6—36:13, de Wette and others, and Ezekiel was of course a prophet of the
and some other passages; again older documents (including early sixth century. In a number of ways it was argued that the
the wilderness itinerary in ch. 33) have been worked in. Priestly texts must be later than those in Deuteronomy and
Deuteronomy: from the D source, with the exception of a Ezekiel. This is not just a simple evolutionary argument, saying
few passages, mostly at the end. But an original core in 4:45— thatthe practices referredto by P must by their very character lie
29:1 from pre-exilic times can be distinguished from a frame- at the end of a long process of development. The argument is
work placed around it in the Babylonian Exile (so esp. chs. 4 rather that in some cases Deuteronomy and Ezekiel make no
and 29—30). reference to features of P which one might have expected them
7. Fuller details can be found, (i) in commentaries, among to mention if it were indeed a document of pre-exilic origin;
which special mention should be made of the 'Polychrome while elsewhere what Deuteronomy and Ezekiel prescribe
Bible', published from 1893 onwards, in which the sections would make no sense if P already existed.
drawn from the various sources were marked in different 3. As an example we will look at Wellhausen's argument in
colours, a custom which has been widely followed by theolo- the case of admission to the priesthood (1885: 121—51). The
gical students in their own copies of the Bible as an aide- crucial points in the argument are set out in the first few pages
memoire (The proper title of the series was The Sacred Books of the chapter (pp. 121-7), but Wellhausen believed that they
of the OT, gen. ed. P. Haupt. A less colourful way of achieving received some confirmation from the more thorough account
the same end is by using different typefaces, as in von Rad's of the history of the priesthood which follows. He begins by
commentary on Genesis and Noth's on Exodus in the Old summarizing the regulations about priesthood in the P sec-
Testament Library series, where the P sections are printed in tions of Exodus-Numbers. He points out that there are two
italics and the rest in ordinary type); and (2) in a synopsis of important distinctions made in them: the first between the
the Pentateuch, like those which are produced to show the Levites and the twelve secular tribes, which is vividly reflected
relationships between the Synoptic Gospels, though they are in the arrangement of the camp in Num 2; and the second
hard to come by in English (but see Carpenter and Harford- between the Levites and the sons, or descendants, of Aaron,
Battersby (1900), ii; Campbell and O'Brien (1993) gives the which receives, to quote Wellhausen, 'incomparably greater
texts of the sources separately, but not in parallel columns). emphasis'. He continues: 'Aaron and his sons alone are
priests, qualified for sacrificing and burning incense; the
E. A Second Example: The Dating of the Priestly Source (P). 1. Levites are hieroduli [temple servants], bestowed on the Aar-
The second example of source criticism to be given here onidae for the discharge of the inferior services.' The unique
concerns the dating of the sources (step c.4), and in particular privilege of the descendants of Aaron is underlined in the
the claim that P is the latest of the four. Wellhausen used two story of the Korahite rebellion in Num 16-18. The setting
kinds of argument to establish this view. First he noted the apart of the two priestly groups is the result of two separate
almost unbroken silence of the older historical books, Samuel acts of a quite different character. First Aaron is chosen by
and Kings, with regard to the distinctive institutions of the YHWH to be a priest (Ex 28:1—5),an(^ then later the Levites are
cult prescribed by P (the tabernacle, detailed laws about sacri- given their role, by being offered at YHWH's bidding by the
fice, the Day of Atonement, the limitation of full priesthood to people as a substitute for their firstborn who, according to the
the descendants of Aaron, and the development of tithing as a law, belonged to YHWH (Num 3:40-4:49; cf. also ch. 18).
means of support for the priests). In view of the fact that these 4. This picture of the demarcation of the Aaronide and
books have plenty to say about ritual, this must imply that Levite groups is located by P at Mount Sinai in the time of
these institutions were not yet known in the pre-exilic period Moses—but how ancient is it really? Wellhausen believed that
It follows that P could not yet have been written. The specific the answer was to be found in Ezek 44:6—16, a passage from
reference to 'the older historical books' is deliberate, so as to the early years of the Babylonian exile (40:1 refers to the year
exclude the books of Chronicles. The force of this argument 573), which both refers to pre-exilic practices on admission to
 19 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
the priesthood and prescribes what practices shall be followed being disqualified from sitting or voting in the House of
in this matter in the future. According to this account, in the Lords' (ibid.). This was written before the introduction of life
pre-exilic temple in Jerusalem ('my sanctuary') the menial peerages! One may put the essential argument as follows: if P
tasks had been performed by foreigners (44:8), a practice of had been in existence in 573, Ezekiel surely would have devel-
which Ezekiel very strongly disapproved. And in the future, he oped his argument in a different way.
says, these tasks are to be performed by Levites (w. 9—14). Not 6. For these reasons, then, Wellhausen concluded that the
however in accordance with a role assigned to them by the regulations about the priesthood, which are absolutely central
people in ancient times—of this explanation (the one given by to P, could not have originated before Ezekiel, but only after-
P) Ezekiel says not a word—but as a punishment for their sins wards. Arguments of similar kinds were brought forward to
in the pre-exilic period. 'They shall bear their punishment', it justify a late date for other aspects of the ritual system pre-
says in w. 10 and 12 (cf v. rjfc). This only makes sense as a scribed by P. But how much later than Ezekiel was P to be
degradation from a previously higher position, which was no dated? Quite a lot later, according to Wellhausen (ibid. 404-
doubt that of full priesthood, which the Levites had enjoyed 10). He took as his point of departure the statement in Ezra
previously to this (cf. v. I3»). That Levites were full priests in 7:14 that when Ezra came from Babylon to Jerusalem in 458
pre-exilic times is implied also by Deuteronomy (cf. ch. 18). To BCE he had the law of God in his hand. This Wellhausen
what is their punishment due? It is because they 'went astray understood to be a new law book, which consisted of the
from me after their idols when Israel went astray' (v. 10—cf. completed Pentateuch, incorporating not only the older
v. 12). This evidently refers to service at the high places or sources J, E, and D but the Priestly Code, which had quite
bamot outside Jerusalem: because those who hadbeen priests at recently been compiled. He seems to have believed that the
the Jerusalem temple, 'my sanctuary' (w. 15-16), are explicitly completed Pentateuch (and the new Priestly Code) must owe
excluded from blame and are to retain an exclusive right to full its authority to some act of authorization, and only Ezra's
priesthood in the future: they are called 'the sons of Zadok' mission seemed to be available to meet this requirement.
after Zadok the priest under David and Solomon. The antith- According to Wellhausen, Neh 8—10 describes Ezra's publica-
esis between the Jerusalem temple, the one place of legitimate tion and the people's acceptance of the new (or rather partly
worship, and all other shrines had of course been at the heart new) law code, and these events are dated not earlier than 444
of the reform programme of King Josiah (640—609) half a BCE (compare Neh 1:1 with 8:2). This, Wellhausen held, gave
century earlier which, as described in 2 Kings 23, was inspired the approximate date when the Priestly Code was written up
by the somewhat earlier prescriptions of Deuteronomy (cf. and combined with the older Pentateuchal sources. A differ-
esp. Deut 12:1-14). Ezek 44 is fully at one with Josiah and the ent kind of argument which lends some support to this posi-
Deuteronomists on this point though he differs from Deuter- tion was used by Kuenen: early post-exilic literature, such as
onomy on the extent of the priesthood for the future. He the books of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, shows no
agrees with P that most Levites are to have an inferior role, awareness of the P legislation. The book of Malachi, probably
but he gives a completely different reason for it and he has a from the early fifth century BCE, is especially significant, as it
different view about what they were originally meant to do. says quite a lot about priests, but calls them Levites, not sons
5. The relationship between what Ezekiel says and the of Aaron. By contrast the Chronicler, writing some time after
regulations of P is most forcibly expressed in two quotations, 400 BCE is clearly familiar with P's regulations. So a date
one from Wellhausen himself and the other from Kuenen. within the fifth century becomes likely on this argument too.
First Wellhausen: 7. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century a majority of
scholars gradually came to accept the conclusions of the
What he [Ezekiel] regards as the original right of the Levites, the Newer Documentary Hypothesis, as the viewpoint pro-
performance of priestly services, is treated in the latter document [P] pounded by Graf, Kuenen, and Wellhausen came to be
as an unfounded and highly wicked pretension which once in the
known. In essence they held that the Pentateuch had been
olden times brought destruction upon Korah and his company
[Wellhausen is referring to the (P) story of the rebellion of Korah in composed from four documents or sources, whose dates and
Num 16—17]; what he [Ezekiel] considers to be a subsequent places of origin were as follows:
withdrawal of their right, as a degradation in consequence of a J gth cent., Judah
fault, the other [P] holds to have been their hereditary and natural
E 8th cent., northern kingdom of Israel
destination. The distinction between priest and Levite which Ezekiel
introduces and justifies as an innovation, according to the Priestly D 7th cent., Judah
Code has always existed; what in the former appears as a beginning, P 5th cent, Babylon
in the latter has been in force ever since Moses—an original datum, 8. There have, however, from the beginning been those who
not a thing that has become or been made. That the prophet
repudiated this position vociferously. In Britain and the United
[Ezekiel] should know nothing about a priestly law with whose
tendencies he is in thorough sympathy admits of only one States today the best-known opponents of the theory are
explanation—that it did not then exist. (1885: 124) among conservative evangelical Christians. In an earlier gen-
eration scholars such as J. Orr and A. H. Finn, later E. J. Young
The quotation from Kuenen uses an analogy which is par- and G. C. Aalders, and most recently K. A. Kitchen and R. K.
ticularly comprehensible in Britain: Tf by reason of their birth Harrison, sought to minimize the force of such arguments as
it was already impossible for the Levites to become priests [as those which we have been considering. But opposition came
P lays down], then it would be more than strange to deprive from other quarters too. In the Roman Catholic church the
them of the priesthood on account of their faults—much as if theory became a matter of controversy in the first decade of the
one were to threaten the commons with the punishment of twentieth century and the Pontifical Biblical Commission
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 20
decreed in 1906 that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch i Samuel, but few scholars today accept this explanation of
was not a subject that was open to discussion. This ban lasted them.
until the 19403. Some Jewish scholars too have been resolutely 12. Despite all these modifications and even rejections of
opposed to the documentary theory, e.g. U. Cassuto and M. H. the theory, the great majority of OT scholars were prepared,
Segal of Jerusalem, but others have disagreed only at one after the early years of debate, to accept it substantially as it left
particular point, the rejection of the idea that P is the latest of Wellhausen's hands. This was true, in recent times, of the
the documents (see below). Among Protestant Christian major figures in Britain (e.g. Rowley, G. W. Anderson), Ger-
scholars there has been a further group consisting mainly of many (von Rad, Noth, Weiser) and America (Albright, Bright).
Scandinavian scholars, who, for a distinctive reason, have For close on a century the view that the Pentateuch was
rejected many of the conclusions of the documentary theory. composed from the four documents J, E, D, and P, which
The leader of this group was I. Engnell of Uppsala, who wrote originated in that order, belonged to what used to be called the
mainly in Swedish. Engnell proposed to replace the dominant assured results of Old Testament criticism. This was an un-
theories by the use of what he called 'the traditio-historical fortunate phrase, and it would have been better to speak of the
method', which as far as the Pentateuch was concerned meant dominant or most satisfactory theory: neither a proven fact
that its origin lay not in the combination of written sources for nor mere speculation, but a plausible account of the phenom-
the most part but in developments that took place while the ena of the text. It needs to be emphasized that Mosaic author-
stories etc. were being transmitted orally, by word of mouth, a ship is also a theory: all that we know is that the Pentateuch
process which, according to Engnell, only ended at the time of existed by about the fourth century BCE. And Mosaic author-
the Babylonian exile or even later. The enthusiasm which ship is a theory which seems to account less well for the
Engnell's approach generated seems now to have waned, and phenomena than critical theories; so at least the majority of
it belongs for the most part to the history of Pentateuchal study scholars have believed. And since this theory seemed a solid
rather than to its present concerns. foundation to them, their fresh thinking about the Pentateuch
9. There have also been several modifications proposed to was until recently generally not about source criticism but
the classical theory. Some scholars have taken up a suspicion proceeded along two rather different lines of enquiry: (i) the
already expressed by Wellhausen himself that the J material in study of the traditions, both narrative and law, in the preliterary
Gen i—ii is not an original unity, and have gone on to argue stage of their history, before they were incorporated into the
that the whole of J is the result of the combination of two Pentateuchal source-documents; (2) the definition of the par-
originally separate sources or the enlargement of the original J ticular theological content of the different source-documents.
by additions. This is only a minority view, but it has obtained
wide publicity through its presentation in two Introductions F. The Preliterary Origins of the Pentateuch. 1. By 1900 the
that were at one time popular, those of Otto Eissfeldt and source-critical theory was in need of a corrective of a much
Georg Fohrer. Eissfeldt called the extra source L ('Lay Source', more fundamental kind than any of those mentioned so far,
because of the absence of cultic material) and Fohrer called it for both historical and literary reasons. On the one hand there
N ('Nomadic Source', because it seemed opposed to settled had opened up a significant gap between the dates attributed
life), but both attribute much the same passages to it: e.g. in to even the earliest sources of the Pentateuch (9th—8th cents.
Gen i-n Fohrer ascribed a few verses in chs 2-3 to N, as well BCE) and the period which they purported to describe, which
as 4:17-24 and 11:1-9, aU it is said expressing the frustration of ended about 1200 BCE or even earlier. How much, if any, real
man's attempts to develop. Similar subdivisions have been historical information had survived this passage of time? Was
proposed of the other sources, with more justification in the it necessary to conclude, as Wellhausen (1885: 318—19) tended
cases of D and P, but hardly so in the case of E. to imply, that the sources could inform us only about condi-
10. In fact it has been repeatedly suspected that E is not a tions in the time when they were written? On the other hand,
true source at all, that is that the passages attributed to it do the investigations of the source-critics had isolated the Penta-
not belong to a single continuous account of Israel's early teuch from the life of the people of ancient Israel, and left the
history (partial rejection of step 03 in the systematic presenta- text as a product of writers and redactors who were to some
tion). Two German scholars, P. Volz and W. Rudolph, pressed extent created in the image of the scholars who studied
the case for this view between the First and Second World them—an intellectual elite far removed from ordinary people.
Wars, and Noth was influenced by it to some extent, although Was it really from such circles that the Pentateuch had ultim-
he never gave up a belief in E altogether. The problem was that ately originated? These are in fact very topical issues for
what were supposed to be the remnants of E seemed to show biblical scholarship at the present time, when interest has
neither the completeness nor the theological unity that ap- reverted to the discussion of sources and especially the work
pears in J. However, important defences of the existence of E of redactors or editors. Although there are some more positive
as an independent source have been put forward (Bruegge- aspects of the situation now, this preoccupation with the later,
mann and Wolff 1975: 67-82; Jenks 1977). literary stages of composition poses exactly the same threat
11. A further kind of modification, or rather extension, of today to a historical and living appreciation of the Pentateuch
the theory has been the claim that the Pentateuchal sources as it did around 1900. Then the way forward was marked out
extend into the following books of the OT, the historical books by Hermann Gunkel, who was in fact much more of a pion-
This is quite widely held for Joshua, but it was also maintained eering, original thinker than Wellhausen. His correctives are
by some scholars for Judges, Samuel, and even parts of Kings as much needed today as they ever were.
(so Eissfeldt, C. A. Simpson). There are certainly some signs 2. In 1901 Gunkel (1862—1932) published a commentary on
of duplicate or parallel narratives in these books, especially in the book of Genesis, with a long introduction which was
 21 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
separately published and also translated into English under example on the Psalms. Briefly we may distinguish: (i) deter-
the title The Legends of Genesis. The change of perspective can mination of the literary genre; (2) classification of the mater-
very quickly and easily be seen if we compare the contents of ial; and (3) the reconstruction of its social setting (Sitz im
this introduction with the introductions to other commen- Leberi).
taries on Genesis which appeared in the years immediately 6. Gunkel begins by making the general point that history-
before 1901, such as that of H. Holzinger of 1898. (In English writing as we know it, and as it is represented in the later
Driver (1904) still shows the pre-Gunkel approach.) Holzin- historical books of the OT, is not 'an innate endowment of th
ger's introduction of some 18 pages included the following human mind'. 'Only at a certain stage of civilization has
subsections: Content of the Hexateuch and of Genesis; Trad- objectivity so grown and the interest in transmitting national
ition about the Author; History of Criticism [i.e. source criti- experiences to posterity so increased that the writing of history
cism]; the source J; the source E; the source P; the becomes possible. Such history has for its subjects great pub-
Combination of the Sources. This clearly reflects, almost ex- lic events, the deeds of popular leaders and kings, and espe-
clusively, the preoccupations of the source critics. Although cially wars.' Apart from such political organization, the past is
Holzinger was aware that the material in J and E was ultim- remembered and cherished in the form of popular tradition,
ately derived from popular oral tradition, as indeed Well- for which Gunkel used the genre-description Sage (pi. Sagen);
hausen had been before him, he was not apparently interested 'legend' is a better English equivalent for this than saga, and
in, or perhaps capable of, exploring the character of this perhaps 'tale' is best of all. The preservation of some historical
'popular oral tradition'. memories in Sage is not ruled out—Gunkel speaks of 'the
3. The contrast with Gunkel's introduction could hardly be senseless confusion of legend with lying' in discussion of this
greater. Its first subsection has a polemical title which sums issue—but at the same time strong emphasis is laid on the
up the whole thesis: 'Genesis is a collection of legends (Ger- creativity of the story-tellers and it is significant that Gunkel
man Sageri)'—the English translation waters this down to followed up his remark that 'Legends are not lies' with 'on the
'The Significance and Scope of the Legends'. Then follow contrary they are a particular form of poetry': this is perhaps a
sections on 'The Varieties of the Legends'; 'The Artistic pointer to the kind of truth which he believed them to contain,
Form of the Legends'; 'History of the Transmission of the it is more the truth of poetry, i.e. general truths about the (or a)
Legends in Oral Tradition'. These four sections, all of them human situation, than the truth of history. His argument that
dealing with the stages of tradition prior to the written the stories in Genesis are to be classed as Sagen is quite a
sources, comprise about 80 pages, that is over three-quarters simple one. The basic difference, he says, between history-
of a much enlarged introduction. Only after this does Gunkel writing as a literary genre and Sage is that history-writing is a
bring in two more traditional-sounding sections: one on written composition, whereas Sage, as its derivation from the
'Yahwist, Elohist, the Older Collections' (but note how what German word 'to say' shows, is a genre of oral tradition. The
were 'sources' are now 'collections', reflecting the change of stories in Genesis, at least most of them, bear the marks of
perspective); the other on 'The Priestly Code and Final Redac- having been originally composed orally—he gives more detail
tion'. An English commentary which shows the influence of later, but here mentions especially the existence of variant
Gunkel's work was J. Skinner's International Critical Com- versions of essentially the same story (e.g. the patriarch who
mentary, published in 1910: sections 2-5 of the introduction passed his wife off as his sister (Gen 12; 20; 26))—and there-
are taken over almost directly from Gunkel. fore they are Sagen. In addition, the general lack of interest in
4. There were in fact two basic changes of approach with political events, the long period between the events reported
Gunkel: (i) chronologically, he dug deeper, there is the concen- and their being put in written form, and the inclusion of
tration on the preliterary form of the tradition, instead of the numerous details that are, from a modern point of view,
written sources of Genesis themselves, as we have seen; and fantastic (such as Lot's wife turning into a pillar of salt: Gen
changes in the tradition at the earlier stage are regarded as a 19:26), serve to confirm the general description as Sagen.
possible and indeed necessary subject for study; (2) but there This description of the stories as Sagen has important
is also, analytically, a transfer of attention away from long consequences for Gunkel's understanding of them which
connected narratives to individual sections or episodes, each he illustrates by reference to the sacrifice of Isaac in Gen 22:
of which turns out to comprise a more or less self-contained 'The important matter [sc. for the narrator] is not to establish
story, which Gunkel believed had once existed independently certain historical facts, but to impart to the hearer the
of the larger narrative context. These two new departures are heart-rending grief of the father who is commanded to sacri-
interconnected, but it may be said with good reason that the fice his child with his own hand, and then his boundless
first of them led to tradition criticism, as particularly practised gratitude and joy when God's mercy releases him from this
later by von Rad and Noth, while the second gave rise to form grievous trial.' The positive implications of using such
criticism, which is where Gunkel himself made his main language about the Genesis stories were to be developed
contribution. In fact both of these methods were designed further by Karl Earth (Church Dogmatics, iii. i) as well as by
by Gunkel to reach a higher goal, a more adequate account of Gerhard von Rad (in the introduction to his commentary on
the history of Hebrew literature, and his work is most accur- Genesis).
ately described as literary history: he could see that source 7. Gunkel went on to subdivide the Sagen of Genesis into
criticism alone would never do justice to the art of the Hebrew various types, first of all making a sharp distinction between
writers. those of Gen i—n, which tell of the ancestors of the human
5. The general principles of Gunkel's form-critical work on race as a whole, and Gen 12—50, which tell of the ancestors of
Genesis are the same as those used by him elsewhere, for particular peoples, especially Israel. Nowadays it seems
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 22
appropriate to use the terms 'myth' and legend' to distinguish the overall structure of the Pentateuch, with its sequence of
these two types of story, but they were not often so used by creation, patriarchs, Exodus, revelation at Sinai, wilderness
Gunkel. Gen 12—50 was further subdivided into Sagen of wandering and conquest of Transjordan. Was this order of
different types: the two main ones being tribal legends and events, which already appeared in the J source, simply derived
aetiological legends. The former (i) can be either (a) historical, from the historical sequence of events; or was it to be ex-
if they represent events in the history of tribes, such as the plained as the result of some process or processes of develop-
treaty between Abraham or Isaac and Abimelech king of ment in the tradition which had oversimplified an originally
Gerar (21:22-34; 2^) or me migrations of the various patri- more complicated story? We come with this to the traditio-
archs from one place to another; or (b) ethnographic if they historical work of von Rad and Noth (see on this especially
represent tribal relations, as in the stories of Jacob and Esau. Nicholson 1973).
Aetiological legends (2) are those whose purpose is to explain 10. Von Rad's very influential views on this subject are set
the origin of some aspect of contemporary experience, and out in a long essay published in 1938 and entitled 'The Form-
they subdivide into (a) ethnological legends, which explain Critical Problem of the Hexateuch' (von Rad 1966:1—78). The
why different peoples live where they do, e.g. Gen 19; (b) reference to form criticism in the title is at first surprising but
etymological legends, which explain the meaning of names, is justified by the use, at the beginning of the essay, of the basic
e.g. Beersheba in Gen 21:31; (c) cultic legends, which explain principles of that discipline, the difference being that von Rad
why a place is holy, or a particular ritual act carried out (32:32); suggested applying them to the Hexateuch as a whole (like
(d) geological legends, explaining features of the landscape others before and since he believed that the book of Joshua
(19:26). These categories are not mutually exclusive, a par- was intimately linked with the Pentateuch) instead of only to
ticular legend may exhibit the characteristics of two or more of the short episodes or pericopae from which it was made up. So
them, e.g. Gen 22. This is the analysis worked out by Gunkel he asks first about the literary genre of the Hexateuch in its
for the first edition of his commentary in 1901: an important final form, and answers that it is essentially a statement of
consequence of it was that, while the aetiological legends were faith, a creed: not just popular tradition, or history, but a
of little or no use for the historian, the tribal legends could (if historical creed. Then he proposed the question of other and
read correctly) provide information about the history of the especially earlier examples of this genre, the historical creed,
various tribes. In the course of his preoccupation with Genesis in Israel, and coupled with it the question of its social setting
over the next few years Gunkel changed his mind over certain or Sitz im Leben. He found the answers to these questions
topics, and in particular he gave up the 'tribal' interpretation given above all in the prayer prescribed in Deut 26:5-9 to
of groups (i)(») and (i)(fc) above and supposed instead that be said at the presentation of the first fruits of the har-
they too were based on folklore motifs and had no historical vest, in which the following 'confession of faith' bears a strik-
kernel at all. ing resemblance to the outline of the narrative of the
8. Gunkel's account of the social setting of such stories is Hexateuch:
given in a chapter in which he attempts to formulate their
literary character more clearly. 'The common situation which A wandering Aramaean was my ancestor; he went down into Egypt
we have to suppose is this: In the leisure of a winter evening and lived there as an alien, few in number; and there he became a
the family sits about the hearth; the grown people, but more great nation, mighty and populous. When the Egyptians treated us
harshly and afflicted us, by imposing hard labour on us, we cried to
especially the children, listen intently to the beautiful old
the Lord, the God of our ancestors; the Lord heard our voice and saw
stories of the dawn of the world, which they have heard so our affliction, our toil and our oppression. The Lord brought us out
often yet never tire of hearing repeated.' It is to be noted, of Egypt with a mighty hand and an outstretched arm, with a
because of the contrast with von Rad and Noth, that it is a terrifying display of power, and with signs and wonders; and he
domestic scene that Gunkel reconstructed, not one of a cultic brought us into this place and gave us this land, a land flowing with
festival. He lived before the time when all (or nearly all) the OT milk and honey.
was thought to be related to the setting of worship. In the
remaining chapters he reconstructed the processes by which 11. This 'short historical creed', as it has come to be called,
the originally separate stories were collected together, so as was taken by von Rad to be a very ancient formula embedded
eventually to form the source-documents J and E—this is in the Deuteronomic law book and one which had originally
really tradition-history—and, as we have seen, went on to been composed for just the purpose which Deuteronomy
deal with the sources themselves and their combination to- gives it, namely to accompany a ritual action in the cult. This
gether by the editors of the Pentateuch. Gunkel's views about passage represented, according to von Rad, the first stage in
the origins of Genesis have been enormously influential and the history of the genre 'historical creed', at the end of which
have shaped subsequent research just as much as the docu- stood the composition of the Hexateuch in its final form, and
mentary source-theory. They are not however satisfactory in it indicated an originally cultic setting for the genre. This
every respect, as we shall see. implied for von Rad that the origin of the Hexateuch too was
9. Form-critical study of the Pentateuch was extended to the bound up with the history of the Israelite cult, a subject which
stories involving Moses by Hugo Gressmann in 1913 and to had already before 1938 come to interest OT scholars consid-
the Pentateuchal laws by Albrecht Alt in 1934 (Alt 1966: 87- erably, particularly through the work of Sigmund Mowinckel
132: see further below), and many others followed them. But at on the Psalms, and von Rad was in fact only developing
the same time the study of the preliterary history of the suggestions made previously by other scholars about particu-
Pentateuch began to be carried forward in a different way, lar sections of the Hexateuch (Mowinckel on the Sinai peri-
which considered not isolated individual stories or laws but cope (1927), Alt on a covenant-festival as a setting for apodictic
 23 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
law (1934), and Pedersen on the link between Exodus and it. This is already an important departure from von Rad's view,
Passover (1934)). since it implied that J inherited the canonical pattern from
12. At this point we move out of the strictly form-critical earlier tradition and was not himself the first to combine the
sphere into that of tradition criticism or tradition history. Von Sinai narrative with the others, as von Rad had thought.
Rad noticed that the creed in Deut 26:5-9 does not mention 15. But in general Noth regarded von Rad's account of the
the meeting with God at Mount Sinai among the events which preliterary history of the tradition as sound. He accepted
it enumerates, and that the same is true of various other the idea that the Sinai narrative had once been separate
'credal' passages in the OT, especially Deut 6:20-4 and J°sh from the rest, and the early Israelite cult as the locus of pre-
24:2-13. On the other hand, the final form of the Hexateuch servation and transmission of the traditions. Von Rad was
does give considerable space to events at Mount Sinai, and only at fault in that he did not take the process of analysis far
thus represents a departure from the original form of the enough for Noth. In Noth's view there were not just two
creed. Even within the Hexateuchal narrative itself, von Rad originally separate blocks of tradition but five, which he gen-
believed, there were signs that the Sinai narrative had been erally refers to as 'themes'. These were the promise to the
artificially fitted into an original sequence, running from the patriarchs, the deliverance from Egypt (Exodus), the leading
Exodus to the Conquest, in which it did not appear. This through the wilderness, the revelation at Sinai, and the settle-
sequence on the one hand and the Sinai narrative on the other ment in the land of Canaan.
at one time therefore existed quite independently of one an- 16. To understand what Noth has to say about the origin
other. As we have seen, von Rad had come to the conclusion of these themes it is necessary to remind ourselves of his
from his study of the genre 'creed' that the origins of the views about the earliest history of Israel. For him there can be
Hexateuch were bound up with the history of the cult, and no question of a history of Israel before the settlement in
he proceeded in the next stage of his essay to develop this view Canaan, because prior to the settlement various groups of
by a detailed argument that these two blocks of tradition had semi-nomads existed quite separately and they only became
been the theme-material of two different festivals celebrated 'Israel' when they combined together in a sacred tribal league
in the period of the Judges at two different sanctuaries. The or 'amphictyony' on the soil of Canaan. Whatever came before
patriarchs-Exodus-Conquest sequence (which von Rad was not, could not be, the history or story of the 'children of
usually refers to as the 'settlement-tradition' from its conclud- Israel', but could only be the history or story of parts of what
ing item, the possession of the promised land) belonged to the later became Israel. The arrangement of Noth's own book on
festival of Weeks or First-Fruits, celebrated at the sanctuary of the history of Israel is the logical consequence of this view: its
Gilgal near Jericho, while the Sinai narrative belonged to a first main chapter deals with the arrival in Canaan of those
festival of the Renewal of the Covenant, referred to in the OT groups which were eventually to become Israel, and only in
as Tabernacles or Booths, which took place at Shechem in the the third chapter are the traditions about the Exodus, the
central highlands of Israel. patriarchs, and Mount Sinai dealt with, under the heading
13. If that is so, the question arises as to when and by whom 'The Traditions of the Sacral Confederation of the Twelve
the two blocks of tradition were combined together. Von Rad's Tribes'. In Noth's picture these traditions could only have
answer is that it was the author of the J source in the Hexa- originated as the traditions of one of the constituent parts of
teuch, whom he dates to the tenth century BCE, for in it, as Israel in each case: that is, the implication of the Pentateuchal
traditionally reconstructed, the canonical sequence already texts themselves that they are talking about the origin of 'all
appears. It is also to the Yahwist that the prefacing of Gen Israel' is historically false. Further there is no reason to think
1(2)—n, the primeval history, to the pattern dictated by the that the same constituent part of Israel was involved in the
creed is attributed, so that this writer takes on immense events of all the five themes, and it is quite possible that each
stature as the originator of the canonical form of the narrative, theme derived originally from a different group, so that there
and indeed in other ways too, which von Rad also spelt out at was no original historical continuity at all between them.
the end of his essay. 17. Apart from these general considerations about the his-
14. Noth's work on the Pentateuch (he did not believe that tory of the tradition, Noth continued with the examination of
Joshua was so closely connected) is to be found above all in his the individual stories that had been begun by Gunkel and
book published in 1948 and later translated into English Gressmann, emphasizing their typical and legendary fea-
under the title A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (1972). It tures. He seems to have held that the tradition began with
sets out to be a comprehensive and systematic treatise, which five raw statements of faith corresponding to the five themes,
builds on von Rad's work, but also introduces fresh ideas and of the form 'YHWH brought us out of the land of Egypt', to
draws in elements of Gunkel's work on particular passages. which only the slightest historical recollections were attached.
Beginning from the conclusions of source criticism, Noth These statements of faith then became the inspiration for a
observed that the canonical pattern of narrative from the process of amplification by the creativity of story-tellers or
patriarchs to the settlement appeared not only in J but also bards, who developed the various episodes with which we
in E, and since it seemed unlikely to him that E simply are familiar.
imitated J (since sometimes one seems more primitive and 18. One result of Noth's theory was his reluctance to regard
sometimes the other), he proposed that both were drawing on any element of the tradition which represented continuity
a common source in which the canonical pattern already between the different themes as an early component of the
appeared. He seems to have been unsure whether to postulate story. The most celebrated example of this is his treatment of
a written source or just common oral tradition, but he pro- Moses, who of course appears throughout the central section
posed the symbol G (for Grundlage, 'foundation') to represent of the Pentateuch, in the Exodus, wilderness, and Sinai
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 24
themes. In all of this, Noth argued, Moses is dispensable But it is not a cast-iron argument, and cogent objections can
and therefore a secondary element. He originally belonged be raised to it at virtually every point. To take only one point, is
in fact to the story of the settlement in Canaan, because his it really true that oral literature knows only the genre of Sagen
grave was located in land claimed by the Israelite tribes (cf as defined by Gunkel? Comparisons over a wider range than
Deut 34:1-6 with Josh 13:15-23), and those elements of the he undertook have suggested that oral literature is a much
stories about him that are not likely to have been invented (his more varied phenomenon, with several different functions.
foreign wife, criticism of his leadership) therefore originally Detailed studies of the text of Genesis itself also suggested
belong here. weaknesses in Gunkel's description. He seems to have lost
19. While the views of von Rad and Noth have been very sight of the essential difference in character between the
influential, they have also come in for criticism from many myths of Gen i—n, which are pure imagination as far as
scholars. Among the counter-arguments the following maybe the events they describe are concerned, and the stories of the
mentioned: patriarchs, where imagination is constrained by a particular
historical situation.
1. von Rad's reliance on Deut 26:5-9 ma7 have too readily
The most comprehensive attempt to develop a new form
assumed that it is an ancient piece of traditional liturgy: its
criticism of the patriarchal stories has been made by C. Wes-
style is strongly Deuteronomic, and perhaps it was com-
termann, in the introduction to the second volume of his
posed by the authors of Deuteronomy in the eighth or
commentary on Genesis. Westermann's main assertion about
seventh century BCE.
the patriarchal narratives is that they are above all family
2. whether that is so or not, von Rad's reconstruction of the
narratives, not only in the sense that they are about family
history of the genre 'creed' too readily assumes that shorter
life but also because they are told and handed on by people
forms are earlier than longer ones, a common misconcep-
who are the descendants (or think they are the descendants) of
tion of form critics; or to put it another way, that develop-
the chief characters in the story. In his commentary he makes
ment invariably proceeds by supplementation and never
a comparison between them and Galsworthy's 'family novels',
by selection or subtraction. It is not necessarily the case
The Forsyte Saga. Plato in the Hippias Major said that people in
that the 'canonical pattern' of the creed with Sinai included
his day liked hearing stories of the foundation of cities; other
is later than the shorter form.
classical parallels can be found in stories of the founding of
3. Even if Noth's historical views about the settlement are
colonies and in Virgil's Aeneid. According to Westermann, it is
true, they do not in fact rule out the possibility that all the
also possible to show that the aetiological stories and motifs,
themes represent experiences of the same group of'ances-
which are where creativity is at its greatest, belong to a com-
tors of Israel', so that there might be an element of histor-
paratively late stage of the process of growth of the patriarchal
ical continuity between them.
stories. In the rest of the tradition, there is no reason why
4. Noth too quickly disposed of Moses, who is very firmly
memories of quite ancient situations should not have been
linked with the Exodus, Sinai, and wilderness traditions
preserved, indeed this is to be expected. This is not to say that
and scarcely as 'dispensable' as Noth believed. But if he is
we can read Genesis as if it were a series of biographies: for the
allowed to remain in them, this is an indication of an
sequence of stories is less to be relied on than some of the
original historical continuity between Exodus, Sinai, wil-
stories themselves, and in addition there are some individual
derness, and settlement.
stories which owe a lot to later narrators with a particular
20. In addition to these objections, which are widely cur- theological point to make.
rent, it should be observed that many of Noth's arguments are 22. In looking at Westermann's fresh description of the
only possible if it is assumed that the tradition possessed the patriarchal stories we thus encounter some pointers to a
degree of creativity ascribed to it by Gunkel and Gressmann: somewhat more positive historical evaluation of them than
and it is not at all certain that it did, particularly as far as the Gunkel allowed. To these archaeological evidence lends some
tradition about the Exodus and subsequent events is con- support, though this must not be exaggerated. The claim that
cerned. In fact, a number of questions have been raised in such evidence can prove the substantial reliability of the
recent years about the validity of some of Gunkel's inferences. stories has rightly been criticized by T L. Thompson and J.
Two questions in particular need to be asked: (i) Is Gunkel's Van Seters. There are no direct references to Abraham, Isaac,
overall description of the stories as 'legend' (Sage) adequate? or anyone else in Genesis in contemporary Near-Eastern texts.
(2) Was his growing conviction that Genesis lacked any histor- But in a variety of ways certain details of the stories (though
ical basis justified? These are clearly related questions, for the not others) can be shown to fit in with our knowledge from
historical reliability of the stories is bound to be affected by the external sources of how life was lived in the second millen-
type of stories that we suppose them to be. nium BCE. That is, the stories of the patriarchs did transmit to
21. The description 'legend' was arrived at by Gunkel by a ancient Israel and do transmit to us some authentic informa-
deceptively simple process of reasoning: the stories originated tion about conditions of life, both external and internal, social
before the Israelites organized themselves politically into a and spiritual, in the time before the Exodus. Creative develop-
state, therefore they are oral compositions, therefore they are ment there may indeed be, but it is not creation in this case out
legends (Sagen), and their purpose is to convey experiences of of nothing: it is an enlarging and deepening of the story of a
human existence which are not to be equated with particular family, or families, who came to be regarded as the ancestors
historical events. The attraction of this line of reasoning is that of all Israel and the recipients of a divine promise whose
at its end there is something that certainly needs to be said if fulfilment was believed to have been worked out in the life
we are to do justice to the literary art of the Genesis narratives. of Israel as a historical people.
 25 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
23. Despite the various criticisms we have looked at, it needs the key terms 'covenant' and 'law' have often been picked out,
to be remembered that, even if the answers have weaknesses, orthe demand forthe centralization ofthe cult (Deut 12:1—14).
the questions posed by von Rad, Noth, and Gunkel about the Finally, in his essay on the theology of P, Brueggemann sees
preliterary stage of the tradition are still with us and are the declaration of blessing in Gen 1:28 as 'the central message
ultimately unavoidable. I have already mentioned Wester- in the faith ofthe priestly circle', which is recapitulated in
mann's more fruitful treatment of the patriarchal stories later passages such as Gen 9:7; 17:20; 28:1—4; 35:II> Ex I:7-
from this point of view. There is nothing quite comparable There is no doubt that this is a natural and useful approach
yet for the Exodus and subsequent episodes—T. L. Thomp- to take, but if it is used alone as it sometimes is, it is in
son's work suffers from the same defect as Gunkel's—but danger of producing an account of the theology of the
B. S. Childs's commentary contains some useful material sources that is both one-sided and oversimplified. For that
and G. W. Coats recently brought out an excellent study, based reason it is very important to look also at two other aspects
on a series of articles written over a period of some twenty ofthe texts.
years, which, in direct contrast to Noth's position, takes Moses 2.2. One of these is the range of contents of a particular
as its central theme (Coats 1988). source, that is, particularly, where it begins and ends. Again
the study ofthe Gospels is an illuminating comparison, for
G. The Theology of the Pentateuchal Sources. 1. General con- they all begin and end at different points, at least if it is kept in
siderations. Twentieth-century scholars have been occupied mind that Luke's Gospel is only the first part of a 2-volume
by another development in Pentateuchal study, going beyond work. The different beginnings were already noticed by Ire-
the analysis into sources: that is, the theology—or rather naeus in the second century CE. The Pentateuchal sources also
theologies, for they differ considerably—of the sources. In all begin at different points, but unfortunately the question of
fact the realization of the differences is one of the main their endings is not so simple, and it is much argued whether
benefits of source-analysis. One may draw an analogy with J, E, and P did or did not go on to describe the conquest of
what has happened in NT study of the Gospels—there too Canaan under Joshua, while Deuteronomy can be said to 'end'
a source-critical phase and a form-critical phase have been at two very different places. Still, the different beginnings are
followed by a phase that focuses on the theologies of the clear enough, and they have important implications for the
different evangelists. The theological study of the sources of theology ofthe sources.
the Pentateuch seems to date from von Rad's 'Hexateuch' 2.3. Also important is what I would call the/orm of presen-
essay (1938), in which he identified the author of the J source tation and the arrangement ofthe contents ofthe source, and
as a creative theological writer. The modifications which in fact von Rad makes these factors fundamental for his
von Rad thought J had made to the tradition (combination exploration of the theology of the Yahwist. What I have in
of Sinai and settlement; addition of primeval history) were mind is first the general shape ofthe source—is it essentially a
clearly an advance in theology and not just innovations on narrative or a collection of speeches? And what kind of narra-
the literary level. It is now widely recognized that the inter- tive or speeches?—and then the more detailed structure ofthe
pretation of a particular Pentateuchal passage must take contents.
account of its setting within the context of the source- 3. Secondly, the aim must be decided: what is it that we are
document to which it belongs and ask, 'How is the inclusion trying to do? I would see this as being to state the religious
of this passage related to the author's overall purpose and assertions that are made by the document as a whole, or at least
plan?' Von Rad again is a good illustration of this at many in so far as it has been preserved. I say this over against the
places in his Genesis commentary, though he concen- approach which seeks out only what is distinctive or what is
trates mainly on the J source. Further studies of this kind new in a particular source. This has sometimes been the way
can be found in Brueggemann and Wolff (1975). Before of putting the question—it is in these terms that von Rad puts
looking briefly at each source in turn I want to make some it in relation to the Yahwist—but (i) we then presuppose that
general, and rather polemical, points about our method and we can make a clear distinction between the contribution of an
aim. author himself and what he inherited from his predecessors.
2. First, the method must be addressed: how are we to This may sometimes be possible but frankly we are often not
determine the theology of a document which is essentially in a position to do that with any certainty when dealing with
in narrative form? There are various possibilities: the Pentateuchal sources, and that is an important part ofthe
2.1. The best-known studies of this topic have tended to reason why scholars have found it difficult sometimes to agree
concentrate either on specific passages that make clearly theo- in this area. (2) In any case the theology of an author is shaped
logical statements or on expressions which recur in a number and expressed as much by what he reproduces from earlier
of passages. For example, Gen 12:1—3 ^as been regarded as tradition as by the fresh insights (if any) which he brings to it
almost the motto of the J writer (so by von Rad, Wolff, and himself.
others), with special emphasis being laid on Abraham as the 4. One further point: the authors produced their work
means of blessing for all the peoples of the earth. Other in particular historical situations and addressed themselves
passages have also been thought to shed particular light on to those situations. It must therefore be part of our aim
the theology of this writer: thus, in Gen i-n; 6:5; 8:21, and to discover what those situations were, i.e. to date the
later on 18:22/7-33. Again, Wolff's brilliant study of the theo- work, and to relate what it says to the events of its time. But
logy of E is largely concerned with the recurring expressions since most of the evidence for dating comes from the theo-
'the fear of God' (20:11, etc.) and God 'testing' or 'proving' logical themes that are prominent in the sources, this part of
someone (Gen 22:1; Ex 20:20). In the case of Deuteronomy our task can only be approached after we have reached an
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 26
understanding of its theology by the methods described 9. J's presentation of the early history of Israel is shot
above. through with the idea of election, that Israel is YHWH's
5. Two important features are common to all four sources of own people, which he brought into being, protected, and
the Pentateuch: (i) they all alike seek to define the character of settled in her land, to fulfil the promises which he had made
the relationship between YHWH and Israel; (2) they do this by to her distant ancestors Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. That
reference to certain ancient events, among which the se- history too illustrates the themes of sin—punishment—grace
quence patriarchs—Exodus—Sinai—occupation of the land is (especially in the wilderness), but more especially that of
present in all of them. Nevertheless in their handling of these YHWH as a powerful deliverer and provider of his people's
common features they differ considerably. needs: corresponding to this, faith in God is the primary
6. The Theology of J. J, in overall shape, is clearly a narrative. virtue (Gen 15:6, cf Ex 4:30—1; 14:13, 31). There are some
But what kind of a narrative? Some of the important events passages, chiefly poetic, in this section which seem to relate
described would clearly justify von Rad's term, used of the to events of J's own time and are the basis for attempts to date
Hexateuch as a whole, 'creed', but others, such as the stories of him to the tenth century BCE: according to them Israel is
Abraham's or Jacob's exploits, do not fit this description very destined to be a great nation, who will rule her neighbours
well. One might say then that there is a credal framework and have a king from the tribe of Judah (Gen 24:60; 27:27-9;
filled out with what might be called illustrative material. An 49:8-12; Num 24:15-19). Interestingly none of these passages
alternative approach is to begin at the other end with the is exactly in the form of a divine promise and perhaps this
genre-description 'epic', and then qualify this by a term such means that J did not regard political power as of the very
as 'religious' or 'theological'. Somewhere at the convergence essence of Israel's relationship to YHWH.
of these two approaches an accurate description is to be found. 10. What is the significance of the combination of the two
The narrative shape of] has led to the view that his theology, parts together? There has of late been a tendency to focus on
like that of other OT writers, is a theology of history, i.e. a the gloomy side of Gen i—n, which ends, as von Rad points
witness to and interpretation of the acts of God in history. The out, with the story of the scattering of the nations. Unlike
question does of course arise as to how far the 'history' in J's earlier acts of judgement, this one is not mitigated by any
account is real history, especially in Gen i-n, and the recently word of grace and mercy. The word of mercy to the nations
coined term 'narrative theology' is more widely applicable. comes, according to this view, in a quite new form, in 12:1—3,
Either way, the difference between J's theology and a timeless, where YHWH promises his blessing of Abraham's descend-
philosophical theology needs to be noted. ants, i.e. of Israel, and that 'in you [or: your seed] all the
7. J begins with creation: but it is worth amplifying this to families of the earth shall be blessed' (12:3—cf. 26:4; 28:14),
'the creation of human beings', because in Gen 2:4—5 me i.e. that Abraham/Israel is destined to mediate YHWH's bles-
references to the creation of the natural world are in a sub- sing to other nations. J's theology is thus universalistic:
ordinate clause, and not part of the actual story, which begins it looks beyond Israel to God's work in the wider world.
only in v. 7: 'Then the Lord God formed man...'. J's story is There is however a snag with this interpretation (see the
thus human history from its beginning to—wherever J ended! note on this verse), and that is that the crucial words in
That we do not know for sure, but the occupation of the land of Gen 12:3 could be translated in a different way: 'by you
Canaan by Israel seems the most likely ending, whether, as all the families of the earth shall bless themselves', that
some still think, that ending is preserved in the book of Joshua is, Abraham would be the standard to which all others
or not. would want to rise, without it being implied that this was
8. The contents of J can be subdivided into two parts: Gen 2— in fact YHWH's intention for them (cf. Ps 72:17; and for
n, 'The Early History of Mankind in General'; and Gen 12 the idea Zech 8:13). Then J is only speaking directly about
onwards, 'The Early History of Israel and their Ancestors'. An YHWH's purpose for Israel. However that may be, we must
account of J's theology must address both parts of the docu- certainly not make the mistake of thinking that Gen i—n
ment and, which is very important, the fact that they have serves in its present context only to indicate what the world
been brought together. In Gen 2-11 we have a number of needs to be saved from. In other respects, as we saw, it
stories about the earliest ages of human history, which now specifies the unchanging conditions under which human
have an interesting parallel in the Babylonian Epic ofAtraha- life has to be lived, as much in Israel as anywhere else, and
sis, which covers a similar span of early history. They do not shows YHWH's dominion as creator over the whole world.
pretend to present a complete history of these times, but only This is also a kind of universal theology and ethics, but it
certain episodes with a particular importance for later genera- differs from the salvation-history kind that has been found
tions. These episodes are presented either as the cause of a in 12:3 etc. and is not dependent upon it. Other signs of a
present state of affairs (human mortality, the need to work for universal interest are the Table of Nations (ch. 10) and the use
a living, the existence of many languages, for example) or as of Mesopotamian materials in the Flood story, as well as the
paradigms of situations that may occur at any time (the rivalry Tower of Babel story in ch. n, which seems implicitly to
of brothers, the attempt to break through the limits imposed challenge the pretensions of the great world-empires of the
on man by God), or as both. Westermann points out how the ancient Near East, and especially those of Babylon. The
family is often in view. Of course in all cases the context is approach is reminiscent of the wisdom literature in a number
theological, and the sequence of sin-punishment-mercy ap- of ways. In this respect Gen 2-11 is not the antithesis to the
pears several times, both as the cause of the present state of kerygma of 12:1—3, law to gospel as it were, but displays God's
the world and as typical of God's government of the world at wider work in creation and providence as the basis for his
all times. work in his own people's history.
 27 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
11. The Theology of E. The E source survives to a much 12:10—20] and 20:1—i8E, where the latter passage includes
smaller extent than J. In shape or general character E seems to Abimelech's protestation of his innocence and the implication
have been very similar to J, and what was said earlier about that Abraham's behaviour is reprehensible. It would be even
this in relation to J applies broadly to E. On the other hand the clearer if it were certain that the Decalogue and the Book ofthe
range covered seems to be less, for there is no evidence that E Covenant were included in E, as used to be thought, but this
had any account of creation or the early history of the human has been questioned in recent years, perhaps rightly.
race as a whole: it began its account with the patriarchs, 14. The Theology of Deuteronomy (D). Deuteronomy/D
specifically with Abraham. Most of Gen 20-2 is attributed to stands in great contrast to J and E in both its shape and its
E, and it has commonly been thought that part of Gen 15, range, not to speak of its structure, whether one considers its
which describes the making of a covenant between God and original nucleus (4:44—29:1) or its amplified form. As regards
Abraham, is also from E and indeed its beginning. It is its shape it consists not of narrative, but of a series of speeches,
certainly an appropriate place to begin the story of Israel's which can most adequately be described as preaching: they
origins. speak directly to the people in the second person and urge
12. From Abraham on the contents of E apparently corres- them to do certain things for reasons that are also stated.
ponded closely to those of J, with even greater uncertainty Events ofthe early history are generally referred to in passing
about whether it originally included an account of the occupa- and are not the main subject of what is being said. This leads
tion of Canaan or not. This means that the theological affirm- on to the range ofthe contents: in the nucleus there is no
ations of E about the actions and character of YHWH are to a attempt at a connected description of early history as found
large extent the same as J's, and to save repetition it is possible in J and E, but rather the portrayal of a single event in great
to note just some important differences: detail, namely Moses' parting speeches to the Israelites as
12.i. The most obvious difference is the lack ofthe universal they are encamped on the banks of the river Jordan. The
perspective (in whatever sense) provided in J by the primeval structure is consequently also quite different and has been
history (Gen i—n) and perhaps by Gen 12:3. For E God's a topic of major interest to scholars, who have related it to
purposes are in the main limited to his people Israel. Individ- the liturgy of a festival for the renewal of the covenant
ual foreigners are, however, shown to have recognized the (von Rad) or to the pattern of ancient Near-Eastern treaties
authority of Israel's God (cf Abimelech in Gen 20 and Jethro (Weinfeld), or indeed to both. The amplified form (i.e. chs. i—
in Ex 18). This is reminiscent ofthe widow of Zarephath in i 34 as a whole), on the other hand, is most probably the first
Kings 17 and Naaman in 2 Kings 5, in prophetic stories from section of a long historical work with a quite different range
the northern kingdom, which is often seen as the environ- from J and E, extending through the books of Joshua, Judges,
ment in which E was composed. Samuel, and Kings, commonly referred to as the Deuterono-
12.2. It is apparently the view of E that the special name for mistic History. So in neither form is D at all similar externally
God, YHWH, was not known to the patriarchs, but was first to J and E.
revealed to Moses (Ex 3:14-15: the same view is also held by P 15. There is more common ground with the other sources,
(Ex 6:2—3)). This has two effects: it links the beginning of not surprisingly, when we come to look at its actual teaching,
Israel's religion particularly strongly with the Exodus and though here too there are new features. In the speeches of
the mountain of God in the wilderness, and it makes a dis- Deuteronomy the themes of the promise to the patriarchs,
tinction between patriarchal religion and Israelite religion YHWH's deliverance and protection of his people, and his gift
which, while not absolute, remains important. The character to them of the land of Canaan as a land full of every good
of God as conveyed in his name is given a rare, though elusive, thing, repeatedly appear. Thus far there is a real continuity
exposition by E in 3:14: T am who I am', or T will be what I will with the older sources. The creation story, however, is ignored
be' (see the commentary). (though cf. 4:32), and the book is dominated by the theme of
12.3. On the subject of political power, E also includes the covenant based on God's laws and obedience to them. This
passages which speak of Israel's great destiny (cf. Gen 46:1— central concern is reflected in the title ofthe original core of
4; Num 23:18-24), but it is noticeable that they do not give any Deuteronomy (4:45): 'These are the decrees and the statutes
special place to Judah, but rather celebrate the supremacy of and ordinances, that Moses spoke to the Israelites...' (cf.
the northern tribes Ephraim and Manasseh (cf. Deut 33:13—17; Moses' opening words: 'Hear, O Israel, the statutes and the
also Gen 48:15—16). This is one reason for thinking that E ordinances that I am addressing to you today' (5:1)). The
originated in the northern kingdom (cf. Jenks 1977). picture of Moses himself is changed: instead of being the
13. Each of these three features in which E differs from J is inspired leader of his people in all kinds of circumstances,
probably due to E's having retained the attitudes and presen- he has become above all what we might call a 'prophetic
tation ofthe story which were current in earlier times, while J legislator'. The laws too in chs 12—26 go far beyond the most
represents a new approach in each. Two other differences are that can be ascribed to J and E and allude to many aspects of
more likely to be due to E's own contribution. life, both private and national—in the latter sphere it is not-
13.1. H. W Wolff (1975) has noted the concern of E for 'the able that they make provision for the offices of priest, judge,
fear of God', as an all-embracing religious attitude (in addition prophet, and king, and imply that public worship is to be
to Gen 20:11 cf. 22:12; 42:18: Ex 1:17, 21; 18:21; 20:20). concentrated at a single sanctuary, which is referred to as
13.2. E's narratives reflect a greater preoccupation than the 'the place that the LORD your God will choose as a dwelling
corresponding passages in J with ethical standards of beha- for his name' (e.g. 12:11). National prosperity, indeed survival
viour as the condition of God's blessing of his people. This is in the land which YHWH has given, now depends upon obser-
particularly clear if one compares the parallel stories in Gen vance of these commands (cf. ch. 28). It is not the connection
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 28
of sin and punishment which is new in Deuteronomy but the four great epochs of revelation, beginning at creation (where
explicit definition, in the form of a code of laws, of what counts God is called Elohim), Noah (again Elohim), Abraham (El
as sin in the sight of YHWH and the dire threats ('curses') held Shaddai), and Moses (YHWH), and it used to be customary
out in the case of disobedience. to speak of P as the Book of the Four Covenants, leading to the
16. The amplified form of D incorporates one additional use (for example in Wellhausen's early work) of the symbol Q
theme of great significance to the community in exile, which (for quattuor, Latin for 'four'). But in only two of the cases
is evidence of its origin in the sixth century BCE: this is the call (Noah and Abraham) does P actually speak of the making of a
to return to YHWH (cf. 4:27-31; 30:1-6). If sinful Israel, now 'covenant' (bmt), and other common features, such as the
under the judgment of YHWH, will once more be obedient to presence of a 'sign', are also hard to trace all through the
YHWH's law, then he will bring them back to Canaan and will series.
even transform them inwardly so that they do not fail again 20. Be that as it may, the weight of P's emphasis certainly
(30:6), a thought that is closely related to Jeremiah's teaching falls on the making, according to a detailed, divinely revealed
of a new covenant and Ezekiel's of a new heart. plan, of the tabernacle, or desert shrine, at Mount Sinai (Ex
17. The Theology of P. As regards its shape, P stands some- 25—31; 35—40). This, or rather the altar outside it, was of course
where between J and E on the one hand and D on the other. It a place of sacrifice, and P has a lot to say, both practical and
does have a narrative structure, with its story extending from theological, about the ritual of sacrifice and the priests who
creation (this time explicitly including the natural world) to at were needed to carry it out. But this was not all. The name
least the eve of the Israelites' entry into Canaan. But in Gen- 'tabernacle' (miskan) means 'dwelling-place' (sc. for the divine
esis one can scarcely speak of a real story, as hardly any glory) and it was also known as the 'tent of meeting' (i.e. for
episodes are described in detail and the P material is mostly meeting with God). That is, what made the tabernacle a holy
genealogies and chronological notes. And throughout this place, and an appropriate place to offer sacrifice, was that
source long speeches (as in D) are very much in evidence, but YHWH was in a special sense there, in the midst of his people.
this time in the form of divine revelations (or rather promises And that was its purpose. According to Ex 25:8 YHWH said to
and commands) communicated to such figures as Noah, Moses: 'And have them [the Israelites] make me a sanctuary,
Abraham, and Moses. Not infrequently it is clear that a narra- that I may dwell among them.' And after the work was fin-
tive episode is only there to reinforce what has been said in ished (40:34), 'Then the cloud covered the tent of meeting,
one of the divine speeches. So despite some superficial re- and the glory of the LORD filled the tabernacle.' P's account of
semblance to J and E we are clearly in a quite different world. the relationship of YHWH to Israel, therefore, while it does
It is difficult to specify the genre of P as a whole. An anthro- not bypass other categories, is above all a theology of the
pologist once suggested that because of his interest in myth, divine presence in the midst of the people, which necessitates
kinship, and ritual P could rank as the world's first social the construction of a sanctuary. For P God's presence is in-
anthropologist! But anthropologists are only observers, while conceivable without a sanctuary and its associated personnel
for P (which was probably produced by priests for priests) and rituals. The people need also to know about what is holy
these things clearly have existential importance. Perhaps a and profane, what is clean and unclean, and it is a major part
report of a Liturgical Commission is a closer modern analogy! of the priests' task to instruct them in such matters: they are
18. While the theology of P is without doubt very largely a 'to distinguish between the holy and the common, and be-
theology of ritual (especially priesthood and sacrifice), it does tween the unclean and the clean' (Lev 10:10). This emphasis
have a broader base. God/YHWH is the creator of the whole on the necessity of a sanctuary makes the most natural time
world (Gen i), which he declared to be good and on which he for the composition of P the period between the destruction of
bestowed his blessing. Humanity as such, male and female, is the First Temple in 587/6 BCE and the completion of the
made 'in his image', a difficult phrase which should probably Second Temple in 516, and not later, as Wellhausen and
be translated 'as his image', implying that they are God's Kuenen thought.
representatives on earth, to whom dominion over the earth
is therefore naturally given (1:26). Gen 9:1-17, which incorp- H. Law. 1. What is law? The most familiar, and most general
orates the covenant with Noah and all living creatures (v. 10), Hebrew word for 'law', tord, is not necessarily the best place to
amplifies this definition of the place of mankind in the world. begin an answer to this question. The very fact that it has the
Alongside these universal statements P also reaffirms the wider meaning 'instruction, teaching' led to its use for the
tradition of the election of Israel in her ancestor Abraham teaching given by parents (Prov 1:8; 4:2), by the wise (Prov
(Gen 17) and tells in his own way the story of the Exodus, the 13:14), or by prophets (Isa 1:10; 8:16, 20), as well as for what is
meeting with God at Mount Sinai, and the wilderness wande commonly meant by law. This is an important insight, but it
ings. does not help with the definition of law as distinct from these
19. But already in Genesis P's interest in ritual can be seen: other kinds of instruction. For that a more general (though
God himself, by his own example, inaugurates the sabbath possibly anachronistic) account is needed, which would re-
(2:2—3); the instructions to Noah include the ban on eating cognize that what holds together the different types of law
meat with the blood, a basic element of Jewish food laws (9:4); (constitutional, civil, criminal, cultic) is their prescriptive
and Abraham receives and obeys the command to be circum- character, the regulation of specific kinds of recurrent (inter-
cised (17:9-14, 22-7). It is interesting that the three rituals personal) behaviour between members of a community, their
given such great antiquity by P are all private, domestic rituals, enactment (and modification) by a recognized authority, pol-
which did not need a temple and could therefore be practised itical or ecclesiastical, and the existence of sanctions or penal-
in the diaspora, in exile. There is some sign that P thought of ties and procedures for their determination.
 29 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
2. Most biblical law is found in the Pentateuch (some cultic back into the pre-settlement period, when the worship of
law is included in i Chr 23—7). The main collections of laws in YHWH began.
the Pentateuch are (i) the Decalogue or Ten Commandments 4. The key difference between apodictic and casuistic law as
(Ex 20:1-17; Deut 5:6-21); (2) the Book of the Covenant (Ex defined by Alt is that the former prescribes before the event
20:22-23:23: for the title cf 24:7); (3) the cultic command- what ought or ought not to be done, while the latter declares to
ments in Ex 34:10—27; (4) the Priestly laws about sacrifice, a situation after the event what the appropriate penalty is.
priesthood, and related matters, including land tenure (Ex 25— Thus the former belongs to a context of teaching or instruc-
31 passim; Lev 1-7; 11-16; 27; Num 5-6; 8:1-10:10; 15; 18-19; tion, while the latter belongs to a judicial context. This distinc-
27:1-11; 28-30; 33:50-34:15; 35-6), among which (5) the Holi- tion can be extended to cover the laws about worship to which
ness Code (Lev 17—26) forms a distinct section; and (6) the law Alt gave very little attention. Some of these lay down in the
of Deuteronomy 4:1—30:20). All these collections are pre- apodictic style what forms worship is or is not to take (e.g.
sented as having been revealed by God to Moses (and some- the largely parallel series in Ex 23:10-19 and 34:11-26, and the
times Aaron) for proclamation to the people at Mount Sinai/ later Priestly ordinances of Ex 25—31 and Lev 23); others pro-
Horeb (or, in certain cases, most notably (6), elsewhere). vide, in the casuistic style, guidance for the remedy for particu-
There are, however, numerous instances where the same lar circumstances that may arise (e.g. Lev 4-5, 12-15). m me
topic is dealt with more than once, often in different and context of worship and ritual the apodictic laws may well have
even contradictory ways (cf. e.g. Ex 21:7 with Deut 15:17). been intended for occasions of public instruction or modelled
From this, and from comparison with other biblical texts, on them, but the casuistic cultic laws were presumably not
scholars have concluded that the legal collections derive administered by judges, but by the priests at the temples.
from very diverse times and situations, and that most prob- 5. Some of Alt's conclusions, especially about apodictic law,
ably none goes back to Moses himself. There is also reason have been rejected by more recent scholars. The 'festival for
to think that several of the collections at least have been the renewal of the covenant' is no longer widely accepted as an
revised since their original promulgation. In several cases ancient feature of the religion of Israel. It can be questioned
the collections have an introductory or concluding exhorta- whether all the subtypes of apodictic law have the same origin.
tion or both, and much of the legal collection in Deu- Even Alt's more general claims that the apodictic laws are
teronomy is interleaved with exhortations and 'motive distinctively Israelite and come from a liturgical context have
clauses' (cf. G. von Rad's description 'preached law': on bib- been challenged on the basis of parallels in non-Israelite, non-
lical law in general see further Patrick (1986) and art. 'Law' in legal texts. Direct commands and prohibitions have been
ABD). found in Egyptian wisdom literature, in Hittite and Assyrian
3. Within these collections it is possible to distinguish treaties, and even occasionally in Mesopotamian law-codes.
different styles or types of law. In an essay first published in There is a growing consensus that much if not all apodictic
1934, A. Alt initiated a new phase in the study of biblical law. law originated in a family or clan setting and that it originally
He began from the important axiom that 'The making of law had nothing to do with the cult or the covenant (Gerstenberger
is basically not a literary process at all, but part of the life of a 1965, summarized in Stamm and Andrew 1967; Otto 1994).
community' (Alt 1966: 86). Using the form-critical method, It is striking that the cases where such a view is most difficult
mainly on the Book of the Covenant (as being the oldest to accept are those where laws about worship are involved: the
collection), he distinguished two major types of law. One, opening of the Decalogue and the cultic commandments in
which he called 'casuistic', was conditional and (originally) Ex 34 (cf. 23:10—19). It may be that initially it was only laws
expressed in the third person: 'If a man... then...'. This type such as these which formed part of a cultic ceremony. On the
was represented by most of Ex 21:2-22:17, and was similar to other hand, if that much is accepted, one ought not perhaps to
the form of law found among other ancient Near-Eastern rule out the possibility that other commandments dealing
peoples (see below). Alt concluded that such laws provided with everyday life also had a place in such a ceremony. The
the norms for the village courts 'at the gate' in early Israel and fact that commands and prohibitions are found in a school or
that they had probably been taken over from the Canaanite family or treaty context elsewhere does not mean that they
inhabitants of the land. By contrast there was another type of may not have had a cultic context in Israel. Those who deny
law which Alt called 'apodictic'. Some examples of it express this have to see the literary formulation of the law-codes as
the same kind of case-law in a different way (e.g. Ex 21:13—14, commandments of God as a relatively late innovation. The
23-5; 21:12, 15-17; 22:19-20): most of these laws require the alternative view is, with Alt, to see the literary formulation of
death penalty, and they are formulated in a simpler, more all law as continuing what had been the basis for some law
direct style than the laws referred to above. But generally since its beginning.
laws of this type contain no explicit penalty at all: they are in 6. Since the archaeological discoveries of the late nine-
many cases direct commands or prohibitions, like the Deca- teenth century it has become clear that Pentateuchal law has
logue (cf. also Ex 22:18, 21-2, 28; 23:1-3, 6-9; and the 'table of an important relationship with other ancient Near-Eastern law
affinity' in Lev 18:7—18), but they also appear as curses (Deut (cf. Boecker (1980) and, for specific parallels, IDBSup 533).
27:15—26). Alt argued that these laws were of a distinctive Whether that relationship is one of dependence or just simi-
Israelite form and origin, and that they originated not in the larity is not the main issue here. Several collections of laws are
local courts but in a religious context, specifically in a festival now known from ancient Mesopotamia. The best known is
for the renewal of the covenant celebrated at Shechem in the the Code of Hammurabi of Babylon, from the eighteenth
Judges period (cf. Deut 27; 31:10—13; Josh 24). Indeed the century BCE. The most fully preserved copy was taken in
major impulse for such a formulation of law might well go antiquity from Babylon to Susa in Elam, where it was found
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 30
during excavations in 1901-2. It is now in the Louvre. Other all free-born Israelites, whereas in Mesopotamia the penalty
copies of parts of the text are also known. The Code consisted imposed may vary according to the social status of the other
of 282 laws and a prologue and epilogue (see ANET164—80 party. Biblical law goes further in its provision for the disad-
for ET). The laws deal with such matters as the administration vantaged in society, including the 'resident alien' (gcr) as well
of justice, state and temple property, service to the king, as widows and orphans. More generally, a higher value tends
private property, borrowing, family relationships, bodily in- to be set on human life as opposed to property, as can be seen
jury, and agriculture. Earlier and later legal collections from in the respective laws about the 'goring ox' (Ex 21:28—32) and
Mesopotamia are also known: the Code of Ur-Nammu (2ist theft (Ex 22:1-4). Finally, the mingling of laws on sacred and
cent), the Code of Lipit-Ishtar (igth cent.), the Code of Esh- secular matters, found in the Decalogue, the Book of the
nunna (i8th cent.), the Middle Assyrian Laws (i3th cent.), and Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Holiness Code, reflects a
the Neo-Babylonian Laws (?yth cent). Another important sense of the unity of life and especially of the claim made by
collection is the Hittite Laws (i4th cent.: the surviving parts the religion of Israel on the secular as well as the sacred. This
of all these collections are translated in ANET 160-3, 180-8, latter point is closely associated with the theological, and
523—5). These collections are all apparently state law and they specifically covenantal, context in which all the laws now
are predominantly in the 'casuistic' form, with a penalty or stand, as well as the motive clauses already mentioned. The
remedy specified for each particular set of circumstances. At historical fiction whereby the lawgiving of Moses occurs
present no comparable documents are known from ancient at the behest of YHWH in the period between the creative
Egypt or Canaan. event of the Exodus from Egypt and the entry into the land
7. The history of law in the OT, in the sense of the study of of Canaan promised to Israel anchors the law in the funda-
how and why the prescriptions about particular matters arose mental structure of OT faith. This is explicitly brought out
and developed through the OT period, is not straightforward. in such passages as Ex 20:1 and Deut 6:20-5. Particularly in
It requires that the relative ages of the different legal collec- the later collections, Deuteronomy and the Holiness Code,
tions be determined and that, where appropriate, the inner the observance of the law is presented as a communal res-
growth of each individual collection be examined. Wellhau- ponsibility and failure to keep it as the cause of a national
sen's conclusions about the ages of the major Pentateuchal catastrophe, ultimately exile from the land. In several
sources J, E, D, and P were largely based on such a history of places this theology is specifically summed up by a reference
law, specifically of the laws about worship. The source-critical to the establishment of a covenant between YHWH and his
approach held that the cultic laws in Ex 34 belonged to the J people (Ex 24:7-8; 34:10, 27; Lev 26:42, 44, 45; Deut 5:2-3,
source and the Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant to E. 29:1).
Both sources were dated to the early monarchy period and it
was thought that the legal collections might be earlier still. I. Recent Questioning of the Classical Documentary Theory. 1.
Deuteronomy came from the seventh century and P (includ- The work on oral tradition and theological interpretation that
ing the Holiness Code) from the fifth century. In the latter two we reviewed earlier was based on the assumption that the
cases a specific link could be made with official ratifications of classical (Wellhausen) theory of Pentateuchal origins is cor-
law, by Josiah (2 Kgs 22—3) and Ezra (Neh 8—10), which gave rect. It would need at least considerable revision if that theory
the biblical laws a similar official status to that enjoyed by the proved to be wrong, though no doubt some of the insights
Mesopotamian legal collections. It was not so clear what gave would survive. When a theory has come to support such a
authority to the earlier legal collections, especially the Book of superstructure of further speculation, it is clearly important
the Covenant. M. Noth made the important observation that that its own foundations should be examined from time to
both the content of these collections and the linking of their time and possible alternatives to it should be considered.
promulgation with Moses asserted their validity for 'all Israel', Perhaps this is one reason why recent years have seen a return
which he took to be based on the memory of the 'amphictyony' of interest to the source-critical questions which the classical
(sacred tribal league) of the Judges period. But the existence of theory sought to answer. At the present time the study of the
such a union of the tribes is widely doubted today. Recently Pentateuch is a matter of discussion and controversy such as it
Albertz has suggested that the Book of the Covenant was in its has scarcely been since the time of Wellhausen and Kuenen. A
original form the basis for reforms introduced by Hezekiah variety of fresh approaches is being tried, and discarded ones
c.yoo BCE, thus giving it too a royal stamp of approval. But revived, to seek a well-founded way forward in this most basic
there is little solid evidence for such an association with of all Pentateuchal studies. Much of what will be described in
Hezekiah. Recent scholarship, much influenced by redaction the following sections is still very much a matter for discus-
criticism, has tended to doubt whether J or E originally con- sion.
tained any of the legal collections. 2. The fresh approaches have taken two main forms:
8. The distinctiveness of biblical law can be seen in its form, its 2.1. New attempts to formulate the principles according to
ethics, and its theology. Attention has already been drawn to which study of the Pentateuch and other parts of the Bible
the hortatory element which is frequently present in the OT must proceed, i.e. a concern with methodology; which has
legal collections, and a specific feature of this is the numerous arisen partly from the need to define more closely the relation-
'motive clauses', which ground the laws in the divine will, a ship between source criticism and other methods such as
historical event, or a promise of future well-being (Sonsino tradition criticism and form criticism, and also partly from
1980). Close comparisons between the contents of biblical the impact on biblical studies of'structural analysis' and other
and non-biblical laws have shown that, despite many similar- modern literary methods for the exegesis of texts (see esp.
ities, there are differences here too. The laws apply equally to Barton 1984).
 31 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
2.2. The development of particular alternative theories there were actually relatively few Levites in post-exilic times.
about the origins of the Pentateuch, involving a partial or total This makes it difficult to believe that P originated in the time
abandonment of the classical theory. to which these lists refer. Even the force of this argument,
We have, then, two lines of research, reflection on method however, is reduced if P is dated to the years of exile itself in
and the formation of new theories, which have sometimes the sixth century, as this would leave time for conditions to
reinforced one another but sometimes proceeded quite have changed before Ezra and Nehemiah, and more Levites
separately. For some evaluation of them in print see the than had at first been anticipated may have been able to lay
Introductions of Soggin and Childs, and Whybray (1987). It claim to full priestly status by finding a genealogical link with
is possible to distinguish six 'new directions in research' in Aaron, thus reducing the number of ordinary Levites. The
this area. nub of Wellhausen's argument was Ezek 44, and Haran does
3. An earlier date for P. First we have the view that P is not attempt a different interpretation of this which would leave
the latest of the four sources, from the exilic or post-exilic room for an older distinction within the priesthood. But it
period, but is earlier in origin than D or at least contemporary does not convince.
with it. This view has recently been argued for at some length 6. In general, many of Haran's arguments seem to turn out
(Haran 1979). But it in fact originated with the Israeli scholar on examination to be less conclusive than they at first appear.
Y. Kaufmann as long ago as 1930 and it has been accepted Moreover, it is surely revealing that Haran has after all to
widely among Israeli scholars, though hardly at all elsewhere. concede that 'it was only in the days of Ezra... that P's pres-
In the form that Haran presents it, this view holds that the ence became perceptible in historical reality and began to
composition of P is to be dated to the reign of Hezekiah, £.700 exercise its influence on the formation of Judaism' (1979: p.
BCE, and that P was in fact the stimulus for Hezekiah's re- v). To attribute a document nearly three centuries of existence
forms of national religion reported in 2 Kings 18:3-5. As with before it became perceptible is rather unsatisfactory when set
Wellhausen, we find that the dating of P by Haran is based on against the very explicit arguments of Wellhausen.
the place which P's regulations seem to occupy in the history 7. Other Israeli scholars have used different arguments to
of Israel's religion, and Haran argues that, contrary to what support similar views. Weinfeld has argued that D presup-
Graf and Wellhausen had said, all the P regulations make poses P at various points so that P must be earlier: but these
sense, and some of them only make sense, if P was composed turn out either to be in passages which are for other reasons
before the exile. not thought to be an original part of D, or else to concern
4. A 'sounding' can be made by considering what Haran regulations which there is every reason to think existed on
says about the issue considered earlier in connection with their own before their inclusion in P, so that D may have
Wellhausen's dating of P, namely admission to the priest- known them without knowing P as a whole. Again, Hurvitz
hood. In order to show that P's regulations reflect pre-exilic has examined the language of P and shown that the vocabu-
conditions, Haran draws attention to the list of Levitical cities lary includes many words characteristic of pre-exilic rather
in Josh 21, in which the descendants of Aaron appear as a than post-exilic Hebrew. This need not mean that P is pre-
distinct group, and are assigned cities in the tribal areas of exilic: it could be due to the use of traditional vocabulary in
Judah and the related Benjamin and Simeon, that is the priestly circles—a not unheard of phenomenon—and in fact
southernmost tribes, while the other Levites are given cities there are several cases where P's vocabulary seems closest to
in the other tribal areas. A number of scholars have argued, on Ezekiel, an argument again perhaps for a sixth-century date.
grounds of historical geography, that this list is pre-exilic in Further, Hurvitz's study of vocabulary must be viewed in the
origin, which would, if taken seriously, imply that the Aaro- light of R. Polzin's work on syntax, which shows that in this
nides were a recognizable group before the exile, and that they respect P's language differs from that of pre-exilic writings
already then had an exclusive right to full priesthood (cf. v. 19) and represents a transitional stage in the development to Late
and not only afterwards. Nevertheless, while the list may have Biblical Hebrew, as represented by the books of Chronicles—
a pre-exilic basis, its present context is in a historical work of just what would be expected from a sixth-century work.
the exilic period (the Deuteronomistic History), so that it is 8. It has not been established that this earlier dating of P
not clear evidence of pre-exilic practices. Haran also claims should be adopted. Discussion of it has, however, been useful
support from references to Aaron in the older Pentateuchal for two reasons: (i) it has emphasized that the P document did
sources J and E; but they do not present Aaron and his not emerge out of thin air, but in some passages is a compila-
descendants as having the sole right to the priesthood, as P tion of older traditions, particularly laws; (2) it has brought to
does. Nor is there any greater force in the passages cited to light one or two reasons for preferring a sixth-century date for
show the existence of Levites in subservient positions before the composition of P to the fifth-century one advocated by
the exile, as prescribed by P: 2 Kings 11:18 andi Sam 2:31—3. In earlier critics.
the former case there are subordinate cultic officials but there 9. Renewed emphasis on the final form of the text. A second
is no indication that they are Levites, while in the latter case it feature of recent Pentateuchal scholarship has been the ten-
is not actually said whether Eli's descendants were to be given dency of certain scholars to direct attention to what they
any role at all, even an inferior one, in the future temple sometimes refer to as 'the final form of the text', that is the
service. form in which the Pentateuch actually appears in the OT, as
5. An argument against Wellhausen's view which is per- distinct from the sources and traditions which lie behind, or
haps more telling arises from statistics. P appears to envisage beneath the surface of, the biblical text itself. Those who have
a large number of Levites compared with priests (cf. the tithe- advocated this approach are agreed that the style of scholar-
law), whereas the lists in Ezra and Nehemiah suggest that ship which has been dominant in academic circles for a
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 32
century and more has been too preoccupied with questions of use: such questions are ones that can and should be asked,
origin and sources, and has neglected the interpretation of the and they will be answered by the use of other, more appro-
text in the form that became standard for synagogue and priate methods. I think it is also necessary to go a stage further
church for twenty centuries. In their view it is not so much a and ask whether Childs's canonical approach is really ad-
revision of particular theories that is needed but a completely equate, by itself, even for the answering of theological ques-
new approach to the study of the Pentateuch. Indeed it is not tions about the Pentateuch. Does it not involve turning
only the Pentateuch that needs a new approach, but the whole one's back on matters of enormous theological importace,
OT (and perhaps the NTas well). Within this group of scholars such as the original message of the Pentateuchal sources
it is possible, and perhaps useful, to distinguish two different taken one by one, and the relation of this to the historical
kinds of concern for the final form of the text. situation which they addressed? For Childs the only his-
10. On the one hand there are those who emphasize the torical situation which seems ultimately to matter is that
need to treat the Pentateuch as a work of literature in its own addressed by the text in its canonical form, sometime in the
right, which means seeking to understand its present form, post-exilic or even intertestamental period, and the only theo-
purpose, and meaning, just as one would with, say, a play by logical viewpoint which ultimately matters is that of the final
Shakespeare or a novel by D. H. Lawrence. A good example of redactor of the text. Is not a theological exegesis based on such
this literary approach is David Clines's The Theme of the Pen- principles going to be impoverished compared with what
tateuch (1978): he is quite explicit (cf ch. 2) about his debt to historically based exegesis has to offer?
the general study of literature. Another kind of literary ap- 13. This is also an appropriate place for a brief comment on
proach is represented by structuralist studies of parts of the R. N. Whybray's recent book, The Making of the Pentateuch
Pentateuch which appear from time to time, and sometimes (1987). It contains a review of recent (and not so recent) work
claim to be the sole representatives of a general literary ap- on the Pentateuch, and as such it has many useful things to
proach to the biblical text, an impression that is far from being say. The conclusion is, however, rather different from that
a true one. A good indication of the rich possibilities of such a which will be proposed here: Whybray supports the more
literary approach to the Pentateuch can be gained from Robert far-reaching criticisms of the Documentary Theory, and he
Alter's The Art of Biblical Narrative (1981), which has been very takes the view that the final author of the Pentateuch, some-
well received. time in the post-exilic period, employed such a 'high degree of
11. To be distinguished from this literary approach there are imagination and [such] great freedom in the treatment of
those, above all Brevard Childs, who have urged afresh the sources' that source criticism of the traditional kind is not
need for exegesis to read the OTas the Scripture of synagogue possible and one must limit oneself to the study of the final
and church, and who speak of a 'canonical approach' to the form of the text, but on critical rather than literary or canonical
OT. Here too the exegete is thought of as having much to learn grounds. This view has found very little support among crit-
from an unfamiliar direction, and in view of the emphasis on ical scholars, whose continued discussion of the composition
the term 'Scripture' it is not surprising to find that it is the of the Pentateuch from earlier material shows that they do
history of biblical interpretation, among both Jews and Chris- not consider that the situation is as desperate as Whybray
tians, that is meant: the great (and not so great) commentaries proposes. In particular it is remarkable that Whybray
and other works which grappled with the meaning of Scrip- does not even seem to recognize the possibility of distin-
ture long before the modern historical approach was thought guishing Deuteronomy and the Priestly material from the
of. One can see Childs's high respect for the commentaries of remainder.
the past in his own on Exodus, in which one section of the 14. Redaction criticism. Back in the world of traditional
treatment of each passage is reserved for a consideration of biblical criticism, it is necessary to consider the growing
them (see also Childs 1979: chs. 3, 5). emphasis on redaction criticism. This can be defined as the
12. Clearly both varieties of this development have a real study of the way in which editorial processes have shaped the
attraction, which is due partly to the fact that they recognize Pentateuch. In early biblical criticism the redactor was chiefly
important dimensions of the texts which are commonly over- thought of as a scribe who combined together older sources
looked in other OT scholarship, and partly to the fact that what into a composite narrative, without contributing much if any-
they say seems so much simpler and more familiar than talk thing out of his own head by way of interpretation or addi-
of sources and stages of tradition does. At the same time it is tional material. He was what has sometimes been called a
important to recognize their limitations, which mean that scissors-and-paste man. He was thought to have taken extracts
they cannot and should not take the place of traditional histor- from existing documents and joined them together, often in a
ical scholarship. Clines and Childs are both clear that their rather careless way. The symbol R'E, for example, was used to
methods leave room for historical study of the origins of the denote the redactor who combined the J source with the E
Pentateuch, but they do not stress this point sufficiently. One source of the Pentateuch. Over the years the emphasis has
can see the limitations as well as the advantages of their changed, and when scholars speak of a redactor today they are
methods if one remembers the descriptions of the Pentateuch thinking more often of a figure who may only have had in
which lie at their foundation: on the one hand, a unified work front of him a single document or account, and amplified it by
of literature, on the other, Scripture. It is only questions aris- the addition of words or sentences which would alter its over-
ing out of these descriptions which the methods proposed are all meaning to present more clearly the teachings which he
capable of answering: that is the questions of students of himself believed to be most important for his day. This devel-
literature and of preachers and systematic theologians. For opment can be seen with particular clarity in recent study of
the answering of historical questions they are of little or no the prophetic and historical books of the OT, but it has also
 33 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H

considerably modified the way in which some scholars have who took it more or less as it stood from its other occurrence in
seen the composition of the Pentateuch as taking place. It of Deut 5. Each of the theories has of course to be judged on its
course brings attention firmly back to the written stage of the merits.
tradition and sometimes there is an explicit polemic against 16. It is appropriate to refer briefly here to C. Westermann's
the oral tradition approach. Some scholars in Germany have massive commentary on Genesis. Westermann does not ac-
applied this approach to the detection of layers within the cept that there is any trace of an E source in Genesis. The
sources recognized by earlier scholarship (e.g. E. Zenger; passages usually said to have been derived from E, such as
P. Weimar). But, perhaps because of the importance of Deu- most of chs. 20-2, he takes to be stories that had circulated
teronomic/Deuteronomistic editing in other parts of the OT, separately before being added to the J narrative, which was
this approach often asserts that redactional work by the same already in a connected form. They are, in effect, supplements
'school' of writers can be traced in the Pentateuch, or rather to J, and with Westermann here we are right back in the world
the Tetrateuch. This is particularly true of L. Perlitt's book, of the supplementary theory of Pentateuchal origins. It is for
Bundestheologie im Alten Testament, 'Covenant Theology in the that reason that he is included here, even though the addi-
OT', which made a big impression through the acceptance of tional matter is too extensive and too self-contained for the
some of its theses by influential scholars (cf Nicholson 1973). process of its inclusion really to be referred to as a redaction.
For our purposes what is most important is that Perlitt In coming to this view, Westermann is taking up the approach
reckons with an extensive Deuteronomic reworking of the advocated by W Rudolph many years ago, and also followed by
chapters in Exodus which deal with events at Mount Sinai. S. Mowinckel. It is not clear that he has made that approach
According to Perlitt, all passages in these chapters which any the more likely, but it remains an option that must be
imply the making of a covenant between YHWH and Israel carefully examined. Wolff's essay on the theology of E, of
at Sinai belong to this redactional level, which he calls Deu- course, noted some important recurring features in the E
teronomic, because he believes that covenant theology is pe- material which suggest that it did come from a connected
culiarly the creation of the authors of Deuteronomy, and was narrative or source.
imposed by them and their disciples on the other parts of the 17. With redactional explanations covering so much of the
OT. Much of Perlitt's detailed work on the Sinai narrative is Pentateuch, it is not a big step to suggest that comprehensive
directed at showing that verses normally attributed to J or E do redactional activity has sought to remould the whole Penta-
not belong to them, but are part of this later redactional layer, teuch into a new form. This is the direction in which William
the result of which is to argue that covenant was not an Johnstone has moved. He argues that the Pentateuch is the
original component of the Sinai tradition. There is something result of a Priestly revision of an original Deuteronomic ver-
of a vicious circle in this argument. The references to a coven- sion of the story, which was based on Deuteronomy (he does
ant in Exodus are said to be due to a late Deuteronomic not say on what else), so that a close parallel exists with the
redactor—because the covenant idea is no older than Deuter- composition of the historical books, where the 'priestly'
onomy—but this can only be sustained by assuming that the Chronicles is seen by most scholars as a revision of the Deu-
verses in Exodus are due to a Deuteronomic redactor. Little teronomic historical books of Samuel and Kings (Johnstone
attention seems to be given to the possibility that the covenant- 1998). This leads straight into a wider questioning about the
al texts in Exodus are the seeds from which the Deutero- nature of P.
nomic theology grew. There is also a failure to notice 18. P as a Supplement, not a Source. Questions have been
important differences between the way that the Sinai coven- raised not only about the date, but about the nature of the
ant is presented in Exodus and the Deuteronomic literature Priestly Source. F. M. Cross and others have argued that P is
(cf. the critique of Perlitt in Nicholson 1986: ch. 8). not a separate source which once existed independently of J
15. However redactional explanations have been brought etc., perhaps as a rival version of the story of Israel's origins,
forward for other sections of the Pentateuch as well. Auld has but a series of supplements overlaid on the older narrative.
argued that the passages at the end of Numbers which speak According to this view, P was thus reworking the older narra-
about plans for the conquest of Canaan and its division among tive by expanding it with material of a new, generally cult-
the tribes are dependent on the passages in Joshua which centred character, so as to shift the balance of the story in this
describe these episodes, and did not form part of any of the direction. Like the elimination of E as a separate source, this is
main Pentateuchal sources (Auld 1980). It has also been in fact an old view revived which can be traced back to P. Volz
suggested that many of the notes of movement from place to in the years between the two World Wars. It is also the view
place in Exodus and Numbers, which form a framework to the that was held by the Scandinavian scholar Ivan Engnell,
wilderness narrative as we now have it, were added in an whose views on oral tradition were mentioned briefly earlier.
'itinerary-redaction', which made use of a full account of the The important difference it makes is that the purpose of the P
wilderness journey preserved in Num 33:1-49. On a more writer must now be investigated on the assumption that he
theological level it has been argued that the promises to the reproduced the older traditions, e.g. about legislation at Sinai,
patriarchs in Genesis were greatly multiplied and enlarged by as well as incorporating material reflecting his own special
redactors working at a time when one of the themes of these interests. It is, for example, then no longer possible to say, as
promises, the possession of the land of Canaan, was threat- some have done, that P knows nothing of a covenant at Sinai
ened in the late monarchy or even the exilic period by the but only the founding of a pattern of ritual. P incorporated the
appearance of the great imperial powers of Assyria and Baby- older covenant-making story and had no need to add one of his
lon. Nicholson, again, has argued that the Decalogue in Ex 20 own. One of the attractions of this view, and indeed of the
did not originally appear there but was inserted by a redactor other 'supplementary' theories, is that it appears to spare us
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 34
the allegedly unreal picture of redactors sitting at their desks points to traditions in J which are noticeably absent from pre-
with scissors and paste, selecting half a verse from here and exilic literature outside the Pentateuch: the meeting with God
half a verse from there in the four sources to make the at Mount Sinai, Moses (with one exception), the patriarchs
completed Pentateuch. There are also some passages, espe- (with one or two exceptions), the unity of all Israel in her early
cially in the patriarchal stories, where the P material is so history. The 'silence' of the other texts is strange if] (and E)
meagre that it seems at first sight unlikely that it ever existed had existed since the early monarchy, but is readily explicable
alone, and unjustified to claim that it represents extracts from if] did not originate until the late pre-exilic period.
a fuller, now lost, parallel account of the events, and it might 21. The consequences of such a view for the history of
better be explained as amplification of an existing narrative. Israelite religion are considerable. It implies that there was
19. And yet there are a number of passages which seem to no connected written account of the early history of Israel
defy explanation in these terms, and to require a hypothesis of until the seventh century BCE, and also conversely that the
the traditional kind, which allows for the existence of an seventh and sixth century BCE made an even greater contribu-
independent P source (see especially Emerton 1988; Davies tion to the shaping of OT tradition than has been recognized
1996). These are passages where it is possible by analysis to in the past, even more than Perlitt thinks. If one asks, 'What
identify both a relatively complete P version of the story and a then was the nature of Israelite religion before this?',
relatively complete version from one of the older sources. The Schmid's books on wisdom and the cult provide an answer:
Flood story is a prime example, but there are others. A redact- YHWH was seen above all as the creator of an order in the
or would not compose duplicates such as we observed in the world, which wisdom sought to understand and the cult
Flood story: whether it seems 'natural' or likely' to us or not, sought to maintain, very much like the gods of Israel's neigh-
the only explanation which makes sense of the situation there bours. Israel's specific faith in a God of history was the result
is that he had two complete narratives of the Flood and of the insights of the prophets and the Deuteronomic school.
combined them. Another point arises from the P passage Ex But is Schmid's late date for J correct? It is clearly as valid or
6:2—3, according to which God did not make himself known to invalid as the arguments on which it stands. They need careful
the patriarchs by the name YHWH but only as El Shaddai/ examination. Let us look at the two main types:
God Almighty. This corresponds well to the beginnings of 21. i. The similarity between the call of Moses and, say, the
speeches in P such as Gen 17:1 and 35:11, but it conflicts call of Isaiah is undeniable, but it should not be exaggerated.
directly with passages where the patriarchs show familiarity Moses in J is not called to be a prophet in the later sense, but to
with the name YHWH, which are quite frequent in J (12:8 lead his people out of Egypt, in a manner similar to that by
etc.). It is hardly conceivable that P would have left such which Gideon in Judg 6 and Saul in i Sam 9 were called, older
passages unamended if he had included them in his overall narratives without doubt. In so far as there are real prophetic
presentation. This implies that there is a continuing need to motifs, these can be attributed either to the old Moses-trad-
reckon with the independent existence of P prior to its combin- ition itself or to the influence of the early prophetic movement,
ation with the other sources. But it also seems that there has which we know to have been active already in the tenth or
been some minor editing of the completed Pentateuch by a ninth century. There is no need to come any later.
Priestly writer at a very late stage which has introduced the 21.2. The 'silence' about certain Pentateuchal themes in
vocabulary of P into older material (e.g. Ex 16:1, 17:1, the other pre-exilic literature is remarkable but it really proves
phrase 'the congregation of the people of Israel'), and this too much, for if taken with full seriousness it would imply not
could help to explain the isolated 'P' verses in the patriarchal just that J was a late composition but that these themes were
stories that were mentioned. only invented in the late pre-exilic period, an extremely radical
20. A Late Date for J. A further recent development con- position which Schmid clearly does not wish to take up. And
cerns the dating of J. The first scholar to mention here is H. H. yet if he is ready to conceive that the prophetic and other texts
Schmid who argued in his book Der sogenanntejahwist (1976) might have failed to mention a tradition which nevertheless
('The So-Called Yahwist') that the composition of the whole of existed in oral form, surely it is not appreciably more difficult
J took place after the rise of classical prophecy and is contem- to conceive of their failing to mention what was written down,
porary with the rise of the Deuteronomic movement. In his in J? Moreover, the silence is not, as Schmid has to recognize,
own words: 'The historical work designated in research by the total, at least in some of the cases. The prophet Hosea, for
word "Yahwist", with its comprehensive theological redaction example, clearly refers to a number of events in Israel's early
and interpretation of the Pentateuchal material cannot derive history.
from the time of Solomon, but already presupposes pre-exilic Many of Schmid's arguments are open to criticism along
prophecy and belongs close to the deuteronomic-deuterono- one of these lines, and he has given no compelling reason why
mistic shaping of the tradition and literary activity.' He de- J should not have originated in the early monarchy or why it
clines to give an absolute date but this view would put the should be dated to the late monarchy or the exilic period. J is
composition of] in the 7th or 6th century BCE. How, briefly, after all notably lacking in references to the great powers or
does Schmid arrive at this conclusion? By two main kinds of the possibility of exile (contrast Deuteronomy).
argument: (i) he points to features in the J narrative which, 22. Another scholar who dates the Yahwist very late, in the
according to him, are prophetic in character and are not found exilic period, is John Van Seters. In his first book-length study
in literature before the classical prophets in the eighth century on the subject, Abraham in History and Tradition (1975), he did
and later. For example, the 'call of Moses' in Ex 3 resembles the not date all of J so late. In fact he suggested that the Penta-
call-narratives found in the books of the prophets Isaiah, teuch had 'grown' through a series of expansions of an original
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, but finds no earlier analogues. (2) He core, and that core consisted of part of the J source. To this was
 35 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
added first E, then D, then the rest of] (the larger part of it in sexual intercourse with human women (Shachar and Shalim,
fact) and finally P. Even then, however, he was saying that the J CTA 23). A different kind of argument is used by Van Seters to
material as a whole only came into being in the exile, shortly place the composition of Gen 2-3 (J) in the exilic period. He
before P. In Van Seters' more recent work it is on this stage of sees these chapters as the end of a development which begins
composition that he has concentrated. Already in Abraham with a Babylonian myth about the creation of a king, dated to
Van Seters was developing a series of arguments for a late date the seventh or sixth century: this, he argues, was the basis for
for the Yah wist: they include historical anachronisms, the use Ezekiel's oracle against Tyre, which speaks of a mythical king
of formulae from prophecy and the royal cult, and particularly who was once in the Garden of Eden but was expelled from it
the prominence given to Abraham as the source of Israel's (Ezek 28), and Gen 2—3 in turn was a transformation of this
election. This, he argued, corresponds closely to the view of oracle to describe the creation and fall of mankind generally.
Deutero-Isaiah (see Isa 41:8 and 51:2), but it is a theme which Hence Gen 2-3, and therefore J, would be later than Ezekiel. It
is not yet emphasized in the late pre-exilic writings of Deuter- remains possible, however, that the relationship between
onomy, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. It does, of course, reappear in these three texts is a different one: Ezekiel may have com-
P, which is also exilic. bined motifs from a myth about the origins of kingship and
23. In his more recent books Van Seters has widened the Gen 2-3 or something like it. In that case Gen 2-3, and J,
textual base of his studies by looking at the rest of the Penta- would be, as generally thought, earlier than Ezekiel.
teuch, at least its non-Priestly sections. An important new 25. The New Tradition-Criticism. But—and this brings us
stage in his work was In Search of History (1983). This actually to the final issue that has been raised in the recent debate—
has very little to say about the Pentateuch—it is mostly about was there a J at all? This is the question that has been asked—
the Deuteronomistic History. But in it Van Seters draws nu- and answered in the negative—in a book published in 1977
merous comparisons between Old Testament history-writing (cf. Rendtorff 1990). In certain respects Rendtorff's argu-
and comparable literature from other cultures, and he par- ments and conclusions are similar to those of the redaction
ticularly emphasizes the similarity with ancient Greek histor- critics and of Schmid, and in subsequent discussion they have
ians such as Herodotus, who lived in the fifth century BCE. been able to find quite a lot of common ground with him. For
From these comparisons Van Seters argued for a greater example, Rendtorff also believes that P never existed as a separ-
appreciation that the Deuteronomistic History was a literary ate document, but should rather be described as a redactional
work whose author was ready to write creatively where his layer or rather a series of redactional layers belonging to a late
sources did not provide what he needed, and in fact was the stage of the Pentateuch's composition. But Rendtorff has ar-
beginning, as far as Israel was concerned, of such historical rived at his views by a quite different route and maintains some
literature. These findings have worked their way into his more theses which go far beyond the views of the other scholars.
recent work on the Pentateuch and strengthened his opinion 26. The key to Rendtorff's approach is the high value which
that in J we are dealing with a highly literate, but also quite he places on tradition criticism. The origins of this method,
late, author. Actual Greek parallels to passages in the Penta- which seeks to trace the history of the Pentateuchal traditions
teuch have also come to play a more important part in his from their beginning to the stage of the completed Penta-
work, though Near-Eastern ones are still cited. teuch, can be found in Gunkel's introduction to his Genesis
24. A good example of this work is Van Seters' study of Gen commentary and it was taken further by von Rad and Noth in
i-n (1993; see also The Life of Moses (1994)). He notes some their famous works. Now all these scholars regarded tradition
parallels of form and substance between the Yahwist's pri- criticism as a method which was complementary to and need-
meval history and Hesiod's Catalogue of Women, which is ing to be combined with source criticism, the JEDP analysis or
thought to have been written about 550 BCE. He sees this as something like it. And in this, according to Rendtorff, they
representative of a 'Western genealogies tradition', which made a serious error: to quote some words of his from an
influenced the J author in Genesis about the same time. earlier paper, 'It must be said that adherence to the Documen-
Some of the parallels are probably not very significant: it is tary Hypothesis is an anachronism from the point of view of
difficult to see, for example, how similarities of form are likely tradition-criticism.' That is, the two methods are not comple-
to have been transmitted independently of content; and dif- mentary, they are incompatible with each other. We may note,
ferent communities could easily have brought their traditions in passing, that this had been said before, by Ivan Engnell, the
together independently in similar ways. The most impressive Scandinavian scholar, and his closest followers. In Rend-
parallel concerns Gen 6:1-4: the Catalogue is very largely torff's polarization of source and tradition criticism the
about such divine-human liaisons which produced the 'her- theses of Engnell have received, in part, a new lease of life.
oes' or demi-gods of primeval times, and one passage suggests 27. Why does Rendtorff polarize the two methods? Because
that a natural disaster may have been sent by Zeus to get rid according to him, they represent the use of diametrically
of them (cf the Flood). Van Seters sees several of the 'origins opposed starting-points in the analysis of the text. Source
of civilisation' stories in Gen 2-11 as linked to 6:1-4 and criticism begins from 'the final form of the text' and examines
modelled on the 'Western tradition'. In most cases it is pos- the question of its unity, and seeks to explain its apparent
sible to say that similar stories may have originated independ- diversity in terms of the combination of parallel 'sources'
ently. But in the case of Gen 6:1-4 Van Seters may be right: (such as J, E, and P). Tradition criticism, on the other hand,
this story is very much the odd one out among the stories in starts from the smallest originally independent unit, say an
Gen i-n and perhaps it does have a distant origin. However, it individual episode in the story or a law, and seeks to explain
may not be necessary to look as far as Greece for this: the how it was combined with other similar units to make a series
Ugaritic myths include atleast one description of a god having to make a yet larger whole, and how editorial processes or
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H 36
redaction shaped the units until they reached their present of the patriarchal narratives. He begins with the observation
form. So it is not a matter of doing source criticism first and (which is not new) that the theological texts of the patriarchal
then tradition criticism: you have to choose your starting- stories are chiefly concentrated in the 'promises': passages,
point and follow through the analysis until you reach the other that is, where YHWH makes a promise or several promises to
end. As it stands this is not a very strong point: tradition Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. The interrelation of the contents of
criticism too has to start with the present text. The contrast these promise-passages to one another is extremely complex,
of approaches could be put better by saying that traditional and Rendtorff attributes it to a succession of stages of editing
source criticism has been ready to believe that a sequence of of the patriarchal traditions. At any rate it is clear that the
narratives was a unity unless it was proved otherwise; whereas promises are the major theological theme of the patriarchal
Rendtorff wants to say that prior to the present text narratives narratives. Now von Rad had seen this and attributed the main
were not united unless that can be positively proved. This is body of the promises to the Yahwist, who he supposed in-
not specifically a traditio-critical view: it is noticeable above all serted them to impress on the Pentateuchal material his
in fact in some of the newer revisions of source criticism, theological understanding of Israel's early history: it was a
specifically in those emanating from the pupils of W. Richter. history worked out under the shadow of YHWH's promise.
28. Quite apart from this methodological point, Rendtorff is But against this Rendtorff is able to show that this theme
in little doubt that source criticism is a bankrupt business. In a virtually vanishes at the end of Genesis, and is missing from
chapter of his book entitled 'Criticism of Pentateuchal Criti- JE passages such as Ex 3, which mention the land to which
cism' he exposes at length the disagreements of source critics YHWH now says he will lead the Israelites without any hint
both about individual passages and about the number and thatthis had been promised long ago to their forefathers, time
nature of the sources they find. There is no consensus, he and time again! The conclusion he draws is that the develop-
repeatedly affirms; there is no 'classical documentary theory', ment of the promise theme in Genesis is not the work of a J
but several competing theories, none of which has been able author who composed or compiled a document extending the
to drive the others from the field. In particular the status of the whole length of the Pentateuch, but rather the theological
J document, which according to von Rad gave the Pentateuch enrichment of a story which did not extend beyond the limits
its canonical shape, is very doubtful. Is it one document or two of the patriarchal period itself. Only at the time of the Priestly
(cf its subdivision by Eissfeldt and Fohrer)? And more gen- redaction and a further stage of editing related to the Deuter-
erally, what evidence is there of its unity? Here Rendtorff onomic school is there any sign of the various sections of the
points to the method of elimination which lies so often behind Pentateuch being co-ordinated together into a continuous
the identification of] passages. First the easily recognizable P narrative. Prior to this there existed only shorter compositions
sections are eliminated from the existing Pentateuch, to reveal which circulated separately and were edited separately—Rend-
the older sources; then likewise the book of Deuteronomy (D) torff seems not to have any suggestion to offer about the social
is removed; then E, marked by its use of Elohim in Genesis; context in which this took place or the purpose that such
and then what is left is called J. But how do we know that what compositions might have served, but clearly there are in
is left is a unity? To give an analogy: how do we know that the some cases at least possibilities of an association with cultic
Pentateuch is not like a basket containing many kinds of fruit, festivals.
from which the apples, bananas, and oranges are removed, to 30. It is not clear whether Rendtorff's particular proposals
leave—just pears? No, surely a mixture of these with peaches, will be able to withstand detailed criticism. The denial of a
grapes, strawberries, and so on. unity in J will have to contend not only with von Rad but with
29. It is not of potential disunity in a source-critical sense the more wide-ranging studies of G. Holscherand H. Schulte.
(i.e. two parallel Yahwist (J) strands, as with Eissfeldt and There are in fact various ways in which scholars might re-
Fohrer) that Rendtorff is primarily thinking, but rather in a spond to the dilemmas with which Rendtorff has faced us,
traditio-historical sense: what reason have we for thinking apart from accepting in full his own reading of the situation.
that the residue was a single continuous narrative describing But he has, whatever we may decide, exposed some tensions at
everything from creation to the conquest of the land, rather the heart of modern critical method which need to be resolved.
than a series of smaller-scale stories, one about the patriarchs, I do not myself think that tradition criticism is a very secure
one about the Exodus, etc. ? In fact Rendtorff believes that it is base from which to attack the literary-critical enterprise. It is a
possible to show that the J material is in this sense definitely bit like trying to move a piano while standing on a tea-trolley!
not a unity. This he endeavours to do by an examination of the 31. Since it was first put forward in 1977 this view has been
various sections of the Pentateuchal narrative taken one by rather neglected. Rendtorff himself quite quickly lost interest
one: the sections bear a notable resemblance to Noth's in it: he was persuaded by Childs's arguments that attention
themes—patriarchs, Exodus, Sinai, wilderness, and settle- ought to be focused on the final canonical form of the text—a
ment. The primeval history seems to be passed over, but the dramatic change for him—and he became particularly inter-
same approach could be applied to it. Rendtorff's point is that ested in the coherence of the book of Isaiah as a whole. His
the theological perspective of the editing is not consistent Introduction to the Old Testament (ET1985) reflects this change
throughout but varies from one section to the next. Compre- of perspective, though it also shows that he retains some
hensive theological evaluations of the whole history are sur- interest in older traditions and redaction criticism. A student
prisingly rare, and tend to be concentrated in what look like of Rendtorff's, Erhard Blum, has continued some of his
late passages. In his book Rendtorff did not spell his argu- ideas in two large books on the Pentateuch (1984, 1990),
ment out in full detail for all the sections, but he indicated his but it is noticeable that he too increasingly concentrates not
method of applying tradition criticism in a very detailed study on the earliest stages of the tradition, when the stories of
 37 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE P E N T A T E U C H
the primeval history, the patriarchs, the Exodus, etc. may such as the Flood story, are very difficult for it to accommo-
have been told separately from one another, but on the date.
stages at which they were already combined together: he 3. So what are we to think? Which view will prevail? As far
investigates what he calls the Deuteronomistic Composition as i is concerned, I think we are at a stage when all the
(KD)—which does not include the J portions of Gen i-n—and emphasis is on late elements of the Pentateuch, and some
the Priestly Composition (Kp), which successively amplified scholars write as though that is all there is. The arguments for
the traditions from their particular points of view (cf. John- lateness are of varying strength. For myself I am more con-
stone 1990). vinced that the Decalogue is a late addition to the Sinai narra-
tive in Exodus than that the idea of a covenant is a latecomer in
J. Review and Assessment. 1. In reviewing these recent devel-
Exodus, for example. But more important, I think we shall
opments it should be noted that by different routes quite a lot
before long find more work being done again on what we may
of scholars are coming to support more or less the same
call for now the 'pre-Deuteronomic Pentateuchal narratives
alternative to the older source-critical view. The developments
and laws'—their contents, their theology, and their origins.
outlined in the last four sections are increasingly merging into
Then the Deuteronomic or late J layer (which may turn out to
what is in effect the same understanding of the origin of the
be 'thinner' than currently thought!) will be seen as more
Pentateuch. This holds that:
clearly that, rather than seeming to comprise the whole of
1. The first major comprehensive Pentateuchal narrative was the non-P part of the Pentateuch. On 2 an interesting mediat-
composed either late in pre-exilic times or in the Babylon- ing position has been put forward by R. E. Friedman (1981).
ian exile (yth or 6th cent. BCE), rather than in the early He thinks that at a first stage there were independent P
monarchy. Some prefer to speak of a late Yahwist' versions of certain parts of the Pentateuch, such as the Flood
(Schmid, Van Seters), some of a Deuteronomistic narrative story; but the major composition of P as a whole took place at a
(Johnstone, Blum), but they are largely talking about the second stage in very much the way Cross proposed, i.e. by
same thing and using the same arguments. supplementation of the older narrative. Where P texts from
2. The Priestly Work never existed as a separate source, but the first stage had to be worked into the older narrative, they
involved the insertion into the older narrative of the spe- were sometimes interwoven with the older version, as in the
cifically Priestly narratives and laws, so as to produce a case of the Flood story. Blum, working in detail on certain
work very like our present Pentateuch. passages, ends up with a partly similar view to this. Maybe it
will be necessary to hold some such view to accommodate all
In each case the model or overall approach is a 'supplemen- the evidence—the case for supplementation has been argued
tary' one, that is, the old idea of redactors interweaving ex- to be particularly strong in relation to the Table of Nations and
tracts from distinct sources, a verse from here and a verse the plague-story by Van Seters—or maybe it will be better, in
from there, is abandoned and we go right back to the approach view of the coherence of so much of the P material, to retain
that was followed in the first half of the nineteenth century the idea of an original, once-separate source, and explain the
and think of a core which in successive stages was amplified most intractable counter-indications by a further, still later
until the present Pentateuch was produced: the major differ- layer of redaction.
ence being—and it is a very significant one—that then what 4. Butthere are problems within the literary-critical method
we call P was (part of) the original core, while now it repre- itself, arising from the fact that we now feel compelled to treat
sents the final stage of the process. An important theological each unit separately for analysis. While it is quite clear that the
consequence of the new approach is the increased promin- Pentateuch is not a literary unity and that analysis can sep-
ence which it gives to the sections of the Pentateuch which arate out parallel strands at numerous points, it is not so
contain or are associated with law, namely the Deuteronomis- obvious that a rigorous approach to the assembly of the 'bits'
tic and Priestly passages. It should be noted that theses i and 2 leads automatically to the division of the Pentateuch into four
are in fact logically independent. It is possible to accept one of or five major sources, such as traditional source criticism
them and not the other, and some scholars have done and still proposes. In other words the model for synthesis (step 03)
do this, following the Wellhausen approach or something like need not be a wholly documentary one. About the coherence
it on the other issue. Thus Cross accepts 2 but not i; and and original independence of the bulk at least of the P ma-
Schmid and Blenkinsopp hold i but not 2. terial, it seems to me, there is little doubt, and equally about the
2. The supporters of the new views are not having things all separate character and development of Deuteronomy. How-
their own way. Some difficulties with them have already been ever it is more difficult to be sure how the residue of the books
mentioned, and some further criticisms of thesis i have been Genesis—Numbers is to be thought of and Rendtorff's thesis
made by E. W. Nicholson in a recent paper (see also Nicholson of shorter works may well have a part to play, and equally
1998). This thesis also fails, in its strongest form, to do justice processes of redaction which did not extend the whole length
to the evidence of Deuteronomy itself. The very setting of of the Pentateuch, but concerned only a particular range of the
Deuteronomy on the eve of the conquest of the promised narrative.
land presupposes a tradition about Israel's origins; likewise 5. We may conclude by returning, very briefly, to the ques-
there are many passing allusions to features of that tradition tion with which we began, 'What is the Pentateuch?', in the
in the text of Deuteronomy which would only have made light of the modern study of the text which we have just
sense if the hearers of the Deuteronomic preaching had reviewed. Whichever of the approaches that have recently
been familiar with a quite detailed account of the Exodus been advocated prevails, or even if things eventually stay
and so on. As for thesis 2, we have seen that some passages, very much as they were, we must build into our view of the
GENESIS 3«
Pentateuch the fact that it is the product of a long process of Emerton, J. A. (1988), The Priestly Writer in Genesis', JTS NS 39:381-
tradition. In other words we must recognize that its teaching, 400.
while organized into some sort of unity by the various redact- Friedman, R. E. (1981), The Exile and Biblical Narrative (Chico, Calif:
Scholars Press).
ors, derives from various periods in the history of Israel
Gerstenberger, E. (1965), Wesen und Herkunft des 'apodiktischen Rechts',
within which certain individuals or schools have contributed
WMANTao (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
an especially creative shaping and rethinking of the traditions Habel, N. C. (1971), Literary Criticism of the OT (Philadelphia: Fortress).
which they inherited. In varying degrees these individuals or Haran, M. (1979), Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel (Oxford:
schools deserve the name 'theologians'. To some extent the Oxford University Press).
difficulty of finding a fully satisfactory description for the Jenks, A. W. (1977), The Elohist and North Israelite Traditions (Chico,
Pentateuch as a whole is due to the differing emphases of Calif: Scholars Press).
these writers. In a real sense, then, the Pentateuch bears Johnstone, W. (1998), Chronicles and Exodus: An Analogy and its Ap-
witness to the whole history and life of Israel, and not just to plication (Sheffield: JSOT).
Nicholson, E. W. (1973), Exodus and Sinai in History and Tradition
the period which it purports to describe. As a comprehensive
(Oxford: Blackwell).
description I would suggest the following, which I think can
(1986), God and his People (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
apply to all stages of the composition of the Pentateuch: (1998), The Pentateuch in the Twentieth Century: The Legacy of
'The charter of YHWH's people Israel, which lays down the Julius Wellhausen (Oxford: Clarendon Press).
founding principles of their life in creation, history and law, Noth, M. (1972), A History of Pentateuchal Traditions, ET (Englewood
under the guidance of his word of promise and command.' Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall), from Germ, orig., Uberlieferungsgeschichte
des Pentateuch (1948).
Otto, E. (1994), Theologische Ethik desAlten Testament (Stuttgart: Kohl-
hammer).
REFERENCES
Patrick, D. (1986), Old Testament Law (London: SCM).
Alt, A. (1966), The Origins of Israelite Law', in Essays on Old Testament Rad, G. von (1966), "The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch'
History and Religion, ET (Oxford: Blackwell), 87—132; ist edn. 1934. (1938), in his The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edin-
Alter, R. (1981), The Art of Biblical Narrative (London: George Allen & burgh: Oliver & Boyd), 1—78.
Unwin). Rendtorff R. (1990), The Problem of the Process of Transmission in the
Auld, A. G. (1980), Joshua, Moses and the Land (Edinburgh: T. & T. Pentateuch, ET (Sheffield: JSOT), from German original, Das uber-
Clark). lieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch, BZAW 147 (1977).
Barton, J. (1984), Reading the Old Testament (London: Darton, Long- Skinner, J. (1910), A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis,
man &Todd). International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh: T. &T. Clark).
Boecker, H.-J. (1980), Law and the Administration of Justice in the OT Soggin, J. A. (1989), Introduction to the Old Testament, 3rd edn. (Lon-
and the Ancient Near East, ET (London: SPCK). don: SCM).
Brueggemann, W., and Wolff, H. W. (1975), The Vitality of OT Trad- Sonsino, R. (1980), Motive Clauses in Biblical Law, SBLDS 45 (Chico,
itions (Atlanta: John Knox). Calif: Scholars Press).
Campbell, A. F., and O'Brien, M. A. (1993), Sources of the Pentateuch: Stamm, J. J., and Andrew, M. E. (1967), The Ten Commandments in
Texts, Introductions, Annotations (Minneapolis: Fortress). Recent Research, SET 2/2 (London: SCM).
Carpenter, J. E., and Harford-Battersby, G. (1900), The Hexateuch Van Seters, J. (1992), Prologue to History (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/
According to the Revised Version (2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green John Knox).
and Co.); vol. ii is a synopsis). (1994), The Life of Moses: The Yahwist as Historian in Exodus-
Childs, B. S. (1979), Introduction to the OTas Scripture (London: SCM). Numbers (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox).
Clements, R. E. (1997), A Century of Old Testament Study (Guildford: Wellhausen, J. (1885), Prolegomena to the History of Israel, ET (Edin-
Butterworth). burgh: A. & C. Black); from German original, Geschichte Israels I
Clines, D. J. A. (1978), The Theme of the Pentateuch (Sheffield: JSOT). (1878).
Coats, G. W. (1988), Moses: Heroic Man, Man of God (Sheffield: JSOT). Westermann, C. (1984), The Formation and Theological Meaning of
Davies, G. I. (1996), The Composition of the Book of Exodus: Reflec- the Primeval Story', in Genesis 1-11: A Commentary (Minneapolis:
tions on the Theses of E. Blum', in M. Fox et al. (eds.), Texts, Temples Augsburg), 567-606; German original Genesis I-II (Neukirchen-
and Tradition: A Tribute to Menahem Haran (Winona Lake, Ind.: Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1974—6).
Eisenbrauns), 71-85. Wolff, H. W. (1975), The Elohistic Fragments in the Pentateuch', in
Driver, S. R. (1904), The Book of Genesis, Westminster Commentaries Brueggemann and Wolff (1975), 67-82.
(London: Methuen). Whybray, R. N. (1987), The Makingofthe Pentateuch (Sheffield: JSOT).

4. Genesis R. N. WHYBRAY

INTRODUCTION
laws, has been fitted. But this great history was not originally
A. Genesis and the Pentateuch. Genesis forms part of a series conceived as a single work. It is generally agreed that it con-
of'historical' books that begin with the creation of the world sists of two complexes, but the point at which the first ends
and end with the destruction of the tiny kingdom of Judah in and the second begins has long been a disputed question.
the sixth century BCE (the final chs. of 2 Kings). The events According to ancient tradition the first complex comprises the
narrated are all arranged in a single chronological sequence first five books, ending with Deuteronomy. This is known to
into which the non-narrative material, mainly poems and the Jews by the name of Torah (or 'the law'), and is the first and
 39 GENESIS
most sacred part of the canon of the Hebrew Scriptures. quently sinful creatures who time and time again frustrate
Modern scholars know it as the Pentateuch, a Greek word God's good intentions towards them.
meaning '(of) five books'. However, its integrity was chal- C. Types of Material. The character and intention of Genesis
lenged in the nineteenth century CE, when many scholars as a completed book cannot be deduced from the wide mis-
held that it is incomplete without Joshua: it is only in Josh cellany of materials which constitute its sources. Gunkel
that God's promise, made in Genesis, of possession of the (1901) (see Gunkel 1964 for ET of the Introduction to his
land of Canaan is fulfilled (hence the term Hexateuch, six commentary) identified many of the sources and demon-
books). This hypothesis has few supporters today. In 1948 strated their nature. Particularly in chs. 12-36 he identified
Martin Noth (ET1972) also rejected the traditional view but in many Sagen—that is, brief, originally independent, folk-
a contrary sense: the first four books constituted a complete tales—which had been strung together only at a relatively
work (the Tetrateuch). Deuteronomy, though later joined with late stage, eventually taking shape as accounts of the lives of
these to form the Pentateuch, belonged to a second and dis- Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. The somewhat different charac-
tinct work, the Deuteronomistic History, comprising Deuter- ters of chs. i-n, which narrate cosmic and universal events
onomy, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. Noth's theory has (often classified as 'myths'—an ambiguous term) and of the
been widely accepted. It may perhaps seem that these ques- story of Joseph in chs. 37—50, a single, homogeneous narrative
tions are irrelevant to a study of Genesis; but this is not so. not formed by the combination of Sagen, has long been rec-
Genesis, although ithas its own distinctive character—it is the ognized. All this material has been pieced together and
only book in the Pentateuch that is not dominated by the provided with a continuous narrative thread and a chrono-
figure of Moses—is intimately linked with the books that logical sequence by a skilful editor and compiler, who by his
follow, and can only be fully understood as part of a more selection and arrangement of material and his own original
extended history. It is essentially a book of promise, a preface contributions converted it into an expression of his own view
to all that follows in the history of Israel, having specific links of history and theology. With regard to the Sagen used by this
to many events narrated in those books. It establishes the compiler, Gunkel held that much of this material had pre-
identity of the nation of Israel and of its God. In particular, it viously been transmitted in oral form over many generations
is a necessary prelude to the great events associated with the and so may be seen as preserving, even though in garbled
Exodus from Egypt, which is the foundation of Jewish history form, genuine reminiscences of the persons and events de-
and faith. At the same time it presents the reader with the scribed, but this has recently been questioned: see Whybray
God who is creator of the world but also a God who cares (1987: 133-219).
for his human creatures and reveals his nature especially in
his protection and guidance of those whom he chose to be his D. Composition. About the process or processes by which the
special people. diverse material was combined to form a single literary work
there is at present no consensus of opinion. The Documentary
B. Literary Genre. It is important for an understanding of Hypothesis (see INTROD.PENT B), which was the dominant
Genesis (and of the Pentateuch as a whole) to see it as a literary theory for about a century, envisaged an interweaving of com-
work and to attempt to define its literary genre. This involves prehensive 'horizontal' written sources (in Genesis, J, E, and
an appreciation of the nature of ancient, pre-scientific, histori- P); but this view has met strong opposition during the last
ography, of which the most notable examples are to be found twenty years; and none of the alternative theories that have
in the work of certain early Greek historians of the sixth been proposed has yet found general acceptance. One thor-
century BCE. The aim of these historians was to write accounts ough investigation of the composition of the patriarchal stor-
of the origins, genealogical descent, and history of the notable ies (Blum 1984), which envisages a gradual process of
families of their own day, tracing them back to a remote, composition in which the traditions about each of the patri-
heroic age: see Van Seters (1983: 8-54; 1992: 24-38). In their archs were gradually and independently built up before their
accounts of past ages they did not distinguish between myth, combination into larger complexes, has considerable plausi-
legend, and what we now call 'historical facts'. It was not their bility; on the other hand, the notion of a fragment hypothesis
primary purpose to establish the exact truth of the events that according to which there was no lengthy process of growth but
they described, but rather to raise in their readers a conscious- a single act of composition in which a mass of material was
ness of their own identity and a feeling that they were citizens collated by a single author, as in the case of the early Greek
of a great and noble city or race. These historians made full historians cited above, has undergone something of a revival:
use of extant traditions about the past, but they were also see Whybray (1987: 221-42). In this commentary the Docu-
creators of tradition: where extant traditions were lacking or mentary Hypothesis is referred to only occasionally. Obvious
scanty, they did not hesitate to fill them out with details, and differences of point of view implied in the material employed
even entire stories, supplied from their own imaginations. have been noted; but no attempt has been made to define or to
This kind of imaginative writing has analogies with that of date these. References to the 'author', 'editor' etc., are to those
the Israelite historians; but the purposes of the latter were responsible for the final shaping of the book.
somewhat different. They were certainly concerned to cre- E. The Date of Genesis. Nothing in the book directly indicates
ate—or, perhaps, to restore—a sense of national identity in the time when it reached its final shape. However, many
their readers; but their intention was far from triumphalist: passages reflect episodes and situations of post-patriarchal
the principal human characters were not heroes in the fullest times: the tradition of a nation comprising twelve tribes
sense. For them it is always God who has the principal role; (49:16, 28); the Exodus from Egypt (15:13—14); the future
the human characters are represented as foolish and fre- possession of Canaan and the areas occupied by the various
GENESIS 40

tribes (15:17-20; 17:8; 28:4); the predominance of the tribe of and even in the next generation Ephraim is preferred before
Judah (49:10) and of the Joseph tribes (especially Ephraim Manasseh.) The promises in their fullest form comprise div-
(48:17—20)); and the Davidic monarchy (49:10). There are also ine blessing, guidance and protection, wealth and political
anachronisms such as the references to the land of the Phil- power, and the possession of the land of Canaan as a perma-
istines' (21:32, 34), whose arrival in Canaan was roughly nent home. But there is also an important counter-theme: that
contemporary with that of the Israelites, and to the Chaldeans of the perils into which the recipients of the promises (and
(11:28, 31; 15:7), a people of southern Mesopotamia whose their wives) constantly fall, sometimes through their own
names do not appear in historical records before the time of fault and sometimes at God's instigation (Gen 22). It is this
the neo-Assyrian empire (from the 8th cent. BCE) and who counter-theme that gives liveliness and excitement to the
were otherwise unknown to the OT before the sixth century narratives; indeed, without it there would be no story to tell.
BCE. Other features of the book—for example the constantly The failure of the promise of the land to materialize within the
reiterated theme of the promise of possession of the land of timespan of the book gives these narratives a forward-looking
Canaan—are perhaps best understood as particularly relevant character: the possession of the land is clearly the goal to
to a time when the nation had been dispossessed from the which they aspire. There are, of course, a number of subsid-
land—that is, either the Babylonian exile during the sixth iary themes, corresponding to the variety of the material.
century BCE or the ensuing period when the Jewish commu- There is throughout a strong emphasis on the inscrutability
nity living in and around Jerusalem were once more, like the of God's purposes.
patriarchs of Genesis, aliens in the land, needing encourage- 3. The story of Joseph (chs. 37—50) continues that of the
ment to hope that God would enable them to throw off the previous section, but has its own independent character and
yoke of Persian domination and would restore to them the its own themes. Except at the very end of the book the divine
fullness of his blessing as the rightful owners of the land promises are not specifically mentioned in these chapters,
which he had promised long ago to them. though the theme of the endangered heirs continues to be
prominent: at different times both Joseph and his family are
F. Themes. 1. The primeval history (Gen i-n) heralds some of placed in peril. The Egyptian setting is a major feature of the
the main themes of the book. It defines Israel's place in the Joseph story and is described in some detail, partly to give it a
world of nations and links the human figures of the remote plausible local colour but mainly in order to enhance the
past with Abraham and his descendants by a series of geneal- impression of Joseph's eminent position in Egypt. Joseph's
ogies. It also functions as a universal history of beginnings. It character is portrayed with consummate skill. This final part
afforded the author the opportunity to state his belief that of the book leaves the readers with hopes of a splendid future.
there is only one, supreme God and that he created the world The final verses specifically foretell the Exodus from Egypt
with all its inhabitants. It is concerned with the nature of this which will lead at last to the possession of the promised land.
God and with the nature of his human creatures. This uni-
versal history taught the Israelite readers a moral lesson as COMMENTARY
well as a theology: human beings are both foolish and prone to
sinful rebellion against God, arrogant and ambitious, seeking A History of Origins (chs. 1-11)
to achieve divine status for themselves and capable of murder- These chapters maybe regarded as a prologue to Genesis, and
ous intentions towards one another. It warned about the con- indeed to the whole Pentateuch. Beginning as they do with the
sequences of such behaviour: God, who at the beginning had activity of God even before the universe came into existence
approved his created world as good, determined to obliterate (Gen 1:1—2), they clearly cannot be based on any record of what
the human race when it became corrupted; but he mercifully actually occurred; and the fact that in them a number of
refrained from carrying out this intention: he punished, but persons are reported as having lived preternaturally long lives
did not destroy. So the first man and woman were banished is sufficient to show that the world depicted here is different
from the garden but allowed to live outside it; the first mur- even from that of the later chapters of the book. These stories
derer also was banished, but his life was preserved; the human do not constitute a connected sequence; they have been linked
race, despite its total corruption, was given a second chance in together only in a very artificial way by a series of genealogies
the persons of Noah and his family; the builders of the Tower (Gen 4:17—22; 5:1—32; 10:1—32; 11:10—32). They are universal
of Babel were scattered and divided, but survived and peopled stories, depicting not human beings as we know them but
the world. The picture of humanity painted in these chapters giants or heroes in something like the fairytale sense of those
is dark but realistic; however, it is lightened by the correspond- words. What is being conveyed is how the authors or collectors
ing theme of divine forbearance which, in the context of the of the stories imagined that it might all have begun. However,
book as a whole, foreshadows a more hopeful destiny for a as we shall see, these stories were intended to convey a much
human race that will be blessed in Abraham. more profound meaning than that.
2. The two main themes of chs. 12-36 are God's choice of Many peoples have at an early stage of their development
Abraham and his descendants out of the entire human race possessed a fund of stories about the origin of the world and
and the promises that he made to them. The particularity of the earliest history of the human race; and many of the stories
this choice is striking: it is seen not only in the initial selection in Gen i—n have a family likeness to origin-stories current in
of Abraham but also in a series of subsequent choices: not the Near-Eastern milieu to which ancient Israel belonged (cf.
Ishmael but Isaac, not Esau but Jacob are chosen. (The theme ANET3-I55). These Israelite versions, however, are unique in
is pursued further in the succeeding Joseph story: Joseph, that they are monotheistic: all the divine actions that they
Jacob's eleventh son, is chosen to be the saviour of his family, depict are attributed to a single deity, and there is no mention
 41 GENESIS
of other gods. The term 'myth' is often applied to them; but by the whole created world—in the institution of the Sabbath
since there is no agreement about the meaning of that term it (2:1-3).
is probably best avoided. Some scholars have interpreted these chapters as reflecting
It is possible that the final author or compiler of these the experiences of the Babylonian exile or the early post-exilic
chapters has left an indication of their structure by his use of period. Thus the themes of punishment for sin, especially
the word tolcdot, especially in the phrase 'These are the tolcdot banishment from God's presence and/or dispersal or destruc-
of...' (2:4; 6:9; 10:1; 11:10, 27; cf also 5:1). However, this tion (3:23—4; 4:12, 16; 6—8; 11:4, 9), have been taken as sym-
phrase, which also occurs at intervals in the later chapters of bolic of Israel's richly deserved banishment from the land of
the book, can hardly be adequate as a structural marker since Canaan, while the signs of divine grace and forgiveness,
it is used with different meanings, e.g. genealogy or list of especially God's acceptance of Noah's sacrifice and the coven-
descendants (6:9; 10:1) and story or history (2:4; 37:1). One ant which he made with him (8:20-9:17) would suggest to
way of viewing the purpose and structure of chs. i-n is to see the exilic or post-exilic reader that God had even now not cast
them as presenting a picture of the growing power of sin in off his people but was a God of infinite patience and forgive-
the world, together with a parallel picture of a 'hidden growth ness who would rescue Israel from its folly and its guilt as he
of grace' (von Rad 19660: 64—5). This view has some plausi- had done for humanity in ancient times.
bility as regards chs. 3-9. If this is so, however, the story of the Some of these stories also betray an interest in aetiology:
Tower of Babel (11:1-9) surely stands outside the pattern. that is, in seeking the origin of various phenomena of uni-
There, as also in ch. 3, it appears to be God's concern for his versal human experience which appear to defy rational explan-
own status rather than his grace that is to the fore. It may be ation. These aetiologies are of many kinds. One of the most
best to regard this story as an appendix to chs. 1-9, or as a important ones concerns the reason for human mortality, a
negative foil to the story of Abraham that begins at the end of common theme in both Near-Eastern and classical literature
ch. ii. that sometimes took the form of narratives in which human
Why does the Pentateuch preface its history of Israel's beings attempted to wrest immortality from the gods but
ancestors with these universal stories? It is of interest to failed; this is alluded to in Gen 3:22—which appears to imply
note that the origin-stories of other nations (see Van Seters that mortality is inherent in mankind's status as creature—
1983) show a similar pattern: many of them also begin with and in the mysterious incident of 6:1—3. Th£ nature of the
mythical tales and then proceed gradually to the more histor- relationship between man and woman is discussed in 2:18,
ical. The aim of such works, apart from a wish to satisfy the which explains why both sexes are necessary to a complete
readers' natural curiosity about 'how it all began', was to create humanity, and in 2:23-4, which explains the attraction be-
or strengthen their sense of national or ethnic identity, espe- tween the sexes and the forming of permanent relationships
cially at critical times when for specific reasons this was between them as due to God's providence. In ch. 3, however,
threatened. In order to foster such a sense it was thought the less ideal realities of the relationship are attributed to
necessary to account for the nation's place in the world; and, disobedience to God's command, in which both partners are
since the human race was thought to have had a single origin, implicated.
to explain how the various peoples had come into existence. In There is also an aetiology of work here. Work in itself is not
Gen i-n these aims come to the fore in ch. 10, which was regarded as a punishment: rather, it is a natural (male) activity
clearly intended to be a 'map' of all the peoples of the world, (2:15); but—it is implied—it is an agreeable one. The cursing
and in 11:1—9, which accounts for their failure to remain of the ground and the consequent harshness of agricultural
united. At this point the history of Israel's ancestors could labour (3:17—19) are the result of disobedience. The final line
begin. of 3:19 ('You are dust, and to dust you shall return'), possibly a
But beyond these motives Gen i-n was designed to reflect common saying, does not imply that human mortality is the
certain distinctive Israelite (Yahwistic) articles of faith. Not the result of disobedience.
least of these was monotheism. Despite the inclusion of the Another matter that evidently called for explanation was the
phrases 'Let us make man in our own image' (1:26) and 'like wearing of clothing. The feeling of shame at appearing naked
one of us' (3:22), on which see below, this monotheistic stance before others (cf. 9:20-7) and the universal custom of wearing
is quite striking and sometimes even polemical—that is, anti- clothes are explained as a consequence of the eating of the
polytheistic—especially in ch. i. The conflict-tradition of Meso- forbidden fruit (3:7—12, 21): previously (2:25), nakeness had
potamia, according to which the creator-god had had to fight not been shameful. Other aetiologies in these chapters in-
and kill a hostile monster before he could create the world, clude the reason for the human dislike of snakes and for the
although traces of it are to be found elsewhere in the OT (e.g. ability of snakes to move without legs (3:14—15), the reason for
Ps 74:13—14; Isa 51:9), is entirely absent here: the 'great sea the rainbow (9:12—17), and the origin of the sabbath.
monsters' (tanninim, 1:21) are simply listed together with It is generally agreed that the stories in Gen i-n are not a
God's other creatures. Similarly the sun, moon, and other pure invention of the final compiler: however much he may
heavenly bodies, which in the Near-Eastern religious systems have adapted them for his own purpose, he was using material
are powerful deities coexisting with the creator-god, are here a current in his own time. On the nature and date of this
part of God's creation and are entirely subservient to him, material, however, there is at present no agreement. Argu-
being assigned by him their proper functions (1:14-18). ments have recently been advanced which suggest that, at least
Equally distinctive of Israelite religion is the setting aside by in their present form, these chapters cannot be older than the
God of the seventh day, the day on which he rested from his sixth century BCE. For example, the Chaldeans, referred to in
work of creation, to be observed as a day of rest—presumably 11:28, a verse assigned by the followers of the Documentary
GENESIS 42

Hypothesis to the oldest source J, did not become significant clusion of each act of creation, that 'God saw that it was good'
on the international scene until about that time, while the (1:4,10,12,18, 21, 25), culminating in the final comprehensive
garden of Eden is nowhere mentioned in OT texts before the statement that he 'saw everything that he had made, and
time of the exilic Isaiah (Deutero-Isaiah, Isa 51:3) and Ezekiel indeed, it was very good' (1:31). This is the craftsman's assess-
(Ezek 28:13; 36:35). Similarly Abraham (Abram 11:26-30) ap- ment of his own work; and it says something about his inten-
pears to have been unknown in the pre-exilic period: he is tion as well as about his artistry. A competently crafted artefact
never mentioned by the pre-exilic prophets, and his name implies a good intention. The word 'good' (tab) here, however,
occurs only in two OT passages which maybe pre-exilic but are refers more directly to the usefulness of the world—presum-
probably not (i Kings 18:36; Ps 47:9). This fact is, of course, ably primarily its usefulness to mankind. It does not necessar-
significant also for the dating of the story of Abraham in chs. ily have an ethical connotation: it is not mankind that is said
12—25. Finally it is remarkable that there is no extant ancient to be 'good', but God's work as craftsman. The author was well
Near-Eastern text that in any way covers the same ground as aware of the subsequent catastrophic introduction of evil into
Gen i-n, and no evidence that any other people compiled a the world.
comparable narrative before the Graeco-Roman period. In its cosmology—that is, its understanding of the struc-
ture and different parts of the universe—this account of the
(1:1-2:40) The Creation of the World This creation story is creation conforms to that generally current in the ancient
only one of many current in the ancient Near East; there are, Near East. (In some OT passages this cosmology is described
for example, several extant Egyptian ones in which the crea- in more detail.) The pre-existent watery waste (1:1—2) was
tion of the world is attributed to different gods, and the divided into two by the creation of a solid dome or vault (the
creator-god is not necessarily the principal god. This multi- sky, 1:6-8), so that there was water both above and below it.
plicity is due to the existence of different local traditions. In The lower mass of water was then confined to a limited area,
the OTalso, where there is only one God, we find several quite the sea, revealing the dry land, which God called 'the earth'
distinct creation traditions. In addition to Gen i there is a (1:9-10). (According to Gen 7:11 the sky had 'windows' which
different account in Gen 2, and another version is reflected when opened allowed the rain to fall.) The heavenly bodies,
especially in Ps 74:13-14 and Isa 51:9, in which the creation of sun, moon, and stars, moved across the vault of the sky, giving
the world appears to have followed a conflict in which YHWH light and following a prescribed programme (1:14—18).
defeated and killed a sea monster or monsters. Other some- A characteristic feature of this account of creation is its
what different versions are found in Prov 8:22-31, in parts of precise and meticulous style. It frequently repeats the same
the book of Job, and elsewhere. phraseology, listing the various acts of creation with the dry-
The creation story in Gen 1:1—2:4 ^as l°ng been thought to ness of a catalogue, and possesses nothing of the imaginative
have particular affinities with the Babylonian Enuma Elish or dramatic skill characteristic of chs. 2—3. Yet, as has long
(ANET 60-72); but a glance at the latter shows that the been recognized, there remain a number of variations or
relationship is at most a very remote one. Apart from the inconsistencies of detail, which suggests that two or more
fact that the Genesis story is monotheistic, the most crucial accounts have been combined. In particular, the creative acts
difference between the two accounts is that Enuma Elish are introduced in different ways. While in some cases God
belongs to the category of the conflict tradition, which is creates simply by speaking ('And God said...'), in others we
entirely absent from Gen i. In the former, the god Marduk are told that he performed certain actions: he made, separ-
first summons the other deities and, after killing the sea ated, named, blessed, placed. A second anomalous feature is
monster Tiamat, creates heaven and earth by splitting Tia- that although the entire work of creation was carried out in
mat's body into two. (The commonly repeated notion that the six days (presumably to conform to the concept of six days of
word 'the deep'—tehom, in 1:2—is a pale reminiscence of creation concluding with a Sabbath rest on the seventh day),
Tiamat cannot be sustained.) There is no trace of a conflict there are in fact eight creative acts: on the third day and again
here: God is alone, and he is supreme. on the sixth (1:9—13, 24—31), two acts of creation are performed.
This account contains no explicit statement about God's It is not possible, however, to reconstruct the earlier accounts
purpose in creating the world; but this purpose is clearly im- whose existence is thus implied.
plied in the great emphasis that is placed on the position of The sentence with which ch. i begins (1:1—2) has been
mankind in God's plan: the creation of mankind, the last of translated in several ways (see NRSV marg.). The older Eng-
God's creative acts, is evidently the climax of the whole ac- lish versions have 'In the beginning God created...'. Some
count, and receives the greatest attention (1:26-30). The crea- other features of these verses call for comment. The use of the
tures created on the previous days—light, day and night, dry word 'God' ('elohim) rather than YHWH (2:4/7—3:24 mainly
land, heavenly bodies, plants and animals—are all by implica- uses 'the LORD God'—YHWH 'elohim) is found elsewhere in
tion provided for mankind's use and convenience; human Genesis and has been taken to indicate the use of different
beings are given the plants for food, and power over the sources. The word rendered by 'created' (bara') is a rare and
animals. Above all they are created in God's image and like- probably late term confined almost entirely in the OT to Gen
ness (1:26—7). Whatever may be the precise meaning of that i—6, where it occurs 9 times, and Isa 40—66; it is used exclu-
phrase—this question has been endlessly debated (see be- sively of the creative activity of God. Elsewhere in the OT that
low)—it sets human beings apart from all the other creatures activity is denoted by words meaning 'to form' or 'to make',
and puts them in a unique relationship with God himself. which are also used of human activity.
A further clue to God's intention when he created the world 1:2 refers to the situation before God's creative action be-
is to be found in the successive statements made at the con- gan. There is no question here of a creatio ex nihilo, a 'creation
 43 GENESIS
out of nothing'. The earth (ha'ares) already existed, but it was a quence of the gift to mankind of the image of God. Mankind
'formless void' (tohu wabohu)—not a kind of non-existence is, as it were, a manager or supervisor of the world of living
but something empty and formless, without light and covered creatures. The blessing, accompanied by the command to 'be
by the water of the deep (tehom). There are echoes here of the fruitful and multiply' (1:28) is, as with the animals (1:22), a
Near-Eastern cosmologies. The word ruah, rendered by 'wind' guarantee that life is to continue.
in NRSV, can also mean 'spirit' (see NRSV marg.). Whichever God's rest (sabat, 2:2) on the seventh day implies the sab-
is the correct interpretation, NRSV's 'swept' is a participle, bath (sabbat—the word itself does not occur here—which is
denoting a continuous action; it should perhaps be rendered thereby 'hallowed' or made holy (2:3; cf. Ex 20:8). The same
'was hovering'. reason for the observance of the sabbath is given in the
In 1:3 as in some later verses God creates by means of a Decalogue (Ex 20:11).
command. His words are presumably addressed to the 'form-
less void' of 1:2. The creation of light before that of the sun and (2:4^-3:24) This narrative, which could stand by itself as an
moon (1:14-18) has led to the suggestion that this feature of independent story, has taken up themes and motifs quite
the account is derived from an earlier, somewhat different different from those employed in 1:1—2:40. It was once gen-
tradition. God's separation of light from darkness and his erally believed to be older and more primitive in its theology
naming them (1:4-5), like his other acts of separating and than the preceding chapter (J as contrasted with P); but more
naming (1:6, 8, 10, 14, 18), are the acts of a sovereign who recently this view has been challenged. Blenkinsopp (1992:
determines the destinies of his subordinates. 63, 65), for example, suggests that it may have been 'generated
In 1:11, 12, 21, 24, 25 the phrase 'of every kind' might be by reflection on the creation account in Genesis i' and maybe
better rendered by '(each) according to its species'. The refer- seen as 'standing in a wisdom tradition which indulged in
ence to signs and seasons and days and years in the descrip- "philosophizing by means of myth" '. Undoubtedly some of
tion of the heavenly bodies in 1:14 suggests the establishment the motifs employed are considerably older than the author's
of the calendar with particular reference to the determination own time; but the telling of tales for edifying or didactic
of the dates of the sacred festivals. When the account moves purposes is more a characteristic of a late stage of civilization
on to the creation of the animal kingdom, first the water than an early one. There is evidence, too, that some elements
animals and birds (1:20—3) an(^ then the land animals (1:24— of the vocabulary employed here are late rather than early.
5), these are distinguished from all that had been previously This is a story about two people, a man and a woman,
created as being 'living creatures' (nepes [ha] hayyd, 1:20, 21, and what happened to them. Although in the context they
24, 30)—clearly a higher status than that of the plants. They are necessarily pictured as the first man and woman, they are
receive God's blessing (1:22, 28). Unlike the plants which are symbols as well as ancestors of the human race: behind his
to serve as food for both human beings and animals (1:29, 30) statements that 'This is what happened' the author is saying
it is significantly not said of them that they may be killed and 'This is how human beings behave, and these are the conse-
eaten. This is a vegetarian regime. quences that follow.' The eating of the fruit is not a single
The meaning of the statement that mankind was created in event of the remote past, but something that is repeated again
God's image (selem) and likeness (demut) (1:26, 27) has always and again in human history. The traditional view that it was
been a matter of discussion, as also has been the use of the the first sin that caused all later generations to be born in
plural form ('Let us make', 'in our image', 1:26, although in 'original sin' is not borne out by this story, although it has the
1:27 the singular form 'in his image' is used). The most prob- aetiological purpose of explaining the present conditions of
able explanation of the second point is that the plural is used human existence. It teaches that God's intention for human
to denote the court of heavenly beings who exist to do God's beings is wholly good, but that they can be led astray by subtle
bidding. The terms 'image' and 'likeness' are probably not to temptations; and that, while disobedience to God, which is
be differentiated: the double phrase is simply for emphasis. It self-assertion, may bring greater self-knowledge, it leads to
clearly defines human beings as resembling God in a way that disaster: the intimate relationship with God is broken. Life
is not the case with the animals (cf 1:28 and Ps 8:3-8). The then becomes harsh and unpleasant; however, God does not
nature of this resemblance is not apparent, however, and entirely abandon his creatures but makes special provisions
hypotheses abound. Since God is often represented elsewhere for their preservation. An Israel that had suffered devastation
in the OT as having bodily organs—hands, feet, eyes, etc.— and exile from its land could hardly fail to get the message.
and the word sdcm is elsewhere used of images of gods, it has It is hardly correct to call ch. 2 a second and alternative
been supposed that the passage refers to a resemblance to creation story. The reference to the creation of the world only
God's external form. It is more probable, however, that some occupies 2:4/7—6, and is expressed in a subordinate clause: 'In
less material resemblance is intended: that human beings, in the day when...'. It is introduced in order to provide a setting
distinction from the animals, possess the unique capacity to for the main story. It belongs to a different tradition from that
communicate meaningfully with God, or—particularly with of ch. i with its Mesopotamian perspective—that of Palestine,
reference to the animals—are God's representatives or vice- where rain (2:5) is vitally important for the existence of plant
gerents on earth. and animal life. But other motifs may have Mesopotamian or
The ordinance that mankind is to rule over the animal other origins. In 2:7 the author chose to depict the creation of
kingdom (1:26, 28), like the statement that the sun and the first (male) human in terms of formation from the soil
moon are to rule over the day and the night (1:16), determines (perhaps rather, clay). This is a tradition also found among
mankind's function in the world. It does not imply exploita- modern preliterate peoples (Westermann 1984: 204). In
tion, for food or for any other purpose; rather, it is a conse- Egyptian mythology the god Khnum fashioned living
GENESIS 44

creatures on a potter's wheel (ANET 368, 431, 441), while in in immediate death, and although the man and woman do not
the Babylonian tradition the wild man Enkidu was fashioned become wholly like God since they still lack immortality, God
from clay (ANET 74). fears that if they also eat the fruit of the tree of life they will
Eden (2:8—the word means 'delight') as the garden of God obtain full divine status (3:22). But the serpent fails to say what
occurs again in Ezek 28:13; 3I:9! Joel 2: 3> and Eden by itself in will be their actual fate.
a few passages in Ezekiel and in Isaiah (51:3), always as a place The various punishments imposed by God on the guilty
of ideal fertility and beauty. (It also occurs in Gen 4:16 as a (3:14—19) all have aetiological bases: serpents have no legs and
place-name.) In Ezek 28:13-16 there is an allusion to a myth of are thought to 'eat dust', and bite human beings but are killed
an expulsion from the garden, but this differs markedly from by them; women are attached to their husbands, suffer pain in
Gen 2-3. childbirth, and also suffer from their husbands' domination
The two named trees in the garden—the tree of the know- (contrast 'helper' and 'partner' in 2:18). The final clause of
ledge of good and evil (2:9,17, and also, it must be presumed, 3:19, probably a common saying, adds point to the first half of
the 'tree that is in the middle of the garden', 3:3; cf. 3:11,12) and that verse, which refers back to 2:7. The derivation of the name
the tree of life (2:9; 3:22) constitute a puzzle in that the latter Eve (hawwd,y.2o) which occurs in the OTonly here and in 4:1,
does not appear in the main story but only in the two verses is unknown. There is a play on words here: hawwa echoes hay,
mentioned above. The problem is usually, and probably 'living (person)'. This verse seems to have no connection with
rightly, solved by supposing that the author combined two the previous verses, though it is separated from the notice of
variant traditions in order to introduce the theme of life and Eve's becoming a mother (4:1) by only a few verses.
death, and was not concerned with consistency of detail. Both The somewhat ludicrous picture in 3:21 of God's acting as
trees have connections with wisdom themes. In the book of seamstress for the man and his wife is an indication of his
Proverbs knowledge is a synonymous with wisdom; and in continuing concern for mankind now that he has abandoned
Prov 3:18 it is stated that wisdom is 'a tree of life to those who his original intention to impose the death sentence (2:17) on
lay hold of her'. This might lead one to suppose that the two them. 3:22-4 is not to be regarded as the imposition of an
trees are the same, but it is clear from 2:9 and 3:22 that this is additional punishment: God has already made it clear that
not so. So knowledge and (eternal) life are not synonymous in mankind's way of life must now change radically and for the
this story. worse. The reason for the expulsion from the garden is speci-
2:15 resumes the main narrative after what appears to be a fically stated in 3:22: it is to prevent mankind from eating the
digression. The identity of the first two of the four rivers of fruit of the tree of life and so obtaining eternal life. The theme
2:10-14 is not known. 2:16-17 contain the first instance of echoes Mesopotamian myths about mankind's failure to at-
a divine prohibition, on which the plot of ch. 3 depends. tain immortality (see ANET 89—96, 101—3). Thgre is no i™-
The naming of the animals by the man in 2:19—20 estab- plication here or anywhere else in chs. 2—3 that mankind was
lishes their distinct characteristics and confirms the man's originally intended to be immortal.
rule over them. The creation of woman from the man's rib is a In 3:24 God takes elaborate precautions to ensure that the
detail that no doubt derives from an older tradition. In 2:23 the man and woman do not re-enter the garden. The cherubim
word 'woman' ('issd) is stated—erroneously—to be derived (cf. Ezek 10; Ps 18:10) are supernatural beings closely
from 'man' ('is). 2:240 is an aetiology explaining the origin associated with God who carry out his commands, here as
of the relation between the sexes; it appears, however, to run guardians; the flaming and turning sword reflects a Mesopo-
counter to actual practice. 2:25/7 probably expresses a view that tamian tradition.
was generally held about primitive man. It also points ahead
to 3:8-11: shame is one of the consequences of sin. (4:1-16) In its present context this story is a continuation of
The serpent (3:1) is neither a supernatural enemy threaten- the previous chapter, as is shown by the mention of the name
ing God's creation from outside nor some kind of inner voice Eve. However, the use of a different source is indicated by the
within the woman urging her to disobedience. It is specifically fact that God is now called not by the appellation 'the LORD
stated that it was one of God's creatures, but that it was craftier God' (YHWH 'elohim) but by the single name YHWH. In v. i
('arum) than all the others. (There is a play on words here: there is a play on words: Eve called her firstborn Cain (qayin)
f
arom (2:25) means 'naked'.) 'arum is an ambiguous word: it because she had 'acquired' (qdnd) him from YHWH.
can also denote 'wisdom' in a positive sense. But here it is the This is a story about Cain: his brother Abel's role is entirely
wrong kind of wisdom possessed by the serpent that initiates passive. The account of Cain's murder of his brother Abel
mankind's fall into disaster. Snakes played a significant part follows the pattern of ch. 3. This motif of fratricide is found
in the mythologies and religious practices of the ancient Near in other ancient myths, for example in the Egyptian story of
East, as objects both of fear and worship. The question of the the murder of Osiris by his brother Seth and, in Roman myth-
origin of the serpent's wickedness is not raised here. The ology, that of Romulus's murder of Remus. The similarity of
phenomenon of the speaking snake (cf. Balaam's ass, Num motif, however, does not help to elucidate the point of Gen 4: i-
22:28—30) is a folkloric one. 16. Some scholars have seen this in the difference between the
In its conversation with the woman (3:1/7—5) the serpent brothers' occupations (v. 2) and in YHWH's acceptance of
asserts that God's threat of immediate death for eating the Abel's meat offering while he rejected Cain's fruit offering
fruit of the tree of knowledge (2:17) is a false one. The acquisi- (w. 3-5), which was the cause of Cain's anger. But no explana-
tion of the knowledge of good and evil (that is, of wisdom) will tion is given in the text of God's preference, and it is not
lead rather to the human pair becoming 'like God'. There is probable that the story, at any rate in its present form, reflects
truth in what the serpent says: eating the fruit does not result an age-old rivalry between pastoralists and farmers.
 45 GENESIS
The story is of course significant in that this is the earliest should be admitted. The proponents of the Documentary
instance in Genesis of death and also of violence committed Hypothesis regarded the discrepancy as providing strong
by one human being against another. Although there is no evidence of their source theory.
suggestion in the text that the sin of disobedience committed (5:1-32) The genealogy of Seth of which this chapter consists,
by the first human pair is here seen as the cause of the which traces the history of mankind from the beginning to the
universal corruption of human nature, the fact that the first birth of Noah, is linked to ch. i by the resume in w. 1—2.This is
murder immediately follows it can hardly be without signifi- a somewhat different tradition from that of the genealogy of
cance. There is in these chapters a progression in evil which Cain in ch. 4, though it has some of the names in common. In
culminates in the statements in 6:5, n that mankind has this chapter Lamech becomes the father of Noah (v. 29).
become wholly corrupt. Enoch appears in both lists, but in v. 22 there is an additional
In his reply to God's questioning (v. 9) Cain intensifies his note about his character and fate. He 'walked with God', as is
sin by a lie: he pretends that he does not know where Abel is. also said of Noah in 6:9; and, presumably on account of this
He also declines responsibility for his brother—a denial of exceptional piety, he was mysteriously taken away by God and
family solidarity that would be anathema to Israelite readers. disappeared from the earth. (Cf. the similar translation of
The blood of Abel is understood as crying out from the ground Elijah, 2 Kings 2:10—11.) (The late Jewish books of Enoch
(v. 10), demanding vengeance. God's answer to this cry is a used this information to develop elaborate speculations about
curse (w. n, 12). Cain is condemned to have no permanent Enoch's adventures after his translation.)
place to dwell: he will henceforth be a wanderer or fugitive on There is a partial parallel between this list and the Mesopo-
the earth (v. 14), subject to the vengeance of anyone who may tamian King Lists, especially the old Babylonian (Sumerian)
meet him (v. 13). (The implication that there are other human King List (ANET 265-6) which ascribes even more fantastic-
beings on the earth shows that the story is not in fact a ally long reigns to kings who lived both before and after the
continuation of ch. 2—3; cf the statement in 4:17 that Cain Flood. However, these lists differ in important respects from
later married a wife.) But in v. 15 God mitigates his punish- Gen 5, and there is no reason to suppose that the latter was
ment, cursing in turn Cain's potential murderers, and puts modelled on the former. But they do share a common notion
him under his protection. The nature of the mark ('ot) that of a succession of distant forebears; and they also have in
God placed on him as a sign that he was not to be killed is not common the idea that these human beings of the unimagin-
explained in the text, and the various explanations that have ably remote past were of a quite different order of vitality and
been offered by scholars are purely speculative. The land of durability from the puny men and women of the present age.
Nod (nod)' to which Cain took himself (v. 16) should not be v. 29 refers back to 3:17. The name Noah (noah) is improb-
understood as a geographical location: the word probably ably associated in the Hebrew text with the root n-h-m, 'to
means 'aimless wandering'. comfort' (NRSV 'bring us relief); the Greek translation
(4:17—26) The genealogy in w. 17—22 is in two parts: w. 17—18 seems to presuppose a form of the root n-w-h, which would
list six generations (making seven in all if Adam, v. i, is be closer to 'Noah' and would mean 'give rest'. This verse is
included), while w. 19-22 are of a different, collateral, type, evidently intended to introduce the story of the Flood, though
listing the children of Lamech by his two wives. The latter this summary of Noah's achievements, whichever version is
passage has something of the character of an aetiology of the accepted, is not particularly appropriate.
origin of various aspects of civilized life; the origin of cities is (6:1-4) It must be admitted that the meaning and purpose of
interestingly placed very early (v. 17). This propensity to satisfy this story remain uncertain after a long history of attempts to
a demand for historical information about origins by naming interpret it. Every verse presents difficulties, v. i speaks of a
the inventors of existing aspects of life is not peculiar to Israel: great increase of human population—a motif of Mesopota-
we may compare the Sumerian 'seven sages' who taught mian origin-stories, where this constituted a threat to the
mankind the pursuits of civilization, and the Greek myth of gods; but as far as one can see this is not central to the biblical
Prometheus, who gave mankind the gift of fire. story. Especially problematic is the interpretation of the
The song of Lamech (w. 23—4) is an elaboration of the phrase 'the sons of God' (bene-ha'elohim), which can also be
preceding genealogy. It may originally have been a boasting rendered by 'the sons of the gods', in v. 2. These are mentioned
song; but in its present context its prediction of dramatically again in Job 1:6; 2:1 and—with slightly different wording (bene
increased violence marks a new stage in the progress of 'elim)—in Ps 29:1; 89:6. In those passages they are heavenly
human wickedness, w. 25—6 appear to be a fragment of a beings subordinate to YHWH and members of his council. In
separate genealogy (of Seth) from that of Cain; it is given in the texts from Ras Shamra (Ugarit) the sons of the gods are
a more complete form in ch. 5. v. 25 refers back to 4:1. The themselves gods and members of the pantheon of which the
name Seth is connected by the author with the verb sit, 'to put, high god El is the head. The traditional view of the sons of God
procure' (NRSV'appointed'). The statement at the end of v. 26 hereinv. 2 is thatthey are angels; but the implication ofw. 1—4
that mankind ('ends—the word is identical with the name as a whole is that their activities do not meet with YHWH's
Enosh) began 'at that time' to invoke the name of YHWH approval. There are other ancient myths describing marriages
appears to contradict Ex 6:2-3, where it is stated that the between gods and human women, and also well-known myths
worship of YHWH began with Moses (cf. also Ex 3:13—15). about a rebellion in heaven. The story here may have been
The attempt to reconcile v. 26 with the Exodus passages by derived from an otherwise unknown Canaanite myth.
arguing that the former only refers to divine worship in gen- In v. 3 YHWH is represented as speaking to himself, ex-
eral is hardly convincing. That there is a discrepancy here pressing his determination to limit the span of human life to
GENESIS 46

120 years. Here we have once more the motif of a divine human nature and of the one God's treatment of it which
prohibition of human immortality, which might have resulted combines mercy and grace with severity.
from the union of divine beings with human women. God's w. 5-12 give the reason for the bringing ofthe Flood: hu-
spirit (ruah) here is probably equivalent to the 'breath of life' of man wickedness has now become total and universal (Noah
2:7. v. 4 appears to be a series of comments on the story, being the sole exception, 6:9); and God, faced with this ap-
identifying the nature of the children born of the divine- parently complete failure of his hopes, now regrets his deci-
human union. They were the Nephilim, interpreted in Num sion to create human beings (6:6) and determines on their
13:33 as giants. In the second half of the verse they are identi- destruction together with all other living creatures (6:7). This
fied with the famous 'heroes (gibborim) of old'. The reason striking anthropomorphism (i.e. the representation of God as
why the author chose to include this strange story with its fallible and reacting to a situation as with human weakness) is
polytheistic overtones may be that it served as a further mark reminiscent of 3:22. Such a view of God runs counter to the
of the corruption of human nature and thus as an appropriate belief expressed elsewhere in the OT (e.g. Num 23:19; i Sam
prelude to the story of the Flood in chs. 6-9. 15:29), but is not unparalleled (cf. e.g. Ex 32:14; Am 7:3, 6),
though in those instances God's 'repentance' is favourable
(6:5—8:22) The Story of the Flood Stories of a great flood sent rather than unfavourable to those concerned. More analogous
in primeval times to destroy mankind are so common to many to the present passage is God's threat in Ex 32:10 to destroy his
peoples in different parts of the world between whom no kind rebellious people and to start again with Moses.
of historical contact seems possible that the theme seems The statement that humanity had become totally corrupt is
almost to be a universal feature of the human imagination. repeated in 6:11-12. Since there is a change in the appellation
The flood story of Genesis is a clear example of a type that was of God here—from YHWH to 'elohim—this verse has been
characteristic of the Mesopotamian world. The two extant thought to come from a different source (P as opposed to J);
literary accounts that most closely resemble it are Atrahasis but in the present context the repetition is appropriate since it
(ET in Lambert and Millard 1969) and Tablet XI of the Epic of immediately follows the statement about the uniquely right-
Gilgamesh (ANET 93-5). The Babylonian text translated in eous Noah in 6:8-9. In 6:12, 13 'all flesh' evidently includes
ANETwas, according to Lambert and Millard, largely derived the animals, though some of these were to be preserved by
from Atrahasis, although the latter in its fragmentary state being taken into the ark together with Noah and his family.
lacks some of the details preserved in the former such as the The word 'ark' (tebd, 6:14) occurs in the OT only here and in
sending out of birds to discover whether the waters had re- the story ofthe infant Moses (Ex 2:3, 5). It is probably derived
ceded. But unlike Gilgamesh, Atrahasis resembles Genesis in from an Egyptian word meaning a chest or box. The usual
that it contains an account of the creation of mankind from word for 'ship' has been avoided. The use ofthe word tebd may
clay before proceeding to the story of the Flood. point to an earlier version ofthe story. The identity ofthe word
As was pointed out long ago, there are a number of details rendered by 'cypress' (goper, older English versions 'gopher') is
in the Genesis story such as the chronology and the numbers uncertain. The impression given ofthe ark is that of a flat-
of animals taken into the ark that are mutually contradictory. bottomed box-like construction about 450 ft. long, 75 ft. broad
Attempts to reconcile these, however ingenious, can hardly be and 45 ft. deep (6:15) with three decks, a roof or window (the
convincing. It is clear that more than one version of the story meaning ofsohar is uncertain), and a door (6:16; 'finish it to a
have been combined. But the text as it stands can no longer be cubit above' is incomprehensible).
separated into two complete versions: there is, for example, At 6:18 is the first mention of a covenant (berit) in the book.
only one account of God's detailed instructions to Noah about This promise to Noah is reaffirmed in 9:11—17. Since Noah
the construction and dimensions ofthe ark (6:14-16), without and his family were to be the only human survivors, it is by
which there could be no story. The author, who may have implication a covenant made by God with the whole future
known several versions from which he could choose, has human race; it points forward also, however, to the specific
spliced two of them together without concerning himself covenant to be made later with the people of Israel. It is an
about total consistency—a method already noted above with obligation that God imposes on himself; its contents are un-
regard to chs. 2-3. specified, but it clearly implies divine protection and blessing,
The story ofthe Flood in Genesis is the climax of a sequence conditional only on Noah's complete obedience to God's in-
that begins with the creation of the world and ends, after structions in 6:18—21, which he carried out (6:22).
almost total disaster for mankind, with the renewal of man- In its specification ofthe numbers of each species of animal
kind through Noah and his descendants. Despite similarities to be taken into the ark 6:19-20 differs from that of 7:2-3,
in some ofthe details ofthe account ofthe Flood itself, no which is clearly from a different source. In 7:2—3 a distinction
such sequence is to be found in either Gilgamesh or Atrahasis. is made between clean and unclean animals. This refers to the
In the former, the Flood is only an episode recounted by the lists of clean and unclean animals in Lev 11:3-31 and Deut
'Babylonian Noah', one Utnapishtim; no information is given 14:4-20: it is an example of a tendency to carry back the origin
about the future ofthe survivors. InAtrahasis as in Genesis the of fundamental institutions (in this case, Mosaic laws) to
Flood is part of a connected story, but a quite different one primeval times. The main reason for the command to take
which involves a quarrel among the gods, while the fate ofthe seven rather than two pairs ofthe clean species into the ark
survivors is barely sketched in the fragmented manuscripts was that some ofthe clean animals were to be reserved to be
that have been preserved. The Genesis story on the other hand used, for the first time, as animal sacrifices (8:20).
has in the hands of the author acquired a purposeful theo- The discrepancies in the statements about the duration of
logical meaning in the context ofthe book's presentation of the Flood in 7:4-8:14, which are due to the combination of
 47 GENESIS
different sources, are difficult to disentangle, although the its theme of human sin and corruption, w. 18—19, however,
main outline of the narrative is clear. The immediate cause have a connection with the Flood story in their reference to the
of the Flood is a dual one: the bursting forth of the 'fountains departure of Noah's sons from the ark. The notice in v. 18 that
(i.e. springs) of the great deep (tehom rabbd)' below the earth Ham was the father of Canaan is a link with w. 20-7; an
(cf 1:2) and the opening of the 'windows of the heavens' (7:11; attempt to account for the curse on Canaan in w. 25—7.
cf Isa 24:18; Mai 3:10) to let the torrential rain fall unremit- The statement in v. 20 that Noah was the inventor of
tingly for forty days and nights (7:12). This signalled the un- viticulture is an aetiology comparable with 4:20—2, but with
doing of his creation by God's command: chaos had come a story attached to it. The point of the story in w. 20-7 is not
again. that Noah committed a sin in becoming drunk, but that Ham
Ararat (8:4) is mentioned again in 2 Kings 19:37; Isa 37:38; sinned in seeing his father when he was naked, an act which
Jer 51:27. It was known to the Assyrians as Urartu, and was an called forth a curse on Canaan, Ham's son. There is nothing in
independent kingdom in the early first millennium BCE until the text to support the view advanced by some scholars that
its destruction in the sixth century BCE. The area corresponds Ham's sin was in fact either an act of homosexuality or the
roughly to that of modern Armenia. The Epic ofGilgamesh also incestuous rape of his mother (Lev 18:6—19, which speaks of
records the landing of the ark on a mountain. The sending out 'uncovering' nakedness, is not speaking of the same thing).
of a raven and a dove to test the subsidence of the waters (8:6- Nakedness was shameful (3:7-11), and Ham humiliated his
12) also corresponds to a similar incident in Gilgamesh. The father by not decently covering him. In w. 25-7 it is already
first animal sacrifice on the first altar (8:20) is an act of presupposed that Noah's sons are to become the ancestors of
thanksgiving, not an attempt to propitiate God, who had different nations. The incongruity that it is Canaan and not
already (6:8, 18) shown his acceptance of Noah. But this his father who is cursed (w. 25, 27) is connected with Israel's
sacrifice inaugurates a new era in which the slaughter of traditional hatred of the Canaanites, who are seen as destined
animals was permitted (9:3—4). The anthropomorphical state- to become slaves; but attempts to identify the circumstances
mentthat God 'smelled the pleasing odour', unique in the OT, in which these verses were written have not been successful.
is no doubt a reminiscence of an earlier version of the story: it The name Japheth is here aetiologically associated with a rare
is a way of saying that he approved of the sacrifice. In Gilga- Hebrew verb meaning 'to enlarge'.
mesh at this point in the story the gods 'smelled the savour'
(10:1-32) This chapter, often known as the 'table of the na-
and 'crowded like flies about the sacrificer'. In determining
tions', is an attempt, on the basis of the presupposition that all
never again to destroy mankind God now appears to accept
humanity is descended from Noah's three sons, to name all
that the evil tendency of the human heart is innate and
the nations of the world and to state from which genealogical
ineradicable. The negative decision of 8:21 is then matched
branch they are derived. It appears to be quite unique: no
by a positive one: the orderly alternations of day and night and
comparable ancient texts exist. Certain stylistic variations
of the seasons will now resume and will not again be inter-
and inconsistencies in the lists of names have led the source
rupted. 'As long as the earth endures' makes it clear, however,
critics to postulate a combination of the sources J and P,
that it will not continue for ever but will have an end.
despite the fact that there is only one reference to God, where
(9:1-17) In w. 1-7 God, addressing Noah and his sons, inaug- he is referred to by his name YHWH (v. 9). Many but by no
urates the new era and the renewed humanity. There are means all the names are readily identifiable. The descendants
strong indications here that this is regarded as a new creation. of Japhet, for example, include the Medes (Madai), the Ionian
The passage begins and ends with a blessing (cf. 1:28) and Greeks (Javan), possibly the Cypriots (Kittim), and Rhodians
there is a repetition of the command to be fruitful and multi- (if the emendation of Rodanim from the Dodanim of the
ply and fill the earth and to rule over the animal world; but Hebrew text is correct). The list of Ham's descendants, which
there are significant differences from ch. i. The animals are begins with Nubia (Gush), Egypt, and possibly Lybia (Put),
now to/ear their rulers (v. 2), and maybe killed for food: things also contains Canaan, a country which would in modern
are not after all as idyllic as at the beginning, v. 4 prescribes the terminology be ranked as Semite (i.e. Shemite). This is true
manner of their slaughter, once more carrying back the in- also of Babylon (Babel) and Assyria. The descendants of
stitution of a Mosaic law to the primeval period (cf. 7:2—3); this Shem, who is called 'the father of all the sons of Eber', that
is the kosher law prohibiting the consumption of an animal's is, Hebrews, are listed last as more immediately relevant to the
blood (cf. Lev 7:26-7 and other passages), w. 5-6 forbid readers. There is some inconsistency here: Assyria, listed
homicide: mankind, in contrast to the animals, was created under Ham in v. n, is given as a descendant of Shem in
in the image of God. The story of the Flood concludes in w. 8— v. 22. Other well-attested peoples listed as descendants of
17 on a hopeful note with God's reaffirmation of the covenant Shem include Flam and Aram (the Arameans); but most of
that he had made with Noah (6:18), which now includes all the remaining names in these verses are unknown or not
living creatures as well as Noah's descendants. He reveals his certainly identifiable, as also is the territory mentioned in
previous decision (cf. 8:21—2) never again to destroy the earth, v. 30. By thus peopling the world the author has prepared for
and makes the rainbow—literally a 'bow in the clouds'—a Abraham's world, which was already divided into nations. The
'sign' of the covenant, a reminder both to himself and to cause of these divisions is given in 11:1—9.
mankind—another example of aetiology.
(11:1-9) Tlus is a compact and self-contained narrative. It
(9:18-29) The story of Noah's drunkenness can hardly be contains an aetiological element in that it purports to explain
seen as related to that of the Flood. It appears to be a resump- why the human population, which had originally shared the
tion of the history of human generations in chs. 4 and 5 with same language, came to be divided by the development of
GENESIS 48
many languages which prevented their mutual comprehen- recent scholars as by no means certain (see Whybray 1987).
sion and so hindered co-operation; and also how they came to The possibility that these stories may not be much older than
be dispersed throughout the world (though this is already the time of the final redactor of the Pentateuch is supported by
implied in the command to 'fill the earth', 9:1, and its fulfil- the fact that the pre-exilic parts of the OT with one possible
ment in 9:19). But aetiology is not the main point of the story, exception (Hos 12:3-4, I2) show no knowledge of Abraham,
which is another account (cf ch. 3) of human ambition to rise Isaac, and Jacob as individuals or of events connected with
above the human condition, the threat that this posed to God's them.
supremacy, and the action taken by God to frustrate this. The The true purpose of this part of Genesis was theological
story is located in the land of Shinar, that is, Mesopotamia (cf. rather than historical in the modern sense of the latter term.
10:10); the city which they began to build, perhaps including Like some other parts of the OT which must be regarded as
the tower (v. 4) is identified in v. 9 with Babylon. There is historical fiction (e.g. Job, Ruth, Jonah, Esther, and Dan i—6),
nothing specifically in the text to indicate that the story was its purpose is to teach a religious lesson. It is generally ad-
inspired by one of the Mesopotamian ziggurats: it is true that mitted that the three patriarchs were originally unrelated to
the Esagil in Babylon was supposed to link heaven and earth; one another and that their stories have been combined in
but it was a completed building, not one left unfinished as was order to create a family story whose main theme is set out at
the city in v. 8. There is no extant Mesopotamian story com- the very start (Gen 12:1-3), where Abraham is commanded by
parable with this, though some of its motifs are found in a God to leave the country where he has been residing and to
Sumerian epic. The anonymous builders ('they') are repre- migrate to another country whose identity will later be re-
sented as the whole human population ('the whole earth', v. i). vealed to him, where he will become the ancestor of a great
This means that 'make a name for ourselves' implies a uni- nation, especially blessed and in turn conferring his blessing
versal ambition to attain to a greatness superior to their pre- on other peoples. This theme of God's promise dominates
sent status, which must mean an infringement of God's these chapters: the promise is repeated on several more occa-
absolute supremacy. God's decision to come down from sions to Abraham himself (15:4—7, 18—21; 17:4—8; 22:17—18)
heaven to see what his puny creatures are trying to do ('Let and then to Isaac (26:2-5, 24) and Jacob (35:11-12). The prom-
us go down', v. 7) is expressed in the same plural terms as are ise of future blessing implies material success; and it is
1:26 and 3:22. In v. 9 the word 'Babel' is seen as related to the made clear that God will guide the fortunes of the family.
verb baled, 'to mix, confuse'. But the continuity of that family depends on the production
(11:10—32) This genealogy spans the generations from Shem of an heir in each succeeding generation; and the difficulties
to Abram (Abraham). It concentrates on succession from and dangers attending this provide the dramatic content of
father to son, and deals with individuals: thus it is intended many incidents in the story.
to be seen as the family history of a single individual, Abra- The promise of the possession of the land, which proved to
ham. It forms a link between the primeval world and that of be the land of Canaan, was not in fact fulfilled in the course of
the patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the 'fathers' of the book of Genesis; but by the end of the book there had been
Israel, w. 27-32, the genealogy of Terah, Abraham's father, a positive development. The twelve sons of Jacob, who were to
in fact function as the beginning of the story of Abraham, and be the ancestors of the twelve tribes of Israel, had been born,
introduce principal characters in that story: Abraham, his wife and had received their blessings (ch. 49). So the nation of
Sarai (Sarah), and his brother Lot. It briefly refers to Sarai's I srael now existed in embryo. Their migration to Egypt during
barrenness and a migration of the family from Ur of the a famine, in the final section of the book, may be considered
Chaldeans, probably in southern Mesopotamia (but 'Chal- on the one hand as one of the many causes of delay of the
deans' is an anachronism), with the intention of settling in fulfilment of the promise; but it is also to be seen as the
Canaan but instead getting no further than Haran, a city of springboard for the miracle at the Sea in the book of Exodus
northern Mesopotamia. and for the subsequent series of events related in the rest of
the Pentateuch which led eventually to the possession of the
land. The readers were thus presented in these chapters with a
Abraham and his Family (chs. 12-36) picture of a God who was totally in control of events and who
The world of Israel's ancestors, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, had marvellously created their nation and preserved it from
and their families, is different from that of chs. i—n: here we the beginning, one whose promises they knew to have been
are dealing with 'real' individuals and their life stories. Yet it is ultimately fulfilled; but they were also made aware, through
still not our world. Frequent attempts have been made to find the account of the wanderings and vicissitudes of their ances-
historical situations into which these patriarchs can be fitted, tors, of the precariousness of the life of faith.
but they have all failed to convince (see Thompson 1974). Basically these chapters fall into three sections, each con-
Gunkel, in his famous commentary on Genesis (1901), put cerned with the life of one of the three patriarchs, Abraham,
forward a view which was long accepted: that most of these Isaac, and Jacob. However, since in their present form they are
stories were independent short folk-tales (Sagen) which circu- a combination of separate parts to form the history of a single
lated by word of mouth for a very long time before they were family, the three stories have been made to interlock so as to
combined into longer complexes and eventually set down in produce a continuous family saga. Thus Abraham's death is
writing. That they have an oral origin and are not to be seen as recorded in 25:8, but the birth of his heir Isaac had taken place
accounts of the lives of historical personages remains a com- long before (21:2); similarly the birth of Isaac's son Jacob is
mon opinion; but that they had a long history before their noted in 25:25—6, but Isaac's death only in 35:29. Jacob's own
incorporation into the present work is regarded by some death (noted in 49:33) did not occur until the completion of
 49 GENESIS
his son Joseph's extraordinary success story (Joseph's birth is off as his sister during a temporary residence in Gerar, with
recorded in 30:23). (On the story of the life of Joseph, chs. 37— similar consequences, and again in 26:6—11 Isaac, driven by
50, which belongs to a different literary genre from the pre- famine (26:1), as was Abraham in ch. 12, seeks refuge, again,
vious stories, see below.) Meanwhile the births of all Jacob's in Gerar. It is generally recognized that these are three vari-
twelve sons had taken place, recorded at intervals between ants of one and the same story, which was defined by Gunkel
29:32 and 35:18. Recently attempts have been made to recon- as a folk-tale; but there is no agreement today about their
struct the stages of the process by which the patriarchal stories relationship to one another or the reasons why despite their
have been composed (especially Blum 1984), but these re- basic similarities they differ substantially in details. Attempts
main hypothetical. to discover which of the variants is the oldest have resulted in
different conclusions.
The Story of Abraham (chs. 12-25) Migrations of groups of people at various times across the
(12:1—3) Th£ story begins with a divine command and a dual eastern frontier of Egypt to seek more favourable conditions of
promise. First, God promises to make Abraham into a great life are well attested historically (see e.g. ANET2$i). In the OT
nation; this of course implies that Abraham himself will have the migration of Jacob and his sons to Egypt (Gen 47) is
a male heir and that the succeeding generations will all have another example of this. 12:10-20 is the first instance of
numerous progeny, and also that the future nation will enjoy many in which the fulfilment of the promise to Abraham is
great political power (the word goy, 'nation', suggests a fully endangered. Not only is the departure from Canaan a move
organized group, and the 'great name' in this context implies away from the promised land; even more serious is the threat
international pre-eminence or superiority). The second prom- to the marriage of Abraham and Sarah which is still childless,
ise is really implied by the first: it is a promise of divine and so to the promise of progeny. Faced with a choice between
blessing, which will ultimately be extended to all peoples. death from starvation and the potential danger entailed in
There is no specific promise of possession of the land here; migrating to an alien and unknown country, Abraham
this appears for the first time in 12:7 as a promise not to chooses the latter course; but, fearful for his own safety, he
Abraham personally but to his descendants. A number of sacrifices his wife to a life in Pharaoh's harem, which would
recent scholars, regarding 12:1-3 as representing the earliest also make the promise null and void. In contrast to his shabby
stage of the Abraham story, have maintained that the promise conduct, which also involves telling a lie, the behaviour of
of the land belongs to a later stage of redaction. This may be Pharaoh, whose unsuspecting action is rewarded by God with
so; but the initial command to Abraham in v. i to travel to a 'great plagues' (presumably soon cured; a lacuna in the story
land later to be identified cannot be without significance, has been suspected between w. 17 and 18) is exemplary and
especially to the original readers, who would naturally identify even generous (v. 20). Abraham is left speechless before
that land with the land of Canaan, which they knew had in fact Pharaoh's justified reproach. The story is told without the
come into the possession of Abraham's descendants. The fact making of an overt moral judgement; but the contrast be-
that God had arbitrarily uprooted Abraham and exiled him tween the obedient Abraham of 12:1-9 and the Abraham of
from his original country would, however, remind them of the this story is unmistakable. The story considered by itself is
precariousness of their own residential status. In Gen 23:4 clearly not favourable to Abraham; but in its present context it
Abraham himself spoke of his being 'a stranger and an alien' has become an illustration of the theme of the promise con-
in the land. In 12:1-3, then, the basic promises to the patri- stantly endangered but never annulled. Paradoxically, Abra
archs are all already presented. ham emerges from this incident not only unscathed but
rewarded with great wealth (w. 16, 20). It is important to
(12:4-9) takes Abraham on his journey south from Haran to
note that it is not said of Abraham as it is of Noah (6:9) that
Canaan, which God now identifies (v. 7) as the land to which
he was morally perfect. The point of the story in its present
he was to go (v. i). His unquestioning obedience to God's
context is not his moral character but that he is the bearer of
command is seen by NT writers (Heb 11:8-10; cf Rom 4; Gal
God's promise to him and his descendants. The threefold
3) as an outstanding act of faith to be imitated. The reference
repetition of what is basically the same story cannot be
in v. 4 to Lot (cf. 11:27, 31) as Abraham's travelling companion
adequately accounted for in terms of a dovetailing of written
sets the stage for the story in 13:5—13. The oak of Moreh near
continuous strands that were originally independent of
Shechem (v. 6) is represented as an already sacred tree at
one another. The reason for it is of a literary nature. Repetition
which oracles were given (morch means 'one who teaches');
to create particular effects is a common literary device
but it was God's appearance to Abraham that led him to build
in narrative; and this is eminently the case in Genesis (see
an altar there and—presumably—to offer sacrifice (cf. Noah's
Alter (1981), especially on type-scenes, 47—62). Here each
sacrifice, 8:20). On the invocation of the name of YHWH at
version of the story marks a crucial point in the total narrative.
the second altar that he built near Bethel (v. 8) see at 4:26
12:10-20 stands at its head, immediately following the initial
above. In travelling to the Negeb (the semi-desert area to the
promise to Abraham of numerous descendants (12:2-3), and
south of Judah) he reached the southern border of Canaan,
shows how God safeguards that promise, keeping both the
having traversed the land completely from north to south. It is
prospective parents from harm in a dangerous situation.
significant that it is not stated that he entered any of the
20:1-18 occurs immediately before the crucial account of the
ancient cities of Canaan; instead, he lived in tents as a travel-
birth of Isaac (21:1-2) which marks the first stage in the
ling stranger.
fulfilment of that promise. 26:6—11 is similarly closely
(12:10—20) is one of a group of three stories in Genesis with connected with the birth of Isaac's son Jacob, the next
the same theme. In 20:1-18, as here, Abraham passes Sarah heir (25:21-4) and is immediately preceded in 26:3-5
GENESIS 5°
by a further reiteration of that promise. These repeated reader. The word 'Hebrew' is used in the OTonly by foreigners
stories thus help to provide a structure for the patriarchal speaking about the Israelites and not by Israelites about
stories. themselves (see Jon 1:9). In Genesis it occurs elsewhere only
in the story of Joseph when he is spoken of by Egyptians or
(13:1—18) This chapter and ch. 14, which are mainly con-
addresses Egyptians. The tiny size of Abraham's military
cerned with relations between Lot and Abraham, are a kind
force, which consists entirely of members of his own house-
of interlude or digression: Lot is not a leading character in the
hold (v. 14) enhances his heroic stature.
main patriarchal story; after the events of ch. 19 he disappears
Melchizedek, in v. 18, provides a royal banquet to welcome
from it, though at the end of that chapter it is noted that he
Abraham on his return after his victory. It is strange that he
became the ancestor of the Moabites and Ammonites whose
should suddenly appear in the story, having taken no part in
later dealings with Israel have a part to play in other OT books
the preceding events. He is a mysterious and enigmatic fig-
(19:37—8). Continuity with the main plot is, however, main-
ure. His name probably means '(The god) Melek is righteous-
tained in the incident which determines Abraham's future
ness' and closely resembles that of a pre-Israelite king of
area of residence well away from the corruption and tempta-
Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek ('The Lord is righteousness'), who
tions of Sodom and Gomorrah, whose evil inhabitants (v. 13)
was defeated and killed by Joshua (Josh 10). It is not clear
were later to suffer destruction at the hands of YHWH (v. 10).
whether Salem is intended to be identified with Jerusalem, as
The final verses of ch. 13 revert to the principal theme of the
Jerusalem is never so-called in any of the non-biblical texts
promise.
that refer to (pre-Israelite) Jerusalem. In the OT, only in Ps
In v. 2 Abraham's wealth is again stressed, though he
76:2 is Salem equated with Zion, God's dwelling-place. In
continued to live an itinerant life. The quarrel between Abra-
Gen 14:18 Melchizedek is described as a priest-king serving El
ham's and Lot's herdsmen (w. 5—7) is to be understood as due
Elyon (ll dyon, 'God Most High') who is stated to be the
to inadequate living space for the herds in a land which was
creator of heaven and earth. In Ps 110:4, me only other OT
occupied by other, settled, peoples. (The identity of the Peri-
passage where his name occurs, Melchizedek is taken to be a
zzites, v. 7, who are mentioned fairly frequently in Genesis, is
precursor of the later priest-kings of Israel. The author of Gen
uncertain.) Abraham's offer to settle the dispute, which was
14 clearly intended the reader to identify El Elyon with YHWH
not of his making or of Lot's, by giving Lot the choice of
as is the case with the titles El Olam ('el fdlam, 'the Everlasting
territory is explained as due to a desire to preserve amicable
God', 21:33), El Shaddai 'God Almighty', (el sadday, 17:1), etc.
relations with his kinsman (lit. brother), while Lot's disas-
But in fact El was the high god of the Canaanite pantheon,
trous choice is determined by the attraction of the fertility of
who is not infrequently identified with YHWH in the OT,
the Jordan plain, which is compared to that of Egypt and of
and Elyon sometimes occurs in the texts from Ugarit as an
the garden of Eden. The passage ends with a more detailed
epithet of El. The phrase 'maker of heaven and earth' is
reaffirmation of the promise to Abraham of numerous des-
virtually identical with what is said of El in those texts. In
cendants and of the whole land, with the additional assurance
v. 22 El Elyon is specifically identified with YHWH in the
that it will remain in their possession for ever (v. 15).
solemn oath that Abraham swears to forgo his share of the
(14:1—24) This chapter is an unusual one in several respects. spoils of victory.
It is self-contained and appears to be unrelated to the sur-
rounding chapters except for the names of Abraham and Lot (15:1-21) There has been much scholarly discussion about the
and of Sodom and Gomorrah. The documentary critics with composition of this chapter. It has proved resistant to a div-
some exceptions were unable to connect it with any of their ision into sources along the lines of the Documentary Hypoth-
main sources (J, E, and P), and concluded that it is a quite esis, and attempts to demonstrate that a relatively short piece
independent episode. It is the only passage in which the has been massively supplemented by a late hand have also
otherwise entirely peaceable Abraham is represented as tak- failed to be entirely convincing. Some recent scholars have
ing part in military activity. It begins in the style of a historical reverted to something like the pre-critical position that it is
narrative; yet none of the nine kings mentioned (w. 1-2) has mainly or wholly the work of a single author. But all agree that
been identified, nor is any war such as is described here it is in two parts: w. 1-6 and 7-21. Both contain further divine
known to have occurred. It puts Abraham in a very good light revelations to Abraham reiterating the earlier promises, but
both as an outstanding warrior who comes to the aid of they differ considerably in the mode of revelation.
members of his family, and as forgoing the spoils of war. Its w. 1-6 are introduced in the same way as a prophetical
purpose thus seems to have been to glorify Abraham as a great oracle, but take the form of a vision—the word 'vision' (ma-
and powerful hero of international stature. It has been argued hdzeh) is very rare and probably indicates a late date. The call
that it is not a single unitary composition; the Melchizedek not to be afraid is characteristic of Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 40—55).
episode (w. 18-20) has been thought by some scholars to be a This is what is often called an 'oracle of salvation', and it
later addition to the original story. There is no agreement sounds the note of encouragement. But it becomes clear that
about its date: while some believe that it is a reworking of Abraham has begun to doubt whether God will carry out his
old traditions, its heroic character and also perhaps its style promise to give him an heir of his body: he has been obliged to
may point to a post-exilic origin. appoint his own servant Eleazar as his heir. YHWH reiterates
The peoples named in w. 5-6 are legendary groups who his original promise and shows him the stars as a demonstra-
inhabited the Transjordan; the Valley of Siddim is unknown. tion of how numerous his descendants will be. This direct
The reference in v. 13 to Abraham as 'the Hebrew' conveys the vision of God convinces him: he believes, that is, trusts, God's
impression that he has not been previously introduced to the word. The author's statement that YHWH 'reckoned it to
 51 GENESIS
him as righteousness', which forms the climax of the epi- to both versions of the story is an indication that before the
sode, has rightly been seen as one of the most significant story was inserted into the Abraham narrative and placed in
in the whole of Scripture (see Gal 3:7—9; Jas 2:23; cf Heb its two respective positions it was the figure of Hagar who was
11:8-10) and has been taken, together with other instances the centre of interest and the principal character. There is a
of Abraham's faith, particularly his readiness to leave Haran somewhat similar story of acrimonious relations between a
and his willingness to sacrifice his son Isaac (ch. 22) as the barren wife and her rival in i Sam 1:2—8.
foundation of the doctrine of justification by faith, even The practice alluded to in w. 2—3 was a common and
though its precise meaning has been disputed. That it is an accepted one in the ancient Near East; it is consequently not
expression of Abraham's readiness to trust God's promise possible to fix the date of the story by reference to any par-
cannot be doubted. ticular extant Near-Eastern law or legal contract as has been
w. 7—21, like i—6, are probably a creation of the author with proposed by some scholars. The words of the 'angel' (ma? ok)
no older tradition behind it. They are also concerned with the of YHWH who speaks to Hagar in 16:7 are identified with the
promise, but now specifically with the promise of the land words of YHWH himself in 16:13. Westermann's comment
rather than with the question of progeny. Like w. i—6, they (1985: 244) is apt: 'God is present not in the messenger, but in
present Abraham as hesitant to believe the promise and de- the message.' The promise that YHWH makes to Hagar in
manding to know how it is to be fulfilled. YHWH satisfies him v. 10, which is curiously like that made elsewhere about Isaac,
by means of a solemn but curious ritual which Abraham is identifies Ishmael as the ancestor of the Ishmaelites, whose
commanded to carry out. This ritual does not conform pre- supposed characteristics are described in v. 12. There are two
cisely with anything known from elsewhere, although the aetiologies in the later part of the narrative, but they are
cutting of the animals into two is reminiscent of some subordinate to the main theme of the story. First, the name
covenant rituals. The animals specified are those used in Ishmael, who is to be preserved by YHWH's intervention
sacrifice in the laws of the OT; but the purpose of the ritual (v. n), means 'God hears'. In the second aetiology the name
is indicated by the solemn oath-like statement to Abraham by El-rei (el ro't) (v. 13, probably 'God who sees me'), is stated in
YHWH in w. 13-16 and his making of a covenant with him v. 14 to be the origin of the name of the—now unidentifiable—
(w. 18-21). Its awesome accompaniments—the 'deep sleep' well where the angel spoke to Hagar. The aetiology, like others
(tardcma, a rare word also used of Adam when Eve was in Genesis, is not exact, as it is Hagar who 'sees' God, and not
created) and the terrifying darkness—add to the solemnity vice versa.
of the event. The smoking fire pot and the flaming torch
(v. 17) represent YHWH's passing between the rows of ani- (17:1-27) This chapter is primarily concerned with the coven-
mals to symbolize his binding himself to keep the covenant, ant (berit) which God undertakes to make with Abraham—
w. 13—16 are a 'prophecy after the event' foretelling the captiv- the word bent occurs 13 times in the chapter. It reiterates the
ity in Egypt and the Exodus; its purpose is to account for the promises of progeny, of future greatness for Abraham's des-
long gap between promise and fulfilment. The 400 years of cendants, and of the gift of the land; but it contains several
v. 13 and the 'fourth generation' of v. 16 can hardly be recon- new and significant features. In v. i YHWH introduces him-
ciled; it has been suggested that v. 16, which foreshadows the self as El Shaddai ('God Almighty'): the author supposes that
Israelites' conquest of the Amorites (Canaanites), is a later at this time Abraham did not know YHWH by name. The
revision of the prophecy. The Amorites are said not to be name Shaddai, the meaning of which is uncertain (it may
sufficiently wicked as yet to deserve this fate. The promise mean 'the one of the mountain' or 'the one of the field') was
of w. 18—21, which contains a comprehensive list of the probably used as a divine epithet from an early period. This
peoples believed to have preceded Israel in the land, describes incident is regarded as opening a new stage in the life of
the boundaries of the land in very grand terms—from the Abraham: this is why he now receives a new name (v. 5). (So
borders of Egypt to the Euphrates. In fact the borders of the also with Sarah, v. 15.) Abraham is to be the father of not one
state of Israel were probably never as extensive (i Kings 4:21 but many nations, including that of the Ishmaelites; but the
is hardly a sober historical statement). The covenant with covenant is clearly for Israel alone, and will be for ever. It is to
Abraham (v. 18), who here represents the future nation of Israel that the land of Canaan is to be given 'for a perpetual
Israel, is a free, unconditional promise, unlike the covenant holding' (v. 8) and YHWH will be their God. But the covenant
of Sinai. is now to be two-sided: Abraham and his descendants must
keep it by obeying God's command to practise circumcision, a
(16:1-16) Like the stories in chs. 12, 20, and 26 (see above on rite not practised by the peoples of Mesopotamia from which
12:10—20), the story of Hagar in this chapter has a counterpart Abraham has come. There is now for the first time in the
(21:9—21). These are clearly variants of an older folk-tale; and Abraham story a warning against the breach of the covenant,
once again their placement in the ongoing story of Abraham is which will entail exclusion from its privileges and from the
significant. Both are further examples of the threat to the new special relationship with God; this could be a warning to
fulfilment of the promise that Abraham will have a legitimate Jews of the immediate post-exilic community who were
heir by his wife Sarah and of the setting aside of that threat (cf. tempted to abandon their Jewish identity. The concept of the
15:2-4). Ch. 16 immediately precedes the repetition of the crucial importance of circumcision was a particular character-
promise guaranteeing Abraham's progeny and their destiny istic of the post-exilic period.
(17:1-8); 21:9-21 immediately follows the birth of Isaac (21:1- Two further additional features of the chapter are the per-
8) and confirms that it is he who is to be the heir. But the motif sonal promise to Sarah (w. 15—19) with the precise announce-
of God's protection of the rejected Ishmael which is common ment of the time when her son will be born (v. 21) and the
GENESIS 52
blessing of Ishmael (v. 20). Abraham's sceptical laughter at deal justly (v. 25)! His rebuke is reminiscent of the passionate
the announcement that Sarah will give birth combined with speeches of Job. Equally remarkable is YHWH's readiness to
his deep obeisance (cf. Sarah's laughter on a parallel occasion, listen to the rebuke and even to modify his intention. The
18:12) is strange; but there is here a play on the name Isaac precise accusation which Abraham makes is that in proposing
(yishaq, that is, 'he laughs', possibly an abbreviated form of to destroy the whole population of Sodom and Gomorrah
yishaq-'el, 'God laughs'). Abraham's wish that Ishmael should YHWH intends to treat the righteous in the same way as the
be preserved under God's protection (v. 18) shows that he still wicked (v. 25). He extracts from YHWH a promise that he wi
places his hopes in Ishmael. God grants his wish, conferring a not do so (v. 26). The point appears to be not that YHWH fell
special blessing on Ishmael, but excludes him from the coven- short of his true nature but rather that he is shown to be a just
ant that is for Isaac and his descendants. The chapter con- God after all! There is no particular significance in the dimin-
cludes with a notice that Abraham duly carried out God's ishing numbers of righteous persons for whose sake he will
commands about circumcision, which was performed on all not destroy Sodom (w. 28-32). The principle of justice to-
Abraham's household (including Ishmael) as prescribed in wards individuals as against indiscriminate collective punish-
later legislation (Ex 12:48). ment has been established.
(18:1—16) The motif of the appearance to human beings of
(19:1-29) This story is an episode in the life of Lot, who had
gods in human disguise is a common mythological theme of
chosen to live in the plain of Jordan, whose principal cities
the ancient world. A Greek myth, preserved by the Roman
(unknown to archaeology) were Sodom and Gomorrah in the
poet Ovid, tells of such a visit in which a miraculous birth is
vicinity of the Dead Sea (13:10-13). But it is now also connected
announced; there is a similar story in Judg 6:11—24. Gen 18:1,
with ch. 18: the 'men' who visited Abraham (18:2) departed
13 make it clear that, although Abraham and Sarah are un-
towards Sodom with the exception of YHWH himself, who
aware of this, the three mysterious visitors (or one of them ?) are
remained to talk to Abraham (18:22). In v. i the other two, now
in fact YHWH himself. This passage is thus another version
called 'angels' or 'messengers' (mal'aktm), who are clearly
of ch. 17, but expressed in a quite different, more circumstan-
supernatural beings (v. n), arrive in Sodom, presumably to
tial style, with a precise note of time and place. Abraham's
investigate the reported wickedness of the inhabitants (it
treatment of the strangers is an example of the traditional
appears to be assumed that there are no righteous persons
customs of hospitality observed by tent-dwellers. The laughter
among them), where they find Lot sitting in the city gate. It is
of Sarah, like that of Abraham in 17:17, involves a play on words
to be noted that there is no mention at all of Abraham in the
and is an expression of unbelief about the news that the visitors
main story: he appears only after the event (v. 27) and looks
have brought. Sarah is firmly reminded that God has unlim-
down on the catastrophe in the valley below. His absence may
ited power and can bring about the impossible. Her denial that
suggest that this was originally a story about an unnamed
she laughed (v. 15) is caused by fear: she now dimly recognizes
man (now identified with Abraham's nephew Lot) and the
the identity of the speaker. The reference to Sodom in v. 16
destruction of a city, which the author has incorporated into
introduces the theme that follows in the second half of the
the story of Abraham. The reason for its inclusion is not
chapter and ch. 19. The passage is an admirable example of the
obvious; however, it illustrates the consequences of grave sin
high quality of Hebrew narrative art at its best.
against which Abraham has been warned. It should further be
(18:17-33) Tlris passage is not based on an older folk-tale but noted that the main story recounts only the fate of Sodom:
is a discussion of a theological question of the utmost import- Gomorrah is not mentioned until v. 24. But the two cities are
ance, that the author has himself composed in the form of a regularly mentioned together in a number of passages else-
dialogue. The question, which is about God's justice (v. 25), where in the OTas examples of exemplary sin and consequent
was not, for the readers, a purely theoretical one, but one of annihilation (e.g. Deut 29:22-4; 32:32; Isa 1:9-10; Jer 23:14).
immense practical importance, especially for those who had It is strongly stressed in 19:4 that every male individual was
suffered, and were still suffering, the effects of the devastation involved in the homosexual attack intended against the two
of the Babylonian conquest of Judah in 587 BCE. It is raised in angels. This is no doubt to be seen as a justification of the
various forms in other OT books of a relatively late period, e.g. subsequent annihilation of the whole populace; but the omis-
in Job, and Ezek 14:12—23. The fate of Sodom is here a para- sion of any reference to the women of the city (or to the
digm of this much wider question. children) reflects at least a residuary notion of communal
The passage is remarkable in more than one respect. It rather than of individual guilt. Lot's offer of his daughters
begins (w. 17-21) with the author's notion of YHWH's private (v. 8) also reflects a moral code, repulsive to the modern reader,
thoughts: YHWH comes to a decision to inform Abraham of which put the duty of hospitality above other ethical concerns,
his intention—if the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah w. 24, 28 attempt to describe the nature of the catastrophe
prove to be as wicked as they have been reported to be—to that overwhelmed Sodom. That it was an earthquake that
destroy them, so that Abraham, whom he has chosen, may not caused the release of combustible gases is a plausible guess;
imitate their wickedness and so prove unworthy of the prom- but—apart from the fact that no historical basis can be found
ise (cf. 17:1—2, where Abraham's righteousness appears to for the story—it is not possible to be sure what the author had
have been made a condition of the making of the covenant in mind. The city of Zoar (so'ar) to which Lot was allowed to
with him). A second outstanding feature of the passage is flee (w. 18-23) actually existed in OT times (Isa 15:5; Jer 48:34).
Abraham's boldness in rebuking YHWH: although he Like Sodom and Gomorrah, it lay in the valley, but was
frquently shows awareness of his temerity (w. 27, 30, 31, 32), counted as belonging to Moab. Its name is here stated to be
he dares to remind YHWH of his duty, as universal judge, to derived from a verb sa'ar meaning to be small or insignificant;
 53 GENESIS
Lot calls it 'a little one' (mis'ar). The point of this conclusion to and 18:12). The circumcision of Isaac (v. 4) is in accordance
the story is to emphasize that it is Lot who is the central with the command in 17:12. Abraham's reactions to Sarah's
character and to present God's merciful nature towards those demand (w. 10-11) are more forthright than in 16:5-6, but he
of whom he approves (19:29) as well as his punitive side. The gives way when God intervenes. Hagar's distress in w. 15-16
incident of the fate of Lot's disobedient wife (v. 26) may be an is depicted with psychological sensitivity. God's reaction to her
aetiology based on a rock formation that existed in later times. distress illustrates his compassion (w. 17—20). Finally when
(19:30—8) These verses mark the conclusion of the story of he grows up under God's protection I shmael goes to live in the
Lot, who now disappears from Genesis. This is a story of wilderness of Paran near the border of Egypt where he be-
double incest involving father and daughters; but no moral comes the ancestor of the Ishmaelites.
judgement is made or implied. The information that the (21:22—34) Thgse verses presuppose ch. 20, but are not
children born of the incestuous union became the ancestors closely related to it. They are concerned to enhance Abraham's
of the Moabite and Ammonite peoples is probably a secondary status: although he remains an alien (v. 34) he is recognized b
feature of the story rather than its main point. It is presup- Abimelech as especially protected and favoured by God; he is
posed (v. 31) that the male population of the region has entirely thus treated by a king, who commands an army, as an equal.
perished in the catastrophe which befell Sodom; the observa- In w. 22-4 Abimelech thinks it important to safeguard him-
tion that Lot is old cannot, in the context, mean that he is too self by obtaining from him an oath that he will remain his ally
old to father children; it probably means that he will not marry (the phrase is fdsd hesed) and that this alliance will continue
again and so have legitimate children. This is a situation in in future generations. The second incident is quite different:
which the need to perpetuate the race is paramount, and Abraham becomes involved in a dispute with Abimelech over
sanctions desperate remedies. Like Noah (9:21), Lot is un- the possession of a well (w. 25-32). The dispute is settled in
aware, in his drunkenness, of what is happening. Abraham's favour with the offering of seven lambs and the
(20:1-18) This story is a variant of 12:10-20 and 26:1-11 (see making of a treaty of friendship (berit, v. 32). There are two
at 12:10—20 above). Its position immediately before the notice different aetiologies of the name Beersheba here: it is the
of the conception and birth of Isaac, which at last fulfilled place of the well (be'lr) of the oath (sebu'd) but also of seven
YHWH's promise, is an example of dramatic irony: the reader (sebaf). The tree planted by Abraham marked the spot where
is made to feel the danger of the situation. The relationship the covenant was made. The 'Everlasting God' ('el 'oldm)
between the three variants is disputed. This version is fuller worshipped by Abraham here, and implicitly identified with
than 12:10—20, and there are a number of differences of detail. YHWH, was probably originally a local deity associated with
The scene is set not in Egypt but in Gerar, near Gaza (already Beersheba. The 'land of the Philistines' is an anachronism:
mentioned in 10:19), and the king is Abimelech—a Canaanite the Philistines in fact arrived in Canaan and established their
name. Abraham's residence in Gerar is not due to a famine. cities there near the Mediterranean coast during the twelfth
The main variant detail is Abimelech's dream in which God century BCE and cannot have been known to Abraham. Ab-
speaks to him. God exonerates Abimelech as he has acted in imelech has a Semitic name, and so was evidently a local
ignorance of Sarah's status as Abraham's wife. An additional Canaanite ruler, not a Philistine.
detail is Abraham's excuse, made on the specious grounds (22:1-19) Tlus story is one of the most brilliantly told narra-
that Sarah is his half-sister as well as his wife (not previously tives in the book. It has generated an immense quantity of
mentioned!), together with his claim to know that the most interpretative comment beginning in early times with Heb
basic moral standards are not observed in Gerar (w. 11-12). 11:17 and J as 2:21 and continuing up to the present, and many
Also, instead of the plagues inflicted on Pharaoh (12:17)we are works of art. It is widely agreed that no one interpretation is
told that YHWH had made Abimelech's wives unable to bear entirely adequate (see von Rad 1972: 243—5). Its psychological
children during Sarah's residence in his harem; and we are sensitivity and stylistic skill in portraying the distress of Abra-
explicitly told that Abimelech did not have sexual relations ham when commanded by God to kill his beloved son and heir
with her. Like Pharaoh in 12:16, Abimelech behaves with great are unequalled. It may be that somewhere in its background
generosity to Abraham, while Abraham, though he is said by lies a story about human sacrifice, specifically the sacrifice of
God to be a 'prophet' (v. 7) and bidden to pray for Abimelech, the firstborn; but there is no indication at all that that practice,
is portrayed as a guilty man. Nevertheless (21:1) God does not which was not only forbidden but regarded with horror in
abrogate his promise. Israel, was in the mind of the author of the present story. The
(21:1—21) This story, although it begins with the birth of Isaac, statement in the opening verse that God's purpose in de-
is really about Abraham's two sons, Isaac and Ishmael. w. 8— manding Isaac's death was to test Abraham's obedience—to
21 are a variant of the earlier story of the banishment of Hagar see whether he 'feared God' (v. 12)—is an accurate summary
and Ishmael because of Sarah's jealousy (ch. 16). While it is of the plot. Abraham was forced to choose between obedience
emphasized that it is Isaac who is Abraham's promised heir, to an incomprehensible and abhorrent command and his
the author stresses God's concern for Ishmael, contrasting it love for his child (v. 2). There is a terrible dramatic irony
with the harsh attitude and action of Sarah. According to the here: God did not intend that his command should be
chronology given in 16:16 and v. 5, Ishmael would have been carried out; but Abraham had no means of knowing that. He
about 14 years old when Isaac was born, yet the story used here passed the test. On a different level, this is yet another ex-
by the narrator assumes that he was a small child whom his ample of the theme of the endangerment of God's promise:
mother put on her shoulder and carried away (v. 14). In v. 6 with Isaac's birth the promise of an heir has apparently been
there is yet another explanation of the name Isaac (see on 17:17 miraculously fulfilled; but now the very life of that heir is—
GENESIS 54
as far as the reader knows—to be prematurely brought to short story (in the modern sense of that term). It is divided
an end. into distinct scenes, and is told with great sensitivity and with
The location of the land of Moriah' is unknown. A later acute psychological insight. An unusual feature is the extent
tradition identified Moriah with the mountain on which Solo- to which dialogue is used to portray character and to move the
mon later built the Jerusalem temple (2 Chr 3:1); but there is action along: more than half the verses consist of or contain
no indication in the text of Gen 22 that this is what the author reported speech. Apart from its intrinsic interest as literature,
had in mind. Every particular of the journey and of the pre- the story marks a new and positive stage in the theme of the
parations for the sacrifice (w. 3-9) is meticulously recorded in promise: Abraham's heir has not only survived; he is now
order to retard the pace of the action and so increase the provided with an eminently suitable wife, who is destined in
tension to an almost unbearable degree; it reaches its greatest turn to produce an heir, the inheritor of the promise in the
intensity with 22:10 and is then suddenly released in v. n. third generation. The narrative speaks of the continued guid-
Abraham's reply to Isaac's question (w. 7, 8) is understand- ance of God at every stage.
ably evasive, but he speaks more than he knows. The angel of Abraham, who is evidently too old to undertake a long
YHWH is here clearly identified with YHWH himself. The journey (but note his second marriage in 25:1!), sends his
name given to the place by Abraham (YHWH yir'eh, 'Yahweh trusted and confidential servant or steward, whom he has
provides'—lit. sees, or looks out) echoes his reply to Isaac in entrusted with all his possessions, to seek a wife for Isaac
22:8; it expresses his joy that YHWH has now done so in a from among those of his kindred who have remained in
miraculous way. The note in v. 14/7 is a later addition to the Mesopotamia (Aram-naharaim, lit. Aram of the two rivers):
story, perhaps linking the place with Jerusalem, w. 15—18 are marriage with an alien Canaanite is ruled out as unthinkable,
also probably an addition to the story: by its repetition of the and it is equally out of the question that Isaac should return to
promise of blessing this makes explicit its place in the wider fetch his bride from the country from which his father had
context of Abraham's life—by his obedience Abraham has departed at God's command. If the girl chosen should refuse
confirmed that he is worthy of the blessing. the match, the messenger is to return alone to Abraham.
(22:20—4) This genealogy defines Abraham's kinship with The rite of touching the genitals of the other party while
the Arameans (Aram) and points forward to Isaac's marriage swearing an oath, mentioned in the OTonly here (w. 2, 9) and
with Rebekah (ch. 24). Gen 47:29, is attested in a Babylonian document and is also
known from Arabic usage (TWATy, 984). Its significance is
(23:1-20) Full possession of the land of Canaan was a crucial not clear; but it may be related to the more common practice of
matter for a people that had lost it with the Babylonian con- swearing by a person's life. The messenger sets out with an
quest in the sixth century BCE and were, even under the milder impressive retinue and carries valuable gifts appropriate to
policy of the Persian empire, like Abraham, only 'strangers his master's great wealth and high status (v. 10). On arrival at
and aliens' (v. 4) in it, subject to foreign rule. Abraham's legal his destination he takes no action but kneels down at a well
purchase from the 'Hittite'—that is, Canaanite—owner of a that he knows will be frequented by the young girls of the
single field containing the cave where he could bury Sarah town when they come to draw water, and prays that YHWH
(w. 17, 20) was a hopeful sign to these readers, even though it will signify his choice of a bride for Isaac in a particular way
was no more than symbolic—the first fruits, as it were, of the (w. 13-14); he is miraculously rewarded when the first girl
promise that Abraham's descendants would possess the who comes to draw water proves to be not only beautiful, a
whole land. virgin, and of a kindly disposition but also Abraham's own
The name Kiriath-arba, here identified with Hebron (v. 2), niece, so confirming that YHWH has made his mission un-
means 'city of four'—probably referring to its consisting of expectedly and completely successful (w. 15-27; cf 11:29;
four districts or 'quarters' or to its position at the intersection 22:22, 23). The reason why it is Rebekah's brother Laban
of four roads. The name 'Hittite' here and elsewhere in the rather than her father who plays the principal role in the
Pentateuch does not designate the great Hittite empire of Asia remainder of the story (from v. 29) is not clear, though he is
Minor, long extinct when this chapter was written, but is used to be a principal character in later chapters (29-31). The
as a general designation of the Canaanites. Abraham, having reference to Rebekah's mother's house rather than that of
no settled home, is obliged to seek a place of burial for Sarah her father (v. 28) might lead the reader to suppose that her
from the local inhabitants. The cave in question belongs to father Bethuel was dead; but he appears in a minor role in
one Ephron (v. 8); but the decision to convey it to Abraham's v. 50.
use evidently rests with the people of Hebron as a whole—the Although it is not specifically stated that Rebekah's consent
'people of the land' (w. 10—13). The negotiation is carried on to the marriage was sought, this seems to be implied in her
with great courtesy; it is a legal transaction, and the termin- acceptance of the valuable jewellery and the ring (v. 22) and by
ology resembles that used in extant neo-Babylonian legal her running home to tell the news (v. 28). It is also strongly
contracts. Abraham, who is regarded by the Hebronites as implied by the fact that, when consulted, she agreed to leave
a 'mighty prince' (v. 6), is first offered a choice of burial her family immediately and accompany the servant home to
places, but not legal ownership. He insists that the latter meet her designated husband (v. 58). There is some difficulty
is what he seeks; and he finally succeeds in buying the about the Hebrew text of v. 62 and about Isaac's place of
entire field, though at what is known to have been a very residence. According to 25:20 Isaac was 40 years old when
high price (v. 15). he married, and had a separate establishment. The absence of
(24:1—67) This is by far the longest story in this part of the any reference to Abraham in the last part of the story is
book, and has with some justification been called a novella, or strange: one would have expected that the servant would
 55 GENESIS
have first conducted Rebekah to Abraham and have made his womb (v. 26) and another on Esau, the ancestor of the Edom-
report to him. The story concludes with the rare statement ites (v. 30; 36:1) who 'came out red' ('admoni) from the
that Isaac loved his wife, paralleled in Genesis only by the love womb. There is yet another pun on the name Edom in the
of Jacob for Rachel (29:18) and of Shechem the Hivite for second story, where Esau calls the dish that Jacob has prepared
Dinah (34:3). 'that red stuff ('adorn, v. 30). The two brothers are also
(25:1-18) With these verses the story of Abraham comes to an caricatured as two contrasting types: the ruddy, hairy hunter
end. They are a somewhat miscellaneous collection consisting (w. 25, 27) who is an easy prey to the cunning 'quiet man' who
mainly of genealogies but including a brief statement of stays at home (v. 27; Jacob is later to become a shepherd, ch.
Abraham's death and burial (w. 7-10). They contain no real 29). w. 27-34 especially have been seen as based on an earlier
continuous narrative. The point of the genealogies is to con- civilization story which reflected problems that arose when
tinue the theme of Abraham as the 'father of many nations' the sedentary way of life began to supersede the hunting stage
(cf 17:5, 20; 21:13). These lists contain the names of several (see Westermann 1985: 414-15). The motif is of crucial im-
nations and tribes known from elsewhere, notably Midian portance later in ch. 27; but the point of the present story is to
(v. i) andtheIshmaelites(w.i2-i6).ThenoteaboutAbraham's show that E sau already forfeited the privileges of the elder son.
life in v. 8 reflects the Israelite attitude towards both life and (26:1—35) This chapter is given a unity by the theme of Isaac's
death. Death was not regarded as tragic if it closed a long and relations with Abimelech the 'Philistine' (i.e. Canaanite) king
fulfilled, honourable life. The statement that Abraham was of Gerar. w. 6-n are a variant of 12:10-20 and 20:1-18 (on
'gathered to his people' (v. 8) obviously does not mean that his which see the commentary above), the main difference from
body was placed in an ancestral tomb, since only Sarah had yet both the other stories being that it concerns Isaac and Rebe-
been buried in the cave of Machpelah (v. 10): it was a conven- kah, not Abraham and Sarah. It contains motifs from both the
tional expression testifying a strong sense of family solidarity. other versions; and it is commonly held that its author was
familiar with, and intended to make certain changes with
The Story of Jacob (25 .'19-3 7:2) regard to, both. In particular, the lie told by Isaac (v. 7) is the
Of the three 'patriarchs'Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob only Isaac same as that told by Abraham in the other two versions, but
lacks a really independent story. Although as Abraham's heir the consequences are less critical, since Rebekah is not taken
and Jacob's father he obviously holds an essential place in the into the royal harem, w. 1-5 introduce the story by accounting
family history and is in his turn the recipient of the promise of for Isaac's move to Gerar. It includes an appearance to Isaac by
blessing and of numerous descendants 'for Abraham's sake' YHWH in which he repeats the promise of the land and of
(26:3—5, 2 3~5)> he is the principal character in only one chapter numerous progeny but couples it with an injunction not to
(26). It must be presumed that the author or editor of the book depart from Canaan as Abraham had done in similar circum-
did not possess a wealth of narrative material about Isaac as he stances (12:10).
did about Abraham and Jacob. A large part of the story of Jacob In w. 12—33 the motif of the dispute with the Canaanites of
is concerned with the relations between Jacob and his elder Gerar over the ownership of the wells that were essential to life
brother Esau. God's choice of Jacob rather than Esau as the and livelihood (21:25-34) recurs. But Isaac, who was the first
heir and recipient of the promise recounted in these chapters of the patriarchal family to grow crops (v. 12) as well as owning
introduces a new major theme: God in his sovereignty is not flocks and herds (v. 14) and who had become wealthy even
bound by the 'natural' or legal principle of inheritance by beyond the wealth accumulated by his father, had aroused the
primogeniture but inscrutably singles out younger sons to envy of the 'Philistines' (w. 12-14) wh° were making life
carry out his purpose (cf. the choice of David as king of Israel, difficult for him. However, this series of incidents ends with
i Sam 16:1-13). So not Ishmael but Isaac is chosen, and not the making of a treaty of peace between Isaac and Abimelech,
Esau but Jacob; and, of Jacob's twelve sons, it is his eleventh in which Isaac is credited with taking the initiative (w. 26-31).
son Joseph who is chosen to rule over his brothers (Gen 37:5— The aetiologies of the names of the wells (v. Ezek 20, 'conten-
n) and to preserve the lives of the embryo people of Israel tion'; Sitnah, v. 21, 'quarrel, accusation'; Rehoboth, v. 22,
(Gen 45:5; 50:20). Similarly Ephraim is given precedence over 'broad space') probably come from ancient local traditions.
his elder brother Manasseh (Gen 48:8—20). The naming of Shibah (v. 33) is attributed, as is Beersheba in
21:31, to an oath, this time between Isaac and Abimelech (v. 31).
(25:19—34) In w. 19—20, which introduce the stories about
Isaac's children, the author has inserted a short notice which
repeats what the reader already knows, adding the informa- The Adventures of Jacob (chs. 27-33)
tion that Isaac was 40 years old when he married. But the At one level this is a story of withdrawal and return, a familiar
chronology in this chapter is somewhat confused. If Isaac was folk-tale motif. It is also a story of hatred between brothers
60 when Rebekah bore his first children (v. 26), Abraham, followed by eventual reconciliation; but in the context of the
who was 175 when he died (25:7), would still have fifteen years book as a whole it is a continuation of the history of the
to live, since he was 100 when Isaac was born (21:5)! The two promise made to the patriarchs. Although Esau has his re-
stories about the birth of Esau and Jacob (w. 21—6) and the ward in the end in terms of material wealth (33:9—11), it is
birthright (25:27—34) both point forward to the later antagon- made clear that he was deprived not only of his birthright but
ism between the two and to the precedence of Jacob over his also of the blessing (27:36). He is to be the ancestor of the
brother. The former story, which begins with YHWH's decree Edomites and not of Israel, and accordingly establishes his
that the elder is to serve the younger, contains a pun on the residence in the region of Seir, later to be part of Edom (32:3;
name Jacob (ya'aqob) who grasped the heel ('aqeb) in the 33:14, 16; cf. 36:9). Later events are clearly reflected here.
GENESIS 56
Isaac's blessing of Jacob (27:27-9) and his lesser 'blessing' of tamia is called Aram-naharaim in 24:10. w. 6—9 relate how
Esau (27:39—40) reflect the history of the later relations be- Esau also conformed to Isaac's wish in that he now married a
tween the state of Israel and Edom: Israel will rule over Edom, relation in addition to his previous Canaanite wives.
but eventually Edom will 'break his yoke' and achieve its
(28:10—22) On his way to Laban, whose home is now speci-
independence (cf. 2 Sam 8:14; i Kings 11:14; 2 Chr 21:8-10).
fied (as in 27:43) as the city of Haran, Jacob rests for the night
This account of Jacob's adventures is not made of whole cloth:
at an unnamed place (v. n) and takes a large stone there as a
it has incorporated many elements which the final author/
pillow. He has a dream in which he sees a ladder (probably
editor has combined. In particular, one major section, ch. 29-
rather a ramp) stretching from earth to heaven on which
31, which describes Jacob's extended residence in the house of
God's angels—that is, heavenly messengers—are passing
his uncle Laban, originally belonged to a quite distinct trad-
up and down to perform tasks assigned to them by God. He
ition about the relations between two peoples: Israel and the
recognizes the ladder as 'the gate of heaven' (v. 17), that is, as
Arameans.
the means of communication between God in his dwelling in
(27:1-46) This chapter is another example of narrative skill. heaven and his manifestations to human beings on earth; and
It is structured in a number of distinct scenes, in each of so concludes with awe that the place where he is resting must
which, as in folk-tales, only two characters appear: Isaac and therefore be 'the house of God', that is, a place where God
Esau in w. 1—4, Jacob and Rebekah in w. 5—17, Jacob and Isaac manifests himself on earth. The imagery of the dream corres-
in w. 18—29, Esau and Isaac in w. 30—40, Esau alone in v. 41, ponds to Babylonian religious beliefs as expressed in their
Rebekah and Jacob in w. 42-5, Rebekah and Isaac, v. 46. The structures known as ziggurats. In the dream Jacob becomes
theme is Jacob's trickery by which he obtains the paternal aware that God is indeed communicating with him: God
blessing that would normally be given to the elder son and repeats to him the promise of the land of Canaan, in which
the consequent implacable hatred of Esau for his brother he is now resting, and of numerous progeny, and adds a
which makes it necessary for Jacob to leave home and set further promise that he will guide and protect him on his
out on his travels. One of the most remarkable features of journey and wherever he may go (w. 13—15).
the story is the portrayal of Rebekah, who plays a crucial role It is generally agreed that this passage has undergone
in the story and whose personality is thus displayed in marked several accretions, but there is no consensus about the details.
contrast to the passivity of Sarah in the previous chapters (but Jacob names the place Bethel (lit., 'house of God'), thus nam-
we may compare the enterprising action of Rachel in 31:34-5). ing a place which was later to be one of Israel's most important
Despite Jacob's disgraceful behaviour in deceiving his aged sanctuaries. The story is thus to be seen as the origin story of
and blind father, the story is presented in a way that arouses the sanctuary of Bethel and will have been used from ancient
the reader's sympathy for such a rogue, though the depiction times by the worshippers at that sanctuary. Its importance to
of Esau's distress (w. 34-8) is intended to elicit some sym- later generations accounts for the fact that it later came to be
pathy for him as well. There is also a humorous quality in the embellished in various ways (for a recent study of its redac-
tale that should not be missed. The predominance of dialogue tional history which understands it without ascribing it to an
helps to give the narrative a particularly lively character. The interweaving of two major written sources see Rendtorff
fact that the action takes place entirely on the human plane, 1982: 511—23). The stone used by Jacob as a pillow (v. n), which
with no mention of God (except for his invocation in Isaac's he erected as a pillar and consecrated with oil (v. 18), marked
blessing, v. 28, and Jacob's lying assertion in v. 20) sets the the site as a holy place where God had revealed himself and so
chapter, together with 25:27-34, apart from the surrounding might be expected to do so again—that is, as a sanctuary. Such
chapters in which the hand of God is prominent. a pillar (masseba) might be no more than a memorial stone
It is noteworthy that it is Rebekah, who evidently loves her or marker, e.g. of a frontier (31:51); but it was often a feature
'smooth' son Jacob more than the uncouth, hairy Esau (v. n) of sanctuaries both Canaanite and Israelite, though later
and is even prepared to risk her husband's curse, who pro- condemned in Israel (e.g. Lev 26:1). In his concluding vow
poses the deception; but Jacob, in agreeing to her proposal, is (w. 20—2) Jacob acutely translates God's promise of guidance
equally guilty. The story turns on the belief that blessings and into concrete, down-to-earth terms, and in turn promises to
curses possess objective power and cannot be taken back worship YHWH as his God. He also undertakes to pay a tithe of
(v. 33). In v. 36 Jacob's name is once more (cf. 25:26) associated future produce, in anticipation of the cult that will be estab-
with the root '-q-b, here in a verbal form and interpreted as lished at Bethel. He is clearly speaking as a representative of a
'supplant'. It is again Rebekah who takes the initiative, over- future Israel and as the founder of the Bethel sanctuary.
hearing Esau's intention to kill Jacob and warning him to flee
(29:1—30) This chapter begins the story of Jacob and Laban
to Haran to his uncle Laban (w. 43-5). The chapter ends with
which continues to the end of ch. 31. It is set in foreign
her fear that Jacob may marry a 'Hittite' (cf. 26:34-5)—an
territory, outside Canaan. As yet another story about an en-
echo of the theme of 24:3—4.
counter at a well that ends with marriage of the heir to the
(28:1—9) A different account of the circumstances of Jacob's promise to a member (here two members!) of his Aramean
departure to Laban is given in w. 1—5 from that given in ch. 27. kindred, it has many affinities with ch. 24; but there are
Here his father sends him off so that he may marry a girl from significant differences. There is again the apparently fortui-
his own family as Isaac himself had done, and Isaac prays that tous meeting with the Aramean kindred; but, unlike Isaac,
he will inherit the promise once given to Abraham. Laban's who was forbidden to leave Canaan to seek his wife, Jacob
home is now given as Paddan-aram, which may mean 'coun- makes precisely that journey. He travels to 'the land of the
try of Aram' (so also in 25:20). This region of north Mesopo- people of the east' (a rather vague term denoting the land to
 57 GENESIS
the east of Canaan, but here including the more northern unable to bear children (29:31—2), is found also in the story of
territory in the vicinity of Haran); but he does not go speci- the birth of Samuel (i Sam i),butwith significant differences.
fically to seek a wife, and does not at first realize where he is. In both cases the childless wife is enabled to bear a son
Further, in contrast to the religious atmosphere of 28:10-22 through divine intervention; but here this happens to the
and with the pious mission of Abraham's servant in ch. 24, 'hated' wife (i.e. the one who is unwanted by her husband)
this is a purely secular story in which God does not appear, whereas in i Sam i it happens to the one who is especially
although no doubt he is invisibly present in the background in beloved; here too God takes the initiative rather than acting in
the mind of the final editor. response to prayer as in the case of Hannah. There are other
w. 1-14 are an idyllic tale that gives no hint of troubles to OT parallels to God's initiative in such cases: not only in the
come. Jacob is presented as the mighty hero who is able alone case of Sarah but also in the story of the birth of Samson (Judg
to move the stone, which normally required several men to 13). All these stories differ considerably in detail; but behind
move it, from the mouth of the well to enable the flocks to be them lies the conviction that God alone bestows or withholds
watered (cf. 28:18, where also he moves a massive stone); and life. 30:1-7 is another example ofthe custom of surrogate birth
he does this on perceiving the arrival of Rachel. The kiss earlier practised by Sarah (so also 30:9—11). The 'birth on the
which he gives her is no doubt a cousinly kiss (v. n; cf. v. 13); knees' of Rachel (30:3) is a rite which ensures that the child
but his weeping (for joy) surely speaks of love at first sight. born is to be regarded as Rachel's own. 30:14-18 reflects an
The continuation of the story in w. 15-30, however, already ancient belief that the fruit ofthe mandrake plant has aphro-
introduces the reader to the calculating character of Laban, disiac properties, although the birth of Issachar is attributed
who succeeds in employing Jacob for fourteen years without to divine operation.
wages and in tricking him into marrying the unwanted Leah.
(30:25—43) The details of this story are not clear, and have
There are two further motifs in this story: Jacob's marriages
puzzled the commentators. There are strange contradictions,
are a further example of the younger being preferred to the
no doubt due to glossators who themselves did not fully grasp
elder; and, in view of Jacob's earlier behaviour (25:27—34; 27),
what was happening but attempted to set matters right. The
w. 21-30 may be seen as an example of the motif of the
thrust of the story, however, is sufficiently plain. This is a
deceiver deceived. Jacob's love for Rachel is again emphasized
battle of wits between Jacob and Laban from which Jacob
in w. 20 and 30. In w. 24 and 29 Laban's assignment of the
emerges victorious. Jacob, who has suffered before from
two maids Zilpah and Bilhah respectively to serve Leah and
Laban's trickery, repays it in kind. The story begins with an
Rachel prepares the reader for the accounts of the birth of
abrupt request by Jacob to Laban for his release from his
Jacob's twelve sons, who are to be the ancestors of the twelve
servitude which puts Laban in an embarrassing situation.
tribes of Israel.
Jacob points out that Laban has greatly benefited from his
(29:31-30:24) This section consists mainly of a miscella- service, but now requests to be allowed to return to his home-
neous collection of notices of the births of Jacob's first eleven land accompanied by his wives and children, who are of
sons (and one daughter, Dinah), whose names are those of course Laban's own daughters and grandchildren (v. 26).
later Israelite tribes. The reasons given for their names, which This request may not have been within Jacob's rights: Ex
all refer to the circumstances of the mothers (unlike the tribal 21:2—4 does not permit a freed slave to take his family with
blessings in ch. 49) are quite fanciful and hardly genuine him; but Jacob's status is not clear (cf. Laban's action in ch. 31).
popular etymologies. The words attributed to the mothers in Laban recognizes the value of Jacob's service to him, and
naming their sons have been made to fit the names; but they adopts a conciliatory tone. He admits that his prosperity is
do not fit very well. In some cases they involve the use of very due to Jacob, perhaps claiming that he has learned by divina-
rare words. The name Reuben (re'uben) would naturally be tion (the meaning of this word is uncertain) that this is due to
taken to mean 'Behold a son' (29:32), but has been connected YHWH's having blessed Jacob (v. 27), but complains that the
with 'oni, 'affliction'. Simeon (29:33) is more reasonably con- loss of Jacob may damage his own economic status. He makes
nected with sama', 'to hear'. Levi (29:34) is supposedly derived an offer to reward Jacob, who replies that he is not asking
from Idwd, 'to join'. Judah (29:35) has been associated with the for a reward, but then inconsistently requests to be allowed
mother's exclamation 'odeh, T will praise'; Dan (30:6) with the to keep some of Laban's flocks. He proposes (v. 32) that he
verb din, 'to give judgement'; Naphtali (30:8) with a rare verb should be given those animals that are particoloured (a rarity
pdtal, possibly meaning 'to twist', here interpreted as 'wrestle'. among sheep and goats) and promises to carry out this oper-
Gad (30:11) is the name of a god of good fortune; Asher (30:13) ation honestly. Laban pretends to agree, but then himself de-
is explained as related to 'isser, 'to pronounce happy'; Issachar ceitfully separates the particoloured animals from the rest,
(30:18) as connected with sdkdr, 'hire, wages'. In two cases and sends them away with his sons to be kept at a distance
(and possibly a third, Reuben) two alternative explanations are (w. 35-6).
given: the name Zebulon (30:20) is associated with a verb that The account of Jacob's retaliatory action (w. 37—42) is again
occurs nowhere else in the OT but which may refer to exalta- somewhat muddled and repetitive, but here again its general
tion, hence honour, but also with zibcd, 'gift', while Joseph import is clear. To gain an advantage over Laban Jacob had
(30:24) is related both to 'dsap, 'gather, remove, take away', recourse to a trick based on a superstitious, farmers' belief
and to ydsap, 'add, increase'. It was not deemed necessary to (taken seriously by the author) that newborn animals (and
offer an explanation of the name of the daughter, Dinah. also human babies) can derive certain characteristics from the
Only scraps of narrative and dialogue are attached to these visual impressions experienced by their mothers at the mo-
birth notices. The motif of the two wives, one of whom is ment of conception. Taking advantage of Laban's absence,
GENESIS 58
Jacob arranged that the ewes, which mated while they were their manufacture in Judg 17:5, and Hos 3:4 implies that they
drinking, should do so while standing facing some rods which were in common use in Israel during the period of the mon-
he had taken from appropriate trees that he had partly peeled archy. Later, however, they were condemned as idolatrous
and set before the drinking troughs, so producing particol- (Zech 10:2) together with the practice of divination with which
oured young, (v. 40 is unfortunately obscure.) In addition they appear to have been associated (Ezek 21:21). They were
(w. 41—2) he selected for this purpose only the more robust obviously very important to Laban, who may have used them
animals. As a result he became the owner, following his for divination. In recent times it was widely supposed, on the
previous arrangement with Laban, of the choice animals be- basis of purportedly similar practices known from second-
cause they were particoloured, while Laban was left only with millennium BCE texts discovered at the Mesopotamian city
the feebler ones. By this device he increased his wealth, of Nuzi, that possession of such objects could be used to
though the final verse of the chapter (v. 43) about the extra- substantiate legal claims to the inheritance of property; but it
ordinary wealth which he acquired in this way seems entirely has now been shown that this view is not tenable, at least as far
disproportionate to the preceding account and is probably a as this passage in Genesis is concerned (see Thompson 1974:
later addition made to enhance the impression that the patri- 272—80). There is nothing in the Genesis text that indicates
archs, although landless, were nevertheless persons of sub- why Laban's teraphim were so important to him.
stance in the world. This is another secular story in which Jacob in his defence of his conduct (w. 36-42) attributes his
(apart from Laban's remark in v. 27) God does not appear. present material success to the ancestral God, whom he here
refers as 'The Fear of Isaac' (or possibly 'Kinsman of Isaac',
(31:1-55) This chapter concludes the Jacob-Laban stories. It is probably an ancient name of a god who was later identified
a continuation of ch. 30, but it also marks a return to the with YHWH). Laban (w. 43-4) still maintains his legal right to
theme of the promise. The question of Jacob's departure all Jacob's possessions, but is forced to admit defeat. The treaty
broached in ch. 30 has remained unresolved. Now he has or covenant now made between the two is a non-aggression
determined to leave, with his family, without Laban's permis- pact (w. 48-50); but in a different version of the event (v. 52) it
sion, partly because relations with Laban and his sons have also defines a territorial boundary which each partner swears
deteriorated, but above all because YHWH has commanded to observe. This is really an agreement not simply between
him to do so and has promised to continue to guide and two individuals but between representatives of two nations,
protect him (w. 2-3). Jacob meets his wives secretly and as is indicated by the double naming of the boundary cairn
speaks to them of his reasons for departure: Laban's animosity that they have set up in two distinct languages: both Jegar-
towards him, restrained only by God's protection, and God's sahadutha (Aramaic) and Galeed (Hebrew gal'ld) mean 'cairn
command, here represented as mediated by an angel in a of witness'. Behind this incident there undoubtedly lies an
dream (w. 11-13). There are inconsistencies again here, e.g. ancient tradition of an agreement once made between Israel
Jacob's claim that Laban has changed his wages ten times does and the Arameans, who were, however, later to be involved in
not accord with what has been said in the previous two chap- territorial wars (cf especially 2 Sam 8; 10; i Kings n; 20; 22;
ters. In his account of his dream (v. 13) he cites God's com- 2 Kings 7—16).
mand, but with an additional reference to ch. 28. Jacob's
proposal to his wives, which involved for them the abandon- (32:1—21) After reporting the peaceful solution of Jacob's dis-
ment of their family and their community, is accepted without pute with Laban (31:54—5) the story resumes the account of his
demur: they too have a grudge against their father, who has relations with his brother Esau, from whose hostile intentions
used for himself their bridal price and has thus 'sold' them he had fled (ch. 27). First, however, there is a short notice of a
and in fact treated them as foreigners (w. 14-16). These verses (presumably) favourable appearance of a group of divine
involve legal questions of marriage and inheritance customs messengers or angels (cf. 28:12) during his journey, which
which are not completely clear to the modern reader; but what he perceives as 'God's camp' (mahaneh 'Zldhim) and so names
the wives are saying is that owing to their father's actions they the place Mahanaim. This incident is no doubt based on a
no longer belong to their community, and are prepared to put local foundation legend about the city of Mahanaim in Gilead
their trust in what Jacob has told them of God's call to him. So east of the Jordan, later to become an important Israelite city.
the heir of the promise effects his escape from the alien Now, aware that he is close to the land of Edom, Esau's home,
territory of Paddan-aram and returns to the land of promise. and fearful for his life and the lives of his family, he sends an
The second scene (w. 19-42) opens with Laban, accompan- embassy to Esau. Learning that Esau is advancing towards
ied by his kinsmen, pursuing Jacob, and overtaking him him with a strong military force (v. 6), he prays to God thathe
when he has reached the hill country of Gilead, east of the will protect him, and then makes preparations for the en-
Jordan. Once more Laban receives a divine message warning counter, sending a further conciliatory message to Esau to-
him not to interfere with Jacob (v. 24); and in fact when they gether with valuable presents which he sends by instalments,
meet Laban exercises restraint. His final complaint against himself remaining behind with his family in the hope of
him is that he has stolen his 'household gods' (teraphim), protecting them in case of attack. Here again the reader finds
though in fact it was Rachel who had stolen them without the heir to the promise and his family in danger of their lives;
Jacob's knowledge (w. 19, 32). The incident of the search for and once again the narrative is slowed down to increase the
the teraphim (w. 33-5) is recounted with crude humour. dramatic tension.
Teraphim, which are mentioned in several other OT texts, (32:22—32) This incident, which interrupts the account of
appear to have been fairly small hominiform images of gods Jacob's concluding encounter with Esau, is of central import-
whose use was not confined to Israel. There is a reference to ance in the story of Jacob, even more significant than Jacob's
 59 GENESIS
experience at Bethel (28:10-22). Here once more the heir to chapter to the events of ch. 34. Jacob's naming of the altar that
the promise is placed in danger of his life. But the incident he erects on the plot of land that he has bought ('God, the God
remains essentially mysterious, and several of its features are of Israel') might be a reference to Jacob's new personal name
difficult to interpret. This is at least partly due to the fact that it Israel, but the reader would understand it as a proclamation
is evidently a pre-Israelite story that has been reworked, prob- that Jacob's God was to be the God of the people Israel.
ably more than once. The original version strongly resembles (34:1—31) This brutal and—to the modern reader—repulsive
pagan, even animistic, tales of spirits or demons guarding story, which may be based on a reminiscence of some actual
particular places such as streams, who attack travellers who event in the early history of the Israelite tribes, is widely
are endeavouring to pass on their way, but who are powerful supposed to have existed in two versions, which have been
only at night; here we are told that the sun rose only when the combined and used by a later writer to make the point that
incident was over (v. 31). The place in question here is a ford Israelites should abstain from intermarriage with the Canaan-
over the stream Jabbok, which rises in the mountains east of ites. The massacre which it describes is in conformity with
the Jordan and descends precipitately to flow into the Jor- the teaching of the Deuteronomists, who represent Moses as
dan—a place where it is difficult to cross on foot. The sup- having demanded their extermination (Deut 7:1—3). The pro-
posed connection between its name and the rare Hebrew verb tagonists are Simeon and Levi, who first ensure by a trick that
'abaq, 'wrestle' (v. 24) may have given rise to the story in its the victims will be in a weakened condition (w. 25-6). Their
original version. The man ('is) who attacked Jacob and brothers, however, all participate in the subsequent plunder-
struggled with him all night remains unidentified until v. 30, ing of the city. That Jacob may not have figured in the original
but is clearly possessed of supernatural power as well as story is suggested by the fact that he plays only a marginal and
of great physical strength (30:25), and is recognized by Jacob passive role. Jacob's fear that the neighbouring Canaanites
as one who is able to confer a blessing on him. He subse- will take their revenge on his family and destroy it in turn
quently reveals himself as divine ('elohim, v. 28); but the (v. 30) qualifies the story as yet another example of the en-
statements that Jacob overmatched him and forced him to dangerment of the lives of the heirs to the promise, a situation
bless him (w. 26, 29) remain mysterious in the face of Jacob's that leads to Jacob's removal with his family to Bethel and is
final realization that he has been locked in a struggle with only relieved by the mysterious 'terror' that falls on the sur-
God, and has seen him face to face (peni'el means 'face of rounding cities (35:5, which appears to be intended as the
God'). At this point of the story, as in others, features of the sequel to this story).
original tale are still present. The central and crucial point of The Shechemites are here (v. 2) specified as Hivites, one of
the story in its present form is that Jacob not only received the the tribes supposed to have constituted the Canaanite people
divine blessing (despite the refusal of the 'man' to declare his (cf. e.g. Gen 10:15—18; Deut 7:1). After forcing Dinah into illicit
own name), but that his name is changed to 'Israel' (this name intercourse with him, Shechem falls in love with her and
is here associated with the rare verb sard, 'struggle', used in wishes to marry her at all costs. The inhabitants of the city,
v. 28). The passage thus declares Jacob to be not only a tower- with Hamor as spokesman, attempt to negotiate the marriage
ing, heroic figure who has close dealings with God himself, in all innocence, but are rebuffed (w. 8—14). The imposing of
but also the founder of the nation of Israel. Despite its evi- circumcision on all the Shechemite men as a condition of the
dently somewhat composite nature, attempts to analyse its marriage is a trick with sinister and ironical overtones, a mere
sources have been controversial; but the final verse is certainly excuse for the real cause of the massacre, the desire for
a separate comment on the incident as being the origin of an revenge for the initial rape (v. 31). In the Blessing of Jacob
otherwise unknown food taboo. (49:2—27) in which Jacob foretells what will be the future
(33:1—20) The reconciliation between Jacob and his wronged destiny of each of his sons (now openly called the twelve tribes
brother resolves the tension built up in 32:1—21. The chapter is of Israel, 49:28), Simeon and Levi are not blessed but cursed
a riot of deferential bowings and honorific expressions ('my (49:5-7) for their violent behaviour, with an apparent refer-
lord', 'your servant') in oriental fashion on the part of Jacob ence to the incident of ch. 34.
and his household and magnanimity and solicitous concern (35:1—15) Jacob's departure from Shechem to Bethel is here
on the part of Esau. Esau's emotional welcome of Jacob sig- attributed to a positive command by God. The preparations
nifies his complete forgiveness, after so many years, of a for the journey (w. 2-4) and the use of the technical term 'to
grievous offence which is never mentioned, but of which go up' ('did) suggest that this was no ordinary journey but a
Jacob still remains painfully aware. Until the moment of pilgrimage. Alt (1959: 79—88), followed by others including
greeting he appears still to be apprehensive of Esau's inten- von Rad (1972: 336), maintained that these verses reflect an
tion; and even subsequently he is still reluctant to travel in his actual annual pilgrimage made by the Israelites at later times.
company, pretending that they will meet again in Seir, Esau's Bethel was the place where Jacob had already encountered
home territory (w. 12—15), whereas in fact he makes for Suc- God and set up a sacred pillar (28:10—22) during his flight to
coth ('booths'), where he builds a house for himself and settles Laban, and which he had vowed to visit again on his return
down. Another version (w. 18-20), however, takes him across home 'in peace' (28:21). The connection between the two
the Jordan, still living in tents, to the 'city of Shechem'. This episodes is specifically made in w. i, 3, 7. The change of
phrase must, on grounds of Hebrew syntax, refer to a person clothes (v. 2) was an act of purification necessary before an
of that name (cf v. 19) who was the owner or founder of the encounter with God (cf. Ex 19:10—14). More important is the
city (see Westermann 1985: 528). The further reference to the putting away and burial of'foreign gods' (w. 2, 4). The fact
man Shechem and to the sons of Hamor in v. 19 links this that a similar rite, also performed at Shechem, is recorded in
GENESIS 60

Josh 24:23 suggested to Alt (1959) that something of the kind ance, the saviour of his father Jacob and all his family (45:7-8;
constituted an esential feature of a regular pilgrimage from 50:19—21). This story raises for the reader a number of ques-
Shechem to Bethel, marking an annual demonstration of tions which have been the subject of much discussion, e.g.:
exclusive loyalty to YHWH. (On v. 5 see above on ch. 34.) What is its relationship to the rest of the patriarchal stories?
The name given to the place where Jacob set up an altar (v. 7) What is its literary genre? Is it the work of a single author?
is the same as in 33:20. In w. 9—15 there occurs a further Does it contain reliable information about ancient Egypt, and
repetition of the promise of numerous descendants and of the if so, of what period? What is its purpose?
land, followed by a further account of the setting up of a pillar The function of the story in the context of the foregoing
and its consecration with oil. patriarchal stories and of the following book of Exodus is that
(35:16-22) is concerned with events in Jacob's family. The it bridges a gap in the chronological scheme of the Penta-
birth of his twelfth and last son Benjamin is recorded. Jacob teuch. The material available to the compiler of Genesis about
does not accept the name given to him by his dying mother, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob appears to have come to an end.
which means 'son of my sorrow', but gives him a name which The story of Joseph, whose connection with that material is
may mean either 'son of the right hand' or 'son of the south' tenuous though real (his birth and his genealogy are recorded
but perhaps, more appropriately and hopefully, 'son of good in Gen 30:22—4; 35:22—6) serves the purpose of accounting for
fortune' (Soggin 1961: 432—40). The incest committed by the migration of Jacob and his family to Egypt, from which
Reuben is condemned when Jacob blesses his sons (49:4). country the Exodus tradition recounts the subsequent depar-
w. 23—9 conclude the story of Jacob's adventures with his ture of the Israelites (the sons of Jacob), so ensuring the
return home at last in time to be with his father I saac before he continuity of the larger narrative tradition. At the same time,
dies. Jacob lived many more years after this (his death is re- it constitutes yet another example of the theme of danger to
corded in 49:33, at the end of the story of his son Joseph's bril- the heirs of the promise—again as a result of famine—and
liant career), but he no longer plays an active role in the book. their miraculous deliverance. But neither of these functions
required or could account for such an elaborate narrative as
(36:1-43) After the lengthy story of Jacob the author turns his
this. Von Rad (1966/7), who found parallels between the story
attention to Esau, the ancestor of the Edomites, and his des-
and Egyptian short stories, saw it as narrative wisdom litera-
cendants—an indication that although Israel and Edom were
ture depicting Joseph as an ideal wise man. But others have
often hostile to one another Israel still considered them to be
questioned this assessment of the character of Joseph as here
'brothers'. These genealogical lists are derived from different
portrayed.
sources and contain not a few repetitions and inconsistencies.
It is this quality that has led to a questioning of the conven-
The extent to which they contain genuine information about a
tional view that the story is the result of a combination of two
people about whom little is otherwise known is disputed. In
separate versions, attributed respectively to J and E. Von Rad's
w. 20-30 the clan of the Horites appears to be reckoned as
attempt to combine the latter view with an appreciation of its
related to Esau, but in Deut 2:12, 22 the Horites are said to
literary quality was shown to be inconsistent by Whybray
have been one of the former peoples whom the Edomites
(1968), followed independently by Donner (1976). The possi-
dispossessed. The lists distinguish between three types of
bility that it is the work of a single author, first proposed by
socio-political organization, referring to heads of families
Volz and Rudolph in 1933, who threw doubt on the existence
(w. i—8, 20—8), tribal leaders (w. 15—19, 29—30, 40—3), and
of an E strand, is now seriously, though not universally,
kings (w. 31—9). The kings of Edom are said to have reigned
accepted. Whether the story betrays accurate knowledge of
'before any king reigned over the Israelites' (v. 31). This list,
Egyptian life and customs of any period has been disputed by
which obviously cannot be very early, may contain some
Egyptologists. Some (e.g. Vergote 1959) took a positive view of
genuine historical information (so Westermann 1985). The
this, arguing that it fits well into the Ramesside period which
Edomites are known from the evidence of archaeology to have
was believed by some to be a plausible time for the career of a
settled in their territory before the arrival of Israel in Canaan,
historical Joseph, but others (e.g. Redford 1970) were sceptic-
and that they had acquired the status of a monarchy before
al about the authenticity of the Egyptian allusions. Redford
Israel had done so is plausible (Num 20:14 mentions a 'king of
maintained that if the author did in fact have genuine know-
Edom' in the time of Moses). That their monarchy was at first
ledge of Egypt the work cannot be dated earlier than the
non-hereditary as stated in Gen w. 31-9 is of interest in the
seventh century BCE.
light of recent studies of the early history of Israel.
(37:1—34) The minor inconsistencies and duplications in this
The Story of Joseph (chs. 37-50) chapter (e.g. the apparent confusion between Ishmaelites and
These chapters are of a different kind from the rest of Genesis. Midianites in v. 28; the duplication of Joseph's dreams in
Instead of a catena of brief incidents and notices about family w. 6-7 and 9; the similarity of the compassionate actions of
and tribal affairs we have here—interrupted only by some Reuben and Judah in w. 21—2 and 26—7) are not sufficient to
obviously interpolated material, notably chs. 38 and parts of show that two complete versions of the story have been inter-
48-50—a single, well-constructed, continuous narrative com- woven; at most they may suggest that the author made use at
prising some 300 verses in our Bibles and skilfully arranged some points of earlier oral material. The story itself is quite
in a series of distinct consecutive scenes, about the career of straightforward: it recounts the first of a series of incidents
one man, Jacob's eleventh son, who rose to an undreamed-of which once again put in danger of his life the person who is
eminence in Egypt as ruler of that whole land second only to destined to hold in his hands the survival of the heirs of the
Pharaoh himself (41:40-4) and so became, under God's guid- promise. This destiny is foreshadowed here by Joseph's
 61 GENESIS
dreams; but the dramatic suspense is to continue concerning (39:1—41:57) This account of Joseph's humiliation and subse-
his fate for several more chapters. Another motif, that of quent exaltation has some of the characteristics of the folk-
hatred between brothers, is reminiscent of the hostility be- tale, but is an integral part of the story of Joseph as a whole. It
tween Jacob and Esau; once again the issue is solved by the is full of dramatic tension: Joseph is again placed in great
end of the story with the indication that it is not the elder danger; but the tension is finally resolved in an equally dra-
brother who has been chosen by God to assure the continua- matic fashion. It is several times (39:3, 5, 21, 23; 41:51—2)
tion of the chosen race. w. 1—2 are an introduction to the whole specifically emphasized that both his preservation in danger
Joseph story, providing the necessary link between the earlier and his later success are due not to his own abilities but to the
patriarchal stories and the present one. In v. 3 the precise unseen operation of God. Although there is no evidence in
nature of the long coat with sleeves' (ketonet passim) is not extant Egyptian texts of any comparable elevation of a person
certain. Outside this chapter this garment is referred to in the of humble status to a position of great power, the theme of the
OT only in 2 Sam 13:18, 19, where it is the apparel of a elevation of exiled Jews by foreign potentates was evidently a
princess. Here it is a token of Jacob's especial affection for favourite one in post-exilic times, and is found also in Dan i—6
Joseph and a mark of esteem which incites the brothers' and Esther. 39:1, which repeats information given atthe end of
hatred. The description of Jacob's grief at the supposed death ch. 37, is deliberately resumptive following the interpolation
of his son (w. 33-5) closes this first part of the story of Joseph, of ch. 38. It specifies that it was Ishmaelites rather than
after which (in ch. 39) the scene changes to Egypt. Midianites who sold Joseph into slavery in Egypt (as in
37:28/7). The Egyptian name Potiphar means 'the one whom
(38:1—30) This chapter, in which Joseph does not appear at all, Re gives'. The initial success of the good-looking Joseph (39:6)
is an interpolation that interrupts the Joseph story, which as Potiphar's trusted servant (39:2-6) is brought to a sudden
resumes in 39:1 at the point at which it is broken off at the end and his life once more endangered by the lie told by
end of ch. 37. Attempts to interpret it as in some way relevant Potiphar's wife when he twice virtuously refuses her sexual
to the events narrated in the surrounding chapters have advances (39:14-18). (On the use of the term 'Hebrew', 39:14,
hardly been convincing, although on the other hand no con- which occurs several times in the story of Joseph, see above on
vincing explanation has been found for its interpolation. 14:13.) But the punishment which Potiphar imposes on Jo-
Probably, as a story about a member of Jacob's family it was seph is surprisingly mild for the crime of adultery, and sug-
thought to deserve a place in the total narrative, but no satis- gests that Potiphar was not entirely convinced of his guilt. The
factory placement for it could be found. It is wholly concerned chapter ends on a more positive note: Joseph's attractive per-
with events in the life of Judah, Jacob's fourth son. But he can sonality (as well as God's protection) once more leads to
hardly be called the hero of the story: it is his daughter-in-law success, when he obtains the favour of the jailer.
Tamar who fills that role. The story is a complicated one and The chief cupbearer and chief baker, whom Joseph waited
involves a number of customs that call for elucidation. These upon in prison (40:1-4) were high officials imprisoned for
can only be briefly sketched here. w. i-n are introductory to some undisclosed offences by the dictatorial king of Egypt.
the main story. Judah's decision to settle apart from his broth- Unlike Joseph's own dreams in ch. 37, whose meaning needed
ers probably reflects the fact that the tribe of Judah was located no explanation, their dreams, as also those of Pharaoh in
in historical times in the south, away from the other tribes, ch. 41, were dreams whose meaning was not obvious and
and had a separate existence until politically united with them which required an interpreter with special powers. The
by David (Adullam and Timnah were both Judaean cities in interpretation of such dreams was, both in Egypt and in
later times). The story also reflects fraternization and inter- Mesopotamia, the speciality and occult art of the professional
marriage between Israelites and Canaanites. Tamar's second diviner. Like Daniel, who was required not only to interpret
marriage, to Onan, conforms to the custom of levirate mar- Nebuchadnezzar's dream but also to remind the king of its
riage (see Deut 25:5—6). With the death of her first two hus- contents (Dan 2:31—45), Joseph possessed the power to inter-
bands Tamar evidently expected to be married to the third pret dreams, but attributed this power to special divine reve-
brother, Shelah; but, afraid that he too might die prematurely, lation rather than to his own ability (40:8)—although in 44:15
Jacob made an excuse to avoid this; and Tamar, according to he speaks of his ability to practise divination (nihls). The diff-
custom, returned to the unenviable state of living with her erence between the cupbearer's and the baker's dreams—the
parents. In desperation she then tried to force Judah's hand. fact that in the latter's dream the birds were eating from the
She arranged to have sexual relations with her father-in-law in basket of food which he was carrying to Pharaoh, whereas
the guise of a prostitute without his being aware of her iden- the cupbearer dreamed that he had resumed his former
tity, and retained proof of the relationship by keeping his function—determined Joseph's interpretations, in which
cylinder seal with its cord and his staff as pledge for her fee Joseph played—gruesomely—on two meanings of the phrase
(v. 18). It is not clear on what grounds she was condemned to 'to lift up the head', whose normal meaning was to restore to
death by Judah in his capacity as undisputed head of the favour, but in the case of the baker referred to decapitation or
family with powers of life and death (v. 24); it is perhaps hanging. Both interpretations proved to be correct. The last
assumed that she was betrothed to Shelah, though not actu- verse of the chapter reintroduces the tension into the story:
ally married to him (cf Deut 22:23-4). After Judah's recogni- although the cupbearer had promised to intercede for Joseph
tion that her action was justified (!) the story ends with her when he was restored to favour with Pharaoh, he forgot him,
giving birth to twin boys, Judah's children, whose names leaving him in prison with no apparent hope, and possibly
(Perez and Zerah) are interpreted as meaning 'breaking out' again in danger of his life should judgement be given against
and (perhaps) 'bright, shining' respectively. him.
GENESIS 62

Pharaoh's dreams (41:1-7) are of the same symbolic kind and supplies them with corn and provisions; but the return of
as those of the cupbearer and baker, and required expert their money increases their fears (42:28, 35), and their misery
decipherment. Like Nebuchadnezzar in similar circum- is increased when on their return home Jacob, in a mood of
stances (Dan 2:4) Pharaoh sent for his experts (hartummim, self-pity, refuses to let Benjamin return with them to Egypt.
'magicians', is a form of an Egyptian word meaning 'sooth- When a further supply of corn became an absolute neces-
sayer-priest'), who proved to be incapable of the task. On the sity to Jacob and his family a second visit to Egypt was mooted,
suggestion of the cupbearer, who at last remembered Joseph's and Jacob was persuaded against his will to let Benjamin go
talents, Joseph was sent for from his prison cell and, having with his brothers, with Judah as a guarantor ofhis safety (43:1-
shaved and put on clean clothes—matters of great importance n). This time, fearful of their reception, they take with them
to the Egyptians—appeared before Pharaoh. His preparations tribute in the form of choice products of Canaan and double
are symbolic of a great change in his life; from this moment he the previous sum of money, to prove their honesty (43:11-12).
never looked back. But it was his successful interpretation of Joseph, however, was to continue to play his tricks on them
the dreams that—under God, 41:39—was the cause of his (ch. 44). The scene with Joseph's steward (43:16-25) is in-
sudden elevation to greatness, together with his eminently tended to allay the brothers' fears: they are at first suspicious
practical advice about the measures to be taken in the face of and naively afraid of a trap (in such a setting!), but are re-
an otherwise certain disaster. In a manner typical of the folk- assured. They have been naturally astonished and awed by the
tale, Pharaoh put his entire faith in this one demonstration of luxury of Joseph's house and by the invitation to dinner; but
Joseph's ability (41:39—40) and lost no time in appointing him when Joseph arrives he shows his concern for his aged father,
Grand Vizier of Egypt, endowing him with all the symbols and and is overjoyed, and again deeply affected, on seeing Benja-
the reality of that office, which are attested in Egyptian art and min (43:30). There is again astonishment at Benjamin's treat-
tomb furniture. The meaning of the word 'abrlk ('Bow the ment as guest of honour, and probably at Joseph's dining at a
knee!', 41:43) may be related to the Semitic root b-r-k, 'kneel', separate table in accordance with Egyptian rules of purity; but
or may be related to an Egyptian word meaning 'Watch out!' in the relaxed atmosphere they forget their fears and even
In receiving a new and Egyptian name (Zaphenath-paneah drink to excess ('were merry') in Joseph's company, unaware
means 'God speaks and lives'), Joseph was received into the of further trouble to come.
ranks of the Egyptian nobility; and this was confirmed by his
(44:1-34) By the repetition of the earlier incident of 42:35
being given the daughter of the high priest of Heliopolis ('On')
with the planting in the brother's luggage of Joseph's cup
as his bride. He is presented (41:34-6,47-57) as a foresighted
(the reference to the money here is probably a later addition),
administrator. The establishment of large granaries against
the pursuit and apprehension of the brothers and the accusa-
times of low grain production was a well-known Egyptian
tion of theft (w. 1-13) the tension is still further increased. It
economic measure. The final verse of the chapter (57) pre-
seems to them that Joseph has now trapped them as they had
pares for the events of the following chapters by emphasizing
feared all along, and that it is all up with them. The cup is
the world-wide nature of the food shortage against which
particularly important to Joseph because he uses it to practise
Joseph successfully prepared Egypt.
lecanomancy (v. 5), a form of divination in which oil was
poured into a cup or bowl to give psychic insight (see Cryer
(42:1-45:28) With ch. 42 the scene switches back to Canaan
1994: 145—7, 2 ^5)— a practice somewhat resembling modern
and to Jacob and his other sons. Egypt was the granary of the
foretelling of the future by tea-leaves. Joseph's purpose in so
ancient world; and journeys from such countries as Canaan to
tricking the brothers was to test them to see whether they had
try to buy food in times of famine are recorded in extant
changed their nature, and whether they genuinely cared for
Egyptian texts (see ANET 250-1) and depicted in Egyptian
their father and for Benjamin. They protest their innocence,
graphic art. The main problem of the interpretation of these
but recognize that if found guilty they merit condign punish-
chapters is to understand the reason for Joseph's harsh treat-
ment (v. 9), though both the steward and Joseph himself are
ment of his brothers before he reveals his identity in ch. 45.
inclined to mercy except towards the thief, who must be
One of his motives was certainly to force them to bring his
enslaved (w. 10, 17). Joseph adds to their dismay by claiming
youngest brother Benjamin to see him. But there can be little
that he has the gift of divination even without the use of the
doubt that a main motive was connected with his brothers'
cup, and knows what has occurred (v. 15). But Judah's lengthy
treatment of him many years before (ch. 37). In his present
speech in which he heartrendingly depicts the inevitable fate
position of unlimited power he was in a position to punish
of Jacob if he is bereft of yet another son and offers himself as a
them, and he did so; but in the end brotherly love and family
scapegoat in Benjamin's place is a masterpiece of rhetoric
feelings proved stronger than his desire for revenge (ch. 45).
which Joseph finds too hard to endure (45:1).
The story is replete with dramatic tension and also with dra-
matic irony (the brothers do not know who he is, but the (45:1-28) This chapter probably marks the end of the Joseph
readers do) and is told with psychological subtlety. By pretend- story proper. With it all the tension is released and the prob-
ing to believe that the brothers are spies (42:9), Joseph ex- lems solved; there is a reconciliation and a happy ending.
tracts the information that they have left their youngest From the literary point of view the story is complete, and the
brother behind with his father, and demands that he should chapters that complete the book have rather the character of
be brought to him. Imprisoned for three days, they suppose an appendix or series of appendices designed to provide an
that they are being punished for their earlier crime, even answer to the question, 'And how did it all end?' (46:1—5
though they do not recognize Joseph (42:21). In releasing already reverts to the style and concerns of the earlier patri-
them all except Simeon, however, Joseph is deeply affected, archal stories, with an appearance of God in the night to Jacob,
 63 GENESIS
reiterating the promise of making a great nation of him, but is suggested by the fact that in v. n the land assigned to the
this time in Egypt rather than Canaan. The remaining chap- immigrants is called (only here) the land of Rameses (cf. Ex
ters lack the high literary quality of the Joseph story proper, 1:11) rather than of Goshen. The location, however, is probably
and are rather piecemeal in contents.) w. 1-15 describe a the same. The point of the audience with the brothers seems
touching scene in which, apart from the emotions that are to be that the brothers do not, as they might have done, try to
expressed between Joseph and his brothers, the author is use their kinship with Joseph to enhance their social status:
concerned to emphasize Joseph's forgiveness of his brothers they do not ask for permanent residence in Egypt, which
and the hidden hand of God in preserving the lives of Jacob's would have been tantamount to Egyptian citizenship, and
family through Joseph's agency. In w. 10-15, however, a new they wish to continue their hereditary profession, although
theme is announced: Jacob and his family are to migrate to Pharaoh suggests that some of them may be capable of posi-
Egypt to share in Joseph's good fortune. (His question in v. 3 is tions of some responsibility (v. 6). The point of the second
strange: the brothers have already told him that his father is audience is to present Jacob as a dignified old man who is not
still alive.) The rest of the chapter is concerned with the overawed by Pharaoh but dares to bless him (w. 7,10). w. 13—
arrangements for the move. Joseph proposes it on his own 26 are designed to demonstrate Joseph's superior wisdom in
initiative (w. 9—11), and Pharaoh himself confirms this, offer- using his control over the corn supply to make slaves of the
ing the family the best land in Egypt for their residence. In whole Egyptian nation—a triumph which, whatever the mod-
w. 21-8 Joseph's lavish provisions for the journey and Jacob/ ern reader may think of its morality, perhaps—although this
Israel's astonishment, incredulity, and final acceptance of the is a secular story—foreshadows the later triumph of the Israel-
news of Joseph and of his offer are described. ites over Pharaoh himself (Ex 6-15).
(46:1—34) Jacob was last heard of as living in Hebron (37:14).
(47:27-48:22) The story of Jacob and his family is now re-
Now he passes through Beersheba on his way to Egypt, and it
sumed; but the narrative is not all of one piece. It contains a
is there that he has his reassuring message from God. The list
number of inconsistencies and incongruities, and is the result
of names of those who went with him (w. 8—27) is supposedly
of the combination of several different kinds of material.
a roll-call of the persons mentioned in w. 6—7; but it clearly
47:27-8 notes the family's successful life in the land of
comes from a different source and interrupts the narrative.
Goshen and the period of their residence there together with
Among the total of sixty-six persons alleged to have made the
a note of the length of Jacob's life—though his death is not
journey (v. 26), expanded to seventy by (presumably) includ-
recorded until 49:33.47:29-31, however, begins the account of
ing Jacob himself and also Joseph and his two sons Ephraim
his last years and death. His request to be taken back to
and Manasseh, who are counted twice, though not named the
Canaan for burial reintroduces—though indirectly—the
second time (v. 27) there are some who are expressly stated not
theme of the promise of the land: life in Egypt is not to be
to have been among them: Er and Onan (v. 12) were already
the permanent destiny of the nation of Israel. In his deathbed
dead (38:7,10), and Manasseh and Ephraim had been born in
speech in 48:1-4 Jacob first repeats the story of his blessing
Egypt. Joseph, of course, was still in Egypt. Moreover, the
and the promise made to him at Bethel (35:6—12; Luz =
statement that Benjamin had ten sons who accompanied
Bethel; 28:19; 35-6) and then informs Joseph that he is adopt-
him on the journey (v. 21) does not accord with what had
ing his (Joseph's) sons Ephraim and Manasseh as his own
previously been said about his youth. Probably this list was
sons. This action, which points beyond the brothers as indi-
originally intended as a list of all Jacob's descendants through
viduals to their future character as Israelite tribes, would
three generations and had no original connection with this
mean that the traditional number of twelve tribes (implied,
narrative, w. 28-34 are concerned with Jacob's projected
for example, in 35:23-6) is augmented to thirteen (if Ephraim
meeting with Pharaoh and with the place of residence desig-
and Manasseh are to be counted instead of their father). In fact
nated for the immigrants. Goshen (w. 28, 34, already men-
the traditional number of twelve is a fiction; they are listed in
tioned in 45:10) was an area on the eastern edge of the Nile
several different ways in various places in the OT, and their
delta, where the Egyptians, who were suspicious of foreign
numbers vary between ten and thirteen.
immigrants, commonly settled them. There is a strong hint to
The scene of Jacob's blessing of Ephraim and Manasseh
the reader in v. 34 about the future in the statement that
(48:8—20), in which Jacob is called by his other name Israel,
shepherds are abhorrent to the Egyptians, and in Joseph's
appears not to presuppose the previous passage but to be from
advice to his father to be open in his interview with Pharaoh
a different source. Since it is implied here that Joseph's sons
about his profession. However, Pharaoh is represented in
are not yet adult and Jacob appears to be encountering them
47:5—6 as being prepared to welcome Jacob for Joseph's sake
for the first time, the scene is evidently supposed to have taken
on condition that he lived in Goshen, as he had already
place soon after Jacob's arrival in Egypt rather than just before
promised (45:17-20).
his death (cf. 47:28). This is another example of the younger
(47:1-26) The narrative of w. 1-12 follows immediately on ch. son being given precedence over the elder (cf. ch. 27). The
46, and is continued in v. 27. w. 13—26 are an account of right hand is assumed to confer the greater blessing. Jacob
Joseph's economic policy as Grand Vizier, and has no connec deliberately crosses his hands despite Joseph's protest, in order
tion , except for the motif of the famine, with the story of Jacob to give Ephraim, the younger, the greater blessing. 48:15-16 is
and his family in Egypt. The audience with Pharaoh (w. 1-12) somewhat confused, and interrupts the main narrative. It is
is in two parts: first Joseph presents five of his brothers to stated here that it is Joseph who is blessed (48:150), but in fact
Pharaoh (w. 2—6) and then, separately, his father (w. 7—12). It it is his sons who are blessed (48:16), and no difference is
is probable that two distinct versions have been used here; this made between them. 48:20 also is a somewhat confusing
GENESIS 64

addition to the story: it purports to be an alternative blessing of point into the story of Jacob's death. In its present expanded
Ephraim and Manasseh ('them'), but in fact it is a wish rather form it cannot be earlier than the time of David, as it speaks of
than a blessing, and it is addressed to one person ('you' is Judah as the ruler of the other tribes and of other peoples
singular). It is noteworthy that 'Israel' here (and perhaps also (v. 10). The full and favourable assessment of Joseph—that is,
in 47:27) refers to the nation of Israel, not to the individual of the central tribes—as numerous and powerful (w. 22—6)
Jacob/Israel. The last sentence in the verse reverts to the expresses a different picture of leadership; but it also clearly
main story, summing it up: Ephraim was preferred before reflects a later period and has a different orientation from that
Manasseh. There is a clear allusion in this story to the later of Judah. The chapter appears to have been subject to more
predominance of the tribe of Ephraim (cf e.g. Deut 33:17). than one process of redaction. The function of the individual
The significance of 48:22 is not clear. 'Joseph' here does not sayings in their original brief state is not obvious and has been
refer simply to the individual but to the 'house of Joseph', frequently debated. They were presumably comments by
which comprised the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, and tribes about other tribes made at an early period; but the
was to be the most powerful of the northern group of Israelite circumstances in which they were made remain obscure.
tribes. Jacob confers on 'Joseph' one 'portion' (sekem), here v. 2 is a formal poetical introduction to the collection of
unidentified, more than he gives to the others. The word sekem sayings, which are also in poetical form. Reuben (w. 3-4) is
is also the name of the city of Shechem, but as a common noun addressed directly and accused of incest—probably referring
means 'shoulder'. Here it plainly means a shoulder of land or a to 35:22. Little is known of Reuben either as an individual or as
mountain ridge. The military exploit of Jacob referred to here a tribe. It played no prominent part in subsequent history;
is unknown; certainly he did not capture the city of Shechem Deut 33:6 suggests that it died out as a distinct tribe at a fairly
from the Amorites (= Canaanites; cf. ch. 34). early period despite its initial prominence reflected in Reu-
ben's being the eldest son of Jacob. Simeon and Levi (w. 5-7)
(49:1—33) The sayings about the twelve tribes of Israel pre- are not blessed but cursed. The crime of which they are
served here in the guise of a deathbed address by Jacob to his accused in v. 6 is almost certainly their treacherous murder
twelve sons (w. 3-27) are generally known as the Blessing of of the Shechemites in ch. 34, though no mention is made
Jacob, partly on the basis of the statement in v. 28. v. i, there of their hamstringing oxen. In historical times Levi was
however, describes their character somewhat more accurately: a priestly tribe which, unlike the others, had no inheritance in
in their present form the sayings are, to a large extent, predic- the land: it thus ceased to be counted among the ordinary
tions of 'what will happen' to the various tribes in the future. tribes, though the connection between the Levi of this saying
They vary considerably in their contents, and their assess- and the later priestly tribe is uncertain. According to Judg 1:3,
ments are by no means all favourable. They cannot be said 17 Simeon was associated with Judah in its invasion of Canaan-
to constitute a single poem, but differ greatly in form and ite territory, and was probably absorbed into the more powerful
length as well as in contents. They are in fact a collection of tribe of Judah, so being 'scattered in Israel'. The use in v. 6
originally quite separate sayings or slogans each characteriz- of the first person singular can hardly be supposed to be that
ing an individual tribe (in the case of Simeon and Levi, w. 5—7, of Jacob, and this is also true of 'are brothers' in v. 5. The
two are treated together), some of them alluding to particular statement at the end of v. 7 reads like a divine pronounce-
incidents in which they were involved that are now wholly or ment of judgement similar to those found in the prophetical
partly obscure. Some have been greatly augmented; in those books.
cases it is often possible to identify the original, usually Judah (w. 8—12) was David's tribe, pre-eminent in the time
pointed, saying. The intention of the author/collector was to of the united kingdom; it was the name of the southern king-
provide a complete survey of all the twelve tribes of Israel dom after the dissolution of the union until its destruction in
(Joseph, w. 22-6 being treated as a single tribe—see above); the sixth century BCE. This passage has incorporated more
however, the persistent tradition that Israel was composed of than one shorter saying. The reference to Judah as a lion (v. 8)
exactly twelve tribes is not derived from this chapter. This is is the first of several examples in the chapter of the association
not the only passage of this kind in the OT: Deut 33, known as of a tribe with a particular animal. The lion later became the
the Blessing of Moses, is a parallel instance, and Judg 5, the traditional symbol of the tribe of Judah (cf. Rev 5:5). 'shall
Song of Deborah, also assesses the characters of almost all the praise you' (yodiika) is a play on the word 'Judah'. 'Until tribute
tribes (Judg 5:14—18). The latter, however, is a unitary poem comes to him' (v. 10) is only one among many alternative
which comments on a single incident, and praises or blames renderings of the Hebrew phrase 'ad ki-yabo' siloh, the mean-
the various tribes according to their co-operation or otherwise. ing of which is one of the unsolved problems of OT interpreta-
Here in Gen 49 it is significant that Judah (w. 8—12) and tion. Its literal translation could be either 'Until Shiloh comes'
Joseph (w. 22—6)—that is, the tribes which were later to or 'Until he comes to Shiloh'; but no plausible connection
become the most powerful and important tribes—are treated between Judah (or David) and the Ephraimite city and sanc-
much more fully than the others. tuary of Shiloh can be found. The Hebrew text may be corrupt,
The Blessing of Jacob is here presented as a scene that took or the word 'Shiloh' may have some hitherto undiscovered
place at Jacob's bedside just before his death in the presence of meaning; but attempts to correct it or to find some other
all his sons, and thus as a farewell discourse (a frequent explanation based on comparative philology have achieved
feature in the accounts of the deaths of great men in the no consensus. 'Until' suggests that some event will put an
OT—cf. e.g. the Blessing of Moses, Deut 33; Josh 24; David's end to Judah's domination; but the traditional notion that this
farewell speech, i Kings 2:1—9). However, it is clearly an is a prophecy of the coming of the Messiah to bring to an end
independent piece that has been inserted at an appropriate temporal earthly rule lacks support in the text. That it should
 65 GENESIS
be a prophecy of the accession to rule of David is also improb- The section on Joseph (w. 22—6) is, like that on Judah, made
able, as he can hardly be said to have put an end to the rule of up of a number of originally separate elements, not all of
Judah! Westermann (1986: 231) comments: 'It is no praise which are tribal sayings. It is divided into two main parts, a
worthy page in the history of O.T. exegesis that so many characterization of the 'tribe' of Joseph with an allusion to
studies have been preoccupied with this one word [Shiloh]'. Joseph's behaviour when attacked (w. 22—50) and a series of
w. ii—12 appear to be a somewhat fanciful prediction of great blessings (w. 25/7—6). Unfortunately much in these verses is
fertility and prosperity which will follow the accession of difficult to understand: there are rare and obscure words, and
the future ruler, when wine will flow in abundance, and the syntax is sometimes unusual and difficult. There are
of the ruler's outstanding beauty. There is an analogous pre- probably textual corruptions, and the rendering of NRSV—
diction of a future king in Num 24:5—9; the last two lines of and of all other translations—is based to some extent on
v. 9 are repeated almost word for word in Num 24:90. conjectural interpretation, v. 22 is a metaphorical reference
The saying about Zebulon (v. 13) makes no comment on the to Joseph as a strong and flourishing plant well supplied with
character of this tribe, but only—somewhat vaguely—on its water; 'fruitful' (porat) plays on the word 'Ephraim', the pre-
territorial location. These statements do not correspond very dominant member of the 'house of Joseph', w. 23—4 describe
closely with the description of its location in Josh 19:10—16, an incident, now unidentifiable, in which 'Joseph' was at-
which places it in Galilee to the east of the Sea of Tiberias, but tacked by enemies but overcame them with God's help.
at least ten miles from the Mediterranean at its nearest point. v. 24/7 introduces a series of divine blessings, and prayers for
It is not known at what period it expanded its territory so far blessings to be conferred on Joseph. In w. 24—5 God is in-
west. Ancient Israel was not, of course, a maritime people. voked with an amazing, and unique, concatenation of divine
The saying may have been intended to emphasize Zebulon's names, all found elsewhere in the OT, but together betraying a
isolation from the other tribes, though in Judg 5:14 it is fairly late date of composition. 'Mighty One of Jacob' occurs in
commended for its participation with other tribes in the battle 13349:26; 60:16; Ps 132:2,5. God is referred to as a shepherd a
against Jabin and Sisera in the nearby valley of Jezreel. Issa- number of times, e.g. Ps 23:1 and 80:1. 'Rock ('eberi) of Israel'
char's name and character (w. 14-15) are probably associated occurs only here, but there are fairly frequent references in the
here, as in 30:18, with sakar, 'hire, wages'. Although the tribe, Psalms to him as 'Rock' (sur), and in that form 'Rock of Israel'
like Zebulon, is praised in Judg 5:15, it is here portrayed as occurs in Isa 30:29. 'God of your father' most obviously refers
submitting itself to the harshest form of slavery—that is, to Abraham or Jacob, and similar epithets are found through-
under the neighbouring Canaanite cities. Dan's name (v. 16) out Genesis. 'Almighty' (sadday) elsewhere in Genesis occurs
is understood here, as in 30:6, to be derived from the verb din, in the phrase 'El Shaddai', but is found frequently by itself in
'to judge'; but whereas in 30:6 it is God who is the subject of Job and elsewhere, v. 26 is probably a very ancient form of
the verb, here it is Dan who is the subject: he will be the judge blessing. In w. 25 and 260 Joseph is addressed in the second
of his people. In v. 17, however, Dan is described as a snake person, but not in the previous verses or in v. 26/7. v. 26fcrefers
that attacks horsemen by biting the horses' heels. The analogy primarily to Joseph's separation from his brothers while in
may be a reference to the small size of the tribe, that cannot Egypt, but is also intended to emphasize his pre-eminence
attack enemies openly. This verse is probably intended as over the other tribes. The description of Benjamin (v. 27)
praise rather than condemnation, referring to attacks against refers to the tribe rather than to the individual: it has nothing
the enemy Canaanites. v. 18 is probably a pious exclamation in common with the Benjamin of the preceding narratives.
of a general kind, not specifically connected with the tribe This is a fierce tribal saying of great antiquity, unaugmented
ofDan. by later comment. Benjamin is here presented, and appar-
The name of Gad (v. 19) is here derived from the Hebrew ently commended, as a ruthless brigand-like fighter. Jacob's
root g-d-d, 'to band together', which occurs in various forms charge, now to all his sons, to bury him with his ancestors in
four times in the verse. It is an appropriate name in that this the cave of Machpelah (w. 29—32) essentially repeats his
tribe, which was located east of the Jordan bordering on the charge to Joseph alone in 47:29—31. The repetition was in-
desert, would be subject to attacks by marauding raiders. The tended by the final redactor of the book to form a framework
saying comments that it is known for its ability to give a good for the whole section about Jacob's arrangements in anticipa-
account of itself in such encounters. Asher (v. 20), whose tion of his death that stretches from 47:29 to 49:32.
name means 'happiness, good fortune' (cf 30:13), settled in
the fertile coastal strip between Carmel and the Phoenician (50:1-26) This chapter forms an appropriate conclusion to
border (Josh 19:24-31). But according to Judg 1:31-2 it was the patriarchal stories that began in ch. 12. Like the deaths of
unable to drive out the local Canaanites and so lived among Moses at the end of Deut (34:5—12) and of Joshua at the end of
them. The 'royal delicacies' referred to here may refer to a Josh (24:29—31), that of Joseph marks the end of an epoch. The
period when Asher was renowned for its provision of delica- chapter satisfactorily ties up several of the themes of the book,
cies for royal courts—either for those of Jerusalem or Samaria at the same time hinting that it marks no more than a tem-
or for Canaanite or Phoenician royal courts. The saying about porary stopping-place in the history of the nation: the final
Naphtali (49:21) is obscure: the text may be corrupt. A differ words of the book, 'in Egypt', make this clear. The reconcilia-
ent spelling of 'doe' ('ayyala) would yield 'terebinth' ('elA); tion of the brothers with Joseph is completed and their crime
'fawns' could also mean 'words'. But if the text is correct and forgiven; God's promise of protection and guidance is once
'fawns' is a correct interpretation, this is another animal more affirmed and demonstrated; the promise of the land is
analogy: Naphtali is called a female deer 'let loose', that is, renewed; and the future of the heirs of the promise is assured.
free to roam at will in the mountains of Galilee. Joseph's love for his father, already noted in his enquiry about
GENESIS 66

him in Gen 45:3, is poignantly brought out in v. i. The elab- Meanwhile Joseph died in Egypt and was duly buried accord-
orate treatment of Jacob's corpse (w. 2—3) and of his burial ing to Egyptian custom, as befitted the man who had been the
(w. 4—14) reflects the almost royal position of Joseph in Egypt. effective ruler of Egypt. Ex 1:6-7 takes up the story. So, the
Joseph's application for permission to bury Jacob in Canaan author tells us, Israel became a nation.
through the court officials rather than personally to Pharaoh
(w. 4—6), the granting of which was presumably a foregone
conclusion, though his promise to return to Egypt afterwards
(v. 5) may have some significance, is strange; it may mean that REFERENCES
as a recent mourner he refrained from appearing at court. The
Alt, A. (1959), 'Die Wallfahrt von Sichem nach Bethel', Kleine Schriften
great detail with which the ceremonies of the burial are de- zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel I (Munich: Beck), 79-88.
scribed (w. 7—13) certainly reflects his immense prestige Alter, R. (1981), The Art of Biblical Narrative (London: Allen & Unwin).
among the Egyptians and so was a matter of great pride to Blenkinsopp, J. (1992), The Pentateuch. An Introduction to the First Five
the Israelite reader. The curious route taken by the funeral Book of the Bible (London: SCM).
procession with a first stopping-place east of the Jordan before Blum, E. (1984), Die Komposition der Vdtergeschichte (WMANT 57;
the actual burial in Machpelah (i.e. Hebron) on the western Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
side (w. 10-13) is also strange; it has been suggested that an Cryer, F. H. (1994), Divination in Ancient Israel and its Near Eastern
alternative tradition about Jacob's burial place has been in- Environment. A Socio-Historical Investigation, JSOTSup 142 (Shef-
field: JSOT).
corporated into the narrative (see von Rad 1972: 431). The
Donner, H. (1976), DieliterarischeGestaltderalttestamentlichenJosephs-
place-name Abel-mizraim (v. n) is interpreted here as mean- geschichte (SHAW; Heidelberg: Carl Winter).
ing 'the mourning of Egypt'; its true meaning, however, may Driver, S. R. (1909), An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testa-
be 'brook of Egypt'. ment (8th ed.; Edinburgh: T. £ T. Clark).
(50:15-21) Joseph had given the brothers no cause to believe Gunkel, H. (1964), Genesis iibersetzt und erkldrt (HK i/i; Gottingen:
that he was only waiting for their father's death to take his Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1901; 6th ed.).
revenge on them; but their consciousness of their guilt still (1901), The Legends of Genesis (New York: Schocken, 1964; Ger-
man original).
remained, and they were afraid. Whether the author means
Lambert, W. G., and Millard, A. R. (1969), Atra-hasis. The Babylonian
the readers to understand that they invented the story—other- Story of the Flood (Oxford: Clarendon Press).
wise unattested—that Jacob had asked that Joseph should von Rad, G. (1966), The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch',
forgive them (v. 17) cannot be determined; to tell such a lie The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edinburgh and
would be an indication of their panic. On the other hand, there London: Oliver £ Boyd) 1-78 (German original, Munich: Kaiser,
is nothing in the text to suggest that they acted in bad faith. 1958) 9-86.
Joseph's weeping when they spoke in this way was a sign of (1966), 'The Joseph Narrative and Ancient Wisdom', The Prob-
deep emotion, but gives no hint of his thoughts. In their fear lem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edinburgh and London:
the brothers fell at his feet in supplication and acknowledged Oliver&Boyd) 292-300 (German original, VT supplement, Leiden:
Brill, 1953) 120-7.
that their fate was in his hands, so unconsciously—though
(1972), Genesis (OTL; 2nd ed.; London: SCM) (German original,
this was certainly in the mind of the author—fulfilling Gottingen: Vandenhoeck £ Ruprecht).
Joseph's former dreams that he would eventually rule over Redford, D. B., (1970), A Study ofthe Biblical Story of Joseph (Genesis^—
them (37:6-10). But his reply (w. 19-21) reassures them joj (VT Supplement 20; Leiden: Brill).
completely. He first points out that it is not for human beings, Rendtorff R. (1982), 'Jakob in Bethel. Beobachtungen zum Aufbau
however exalted, to take revenge, which is a prerogative of und zur Quellenfrage in Gen 28,10-22', ZAW94, 511-23.
God, and then, as he had already done on a previous occasion Soggin, J. A. (1961), 'Die Geburt Benjamins, Genesis xxxv 16—20 (21)',
(45:5-8), he attributes all that had happened to the hidden VTn, 432-40.
hand of God, whose purpose had been to preserve their lives Van Seters, J. (1983), In Search of History (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press).
so that they would become a 'numerous people' (the word
(1992), Prologue to History. The Yahwist as Historian in Genesis
'am, 'people', can denote a group or family, but here has also (Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox).
overtones of 'nation'). This speech, which expresses a high de Vaux, R. (1978), The Early History of Israel I, (London: Darton,
theology and also sums up a major theme of the book, is the Longman £ Todd; French original, Paris: Gabalda, 1971).
climax of the whole. Vergote, J. (1959), Joseph en Egypte. Genese chap. 37-50 a la lumiere des
(50:22—6) constitutes the epilogue to the book. v. 23 hints at etudes egyptologiques recentes (OBL 3; Louvain: Publications Univer-
sitaires).
the fulfilment of the promise of numerous progeny, reported
Volz, P., and Rudolph, W. (1933), Der Elohist als Erzdhler ein Irrweg der
in Ex 1:7 as having already been realized in Egypt. In v. 24 Pentateuchkritik? (BZAW 63; Giessen: Topelmann).
Joseph on his deathbed at the end of a long life affirmed the Westermann, C. (1985), Genesis 12-36 (London: SPCK; German origi-
promise of the land—not a feature of the Joseph story proper; nal, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1981).
and in v. 25 he charged 'the Israelites' (lit., 'the sons of Israel'), Whybray, R. N. (1968), 'The Joseph Story and Pentateuchal Criticism',
to rebury him after they left Egypt and returned to Canaan. VT 18,522-8.
That they did so is recorded in Josh 24:32, after the land had (1987), The Making ofthe Pentateuch. A Methodological Study,
been conquered and its territory distributed among the tribes. JSOTSup 53 (Sheffield: JSOT).
 5- Exodus WALTER HOUSTON

INTRODUCTION shadowed in the earlier part of the book. The two themes
are united in that both events are ways in which YHWH
A. What Kind of Book is Exodus? 1. The second book of the
makes himself known and fulfils his promises to Israel's
Pentateuch is in many ways its centrepiece. Genesis is about
ancestors.
Israel's ancestors, Exodus tells how they became a nation
2. YHWH is the dominant character. The text underlines
through the action of their God. It is Israel's foundation story,
his sovereignty even at the expense of the interest of the story
their identity document, telling them where they have come
in places. Although the Israelites are essential to the story,
from and showing them their place in the world under God's
they rarely act independently. Between the two stands Moses.
sovereignty.
He can be described as the hero of the story. He is hardly ever
2. Is Exodus a work of history? That is, could it be appro-
off-stage from the moment of his birth; the story alternates
priately put on the history shelves in a library? If we define a
constantly between scenes between Moses and YHWH and
historical work as one whose 'chief purpose is to trace the
scenes between Moses and the Israelites or Pharaoh. Yet even
network of causation between events at a mundane level'
he, throughout the greater part of the story, acts simply as
(Johnstone 1990: 31), then Exodus is not one. It portrays the
YHWH's agent, and it is only in places that he asserts his
entire sweep of events as the direct result of the purpose and
independence (Ex 32 is a notable example). The main foil to
intervention of God. Although people have sometimes tried to
YHWH in the first part of the book is the Pharaoh of the
understand parts of the story as heightened accounts of nat-
plagues. Yet, as I will show in EX 7:6-11:10, YHWH increas-
ural sequences of events (see EX 7:6—11:10, EX 16, or EX 19), this
ingly constrains him to act in the way he does, and ultimately
flies in the face of the basic intention of the text, which is to
he seems to be little more than a puppet whom YHWH
relate the glorious works of God. Not only does God intervene
manipulates to demonstrate his own power (Gunn 1982).
directly in an astonishing series of powerful acts, but he
3. The development of the plot has, then, decided limita-
himself appears on the scene several times in more or less
tions. Through much of the story the characters do not have
plainly visible forms (see EX 3:1—6). The writers draw freely on
sufficient independence to oppose YHWH's purposes. Never-
imagination or legend to create the scenes which we read. The
theless there is a plot. There is a struggle between YHWH and
historical setting is only very hazily sketched in. In brief,
Pharaoh; its end is inevitable and clearly foreseen, but it is a
Exodus is not the kind of history recognized by the Greeks
struggle. Israel's acceptance that YHWH must be obeyed is
or by modern historians.
not as automatic as it seems to be at first sight (in 19:8); they
3. Yet several points show that its intention is to relate,
do rebel in Ex 32. Their rebellion is of course doomed from the
however imaginatively, a story of the actual past, not a simple
start; the interest of this part of the story lies in whether Moses
fiction. The story focuses on a people of history and is part of a
will persuade YHWH to restore the people to his favour; and
continuous narrative (Genesis to 2 Kings) which takes their
here the end is by no means a foregone conclusion. The
story down to the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in 587
rebellion sets up a tension in YHWH himself, which Moses
BCE; and there are links with earlier and later parts of this
exploits. To destroy them and to restore them to favour are in
narrative. Often the story serves to explain known facts, such
different ways humiliating for YHWH. He resolves the ten-
as the name of Israel's God (see 3:13—15). Occasionally, chrono-
sion by declaring himself a God of mercy, whose glory it is to
logical information is given, as in 12:40. If the writing of
forgive as much as to punish affronts to his honour.
history can be defined as imaginatively re-creating a people's
4. But in general the story proceeds on lines that are not
past so that they may understand themselves in the present,
only expected but explicitly forecast (3:12,16-20; 4:21-3), and
then Exodus is a work of history. As such, it has literary,
its sympathies are unambiguous. In Ex 1-15 we are con-
historical, and theological aspects, which we shall briefly
strained to be against the oppressors, and on the side of the
look at in turn in this introduction.
innocent sufferers and their deliverers. As D. Robertson
B. Exodus as Literature. 1. Exodus falls into the category of (1977: 16-32) points out, there is no irony in the moral struc-
narrative, literature which tells a story. Even the large parts of ture of the story. It is all black and white, there are no shades of
the text which present law or instructions are cast into the grey. Of course, moral simplicity is to be expected in a nation's
form of speeches by God at appropriate points in the story. foundation story. The reader, however, may not find it so
The story has two main themes. The first theme is the deliver- simple: could a righteous god destroy so many innocent lives
ance of the Israelites from oppression in Egypt by their God, for his own glory?
usually referred to by his name YHWH (see EX 3:7—12). This
theme is completed in the first fifteen chapters, which are set C. Exodus and History. 1. On the assumption that the book is
mainly in Egypt or on its borders. The second theme is how intended as history, it is natural to ask how it has come by what
YHWH establishes his presence among the Israelites and it knows or claims to know about the early history of Israel.
brings them into obedience to himself. This is told mainly The first step is to ask about the history of the book itself; but
in the second half of the book, from 15:22 onwards, which as it is only a part of the Pentateuch we can refer to PENT for
is set in the wilderness to the east of Egypt, but it is fore- discussion of the various proposals. The view taken in this
EXODUS 68
commentary (broadly that of Van Seters 1994) can only be records (S. Herrmann 1973: 23—9, de Vaux 1978: i-374). The
stated here, that the work consists of two main strands with names Moses and Aaron are best explained as of Egyptian
different styles and interests, which I refer to as J and P. J was origin (Houtman 1993: 75, 83). It is generally assumed that
created from a variety of source material by an author writing before the traditions were committed to writing they were
probably in the seventh or sixth century BCE. Some J material carried by oral tradition, maybe in connection with the feast
is earlier than Deuteronomy, some of it later and clearly of Passover which celebrates the Exodus, and possibly in
dependent on that book; see e.g. EX 23:10—19 contrasted with poetry (Cross 1973: 124 n. 38), which is less subject to loss
13:3-10. P was written by a priestly author in the later sixth or and distortion than a prose tale. The date of the event is most
fifth century. It seems to me likely that P was not an independ- often put at the end of the Bronze Age, in the thirteenth
ent work later combined with J, but was written from the century BCE. But some (e.g. Bimson 1978) maintain the fif-
beginning as an expansion of J. teenth-century date suggested by the Bible's own chronology.
2. Exodus, then, was developing during a time when the 6. However, recent research into traditions about historical
nation's continuing existence as a distinct community was in events in modern non-literate societies shows that it would be
prolonged doubt. It was written to strengthen national feeling difficult for reliable historical knowledge to survive the hun-
and support national identity. The two main traditions or dreds of years separating any possible date for the events
ideas which J uses to achieve this are those of Israel's origin related and any likely date for the writing, even if that was
from a group of exploited aliens in Egypt, and of YHWH's much earlier than I have suggested (Kirkpatrick 1988). More-
covenant with them at Mt. Sinai. They were, according to this over, the hard archaeological evidence that would show that
writer, a nation specially claimed by the God of all the earth as the nation of Israel came from outside Canaan is lacking. The
his own (19:5). His claim, his care and protection, and in material culture of early Iron Age Israel is like that of Late
return their exclusive attachment to him and faithful obedi- Bronze Age Canaan, only poorer (Finkelstein 1988, Dever
ence to his moral direction would preserve them as a nation. 1992). At most there could have been a small group which
The main ideas added by P were that of YHWH's covenant of escaped from Egypt and passed on its traditions to related
promise to Israel's ancestors and that of his presence among groups in Canaan (so Gottwald 1980: 36, etc.). And the Pass-
his people in a sanctuary specially built at his direction, and over did not become a national festival until the end of the
this has obvious relevance to the time of restoration. Note that seventh century (2 Kings 23:22); could the rustic family cele-
'covenant' has various shades of meaning in the OT (see bration from which it arose have been the bearer of a national
Mendenhall 19920, Nicholson 1986). tradition?
3. Despite the great attention given by scholars in this 7. It therefore remains unclear to what extent Exodus pres-
century to what they have called 'tradition history' (I again ents authentic historical events. It should in any case be clear
refer to PENT for a brief survey), I do not believe it is possible to from the way in which it speaks of history (see c.2) that we
write a history of the way in which these traditions developed. cannot use the book as a historical source. Its aim is not to
The evidence is simply insufficient. Nor is there much to go present an objective record, but to celebrate the glory of
on to distinguish traditional material from the authors' own YHWH.
contributions. However, the central narrative assertion, that
YHWH delivered Israel's ancestors from slavery in Egypt, is D. Exodus as Theology. 1. Exodus is based on a thoroughly
certainly traditional: it is central to the prophecy of Hosea in monotheistic world-view. Even though YHWH is known by a
the eighth century BCE, as well as to the book of Deuteronomy name distinguishing him from other gods, he is the only God
in the late seventh. It is much more doubtful that the claim who counts as such: the others are mere idols. He is the
that YHWH made a covenant with Israel at Sinai can be creator (4:11), and to him the whole earth belongs (9:29;
described as traditional (Nicholson 1986). It is important in 19:5). Yet he has committed himself to one people, the people
Deuteronomy and writings influenced by it; but it plays no of Israel, long in advance (6:3), and in return asks for their
significant role in any prophetic book before Jeremiah, itself exclusive commitment to him (20:3). Although his presence
influenced by Deuteronomy. Still less securely rooted in trad- and power is made known to the Egyptians (7:5) and to the
ition is the concept of the mobile sanctuary; although it de- whole earth (9:16), it is permanently promised to Israel
pends on the ancient tradition of temple-building in the Near (29:45-6) in a specially beneficent form: he will 'dwell among
East (see EX 25—31), it appears practically only in the P strand in them'.
Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers. 2. This is not simply the theologyfound in Exodus: the story
4. With the exception of the Exodus from Egypt itself, the which it tells is intended as the foundation and legitimation of
major ideas of the book are not popular traditions but ideas of this theology. YHWH demonstrates that he is the God of all
an intellectual elite striving to preserve or excite national the earth in his victory over Pharaoh. No other god even enters
feeling in a time of crisis, and to reshape the national spirit the contest. He demonstrates his commitment to Israel in his
through an exclusive monotheistic ideal which they saw as the calling of Moses, his revelation of his name, his deliverance of
only way to preserve the nation at all. Israel from slavery in Egypt, and his appearance to them at
5. What then is the likelihood that the traditions of Exodus Sinai. The covenant which he offers the Israelites embodies
reach right back, as the book claims, to the origin of Israel? the basic demand that they should be committed to him alone,
(See, among others, S. Herrmann 1973; de Vaux 1978: i. 321- and governs the entire story of the nation from this point
472; Ramsey 1981: 45-63; Houtman 1993: 171-90.) If one onwards. The instructions he gives to Moses in 25-31 are
abstracts the many miraculous elements, the story in itself is intended to govern the way in which his presence with his
not implausible, and indeed similar events appear in Egyptian people is to be safeguarded for all time.
 69 EXODUS
3. Obviously in the above two paragraphs I have combined Easter hymns (e.g. 'Come ye faithful, raise the strain') or with
points from the two or more main writers of the book. P's baptism (i Cor 10:1—5; Origen, Homily on Exodus, 5.5).
particular contributions are the recollection of the promise to 3. More recently, some readers have read Exodus 'against
the ancestors, the definition of the name YHWH as a new the grain' of the text, identifying themselves with groups who
revelation, and the instructions for the building of the sanc- are marginal to it, such as women (Exum 1993,1994; Fewell
tuary for his presence. and Gunn 1993), or simply reading as moderns sceptical of
4. Exodus raises questions about the character and motives the values maintained by the book (Clines I995» and b), and
of YHWH, which can be followed through the commentary. pointing to their socially relative character. This procedure, of
Miranda (1973: 89) asserts that (in J) YHWH acts to deliver the course, makes it more difficult to embrace the witness of the
Israelites from slavery simply because he is the God of justice book; but that does not make these any less legitimate read-
who delivers the oppressed, and not because they are his ings. On the contrary, they should be welcomed as powerful
people or because of any prior commitment. In the text as it tests of the validity of the far-reaching claims that the book
stands the prior commitment is clearly stated (2:24 (P)). Even makes.
in J the prior connection between YHWH and the ancestors is
emphasized. That is not to say that YHWH does not act
COMMENTARY
because of his justice; 'justice' in the HB is a term of relation-
ship, and denotes, among other things, acting in accordance (1:1-2:22) The first two chapters of the book set out the prob-
with the commitments one has to other particular people. lem to which God responds and introduce the person
YHWH's self-proclamation in 34:6—7 lays great stress on the through whom he will act; they are the exposition of the
virtues of relationship, and his compassion, also emphasized plot. God is hardly mentioned; it is implied that he is active
there, has to be seen in that context. behind the scenes, but he does not appear on stage until he
5. There is, however, an increasing emphasis as one moves hears the cry of his people (2:24). At first sight Pharaoh's
into the plagues narrative and beyond on YHWH's action for command to kill the baby boys (1:16, 22) does not fit in with
his own sake: 'that the Egyptians shall know that I am the the main story in which the Israelites are subjected to forced
LORD [YHWH]' (7:5). YHWH's need to achieve a resounding labour, especially as it is not mentioned again after ch. 2. It
victory over Pharaoh leads him to manipulate him into fruit- was clearly intended as context for the traditional story in 2:1—
less opposition (see EX 7:6—11:10). His motive appears to be 10. However, there is no contradiction. In Pharaoh's speech
not so much compassion for or commitment to Israel as the Israel is presented not as a convenient source of labour but as
need to have his own Godhead recognized (Durham 1987: 99; a danger. The two measures have the same object: to crush
Gunn 1982: 84). This is a particular emphasis of the P mater- and weaken the Israelites (Houtman 1993: 245). To destroy
ial, though it is not absent from J. However, the ancient only boys is not a very efficient way of wiping out a nation: the
reader would have seen it differently. Human patrons' gener- object could rather be to deprive it of its leadership.
ous treatment of their clients redounded to their honour; Most of 1:1-2:22 belongs to J, but P is responsible for 1:1-5,
likewise there was no contradiction between the divine pat- 7,13-14.
ron's commitment to his people and to his own glory. More-
(1:1-7) These verses form a link between Genesis and Exodus.
over, the good order of the world demanded that its ruler
They refer back to Gen 46:5—27 and 50:26, and set the scene
should be recognized.
for the story of the oppression and deliverance of Israel in Ex
1-15. We are reminded in v. 7 of the promise to the patriarchs
E. Exodus and the Reader. 1. As with any great work of litera-
that they would have a multitude of descendants (e.g. Gen
ture, what Exodus means is in the end up to the reader.
15:5), but at the same time it begins the exposition of the plot of
Creative readings of the book depend not merely on the read-
Exodus. We are reminded of it twice in the following verses
ers' needs and perspectives, but upon their propensity to read
(12, 20); whatever the Egyptians may do, the Israelites con-
themselves into the book. Thus, although Miranda's reading
tinue to increase, so God is perhaps secretly at work. v. i, the
of YHWH's motives in Ex 3 (see above, 0.4) may seem
Jewish name for Exodus, semdt, 'Names', comes from the first
distorted, we understand it when we realize that he speaks
words, v. 5, seventy names are listed in Gen 46.
for the Latin-American base communities, conscious of their
own oppression, who identify themselves with oppressed (1:8—14) This section relates the beginning of the oppression
Israel and claim God's just deliverance for themselves. Thus of Israel. The new king 'did not know Joseph'. 'Know' in
Exodus, despite its emphasis on God's self-regarding motives Hebrew often has an overtone of relationship. The relation
and destructive activity, has taken a central place in liberation of friendship and service set up between Joseph and the earl-
perspectives on the Bible (cf. also Gutierrez 1988; Croatto ier king is forgotten. In the king's speech (w. 9—10) the writer
1981). uses irony to undermine the king's credibility. He grossly
2. The book's original purpose was to create or strengthen exaggerates the numbers of the Israelites, but in doing so
the identity of the community of Israel, and that is certainly confirms the divine promise to the patriarchs. He says 'let
the way in which it has been read by Jews ever since. The book us deal shrewdly with them', but the story shows that his plan
forms the warrant for the festival of Passover. In traditional is anything but shrewd; and he ends by posing the danger that
Christian exegesis, on the other hand, Christians have seen the Israelites may escape—which was exactly what happened!
themselves as the Israelites brought through the Red Sea by The Israelites have to perform conscript labour for the state.
the hand of God, and the experience of the Sea has been Often the OTwriters describe them as slaves. Strictly speaking
identified with the Resurrection, as in John of Damascus's this is not the same thing: a conscript labourer is not the
EXODUS 70
property of his master. But understandably the writers tend to and 18:1—12, Jether in 4:18, and Hobab in Judg 4:11 and
ignore the distinction. Forced labour was a practice of Israelite perhaps Num 10:29. He is a Midianite in Exodus and Num-
kings also, but the biblical tradition has a moral repugnance to bers and a Kenite in Judges. Probably he originally had no
it (i Kings 12:18; Jer 22:13). v. n>me names of the supply cities name in the tradition (Schmidt 1988: 85-7), and the writers,
(see ABD for each, and Redford 1963; they are in the east of or the traditions they draw on, have filled in the blank in
the Nile Delta) have often been taken as a clue to the historical various ways. In Exodus this may point to different source
setting of the Exodus. Rameses is probably the capital of material, v. 22, there may be a hidden meaning in Moses'
Rameses II, abandoned after his death in 1212 BCE. On the words. Which is the 'foreign land', Midian or Egypt?
other hand, the form of the name Rameses in Hebrew sug-
(2:23-5:21) God's intervention: Act I In this section the Israel-
gests that it was borrowed no earlier than 700 BCE (Redford
ites call for help, and the God of Israel responds by appointing
1963: 411—13). A writer at a later time could have used the
Moses as his agent, and promises him he will deliver
names to give his story colour without having an old tradition.
the Israelites; but Moses' first attempts to ask Pharaoh to let
(1:15-22) Pharaoh's attempt to deprive the Israelites of male them go meet with failure. This creates a crisis which can
leadership is first of all frustrated by the courage of two only be overcome by a further and more powerful divine
women, and three more frustrate the second stage of his intervention.
plan. For feminist reflections on this irony, see Exum (1993, The God of Israel is usually given his name YHWH, but in
1994). v. 15, 'the Hebrew midwives'. This is the first appear- places he is referred to by the more general 'elohim, 'God'.
ance of the word 'Hebrew' in the book. It is used to refer to the 2:23-5 (and probably not much else here) belongs to P, who
Israelites from the point of view of the Egyptians (or, later, of avoids using 'YHWH' before YHWH himself reveals the
other foreigners). Forthe origin ofthe word see 'Hebrew', and name. 3:9—15 is often ascribed to a distinct source, E; but the
'Habiru, Hapiru' in ABD iii. v. 19. The midwives' lie is not writer (J) may simply find it appropriate to use 'elohtm in
disapproved of—the OT reflects the moral sense of ordinary describing the dialogue with Moses, who does not yet know
people, not moral philosophers! the name. See Moberly (1992: 5—35). 2:23, the statement about
(2:1—10) The birth story of Moses appears to be based on a the death of the king expresses the passage of time, and
very old folk-tale, which we first find as the birth story of King prepares for 4:19. But this makes no difference to the oppres-
Sargon of Akkad (about 2300 BCE; ANET 119). Moses is sion. 2:23-5 adds a theologically important link between the
destined to die; the human compassion of Pharaoh's daughter Israelites' oppression and God's action. God's action is a
impels her to disobey her father and rescue him. v. i, 'a Levite response not only to what he sees, but also to what he hears,
woman': the Hebrew text actually says 'the daughter of Levi', the cry of a suffering people. His action is then determined by
but may be influenced by 6:20 (Schmidt 1988: 50). v. 9, Mose his prior commitment to Israel's ancestors (see Gen 17; 35:11-
is brought up as a Hebrew, even though adopted as an Egyp- 13; 6:2—8). 'Covenant' here refers to a solemn promise made
tian. This ironic twist serves to explain his later role. v. 10, the by God to the patriarchs. In Israelite society it was the respon-
name 'Moses' is probably derived from an Egyptian word sibility ofthe nearest relative to redeem a person from the grip
often found in personal names such as that ofthe Pharaoh ofthe creditor and the slaveholder (Lev 25:25, 47-9). P ex-
Thutmosis. But here, as so often in the OT, it is given a fanciful presses YHWH's responsibility to Israel, which was not based
Hebrew derivation: 'Moses' is Moshe (moseh), which means on physical kinship, in the concept of this 'covenant' with the
'one who draws out'. ancestors. See further EX 6:2-8.
(2:11—150) Can it be right for the oppressed to take justice into (3:1—4:17) The Call of Moses This passage follows basically
their own hands? The story neither approves nor disapproves. the same pattern as some other accounts of God's call of
It shows us that Moses is a man who is passionate for justice individuals to special tasks, e.g. Gideon in Judg 6:11-24,
(so is God's choice of him so odd?), but also imprudent. For Jeremiah in Jer 1:4—10. In all of them, five things happen.
without the divine authorization which he later receives, there There is a meeting between God and the chosen one; God gives
is no possibility that his action could succeed. As far as the plot him a commission; he ofc/ectsthathe is unfit; God reassures him;
is concerned, the episode gets Moses from Egypt to Midian, God gives him a sign (Habel 1965). Here, however, the pattern
where he is to meet God. is expanded. It is complete by 3:12; but Moses keeps finding
(2:15^-22) Moses in Midian. The resemblance of this story to new objections, which God responds to seriously; the elem-
that of Jacob in Gen 29, and more distantly to Gen 24, has ents of commission and assurance are thus taken up again
often been noted. It may be a literary convention, in stories of in various ways, and a whole section (4:1-9) is devoted to
the hero's finding a wife in distant parts (Alter 1981: 47—62), signs. It is often suggested that Moses is here cast in the role
or a deliberate imitation (Van Seters 1994: 32). of a prophet. It is true that much ofthe material is typical of
'Midian' was an Arab people occupying an area to the east of prophecy (e.g. Moses is to speak to a king in the name of God);
the Gulf of Aqaba; but it is possible that their shepherds came but some is more typical of a military leader, for example the
as far west as the Sinai peninsula (Mendenhall 1992/7), where assurance T will be with you' (3:12; see Gowan 1994: 56—61).
Mt. Sinai/Horeb (3:1,12) has traditionally been located. Inv. 17 Moses is both. This simple storytelling device of repeated
the word translated 'came to their defence' is the word which objections enables the passage to be much richer than a
the OT regularly uses of God's 'saving' people. Here is another simple call to service. It is in the first place God's promise
sign marking Moses out as one who is ready to save people that he himself will act to deliver Israel. Moses' work takes its
who are suffering injustice, v. 18, Moses' future father-in-law place within the divine plan, and is impossible without God's
is called Reuel here and probably in Num 10:29, Jethro in 3:1 action. God's words dominate the passage, and they refer
 71 EXODUS
backwards and forwards; the whole of the Pentateuchal story hangs on to that, he will eventually see the confirmation of his
is set out here. The story of Exodus is a plot with few surprises, mission in the meeting of all the people (the last 'you' is
because the chief character promises beforehand everything plural) with their God.
that is to happen. It is essential to this that God should here (3:13-15) Here the god in the bush, so far nameless to Moses,
reveal his name YHWH (3:13-15), backing his promise with it, reveals his name. Why does Moses ask this question (v. 13)?
as we might sign our name to a contract. The call is to be a messenger, and a messenger needs a name
The passage pictures the interplay of divine sovereignty and to authenticate his credentials. Moses, however, does not
human freedom. It ends, of course, with total victory for know the name of his 'father's god'; but he cannot be sure
YHWH. Moses, for all his show of independence, is forced that the Israelites do not know it either. The story at this point
to submit, and for many chapters will play the role of a mere does not commit itself on whether the Israelites know
agent. Yet he has not been deprived of his humanity, and will YHWH's name already; it focuses on Moses' ignorance, not
later (14:13-14 and esp. 32-3) show that he can take the in- Israel's. But while this is Moses' reason for raising the ques-
itiative (Gunn 1982: 84-7). tion, the author has a deeper motive for highlighting it.
(3:1-6) Moses' meeting with God is the experience of a mys- A strong tradition held that the bond between Israel and
terious and awe-inspiring, but attractive presence, an example YHWH went back to the time of the Exodus from Egypt (see
of the experience of the holy, as denned by Rudolf Otto (Go- Hos 2:15; 11:1; 13:4; Jer 2:2-8). Therefore it is appropriate that
wan 1994: 25—53). It cannot be described literally, but only it is at this point, when he announces his intention to save,
pictured, as in e.g. Judg 5:4-5; Ps 18:7-15; 50:1-6; Hab 3. When that YHWH becomes known to Israel. But here the episode is
God is described in such passages as coming in visible ways to part of a larger story in which Israel's ancestors have already
judge and save, scholars call it a 'theophany'. Fire is the most encountered this God, so the story must be told in a way which
regular accompaniment of theophanies. Therefore, although allows for this. 6:2-8 (P) clears up the ambiguity of this
people have tried to explain what the burning bush was in passage.
natural terms, this misses the point. But who is it who appears God answers Moses' question in v. 15. But first he tantalizes
to Moses? The narrator calls him first 'the angel' (lit. messen- him with a play on words. The Hebrew for T am' or T will be' is
ger) of YHWH ('the LORD') (v. 2), and then in one verse (4) ehyeh. Changed into the third person this would be yihyeh or in
both YHWH ('the LORD') and 'elohim ('God'). It is common in an older form yahweh, which was probably the pronunciation
theophanies for the one who appears to be called 'the angel of of YHWH. Many meanings have been seen in T AM WHO I AM'
YHWH/'eZoMm' (as in Judg 6:11—24); but it normally becomes or T WILL BE WHO I WILL BE'; probably the simplest is T will be
clear (as in Judg 6:14) that it is YHWH himself who is speak- whoever I will be', that is, while I will graciously reveal my
ing. In this way the narrator makes it clear that the event is a name to you, I will not be bound or defined by it (Gowan 1994:
real visitation of God, but avoids saying that YHWH himself 84). But as a wordplay the meaning is not as important as the
became visible, v. 6 finally makes it clear that the mysterious sound! The actual origin of the name YHWH is quite uncer-
apparition is none other than the God who is spoken of in tain (see de Vaux 1978: i. 338-57).
Genesis, and was known to Israel's ancestors and Moses' own (3:16-22) YHWH follows up his revelation of his name by
father, v. i, for Jethro see EX 2:18. Horeb and 'the mountain of telling Moses how he is to use it, and so goes into his commis-
God' are alternative names, particularly in Deuteronomy, for sion in detail, along with the assurance that he will unleash his
the mountain called Sinai in Ex 19 where God reveals himself own power to compel the king to let the I sraelites go. Thus the
to Israel, v. 5, similarly Josh 5:15. The practice of removing whole story up to Ex 12 is given here in outline.
footwear in holy places is regular in Judaism, Islam, and 'The elders of Israel' do not in fact accompany Moses to the
Buddhism, but its meaning is disputed: see Houtman (1993: king (v. 18, cf 5:1). Is this an inconsistency in the story, or a
351-2). mistake on Moses' part? The request they are to make of the
king (v. 18) is of course a ruse, which ought not to worry
(3:7—12) The divine promise and commission, Moses' initial
anyone's conscience when dealing with tyrants (see EX 1:19).
objection and God's fundamental reassurance. Because v. 9
But it also picks up 3:12.
seems to repeat the substance of v. 7, it has often been thought
that w. 9—12 come from a different source (E) from w. 7—8. (3:21—2) The puzzling instruction is carried out in Ex 12:35—6.
But it is important that God's promise to 'bring up' the Israel- Daube (1947: 49-50) offers a plausible explanation. There
ites out of Egypt stands alongside his commission to Moses to was a custom (Deut 15:14) that a released slave should get a
'bring them out'. Neither the divine initiative nor the human generous endowment. The Israelites are to deceive the Egyp-
agency can be dispensed with. The phrases in v. 8 are conven- tians—if it is deception—into giving them their rightful due!
tional. The list of former inhabitants occurs in many places (4:1—9) Moses may well mean that he does not know whether
with slight variations; it is impossible to give a precise mean- to believe YHWH. YHWH's answer is to demonstrate his
ing to the names, except for the Jebusites, who were the people power by means of 'signs' that he enables Moses to perform.
of Jerusalem before David captured the city (2 Sam 5). Moses' These signs achieve what that in 3:12 could not, in immedi-
objection in v. n is a standard expression to avoid commit- ately convincing a wavering Moses. Such signs, however ex-
ment. See Judg 6:15, Jer 1:6, which get the same answer; i Sam ternal and artificial they may appear to us, are common in OT
18:23. Th£ 'sign' in v. 12 has caused problems, since it is not narrative (compare Judg 6:17-22, 36-40). In the story that
something that Moses can see and be convinced by now follows they are used not only to convince the Israelites (4:30),
(contrast 4:1—9). Gowan (1994: 55—6) rightly says that T will but, with variations, to impress the Egyptians (7:8—24; fore-
be with you' is sufficient in itself as an assurance; if Moses shadowed in 4:21).
EXODUS 72
(4:10-17) Moses offers his final excuse (v. 10). YHWH's people. The text is uncertain, and a better reading may be 'The
answer (w. 11—12) shows that the author takes for granted fault is with you.'
that YHWH is the Creator. Moses has now run out of excuses
(5:21—13:16) The Intervention of God: Act II This is the key act
and simply turns the job down (v. 13). And YHWH runs out o
of the story, in which YHWH's powerful action enables the
patience, but his answer harks back to Moses' pretext in v. 10.
Israelites to leave Egypt, though not yet to escape finally from
Moses must go, but his brother may do the speaking for him.
Pharaoh's reach. It has much the same structure as the pre-
However, in the event, this does not happen in any consistent
vious act: the appeal to God, his response of promise and
way (explicitly only in 4:30); and Aaron sometimes performs
commission, Moses and Aaron's request to Pharaoh. The vital
the signs (as in 4:30; 7:10, etc.) rather than, or as well as,
differences are God's supporting action (the plagues) on the
speaking. It is probable that Moses' pretext is simply, for the
one hand and his delaying action (hardening Pharaoh's heart)
author, a device to bring Aaron into the story, for the sake of a
on the other.
group in Jewish society that was attached to him, presumably
the priests who claimed descent from him. It is not clear why (5:21—7:7) In response to Moses' despairing complaint, God
Aaron is called 'the Levite' (v. 14) when Moses was one himsel again reveals his name, confirms his promise to deliver the
according to 2:1. It probably refers to his task rather than his Israelites from slavery, and repeats his commission to go to
descent. 'You shall serve as God for him', Moses is told in v. 16. Pharaoh. 6:1 advances the story and points forward to the
That is, the relation between Moses and Aaron is like that plagues. Eventually, in 7:3-5, we return to this point. But
between God and his prophet. from 6:2 to 7:2 (except for 6:14—25) the episode appears to
go over the same ground as 3:1-4:17, but with new language.
(4:18—26) Moses' return to Egypt is told in a rather disjointed
In the context this is quite appropriate, since Moses has been
narrative which probably shows the effect of the piecing to-
brought to the point where only fresh encouragement and a
gether of different sources or traditions, v. 19 refers back to
fresh mandate from God can restore his confidence. But it is
2:23, but seems to ignore all that has happened in between,
also the sign of a fresh hand at work. The whole passage from
since Moses already has his marching orders and has even
6:2 is the work of P, probably working on the basis of the
said goodbye, w. 21—3 develop Moses' instructions in a new
existing story. (6:14-25 may be a still later expansion.)
direction as compared with 3:20. Pharaoh will refuse to let
The formal speech of God in 6:2—8 has an elegant structure
Israel go because YHWH so wills. This important theme is
(see Auffret 1983 for details). The pronouncement T am the
taken up again at 7:3. The mention of the 'firstborn son'
LORD [YHWH]' occurs in key places and is clearly the key to
anticipates another major theme of the story (Ex 11—13).
the entire speech (see also Zimmerli 1982). It is more than a
In the obscure w. 24-6 the biggest puzzle is: why should
bare statement of authority: it is the self-giving of a person,
YHWH try to kill the messenger whom he has only just
whose personality and character are summed up in his name,
commissioned? There are other questions. Why does Zip-
but who can be fully known for who he is only in his gracious
porah do what she does and how does it work? What is the
act of salvation (6:7).
meaning of her words ? Many scholars have regarded the piece
The ambiguity in 3:13—15 is cleared up in 6:3. How could
as an old legend in which the attacker was a demon, possibly
Israel's ancestors have known the God whose name is now
intended to explain the origin of the practice of the circumci-
newly revealed? Answer: they knew him under another name.
sion of infants. Maybe, but this does not really explain what it
Therefore Moses can be sure that the promise to them is still
means in this context. The first question is not really answer-
valid. 'God Almighty' (NRSV, etc.) is a conventional transla-
able, but at least two other episodes are in some way similar:
tion of 'el sadday. 'el means 'God'; the meaning of sadday is
the command to Abraham to sacrifice Isaac (Gen 22) and
unknown. See Gen 17:1; 35:11; 28:3. For 'covenant' in 6:4 see
Jacob's wrestling with God at the Jabbok (Gen 32). The God
EX 2:23-5. 6:5 takes up the wording of Ex 2:24.
of the Bible has a dark side. Zipporah circumcises her son and
Something new is introduced at 6:712. YHWH's rescue of
touches Moses' own penis ('feet' is a euphemism) with the
Israel from Egypt is the beginning of a permanent relation-
severed foreskin. Along with her words, this suggests a sym-
ship between them. This promise will be fulfilled at Sinai in
bol legitimizing this marriage between the leader of Israel and
Ex 19-40, with the establishment of institutions by which
a foreign woman, which may have been a scandal to some of
God and people are related. In 6:8 the speech returns to its
the first readers of Exodus in the Second Temple period
beginning, by promising the imminent fulfilment of what
(Romer 1994—only one of many proposals). For circumci-
God swore to Israel's ancestors.
sion, see GEN 17 and 'Circumcision' in ABD i.
For 6:12 see 4:10. The genealogical material in 6:14-25 is to
(4:27—5:21) describes Moses and Aaron's first attempt to carry our mind quite out of place in the middle of a story. But the
out YHWH's commission. It fails, and Pharaoh's oppression author had different ideas of literary appropriateness. His
of Israel is simply intensified; a common experience for many object is expressed in 6:26-7: to locate the heroes of the tale
who have challenged tyranny. Significant for the future within the Israelite social structure and so validate them as
development of the story is Pharaoh's dismissal of their re- historical according to his ideas of history (Childs 1974: 116),
quest in 5:2: T do not know the LORD'. The long series of and probably to claim them as members of his own social
'plagues' in chs. 7-12, according to YHWH's own statement group. Social and political status depended mainly on kin-
in 7:3, has just one aim: that the Egyptians should know ship, and genealogies, real or fictitious, were essential to
YHWH. See EX 7:8-11:10. For 5:1 see EX 3:18. For 'the validate it (Wilson 1977). As in many genealogies in the Bible,
Hebrews' in 5:3 see EX 1:16. In 5:16 ' "You are unjust to your many of the names are those of kinship groups who trace their
own people"' is odd, since the Israelites are not Pharaoh's descent from a supposed ancestor with the same name. Moses
 73 EXODUS
and Aaron, then, belong to the Kohathite Levites, and Aaron is TABLE i. Patterns in plague narratives
the ancestor of the Jerusalem priests. Aaron's wife (6:23) is a
Judahite (see Num 1:7), which signifies the close connection Pattern i: Pattern i: Pattern 2:
'Go to Pharaoh in 'Go to Pharaoh' not to go to Pharaoh, but
between the priests of Jerusalem and the people of Judah.
the morning' simply to bring the plague
Korah (6:21), the sons of Aaron (6:23), and his grandson
Phinehas (6:25) will all play parts in the story which follows i. blood, 7:14—24 2. frogs, 7:25—8:15 3. gnats, 8:16—19
(Num 16; Ex 24 and Lev 8—10; Num 25). 6:28—30 takes up the 4. flies, 8:20-32 5. cattle plague, 9:1-7 6. boils, 9:8-12
story again by summarizing 6:2-13. 7. hail, 9:13-35 8. locusts, 10:1-20 9. darkness, 10:21-9
(7:1-5) completes Moses' recommissioning, and like 3:20
and 4:21—3 points forwards very clearly, and in more detail, to
the plague story, which follows straight away. 7:1—2 takes up Patterns in the plague narratives. The story is composed by
the theme of 4:14-16. In 7:3-5 several points are made which taking a couple of basic patterns and repeating them with
define the meaning of the following episodes. I will discuss variations (see Table i). In the first pattern YHWH tells Moses
most of them at greater length in the next section, EX 7:8— to go to Pharaoh and require him to let YHWH's people go,
11:10. YHWH will 'harden Pharaoh's heart'. The 'heart' in and to threaten him with a plague if he does not. Moses'
Hebrew refers to the understanding and the will. What delivery of this message is not described, but taken for
YHWH will do is to make Pharaoh uncomprehending and granted. (This is varied in plagues 8 and 10.) Pharaoh's re-
obstinate. The effect is that he will'not listen to you' (7:4), and sponse is not given either; YHWH's first speech is immedi-
it will trigger YHWH's move to 'multiply my signs and won- ately followed (except in plagues 4 and 5) by another telling
ders', 'lay my hand on Egypt', and bring the Israelites out 'by Moses (and often Aaron) to bring the plague. Except in
great acts of judgement'. A sign is anything that shows God's plagues i and 5 Pharaoh then summons Moses and Aaron
power; a wonder is a remarkable event of any kind; 'hand' and attempts to negotiate, and asks Moses to pray to YHWH
usually means power at work; and a judgement is not neces- for the plague to be removed, which he does, and it is.
sarily a punishment, but an act offeree undertaken to effect In the second pattern, there is no message to Pharaoh, but
the decision of a judge or ruler. So in several different ways YHWH simply tells Moses to bring the plague. There are
YHWH makes it clear that by making Pharaoh obstinate he negotiations in plague 9, but in this pattern Pharaoh does
will be enabled to display his power as ruler of the world on the not ask for the removal of the plague. In both patterns, and all
Egyptians. And the result is that they 'shall know that I am the episodes except the last, the conclusion is the same,
YHWH'. Israel will know YHWH in his gracious act of deliv- though expressed in different ways: Pharaoh's 'heart was
erance (6:7), Egypt in a very different way. 7:7, the apparently hardened' (see above, EX 7:1—7, for the meaning of this), and
excessive ages of Moses and Aaron fit the widespread belief he refuses to let them go. This enables another round to begin.
that age brings wisdom. It is P who has added the three plagues in the second pattern,
each after two plagues in the first pattern. This helps to create
(7:8—11:10) The Narrative of the Plagues (a traditional render- a larger recurring pattern: three groups of three, according to
ing of the Hebrew word in 9:14, which would be better the start of YHWH's speech to Moses, followed by the final
translated 'blows', with which YHWH strikes Egypt). Here plague.
general remarks will be made on the passage as a whole, not We would expect the plagues to get steadily worse, and this
on the separate plagues, followed only by notes on individual is broadly true. Other climactic effects include the contest
verses. with the magicians. They can duplicate the staff-into-snake
There are ten plagues, starting with the turning of water to sign, and the first two plagues, but they stick on the third, and
blood in 7:14-24 and finishing with the death of the firstborn the boils, finally, make it impossible for them even to appear
in ii—12. But as the book has been edited, the section is in Moses' presence (9:11). Then there is the series of negotia-
introduced by 7:8—13, though it does not describe a 'plague' tions between Moses and Pharaoh. Much of the interest of the
but only a sign, and closed by an obvious summary in 11:9-10; section lies in them, for these are the only parts of the whole
the last plague has been announced, but its execution is tied story where Pharaoh is allowed some human personality.
up with the Passover narrative. In this part of the story the Broadly speaking, Pharaoh's concessions (always withdrawn
narrative, usually so concise, spreads itself at length. Attempts once the plague has gone) are progressively more generous
to explain the series of plagues historically as the effect of (8:8; 8:25, 28; 9:28; 10:8-10; 10:24). True, if he realizes that
natural causes (Hort 1957-8) surely miss the point of the the Israelites do not intend to come back, they are nicely
story, that they are the direct work of God for his purposes. calculated to be always unacceptable to Moses. So even before
From a literary point of view, they can be seen as intended to the removal of each plague Pharaoh seems not to understand
create tension. Since we already know the final result (3:20; the real situation, that he cannot win.
6:6; 7:4-5), we know that YHWH will achieve his purpose but Other variations include the gradual downgrading of
we can still be intrigued as to how he will. To some extent the Aaron, who in spite of 4:14—16 and 7:1—2 never actually
number of the plagues and the length of the narrative may be speaks, but uses his staff in the initial sign and the first three
accounted for by the likelihood that different authors have had plagues, but never after that; and whether the protection of the
a hand in it. But the division of sources is very much disputed. Israelites is mentioned (8:22-3; 9 : 4> 6-7; 9:26; 10:23; II:7—
The simplest theory (Van Seters 1994: 80) is that the original five out of nine).
narrative (J) had seven plagues, and the Priestly editor added "That they may know that I am YHWH'. More serious issues
three more, as well as extra material in the others. arise when we ask why YHWH brings the plagues. YHWH
EXODUS 74
himself says that it is so that Pharaoh and his people (and enlighten Pharaoh but to triumph over him, to'gain glory over
Israel, 10:2) may know him: 7:5,17; 9:14; 10:2; cf. also 8:10,22; him' (14:4). He will truly 'know that I am YHWH' only at the
9:29; 11:7. Pharaoh had said in 5:2 that he did not know very end of the process (14:18), when it will do him no good at
YHWH. He will now—to his cost. From each new round of all: this must be ironical. Durham (1987: 96) and Gunn
the struggle he will find that YHWH, not he, emerges with the (1982: 84) may well be right in suggesting that the true
real power in his own land, and indeed throughout the world. audience for the demonstration is Israel, certainly from the
9:14—16 is especially clear. If it had just been a question of point of view of the authors. The account is shaped by a
liberating Israel, one stroke would have been enough. This theology interested above all in maintaining the absolute
long-drawn torture has a different goal: 'that you may know sovereignty of the God they serve.
that there is none like me in all the world'. Believing readers will need to reflect on the question
The hardening of Pharaoh's heart. We may well wonder why whether a God so anxious to display his power and triumph
YHWH's demonstrations of his power must be so violent and over his enemies is the God that they believe in. See Gunn
destructive. And why do they have to be repeated so often, with 1982: 84 and, by contrast, Croatto 1981: 29. But Bruegge-
increasing destructiveness? The answer is there at the end of mann (1995: 47) suggests that the struggle between YHWH
every single episode. Pharaoh fails to draw the right conclu- and Pharaoh is not a matter of personalities; they are embodi-
sion from his experience, so it needs to be repeated. Other ments of opposed social policies; so that the victory of YHWH
people get the point (9:20; 10:7), but not Pharaoh. is the victory of a no-slavery policy.
Now if we had not already had the clues in 4:21 and 7:3, we Notes on individual verses. 7:8—13 develops 4:2—5. The motif
might at first think that Pharaoh was responsible for his own of the contest between courtiers is a popular one (see Gen 41;
incomprehension and obstinacy, especially as in three places Dan 2; 4; 5; i Esd 3-4), and it serves here as a comic counter-
we are told that 'Pharaoh hardened' his own heart (8:15, 32; point to the tragic struggle between YHWH and Pharaoh. Not
9:34). It is after all quite natural in the first three episodes that the magicians are clowns. They have real power, but it is
(7:13; 7:22; 8:15), when his own magicians can produce the soon shown not to compare with YHWH's (Durham 1987:
same effects, so that there is no clear demonstration of 92). The turning of water into blood takes up 4:9, but is much
YHWH's superiority; though even here we are reminded more extensive and drastic. There is a seasonal reddening of
that YHWH had foretold it, and that only he can remove the the Nile waters at the time of the inundation (Hort 1957—8:
effects (8:10). Pharaoh's obstinacy in 8:15 seems to be a re- 87—95), but ^ cannot be taken seriously as the origin of an
sponse to the respite from the frogs, but as plague succeeds account of water being actually turned into blood (Durham
plague this gradually ceases to be a convincing explanation. 1987: 97). For'Hebrews'in 7:16 see EX 1:15, andforthe request
The magicians themselves point out the truth after the third to Pharaoh, obviously a blind, see EX 3:18. In 8:10, the lesson
plague (8:19), and his continuing blindness at 8:32 and 9:7 about YHWH's power is derived by Moses from the exact
becomes increasingly puzzling. From 9:12, after the sixth fulfilment of Pharaoh's definition of the time. 8:16, 'gnats'
plague, it becomes increasingly plain that it is YHWH who (NRSV), or lice: biting insects at all events. 8:21, 'swarms of
is hardening Pharaoh's heart, for his own purposes; so in 10:1, flies': the Hebrew simply says 'mixed swarms', without speci-
20, 27, and in the summary at 11:10. This is something which fying the insects. 8:22: the land of Goshen, see Gen 45:10, has
Pharaoh himself and his officials do not know, hence the never been satisfactorily identified. There is no particular
officials' despairing protest at 10:7. Even if Pharaoh appears reason known why any animal the Israelites sacrificed would
to act independently, he is in fact a puppet in the hands of be 'offensive' (8:26; same word as in Deut 14:3) to the Egyp-
YHWH. Taken as a whole the narrative gives little support to tians; presumably it is meant to be the invention of the wily
the common preacher's idea that Pharaoh falls victim to a negotiator. It is odd that after all the Egyptians' livestock have
paralysis of the will set up originally by his own free decision. died in the cattle pestilence (9:1-7), there are still some alive to
(This paragraph summarizes the fine analysis of Gunn 1982.) be affected by the boils (9:10) and the hail (9:19—25). OT
It is possible (Childs 1974: 172) that an older version of the authors or editors are not concerned for narrative coherence
story was much simpler: YHWH's sole purpose was to force in the way we might be.
Pharaoh to release the Israelites, and the successive plagues In 9:13-35, the seventh and longest of all the plague epi-
were simply a response to Pharaoh's own refusal to act sen- sodes, except the last, things are moving towards a climax, and
sibly. But that is not the case in the story as we have it. Here this is signalled by YHWH's especially detailed explanation of
YHWH prevents Pharaoh from acting sensibly in order to have why he is acting as he is (9:14-16). 9:31-2 is a note added, not
an excuse for bringing the plagues on him. Gowan's comment in the right place, perhaps to explain how the locusts had
(1994: 138) is to the point: 'If freeing the Hebrews from anything to destroy in the next plague. Pharaoh's remark in
slavery had been God's main intention... then for God to 10:10 is ironical, actually a curse. Of course he understands
harden Pharaoh's heart so as to extend the agonies of the very well what Moses really wants; he imposes a similar un-
process would be indefensible on any grounds.' But if his acceptable condition in 10:24.
purpose is as stated in 7:5, 17, etc., to make Pharaoh know Ch. ii is awkward; Moses appears to be leaving in 10:29, but
that he is God, it is strange that he acts every time to frustrate at 11:8 itturns outhe has been speaking to Pharaoh since 11:4.
his own purpose. For that is the effect of the 'hardening', to No doubt there has been some rearrangement of the text, in
prevent Pharaoh from understanding the truth. However order to accommodate the detailed ritual instructions which
often and destructively YHWH displays his power, it will are given in 12:1—28 before the final blow is actually struck. But
have no effect on Pharaoh until YHWH wants it to. As Gowan the chapter does impressively introduce this final act. 11:2—3
sees (1994: 138), the truth must be that the object is not to repeats the instructions of 3:21-2 (see EX 3:21-2). 11:9-10
 75 EXODUS
sums up the section, so that it is tied up before launching into strengthen and celebrate ritually both the identity of the na-
the Passover instructions, which will be followed by the final tion and its social structure of patriarchal extended families.
blow and then immediately by the leaving of Egypt. Unleavened Bread is not explained in 12:14-20, simply com-
manded; but in 12:34, 39 it is explained in story terms. Prob-
(12:1-13:16) The Passover and the Exodus from Egypt Once ably the story was invented to explain it, and Moses'
more the style of the narrative changes abruptly. The climax of subsequent commands in 13:3—10 do not refer to it, simply
the account of YHWH's blows against Egypt does not come emphasizing the feast's commemorative function.
until 12:29-39, and this brief narrative is surrounded with The relation between the consecration of the firstborn, also
detailed ritual instructions. Some of them concern not what probably a very ancient practice, and the events described in
the people are to do immediately, but how they are to repeat the story is obvious, and is explained in 13:15. It is not just that
the rite in time to come, which to us seems inappropriate in the firstborn males of cattle are consecrated to YHWH in
the context. Once again we need to understand the motivation sacrifice, but that human firstborn are redeemed (by payment
of the writers. They are not simply writing about the past; they or substitution), just as they were in Egypt. There may have
are offering to their people an account of events which made been a time in Israel when firstborn sons were sacrificed—see
them a people, events which are to be celebrated and relived. Ezek 20:26; Jer 7:31. Therefore it is appropriate that the
The little dialogues between child and parent in 12:25-7 and 'horrifying' edict, as Ezekiel calls it, should be presented as
13:14-15 show how by celebration a people can keep memory revoked as a symbol of the deliverance of the whole people
alive and recreate the saving and founding act of their God. As from slavery.
this passage is the climax of the story of deliverance, it is Instructions for Passover and Unleavened Bread are also
natural that the theme of observance should be concentrated given at Deut 16:1-8; there are striking differences. Jewish
here. interpreters have traditionally distinguished between 'the
Three ritual observances are presented in this text as me- Passover of Egypt' and 'the Passover of the [subsequent] gen-
morials of the Exodus, but the first two are held at the same erations'. Critical scholars have tended instead to see the
time and virtually merged: Passover (pesah), the Festival of history of the rite in the differences: the usual view is that
Unleavened Bread (massot), and the consecration of the first- Passover began as a family observance, and was transferred to
born. The first two celebrate the Exodus in other texts: Un- the temple in the time of Josiah as part of the centralization
leavened Bread in Ex 23:15, and Passover (and Unleavened required by Deuteronomy, and that during the Exile P kept the
Bread) in Deut 16:1-8; but the consecration of the firstborn is festival alive by reviving its family character.
related to the Exodus only here (compare Deut 15:19-20). All YHWH gives instructions for each rite to Moses before
three are widely believed to be very old rites of various origins Moses passes them on to the people; but the speeches are
which at some stage have been given an interpretation related interwoven in a curious way which points to the editorial
to the Exodus. (For details see Childs 1974: 186-9; de Vaux history of the text (see Table 2).
1961: 484-93; ABD vi. 755-65; Van Seters: 1994: 113-27 dis-
sents.) TABLE 2. Speeches of Moses and YHWH
A widespread opinion (following Rost 1943; disputed by YHWH Moses
Van Seters 1994: 114, following Wambacq 1976: 206-24) is
Passover : 12:21-7
that Passover was originally a rite carried out by nomad shep- 12:1-13 ( 4) + 43-9
herds when moving to new pastures in the spring, while Unleavened Bread 12:14-20 13:3-10
Firstborn 13:1-2 13:11-16
Unleavened Bread was an agricultural rite, marking the be-
ginning of the barley harvest (which takes place in spring in
the Near East) by getting rid of all the remains of bread from In each case YHWH's speech is the work of the P writer; but
the last year's harvest and starting afresh. However, if that is scholars have disagreed about the attribution of Moses'
so the distinctive features of the rites are given quite different speeches. The simplest solution is that in J Moses gave in-
interpretations, relating them to the last night in Egypt. structions for the Passover before the Exodus and for the other
The very name pesah is interpreted in this way. The verb in two observances after it; and that P added the speeches of
12:13, 27 translated 'pass over' is pasah—a wordplay charac- YHWH, taking Passover and Unleavened Bread together be-
teristic of Hebrew narrative. The verb is rather uncertain in cause they belonged together in the liturgical calendar. How-
meaning: a more precise translation might be leap over'. This ever, many scholars take 12:21-7 as P work (see Van Seters
is connected with the use of the blood to protect each family. 1994: 114-19).
Though this may be an ancient rite, and may have been The first speech falls into two parts. 12:1—13 gives immediate
thought of as a kind of magic, forcing evil spirits to swerve instructions, while 14—20 looks forward to the future. This
away, the text avoids this idea: the blood is a 'sign' (v. 13), part is generally thought of as referring exclusively to Unleav-
YHWH sees it and of his own goodwill 'passes'—or leaps— ened Bread; but the natural order of the speech shows that it is
'over'. Then there is the continuing importance of Passover as closely bound up with Passover. 12:2, 3, 6, 18: the month of
a mark of identity. All Israelites must celebrate it, and no one Passover is called Abib in Ex 23:15; Deut 16:1. This is the old
who does not belong to the community may share in it (12:43, name for the first month of spring. P, writing after the Exile,
47-8). But it is not only a question of national identity. The always uses numbers instead of names, and begins the year in
eating of the passover lamb is a family activity, must take place the spring as the Babylonian calendar did. It is likely that
within the house, and cannot be shared with those who are not under the monarchy the new year began in the autumn, as it
members of the household: 12:44-6. So the Passover serves to does for Jews today, and possible that 12:1 is to be interpreted
EXODUS 76

as a call for a new calendar. See 'Calendar' in ABD i. The Pharaoh. His attempt to recapture them is rewarded with
Hebrew word translated lamb' in 12:3, etc. by NRSV is wider the total destruction of himself and his army. With the end
than our word lamb', as you can see from 12:5. The require- of Israel's oppressors the story of their deliverance reaches a
ment for a yearling male is quite practical—these were the conclusion. It has been argued that the story of the deliverance
most expendable members of the flock. The 'bitter herbs' in at the sea is the original basic story of the Exodus (Noth 1962:
12:8 are today taken as a symbol of the bitterness of oppres- 114—15). But we have already seen that the commemoration of
sion: the interpretation of the rite is an ongoing process. The the Exodus is concentrated on the last night in Egypt. It is
requirement for the animal to be roasted whole (12:9, 46) better to see this as the last twist in the tale, the final example
differentiates it from a public sacrifice, which was boiled (as of the pattern where a crisis evokes a desperate cry from the
in Deut 16:7), and also perhaps symbolizes the integrity of the people, to which YHWH graciously responds, as in 2:23—5 an(^
family and the nation. The identification of the lamb as the 5:22-6:1. From another point of view this is the beginning of
passover is held back to the climax ofYHWH's speech in 12:11. the Israelites' 'wanderings in the wilderness'. We are intro-
Moses passes on the instructions in 12:21-7. "^e passover duced to the way in which YHWH will lead them in the
lamb' may be intended to refer back to 12:11. In 12:23, <me wilderness, and the story is the first of several in which the
destroyer' has been taken as a relic of an ancient belief in people complain to Moses and YHWH graciously provides for
demons as the object of the blood-smearing; but it can just as them.
well be interpreted as YHWH's own angel. 12:29 resumes the
(13:17-22) The Israelites are, in fact, not 'wandering' in the
thread of the story broken off at 11:8. At 12:32 is a reference
wilderness, even if it looks like it. Their movements are de-
back to Pharaoh's last negotiations with Moses in 10:24—6,
termined by the purposes of God. 13:17 tells us why God does
and at 12:35-6 to 11:2. 'Succoth' in 12:37 maybe identified with
not lead them by the obvious route; w. 18, 20 trace the route
Tell el-Maskutah on the east border of Egypt, close to the
on the map, first in general terms, then by mentioning the
present Suez Canal (ABD s.v. Succoth).
staging posts; and w. 21-2 tell us how God leads them.
The 600,000 in 12:37 is obviously historically impossible,
The quickest route to Canaan was along the Mediterranean
but it is the standard biblical figure, repeated in the censuses
coast. The author appears to suggest they would meet the
in Num i and 26. The origin of the figure is disputed. But it
Philistines there—an anachronism if the Exodus took place
was habitual for ancient scribes to exaggerate numbers. The
in the late thirteenth century BCE. But this is imaginative
writer produced a number which seemed fitting to him as a
history which cannot be fixed in time (EX C.3). Instead, they
representation of the might ofYHWH's people marching out
went inland 'by way of the wilderness toward the Red Sea'. In
in freedom.
other places (23:31; Num 21:4; i Kings 9:26) 'the Red Sea'
The P editor, or a later one, adds his own reflections in
(Heb. 'sea of reeds, weeds') refers to the Gulf of Aqaba. It is
12:40—2. The figure of 430 years is fitted to his scheme of
often thought that the Gulf of Suez is meant here, or one of the
chronology. The Exodus happens 2,666 years after creation—
lakes north of it, because 15:4, 22 and other texts (but not 14)
two-thirds of 4,000 years (Blenkinsopp 1992: 48; but see
fix it as the place where the great deliverance took place, and
Hughes 1990: 5—54). 12:41, 51 again liken the Exodus to the
the Gulf of Aqaba is too far away (see 14:2). For Succoth
marching out of a military force.
(v. 20) see EX 12:1—13:16; Etham is unknown. For all topogra-
In 12:43-9 some further provisions for Passover are added.
phical details from this point on, see Davies (1979). v. 19 refers
They underline the close connection of the feast with the
back to Gen 50:25,andforward to Josh 24:32. Inw. 21-2 God's
integrity of the nation, symbolized by circumcision, and of
leadership is represented in a literal, visible manner. Cloud
the family. The translation 'bound servant' in 12:45 NRSV is
and fire are two of the commonest accompaniments of God's
very dubious, and the word is more usually thought to refer to
presence in theophanies (see EX 3:1—6). In the pillar of cloud
a lodger or temporary visitor. A very brief speech by YHWH in
and fire God's presence becomes permanent and mobile. This
13:1—2 ensures that the theme of the consecration of the first-
visible presence continues with them presumably to the bor-
born is given divine authority; but Moses has first to introduce
ders of the promised land.
the Israelites to the festival of Unleavened Bread in 13:3-10.
This speech has strong Deuteronomic overtones (see EX C.i); (14:1-31) It is clear that the action of this chapter is presented
many of the phrases can be found in Deuteronomy (e.g. the from two different points of view; but these do not clash,
sign on the hand and the emblem on the forehead is in Deut because they are focused on different characters, w. 1—4, 15—
6:8), and the device of the dialogue with the child is used in 18 are words of YHWH showing us the events from his point
Deut 6:20-5. But there is also a reference back to Ex 3:8 in 13:5. of view as the climax of his struggle with Pharaoh in the
Moses goes on to instruct the people about the consecration of plagues narrative. (For a full discussion of this, see EX 7:8—
the firstborn. The first offspring of every female, if it is male, 11:10.) YHWH deliberately entices him out to recapture the
whether human or of domestic animals, belongs in principle Israelites, so that he may 'gain glory' for himself (w. 4, 17).
to YHWH. However, only cattle, sheep, and goats can be One last time, with deepest irony, he announces 'the Egyp-
sacrificed. The donkey is an 'unclean' animal which cannot tians shall know that I am the LORD' (v. 18): as they sink to their
(Lev 11:3—it has undivided hoofs), so a sheep must be sacri- deaths, they will know that YHWH is the true ruler of the
ficed instead, or the donkey simply killed (13:13). A substitute world.
sacrifice must be offered in place of human firstborn. But in w. 10-14, 30"1 we see things from the Israelites'
point of view. They are in panic, but Moses tells them to trust
(13:17—15:21) The Intervention of God: Final Act The Israelites in YHWH's deliverance: 'Do not be afraid... you have only
have left Egypt, but they are not yet out of the reach of to keep still' (w. 13, 14). Moses uses a form of assurance
 77 EXODUS
that recurs again and again in the accounts of Israel's wars, YHWH when they are finally delivered from their oppressors.
where prophets urge the king or commander not to be This is a victory song, but the victor is God, so it is also a hymn
afraid, but to trust in YHWH. Cf. particularly Isa 7:4; 28:16; of praise and thanksgiving. It has parallels in the Psalms,
30:15. However, in the end faith comes as a result of seeing which are pointed out in the notes, but it does not rigidly
YHWH's act of salvation (v. 31). This pattern of events is follow any one model of psalm. Psalms of praise often begin
repeated several times in the story of Israel in the wilderness: with a call to the people to praise, such as Ps 118:1—4. Th£ song
three times in the next three chapters, so that the lesson is sung by Miriam in v. 21 is such a call and could be intended as
rubbed in. the opening to which the men's song in 1-18 is the response
Although these points of view do not clash on the theo- (Janzen 1992). The song does not describe the previous state
logical level, there are obvious unevennesses in the story, v. 4 of distress or the cry to God for help, unlike many thanksgiv-
seems at first to be fulfilled in v. 5, but actually looks forward to ing psalms (Ps 18; 30; 118). Everything is concentrated on
v. 8. YHWH's order in v. 16 is carried out only in v. 21 and has YHWH and his victory. The song achieves its effect by repeat-
effect only next morning! According to a widely accepted ing the account of the victory in several different vivid and
source division, in J (w. 5—7, 10—14, 19—20, 2ib, 24—5, 2jb, allusive ways, punctuated with words of praise.
30—1) Pharaoh changes his own mind, and the sea is driven There is a dispute about the age of the song. One school (see
back by the wind and then returns to overwhelm the Egyp- Cross 1973), argues that the grammar and poetic style mark it
tians. This is the account which concentrates on the Israelites out as very old, perhaps from the eleventh or twelfth century
and Moses' call for faith. In P (w. 1—4, 8—9,15—18, 2ia, 2ic, 22— BCE, so a very ancient and important witness to the event of the
3, 26-70 (to 'over the sea'), 28-9) YHWH 'hardens Pharaoh's Exodus. Others (recently Brenner 1991) say that the song
heart', and the sea is split into two walls when Moses stretches relies on Ex 14 as it now stands, so that it must be quite late
out his hand, which fall in when he stretches out his hand (fifth century?), and composed to occupy its present place; the
again. author has deliberately created a song which looks old enough
On one central point the text is at one. The Israelites are to be sung by Moses. But it is possible (Houston 1997) that v. 8
delivered and the Egyptians destroyed by God's power. was the source from which the P author in Ex 14 took his
Whether he uses the natural elements or the hand of Moses, account by interpreting its imaginative picture literally. This
he triumphs in person over the enemies of Israel, who are his would make the song older than P, but not necessarily older
own enemies. than J. Of course, now that the song is part of the Ex text we
YHWH's opening instructions to Moses (v. 2) are to turn inevitably read it in line with the account in ch. 14. The song
back. This is intended as deliberate deception: it is to make looks forward to the completion of YHWH's work in the
Pharaoh think the Israelites are lost, and tempt him to follow settling of Israel in his own land. All the promises in 3:7—12
them (v. 3). The place-names in v. 2 cannot be located exactly, and 6:2—8 are seen as fulfilled, really or virtually, in the
but they are on the borders of Egypt, and by 'the sea' (see EX miracle at the sea.
13:17-22). In v. 5 Pharaoh's motive is different. He receives an The song can be divided into: an introduction, w. 1-3; a
intelligence report that the Israelites have 'fled'. Since he main section praising YHWH forthe victory, 4—12; and a coda
knew they were going, this must mean that they have not looking forward to the entry into the promised land, 13—18. For
returned as implied in the negotiations (7:16, etc.). In w. 9,18, 'rider' in w. i, 21 seethe note on 14:9, etc. in EX 14:1-31. But the
23, 26,28 the NRSV has 'chariot drivers' where other versions word here could mean 'charioteer', v. 2 is closely similar to Ps
have 'horsemen' or 'cavalry'. The Hebrew word normally 118:14, 2 ^- The word for 'heap' in v. 8 is used in the account of
means 'horseman'. NRSV is probably based on the fact that the Jordan crossing in Josh 3:13, 16. As the text stands, this
armies are known not to have had mounted cavalry before the verse has to be taken as describing the 'walls' ofwater in 14:22,
first millennium BCE. But the author of Exodus would not 29; but if the poem is older, it could have been a poetic
have known that, and almost certainly meant 'horsemen'. A description of a wave rearing up and about to break; the
different word is translated 'rider' in 15:1, 21. breaking is described in 10 (Houston 1997).
What the Israelites claim to have told Moses in Egypt (v. 12) For the question 'who is like YHWH' (v. n) cf. Ps 89:6-8.
they have not said anywhere in the text of Exodus; but this 'Your holy abode' in v. 13 could be Sinai or the temple at
kind of allusion is very common in Hebrew narrative. In v. 15 Jerusalem, but v. 17 makes the latter more likely. The song
YHWH asks Moses why he is crying out to him ('you' is praises YHWH not just for the settlement in Canaan but for
singular), but the narrator has not told us he has. Moses the establishment of his dwelling among them at Zion. The
may be assumed to have relayed the Israelites' cry in v. 10 to final verse is another psalm-type motif: see Ps 93:1; 95:3;
YHWH. In v. 19 as elsewhere (see EX 3:1—6) 'the angel of God' 96:10; etc. v. 19 recalls the essence of the story after the look
may be a substitute for YHWH himself (cf 13:21). But the into the future in w. 13—18.
statement is repeated with reference to the pillar of cloud; so it There was a custom, when men came back victorious from
is often held that in v. 19 there are two parallel sources, v. 29 is a battle, for women to come out from the towns to meet them
not a simple repetition ofv. 22. Ittells us thatthe Israelites had (hence 'went out' in v. 20) with victory songs and dances (see i
passed through in safety while the Egyptians were destroyed Sam 18:6—7). Since this victory has been won by YHWH, not
behind them. by the men, the men have celebrated it, but the women's role
is not forgotten, and may well be intended to be prior to the
(15:1-21) Pieces of poetry occasionally break the flow of prose men's (see above, and Janzen 1992; against Trible 1994:169—
in the Pentateuch, often at significant points. This one is 73). Miriam is called a prophet probably because of this song,
particularly suitable here: it is fitting that Israel should praise which is seen as inspired.
EXODUS 78
(15:22-18:27) Israel in the Wilderness The two main accounts (15:22—7) For general comments and comments on the loca-
in Exodus are of YHWH's deliverance of Israel from Egypt tion of the place-names, see the previous section. Nothing is
and of his gracious provision for their future life with him at said about how or why the 'tree' or 'piece of wood' (15:25) made
Sinai. But Israel have first to reach Sinai through the wil- the water sweet. It seems like magic, but to the author it
derness. What is meant by 'wilderness' in the Bible is not is simply the way in which YHWH chooses to act. And it is
totally barren sand-desert, but steppe with low rainfall and YHWH who 'tests' them. They have known YHWH as a
sparse vegetation, suitable as pasture for sheep and goats but 'healer' in his 'healing' of the water; they should beware lest
not much else. So there is a linking section describing this he act in the opposite way (as he does in Numbers).
journey, but it is more than a simple link. The episodes are
(16:1-36) For general comments and comments on the loca-
based on the well-known conditions of life in the wilderness,
tion of the place-names, see EX 15:22-18:27. This story seems
but these are used as an opportunity to develop the character-
to have originally been based on the fact that the tamarisk tree
ization of the Israelites and the relationship between them,
of the Sinai peninsula in May and June exudes drops of a
Moses, and YHWH. The first three episodes in particular go
sweet substance which is gathered and eaten by the local
very closely together. Two short stories about water frame the
people, who still call it man. But the amounts are small, and
much longer one about the manna. In each the people raise a
obviously the story goes far beyond that natural fact. It speaks
complaint against Moses, to which YHWH responds with
of a miracle which provides enough food every day, all the year
gracious provision for their needs. In each Moses acts as the
round, to sustain a whole people on the march. And to that
intermediary between YHWH and the people, both ruling
miracle of provision are added two further miracles which test
them and interceding for them. The word used for 'complain'
the obedience and faith of the people. There is the miracle of
implies bad-tempered grumbling; in 16:3 and 17:3 they even
precise quantity (w. 17—18). God's providing is always enough
suggest they would have been better off back in Egypt—thus
for the day, it cannot be stored (v. 2 o). And there is the miracle
rejecting YHWH's act of salvation. In spite of this YHWH is
of the sabbath exception to this miracle (w. 22-30). The mean-
patient and gracious. Yet there is a harder note to the relation-
ing of these miracles is found first in the saying in v. 5 which
ship, for another word which occurs in each story is 'test'.
has echoed in one form or another through the narrative since
YHWH tests Israel (15:25; 16:4) to see whether they will be
6:7. Here it is a rebuke to the Israelites who have spoken of
faithful and obedient; Israel tests or provokes YHWH (17:2, 7)
Moses and Aaron as having brought them out of Egypt (v. 3).
by their grumbling. The theological point is very clear: life for
They need to understand that it is YHWH alone who can and
Israel depends on trust in God's provision and obedience to
will provide for them. The second lesson is that the generosity
his requirements. This is a lesson that reaches far beyond
of YHWH is only of value to them if they on their part obey his
their temporary life in the wilderness; the best commentary
commands. The full meaning of the sabbath will not be
is Deut 8. The main outlines of the relationship that will be
revealed until 20:11; but for the moment they need to under-
literally cast in stone at Sinai begin to emerge; hence we
stand simply that it is possible to rest for a day and still live, by
should not be surprised that most of these stories anticipate
YHWH's grace.
points that are eventually grounded formally in the law given
This chapter has been through a process of editing. It is
there: the 'statute and ordinance' at Marah (15:25); the sabbath
mainly P, but there is probably an older narrative behind it. It
provision in the manna story (16:5; 22-30); the legal system
is a somewhat awkward effect of the editing that when YHWH
established on Jethro's advice (18:13-27). There is a similar
appears he simply repeats what Moses and Aaron have said
group of stories in Num n; 12; 14; 16; 20:2—13, but in most of
already; and another awkward feature is the half-hearted way
these the people's grumbling arouses YHWH's anger and his
in which the quails are introduced into the narrative from
punishment. This arrangement is surely deliberate. Once the
Num n, where they play a greater part. It is only the manna
people have received the law and accepted the covenant, there
that the people eat for their whole time in the wilderness, v. i,
is no excuse for them.
'the second month'. The reckoning is inclusive: it is exactly a
It is impossible to say to what extent these stories are
month since they left Egypt. In v. 7 'the glory of the LORD' is
based on a tradition in Israel (see EX C.2). The references to
probably another way of referring to the way YHWH makes
the wilderness time in Old Testament literature are very
himself known in his miraculous provision; but in 10 it is the
varied: in some it is a time of happiness and obedience in
usual way in P of describing the appearance of YHWH in
contrast to the apostasy of the time in Canaan (e.g. Hos 2:14;
brightness wrapped in a cloud. In v. 15 the word translated
Jer 2:2-3), in some a time of disobedience (e.g. Deut 9:7; Ps
'what?' is man, which is not the normal word for 'what?'
95). Deut 8 comes closest to Exodus in seeing it as a time of
(mah), but near enough for a Hebrew pun: it is the word for
testing.
'manna' (v. 31). Aaron kept the preserved manna 'before the
By putting in place-names, the authors must have intended
covenant' or 'testimony' (v. 34), that is before or in the ark,
to give a precise idea of the Israelites' route, but this no longer
which is made in ch. 37. Since they 'ate manna forty years'
works for us because we do not know where the places are.
(v. 35), Moses' order could have been given at any time: there is
The people are now on their way to Sinai. If Sinai was, as
no anachronism.
traditionally supposed, in the south of the Sinai peninsula
(see Davies 1979: 63-9), the places mentioned in 15:22, 27; (17:1^7) For general comments and comments on the loca-
16:1; 17:1 are likely to be strung out along the west side of tion of the place-names, see EX 15:22-18:27. The episode
the peninsula. But there are other theories about the closely follows the general pattern of the two previous epi-
location of Sinai, and they would change the location of these sodes; its distinctive feature is the people's 'testing' or 'provok-
places. ing' of YHWH, which gives its name to the place (w. 2, 7).
 79 EXODUS
Once again Moses directs their attention away from himself, share the burden is given by his father-in-law. Moses here is
whom the Israelites blame, to YHWH who is able to provide. a judge deciding civil disputes, and a lawgiver mediating
'Horeb' in v. 6 is the name in Deuteronomy, but not in Exodus God's 'statutes and instructions'; and people come to him 'to
(except 3:1), of the mountain of revelation. It may be identified inquire of God' (v. 15), that is, to seek directions in particular
with Sinai here, which cannot be far away. It is confusing that situations. There is no sharp line drawn between these func-
the place is given two names, not only Massah, 'testing', but tions in the Bible: so in Deut 17:8—13 the priest is associated
Meribah, 'quarrelling', and that the latter is given to another with the judges in the decision of difficult cases, because the
place where a similar thing happens in Num 20:13. Th£ poetic direction of God must be sought. The legal system which is
references at Deut 33:8 and Ps 95:8 use the two names. established is actually based on a military organization (v. 21).
Possibly the author has taken both names from one of the Practice in the ancient Near East tended to give military and
poems and assumed they referred to the same place. judicial functions to the same officers. The organization is
(17:8—16) Amalek was a nomadic people dwelling in the wil- artificial, it does not arise out of the existing social structure.
derness to the south of Canaan. All references to them in the Moses here acts like ancient kings, who tended to impose
HB are fiercely hostile: see especially Deut 25:17-19 and i Sam their systems on society. Possibly the story is intended to
15. There seems to be a long-standing feud: Deut 25 offers a account for the later judicial system of the Israelite/Judean
reason for this, but it is not reflected in this story. The stran- monarchy.
gest feature of the story is the connection between the position The interesting theological point is seen by Childs: that
of Moses' arms and the fortunes of the battle. Older commen- hard-headed, practical advice is seen as the 'command of
tators presume that his arms were raised in prayer; but if so God' (v. 23). There is no distinction between divine revelation
why does the narrative not say he was praying? As Van Seters and practical wisdom: the latter is as much the will of God as
(1994: 203) points out, Josh 8:18-26 is similar. In both cases the former.
the automatic connection suggests magic; it is only implicit
that God was in action. It is only the end of the story (17:14—16) (19:1-40:38) The Establishment of Israel's Relationship with
that makes it clear that Israel's battle is, as always, YHWH's— YHWH The people of Israel are no longer slaves. They have
to the death in this case. The Hebrew text in v. 16 is unclear. been saved from the land of oppression. But they are not yet a
The NRSV's 'A hand upon the banner of the LORD' is the best nation. The authors of Exodus believed that their being as a
suggestion, since it explains the name Moses has just given to nation depended on the presence of their God with them, and
his altar. that in turn depended on certain conditions. The second half
of the book of Exodus is mainly concerned to set these out. The
(18:1—12) This episode links up with the early part of the story chapters contain two main kinds of answer to the question: on
(chs. 2-4). Cf. in particular v. 5 with 3:12. There are difficulties what conditions can Israel be YHWH's people and YHWH
in the placement of the story. The Israelites have not at this their God? The first answer is: on condition of obeying his
point actually reached the mountain of God. Moses' father-in- commandments, which can be summed up as to worship him
law appears to be still with them in Num 10:29; an(^ the alone, and to behave with justice towards one another. These
measures of 18:13-27 are placed after leaving Horeb in Deut are set out in chs. 20—3, and the people's formal acceptance of
1:9-18. For all these reasons it is often believed that the story them is narrated in ch. 24. This solemn imposition of require-
originally belonged after the Sinai narrative; but the reason ments and undertaking of obedience is what this part of the
why it was moved is unclear (see Childs 1974: 322; Durham book means by 'covenant' (19:5; 24:7, 8; 31:18; for covenant see
1987: 242; Van Seters 1994: 209 n. 3). Zipporah and her EX C.i; and for law and commandments, Patrick 1986). The
family also create a problem. In 2:22 we are only told of one book then goes on, in chs. 32-4, to deal with the question:
son of Moses (but see 4:20); and we lastheard of Zipporah and what happens if the people break the covenant? They then
her son on the way to Egypt, not left behind with her father depend essentially on the mercy of God (33:19). But inter-
(4:24-6). The best explanation may be that 4:24-6 is a late leaved with this account is another way of dealing with the
addition to the narrative. 'After Moses had sent her away' question. It is not contradictory to the first, but its presupposi-
would then be an addition in v. 2 to harmonize the narrative tions are different. YHWH safeguards his presence among
with 4:20—6. 'Took her back' in v. 2 (NRSV) is not a correct his people by locating it in a physical site which moves as they
translation of the Hebrew, which refers to what Jethro did after move, and is hedged about with restrictions so that they
hearing about Moses: he 'took her and her two sons... and receive blessing rather than harm from the presence of the
came' (v. 5). holy God among them (29:43-6). YHWH gives Moses direc-
The author has a tolerant acceptance of foreign peoples, tions for the establishment of this 'tent of meeting' or 'taber-
and sees no sharp distinction between their religion and nacle' in 25—31, and it is set up in accordance with his
Israel's. Jethro, a foreign priest, gladly acknowledges the su- directions in 35-40.
premacy of YHWH (v. n); but he makes this acknowledge- The first answer sees the relationship as above all a moral
ment from within his own religious tradition, not as an act of one—not a matter of morals in a narrow sense, but based on
conversion. Probably for this reason (unless one accepts the how God and people behave towards one another. It is deeply
existence of a special E source (see PENT) ) the chapter tends to marked by the influence of the prophets and the Deutero-
use 'elohim rather than YHWH except in w. 8—n. For the nomic writers, and is the work of the author I call J (see EX C.i).
multiple names of Moses' father-in-law, see EX 2:15/7—22. The second answer sees the main issue as being that of
(18:13—27) The theme of this section is also addressed in Num holiness. From God radiates a power that is the source of life
11:11-17; Deut 1:9-18. It is not clear why the advice to Moses to and blessing, but is destructive to anyone who approaches too
EXODUS 80
close or does not take precautions. This answer is the con- them in the Priestly calendar to the feast of Pentecost, when
tribution of P. the Jews to this day celebrate the giving of the Law.
'A priestly kingdom and a holy nation' (19:6): each of the
(19:1-20:21) Before any of this can happen, the coming of two phrases expresses both sides of Israel's future existence.
YHWH to his people must be described. Mount Sinai be- They will be a nation, with a social and political structure; they
comes the symbol, not of the permanent presence of will at the same time and through their nationhood and state
YHWH, which goes with them, but of his coming in unim- structures be dedicated to YHWH as priests are dedicated to
aginable power and glory. This is the work of an imaginative the God they serve. The covenant to be announced will explain
writer, not a record from history. But it describes, symbolically, how this will be possible. A further purpose of YHWH's
the experience of the presence of the holy and righteous God. coming is explained in v. 9: it is to confirm the position of
The account proves difficult to follow, at least with our ideas of Moses as the confidant of YHWH in the eyes of the people, so
narrative logic. 19:3-8 appears to anticipate the whole process that they trust him (cf. 14:31). The severe rules for anyone
which culminates in ch. 24, and w. 20-5 seem inconsequen- touching the mountain in 19:12—13 arise from the idea that
tial. YHWH's speech to the people in ch. 20 begins abruptly: holiness is a physical infection which can be 'caught' and is
19:25 breaks off with: 'and Moses said to them'which ought to dangerous for people in an ordinary state. The command 'do
be followed by what he said (NRSV 'and told them' smooths not go near a woman' (v. 15)—a euphemism for sex; the
over the difficulty). After YHWH's speech, in 20:18-21, the 'people' who receive the command are the men—again arises
people react in a way that suggests they have not heard what because of the conception that certain bodily states create a
he has said. Two main types of solution are on offer. The first is danger in the face of holiness (see Lev 15, esp. 31; i Sam 21:4).
that the difficulty arises from a complex literary history (see, The mention of priests in 19:22, 24 is difficult, since at this
for different analyses, Childs 1974: 344-51; Van Seters 1994: point Israel has no priests. Presumably it means those who
248—52; Albertz 1994: 55). It is possible, for example, that the will become priests later (Lev 8—9).
Ten Commandments are a late addition to this context, from
Deut 5, although they are fundamental to the covenant in the (20:1-17) The Ten Commandments The central place which
text as it stands. The alternative is that a literary technique is this passage has had in the religious and moral teaching of
being used which we tend not to understand. For example, Judaism and Christianity is a fair reflection of the centrality
Sprinkle (1994: 18—27) suggests that ch. 19 gives us an over- which it is given here in Exodus and in Deut 5. The Ten
view of events to come, which are described in greater detail Commandments are, in this story, the prime expression of
later: possibly 20:1 picks up 19:19 and 20:21 picks up 19:20; the covenant demands. They stand first in the account of the
YHWH's command to Moses in 19:24 is taken up again in covenant-making. It is unclear whether they are spoken dir-
24:1—2. Patrick (1994) suggests that 19:3—8 makes clear at the ectly to the people; they certainly are in Deuteronomy. But the
outset the nature of the transaction. YHWH does not give centrality also emerges from the very form and content of the
commandments until the Israelites have formally declared text. Inthe first place it begins with YHWH's self-introduction
themselves ready to accept them. (cf. 6:2 and see Zimmerli 1982), and asserts his right to
The description of YHWH's coming is created from trad- authority, by recalling to the Israelites his goodness to them.
itional materials. So far as the site of the theophany (see EX And the first and much the greater part of the text is concerned
3:1-6) is concerned, there was a very ancient literary tradition with the requirements of his honour. Secondly, it is obviously
describing the coming of YHWH in power from the deep designed to include all the most basic religious and moral
southern wilderness, and one of the geographical names requirements over a wide sphere of life. Thirdly, every com-
used was Sinai (Judg 5:5; Ps 68:8). The idea that the gods mand is expressed in the broadest possible way, sometimes by
live on a high mountain was a very widespread one. But here detailed elaboration (w. 8-n), sometimes by avoiding any
the idea is more refined: YHWH does not actually live on the details which might narrow down the application (w. 13—15).
mountain, but comes down on it (19:11, 18; cf. 3:8). The In a word, it is the most basic statement possible of the
theophany (19:16-20) is described in terms drawn from thun- conditions on which Israel may be in relationship with
derstorms, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions, the greatest YHWH. It combines in one text the specific demand for Israel
displays of natural power that can be observed; and such to worship YHWH alone with those few moral requirements
descriptions are found in Hebrew literature of all periods— which are essential in one form or another for any human
see e.g. Ps 18:7-15. They are ways of describing the indescrib- society.
able, and certainly should not be taken to mean that what the But it is not a legal text. What laws in ancient Israel looked
Israelites actually saw was a thunderstorm or earthquake, or like we see in chs. 21—2. It is instruction addressed personally
that Mt. Sinai was a volcano. The one unusual feature in the to Israel, or to the individual Israelite (the 'you' is singular and
theophany is the sound of the trumpet (19:13, 16, 19; more masculine, but that does not necessarily mean that women
precisely the ram's horn). This was used in temple services. are not addressed; see below on w. 8-n). It does not suggest
YHWH comes so that the Israelites may come to him in how it is to be implemented or say what is to happen if the
worship. They have to make preparations to meet a holy God commands are ignored, but simply asks for obedience. (But
(19:10-15), preparations which are similar to those under- Phillips 1970 regards it as Israel's fundamental law, and many
taken before entering a temple for sacrifice, and the mountain scholars connect it with the form of ancient treaties: see
is fenced off in the same way as the most holy parts of a shrine Mendenhall 19920.) If the setting in life of this type of text is
are fenced off. 'On the third new moon', 19:1; more likely 'in not legal, what is it? Material of this kind, with its brief
the third month', reckoning inclusively. This would bring memorable clauses, could be designed as an aid to religious
 81 EXODUS
instruction in the home (Albertz 1994: 214-16). But this text God had to struggle against a polytheism which to many
goes beyond that function. With YHWH's self-announce- people seemed more natural, reflecting the complexity and
ment and personal demand for exclusive loyalty, w. 2—6 be- unpredictability of the world. Even the Bible has to recognize
long nowhere else but in this present setting of covenant- the existence of other powers; the uniqueness of its demand is
making. Afterwards, in w. 7-12, he is referred to in the third that even so only one of them is worthy of Israel's worship, the
person, which is more suitable for a catechism. Perhaps cat- one 'who brought you... out of the house of slavery'; who is 'a
echetical material has been adapted to its place in the narra- jealous God'—better, perhaps, 'passionate', 'watchful of my
tive. rights'. The issue is one of YHWH's honour as the protector
This is the fundamental text of the covenant, but that does and saviour of his people. The harshness of the threat in 5/7—6
not mean that it is necessarily historically the earliest of the (see also 34:7) has to be evaluated in the light of a far stronger
OT legal' texts, although many scholars firmly believe that it community feeling than is normal with us. The worship of a
is, at least in an older form (see Durham 1987: 282). Reflec- god could not be an individual matter: the whole extended
tion on all God's commands and requirements may have led family shared in the sin—and therefore in the punishment.
to a more profound grasp of their basic meaning, which has But contrast Ezek 18.
then been expressed in this text. In fact w. 2—12 are written (20:7) It is uncertain what this command was intended to
very much in the style of Deuteronomy, except for v. n, which refer to: suggestions include deceitful oaths (as in Lev 19:12),
is Priestly, so they are unlikely to be earlier than the late unwarranted use of formal curses (Brichto 1963: 59-68), the
seventh century. Although this passage has always been called use of God's name in magic spells, or all of these and other
(literally) the Ten Words (Ex 34:28; Deut 4:13; 10:4), it is not things (Childs 1974: 410—12). But it is quite clear that the
obvious how the roughly twenty sentences of the text are to be improper use of the name YHWH is prohibited. The com-
grouped into ten. Different religious traditions have come to mand is closely related to 20:2-6. It is YHWH's honour that is
different conclusions. Jews call v. 2 the first Word and w. 3—6 at stake. To wrest his name to one's own private and deceitful
the second. Roman Catholics and Lutherans group w. 2—6 as purposes is to dishonour the one who bears it.
the first commandment and divide v. 17 into two to make up
the tally of ten; other Christians separate v. 3 as the first (20:8—11) The sabbath likewise is an institution for the hon-
commandment and treat w. 4—6 as the second. (See further our of YHWH; it is a sabbath 'to YHWH your God', and must
EX 20:2—6.) This commentary will simply use verse numbers. be 'kept holy'. The day is dedicated to YHWH by abstaining
(For detailed discussion of the Commandments see Childs from work, that is, from anything that is intended for one's
1974: 385-439; Weinfeld 1991: 242-319.) own benefit, or human purposes generally. In order to ensure
that the entire community keeps it, the householder is re-
(20:2—6) The first section of the Commandments is quite quired to ensure that everyone in the house, which is also
different from the rest, being spoken in the first person and the work unit in peasant society, abstains from work on the
expressing what is most distinctive of the religion of the OT: seventh day. The list of persons does not include 'your wife'.
the requirement to worship YHWH alone, and the prohibi- The best explanation is that the lady of the house is not
tion of using images in worship. Two basic demands: can the mentioned because she is addressed along with her husband
Catholic tradition be right in treating it as one 'command- (as in e.g. Deut 16:11; Smith 1918:169; Weinfeld 1991: 307-8;
ment'? Many scholars (e.g. Durham 1987: 286; B. B. Schmidt contrast Clines 19950). v. n gives a motivation for observing
1995) would see v. 4 as prohibiting images of YHWH in the commandment. The primary emphasis is on the special
particular, after v. 3 has dealt with worshipping other gods. character of the day, determined by YHWH in the beginning,
However, there is no sharp break anywhere in these verses: rather than on the need for people to rest (contrast Deut 5:15).
they treat throughout of YHWH's exclusive claim. The 'them' The verse is obviously P, referring back to Gen 2:1—3 (so also
in v. 5 must refer to the 'other gods' in v. 3, because all the Ex 31:14). The sabbath commandment is the only positive
nouns in v. 4 are singular (Zimmerli 1968). This means that ritual requirement among the Ten Commandments. The
the command not to make an idol is part of a context forbid- main reason is likely to be that it had to be observed by every
ding the worship of any god but YHWH. That YHWH might individual in the community without exception (the dietary
be worshipped by means of an idol is simply inconceivable for laws, for example, did not have to be observed by aliens).
this text. If you are using an idol, you must be worshipping (20:12) Ancient Israel was a hierarchical society in which
another god. In those OT passages where people appear to be respect for superiors, parents in the first place, was funda-
worshipping YHWH with idols (Ex 32:4; Judg 17; i Kings mental. Care for their honour therefore comes next in the
12:28), the context implies that they are not genuinely wor- series after the honour of God (similarly Lev 19:3—4). This
shipping YHWH. In the Syria—Canaan area generally, the commandment is formulated positively, so its effect is broader
central worship symbol in official sanctuaries tended not to than the law against insulting parents in Ex 21:17, etc- It wiU
be an image, but images of subordinate gods and especially include care and comfort in old age (Mk 7:9-13). The com-
goddesses were freely used (Mettinger 1995). But in the pure mandments are addressed to adults, not children, and the
monotheism demanded here YHWH brooked no such rivals. need for this commandment may arise from tension between
Modern preachers interpret this command in a moralistic older men at the head of extended families and their sons with
way: anything which absorbs a person's devotion is his/her their own families.
god (cf Luther). But this is not what it means in the OT The remaining commandments define serious transgres-
context. It was not self-evident to people in OT times that sions against the rights of members of the community (gen-
there was only one God; the demand to worship only one erally of male householders).
EXODUS 82
(20:13) 'Murder' is the correct translation, i.e. the unlawful shaped to fit its narrative context (see 20:22; 22:21; 23:15 (13:6—
killing of a member of the community. The commandment 7); 23:20—33), and as it stands is likely to have been put
does not cover capital punishment, killing in war, or the together by J.
killing of animals for food; which is not to say that the OT The main areas covered are religious observance; civil law,
is unconcerned with the ethical problems posed by these specifically the law of bondage for debt, personal injury, and
things. property torts; social justice; and judicial integrity. The ar-
(20:14) Adultery in the Bible is definable as intercourse be- rangement of material sometimes seems capricious to us,
tween a married (or betrothed) woman and a man not her but there is logic behind it, as Sprinkle (1994) shows. There
husband. The commandment is concerned with a man's is a general heading in 21:1, which suggests that 20:22—6
rights over his wife. As in all traditional patriarchal cultures, could be described as a prologue; and 23:20—33 is concerned
the men of the family need to be assured of the faithfulness of with the immediate situation rather than with permanent
their wives to be sure that their children are theirs. No similar rules, so it might be described as an epilogue. The material
restrictions apply to a husband in OT morality. It is the only between is arranged as follows:
sexual offence in the Ten Commandments, since others do 21:2-11 Release of slaves
not infringe the rights of a third party in a serious way. 21:12—32 Personal injury
(20:15) This commandment would include kidnapping as 21:33—22:17 Property damage (these two bridged by the
well as the theft of movable property. The word translated case of the goring ox)
'steal' does not cover the violent or dishonest alienation of 22:18-20 Offences against covenant holiness
land and houses: that is probably covered by 20:17. 22:21—7 Treatment of dependants
22:28—30 Treatment of superiors
(20:16) This is concerned with testimony in the courts. In
22:31 Covenant holiness (bracketing with 22:18-
Israelite courts the witness was in effect a prosecutor, as there
20)
was no state prosecution system. False accusation could put
23:1—9 Judicial integrity
one's life, not merely one's reputation, in danger (see i Kings
23:10—19 Sabbaths and festivals
21; Deut 19:15-21).
(20:17) The dominant interpretation of this commandment The speech contains material of very different types. Most of
is that it is concerned simply with the desire to possess what is the material between 21:2 and 22:17 is in an impersonal legal
not one's own as a sin in itself (Rom 7:7—8; Calvin 1953: i. 354— style which contrasts sharply with the personal address of
6). However, there is also an interpretation which sees it as most of the rest, in which YHWH speaks of himself in the
concerned with overt action to dispossess one's neighbour first person and addresses Israel as 'you' (usually in the sin-
(Mk 10:19; Luther; J. Herrmann 1927). Even if the Hebrew gular, sometimes the plural). For detail on these different
word refers primarily to desire (Moran 1967), the concern is types of law see Patrick (1986: 13-33). The impersonal style
for the danger to one's neighbour posed by one's covetous- sets out a legal case, giving the situation 'when such-and-such
ness; and in particular the kind of covetousness described in happens', and laying down what should then be done. This is
Mic 2:1—2. As Luther saw, the machinations of the powerful to the style used in the Mesopotamian legal codes such as the
dispossess the weak are not covered elsewhere in the Ten Code of Hammurabi (see ANET159-98), and it is technically
Commandments. referred to as 'casuistic' law. There is also a good deal of over-
lap in content between this section and the Mesopotamian
(20:18-21) Moses' point is that they should not be terrified at codes (summarized by Childs 1974: 462—3). This does not
the divine appearance because it is for their good: 'fear' in v. 2 o mean that the laws have been borrowed from a foreign source,
is not the panic terror that is now seizing them, but reverence simply that legal style and stock examples were similar all over
and awe which should lead to the right conduct that God asks the ancient Near East. Laws of this type were probably not
of them. Once again (cf 15:25) they are being 'tested' or used as the basis of judicial decisions (see Jackson 1989:186).
'challenged' to make the right response. The skill of judges lay not in the interpretation of a body of
(20:22-23:33) The 'Book of the Covenant' The very long written law, but in being able to perceive how a dispute could
speech that YHWH now delivers to Moses to pass on to the best be resolved and where justice lay in a particular case.
Israelites includes a much wider range of religious, moral, Laws such as these would help in educating them in this skill,
and legal instruction than the Ten Commandments. The Ten but they did not have to rely on them in reaching a verdict.
Commandments make absolute demands; this speech shows That is why the laws here do not have the detail and precision
how the demands of God for fairness and justice and for one would expect in a modern body of law. They are probably
the proper honouring of himself work out in practice in borrowed from an old legal text to illustrate the kind of justice
a particular society. That is why much of it is at first sight of required by YHWH in the resolution of disputes.
little interest to people who live in a different society under The other main style is that of personal admonition. This is
different conditions. It has been given the name Book of the the kind of style in which a tribal elder might give moral
Covenant by modern scholars, from 24:7. The name suggests instruction (cf. Jer 35:6—7; Gerstenberger 1965: 110—17), but
that the speech existed as a single document simply slotted in this text it is clear that God is the speaker. It is therefore
into the text. (There continues to be discussion among unlikely to have been borrowed from a specific social setting;
scholars about its date (see Albertz 1994: 182-3).) But it is the suggestion of a ritual of covenant renewal (see Childs
unlikely ever to have been a single document. Most of the 1974: 455—6) is pure speculation. So although the content of
material has been taken from earlier sources, but it has been the instruction would have been derived from Israel's moral
 83 EXODUS
and religious tradition, its form has been designed to fit its (Daube 1947: 106—9; Childs 1974: 472), but at some earlier
present literary setting. stage its literal application prevented excessive vengeance and
In each case the style is appropriate to the subject-matter: would have ensured the rich were not at an advantage. In the
casuistic for the settlement of disputes, personal address case of slaves, the compensation for serious injury or unin-
for religious instruction and for teaching about justice as a tended killing (v. 21) is that the owner loses his property. If he
personal responsibility. murders his slave he must face punishment (v. 20). It is
(20:22-6) Prologue: YHWH's Presence YHWH begins his important that as against Mesopotamian codes the slave is
address to Moses by speaking of his own person and presence treated as a legal person.
in worship. The first point, as in the Ten Commandments, is (21:28-36) The case of the goring ox is a topic also in Meso-
his intolerance of idols, that is, other gods, alongside him: see potamian codes. It serves as a standard example of the way to
EX 20:2—6, and Sprinkle (1994: 37—8) for a different view. He treat cases of negligence, and of how to distinguish between
goes on to speak positively of how he should be worshipped. accident (w. 28, 35) and culpable negligence. The one feature
The altar must be of natural materials (E. Robertson 1948; for that would not be found in contemporary or modern laws is
the different kinds of sacrifices, see LEV 1-7). The key religious that the ox itself, if it has killed a person, is treated as a
point, however, is in v. 25. YHWH's presence and blessing criminal and stoned rather than slaughtered in the normal
depends not on the humanly organized cult, but on his own way (w. 28,29,3 2 )- Here religious factors enter in. The ox has
decision: 'where I proclaim my name'. This has generally transgressed boundaries between human and animal and
been understood as permitting many altars for sacrifice, while between wild and tame animals (see Houston 1993: 182-
Deut 12 permits only one, so that it would belong to an earlier 200), so is treated as ritually detestable and not simply dan-
stage in religious history than Deuteronomy. But it could be gerous; see Gen 9:5.
saying that while one altar is allowed, YHWH's blessing may
(22:1—15) Th£ principle adopted in the property section of the
be received quite apart from altars and sacrifice (Van Seters
laws is that equal compensation is acceptable for negligence
1994: 281).
(w. 5, 6, 12, 14), but is enhanced as a deterrent to deliberate
(21:2—11) The 'ordinances' begin with the demands of justice theft or fraud (w. i, 4, 7, 9); while no compensation is payable
in relation to the use of people as slaves, no doubt because the in the case of accident or force majeure (w. n, 13).
people addressed have just been released from slavery them- Theft and sale of livestock (v. i) is treated more severely than
selves. For detail on the laws of slavery, see Chirichigno theft of money or articles (v. 7), perhaps because they repre-
(1993); also 'Slavery' in ABD vi. The law is concerned with sented the farmer's livelihood; oxen are compensated on a
'Hebrew' bondservants, not with foreign slaves who might be higher scale than sheep perhaps because of their working
owned outright (ibid. 200-18; another view of the meaning of capacity (Daube 1947: 133). w. 2-312 draw a line between
'Hebrew' in e.g. Childs 1974:468). Itis an attempt to deal with justified killing in self-defence and unnecessary killing, which
social distress caused by debt among peasants (see Lang 1983 is murder. The time of day is simply an example of the factors
for background). A creditor could seize a defaulting debtor or that could be taken into account. The other issue raised in this
a member of his family (2 Kings 4:1) and either sell or use section is that of evidence. Where the matter could not be
him/her as a slave; or a man could sell a member of his family settled by witnesses, the only recourse was religious. 'Before
into bondage to pay off his debts (Neh 5:1—5). The law limits God' (8, 9) probably means at a sanctuary; but how was the
the period of such bondage to six years. Permanent bondage decision made? In n it is clearly by oath; this may be true in 8
could only be at the bondsman's own choice; but often he may and 9 as well (Sprinkle 1993: 146-7); other suggestions in-
have had no genuine choice. 21:7-11 is concerned with a girl clude ordeal and divination by the priest.
who is sold as a concubine or slave-wife. A woman who had
been sexually used and might be the mother of her master's (22:16-17) Seduction is treated on the one hand as a matter of
children could not normally be released after six years; but the responsibility on the part of the seducer: he does not have the
law lists situations in which justice would demand that she right to decide not to marry the girl. On the other, it is a matter
should be. In effect she is given the privileges of a legal wife. of the father's rights. Normally a father had the right to dis-
pose of his daughter, and to receive 'bride-price' for her. If he
(21:12—17) F°ur capital cases are listed in descending order of
chooses to exercise his right, he is compensated for the diffi-
severity. All are worthy of death; this indicates how seriously
culty he will have in giving her away. The girl has no say in the
the requirement to honour parents (20:12) was taken. In v. 17
matter.
'dishonour' or 'reject' might be a better translation than
'curse'. It was customary for the relatives of the victim to (22:18—20) gives a series of three practices which the advo-
take vengeance, v. 13 limits this by protecting someone who cates of exclusive loyalty to YHWH saw as fundamentally
is accidentally responsible for a person's death (Deut 19:1-13 threatening to it, and therefore deserving of death. We do
elaborates); traditionally the altar provided sanctuary (i Kings not know precisely what is meant by sorcery, but it probably
2:28). Frequently the victim or relatives would accept mon- involved treating with spiritual powers other than YHWH.
etary compensation (see 21:30), though in the case of murder Bestiality transgressed fundamental ritual boundaries (cf.
Num 35:31 forbids this. 21:28 and see Lev 18:23). Here it is the community which
(21:18-27) Th£ general principle of justice exemplified here is must inflict punishment on YHWH's behalf.
that of fair compensation for injury. The principle is stated in (22:21^7) Earlier sections have treated disputes in the com-
general terms in the famous w. 23—5. Later this was inter- munity as resolvable by applying norms of justice. But there
preted as requiring reasonable monetary compensation were great disparities in wealth and power in Israelite society,
EXODUS 84
as in ours. Some people were in a dependent situation either (23:20—33) Epilogue: Entering the Land As the whole of the
temporarily or permanently. It was easy to take advantage of speech has looked forward to Israel's settled life in the land, it
them and prevent them from obtaining legal redress. So those is appropriate that it should be concluded with a word of
who hold power over them must be both reminded of what is promise, along with some admonition, about their journey
just and warned of the possible consequences when they have to and entering of it. The promise of an 'angel' or messenger
to deal with a just God. The 'resident alien' meant an incomer does not really revoke YHWH's personal presence with them
from another area without a property stake in the local (13:21—2)—see EX 3:1—6; especially in view of YHWH's state-
community. Widows and orphans were vulnerable because ment that 'my name is in him', w. 23-33 l°°k back to the
they had no adult male protector in the immediate family. A promises in 3:7—10 and expand them. Here, as in Deuteron-
'poor' person means primarily a peasant who cannot main- omy (see Deut 7 especially), the native nations stand for the
tain his family until the next harvest, and so needs a charitable constant threat of the worship of the gods of the land (seen as
loan. idols, as in the opening of the speech at v. 24): 'you shall...
(22:28-30) As the independent Israelite has duties to his demolish theni) to the exclusive loyalty demanded by YHWH.
dependants, he also has duties to those above him, especially He will do all the fighting for them (as in ch. 14!); their sole
God (see also 13:11—16). responsibility is to be faithful to him. v. 31 very much exagger-
ates the territory that Israel ever held at any time in her history;
(22:31) In an economy of scarcity, people would be inclined to
but as in w. 25-6 the implication may well be that they never
make use of any source of food, however suspect. But being
received the fullness of the promise because they were not
dedicated to YHWH means using a diet fitted to his dignity.
faithful.
Mangled meat is fit only for the universal scavenger. This
theme is developed in much more detail in Lev n; Deut 14; (24:1—8) The Conclusion of the Covenant Ch. 24 is the climax
see Houston (1993: 241—4, 248—53). of the Sinai narrative, but it contains a number of themes
(23:1-9) It is all very well to have norms of justice. But unless rather roughly pieced together. There has never been any
the courts can be relied on to enforce them fairly and impar- consensus among critics about the sources or editing of the
tially, they are of no use. w. 4, 5, which do not seem to fit this chapter, w. 1—2 take us back to the end of ch. 19. v. ia is most
theme, underline the requirement of total impartiality. You accurately translated in the Jerusalem Bible: 'To Moses he had
may have a long-standing dispute with another family: but said', i.e. in 19:24. YHWH's invitation here includes more
you should be fair to them in daily life, and, just the same, you people, but variation is common when speeches are repeated.
should show no partiality against them in court, v. 9 ties up Though we are reminded of the invitation here, it is only taken
the section on social justice by repeating the warning not to up at v. 9. w. 3-8 are the account of the ceremonial sealing of
oppress the alien which begins it in 22:21. the covenant on the basis of the words which YHWH has
given to Moses, that is the Ten Commandments and the Book
(23:10-19) A people dedicated to YHWH, who are called by
of the Covenant. The meaning of the covenant has already
him to act with justice, honour him particularly in ways which
been explained in 19:4-6. There (19:8) we heard of the
serve the cause of justice. Two institutions particularly char-
people's response in advance, and it is repeated twice here
acteristic of Israel's religious culture are the sabbath year
(w. 3, 7): first Moses secures their acceptance of YHWH's
(w. 10-11) and the sabbath day (v. 12). Neither ofthem is called
terms, then he formally seals their covenant with YHWH by
that here, possibly because the name was attached to a differ-
writing the terms down, reading them to them, and hearing
ent holy day in the pre-exilic period when these verses may
their acceptance again; then he consecrates them as YHWH's
have originated (Robinson 1988). The original function of the
holy people (19:6) in a sacrificial ritual. Nicholson (1986:171—
sabbath year (cf Lev 25:1-7) is unclear, but here it is given a
2) has shown that although there is no ritual precisely like this
charitable purpose; likewise the sabbath day is commended
in the OT we can understand its meaning by comparing
for its beneficial effects on dependants, as in Deut 5:15, not as
rituals which have some similarity, such as the ordination of
in 20:11 (P!) for its sacral character in itself, v. 13 looks like a
priests in 29:20. The blood of the holy offering makes them
concluding verse, so what follows may be an addendum, w. 14,
holy to YHWH. This is an imaginative way of expressing in
17 bracket the brief instruction about the major pilgrimage
narrative form the bond of will and obedience between
festivals of the agricultural year. Passover is not mentioned,
YHWH and Israel.
possibly because it was not yet a pilgrimage festival at the time
of writing. The Israelites are reminded that they have already (24:9-18) Vision of God on the Mountain The invitation of
been told (13:3-10) of Unleavened Bread. The other two festi- 24:1 (19:24) is now taken up. Representatives of the people,
vals are described in exclusively agricultural terms, and are and of the future priests (Aaron and his sons), ascend the
given different names from those customary later. 'Harvest' is mountain and receive a vision of God himself. As with other
Weeks or Pentecost, Deut 16:9-12; Lev 23:15-21; 'Ingather- similar visions (Isa 6; Ezek i), the Bible avoids describing the
ing', when all produce is taken in before the autumn rains appearance of God, but simply gives one vivid glimpse of the
begin, is Booths or Tabernacles, Deut 16:13-15; Lev 23:33-6. glory that surrounded him. 'Sapphire' (NRSV) should prob-
The instructions in w. 18—19 are connected with festival ably be 'lapis lazuli', a common material in the decoration of
worship. The taboos in v. 18 possibly arise because the ideas of temples. The eating and drinking of the people's representa-
fermentation and corruption are opposed to the purity of the tives in the presence of YHWH himself is an appropriate
sacrifice. The 'kid in mother's milk' prohibition is an old conclusion to the story of how they became his holy people.
conundrum. See the full discussion in Milgrom (1991: The promise of 19:13^13 at last fulfilled. (See Nicholson 1986:
737-41)- 121-33, I73~4-) w- 12-14 prepare for YHWH's giving of the
 85 EXODUS
tablets of stone to Moses, and it also makes a bridge to ch. 32. scriptions follow in ch. 30; the first (w. i—10) is part of the
What exactly is written on the tablets is not made clear here: it main speech, the others, like those in ch. 31, are added as
is only at 34:28 (and Deut 5:22) that it emerges it is the Ten separate short speeches. As a conclusion has already been
Commandments. It is also unclear how the tablets relate to given to the instructions, and the incense altar and basin
the book that Moses has written. The tablets are to be placed in have not been mentioned in their logical places, these pre-
the Ark when it is made (25:16; 40:20; Deut 10:2—5); as scriptions are generally taken as later additions.
Cassuto (1967: 331) notes, this is similar to the provisions in The whole passage is framed by the call for contributions in
ancient treaties for copies to be placed in the sanctuaries of the 25:2-9 and the provisions for design and manufacture in 31:1-
contracting parties. Perhaps, then, the tablets are meant to be ii. Why this is followed by the repetition of the sabbath
the official original of the covenant, while copies on papyrus commandment in 31:12—17 is discussed below.
may be made for practical purposes, w. 15—18 are a P para- The general outline of the sanctuary is similar to that of
graph preparing for the giving of the instructions about the Solomon's temple described in i Kings 6, and to that of many
tabernacle which now follow. of the shrines in Palestine and its surrounding area found in
archaeological excavations. It clearly reflects very ancient
(25:1—31:17) The Prescriptions for the Sanctuary This third ideas of the deity's dwelling in the temple and having his
long speech by YHWH from Sinai is an entirely Priestly needs attended to there by his priestly servants. A covered
passage. He gives instructions here for the building of a rectangular structure stands in an open court, and is divided
portable structure which has two functions. It enables the by a crosswise partition into two rooms (for a slightly different
living presence of YHWH, which the Israelites have met at picture see Friedman 1992). The inner, smaller room con-
Sinai, to go with them on their journey and continue to bless tains the principal symbol of the presence of the deity. The two
them (40:34-8); and it enables Moses to continue to receive cherubim originally represented a throne for the invisible
instructions from YHWH after the people have left Sinai (see YHWH (see i Sam 4:4). In the outer room stands furniture
25:22; 29:42; Lev 1:1). required for the personal service of the deity: the lampstand
This double function is reflected in the names 'tabernacle' for light, the table for the 'bread of the Presence', and the
and 'tent of meeting'. In part, these names refer to different incense altar for pleasant scent. Outside in the court stands
parts of the structure (see ch. 26, especially v. 7): the taber- the 'altar of burnt offering', where offerings are burnt, wholly
nacle is the arrangement of frames or boards over which or partially, as a 'pleasing odour' to YHWH (29:18, etc.).
curtains of fine material are stretched, and the tent is the Taken literally, this mode of service would imply a very
curtains of goat's hair which cover the tabernacle. But theo- crude conception of God. But the ritual goes back to time
logically the name 'tent of meeting' implies (as in 33:7—11) the immemorial, and the text does not imply such a literal con-
place where God meets with Moses as the prophetic represen- ception. It avoids implying that YHWH was enthroned over
tative of Israel; while 'tabernacle' (miskan, lit. 'dwelling') im- the ark (Mettinger 1982: 88), and gives no indication beyond
plies the place where God dwells among his people. Both the use of traditional cliches that YHWH was literally bene-
these understandings are expressed in the conclusion to the fited by his service. In fact no one had ever believed that gods
main body of instructions in 29:43—6. literally lived in their temples, in the sense that they were
But though the name 'tent of meeting' is rather the com- bounded by them. God's true temple is in heaven, where he
moner of the two, the physical image is that of a temple, sits enthroned in glory (see Isa 6); the temple on earth is a
differing from other temples only in being portable; and a copy of this (Ex 25:9; Cassuto 1967: 322), and there he makes
temple was primarily thought of as a god's permanent dwell- himself present to his people in a particular way.
ing-place on earth. (For thorough discussion of the priestly The presence of God in the centre is believed to generate an
picture of the tabernacle and its service see Haran 1985: 149- intense holiness which is like a physical influence, radiating
259.) outwards in declining degree. This is marked by the materials
The main body of instructions, chs. 25—9, moves outwards used and by the persons allowed to enter. The materials
from the centre which represents the divine presence. First decrease in value as one moves outwards (Haran 1985: 158-
(25:10-40) the sacred furniture is prescribed, beginning with 65). No one may enter the inner sanctum except the high
the ark and its cover which stand in the innermost sanctum; priest once a year (Lev 16:2, 29); no one but priests may enter
then (ch. 26) the tabernacle-tent structure which screens the outer hall or ascend the altar. The high priest (Aaron) and
these sacred objects from public view; then (ch. 27) the altar the priests (the sons of Aaron) are specially consecrated (29)
outside and the hangings which surround the court where it and must preserve a special degree of ritual purity (Lev 21) so
stands. A consecrated priesthood is required to serve in this that they can venture into these holy areas. Any Israelite who
holy place, so the instructions proceed by prescribing their is ritually clean for the time being (see Lev n—16) may enter
vestments (ch. 28) and the rite of their ordination (ch. 29) the court, but the hangings mark out the area beyond which
which qualifies them to serve. Chs. 28-9 on the priesthood the unclean may not proceed. (For further details see Haran
are framed by two passages which prescribe the permanent 1985: 158-88.)
daily service which is to be carried on, and so explain why a Clearly this whole arrangement is symbolic. At the centre of
priesthood is necessary: 27:20-1 on the tending of the lamp in the people's life stands the Presence of God, and order, life,
the tabernacle; and 29:38-42 on the daily burnt offerings. and blessing flow out from there. But there are also powers of
The instructions are rounded off (29:43-6) with a state- disorder and death that have to be kept at bay. Contact between
ment by YHWH of how he will use the sanctuary, as the place these would be deadly: hence the carefully ordered gradation
of meeting and of presence. However, some additional pre- of boundaries, material, and personnel. (See also Jenson
EXODUS 86
1992: 56-88.) At the same time the system would have served whether they are set side by side, giving the tabernacle a
to guarantee the power of the priests who controlled it. length of 30 cubits, or overlapping (Friedman 1992), giving
The system is more obviously appropriate for a settled a length of (perhaps) 20 cubits. The breadth is very uncertain,
people, despite the great care with which it is adapted to life because of the difficulty of w. 23-4. The tabernacle curtains
on the move. No doubt it represents what the priests believed are meant to be stretched over the top of the structure, form-
about the temple. The question arises whether the picture of ing its roof and hanging down the sides; they are joined
the mobile tabernacle is imaginary or derived from a real together lengthwise to make an area 28 x 40 cubits, with
sanctuary. Portable shrines existed, but the one described is the long side running the length of the tabernacle and hang-
far too elaborate to have been produced in the wilderness. ing down the back; similarly with the tent curtains which are
Critical scholars have tended to argue that it is an imaginary stretched over the top of the tabernacle curtains and cover the
projection of the Jerusalem temple into the period of the parts these cannot reach.
wilderness. Some (e.g. Friedman 1992), however, have sug- The key ritual element here is the 'curtain' (not the same
gested that there was a real portable shrine, not as elaborate as word as in v. i, etc.) in w. 31—5, which marks off the 'most holy
is here described, referred to in Ex 33:7—11 and in Num n and place' (Heb. 'holy of holies'). Within the curtain is the ark,
12, which was preserved at Shiloh and perhaps later at Jeru- outside it the other furniture. Most scholars envisage the
salem, and that this is what the writer is describing. curtain as dividing the tabernacle crosswise in the same way
But if P is dependent on the earlier sources, it is likely that it as the solid wall dividing the main hall from the inner sanc-
has taken the idea of a tent-shrine and the name 'tent of tum of permanent temples, with the pillars side by side;
meeting' from 33:7, and with it the function of the shrine as Friedman however sees it as a canopy hanging down from
a place of meeting between God and his prophet, and has four pillars set in a square.
combined that with the temple image (similarly Childs 1974). (27:1-8) This description is once again very ambiguous. The
But there are details that do not accord with the Jerusalem altar is a hollow box of wooden boards overlaid with bronze: so
temple either before or after the Exile. much is clear. But as it is doubtful whether such a structure
(25:1—9) The Israelites are to make a 'holy place' (v. 8; NRSV could stand a fire, it is argued by Cassuto (1967: 362) that it
'sanctuary'), a place marked out for and by YHWH's presence. has no top and in use would be filled with stones or earth (cf.
The verse is echoed by 29:43 at the end of the main body of 20:24—6), so that the fire would be laid on the stones. Even
instructions. In v. 9, YHWH does not merely tell Moses what more unclear is the placing and function of the 'grating'. The
to make: he shows him a 'pattern' (very necessary in view of horns (v. 2) at least are a regular feature of altars in that
the obscurity and ambiguity of some of the prescriptions!). cultural area. Their origin is uncertain, but their use in Israel-
Perhaps the writer believed that the tabernacle was a copy of a ite ritual appears in 29:12.
heavenly temple (as Heb 8:5 deduces). Other ancient Near- (27:9—19) The dimensions and function of the enclosure
Eastern priestly writers claimed this for their temples. which surrounds the altar and tabernacle are clear, even
(25:10-22) The word translated 'covenant' (w. 16, 25) in the though details of the spacing of the pillars on which the
NRSV and 'testimony' in many other versions is not the same hangings are hung are not, and the placing of the altar and
as the word for 'covenant' earlier; it is P's regular term for tabernacle within the court is not specified.
the written record of YHWH's commandments on the stone (27:20—1) It is not immediately clear why this passage is
tablets. P follows the conception in Deut 10:2—5, somat the ark placed here (it is repeated almost word for word in Lev 24:2—
becomes not only the place of YHWH's meeting with Moses 4); for my suggestion see above, EX 25:1-31:17. Why it speaks of
(v. 22), but also the sign of the obligations he lays upon Israel, only one light is also unclear; it is likely that it is a fragment of
v. 18, 'cherubim' were probably imaginary winged four- a different tradition from that which calls for seven, which has
footed creatures such as are found constantly in ancient become dominant in the text.
Near-Eastern art. YHWH is depicted as 'riding' or 'seated' on
(28:1—43) This chapter now introduces the priesthood to
cherubim in e.g. Ps 18:10; 80:1.
serve in the holy place, and details the vestments they are to
(25:23—40) The table is used both for the bread of the Pre- wear for that purpose. Aaron is to be the high priest, his sons
sence (v. 24; see Lev 24:5—9) and for vessels for drink- the priests. Obviously what is said of Aaron will apply to each
offerings; however, these were not offered inside the taber- high priest after him. Most of the chapter (w. 2—39) is con-
nacle. The prescriptions for the lampstand are hard to follow, cerned with Aaron's vestments, which are designed for offi-
but the well-known relief of the lampstand from Herod's ciating within the tabernacle (Haran 1985: 210-13). v- 4° lists
temple on the Arch of Titus in Rome probably gives a fair the garments of Aaron's sons, for service at the altar, and v. 41
idea of what the writer had in mind; see also Meyers (ABD iv. points forward to their vesting and ordination prescribed in
142; cf Meyers 1976). Solomon's temple had ten lampstands detail in the next chapter. The undergarments or drawers
(i Kings 7:49), but it is not said that these were branched. The prescribed in w. 42-3 may be a later development, but as their
branched lampstand appears to be a later innovation, thrown function is a negative one (cf. 20:26) they might in any case
back into the time of the wilderness. not be mentioned along with the garments which are de-
(26:1-37) The description is ambiguous, and various recon- signed for 'glorious adornment' (w. 2, 40). These are made
structions have been made. The main structure is the of the same costly materials (v. 5) as the tabernacle itself. The
'frames', or boards, described in w. 15—25. These are set up ephod (w. 6—14) appears to be a sort of apron with shoulder-
on end, so that the height of the tabernacle is 10 cubits (a cubit straps; it is the most visible and impressive of the vestments.
was about 50 cm. or ift. 8 in.); but disagreement arises over The 'breastpiece of judgement' (w. 15-30) is so called because
 87 EXODUS
it holds the Urim and Thummim (v. 30), which are objects by the king: P needs to emphasize the importance of continu-
used for divination (Num 27:21). The robe (w. 31—5) is worn ing it by placing its beginning in the wilderness.
under the ephod, and is of simpler workmanship, except for (29:43—6) The speech comes to a fitting climax in which
the hem. The bells protect Aaron (v. 35) perhaps by preventing YHWH defines the purpose of all the elaborate provisions
him making an unannounced approach before the throne which he has been reciting, and makes it clear that they are
(Cassuto 1967: 383). Like the other elements of ritual in the the fulfilment of the promise he had made while the people
tabernacle, they go back to a more primitive conception of were slaves in Egypt, that T will take you as my people, and I
deity. The tunic goes under the robe, but it may have sleeves, will be your God' (6:7). What he had not said there was that he
unlike the other vestments. would meet with them and dwell among them. It is the tent of
The balance and structure of the account emphasize those meeting that makes this possible. And even though he has
elements in Aaron's attire which express his representative been giving directions for Moses to consecrate the tent, the
function: the stones on which he bears the names of the sons altar, and the priests, he makes it clear that it is he himself,
of Israel 'before the LORD'—that is, in the tabernacle; Urim YHWH, who will really consecrate them, and he will do this by
and Thummim in which he would 'bear the judgement of the his presence, which is summed up in the symbol of his 'glory',
Israelites'; the rosette with its inscription, which reminds which for P is a literal dazzling radiance. 'And they shall
YHWH that the whole people (not just Aaron) is 'holy to know...' (v. 46): of all the acts by which Israel comes to
YHWH', so that any unintentional failures may be over- know their God, this, for P, is the supreme one, that he dwells
looked. During the monarchy, it was the king who was the among them and speaks with them.
representative of the people before God; it is likely that it was
(30:1—10) This may reflect an addition to the furniture of the
in the post-exilic period that the high priests took over this
Second Temple. Incense was at all times in the ancient Near
function, and perhaps much of the array ascribed here to
East a common element of ritual; its sweet smell was held to
Aaron was originally the king's.
attract the favour of the deity and appease the deity's wrath.
(29:1—37) This chapter prescribes a ritual which is carried out But we more commonly hear of its being offered in censers
in Lev 8, where it is again described in detail; Lev 9 goes on to carried in the hand. Although it is an addition to the ritual, it is
describe the ritual of the eighth day, when Aaron enters fully fully integrated into the complex of acts of 'service' which
on his priesthood. Fuller comment will therefore be found at Aaron performs in the tabernacle (w. 7-8) (Haran 1985:
LEV 8-9; for the details of the different sacrifices LEV 1-4; and 230—45). For v. 10, see Lev 16.
for the 'elevation offering' (w. 24, 26) Lev 7:28—38. Briefly, the (30:11—16) During the monarchy the regular offering would
elements of the ordination ritual are as follows: investiture in have been the king's responsibility; in Neh 10:32—3 we find the
the sacred vestments (w. 5-6, 8-9); anointing, a symbol of community as a whole taking the responsibility on them-
appointment (v. 7; only for Aaron, though 28:41 mentions selves through a poll-tax; the census ransom is P's version of
anointing for them all); and ordination proper (w. 10—35), this. It was an ancient belief that carrying out a census was a
which is a seven-day rite of passage (v. 35) consisting of dangerous act which might arouse the envy of the deity: see 2
particular sacrifices. The defining moment is the ritual in Sam 24. The token offering averts this, as well as providing for
w. 19-21, in which some of the blood of the 'ram of ordination' the offering.
is smeared on representative extremities of the ordinands
(30:17-21) The concern here is not for ordinary dirt, but for
and the rest dashed on the sides of the altar. Cf 24:6—8: the
ritual uncleanness (Lev 11—15), which to the priests, who are
smearing or sprinkling of a token portion of the blood of
constantly in the holy place and handling holy things, is a
a sacrifice which is at the same time made holy by its offering
constant threat. Washing the body is the normal way of re-
to God makes the person holy to God. The altar (w. 36—7) also
moving low-grade uncleanness.
requires purification from any uncleanness it may have
contracted, and consecration. 'Sin offering' and 'atonement' (30:22-38) These two sections each provide for the com-
(NRSV) are clearly unsatisfactory translations in reference pounding of distinctive substances which are to be used ex-
to an inanimate object: 'purification offering' and 'purifica- clusively in the service ofthe tabernacle. They are 'holy' (w. 25,
tion' (Milgrom 1991: 253—4) are better. Its consecration is 36) both in this sense and as far as the oil is concerned in the
not simply dedication: it becomes actively holy so as to sense that it is a sign which conveys holiness to the objects and
engulf in its holiness anything that touches it: this is a warn- persons which are anointed with it.
ing, for it is certain death for anyone who is not already (31:1—11) Bezalel's qualifications come to him by a twofold
consecrated. action of YHWH, who both calls him and fills him with divine
(29:38—42) Mention of the altar leads into instruction for its spirit. Although these graces are most frequently referred to
one regular daily use; but as I have suggested it also serves, as bestowing gifts of leadership and of prophecy, they are
with 27:20-1, to framethe instructions forthe priesthood with clearly not confined to those connections. P has laid stress
a representative reminder of the daily need for a priesthood: throughout on the importance ofthe materials and design of
Aaron to enter the tabernacle to dress the lamps, and his sons the tabernacle and its furniture; they help to give them their
to serve at the altar. The prime reason for the existence of a holy character. It is therefore natural that the skill which is
public sanctuary is to offer public offerings paid for out of needed to create them should be seen as a divine gift.
public resources (see 30:11-16) as a formal expression of the (31:12—17) It is appropriate that the sabbath command should
community's homage to its God. The Jerusalem temple under be repeated here, with its grounding in the creation account
the monarchy would have had such a regular offering paid for in Gen 1:1-2:3. Th£ tabernacle represents God's heavenly
EXODUS 88

dwelling-place, where he rested after his exertions in creation, cases the cultic object is described as a golden calf, and the cry
and the sabbath represents his heavenly rest (cf Levenson in 32:4 is identical to Jeroboam's announcement in i Kings
1988: 79—99). The passage bears a number of marks of the 12:28. There can be no doubt that one or other of the writers
style and concerns of the editor of the Holiness Code (Lev has deliberately described the event in terms drawn from the
17-26), who may have been the final editor of the Priestly other account. It is likely that Kings is the source. The bull was
material (Knohl 1994). The sabbath is not only holy itself, but a common symbol of deity in Canaanite culture; it fits with
is a way God has given of expressing the holiness of the people this that the kingdom of Israel should have had bulls as its
(v. 13). For the first time a penalty is given for breaking it official cult symbols, and the story in i Kings 12 is a slanted
(w. 14-15): as with other offences against Israel's holiness to and polemical account of how they were introduced. Calling
YHWH, it is death (cf. Lev 20). the bulls 'calves' is deliberate disparagement, probably begun
by Hosea (Hos 8:5, 6; 10:5). J follows his usual practice of
(Chs. 32-4) Covenant Breaking and Renewal (For a thorough tracing back key themes in Israel's later history into the
treatment of 32-4, see Moberley 1983; also Van Seters 1994: wilderness period. (For another view, see Moberly 1983:
290—360.) The story here takes a turn which is of great 161-71.)
importance for the theological message of the book. After (32:1—6) The calf which Aaron makes is in the first place
the people have solemnly accepted YHWH's covenant on a subsitute for Moses, who represented God's guidance in a
the basis of his commandments, the first thing they do is to concrete way. Without him, the people feel the need for a
break the most fundamental of them; they desert the worship visible expression of divine guidance. The course they urge
of YHWH for an idol. This is a 'test' (see 17:2) of the covenant, on Aaron is described in terms which suggest that they are
and of YHWH's commitment to his people, of the most behaving exactly like pagans. Gods are something that can be
radical sort. He would have every justification in destroying made. Why 'gods', when there is only one image? Because to
them and starting afresh, and says so in 32:10. But this does speak of'gods' in the plural is typical of pagans (see i Sam 4:7—
not happen; why not? 8; i Kings 20:23); me sentence is probably taken from i Kings
The story makes Moses responsible for reconciling YHWH 12:28, but not unthinkingly—the fact that there are two calves
to the people. Moses struggles with YHWH from 32:11 to 34:9, does not make it more appropriate there (see Moberly 1983:
first to avert the threatened destruction, and then to ensure 163). Is the calf intended as an image of YHWH? It is hailed as
the full restoration of his presence with them and gracious- having 'brought you up out of the land of Egypt', and the feast
ness to them. And this he achieves. The people do nothing which Aaron announces is a festival for YHWH. But the
towards this, and make no renewed promises. They express author leaves no doubt that they are not really worshipping
no repentance for their apostasy; Moberly (1983: 60—i) shows YHWH. See EX 20:2—6. Therefore the people have indeed
that their mourning in 33:4 is not repentance. Moses here broken the first commandment.
comes into his own as a heroic figure (see EXA). Formonthshe
has simply obeyed orders; now he not only acts on his own (32:7—14) This passage has caused difficulty. Why should
initiative, but, with deference but determination, sets himself Moses react so violently in v. 19 if YHWH had already told
against YHWH's expressed intention and fights on behalf of him on the mountain? How can the long process of interces-
the people whom YHWH himself has made his responsibility, sion in 32:30-34:9 be understood if Moses has already secured
ignoring inducements (32:10), and putting his own life on the YHWH's forgiveness in v. 14? It is a matter of literary techni-
line for their sake (32:32). Aaron makes a pitiful contrast: que. The key issues are set out here, right after the account of
'Aaron was too weak to restrain the people; Moses was strong Israel's sin, and they govern the whole story. There is, in any
enough to restrain even God' (Childs 1974: 570). But if Moses case, no real difficulty in understanding Moses' reaction on
acquires new stature in this episode, so too does YHWH. actually seeing the worship of the golden calf; and it is often
What Moses appeals to is YHWH's own promise and char- overlooked that Moses is not himself told of YHWH's change
acter. He cannot persuade him to do something that he does of heart, v. 14 is a narrative comment which gives the reader
not want to do. And when YHWH at the climax of the story the advantage over Moses; as far as he knows, there is every-
proclaims his own characteristics, what comes first is his thing still to play for; and YHWH, as befits the seriousness of
mercy, steadfast love, and forgiveness (34:6—7). He proves the sin, will not immediately reveal his forgiveness. 'Stiff-
himself a God able in the end to bear with a people who not necked' (v. 9) is one of the motifs of the story, repeated in
only have sinned but are likely to go on sinning, as Moses 33:3, 5; 34:9. In YHWH's demand 'Now let me alone', 'he pays
confesses (34:9). The legalistic interpretation of the covenant, such deference to [Moses'] prayers as to say they are a hin-
that breaking the commandment means death, suggested in drance to him' (Calvin 1854: iii. 341); and he then indirectly
20:5, 23:21, and 32:10, is set aside without being formally reminds Moses of the right basis for such prayers. 'Of you I
repudiated (34:7/7). It is on this basis that YHWH's presence will make a great nation' recalls his promise to Abraham, Gen
is able to go with the people, as he has already promised in 12:2. Moses in his reply picks this up, as well as reminding
33:17; and so the elaborate provisions that he has made for this YHWH of the danger to his reputation, which had been one of
are able to go forward. the main themes of the struggle with Pharaoh.
We may treat this passage as a literary unity, though many (32:15-24) The tablets are the focus in w. 15-19. Moses'break-
would see 32:9-14 and 25-9 as later expansions (see Moberly ing of them appears to signify that the covenant is at an end,
1983: 157-86 and Van Seters 1994: 290-5). Interesting ques- and this is confirmed in ch. 34, where a new covenant is made
tions arise when we compare the story, particularly 32:1—6, on conditions inscribed on new tablets. Could a calf made of
with the story of Jeroboam and his calves in i Kings 12. In both gold be burnt and ground to powder? It is possible that the
 89 EXODUS
description has simply been taken over from Deut 9:21 (Van is remarkable: a holy God has agreed to be present with a
Seters 1994: 303—7); Deuteronomy does not say what the calf people who are still sinful and show no serious sign of repent-
was made of. w. 21—4 recall Gen 3. Aaron contrives to throw all ance. Moses' further request in v. 18 seems at first sight to be
the blame on the people and minimizes his own part, in purely selfish. But it becomes clear when YHWH grants it (in
contrast with Moses, who identifies himself with the people his own way) in 34:5—7 that the vision of his 'goodness' which
in his struggles with God. he has promised Moses has everything to do with the people's
(32:25—9) is another passage that has caused difficulty, partly need of mercy and forgiveness. Moses has achieved much, but
because Moses inflicts a fearful punishment on the people, he has still not gained the main point, absolute forgiveness.
whereas elsewhere he pleads for forgiveness, partly because The answer he got to the direct request in 32:32 was not
the punishment seems quite random. It should be noted that encouraging, so he tries an indirect one, and this time receives
what Moses pleads against is the total destruction of the definite, though still indirect, encouragement (v. 20). YHWH
people, and then YHWH's withdrawal of his presence from is merciful, though he reserves to himself absolute discretion
Israel's midst; this does not rule out an exemplary punish- in deciding whom to be merciful to.
ment, v. 35 expresses the same idea, though it has been inter- (34:1-9) The episode moves to its climax. YHWH's order to
preted as the much later fulfilment of the threat in v. 34. The Moses in v. i leaves no doubt now that he intends to restore the
passage serves to account for the special position of the Levites covenant shattered with the tablets in 32:19. Moses alone goes
in Israelite society. up the mountain. The people's rebellion leaves them no role
(32:30-33:6) In this episode of intercession, Moses clearly but humbly to accept their Lord's good pleasure. YHWH's
does not achieve his object, though it is not easy to follow proclamation of his own name and qualities in w. 6—7 is
the conversations between Moses and YHWH because of another version of the descriptions in 20:5—6 and Deut 7:9—
their polite and allusive language. 32:33 rejects Moses' offer, 10, and is itself repeatedly quoted elsewhere (e.g. Ps 103:8). It
and v. 34 warns that a time of punishment is yet to come. lays stress on his forgiveness, and avoids saying that he is
YHWH is not yet reconciled. For v. 35, see above on w. 25—9. In gracious 'to those that love me and keep my commandments'.
33:1—3 YHWH sends the people off to Canaan, but without his The centre is his 'steadfast love' (Heb. hesed; other translations
presence among them. The 'angel', as in 23:20, may represent 'faithfulness', 'mercy'). This is the gracious favour which a
YHWH and even be a form of his presence. But what he patron shows to those who have come under his protection (or
refuses to give them is his presence among them. Moberly the loyalty which they show to him); it is gracious and yet at
(1983: 62—3) suggests that this presence would be experienced the same time required of him by the relationship, an idea
through the medium of a sanctuary; and the following section difficult for us to grasp in a society which has separated
supports this. institutional obligation and personal motivation (cf. Kippen-
(33:7-11) This section is a digression from the main thread of berg 1982: 32). There remains a paradox in the proclamation:
the narrative, but not an irrelevant digression. It describes not YHWH forgives iniquity, and yet he also punishes it, even to
what Moses did next, but what he regularly did; the period the fourth generation. As we have already seen, punishment
over which he did it is not specified, but see Num n and Deut is not excluded even where he has resolved to forgive. The
31:14-15. It is mentioned to make clear how Moses was still essential thing is that the relationship is restored and main-
able to communicate with YHWH although he had refused tained in perpetuity, however much Israel's sinfulness may
his presence in their midst. He does it through the medium of test it.
a tent shrine; but unlike the one provided for in chs. 25-6 it is (34:10—28) And this is what YHWH promises in his pro-
pitched way outside the camp, a clear enough sign of the clamation T hereby make a covenant'. A covenant, because
danger of YHWH's coming any closer, v. n underlines the what he now does is new. The precise reference of the rest of
special privilege of Moses in speaking with YHWH 'face to v. 10 is unclear; even whether 'you' is Moses or Israel; but it is
face', and this leads in appropriately to the next passage of clear thatthe covenant is primarily YHWH's promise to Moses
intercession. to forgive Israel. There are conditions; they are not new, but
Although P takes over the name 'tent of meeting', there are almost entirely a selection of the commandments from the
many differences between this tent and his, besides its loca- Book of the Covenant (see EX 20:22—23:33) with particular
tion. It is a place not of priestly service and sacrifice but of emphasis on the exclusive worship of YHWH. w. n—16 are a
prophetic revelation, and YHWH appears not in its innermost rewriting of 23:23-4, 32-3; v. 17 is a version of 20:23; and
recesses but at its entrance. It has been conjectured that this w. 18-26 are 23:15-19 with some expansion, mostly from
tent of meeting was an ancient prophetic institution in Israel. 13:12-13 (cf. 22:29-30). The implication is that, as YHWH
But Van Seters (1994: 341—4) suggests that it is J's imaginative has already said in 34:1, the covenant terms are still in force,
reconstruction. but it is not necessary for the author to repeat the entire code,
(33:12-23) The story of Moses' intercession with YHWH is as only certain things need to be emphasized. Moses is com-
taken up again at the point where it was left in 33:4. Moses' manded to write the words, as he had done in 24:4. The text in
object is to gain YHWH's personal presence among the 28 seems to say that Moses wrote on the tablets. But YHWH
people. In v. 14 the translation T will go with you' (NRSV has already said (34:1) that he himself would write the words
and others) makes nonsense of the conversation. Only in on them. So probably the subject of the last sentence in v. 28 is
v. 17 does YHWH finally grant Moses what he has been asking YHWH, and Moses is thought of as writing a separate copy.
for, his presence with the people. At v. 14 all he says is 'My But what did YHWH write? Up to this point the implication
presence will go', without the vital word 'with'. Moses' success has been that it would be the words in w. 11-26, yet the text
EXODUS 90
adds that it was 'the ten commandments'. This can only mean Bimson, J. J. (1978), Redating the Exodus and Conquest, JSOTSup 5
20:2—17. Th£ likely explanation is that someone has added the (Sheffield: JSOT).
words 'the ten commandments', remembering that in Deut 5 Blenldnsopp, J. (1992), The Pentateuch: An Introduction to the First Five
Books of the Bible (London: SCM).
it is these which are written on the tablets and trying to make
Brenner, M. L. (1991), The Song of the Sea: Ex. 15, 1—21, BZAW 195
Exodus and Deuteronomy agree. (Berlin: de Gruyter).
(34:29-35) The shining of Moses' face as a sign of intense Brichto, H. C. (1963), The Problem of'Curse' in the Hebrew Bible, JBL
spiritual experience is not unparalleled: one might think of Monograph Ser. 13 (Philadelphia: Society for Biblical Literature and
Jesus' transfiguration (Mk 9:2-8) or the experience reported Exegesis).
of St Seraphim of Sarov. It is not clear why Moses puts a veil Brueggemann, W. (1995), 'Pharaoh as Vassal: A Study of a Political
over his face when he has finished reporting YHWH's com- Metaphor', CBQ 57: 27-51.
Calvin, J. (1854), Commentary on the Four Last Books of Moses, arranged
mands, unless perhaps simply to avoid standing out unneces-
in the Form of a Harmony, tr. C. W. Bingham (4 vols.; Edinburgh:
sarily when not performing his religious and leadership Calvin Translation Society).
functions. (1953), Institutes of the Christian Religion, tr. H. Beveridge (2 vols.;
(Chs. 35-40) The Building of the Sanctuary With the cov- London: James Clarke).
enant relationship restored, the instructions given by YHWH Cassuto, U. (1967), A Commentary on Exodus (Jerusalem: Magnes).
to create a sanctuary for him can now be carried out. This Childs, B. S. (1974), Exodus: A Commentary (London: SCM).
Chirichigno, G. C. (1993), Debt-Slavery in Israel and the Ancient Near
account obviously depends very closely on chs. 25—31; in the
East, JSOTSup 141 (Sheffield: JSOT).
parts which describe the actual construction the instructions Clines, D. (199512), 'The Ten Commandments, Reading from
are reproduced word for word with the appropriate changes. Left to Right', in Interested Parties: The Ideology of Writers and
As the incense altar and laver are described in their proper Readers of the Hebrew Bible (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press),
places, the account was obviously written from the start in 26-45.
dependence on the whole passage chs. 25-31 including its (1995(7), 'God in the Pentateuch; Reading against the Grain', ibid.
afterthoughts. Every paragraph concludes 'as YHWH had 187-211.
commanded Moses' to underline the authority behind the Croatto, J. S. (1981), Exodus: A Hermeneutics of Freedom (Maryknoll,
construction. As the instructions had concluded with the NY: Orbis Books).
Cross, F. M. (1973), "The Song of the Sea and Canaanite Myth', in
repetition of the sabbath command, Moses' commands to
Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
the Israelites begin with it. A detailed account of the offering University Press), 112-44.
follows in 35:4—36:7, together with the calling of Bezalel and Daube, D. (1947), Studies in Biblical Law (Cambridge: Cambridge
Oholiab. The construction of the various items occupies 36:8- University Press).
39:43. The account begins with the tabernacle itself before Davies, G. I. (1979), The Way of the Wilderness: A Geographical Study
moving on to the furniture which is placed in it. It is broken of the Wilderness Itineraries in the Old Testament, SOTSMS 5 (Cam-
only by the account of the contributed metals in 38:24—31. This bridge: Cambridge University Press).
does not reproduce any single passage in 25-31, but is deduced Dever, W. G. (1992), 'Israel, History of (Archaeology and the "Con-
from its data; as far as the silver is concerned the figure in quest")', ABD iii. 545-58.
Durham, J. I. (1987), Exodus, WBC (Waco, Tex.: Word Books).
38:25 is derived from the census figure in Num 1:46 on the
Exum, J. C. (1993), ' "You Shall Let Every Daughter Live": A Study of
assumption that the ransom commanded in 30:11—16 was Exodus i.8-2.10', Semeia, 28: 53-82, repr. in Athalya Brenner
intended for the construction. (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy (Sheffield:
(38:8) No one can really explain this odd note, i Sam 2:22 is Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 37—61.
no help. (1994), 'Second Thoughts about Secondary Characters: Women
When all is complete, YHWH gives the order to set the in Exodus 1.8—2.10', ibid. 75—87.
tabernacle up and consecrate it and ordain its priesthood Fewell, D. N. and Gunn, D. M. (1993), Gender, Power and Promise: The
Subject of the Bible's First Story (Nashville: Abingdon).
(40:1—15). For the fulfilment of much of this we must wait Finkelstein, I. (1988), The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement
till Lev 8; but here we are told of the setting up of the taber- (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society).
nacle (40:16—33), and this is followed immediately by the Friedman, R. E. (1992), Tabernacle' in ABDvi. 292-300.
climax of the whole account, the entry of the glory of YHWH Gerstenberger, E. (1965), Wesen und Herkunft des 'apodiktischen Rechts',
into his dwelling-place. The glory is described as cloud and WMANT 20 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
fire, as it appeared on Sinai in 24:16-17. The object of all the Gottwald, N. K. (1980), The Tribes ofYahweh:A Sociology of Liberated
work has been achieved: the presence of YHWH, as it had Israel, 1250-1050 B.C.E. (London, SCM).
been on Sinai, is with his people for ever, and guides them on Gowan, D. E. (1994), Theology in Exodus: Biblical Theology in the Form
their journeys. of a Commentary (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox).
Gunn, D. M. (1982), The Hardening of Pharaoh's Heart', in David
J. A. Clines, David M. Gunn, and Alan J. Hauser (eds.), Art and
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Kirkpatrick, P. (1988), The Old Testament and Folklore Study, JSOTSup (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
62 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). Smith, G. A. (1918), The Book of Deuteronomy, Cambridge Bible
Knohl, I. (1994), The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the for Schools and Colleges (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Holiness School (Minneapolis: Fortress). Press).
Lang, B. (1983), The Social Organization of Peasant Poverty Sprinkle, J. M. (1994), "The Book of the Covenant', a Literary Approach,
in Biblical Israel', in Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority JSOTSup 174 (Sheffield: JSOT).
(Sheffield: Almond), 114—27, repr. in Lang, Bernhard (ed.), Anthro- Trible, P. (1994), 'Bringing Miriam out of the Shadows', in Athalya
pological Approaches to the Old Testament (London: SPCK, 1985), Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Exodus to Deuteronomy
83-99. (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press), 166-86; repr. from Bible Re-
Levenson, J. D. (1988), Creation and the Persistence of Evil (San Fran- view 5/1 (1989), 170-90.
cisco: Harper & Row). Van Seters, J. (1994), The Life of Moses: The Yahwist as Historian in
Luther, M. (1896), The Larger Catechism', in Wace and Buchheim Exodus-Numbers (Kampen: Kok Pharos).
(eds.), Luther's Primary Works, ii. Vaux, R. de (1978), The Early History of Israel (2 vols.; London: Darton,
Mendenhall, G. E. (199212), 'Covenant' in ABD, i. 1179—1202. Longman & Todd).
(1992(7), 'Midian' in ABD, iv. 815-18. (1961), Ancient Israel, its Life and Institutions (London: Darton,
Mettinger, T. N. D. (1982), The Dethronement ofSabaoth: Studies in the Longman &Todd).
Shem and Kabod Theologies, ConBOT 18 (Lund: Gleerup). Wambacq, B. N. (1976), 'Les Origines de la Pesah Israelite', Biblica, 57:
(1995), No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in its Ancient Near 206-24, 301-26.
Eastern Context, ConBoT (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell Int.). Weinfeld, M. (1991), Deuteronomy i-uAB 5 (New York: Doubleday).
Meyers, C. (1976), The Tabernacle Menorah (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Wilson, R. R. (1977), Genealogy and History in the Biblical World, YNER
Press). 7 (New Haven: Yale University Press).
Milgrom, J. (1991), Leviticus 1-16, AB 3 (New York: Doubleday). Zimmerli, W. (1968), 'Das zweite Gebof, in Gottes Offenbarung (Mun-
Miranda, J. P. (1973), Marx and the Bible (London, SCM). ich: Kaiser), 234—48.
Moberly, R. W. L. (1983), At the Mountain of God: Story and Theology in (1982), 'I am Yahweh', in lam Yahweh (Atlanta: John Knox), 1—28.
Exodus32-34, JSOTSup 22 (Sheffield: JSOT).

6. Leviticus LESTER L. G R A B B E

INTRODUCTION Whole burnt offering (1:3—17)

Cereal offering (ch. 2)
A. Structure and Contents. 1. The structure and content of
Well-being offering (ch. 3)
Leviticus as a whole can be briefly outlined as follows:
Sin offering (chs. 4—5)
Sacrificial system (chs. 1—7) Normal sin offering (ch. 4)
Introduction (1:1—2) Graduated sin offering (5:1—13)
LEVITICUS 92
Guilt offering (5:14-6:7 (HB 5:14-26)) diversity of material in composing it. For example, many
Laws (torot) of the offerings (chs. 6—7) would see chs. 17—26 (usually referred to as H, for the Holi-
Law of burnt offering (6:8-13 ( HB 6:I-6)) ness Code) as originally a separate block of material which
Law of cereal offering (6:14-18 (HB 6:7-11)) was taken over by P. Since Wellhausen's time, this dating to
Offering at Aaron's anointment (6:19-23 (HB 6:12-16)) the sixth century—whether the exilic or the early post-exilic
Law of sin offering (6:24—30 (HB 6:17—23)) period—has remained fairly constant among critics. An ex-
Law of guilt offering (7:1—10) ception was Vink who put it in the fourth century, though few
Law of well-being offering (7:11-18) have followed him. All agree that this is only the date of the
Miscellaneous instructions (7:19-38) final form of the work, though, since the editor/author drew
Initiation of Aaron and sons to the priesthood (chs. 8—10) on various priestly traditions, some of them of substantial
Consecration of priests (chs. 8—9) antiquity.
Death of Nadab and Abihu (10:1-11) 3. In recent years, however, there have been two challenges
Question of consuming the offerings (10:12-20) to this consensus: (i) some ask whether P may not date from
Purity and pollution (chs. 11—15) before the Exile (see below), and (2) others have questioned
Clean and unclean animals (ch. n) whether the traditional alleged sources exist at all (Whybray
Childbirth (ch. 12) 1987). Although biblical fundamentalists have continually
Skin diseases ('leprosy') (chs. 13-14) rejected the Documentary Hypothesis for dogmatic reasons,
Genital discharges (ch. 15) it should not be assumed that recent challenges fall into the
Atonement for sanctuary and people (scapegoat ritual) (ch. 16) same category. While some of the arguments may have been
Holiness code (chs. 17-26) around a long time, those who oppose the old consensus do so
Question of blood (ch. 17) for critical reasons which have nothing to do with a desire to
Forbidden sexual relations (ch. 18) 'defend' the biblical text.
Miscellaneous laws on being holy (chs. 19—20) 4. The question of P is discussed at length above (INTROD.
Laws for priests (ch. 21) PENT 8.5) and need not be repeated here. I shall only point out
Laws on holy things and sacrifice (ch. 22) that the composition and dating of the book of Leviticus is very
Who may eat of holy things (22:1—16) much tied up with the question of when P is to be dated—
No blemished animals (22:17—25) assuming that it exists. One school of thought, currently a
Miscellaneous laws (22:26-30) minority but with a growing number of adherents and a
Concluding admonition (22:31-33) strong voice in the debate, now favours a pre-exilic dating
Festivals (ch. 23) (Haran 1978; Milgrom 1991; Hurvitz 1982, 1988; Zevit
Lamps and bread of presence (24:1—9) 1982). Indeed, Milgrom even suggests that P was originally
Question of blasphemy (24:10-23) composed for the pre-monarchic territory centring on the
Sabbatical and jubilee years (ch. 25) temple at Shiloh. On the other hand, Gerstenberger (1993)
Blessings and curses (ch. 26) continually discusses how the book fits into the situation in
Appendix: vows and tithe of livestock (ch. 27) the post-exilic community, and Blenkinsopp (1996) has re-
cently challenged the linguistic arguments of Hurvitz and
2. At various points in this commentary, the form critical
others for a pre-exilic dating. A further factor to consider is
structure of passages will be discussed. For further detailed
the current debate on the history of Israel in which a number
information on the structure and contents of Leviticus, one
of scholars are arguing that the present text of the HB is no
should consult the Leviticus volume of the Abingdon series,
earlier than the Persian period and perhaps even later (see e.g.
the Forms of Old Testament Literature, when it appears. In
Lemche 1993). This debate has taken on a new impetus with
the meantime, the commentary by Hartley (1992) is very
the launch of the European Seminar on Historical Methodo-
valuable for its extensive discussion of the form criticism of
logy (see Grabbe 1997).
each section of the book.
5. The question is rightly being vigorously debated on
B. History of the Tradition. 1. We can say with some confidence several fronts, and I believe it is premature to anticipate
that the book of Leviticus has had a long period of growth, with the outcome. Yet we should not forget that there is some
numerous additions and editings. Scholarship is practically agreement on several issues. One is that the present form of
unanimous on this point. We can also state that much of the the book was not reached until the Persian period; another
material within it seems to derive from priestly circles. Thus, is that the text as it now stands incorporates some material
Leviticus is a 'Priestly' document as it now stands, whether or of considerable antiquity. Finally, the book probably says
not there was a P source as envisaged by the Documentary a good deal about the temple cult in the Second Temple
Hypothesis. More controversial are the precise stages of this period, but one should be cautious in assuming it is an actual
growth. In recent years many monographs, as well as com- description of what went on at that time. For this last
mentaries, have attempted to tease out the different layers (in point, see further below ('Leviticus and the Actual Temple
addition to the writers cited below, see Reventlow 1961; Kilian Cult').
1963; Rendtorff 1963; Koch 1959). 6. Throughout the rest of this commentary on Leviticus, I
2. The Documentary Hypothesis has dominated study of shall often refer to P, by which the material normally identi-
the Pentateuch for the past century (see INTROD. PENT B). fied as part of the P document is being referred to. However, in
According to that theory, most of Leviticus belongs to the each case one should always understand the qualifying
Priestly source (P), though the P writers may have used a phrase, 'if it exists' or 'as normally identified'. I have no
 93 LEVITICUS
intention of begging the question of whether P exists or, if so, thinks these should be seen primarily as an aid to under-
what it consisted of. standing the present text.
7. The Holiness Code. Lev 17—26 is commonly divided off 10. This by no means suggests that older methods of source
from the rest as the so-called Holiness Code (H), with ch. 27 as criticism and the like can be forgotten. On the contrary, they
an appendix to the book. Not all would accept this delineation, are often presupposed in the new methods. This means that
but most would agree that within 17—26 is another document traditio-historical analysis is very important for two further
which has been incorporated into the present book but is not legitimate stages to be interpreted. The second level of inter-
necessarily fully integrated with 1-16. That is, both 1-16 and pretation is that of the book as a part of the P document (see
17-26 are collections with their own stages of growth, but below). A third object of interpretation would be the various
each has a relative unity which marks it off from the other. levels in the growth of the book as determined by form and
There are tensions between the two parts, with some major redaction criticism. This is the most hypothetical and is less
differences of outlook on certain issues. There is also the favoured today for that very reason (cf Rendtorff 1982-95: 4),
difficult problem of trying to give the relative dates of the yet most commentators give some attention to the internal
two collections. In the past it was customary to consider H growth of the book, and many see it as their primary concern.
earlier than most of the material in i—16. Nevertheless, a
number of prominent scholars had not accepted the existence C. Importance of the Cult to Ancient Israel. 1. It is easy for
of H as such. For example, Elliger had proposed several in- modern Christians to dismiss the Levitical and other passages
dependent legal corpora which had been brought together, dealing with the sacrificial cult as outdated or irrelevant. For
with several redactional hands. A. Cholewski took a similar that reason, the cult is often slighted or even ignored when
view. I. Knohl (1995; cf. 1987), although accepting the exist- Israel's religion is discussed. But it must not be forgotten that
ence of H, has come to the conclusion that it was later than Lev many Jews still observe the regulations concerning ritual
i—16. He argues the question mainly on the basis of Lev 23 purity, in some form or other, even though the sacrificial
which he thinks is constructed on Num 28—9. Knohl con- regulations can no longer be applied in the absence of a
cludes that there were two priestly schools, one that produced functioning temple. Any description of Israelite religion has
the earlier P document and the other that not only wrote H to take stock of its complexities, but one cannot get away from
(the later document) but also did the final editing of the the fact that the sacrificial cult, especially blood sacrifice, lay at
Pentateuch. Similarly, Milgrom (1991) has taken the position the heart of worship in Israel. On the other hand, the Israelite
that most of H is later than most of 1-16, and in his opinion H cult, like all religious ritual—and all religions have their ri-
was one of the editors of the book. tual—was extremely meaningful to the participants even if we
8. Methods and Approaches to Interpretation. Having now do not always understand it from our time and culture mil-
seen a general consensus that the book grew up over a long lennia later. A number of recent studies have focused on the
period of time, the reader might ask, 'What level of the book symbolism of the cult and attempted to decipher the priestly
do we interpret?' There is more than one legitimate answer to world-view that lay behind it. For example, Gorman (1990)
the question. In recent years, many interpreters have argued argues that a complex creation theology is presupposed and
for the final form of the text as the primary object of study, represented by the cult, and Jenson (1992) has made similar
whatever the stages of growth of the book or its dating. This points. The priestly view had a cosmological and sociological
has led to a number of new disciplines under the general dimension, as well as a cultic. In order to express this, it made
rubric of the literary approach' to the biblical text, including distinctions between holy and profane, clean and unclean, life
'close reading', structuralism, deconstruction, and rhetorical and death, order and chaos.
criticism. So far, few seem to have applied these to Leviticus 2. The idea of sacrifice seems to be ubiquitous among hu-
specifically (but see Damrosch (1987) and Schwarz (1991) for man societies the world over. Even those which have aban-
examples). From a different perspective, those interested in doned it in their contemporary form, especially in the
the 'canonical' form of the text for theological purposes are developed countries, have sacrifice as a part of their past. Since
also concerned mainly with the final form of the text (see esp. the concept goes so far back in human history that its origins
Childs 1979). Douglas (1993: 8-12) has recently argued that are no longer traceable, we are left only with hypothesis and
the book can be properly understood only if one recognizes a speculation as to how sacrifice came to be a part of the reli-
basic ring structure of the text in its present form. gious culture of most peoples. (For further information, see
9. This does not mean that the final form of the text has the account of the debate in Grabbe 1993: 43-7.) But the
been ignored even by some of the traditional disciplines. For inescapable conclusion seems to be that central to most sacri-
decades, many form critics have practised a structural analysis fices are the notions of expiation, cleansing, and re-establish-
of the text as we have it before asking questions of growth or ment of cosmic—or at least microcosmic—harmony. If evil
even questions of genre and the like. The results of this cannot be removed, sin wiped away, pollution purified, and
approach can be seen in the series Forms of Old Testament harmony restored, there would be little point in sacrifice.
Literature edited by R. P. Knierim and G. Tucker. Knierim's Therefore, regardless of the precise terms in which sacrifices
recent book (1992) on exegesis combines traditional form are conceived (substitution, ritual detergent, etc.), the desired
criticism with broader concerns, including theological and outcome is clear. The scapegoat sort of ceremony is perhaps
sociological ones. Some exegetes, while not abandoning trad- not strictly a sacrifice, in that the animal is not killed (though
itional source criticism, have severely demoted it in their con- according to later Jewish tradition, the scapegoat was pushed
cerns. For example, although Rendtorff (1982—95: 4) does not over a cliff: m. Yoma 6:6; cf. Grabbe 1987), but the concept
reject 'reconstruction' of earlier phases of the tradition, he seems to be very much the same as that of sacrifice. In this
LEVITICUS 94
case, the sins are heaped onto the head of the victim which is arcane ritual turn out to be a rich symbolic system with sig-
then separated from the community. In other cases, the victim nificant meaning for understanding the concerns of ancient
is in some way identified with the offerer even if precise Israel.
identification is not required. The laying of the hands on the
victim by the offerer in Israelite sacrifice may have a function D. Women and the Cult. 1. The place of women in society and
along these lines. But regardless of the rite, the desire is to literature has become a much-discussed subject in the past
cause the sins, pollutions, illness, or troubles to vanish. couple of decades (see e.g. Newsom and Ringe 1992; Schiiss-
3. Perhaps one of the most misunderstood concepts is that ler Fiorenza 19940 and b). Some have seen the treatment of
of ritual purity. It has little or nothing to do with hygiene or women as very negative. It is not my purpose to enter into this
with the clean/dirty distinction in a physical sense. For ex- debate, but Wegner (1992) gives a mainly positive assessment
ample, in the Israelite system, excrement was not usually of Leviticus on women, recognizing its general context in the
included in the category of unclean, even though ancient ancient world. Women are mentioned specifically in only two
I sraelites had much the same view towards it that we do today. sections of Leviticus: one concerns childbirth, which made a
One of the important discoveries of anthropology in the past woman impure for ritual purposes (Lev 12). In order to be
half-century is that purity and pollution systems are not allowed to re-enter the temple, she had to undergo a period of
arcane, primitive superstition. The precise form of the rituals cleansing which culminated in sacrifices in the temple. The
may well be arbitrary, at least to some extent, but recent study implication is that the woman herself is envisaged as particip-
suggests that broader concerns are at the heart of the purity ating in the sacrificial cult. Although the directions relating to
system. The insights offered by social and cultural anthropo- sacrifice are addressed in the masculine form of the verb
logy have gone a long way towards explaining the deeper (whether singular or plural), this could be thought to include
meaning and foundation of these laws which may seem pri- women under normal circumstances. Women are not speci-
mitive to many today. Purity and pollution form an important fically excluded in the P legislation. If women were not al-
mirror of the society itself, especially its social relations and lowed to enter the altar area, as was the case in the time ofthe
attitudes. They map the ideological cosmos of the people who Second Temple, this is nowhere stated.
hold these views. These regulations can be seen as a language, 2. The other occasion of impurity with women was men-
in the broad sense of the term, communicating to those struation (15:19—24). The regulations about bodily issues in
within the society the 'correct' attitudes towards relations Lev 12—15 do n°t make a particular point about menstruation;
between the sexes, marriage, kinship, and intercourse with on the contrary, it is only one of a number of issues of blood or
outsiders. Ritual cleanliness tells the people how to classify fluid which are polluting. Nevertheless, most of the other
the entities—human and animal—which inhabit the world regulations concern unusual occurrences, whereas the rules
around them and communicates to the society how to fit in about menstruation would regularly affect all women be-
new forms which enter its world. The animal world and how it tween puberty and menopause, as well as their families
is treated is also a map of human society, and the human more indirectly. It is clear that these purity regulations were
community is represented by the body of the individual. extremely important to all Israelites of both sexes. However, it
4. One ofthe major attempts to work outthe meaning ofthe should be noted that menstruation, like the impurity con-
biblical system in detail was by Mary Douglas in her seminal tracted from normal sexual intercourse, did not require a
book Purity and Danger (1966; for an account of this book and sacrifice for cleansing. These were in a different category
criticisms of it, see Grabbe 1993: 56—9). Despite some criti- from 'abnormal' discharges.
cisms against Douglas, some of her points about the meaning 3. Anthropological studies have suggested that regulations
ofthe system in Israelite society have not been affected and about menstruation often mirror the relationship between the
still seem valid, especially the notion that the system of per- sexes and the place of either sex within the society. Societies in
mitted and forbidden animals was a microcosm ofthe world which women have considerable freedom of choice and in-
according to the Israelite view. The many forbidden animals dependence from men will usually have this reflected in
represented the surrounding nations; the few clean animals, various customs about ritual purity, including menstruation.
the Israelites; and the sacrificial animals, the priests. Just as Those societies in which women are restricted to a particular
I sraelites were not to eat certain animals, they were not to mix place and function and are discouraged from entering the
with other nations. The dietary regulations had both a prac- province of men will usually have constrictive regulations
tical and a symbolic function; symbolically they stood for the about menstruation.
fact that Israel was to keep itself free from intercourse with 4. It seems clear that in Israelite society, women had a
non-Israelites; practically, inability to eat certain animals particular sphere and place in which they were confined.
meant that Jews could not socialize with those who ate these They were not generally allowed to participate in activities
animals. The rules of pollution and purity also drew strict which were associated with the male Israelite. These customs
boundaries around the altar and sanctuary. No pollution and were not necessarily absolute since the OT tradition has stor-
no polluted persons were allowed to penetrate into the sacred ies of exceptional women who broke through the traditional
area. This clear and rigid boundary drawing suggests a con- boundaries. But any woman who carefully observed the rules
cern with political boundaries as well as social ones. Just as the about menstrual pollution would have found her activities
Israelites were concerned about mixing with the surrounding severely restricted in certain ways. A similar purpose seems
peoples, so their political boundaries may have been threat- to be associated with the rules surrounding childbirth. The
ened by others who claimed the territory for themselves. If so, longer purification time after bearing a daughter could be a
the message ofthe rules which, on the surface, might seem symbol that women had an appropriate place in society which
 95 LEVITICUS
was different from that of men. On the other hand, any But it is also likely that many cultic procedures remained
evaluation of these regulations would do well to take account essentially unchanged over long periods of time (Rendtorff
of the fact that many Jews still observe these or similar regula- 1985-92: 5; Grabbe 1995: 207). The many differences in detail
tions today and give them a positive value (cf Wegner 1992). between Leviticus and other passages in the OTdo not suggest
major differences in the overall shape of the cult. Those who
E. Leviticus and the Actual Temple Cult. 1. Does Leviticus (or it see Leviticus as by and large a description of cultic observance
and the rest of P) describe the rites in the temple, or is it in the Second Temple period are probably correct since, even
merely a theoretical document, a programme, or even a mere if much of it goes back to the First Temple, the same practices
fantasy? We can say with some confidence that Leviticus does were probably continued when the temple was rebuilt.
not describe the cult in a tabernacle built by the Israelites
under Moses during 40 years in the wilderness. The whole
COMMENTARY
story as described in the biblical text (from Exodus to the end
of Deuteronomy) is now generally rejected by biblical scho- Chs. 1-7 describe the sacrificial system. Contrary to popular
lars. A generation ago, many would have given greater cre- opinion, there is more to the book of Leviticus than just a
dence to the story, or at least certain parts of it. New description of various sacrifices. Nevertheless, the cult was
archaeological information and further study has convinced central to Israelite worship, and it is important to understand
most that Israel did not enter the land as a unified group out of the sacrifices if one wishes to understand Israelite religion
the wilderness after escaping from Egypt. Rather, even if some (see c.i—2 above). It was through the sacrificial cult that sins
had been in Egypt, they would have been a small group. The were forgiven and evil was removed from the land. And an
bulk of those who came to make up Israel were probably important question is what was thought to happen when an
indigenous people in some sense, though there may also animal was slain at the altar. Milgrom (1976) has dismissed
have been immigrants from outside the area. Those who the idea of the sacrificial victim being a substitute for the
coalesced to produce Israel no doubt had their shrines, per- sinner. He does acknowledge, though, that on the 'day of
manent or portable, but the description of building the taber- kippurini (Day of Atonement) the sins were placed meta-
nacle in Exodus is fiction as it stands. For example, the altar phorically on the head of the goat for Azazel. In this case,
described in Exodus is made of wood and bronze. This sort of there is no sense of'wiping off but of the transfer of sins from
construction would hardly stand the heat of the fire necessary the people to the animal (see further at LEV 1:4 and 16). That
to consume the sacrificial portions, and any actual altar was this is really a type of substitute or surrogate for the sinner,
probably made of stone and earth (Gerstenberger 1993: 29). however, is a point well made by Kiuchi (1987). Kiuchi argues
Nevertheless, some reality may have lain behind it. What that the sin offering is envisaged as a substitute for the sinner;
might that have been? in other words, it purges the sin of the individual and not just,
2. It is possible that the description in P is purely hypothe- as Milgrom asserts, the effects of these sins on the sanctuary.
tical or Utopian. Priests who had a vision of an idealized cult (The transfer of sins in the Day of Atonement ceremony may
could write it up and present it as if that was what happened be somewhat different from this, since the victim is sent away
long ago under Moses. There is no doubt that we find a certain and not slain. Nevertheless, he argues that the scapegoat
amount of idealization in the description of the tabernacle and ceremony is a form of sin offering.) This transfer of sins might
the setting up of its cult. However, most scholars would see be indicated when the offerer lays hands on the animal's head.
some relationship to what went on in an actual temple or Kiuchi (1987: 112—19) n°tes that there are a number of inter-
shrine. Those who date P to the post-exilic period consider pretations of this act. Although he favours the interpretation
the Priestly material to reflect generally the situation in the that it represents substitution, he recognizes thatthe evidence
Second Temple which was built in the early Persian period. If is scanty. Knierim (1992: 34-40) opposes the idea of substitu-
P is dated to the exilic period, one would expect that it is tion and considers the gesture (which he translates as 'firm
presenting a programme for a renewed cult in Jerusalem pressing down of the hand') a means of denoting transfer of
(which was expected imminently), with the hope of influen- ownership, i.e. from the offerer to God. If so, this aspect of the
cing the structure of the new cult. discussion does not help resolve the main problem of the
3. Cross (1947) advanced the thesis that the tent of David, elimination of sin.
which housed the ark before and after its removal to Jerusa- Perhaps part of the problem is being too literal in interpre-
lem but before the temple was built, was the basis of the tation. The sacrificial system was a symbolic system, filled
tabernacle tradition. The proposal of Haran (1962), followed with metaphor, allegory, and analogy. It would be a mistake to
by Milgrom (1991), makes the core of Leviticus relate to the assume that only one symbol or metaphor was used for re-
temple at Shiloh in the early period of the monarchy. Part of moving sin (e.g. ritual detergent). In the same way, the cultic
Milgrom's argument concerns later editings which attempted terminology may have a more general meaning and should
to bring the material up to date, with some of these even as late not be defined in terms of the specific metaphor used. The
as the post-exilic period. Therefore, despite possible earlier individual's sins were removed, whatever the precise symbolic
origins the cult and regulations in the present text of Leviticus conceptualization used.
in most cases can be related to the practice in the First Temple. Chs. 1-5 tend to address the whole people, lay as well as
4. What most would accept is that Leviticus represents to a priest, in contrast to 6-7 which seem aimed primarily at the
large extent actual cultic practice, despite some tensions and priests. The main term for offering is qorban, a generic term
contradictions. No doubt there have been editings, perhaps in which refers to a variety of different types (cf the reference to
part because of changes and developments in actual practice. the term in its Greek transliteration korban 'gift' in Mk 7:11).
LEVITICUS 96
The instructions about how to prepare the sacrifice are often meanings 'cover' ('wipe on') and 'wipe off are complemen-
stereotyped, so that similar instructions are given about those tary rather than contradictory. In ritual texts, the idea of'wipe
which are parallel; however, it is interesting to notice that off predominated in that the blood was thought of as wiping
small differences in wording are often found, even when the off impurity, acting as a sort of cultic detergent. With certain
same instructions seem to be in mind. The sacrificial pattern rituals, such as those on the Day of Atonement or involving
for animals generally goes according to the following schema: the red cow (Num 19:1—10), the idea of'ransom' or 'substitute'
was the main connotation. This finally led to the meaning
1. The sacrificer laid hands on the head of the animal.
'atone, expiate' in some passages, especially with regard to all
2. It was killed at the entrance to the tabernacle, north of the
sacrifices where blood was not daubed on the horns of the
altar, and cut up. The most natural interpretation of the
altar.
Hebrew wording is that the slaughtering was done by
Central to the cult was the shedding of blood. There is a
the one making the offering rather than by the priest. If
major disagreement about the function of the blood between
so, it contradicts Ezek 44:11, where it is done by the Levites,
Milgrom and Levine, however. Levine argues that it has two
and 2 Chr 29:22, 24 where done by the priests.
functions: (i) an apotropaic function for the deity; that is, the
3. Blood was sprinkled or dashed or poured, usually on the
blood was placed on the altar to protect God from the malig-
sides and/or base of the altar.
nancy of impurity which was regarded as an external force; (2)
4. The parts burned for cattle included the entrails with their
purificatory or expiatory, in which the blood served as a ran-
fat, the kidneys and suet, and the caul of the liver; the same
som substituting for the life owed by the offerer. According to
was true with sheep or goats, except that the fat tail was also
Milgrom, the idea of demonic or malignant forces which
added.
might harm the deity had no place in the thought of the P
5. Except for the whole burnt offering, the breast of the
tradition. Impurities did compromise the holiness of the
animal went to the priests as a body, while the right thigh
sanctuary and altar, so the purpose of the offering was to
went to the presiding priest specifically.
remove these. As noted above, Milgrom's opinion is that the
(1:1—2) is an introduction to the entire section of chs. 1—7 and blood acted as a ritual detergent, washing off the impurities
forms an indusio with 7:37-8, to mark off chs. 1-7 as a unit. which had attached themselves to the sacred things. For
further comments on the blood, see at LEV 17:10—14.
(1:3-17) describes the whole burnt offering ('old). Sometimes
referred to as the 'holocaust', this whole burnt offering was the (1:14—17) gives instructions for a whole burnt offering of
complete sacrifice, for none of it went to the sacrificing priest birds. There are differences from those of other animals. For
(except for the hide, 7:8) or to the one bringing the offering. The birds the neck was wrung off but, rather than being cut up, the
entire animal was 'turned into smoke', to use the Hebrew body was torn open by the wings without severing it. The crop
expression (hiqtir). The offering couldbe from the herd or flock, and excrement were placed on the ash pile. The whole of the
a male animal in either case, or from the birds (turtle-doves or offering was done by the priests, perhaps because only the
pigeons). Although the animal was cut up, all the pieces (not poorest, such as slaves, used birds and were perhaps not as
just the fat, kidneys, etc.) were placed on the altar. The legs and observant of the cult (Gerstenberger 1993: 27-8). On fowls for
entrails were washed but placed on the altar as well. The burnt the sin offering, see at LEV 5:14—6:7.
offering had expiatory function, as indicated by 1:4, 9:7,14:20, (2:1-16) describes the cereal or meal offering (minhdh). The
and 16:24 (cf- alsoEzek45:i5,17). But it also seems to have been word minhah means 'gift' and is used with such a general
used for a wide range of functions, according to other passages, meaning in some texts (e.g. in reference to animals in Gen
including entreaty (i Sam 13:12) and appeasement of God's 4:3-4 and i Sam 2:17). It could even have the meaning of
wrath (i Sam 7:9; 2 Sam 24:21—5). It could also be used as an 'tribute' (Judg 3:15; 2 Sam 8:2). In Leviticus and priestly trad-
occasion for rejoicing (Lev 22:17—19; Num 15:3). It has been ition in general, it refers exclusively to the offering of grain or
proposed that because of its ubiquity in early texts, it and the meal. The cereal offering was the only non-blood sacrifice. It
well-being offering (Lev 3) were the only sacrifices in the earliest had two functions: (i) it was often an accompanying offering
period, with the sin and guilt offerings being added later when to one of the others, in particular the burnt and thanksgiving
the temple was established. Gerstenberger (1993: 31) also sug- offerings; (2) it could be offered in its own right as an inde-
gests that the sin offering was a later replacement for the whole pendent sacrifice. The meal offering follows this basic pat-
burnt offering. tern:
(1:4) says that the purpose of the sacrifice is for 'atonement'
1. Choice flour was to be used, with oil mixed in before
for the one making the offering. The Hebrew word is kipper
cooking or added afterwards; anything cooked was always
and is used in a number of contexts to describe the removal of
unleavened; frankincense accompanied the offering.
sin or ritual impurity. Although often translated as 'atone' or
2. The frankincense and a token portion of the flour or cake
'cover up', the precise connotation has been much debated.
were burnt on the altar.
The denominative verb can mean 'serve as a ransom, expia-
3. The rest of the offering went to the priest.
tion gift'. Levine (1974: 56—77) has argued that it means
'remove, wipe off impurity, not 'cover up'. In the cult, the It could be raw flour (mixed with oil) or it could be baked in an
word was used primarily in functional terms to mean 'per- oven, cooked on a griddle, or fried in a pan. It was always
form rites of expiation' rather than 'to clean'. Milgrom (1991: unleavened since no leaven was to be burnt on the altar (v. n),
1079—84) sees a development in the word from a basic mean- and was to be salted (v. 13) as a sign of the covenant. Other
ing 'purge'. It also carried the idea of'rub, wipe', so that the vegetable offerings could be brought: first fruits (v. 12: re'sit,
 97 LEVITICUS
no details given) and a cereal offering of first fruits (bikkurim) 3-9-3 H 230-2). The same quandary has afflicted modern
which was to consist of roasted grain with the usual oil and commentators, with various solutions proposed. For example
frankincense (w. 14—16). Kellermann (1977) suggested that the guilt offering developed
In his recent study Marx (1994) argues that the vegetable from the sin offering, to provide a form of sacrifice between
offering plays a central role in the system of P (including Ezek the sin and burnt offerings, as the atonement sacrifice for all
40—8 and Chr), and is an accompaniment not only of the cases of gross negligence. In Lev 5:15, however, it is probably
whole burnt offering but also of the well-being offering, the equivalent to the sin offering. Levine (1974) believes that it
sin offering, and the guilt offering. (P represents a Utopian was not originally an altar sacrifice but a cultic offering pre-
ideal which views vegetarianism as the original state of man- sented to the deity in the form of silver or an object of value in
kind.) As noted above, the cereal offering can also stand alone expiation for certain offences. A necessary precondition is that
and be offered independently of other offerings. By contrast, the sin be done inadvertently, although Lev 5:20—6 may seem
the J source (followed by Deut, Hos, and Ezek 1-39) limits its to go against this, because a false oath cannot be given inad-
horizon to the blood offering, according to Marx. vertently, Levine explains this as a separate category of crime.
Milgrom (1976) opposes Levine with the view that the guilt
(3:1-17) describes the selamim offering. There is no agreed
offering must be a blood sacrifice. Any mention of silver has
translation for this term. It was long connected with salom
reference to buying an animal to sacrifice. Milgrom thinks he
'peace' and called the 'peace offering', a translation still found
has found a solution in the meaning of the name, which
in the RSV. More recent translations have often derived the
he takes to mean 'feel guilt' when there is no verbal object. The
name from salem 'well-being', the translation used in the New
notion common to all offences which call for it is that they are
Jewish Publication Society translation and the NRSV (the
all cases of sacrilege against God, i.e. either an actual infringe-
NEB and REB have 'shared-offering'). Levine himself sug-
ment of holy things or a trespass against the name of God.
gests the meaning 'gift', based on the Akkadian sulmanu
which means 'gift of greeting'. These are all only educated (4:1-35) The term hatta't is traditionally translated 'sin offer-
guesses, and exactly how one renders the term is to some ing' because the word also means 'sin'. The difficulty with this
extent arbitrary. The actual terminology used for the well- translation is that the sacrifice is required in certain cases
being offering is zebah selamim 'sacrifice of well-being'. The where no sin is involved (e.g. Lev 12:6). Therefore, Milgrom
term zebah is often translated by the general term 'sacrifice'; argues for the translation 'purificatory offering'. His point is
however, it seems to be limited to those sacrifices which were well taken; however, it seems a cumbersome title and one
eaten by the offerer and would not be applied to the burnt which may not be readily apparent to those more used to
offering or the sin offering since these were burnt whole or 'sin offering'. For this reason, 'sin offering' is still used here
eaten only by the priests. The question is why the double despite being somewhat problematic. The sin offering is to be
terminology is used. Rendtorff has suggested that two origin- offered when one has committed a sin unwittingly. The in-
ally separate offerings must have been combined, since such structions vary according to the rank of the person offering it,
double terminology is unparalleled in cultic language. Also, and the pattern differs in certain details from that given at the
zebah selamim is limited to Leviticus and Numbers; zebah head of this section on LEV 1-5. It is clear that two sorts of sin
often occurs by itself outside these two books, but selamim is offering are in mind here. There is the one which is offered
never alone and often in the context of the burnt offering. because of the sin of the priests or the congregation as a whole
Milgrom (1991), on the other hand, argues thatzefcah selamim and is burnt entirely. The other, offered on behalf of the
is merely a synonym for selamim. This passage does not ordinary Israelite (including the tribal chieftain), was eaten
discuss the various sorts of well-being offerings, and one by the priests after the normal parts were burned on the altar.
must see the later treatment at 7:11—18 for a breakdown of w. 3—12, if the anointed priest (high priest?) is atoning for his
the types of usage for this offering. own sin, he is to offer a bull. The blood is sprinkled inside the
v. n: A number of offerings are said to be 'isseh, which is tabernacle itself, before the curtain covering the Holy of Hol-
often translated as 'offerings by fire'. This depends on the ies, and some of it put on the horns of the incense altar. The
presumed origin of the word from 'es 'fire', which is also normal portions are burnt on the altar, but the rest of the
reflected in later translations. This presents two difficulties: animal is taken outside the camp and burned where the ashes
some offerings are referred to as 'isseh even when they are not from the altar are dumped, w. 13-21, if the whole community
burned (e.g. the wine offering: Num 15:10), whereas some has sinned, the ceremony is the same as for the priest, except
offerings burned on the altar (e.g. the sin offering) are not that the elders take the part of the offerer, w. 22—6, if a tribal
called 'isseh. Milgrom has related the zword to Ugaritic itt 'gift' chieftain (nast') has sinned, a male goat is offered, with blood
and perhaps Arabic 'aau 'possession of every kind'. He sug- put on the horns of the altar of burnt offerings. In this case
gests the translation 'food gift', perhaps a shortened term only the normal portions are burned, while the rest goes to the
from lehem 'isseh 'food gift' (Lev 3:11, 16). In his opinion, the priest to be eaten, w. 27—31, if an ordinary person ('am ha'ares)
word may have become obsolete by exilic times since it is has sinned, a female goat or sheep is offered, with the other
absent from later OT collections. details being the same as for the chieftain.
(4:1—6:7) (HB 4:1—5:26) treats the sin and guilt offerings. (5:1-13) is generally interpreted as describing the graduated
There is considerable difficulty in separating these. The guilt sin offering. That is, there are two sorts of sin offering: the
offering especially has been a notorious problem since an- normal sin offering (4:1—35) and the graduated sin offering.
tiquity. Early Jewish commentators already had difficulties in Confusion is caused by the fact that the term 'asam is used
interpreting it (cf. Philo, Spec. leg. 1.226—38; Josephus, Ant. here (w. 6-7) as in 5:14-6:7 (HB 5:14-26), suggesting that the
LEVITICUS 98
offerings of ch. 5 are separate from ch. 4. However, it is usually has to be made, with 20 per cent added, and a ram or its
argued that 'asam means 'atonement for guilt' in w. 6—7 equivalent value is brought for a guilt offering.
rather than 'guilt offering', especially since reference is specif-
(6:8-7:38) (HB 6:1-7:38) givesthelaws (torot) oftheofferings.
ically made to the 'sin offering' in w. 6, 7, n. The breaches for
The term tord in these texts often refers to a priestly ruling.
which this is offered do not form a clear pattern: not acting as a
The sacrifices enumerated in chs. 1-5 are covered once more,
witness, uttering a rash oath, or touching the corpse of an
but this time the instructions relate to the responsibilities of
unclean animal or some other unclean thing without realiz-
the priests rather than focusing on the offerings from the
ing it. The person must first confess the sin, then bring an
point of view ofthe lay person. It also emphasizes the priestly
offering of a female goat or sheep. If he does not have enough
dues to be given over from each sacrifice. 6:8-13 (HB 6:1-6)
wealth for sheep or goat, he can bring two turtle-doves or two
gives the law ofthe burnt offering; cf. 1:3-17. 6:14-18 (HB 6:7-
pigeons, one for a burnt offering and one for a sin offering.
n) gives the law ofthe cereal offering; cf. Lev 2. 6:19—23 (HB
Since there are no instructions about fowls for a sin offering,
6:12—16) discusses the offering at Aaron's anointing. This
some details are given: the neck is wrung but the head not
section seems out of place because of its subject, though it
severed from the body, and part of the blood is sprinkled on
was probably put here because a cereal offering is being
the side of the altar while the rest is poured out at the base.
described. It seems to be referring to a type of tamid or daily
What happens then is not stated. The flesh of the guilt offer-
meal offering. It consisted of a tenth of an ephah of fine flour
ing normally went to the priest, after the fat etc. were burned
(about 2 litres), mixed with oil, and cooked on a griddle. Half is
on the altar, but we do not have precise instructions about
offered in the morning and half in the evening. This is burned
birds. The other bird is treated as a burnt offering. If the
entirely on the altar, with no portion eaten by the priests. We
person does not have enough for birds, a tenth of an ephah
know that there was a daily or tamid offering made on the
of fine flour (without oil or frankincense) is offered. A token
altar, and it seems to have included a cereal offering as well as
portion is burnt, and the rest goes to the priest, as is normal in
a burnt offering in the morning. The daily offering was ex-
cereal offerings. This is the only case where a cereal offering
tremely important in antiquity because it was the chief sign
can serve for a transgression (though cf Num 5:15).
that the temple was functioning and God accessible to the
people. The times when the daily sacrifice was stopped were
(5:14—6:7) (HB 5:14—26) describes the guilt offering. The
times of dire consequences, as when the temple was destroyed
precise meaning of 'asam is not clear. The verb can mean
by Nebuchadnezzer or the Romans, or when the sacrifice was
'commit an offence' and 'become guilty' (by committing an
stopped by force in the time ofthe Maccabees. Surprisingly,
offence); hence, the traditional translation 'guilt offering'.
though, what constituted the daily offering is not clear. Levit-
Milgrom (1976) opposes this, arguing that when confined to
icus mentions only the cereal offering ofthe high priest, made
cultic usage it has four meanings: (i) reparation, (2) repara-
in the morning and in the evening. Other priestly passages
tion offering, (3) incur liability to someone, (4) feel guilt. It is
mention a daily burnt offering of two lambs, one in the
especially this last which he emphasizes. The translation
morning and one in the evening (Ex 29:38-42; Num 28:3-
'realize guilt' or 'become conscious of guilt', as found in a
8). Was this separate from the cereal offering or was the cereal
number of translations, he thinks is wrong. Rather, the clue
offering thought of only as a companion offering? If the cereal
to the sacrifice lies in the fact that the person becomes
offering accompanied it, why is this not mentioned in Leviti-
conscience-stricken, afraid that he has committed an offence.
cus, and why is the required drink offering also ignored?
For the offering itself, he uses the translation 'reparation
Other passages are different yet again. Dating from the time
offering'.
ofthe Maccabees, the practice of sacrificing the tamid twice a
5:14-16: the first transgression relating to the guilt offering
day is attested in Dan 8:11—14, while 9:21 mentions an evening
involves unwitting violation of the 'holy things' of God (qodse
cereal offering. 2 Kings 16:15 re f grs to a morning whole burnt
yhwh). The type of violation is not described, but the later
offering and an evening cereal offering. Ezek 46:13-15 differs
ceremony suggests that the person has used something be-
from Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers by describing a daily
longing to God for his own purposes, for restitution has to be
sacrifice of one lamb (not two), accompanied by one-sixth of
made with another 20 per cent (fifth part) added to it (v. 16). A
an ephah of flour (instead of one-tenth). The question is, What
ram is also brought (v. 15; cf. 6:6 (HB 5:25)). A debate has
is the offering of 6:19-23? Is it identical with the cereal offer-
arisen concerning the expression 'convertible into silver'
ing ofthe tamid? Most likely, it is a separate offering but one
(v. 15). Does this mean that only the value of the ram in money
offered daily by the high priest (Milgrom 1991).
was brought rather than the animal itself (Noth 1977: 47)?
6:24-30 (HB 6:17-23) gives the law ofthe sin offering; cf.
Hartley (1992: 81—2) disagrees. However, Levine (1974: 98—
4:1-5:13. 7:1-10 gives the law ofthe guilt offering; cf. 5:14-6:7.
100) thinks this was the earlier practice which later developed
7:11-21 gives the law ofthe well-being offering. 3:1-16 gives
into the use of a ram of a minimal value, while Milgrom (1991:
the details of the ritual, but it is only here that the basic
326-7) argues that the value of the ram could be assessed and
rationale is given, i.e. the various sorts of well-being offering.
the equivalent value paid. w. 17—19 follow the instructions
Three types seem to be included under the well-being offer-
about the transgression with regard to holy things by a general
ing:
statement that a ram is to be brought for any transgressions of
YHWH's commands which at first escape the person's notice. 1. The freewill offering (nedaba), given voluntarily on the part
6:1-7 (HB 5:20-6) expands the the concept of 5:17-19 further ofthe offerer, without any special motivation.
to include defrauding one's neighbour by illicitly appropriat- 2. The votive offering (neder). Whenever a vow was made, it
ing a pledge or not returning a lost object. Again, restitution was completed by an offering.
 99 LEVITICUS
3. The thanksgiving offering (toda), given as an expression of another, such as from boyhood to manhood or girlhood to
thanks for deliverance in time of trouble. There are several womanhood. There is first a rite of separation, next a transi-
problems with understanding this offering. tional rite during which the person is in a 'liminal' state (on
the doorstep between one phase and another). There may be
Is it the same as the freewill offering? Some scholars have
dangers while in this liminal state, and various rituals have to
thought so. Others (e.g. Milgrom 1976) think the two are
be carefully performed to protect the one undergoing the
always clearly distinguished in the OT and should be kept
transition. In the case of Aaron and sons, they were under-
separate. There are certain anomalies about the toda offering
going the passage from 'common' to 'sacred'. Various purifi-
when compared with the other well-being offering, suggest-
cation and burnt offerings and washings were performed, a
ing that it was once considered separate. The main distinction
special ordination offering carried out (8:22—9), an(^ me
from the other similar offerings is that it is accompanied by a
anointing done. Those involved were then required to remain
cereal offering and must be eaten the same day it is offered.
a week segregated in the Tent of Meeting (transitional rite).
The freewill and votive offerings do not have the accompany-
The final act was a ritual of incorporation, in this case sacri-
ing cereal offering and can be eaten both on the day of the
fices and ceremonies on the eighth day (Lev 9). Thus, the
offering and the next day. Indeed, in other passages the
ceremony of consecration in Lev 8-9 is very much parallel to
thanksgiving does seem to be an independent offering along-
rites of passage known both from preliterate modern societies
side the well-being (Lev 22:21, 29; Jer 17:26; 2 Chr 29:31—3;
and from many examples in modern Western culture. Ch. 10
33:16) and only in the supposed P source is it made a sub-
seems to be an inset chapter relating the incident of Nadab
division of the well-being offering.
and Abihu (sons of Aaron) and its consequences, though the
7:22—38 has a set of miscellaneous instructions. Formally, it
chapter follows naturally on the anointing ritual of Aaron and
consists of two speeches of YHWH to Moses, and it seems to
his sons.
form a sort of appendix or supplement to instructions on the
various sacrifices: w. 22-7 prohibit the eating of any fat or (10:1-20) w. 1-7 describe the death of Nadab and Abihu as a
blood, under pain of the penalty of being 'cut off (nikrat, also result of offering 'alien fire' ('eszard) on the altar. The episode
in 7:21). This expression of being 'cut off has been much is very puzzling since the 'sin' of the two sons is never clearly
debated but without a clear resolution (e.g. Levine 1989: 241— indicated, with the result that the passage generated many
2; Milgrom 1991: 457-60). In some passages it refers to an explanations in later Judaism (Hecht 1979-80; Kirschner
early death, perhaps because of judicial punishment (Lev 1982—3). Thus, as with the Golden Calf episode, one must
20:2—3). Others have argued that passages with the expression ask what lies behind the story. Those who date this part of
generally imply divine punishment, not human. Some pas- Leviticus late usually look for some event in the exilic or post-
sages envisage that one's line of descendants would be cut off, exilic period. For example, Noth (1977) thought he saw in-
not necessarily involving human action (i Sam 2:30-4; Ps ternal disputes between different priestly groups. However,
109:13; Mai 2:12; Ruth 4:10). w. 28—36 talk specifically of the others are willing to ascribe the background to one or other
well-being offering, but the main theme concerns those por- event during the time of the monarchy. Milgrom (1976)
tions of the animal which are due to the priests: the breast and suggests that it is a polemic against private offerings of in-
the right thigh. In Leviticus the maintenance of the priest- cense. There are textual and archaeological indications that it
hood is alluded to only in chs. 6—7, plus a brief discussion of was common for Israelites to offer incense to God in their
tithing of animals (see at LEV 27:26—7). But the priesthood homes and elsewhere outside the Jerusalem temple. Those
could nothave been supported on portions of sacrifices alone, who believed in cult centralization would have disapproved of
and other P passages speak of tithes and other support; see the this practice. Thus, a graphic story like that in Lev 10 would
discussion in Grabbe (1993: 70—2). w. 37—8 are a concluding serve as a salutary reminder that private incense offerings
summary for the entire section on sacrifices, i.e. chs. 1—7; cf were fraught with danger, w. 6-7 command Aaron and
1:1-2. his other sons not to mourn for Nadab and Abihu. This is
parallel to the passage in 21:10—12 which forbids the high
(Chs. 8-10) describe the initiation of Aaron and sons into the
priest to mourn for his near kin. w. 8—n give a general
priesthood and an unfortunate episode relating to priestly
instruction about not drinking alcohol when on duty in the
service in the sanctuary. Chs. 8—9 concern the ceremony in
sanctuary, another possible occasion for divine punishment
which Aaron and his sons were anointed and consecrated to
for a serving priest, w. 12-20 use the the death of Aaron's sons
their offices. There is general agreement that this is a priestly
related in the previous verses to discuss a particular situa-
fiction; that is, these chapters do not describe an actual event
tion—the question of consuming the offerings in a time of
involving a literal Aaron and Moses in the wilderness of Sinai.
mourning.
On the other hand, these chapters may tell us something
about priestly belief or practice. Leviticus seems to envisage (Chs. 11-15) f°rm an important section on ritual purity and
the anointing of Aaron and his sons as a once-only event, pollution. An explanation now almost universally rejected is
setting apart their descendants to the priesthood forever, as that the various laws in this section have hygiene as their
apparently does Exodus (29:9; 40:15). But each new high basis. Although some of the laws of ritual purity roughly
priest was customarily designated by anointing (Lev 6:22 correspond to modern ideas of physical cleanliness, many of
(HB 6:15)). The lengthy ritual described in Lev 8-9 has them have little to do with hygiene. For example, there is no
many characteristics of what is often referred to as a 'rite of evidence that the 'unclean' animals are intrinsically bad to eat
passage' (Gennep 1960). This is an anthropological term for or to be avoided in a Mediterranean climate, as is sometimes
rites which take place as a person passes from one stage to asserted. For a further discussion, see LEV 0.3-4.
LEVITICUS 100
(11:1-47) describes the clean and unclean animals. Eating primarily about the carcasses of unclean animals, not the
was very much involved with purity. Certain things were not animals themselves. Then, w. 41—5 are about the swarming
to be eaten. The Israelite was especially to be concerned about things which had not really been discussed in w. 1-23. Despite
the types of animal considered fit for consumption and how a somewhat coherent structure, though, most critics have
they were to be prepared. Lev n (paralleled by Deut 14) lists the seen evidence of growth and supplementation here. Further
various animals available for food and those to be avoided. evidence of this is found in w. 43—5 which use language
There are some difficulties here because it is not always clear reminiscent of H: 'be holy as I am holy', w. 41—5 discuss the
which animals were being referred to. The standard treatment 'swarming things', which seem to be a miscellaneous collec-
of this chapter is now the study by Houston (1993). He argues tion of small animals regarded as abhorrent by the Israelites,
that the animals allowed or forbidden under Israelite law were w. 46—7 are a summary of the chapter.
generally those similarly permitted or prohibited in the sur- (Ch. 12) gives directions about the purity procedure which
rounding cultures. The laws of the Pentateuch thus reflect follows childbirth. The first form of impurity for women listed
and systematize the general habits not only of the Israelites in Leviticus is that of childbirth. If a woman bore a boy, she
but also of their north-west Semitic neighbours. Thus, the was unclean for 7 days, until the circumcision of the boy on
animals permitted or forbidden seem to have come first, and the eighth day. For another 33 days she was not unclean as
the criteria for distinguishing them were worked out only such (i.e. passing on uncleanness to others who had contact
subsequently. The presentation in this chapter is an intellec- with her) but was not allowed to come into the sanctuary or
tual exercise, a learned attempt to systematize and provide touch any holy thing.
formal criteria and probably had little practical significance These periods were doubled for the birth of a girl: 14 days
(Houston 1993: 231). and 66 days. The allotted period was completed and purity
In w. 2-12 the mammals and sea life are fairly easy to restored with a lamb for a burnt offering and a pigeon or dove
identify. For mammals (w. 2—8) two questions are asked: for a sin offering. A poor person could substitute two pigeons
'Does it chew the cud?' 'Does it have cloven hooves?' If'yes' or doves, one for the burnt offering and one for the sin offer-
is the response to both these, the animal can be eaten; if'no' to ing.
either or both, it is off limits. A few borderline cases are
mentioned to clarify the situation: the pig has cloven hooves (Chs. 13—14) discuss a variety of skin diseases under the gen-
but does not chew the cud; the camel chews the cud but does eral Hebrew term ofsara'at. Although this is often presented
not have cloven hooves; the hare might be thought to chew the in older English translations as 'leprosy', the modern condi-
cud, because of the movements of its jaws, but it has no tion of leprosy is limited to Hanson's disease; by contrast, it is
hooves. In scientific terminology, mammal food is limited to not clear that modern leprosy is even covered by the ancient
the ruminating bi-hooved ungulates. The practical implica- disease; in fact, there is some question as to whether Hanson's
tions were that edible mammals were limited to those offered disease was known in the Mediterranean world before the
on the altar and to their wild counterparts. Although pigs are Hellenistic period. Also, some objects can be infected with
attested in many areas of Palestine (Hilbner 1989), the num- 'leprosy'.
ber seems to have declined fairly rapidly during the Iron Age. (13:1—59) Various skin afflictions are listed in w. 1—46, along
There is almost no evidence for their being used for sacrifice with the priestly response to them. The main function of the
(even where they were eaten), with the possible exception of priest was to examine any affliction or inflammation brought
some special rites to underworld gods. However, it should be to him, isolate the individual if it looked like the real disease,
noted that pigs were included in these particular sacrifices check again after seven days, and finally pronounce the af-
because they were unclean, rather than that they were declared flicted person whole or leprous. Despite the length of the
unclean because of being used in cults, as so often asserted regulations, they are fairly repetitive, with slightly different
(Houston 1993: 253). So the Israelite avoidance of pork fits criteria for scaly patches, burns, boils, and so on. As with Lev
with the general practice in the west Semitic area. n, the text is not dealing with medical treatment or hygiene
Consumption of sea creatures is restricted to those that but rather with ritual. What is being discussed is not how to
have fins and scales (w. 9-12). No animals are named, but it treat the various diseases under the rubric sara'at but only
is clear that some fish (those without scales), all crustaceans, how to recognize them and how to view them from the point
and most other fresh and saltwater animals are forbidden. of view of cultic purity. The medical question was no doubt of
The birds are hard to categorize because not all can be posi- concern in Israel but it is not within the scope of the discus-
tively identified (w. 13-19). Nevertheless, the majority of those sion here. The job of the priest was to pronounce on ritual
which can be recognized are carnivorous or scavengers. Other purity and impurity, and the text gives some guidance on how
flying things are also discussed here, including the bat (un- to decide whether the person is clean or not, but he was not
clean) and some insects. A few insects could be eaten, mainly treating the disease as such. Even the isolation was not a
of the locust, cricket, or grasshopper type (w. 20-3). This quarantine for purposes of preventing the spread of the dis-
concession of some insects seems to be because of common ease but only a way of allowing it time to develop or recede so
dietary habits among the people, since insects seem to have an authoritative pronouncement could be made about it. In
been forbidden in the parallel passage in Deut 14:29 (Hous- w. 47-59 the infected object is a piece of cloth or leather. This
ton 1993: 236). w. 24-40 seem to repeat earlier instructions, is an additional complication to the identification of the dis-
with quadrupeds again (w. 24-8), followed by a long section ease(s) falling under the generic term sara'at. This section
on 'swarming things' (w. 29—45). However, some sort of appears to deal with mould or fungus infections. From a
structure does emerge with a closer look, since w. 24-40 are medical point of view, there is no connection between these
 IOI LEVITICUS
and the skin diseases otherwise dealt with. This reinforces the clean after 7 days. In this case, though, there was a significant
view that something other than pathological conditions is in difference, for she had to make a sacrifice. On the eighth day
the mind of the writer. she was to bring two pigeons or doves, one for a burnt offering
and one for a sin offering.
(14:1—53) In w. 1—32 a good deal of space is devoted to the
question of re-entry into the cultic community once the dis-
(16:1—34) describes the atonement for sanctuary and people
ease is cured. A major feature was a ritual in which two birds
popularly known as the 'scapegoat ritual'. The central core of
were taken, one killed but the other released into the open
the ritual was the ceremony with the two goats. One goat was
country. As is obvious, this ritual has certain features in
for God and one was for 'Azazel' (on this word, see at v. 8), the
common with the scapegoat ritual, especially the use of two
choice being determined by lot. This ceremony differs from
creatures, one of which is slain and the other released (see
most of the cultic rituals in having the sins of the people
further at LEV 16). The cured person then had to wash himself
placed on a live animal rather than sacrificing one and putting
and his clothes, shave off his hair, and remain outside his tent
its blood on the altar. Part of the peculiarities of this chapter
(though within the camp) for a further 7 days. He then pre-
may arise from its origins. A variety of possibilities have been
sented three lambs (one for a guilt offering, one for a sin
suggested, the most recent seeing parallels—and perhaps
offering, and one for a burnt offering), a cereal offering, and
even the origin—of the rite in southern Anatolia and northern
a quantity of oil. Some of the blood of the guilt offering and
Syria (Janowski and Wilhelm 1993). Expiation rituals in the
some of the oil was put on different parts of the former
Hittite and Hurrian texts have some striking points in com-
sufferer's anatomy. A poor person need bring only one lamb
mon with the scapegoat ritual (ibid. 134-57; Wright 1987:
(for the guilt offering), two turtle-doves or pigeons (for the sin
31-60).
and burnt offerings), the cereal offering, and the oil. The
v. i connects the chapter back to the regulations about the
range of offerings required in this case is paralleled only by
priests in chs. 8—10, linking it with the one proper occasion
those required for the nazirites to finish their vow (Num 6:13-
when a priest (limited to the high priest) could appear before
20). w. 33—53 envisage that a house could get sara'at, in the
God in the Holy of Holies. That is, whereas Adab and Abihu
same way as a piece of cloth or leather. Again, it seems to be
had acted improperly (though their sin is never specified) and
some sort of fungus which the writer has in mind. As with a
had been punished by death, the right ceremony at the right
person, the cleansing would be completed with the ceremony
time could allow the right priest to come into God's actual
of the two birds.
presence, w. 2-14, before the high priest could come into
(15:1-30) deals with a variety of genital discharges, normal God's presence, he first had to offer a bull as a sin offering
and abnormal, for both men and women, w. 2—24: a number for himself and his household. Then he went inside the veil
of discharges were regarded as more or less normal, because and placed incense on the coals of his censer to make a cloud
they were a part of everyday life, and the person becoming of smoke and hide the ark, thus protecting himself from God
polluted by them would be purified by washing and the pas- who was seated on top of the ark, and sprinkled the blood of
sage of time. There was no requirement to offer a sacrifice. the bull on the ark. This was all to atone for his own sins.
First to be treated, in w. i—16, are men. If there is an abnormal Before this was done, however, two goats were chosen to per-
emission of semen or other penile discharge, the man (zab) form separate roles by lot (w. 7-10). One goatwas for YHWH,
becomes impure. The pollution is passed on to anyone touch- the other for 'Azazel' (v. 8). What was this Azazel? Unfortu-
ing him or anything on which he sits, as it is also if he spits on nately, it remains an enigma. No explanation is found in the
anyone or touches anyone without first washing his hands. text of Lev 16, and the word does not occur elsewhere in the
The person so polluted was required to bathe in spring water, OTor early inscriptions. Various etymologies have been pro-
wash his clothes, and would become clean with the going posed, but none is clearly compelling. Later Jewish tradition
down of the sun. A normal discharge of semen in marital identified Azazel with the leader of the fallen angels (Grabbe
intercourse (w. 16—18) was also polluting, though less con- 1987). Although this identification may itself be the result of
tagious than an abnormal discharge. The man and woman exegesis, scholars have often proposed that Azazel represents
both were to wash themselves and remain unclean until some sort of demonic figure. This is suggested by the context
evening. Any cloth or leather object on which semen fell was as well as later Jewish interpretation. While accepting this
also to be washed and remain unclean until evening. interpretation as the one which developed in Judaism, Ja-
With regard to women (w. 19-24), the flow of blood caused nowski and Wilhelm (1993: 161-2) argue that the original
by childbirth was already dealt with in 12:1-8. The most basic meaning of the word was 'for (the elimination of) God's
and regular genital discharge was the monthly menstrual wrath', w. 15—19, after the priest had sacrificed for himself
period. The time of impurity lasted 7 days even if the actual and his family, he next sacrificed the goat on whom the lot for
flow of blood finished sooner. During this time the woman God had fallen. This goat became a sin offering and was
transmitted impurity by direct contact or indirectly via any- sacrificed and the blood sprinkled on the ark, which atoned
thing on which she sat or lay. The person who touched her or for the holy place (polluted because of the sins of the people).
that on which she lay or sat would need to wash himself or The altar was atoned for by sprinkling on it the blood from
herself and his or her clothes and be unclean until evening. A both the bull and goat. w. 20-8, in the rituals earlier in the
man who had sexual relations with her would be unclean for 7 chapter the various sacrifices had been used to atone for the
days. Any other prolonged discharge of blood for a woman sins of the high priest himself and then to cleanse the sanc-
also brought on uncleanness on the same order as menstrua- tuary of impurities because of the sins of the people. Now a
tion (w. 25-30). Ifthe flow stopped, the woman would become unique ceremony takes place in which the sins of the people
LEVITICUS IO2

are removed by the treatment of the goat 'for Azazel'. It was w. 8—9 are a separate law and seem to repeat w. 3—7. They
not slain. Rather, the high priest laid hands on it and con- may have had a separate existence at one time and thus came
fessed the sins of the congregation, thus transferring them to to be included in the collection despite some duplication. The
its head. The goat was then taken away and sent into the penalty of being 'cut off is characteristic of Leviticus (see at
wilderness, bearing away all the sins of Israel on its head. As LEV 7:2 2—7). w. 10—14 f°cus on the question of blood which is a
noted above, the different conceptualization of removing sins central element in this chapter. The life of both humans and
in this ritual may be due to its origins. animals is in the blood (w. n, 14). For that reason, blood
w. 29-34 summarize the ceremony and associate it with should not be eaten but dashed on the altar or poured on the
the tenth day of the seventh month. The detailed ceremony of ground and covered with dust. Blood functions as a potent
ch. 16 is only at this point connected with the Day of Atone- symbol within the sacrificial cult and must be given due
ment listed as one of the festivals of Israel (Lev 23). It also weight in any theological discussion of the meaning of the
specifies that the day should be one of fasting by the people. cult (see at LEV 1:4). Schwartz (1991: 55-61) argues that kipper
This suggests that the ritual of ch. 16 may have been only in 17:11 has the meaning of'ransom' and is the only biblical
secondarily connected with the Day of Atonement in the list of passage where sacrificial blood is said to be a ranson for
festivals (Noth 1977). Before this it was likely to have been a human life. Elsewhere blood has the quality of purifying or
ceremony evoked by the high priest whenever it was needed cleansing, so v. n is a unique verse. Because of the character-
(Milgrom 1991: 1061-5). istic of blood to serve as a ransom for life, its consumption is
Chs. 17—26 form the Holiness Code according to a long- prohibited.
term consensus in scholarship; nevertheless, there have been (17:15-16) deals with eating that which dies of itself or is
significant voices raised against this identification. See LEV B. killed by animals. One of the reasons is no doubt that the
7 above. blood is still in the animal and has not been drained away as
required (w. 6, n, 13—14). Surprisingly, though, such eating is
(17:1—16) Ch. 17 does not provide a formal introduction to the not prohibited but only requires the eater to bathe, wash
Holiness Code (assuming one accepts the idea of H). Indeed, clothes, and be unclean until sunset. No sacrifice is necessary.
Gerstenberger sees chs. 16-26 as a unit separate from chs. i- Priests were specifically prohibited from eating meat not
15, and puts ch. 17 in with ch. 16 as a thematic unit on 'the properly slaughtered in Lev 22:8, while Ex 22:31 (HB 22:30)
prime festival and the prime rule of the offerings' (1993: 17). and Deut 14:21 are even more stringent, and prohibit Israel-
The subject of ch. 17 is proper sacrifice; under this heading ites from eating such meat at all.
come the matters of handling blood and of eating meat. The
reason for these is that eating of meat is intimately associated (18:1—30) discusses primarily forbidden sexual relations, in
with cultic sacrifice in the mind of the writer. two sets of laws (w. 7—18 and 19—23). Much of this chapter
w. 3-7 cover the law regarding slaughter, requiring that covers what is usually referred to as incest, that is, sexual
domestic animals be killed at the altar. The reason is that the relations forbidden because of the closeness of kinship of
blood can be disposed of at the altar, and people will not the person involved; however, some other sorts of sexual acts
sacrifice to goat demons (w. 6—7). It is generally assumed are also mentioned. Sexual relations sit at the heart of social
that this chapter envisages all slaughter as being done at the practice within any community. Each society has strict views
altar so that the blood can be dashed against the altar and the about which sort are allowed and which are not; these views
fat burned on it. The exception to this rule was the case of may change over time and—human nature and passions
clean wild animals or birds which could be hunted, killed, and being what they are—such rules are often breached, but they
eaten apart from the shrine as long as the blood was drained are still there even in what might seem the most promiscuous
out onto the earth. If so, all slaughter of domestic animals for of societies. Indeed, promiscuity in one area of a society may
food would have to take place in a sacrificial context. How be matched by great rigidity in another. Social anthropologists
could this be carried out from a practical point of view, if no have found that laws about permitted and forbidden sexual
butchering or eating of meat could be done apart from the relationships are an important clue to attitudes towards rela-
shrine? The difficulty is highlighted by Deut 12:20-5 which tives and outsiders (cf. LEV ^3-4). In many preliterate societies
seems to be changing just such a regulation when it states that elaborate codes govern marriage. Often these force exogamy,
profane slaughter is now allowed, as long as the blood is even if the only source of wives or husbands might be an
drained out of the animal. This means that Lev 17 must either enemy tribe. Israel's rules here are very lenient (despite the
be an idealized system divorced from reality or have in mind a claim that 'the Canaanites' allowed sex with close of kin),
society small enough in numbers and territory to allow a trip allowing even first cousins to marry. Israel was thus an en-
to the altar and back within a day or so. The post-exilic com- dogamous society. This fits their emphasis on rigid barriers to
munity had just such a size, and the majority of scholars apply non-Israelites. Easy marriage between groups internally
this to the post-exilic community (cf Gerstenberger 1993: would, of course, help to prevent any feeling of need for
216—17). Milgrom, however, argues that the original setting marriage to outsiders.
was the pre-monarchic community, which was also quite w. 1—5: the prohibited relations are framed in two sets of
small and allowed such laws to operate. Another interpreta- admonitions or paranaetic material (w. 1-5, 24-30). The sec-
tion argues that only the sacrifice of well-being offerings is in tions justify the laws by an appeal to the 'abominations' of the
mind and that profane slaughter for food was permitted out- Egyptians and Canaanites (w. 3, 24—8). In fact, there is no
side the temple (cf. Hartley 1992), though this seems to go evidence that these peoples were less moral than the Israel-
against the most obvious meaning of the passage. ites, nor that their sexual practices were necessarily that
 io 3 LEVITICUS
different. There may have been some differences in definition respect for the elderly (v. 32); love the resident alien (w. 33—4);
of what constituted incest among these peoples compared have honest scales and measures (w. 35—6).
with Israel, as is to be expected, but they had their own strict Many of these are what we might call civil law, but here they
society codes. (The 'abominations of the Egyptians and Ca- are given a religious sanction and thus brought under cultic
naanites' is a fiction which still dominates some discussions, law. The motive clause, '(for) I am YHWH', occurs frequently.
especially with regard to Canaanite religion.) On the theo- The laws proper (w. 3—36) are not of a piece because there is
logical construction of the Canaanites in the biblical text, see some overlap between the various ones. For example, the
Lemche (1991). sabbath is mentioned twice (w. 3, 30). It has been noted that
The following sexual relations are considered off limits for w. ii—18 have a common vocabulary in 'friend' (reaf), 'associ-
the Israelite male (w. 7—23): first are those 'with his own flesh' ate' ('amit), and 'people' ('am) (Wenham 1979: 267). Scholars
(i.e. near of kin): mother or step-mother (w. 6—7); sister, half- have noted connections between the Decalogue (Ex 20; Deut
sister, stepsister, or sister-in-law (w. 9, n, 16); daughter-in-law 5) and this chapter (Morgenstern 1955). Some have thought
(v. 10, 15); aunt (w. 12-14); a woman and her daughter or they could even find two decalogues (Kilian 1963: 58—9) or a
granddaughter (v. 17). Other regulations seem to have to do dodecalogue and a decalogue (Elliger 1966: 254), though a
more with what is deemed appropriate: not to take a wife's good deal of textual rearrangement is required and the precise
sister as rival wife (v. 18); not to have sex during the menstrual construction is not agreed on. It is true that the contents of
period (v. 19) or with the neighbour's wife (v. 20), with another much of the Ten Commandments are echoed here: graven
male (v. 22), or with animals (v. 23). One should not offer one's images (19:4 || Ex 20:3); using God's name in vain (19:12 || Ex
children to Molech (v. 21—on this, see further at LEV 20:1—6). 20:7); the sabbath (19:3, 30 || Ex 20:8-12); honouring parents
Omitted is prohibition of relations with a daughter or a sister. (19:31| Ex 20:12); murder (19:161| Ex 20:13); adultery
The reason maybe that the laws are phrased to forbid violation (19:29 || Ex 20:14); stealing (19:11, 13 || Ex 20:15). Lev 19 also
of one's father and one's mother (Rattray 1987). Also omitted has a command against lying (v. n) which might be taken as
is any prohibition against homosexual acts between women, somewhat parallel to bearing false witness (Ex 20:16). Never-
though the framers of the laws may not have envisaged that theless, the wording and even the precise concept is often
such even existed. different, and the order of presentation has nothing in com-
w. 24—30 put blame for exile from the land on the sins of the mon, and there is much here not in the Ten Commandments.
inhabitants. The Israelite is the object of the command but, as Thus, there is no obvious relationship between this chapter
noted above in the general comments on ch. 18, the attribu- and the Decalogue. Comparison of the OT and the legal
tion of such abominable sins to the original inhabitants of the material elsewhere in the ancient Near East suggests a large
land is not based on any objective criteria. Sexual mores were amount of traditional exhortative material widespread in the
fairly uniform throughout the ancient Near East. For example, area. The coincidences between the traditional Decalogue and
adultery was universally condemned (cf Codex Hammurabi this chapter are most likely due to this fact.
129-32). Sex with animals seems otherwise unattested in the
Near East at this time (Gerstenberger 1993: 232). (20:1—8) is a section prohibiting seeking after false sources of
supernatural aid. It primarily concerns dedicating children to
(Chs. 19-20) list a set of miscellaneous laws on being holy.
Molech (w. 2-5) but also forbids necromancy (v. 6). The
The term 'miscellaneous' is used from a modern perspective;
prohibitions about Molech raise two questions: what does it
no doubt the ancient authors/compilers had their own view
refer to, and why should it be in this collection? There has
and may have arranged the material according to a perfectly
been much discussion about the first question (cf. Day 1989;
logical pattern from their standpoint. The contents of this
Heider 1985). Who or what is Molech? Some have argued that
section have a number of parallels with the Covenant Code
the term refers to a type of sacrifice; others assert that Molech
(Ex 21:1—23:33) and Deut 12—24, as wgll as with laws known
is a deity of some sort. Although recent writings have favoured
elsewhere in the ancient Near East (on Israelite law in the
the latter hypothesis, it cannot be said that the matter is
context of ancient Near-Eastern law, see Grabbe (1993: 23-8)
settled. Similarly, the expression 'pass (a child) over to Molech'
and the bibliography cited there).
has been taken to mean only 'to dedicate to' Molech or, more
(Ch. 19) has a series of laws preceded by an introduction drastically, 'to sacrifice (the child) to' Molech. Again, recent
(w. 1—2) and with a concluding verse (v. 37): revere parents writings have tended to support the latter viewpoint. The
(v. 3); unusually, the mother is mentioned first; keep the same prohibition occurs in a similar series in 18:19-23, but
sabbaths (v. 3); avoid idols (v. 4); law of well-being sacrifice there the writer/editor must have seen a connection between
(w. 5—8); leave some of harvest for the poor (w. 9—10); do not the sexual acts and offering children to Molech. Its presence is
steal (v. n); do not lie or deceive (v. n); do not swear falsely more easily explained here in ch. 20. But why is the law
(v. 12); do not exploit others: friend, hired person, deaf, blind included in a series having to do with sexual relations? Per-
(w. 13-14); judge justly (v. 15); do not be a slanderer (v. 16); do haps both were seen as threatening to family solidarity (Hart-
not hate your fellows but love them (w. 17—18); avoid mixtures ley 1992: 289—90). As its position here indicates, worship of
(v. 19); if a man has sex with a betrothed slave woman (w. 20— Molech may be a form of seeking the deities of the under-
2); the first fruits of a fruit tree (w. 23-5); do not eat blood world. Necromancy was another means of gaining help from
(v. 26); do not practice divination (v. 26); do not disfigure the dead and the forces associated with death and the nether-
yourself for the dead (w. 27-8); do not make your daughter a world. The precise development of the cult of the dead and its
prostitute (v. 29); keep the sabbaths and honour the sanctuary significance is debated (cf. the summary in Grabbe 1995:141—
(v. 30); do not seek to contact spirits of the dead (v. 31); show 5), some thinking it was early in Israel's history (Bloch-Smith
LEVITICUS 104

1992) while others think it developed only fairly late (Schmidt out physical blemish. A number of these defects are de-
1994). What is clear is that in Leviticus, as in other passages scribed, though they may be only representative.
(e.g. Deut 18:9—14), the practice of necromancy was known Nevertheless, even priests whose physical deformity or dis-
and forbidden, suggesting that it was practised at the time of ease prevented them from carrying out their priestly duties
writing, whenever that was. were still allowed to eat of the priestly gifts.
(20:9-27) has parallels to Lev 19 and, especially, Lev 18. (22:1-33) carries on the theme at the end of ch. 21 by giving
w. 10—21 primarily concern the question of sexual relations laws on holy offerings and who may eat of them. Certain
between relatives and others, though it is introduced by a portions of the sacrificial animal and other offerings were to
prohibition against cursing one's parents (v. 9). These are go to the priests, as noted in chs. 5-7. These were sacred and to
similar to Lev 18:6-23. w- 22~6 give the rationale for these be eaten only by those qualified and only under certain con-
laws (the previous inhabitants did these things and the land ditions, w. 3—16, the priests and their families who were in a
vomited them out) in a manner parallel to 18:24—30. The state of purity, and they alone, were to partake of these offer-
section finally ends in a prohibition against necromancy ings. The various sorts of uncleanness are specified, but these
(v. 27). This probably forms an indusio with 20:1-6 (i.e. the do not differ from those already known. The basic rule was
chapter begins and ends with the same subject), suggesting that only members of the priest's household could eat, includ-
that ch. 20 was composed as an independent unit. This im- ing slaves but not hired servants, and unmarried daughters
plies that the repetition between chs. 18 and 20 is probably but not married ones. Any unqualified person who ate of holy
due to their being originally separate collections. If so, the things had to restore it plus 20 per cent; cf at 5:14-16.
final editor included both, despite the parallel material, rather w. 17—25 link again the bodily perfection of both sacrificial
than choosing between them or attempting the difficult task animals and the presiding priests. The first part of ch. 22
of editing them together. Gerstenberger (1993: 262—6), how- covers the priest; this section now specifies that all offerings
ever, argues that one of the chapters must be dependent on the were to be whole, normal animals without major physical
other, most likely the editor of ch. 20 was dependent on ch. 18; defects. Anything which was blind, injured, maimed, or had
the intention of this revision is to give new perspectives relat- certain sorts of disease was rejected. Neither was a castrated
ing to the community. animal to be accepted. (The implication is that Israelites did
not castrate their animals, contrary to the normal practice of
(21:1—23) Th£ concentration in chs. 17—20 has been the com-
those around them.) An animal with a limb extraordinarily
munity and people; now the text turns to laws relating pri-
short or long could be accepted for a free-will offering but not
marily to the priests. Formally, the passage is divided into two
for a vow. This was the only explicit concession made about
parts by two speeches by YHWH to Moses. The first speech
blemishes, though how the rules might be interpreted in
(w. 1—15) is addressed to all the priests, whereas the second
practice we do not know. v. 21 mentions only the votive (neder)
(w. 16-23) is specifically to Aaron. The reason the second
and the free-will (neddbd) offerings as falling under the well-
speech is addressed to Aaron may be because he (and subse-
being offering; this seems to differ from the description given
quent high priests) were the ones to decide whom to allow
at 7:11-18 which also seems to include the thanksgiving offer-
near the holy food (Hartley 1992: 346). Otherwise, all the
ing (todd), though even this is a moot point. See the discussion
regulations relate to all the priests, since they were all thought
at LEV 7:11—18. w. 26—30 list another set of miscellaneous laws.
of as descendants of Aaron.
A newborn animal was not to be sacrificed until it had been
w. 1—9: the presumption is that all Israel is to be holy, but
with its mother 7 days (v. 26), nor were it and its mother to be
the priests had to be even more rigorous. They were not
sacrificed on the same day (v. 27). Any thanksgiving offering
allowed to defile themselves by contact with a corpse by par-
had to be eaten on the day it was offered, and anything left over
ticipating in funerals other than of close blood relatives: only
after that time had to be burnt (w. 29-30). This agrees with
for a mother, father, son, daughter, brother, or an unmarried
7:15. w. 31-3 provide a concluding admonition to the chapter.
sister (w. 1—4). They were not to carry out mourning rites by
disfiguring their hair, beards, or flesh by cutting it (w. 5-6). (Ch. 23) is one of several lists itemizing the major religious
They were not allowed to marry a harlot or divorcee, and the festivals (cf. 11x23:14-17; 34:18-26; Deut 16:1-17), but it tends
priest's daughter who became a harlot was to be burned (w. 7— to be the most detailed and, in the opinion of many, one of the
9). However, v. 8 makes the holiness of the priests a respon- latest. There is also a late list of festivals in Ezek 45:18—25;
sibility of the whole community, w. 10-15, the OTas a whole however, this one is a bit difficult to correlate with the others
does not say much about a high priest, though we know that because it focuses on the duties of the 'prince' and perhaps
the high priest became very important in Second Temple was not meant to be comprehensive in other respects. The list
times (Grabbe 1992: 73—83). Leviticus does envisage a high to be most closely compared to Lev 23 is Num 28—9, however.
priest, however, as this and other passages (e.g. Lev 16) show. The conventional view of scholarship has been that Num 28-
The special nature of his office is shown by special restrictions 9 (a part of the P document) is secondary to Lev 23 (a mixture
which were even more stringent than in 21:1—9: he was not to of P and H). This view has now been stood on its head by
participate in a funeral, even for a close relative, or engage in Knohl (1995; cf 1987) who argues that H is secondary to P.
mourning rites of any kind; he was to marry only a virgin of Specifically, he thinks Lev 23 is an adaptation of Num 28-9
his own people, w. 16-23, the regulations about the physical and thus represents the later list. Form-critically, ch. 23 is
condition of those who could preside at the altar were also divided into five commands to Moses for him to speak to
rigorous. Just as animals to be sacrificed were to be without Israel: 23:1—8, 9—22, 23—5, 26—32, 33—44. This serves to give
physical defect, so the officiating priests were to be with- each festival an independent treatment, but it also highlights
 105 LEVITICUS
the fact that the weekly sabbath does not fit easily in the list sheaf of grain was cut as the first fruits of the harvest and
and draws attention to what seem to be additions made to the presented before God. In addition, certain specific offerings
original list, especially w. 39—43 (Feast of Booths). For further are enjoined: a male lamb as a burnt offering, a cereal offering
information on a number of the festivals, see Grabbe (1993: of two ephahs of flour mixed with oil, and a quarter bin of
ch. 6). wine as a drink offering. This ceremony marked the start of
(23:3) the word 'sabbath' is from the Hebrew root s-b-t which the grain harvest. No bread or grain from the new crop was to
means 'rest, cessation'. The basic characteristic of the sabbath be eaten until the first sheaf had been brought. The ceremony
was that no work (mela 'ka) of any kind was to be done. What took place on the Sunday ('the day after the sabbath') during
exactly made up that prohibited work is not stated in this the days of unleavened bread. In later centuries, the various
passage and is nowhere else spelled out as such. Outside sects disagreed over whether the 'day after the sabbath' meant
Leviticus one passage notes that work is also prohibited on the day after the first annual sabbath (the holy day on 15 Nisan)
the holy days except 'that which each person must eat' (Ex or after the weekly sabbath, but the most natural reading of
12:16), suggesting that the preparation of food was allowed on the Hebrew text was that which interpreted it as the weekly
these annual sabbaths but not on the weekly sabbath. The sabbath (cf. Grabbe 2000:141). This date also affected the date
sabbath seems to have a long history in Israel and was hardly of Pentecost.
invented by the Priestly writers, but it is difficult to say how far (23:15—21) The spring grain harvest began on the Wave Sheaf
back the development of sabbath observance can be pushed. It Day and continued for 7 weeks until the Feast of Weeks. For
was once common to regard the sabbath as primarily a post- some reason, though, no specific term ('Feast of Weeks' or
exilic innovation. Sabbath observance is emphasized mainly otherwise) occurs for this festival in Leviticus. The Feast of
in exilic and post-exilic texts (e.g. Isa 56; Neh 13:15—22). There Weeks did not fall on a specific day of the month but was
is also the question of the sabbath passage here, since from a counted from the Wave Sheaf Day, reckoning 7 sabbaths. The
form-critical point of view, v. 3 appears to be a later insertion Feast of Weeks (hagsabu 'ot: Ex 34:22) was on the day after the
and not part of the original list. Yet some texts generally seventh sabbath, called the fiftieth day when counting inclu-
acknowledged to be pre-exilic seem to presuppose sabbath sively (i.e. including both the starting and finishing day in the
observance (Hos 2:11; Am 8:5; Isa 1:13), indicating that it was total). Hence, in later times the day was given the Greek name
known and followed in some circles as early as the eighth ofPentlkoste 'fiftieth (day)', from which the English Pentecost
century BCE. Some have even argued for an earlier observance comes. From later Jewish sources, we know that there was
based on such passages as Ex 23:12 and 34:21 (cf 2 Kings disagreement among the various sects about the day of this
4:23). Although it does not seem to be clearly attested as early festival. The dispute concerned whether one counted 7 weeks
as some of the annual festivals, certain scholars have argued from a floating annual sabbath on 15 Nisan or 7 sabbaths from
that the weekly sabbath goes far back in Israel's history and is the first day of the week, to arrive at another first day of the
not a late development (see Andreasen 1972; Shafer 1976). week. (As noted above, the debate mainly concerned the exact
(23:5) briefly mentions the Passover, but Leviticus is other- time of the Wave Sheaf Day.) Some translations and lexicons
wise silent about this important celebration. This may not be render the Hebrew phrase seba' sabbatot as 'seven weeks', but
significant if there is a P document since other passages this would be the only place where sabbat means week in the
normally labelled P include a lengthy description of the ob- OT; more likely is that the word means 'sabbath' here as else-
servance, especially Ex 12:1—20. The important point about where. It was only in Second Temple times that the meaning
Leviticus is that Passover is presupposed but intimately tied 'week' developed and allowed some sects to try to count from a
up with the Festival of Unleavened Bread (23:6-8). This was fixed day of the month. Hebrew usage and later priestly prac-
the 7-day period when only unleavened bread (massot) was tice indicate that Shavuot was always celebrated on a Sunday
eaten and no leavening or leavened products were allowed in as long as the temple stood and only later became fixed on 6
the land. The festival was inaugurated by the Passover meal, at Sivan as it is among most Jews today (Grabbe 1992: 486).
which unleavened bread was eaten, on the evening between Shavuot also had its own specific offerings. Two loaves of
14 and 15 Nisan. The first full day (i5th) was a holy day, as was bread were baked from flour made from the new grain and
the last day (ist). A major question is when the Passover presented before God. Unusually, they were to be baked with
became associated with the Feast of Unleavened Bread. It is leaven; this seems the only exception to the requirement that
now generally admitted that some early traditions do mention cereal offerings were to be unleavened, though nothing is said
the Passover (e.g. Ex 23:18; 34:25). Haran (1962: 317—48) has about their being burnt on the altar.
argued that the Passover was associated with Unleavened (23:23—5) the first day of the seventh month (Tishri) was a
Bread from an early time and is already so linked in all the holy day celebrated by the blowing of trumpets. The type of
biblical sources. However, his argument that the Passover trumpet used is not specified. Another passage usually asso-
goes back to a 'nomadic' way of life, with Unleavened Bread ciated with P mentions a set of silver trumpets to be used for
arising in settled conditions, is problematic in the light of ceremonial occasions and war (Num 10:1—10). One might
recent discussion about nomadism and the Israelite settle- therefore think of these, but the symbolic blowing may not
ment (cf. Lemche 1985: esp. 84-163). Haran also makes the have been confined to them. The ram's horn (sopar) associated
point that the Passover in Ex 12 and elsewhere is actually with the festival in modern times may have been a later
envisaged as a temple sacrifice. development or interpretation, but we have no way of know-
(23:9—14) An important day within the festival of unleavened ing. Other than the blowing of trumpets and the command to
bread was the Wave Sheaf Corner) Day. On this day a symbolic do no work, nothing further is stated about this day here. Num
LEVITICUS 106

29:1-5 lists sacrifices to be offered, though why they should be father used God's name in a blasphemous way. He was put
omitted here is a problem. in custody until God could be consulted. God's judgement
(23:26—32) The tenth day of the seventh month was the Day was that he be stoned to death by the entire community. Any-
of Atonement (yarn hakkippurim). This passage states that the one in the future blaspheming with God's name was likewise
day is a time of no work, fasting ('you shall afflict your souls'), to be executed by stoning. The commands of YHWH (w. 13—
a holy convocation, with an 'offering of fire' (see at 3:11) to be 22) concern not only blasphemy but also causing death to a
carried out. No further data are given. Yet we know that the man (which brings the death penalty) or a beast (compensa-
ceremony of the two goats was also associated with this day, as tion has to be paid), and they apply not only to Israelites but
Lev 16 describes in detail. Was the ceremony of Lev 16 once an also to the resident alien. Within this section is an inset
independent observance which only later became associated paragraph about life and reciprocation of punishment, other-
with 10 Tishri? Most of the chapter gives no indication of wise known as the lex talionis.
when the ceremony was to take place. It is only towards the (24:17-22) makes the point of the importance of life, espe-
end of the chapter (16:29-34) that the ritual is connected with cially human life. The one who kills a person is to be executed.
the Day of Atonement known from Lev 23. Anyone who kills an animal must make restitution. There is
(23:33—6, 39—43) The Feast of Booths or Tabernacles (sukkot) also the principle that injuries were to be compensated by
was the final festival of the year, celebrated after the autumn having a reciprocal injury done to the perpetrator, the famous
harvest (23:33—6, 39—43) on 15—22 Tishri. It probably arose 'eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth'. This law has often been
from the practice of farmers who would build a temporary misunderstood as if it were a primitive barbaric practice
shelter (booth) in the field to sleep in to protect the harvest and which embarrassed legislators later did their best to soften.
maximize the daylight until it was gathered. The people were In fact, the earlier principle was that a person injuring another
to take fruit, palm leaves, tree branches, and willows and was to pay compensation. For example, the earliest Mesopo-
make booths as a part of the celebration. The first day was a tamian law codes (Eshnuna 42—7; Ur-Nammu 15—19 = A324—
holy day on which no work was to be done, as was the eighth 325? || Bffi^—24) have monetary compensation. In the case of
day. As with the Day of Trumpets, no sacrifices are listed for an extended family or community, that was the simplest way
Sukkot in Leviticus. At Num 29:12—39, however, we find that of handling it. The injured party received some benefit, or at
an elaborate series of sacrifices was to take place, with each of least his family did. On the other hand, the later law codes
the eight days having its own particular ceremony. They fol- (Hammurabi 195—223) evoke the lex talionis for those of equal
lowed a diminishing series, beginning with 13 bulls on the status (though monetary compensation applies to injury of
first day, 12 bulls on the second, and so on down to 7 bulls on someone of lower status). The lex talionis was an important
the seventh day. The eighth day had its own separate cere- advance in jurisprudence for two reasons: first, it made all
mony. equal before the law. The rich man could not get away with his
crime of injuring another by monetary payment. The 'eye for
(24:1-9) describes the lamps and the bread of the presence in
an eye' principle was a great leveller. Secondly, it marks the
the foyer of the temple. Why this section and the next (24:10—
stage at which the tribe or state takes over the function of
23) go here is not immediately apparent, but both 24:2-4 and
justice from the local community.
24:5-9 relate to the area inside the Holy Place, in front of the
curtain separating it from the Holy of Holies. A very pure olive (Chs. 25—6) seem to be envisaged as a unit by the author or
011 was to be provided to keep the lampstand burning on a editor, because they consist of one speech by YHWH to Moses
regular basis (w. 2-4). (The concept of a perpetual lamp and because they are marked off by an indusio (the phrase 'on
occurs in i Sam 3:3.) There was also to be a table on which Mount Sinai') in the first verse (25:1) and the last verse
12 loaves (along with frankincense) were to be placed each (26:46). Each of the two chapters has different subject-matter
sabbath. The frankincense was burned at the end of the week, and can be treated separately, but they are also connected in
and the priests were allowed to eat the loaves. This was known that the punishments of ch. 26 are in part the result of not
as the 'bread of presence' or 'show bread'. It is these loaves or observing the sabbatical year commanded in ch. 25.
something similar which David and his men ate in i Sam (Ch. 25) describes two year-long observances: the seventh or
21:1—6. This bread is referred to in passing at Ex 39:36, but it is sabbatical year (year of release: semittd) in w. 2—7, and the
a puzzle why an actual description is delayed until this point jubilee (ydbel) year in w. 8—55. Comparison has been made
in Leviticus. with the Mesopotamian misarum and the anduraru (Lewy
(24:10-23) discusses the question of blasphemy. Here and 1958) which go back to the Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian
there within Leviticus narrative replaces direct commands. periods (early second millennium BCE). Among the points to
In such cases, the episode seems meant to explain what note are the following: Babylonian anduraru is cognate with
should be done by example rather than just instruction. It is the Hebrew dcror release. A king would declare a misarum
similar to Lev 8-10 which is also a narrative section and, which was a general declaration of justice. He might also
especially, to Num 15:32—6 where a sinner is likewise impris- declare an anduraru 'release', which could include a remission
oned until God decides the punishment for the crime (in this of certain taxes, a release of debts, reversion of property to its
case, the sin is sabbath-breaking). The passage is made of up original owners, or manumission of slaves. It was common
two sections: a narrative about the blasphemer and his ultim- for a king to declare such in his first year of reign. The Israelite
ate fate (w. 10-12, 23), and the command of YHWH not only innovation was to declare a jubilee at regular intervals rather
about blasphemy but also other sins (w. 13—22). The narrative than in the first year of a king as in Mesopotamia. The Akka-
tells how a man with an Israelite mother but an Egyptian dian evidence for the misarum and anduraru is generally
 107 LEVITICUS
accepted (cf. Finkelstein 1961), but its interpretation in rela- on the third and sixth year out of the cycle rather than forming
tion to the Israelite institution is not necessarily simple. In an independent 3-year cycle. On the matter of tithing in gen-
solidly argued studies of both the biblical and the Mesopota- eral, see Grabbe (1993: 66-72).
mian evidence, N. P. Lemche (1976; 1979) found a lot of
(25:8—55) describes the jubilee which took place after seven
sloppy comparison in earlier studies. For example, OT mater-
sabbatical-year cycles. The text is somewhat ambiguous. On
ial was used to interpret the Old Babylonian which was then
the one hand, the jubilee might be thought to coincide with
used to interpret the Israelite, with clear dangers of circular
the last year of the seventh cycle (Lev 25:8); on the other hand,
reasoning. The existence of the practice of a king's granting a
it is explicitly said to be the fiftieth year (Lev 25:10—n). If it was
release in his first year in the Old Babylonian period proves
indeed the fiftieth year, it would mean two fallow years in a
nothing about the antiquity of the jubilee in Israel which is,
row, yet nothing is said about the effects of such a situation or
after all, somewhat different. Lemche admits some evidence
how to cope with it. The later Jewish Book of Jubilees definitely
for the antiquity of a seventh fallow year in agriculture, but the
counts a jubilee cycle of 49 years, showing that the 'fiftieth
development of a sabbatical year with all its social accoutre-
year' might be counted inclusively (i.e. including both the
ments seems late.
starting and finishing years in the calculation). It may be
that this is what the author of Lev 25 has in mind, but the
(25:2-7) envisages a basic cycle of 7-year periods or sabbatical
point is never clarified.
years. The last year of this cycle was a year when the land had
w. 13-28, the jubilee was also a fallow year but, according to
to be left fallow. No crops were to be sown. That which grew up
Leviticus, it was more than this; it was a year of release (also
by itself (volunteer growth) was allowed, and the people could
Lev 27:16—24; Num 36:4). Land was to return to its original
eat it for food on a day-to-day basis, but no harvesting as such
family. Agrarian land was considered an inalienable heritage
was permitted. Of course, by a divine miracle there would be
granted by God and to be kept in the family in perpetuity.
no hardship since the land would produce enough in the sixth
Therefore, the land could not be sold permanently. Any sale
year to tide the inhabitants over to the harvest of the crops
was viewed really as a long-term lease which reverted back to
sown in the new cycle (w. 19-22). In Leviticus the seventh year
the family in the jubilee year. The sale price was determined
seems to be primarily an agricultural observance (cf. also Ex
according to the length of time to the next jubilee, so that the
23:10—11). According to some passages, however, loans and
purchaser was really paying for the number of crops obtained
the enslavement of Israelites were also cancelled in the sev-
before it reverted to the original owners; the less time until the
enth year (Deut 15:1-3, 12-15; J er 34:8-16). If so, the seventh
jubilee, the less was paid for the property, w. 29—34 n°te that
year would have been an integral part of the nation's life, with
town property was treated differently and could be transferred
widespread implications for the economy. On the other hand,
without right of repossession, after a probation year in which
there seems to be a contradiction between Leviticus, which
the seller could change his mind and redeem it. On the other
sees the year of release as the jubilee, and those other passages
hand, Levitical property was treated like agrarian land in that it
which ascribe release to the sabbatical year (see below). This
would revert to the original owner at the jubilee, w. 35-55 deal
suggests that we find two separate systems, one in which the
with the question of helping the poor and needy among the
year of release is the seventh year, and the other in which
Israelites by necessary loans, without charging interest. It
the year of release is the fiftieth. Those texts which view the
moves on to the question of debt slavery. Slavery was accepted
seventh year as the year of release do not seem to envisage a
as an institution (as, indeed, it was in the NT). Foreign slaves
jubilee year at all.
could be bought and sold as chattels (w. 44-6), though there
The existence of a sabbatical year is attested in historical
were laws which regulated how they were treated (e.g. Deut
sources of the Second Temple period (Grabbe 1991: 60-3).
21:15—17). But Israelites were not to be treated as slaves. If
This included a rest from growing crops, at least from the time
someone sold himself or his family because of debts or pov-
of the Maccabees (i Mace 6:49, 53; Josephus, Ant. 13.7.4—8.1
erty, the person was to be treated as a hired servant. He may
||228—35; 14-16.2 |475). We also know from actual documents
also redeem himself or be redeemed by a relative, the redemp-
found in the Judean Desert that the cancellation of debts and
tion price being calculated according to the number of years
return of property in the seventh year was a known institution
until the jubilee. If he is not redeemed, he and his family were
(Murabbcfat 18; 24). There is no mention of the jubilee year,
allowed to go free in the jubilee year. On the question of the
however, except in literature such as the Book of Jubilees. The
release of slaves and cancellation of loans, there is some
indication is, therefore, that the sabbatical year but not the
contradiction between Leviticus and other passages, as al-
jubilee was observed in Second Temple times. It is also rea-
ready noted above. Lev 25 and Lev 27 are the only descriptions
sonable to conclude that the seventh year was in some way
of the jubilee year.
observed in early post-exilic times, though how much further
back it can be projected is a question. Whether the jubilee was (26:1-46) is mainly composed of a list of blessings for obedi-
ever observed is a matter of speculation. ence and curses for disobedience, and makes a fitting end to
The tithing cycle is not mentioned in Leviticus (or other P the book. An appropriate literary closure of a book such as this
passages) but, if a sabbatical year existed, the tithes of Deut is a section which demonstrates the consequences of heeding
14-15 would work only if operated on a 7-year cycle. That is, or not heeding the commands contained in it. A similar
the tithe of the third year (Deut 14:28-9) would have to be co- conclusion is found in Deut 28. Such blessings and curses
ordinated with the seventh year, or it would sometimes fall on are well known from other ancient Near-Eastern literature.
the sabbatical year when there was no produce on which to pay International treaties usually ended with a list of blessings
tithes. Thus, the tithe of the third year would have been paid and, especially, curses for disobedience (cf. McCarthy 1978:
LEVITICUS 108

172-87). The so-called law codes' often include a similar the final editors of Leviticus may have been reluctant to end
section. For example, the epilogue to the Code of Hammurabi with ch. 26. Therefore, Lev 27 may indeed be a later addition
spells out how the gods will punish the king in various ways but one which the final editors regarded as appropriate and
for not heeding the marvellous laws which had just been listed even essential.
(ANET 163-5). Probably the clearest example of an interna-
tional treaty is that of E sarhaddon (Wiseman 1958; ANET 534— (27:1—29) Much of this chapter is devoted to the question of
41). As with the list in Lev 26, the curses tend to dominate, vows and consecration of objects and property to God. It was
with the blessings listed only briefly. possible to dedicate human beings, animals, houses, and land
w. 1-2 at first sight seem out of place in the context of chs. to God. w. 2—8: if the dedicated object was a person, then he or
25—6. However, they may form a connecting section between she had to be redeemed by money. The valuation of the
the two chapters, w. 3—13 list the blessings for obedience redemption money was according to age and sex and seems
which come first. There seem to be four of these, based on to be primarily economic; that is, it is according to how much
the formal structure (Hartley 1992): rain in due season (w. 4- the person is likely to earn by physical labour. This means that
5), peace (w. 6—8), fertility (w. 9—10), and God's presence males were worth more than females of a similar age, and
(w. 11—13), though victory over enemies could be said to be a adults in their prime were worth more than children, youths,
fifth (w. 7-8), judging from the content (Porter 1976). w. 14- or the elderly, w. 9-13, if an animal suitable for offering had
38 give a much longer and more clearly structured section on been vowed, it had to be sacrificed, with no substitution being
the curses for disobedience. Five sections are marked off with allowed. Any attempt at substitution meant that both the
the phrase, Tf you (still) disobey, I will punish you sevenfold' original vow and the substitute became dedicated to God.
or similar words. The desire seems to be to create a crescendo However, in the case of an unclean animal no sacrifice was
effect, so that the longer the Israelites refuse to obey, the possible. Therefore, it had to be redeemed by its valuation plus
stronger becomes the punishment, multiplying sevenfold 20 per cent. w. 14—15, if a house was dedicated, it could also be
each time. This does not seem to be carried through consist- redeemed by paying its value plus 20 per cent. w. 16—24: land
ently, though there is a sort of climax in the exile from the was valued in relation to the jubilee year. In other words, the
land. In fact, the individual curses seem to be listed by subject number of harvests remaining until the jubilee was calculated
rather than according to any sense of increasing malignancy: and the value set according to that number. Inherited land
defeat in battle (w. 14—17), drought (w. 18—20), wild animals could then be redeemed for its valuation plus 20 per cent. If
(w. 21-2), war, pestilence, famine (w. 23-6), dire conditions the owner did not redeem the land and it was sold, however, it
and exile (w. 27-39). Finally, hope is expressed for repentence was no longer in his power to redeem. Instead it became
and a return from captivity (w. 39—45). priestly property. According to Deut 18:1—21, Levites (includ-
w. 31—45 end the chapter with reference to an exile and ing priests) were not to own land as individuals. Apparently,
return, which led many scholars to claim that this shows though, the temple and priesthood could own land jointly.
knowledge of the Exile of the Jews in 587/586 BCE and their (We know that such was the case in the Second Temple
return in 538. This may be a correct interpretation, but it is period.) Land which had been purchased (as opposed to in-
interesting to note that one of the traditional punishments is herited) did not belong perpetually to the purchaser but re-
to have the people of the land taken captive (e.g. Codex Ham- verted to the original owner in the jubilee. Thus, if such land
murabi, xxvi. 73-80; xxviii. 19-23). If the actual Exile is pre- was consecrated, it would still go back to the owner in the
supposed, the writer is surprisingly vague about the details; jubilee, so its valuation without any addition was given to the
alternatively, the account of the Exile known to him was rather priests.
different from that described elsewhere in the OT This sug- w. 26-7, firstling animals belonged automatically to God.
gests that the punishment of exile was a traditional one in This brief mention is all that Leviticus has on the subject.
such curses and not necessarily to be related to the historical Other passages of priestly instruction fill this out (Ex 13:11—15;
situation, v. 46 forms a concluding piece. Is it the conclusion 34:19—20; Num 18:15—18): all clean animals were to be offered
of ch. 26 only or is it a conclusion to a larger section? Its at the altar, with the appropriate portions burned, but the rest
reference to 'statutes' (huqqim), 'judgements' (mispatim), and of the meat went entirely to the priests. Unclean animals were
'laws/teachings' (torot) suggest that something larger than a more complicated since there seems to be more than one set
chapter or even a couple of chapters is intended. Thus, this of instructions. It is clear that they were normally to be re-
seems to be a concluding formula for the entire book (Hartley deemed, though Ex 34:20 says this was to be with a lamb,
1992: 414). whereas Lev 27:27 states that it is by their monetary value plus
20 per cent. Similarly, if not redeemed, 27:27 says they were to
(Ch. 27) describes vows and tithe of livestock. It is also an be sold for their assessed value, with the money going to the
important chapter about support for the priesthood. The temple personnel, but Ex 34:20 says the animal's neck was to
chapter is usually seen as an appendix to the book and not be broken.
part of the Holiness Code proper. The reason is that ch. 26 w. 28—9 devoted things (herem) belonged solely to God and
makes an appropriate ending with its general blessings and were not to be made use of by man. They could not be sold or
curses and, as noted above, 26:46 fits well as a concluding redeemed. A devoted human being was to be put to death.
statement for the entire book. On the other hand, in the This last statement is puzzling because normally the human
present structure of the book ch. 27 is parallel with chs. 1-7 beings which belonged to God were to be redeemed. For
in giving specific halakic instructions. Also, just as Deuteron- example, the first-born were to be redeemed for money be-
omy does not end with the blessings and curses of ch. 28, so cause their place was taken by the Levites (Num 3:5-13; 18:15).
 IOQ LEVITICUS

It seems unlikely that an Israelite would be allowed to devote Grabbe, L. L. (1987), The Scapegoat Ritual: A Study in Early Jewish
another Israelite to God in this way. Therefore, it is unclear Interpretation', JSJ18: 152—67.
who the devoted person might be who would be put to death; (1991), 'Maccabean Chronology: 167-164 or 168-165 BCE?'JBL
however, there are several examples of prisoners-of-war being no: 59-74.
(1992), Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, i. Persian and Greek
slain at God's orders, suggesting that this might be what was
Periods; ii. Roman Period (Minneapolis: Fortress); British edn. in
in mind (cf Josh 10:24—7; J Sam 15). one vol. (London: SCM, 1994).
(27:30—3) speaks of the tithe of livestock. The tithe of animals (i993), Leviticus, SOTS, Old Testament Guides (Sheffield:
is nowhere else referred to in the Pentateuch. They were to be JSOT).
tithed apparently by running them past and cutting out every (1995), Priests, Prophets, Diviners, Sages: A Socio-Historical Study
tenth animal, regardless of whether it was good or bad. If the of Religious Specialists in Ancient Israel (Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity
Int.).
owner tried to substitute an animal, not only was the original
(ed.) (1997), Can a History of Israel Be Written? JSOTSup 245 =
tithe animal still considered as belonging to YHWH but also European Seminar in Historical Methodology, i (Sheffield: Shef-
the substitute. The point was that no substitution was to be field Academic Press).
made. Nothing is said about how the tithe was to be used. By (2000), Judaic Religion in the Second Temple Period: Belief and
inference from other passages (2 Chr 31:6), it was to go to the Practice from the Exile to Yavneh (London: Routledge).
priests as a part of their income. A number of questions arise. Haran, M. (1962), 'Shilo and Jerusalem: The Origin of the Priestly
Why is not the tithe of animals referred to elsewhere in the OT Tradition in the Pentateuch', JBI 81:14-24.
(apart from 2 Chr 31:6)? How was the tithing to be carried out? (1978), Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Clar-
If the entire herd or flock was run by each year, the breeding endon).
Hartley, J. E. (1992), Leviticus, WBC 4 (Dallas: Word Books).
stock would gradually become decimated (literally). Would it
Hecht, R. (1979—80), 'Patterns of Exegesis in Philo's Interpretation of
just have been the new crop of calves, kids, and lambs each
Leviticus', Studia Philonica, 6: 77—155.
time? This makes sense, but no discussion is given. Why? Is it Heider, G. C. (1985), The Cult ofMolek: A Reassessment, JSOTSup 43
because this was only a theoretical law which was never put (Sheffield: JSOT).
into practice? Giving the first-born of each breeding animal Houston, W. (1993), Purity and Monotheism: Clean and Unclean Ani-
would equal roughly 10 per cent, so how did the tithe relate to mals in Biblical Law, JSOTSup 140 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
the command about the first-born? The question of how these Press).
instructions of Leviticus related to the actual situation in Hiibner, U. (1989), 'Schweine, Schweineknochen und ein Speisever-
Israel is brought forcefully to our attention in these verses. bot im Alien Israel', VT•)<)•. 225-36.
Hurvitz, A. (1982), A Linguistic Study of the Relationship between the
For a further comment on the situation, see LEV 1.4 above.
Priestly Source and the Book of Ezekiel: A New Approach to an Old
Problem, Cahiers de la Revue Biblique, 20 (Paris: Gabalda).
REFERENCES (1988), 'Dating the Priestly Source in Light of the Historical
Study of Biblical Hebrew: A Century after Wellhausen', ZAW100
Andreasen, N.-E. A. (1972), The Old Testament Sabbath, SBL Disserta- Suppl., 88-100.
tion 7 (Missoula, Mont: Scholars Press). Janowski, B. and Wilhelm, G. (1993), 'Der Bock, der die Siinden
Blenkinsopp, J. (1996), 'An Assessment of the Alleged Pre-Exilic Date hinaustragt: Zur Religionsgeschichte des Azazel-Ritus Lev
of the Priestly Material in the Pentateuch', ZAWioS: 495-518. 16,10.21 f, in Bernd Janowski, Klaus Koch, and Gernot Wilhelm
Bloch-Smith, E. (1992), Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the (eds.), Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien, Nord-
Dead, JSOTSup 123; JSOT/ASOR MS, 7 (Sheffield: JSOT). syrien und dem Alien Testament: Internationales Symposion Hamburg
Childs, B. S. (1979), Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture 17.—21. Mdrz 1990, OBO 129 (Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottin-
(Philadelphia: Fortress). gen: Vandenhoeck 69.
Cross, F. M. (1947), The Priestly Tabernacle', BA10: 45-68 (=BAR r. Jenson, P. P. (1992), Graded Holiness: A Key to the Priestly Conception
201-28). of the World, JSOTSup 106 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Damrosch, D. (1987), 'Leviticus', in R. Alter and F. Kermode (eds.), Press).
The Literary Guide to the Bible (London: Collins), 66-77. Kellermann, D. (1977), ''dshdm', TDOT (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerd-
Day, J. (1989), Molech: A God of Human Sacrifice in the Old Testament, mans), i. 429—37.
University of Cambridge Oriental Publications, 41 (Cambridge Kilian, R. (1963), LiteraAritische und formgeschichtliche Untersuchung
University Press). des Heiligkeitsgesetzes, BBB 19 (Bonn: Peter Hanstein).
Douglas, M. (1966), Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Kirschner, R. (1982—3), 'Rabbinic and Philonic Exegesis of the Nadab
Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul). and Abihu Incident (Lev. 10:1-6)', JQR 73: 375-93.
(1993), The Forbidden Animals in Leviticus', JSOT 59: 3-23. Kiuchi, N. (1987), The Purification Offering in the Priestly Literature: Its
Elliger, K. (1966), Leviticus, HAT 4 (Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck]). Meaning and Function, JSOTSup 56 (Sheffield: JSOT).
Finkelstein, J. J. (1961), 'Amisaduqa's Edict and the Babylonian "Law Knierim, R. P. (1992), Text and Concept in Leviticus 1:1-9: A Case in
Codes" ', JCS 15: 91-104. Exegetical Method, FAT 2 (Tubingen: MohrfSiebeck]).
Gennep, A. van (1960), The Rites of Passage (London: Routledge & Knohl, I. (1987), 'The Priestly Torah Versus the Holiness School:
Kegan Paul). Sabbath and the Festivals', HUCA 58: 65-117.
Gerstenberger, E. S. (1993), Das dritte Buch Mose: Leviticus, ATD 6 (1995), The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holi-
(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht); ET Leviticus: A Commentary, ness School (Minneapolis: Fortress).
OTL, tr. Douglas W. Stott (London: SCM; Louisville, Ky.: Westmin- Koch, K. (1959), Die Priesterschrift von Exodus 25 bis Leviticus 16: Eine
ster/John Knox, 1996). uberlieferungsgeschichtliche und literarische Untersuchung, FRLANT
Gorman, F. H., Jr. (1990), The Ideology of Ritual: Space, Time and Status 71 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
in the Priestly Theology, JSOTSup 91 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Lemche, N. P. (1976), 'The Manumission of Slaves—the Fallow
Press). Year—the Sabbatical Year—the Jobel Year', VT26: 38-59.
NUMBERS no
Lemche, N. P. (1979), 'Andurarum and Misarum: Comments on the Rendtorff R. (1963), Die Gesetze in der Priesterschrift: Eine gattungs-
Problem of Social Edicts and their Application in the Ancient Near geschichtliche Untersuchung, 2nd edn. (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
East',JNES 38:11-22. Ruprecht).
(1985), Early Israel: Anthropological and Historical Studies on the (1982-95), Leviticus, BKAT 3 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
Israelite Society before the Monarchy, VTSup 37 (Leiden: Brill). Verlag).
(1991), The Canaanites and Their Land: The Tradition of the Ca- Reventlow, H. G. (1961), Das Heiligkeitsgesetzformgeschichtlich unter-
naanites, JSOTSup no (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). sucht, WMANT (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
(1993), The Old Testament—a Hellenistic Book', 5/077:163-93. Schiissler Fiorenza, E. (ed.) (199412), with the assistance of S. Mat-
Levine, B. A. (1974), In the Presence of the Lord: A Study of Cult and Some thews, Searching the Scriptures, i. A Feminist Introduction (London:
Cultic Terms in Ancient Israel, SJLA 5 (Leiden: Brill). SCM).
Lewy, H. (1958), The Biblical Institution of D"rdr in the Light of (1994!?), with the assistance of A. Brock and S. Matthews, Search-
Akkadian Documents', El y.2i*-jf. ing the Scriptures ii. A Feminist Commentary (London: SCM).
McCarthy, D. J. (1978), Treaty and Covenant, 2nd edn., AnBib 2iA Schmidt, B. B. (1994), Israel's Beneficent Dead: Ancestor Cult and
(Rome: Biblical Institute). Necromancy in Ancient Israelite Religion and Tradition, FAT n (Tu-
Marx, A. (1989), 'Sacrifice pourles peches ou rites de passage? Quel- bingen: Mohr[Siebeck]).
ques reflexions sur la fonction du, hattat', RB 96: 27-48. Schwartz, B. J. (1991), The Prohibitions Concerning the "Eating" of
(1994), Les Offrandes vegetales dans I'Ancien Testament: Du tribut Blood in Leviticus 17', in G. A. Anderson and S. M. Olyan (eds.),
d'hommage au repas eschatologique, VTSup 57 (Leiden: Brill). Priesthood and Cult in Ancient Israel, JSOTSup 125 (Sheffield: Shef-
Milgrom, J. (1976), Cult and Conscience: The ASHAM and the Priestly field Academic Press), 34-66.
Doctrine of Repentance (Leiden: Brill). Shafer, B. E. (1976), 'Sabbath', IDBSup 760-2.
(1991), Leviticus 1—16, AB 3 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday). Wegner, J. R. (1992), 'Leviticus', in C. A. Newsom and S. H. Ringe
(1992), 'Priestly ("P") Source', ABD v. 454-61. (eds.), The Women's Bible Commentary (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/
Morgenstern, J. (1955), The Decalogue of the Holiness Code', HUCA John Knox; London: SPCK), 36—44.
26:1-27. Wenham, G. J. (1979), The Book of Leviticus, NICOT (Grand Rapids,
Newsom, C. A., and Ringe, S. H. (eds.) (1992), The Women's Bible Mich.: Eerdmans).
Commentary (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox; London: Whybray, R. N. (1987), The Making of the Pentateuch: A Methodological
SPCK). Study, JSOTSup 53 (Sheffield: JSOT).
Noth, M. (1977), Leviticus: A Commentary, OTL, rev. trans. (London: Wiseman, D. J. (1958), The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon', Iraq 20,
SCM). Parti.
Porter, J. R. (1976), Leviticus, Cambridge Bible Commentary on the Wright, D. P. (1987), The Disposal of Impurity: Elimination Rites in the
New English Bible (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Bible and in Hittite and Mesopotamian Literature, SBL Dissertation,
Rattray, S. (1987), 'Marriage Rules, Kinship Terms and Family Struc- 101 (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
ture in the Bible', Society of Biblical Literature Abstracts and Seminar Zevit, Z. (1982), 'Converging Lines of Evidence Bearing on the Date of
Papers, 26, ed. K. Richards (Atlanta: Scholars Press), 537-44. P', ZAW 94: 481-511.

7. Numbers TERENCE E. FRETHEIM

INTRODUCTION
B. Source and Tradition. 1. The origin of Numbers is also
A. Character. 1. The book of Numbers, named for its census complex. Most scholars consider the book to be a composite
lists, is the most complex of the books of the Pentateuch. This of sources (both oral and written) from various historical
can be seen in the variety of types of literature represented, periods. The book itself speaks of sources, the Book of the
e.g. lists, itineraries, various statutes, ritual and priestly pre- Wars of the Lord (21:14) and popular songs (21:17-18, 27-30).
scriptions, poetic oracles, songs, wilderness stories, and even The tradition most identifiable is the Priestly writing (in
a well-known benediction (6:22-7). The interweaving of law several redactions), with its interest in matters of worship
and narrative characteristic of Exodus and Deuteronomy is and priesthood; it is most attested in chs. i-io; 26-36, and
most evident in Numbers; specific statutes again and again provides continuity with Ex 25-40 and Leviticus. Other
emerge from specific life situations, revealing a dynamic sources, such as J and E (esp. in chs. 11—25), are more difficult
relationship of law and life. to distinguish; it is common to speak simply of an older epic
2. Moreover, some of these texts border on the bizarre, with tradition. The association of blocks of texts with three primary
talking donkeys, curses from a non-Israelite diviner turned locales (Sinai, 1:1-10:10; Kadesh, chs. 13-20; Moab, chs. 22-
into blessings that have messianic implications, the earth 36) could reflect a way in which traditions were gathered over
swallowing up people, copper snakes that have healing time. Beyond this, editorial activity seems unusually common
powers, an almond-producing rod, an execution for picking (for detail, see Milgrom 1990: pp. xvii-xxi).
up sticks on the sabbath, Miriam turning leprous, and repul- 2. Also of scholarly import has been the study of individual
sive instructions for discerning a wife's faithfulness. One is traditions and their development, e.g. the Balaam cycle, the
tempted to claim that these strange goings-on were con- murmuring stories, the censuses, the wilderness encamp-
structed to match the incredible character of Israel's response ment, the Transjordan conquest, the cities of refuge, land
to its God. To complicate these matters, God is often depicted apportionment, and the priesthood. It is clear from such
in ways that challenge traditional understandings; at times it work that various Israelite interests from different times and
seems that God's identity is in the process of being shaped too. places inform the present redaction. These traditions have in
 in NUMBERS

time (perhaps during and after the Exile) been brought to- evident especially in the conflict among leaders, sin, and
gether to form a unified composition, but the character of that divine judgement. Integrated with these journey reports are
unity has been difficult to discern. miscellaneous statutes (chs. 15; 18; 19), focused on purifica-
tion and leadership support, the need for which grows out of
C. Structure. 1. The structure of Numbers, often thought to be
these experiences.
non-existent, is best seen from two angles, those of the census
(c) The journey concludes in the plains of Moab (26:1—
lists and the geography of a journey.
36:13). This is an entirely positive stage. Conflicts are resolved
2. The Census Lists (for detail, see Olson 1985). The over-
through negotiation and compromise and land begins to be
arching structure of the book is laid out in terms of its two
settled. Various statutes anticipate the future in the land; the
census lists (chs. i; 26). The first registers the generation that
community is to so order its life that this new dwelling-place
experienced the Exodus and the giving of the law at Sinai,
of both God and people will not be polluted.
which is prepared to move towards the land of promise. When
6. These three stages may also be characterized in terms of
faced with dangers, however, the people do not trust the
Israel's changing relationship with God, moving from fidelity
promise; they experience God's judgement (14:32-3) and fi-
to unfaithfulness and back to fidelity. But, through all these
nally, in the wake of apostasy, die off in a plague (25:9). Even
developments, God remains faithful and does not turn back
Moses and Aaron mistrust God and are prohibited from en-
from the ancestral promises to Israel (articulated most clearly
tering the land (20:12); only the faithful scouts, Caleb and
by Balaam). Though Israel's journey involves judgement, that
Joshua, and the young (14:29) are allowed to do so. The oracles
judgement is finally in the service of God's objectives of bles-
of Balaam (chs. 22-4) provide a hopeful sign of things to
sing and salvation.
come, as God blesses the insiders through this outsider.
7. Such a portrayal mirrors the situation of the implied
3. The second census (ch. 26) lists the members of the new
(exilic) readers of the Pentateuch (for details, see the proposal
generation (though no births are reported in Numbers). They
in Fretheim 1996: 40—65). Israel's apostasy and experience of
are a sign of God's continuing faithfulness to ancestral prom-
divine judgement lie in their recent past; signs of a hopeful
ises and will enter the land. The following texts (chs. 27—36)
future are articulated in both law and promise. The paradigm
raise issues focused on the future in the land. No deaths, no
of old generation and new generation would be especially
murmurings, and no rebellions against the leadership are in
pertinent during the years of exile in a situation which could
view, while various hopeful signs are presented. This new
be seen to have parallels with that of the Israelites in the
generation is the audience for Deuteronomy.
wilderness.
4. Generally speaking, the censuses include representatives
from each of the twelve tribes. This inclusiveness may have D. Leading Themes. 1. Certain themes provide compass
functioned in the wake of various devastating events in points for negotiating the journey through Numbers: the
Israel's history as an assurance that all tribes were included wilderness book, the ancestral promises, the divine presence
among the chosen (see Douglas 1993). and guidance, divine revelation and human leadership, and
5. The Geography of a Journey. The movement through holy people and holy priests.
Numbers can also be tracked in terms of three stages of a 2. A Wilderness Book. The entire book is set in the wil-
journey toward the fulfilment of the land promise, with all the derness. Appropriately, Tn the Wilderness' is the Hebrew title
problems encountered along the way in spite of careful pre- for Numbers. This setting presents problems and possibilities
parations. The itinerary of 33:2—49 emphasizes the import- for shaping a community identity for the newly redeemed
ance of the journey as such, apart from specific occasions. people of God. As a long-oppressed community, Israel has a
Laws are integrated into the story, providing for an ongoing deeply ingrained identity as 'slave'. It does not have the re-
ordering of the community as it encounters new situations. sources to move quickly to a 'slaves no more' (Lev 26:13)
The positive opening and closing sections enclose a sharply mentality; God must be at work to enable them to 'walk erect'
negative picture. once again. The period of wandering is a necessary buffer
(a) Numbers begins with the people still situated at Sinai, between liberation and landedness for the sake of forming
preparing to leave (1:1—10:10). That includes the organization such an identity. Such a process does not unfold easily for
of the camp and various statutes, especially regarding the Israel or for God; even the most meticulous preparations for
sanctuary and its leadership. A somewhat idealistic picture the journey are not able to make things go right. It is possible
emerges: a community ordered in all ways appropriate to to take the people out of Egypt, but it proves difficult to take
God's dwelling in the centre of the camp, and the precise Egypt out of the people. The familiar orderliness of Egypt
obedience to every divine command (e.g. 1:17—19, 54). The seems preferable to the insecurities of life lived from one oasis
reader may wonder how anything could go wrong. to the next. In other words, the problem is not so much the law
(b) In episodic fashion, Israel moves through the wilder- as an inability to rely on the God who has brought freedom
ness from Sinai to Transjordan (10:11—25:18). The disjunction and keeps promises.
with the opening (and closing) chapters is remarkable: obedi- 3. Israel's time in the wilderness is finally shaped by God's
ence to God's command turns to rebellion; trust becomes extraordinary patience and mercy, and the divine will to stay
mistrust; the holy is profaned; order becomes disorder; the with Israel in this time of adolescence. No divine flick of the
future of the people of God is threatened. Continuities with wrist is capable of straightening them out without comprom-
the wilderness journey story in Ex 15:22—19:1 are seen in the ising their freedom. If God wants a mature child, the possi-
gifts of quail and manna, the ongoing complaints, and mili- bility of defiance must be risked. But it soon becomes clear
tary victory; but discontinuities are also sharply presented, that the process of maturation will take longer than a single
NUMBERS 112

generation. God will not compromise in holding I srael to high ents the presence of God (10:35—6). God's ongoing presence is
standards. the decisive factor in Israel's journey, but various texts witness
4. Ancestral Promises. God is committed to the ancestral also to the importance of human leadership; for example, the
promises, especially of land. As Israel moves out from Sinai, passage regarding Hobab's skills (10:29-32) is placed imme-
the goal is the land God is 'giving' (10:29 and often). Condi- diately before the ark text (10:33—6). God works in and through
tions regarding the land promise are expressed (14:8), which what is available, even characters such as Balaam, to move
affect the future of individuals—even an entire generation— towards the divine objectives.
but not finally Israel as such. Beyond that, the promises are 10. Divine Revelation and Human Leadership. Revelation
spoken almost exclusively by Balaam. His oracles ironically is not confined to Sinai; it occurs throughout Israel's journey.
gather the clearest references to the promises in Numbers; no Statutes and other divine words newly enjoin Israel all along
Israelite, including Moses, has standing enough left to bring the way. This was the case with Israel's wanderings before
them to expression. Sinai as well (15:26; 18:23). God's word is not delivered in a
5. The middle section (chs. 11-25) problematizes the move- once-and-for-all fashion; it is a dynamic reality, intersecting
ment toward fulfilment; the wilderness is a time of endan- with life and all its contingencies. This is demonstrated in the
gered promises. Again and again the people trust the very form of this material in the interweaving of law and
deceptive securities of the past more than God's promised narrative (for detail, see Fretheim 1991: 201-7).
future (11:5; 21:5). Hence, they experience disasters of various 11. God's word is usually mediated through Moses, but not
kinds that threaten progress towards the goal, including uniquely so. This becomes an issue during the journey. Chal-
plagues (11:33; J6:49), an abortive conquest (chs. 13—14), and lenges to Moses' (and Aaron's) leadership that began in the
snake infestation (21:6). pre-Sinai wanderings are intensified in Numbers, and other
6. The final section (chs. 26-36), with the new generation in leaders take up the argument. Related issues and disputes are
place, bespeaks confidence in the promises with the appor- pursued in various chapters (n; 12; 16; 17).
tionment of lands (26:53—6) and the specification of bound- 12. The issue is voiced most sharply by Miriam and Aaron:
aries (34:1-15). Initial settlements in Transjordan function as a has God spoken only through Moses (12:2)? The response is
'down-payment' on the fulfilment of the promise (chs. 31-2). negative. God is not confined to only one way to speak to this
Moreover, various laws dealing with emerging issues consti- community; indeed, if need be, God will go around the chosen
tute a hopeful sign in the midst of much failure and grief; a ones to get a word through. God's spirit even rests upon the
community will exist to obey them. In some sense, the on- outsider Balaam who mediates remarkably clear words of God
going promulgation of law is a witness that the promise of land (24:2-4, 15-16). Nevertheless, Moses does have a special
will indeed be fulfilled. relationship with God and challenges to his role are not
7. Divine Presence and Guidance. God, not Moses, has countenanced.
given birth to this people (11:12) and has chosen to stay with 13. God communicates to and through Moses often in
the family and to dwell in the heart of their camp (5:3). From Numbers; indeed, 7:89 speaks of Moses' contact with God in
this womb-like centre blessings flow out into the encircled an almost routinized way. In 12:8 God himself claims for
community. This intense kind of presence is promised for Moses a unique face-to-face encounter. Moses actually 'be-
Israel's future in the land as well (35:34). Even Balaam testifies holds the form of the LORD' and lives to tell about it. One facet
to the presence of such a God among this people (23:21-2). of this relationship is especially remarkable: the genuine
8. Because of the intense presence of God in Israel's midst, interaction between them as they engage issues confronting
and the recognition of God's holiness, the tabernacle was to be the wandering community. Characteristic of their relation-
protected from casual contact. This concern is sharpened in ship in Exodus (chs. 3-6; 32-4, cf. GEN 18:22-33), it intensifies
view of the golden calf apostasy and the near annihilation of in Numbers (chs. n; 12; 14; 16; 21; cf. Ps 106:23).
Israel (Ex 32:9—10). Precautions must be taken to prevent a 14. This says something about both Moses and God. Moses'
recurrence for the sake of the integrity of the divine—human leadership credentials are considerable, including a capacity
relationship. The tribe of Levi was consecrated for service at to tolerate threats to his authority (11:29) and to persevere with
the tabernacle and made responsible for guarding this holy God (chs. n; 14; 16), calling forth the strong statement regard-
place (1:50—3). Sharp warnings about intrusion are issued ing his unique devotion (12:3). God also is remarkably open to
(1:51—3; 3:10, 38); even Levites could die if furnishings were such discourse, treats the relationship with integrity, and
mishandled (4:17-20). Strikingly, encroachment is not a ser- honours the insights that Moses offers. Indeed, God may
ious problem in the subsequent narratives, except as related to shape a different future in view of the encounter (14:13-20;
conflict over leadership (ch. 16). The more problematic issue 16:20—2). But such divine openness to change will always be
is mistrust and rebellion with respect to God and God's cho- in the service of God's unchanging goals for Israel and the
sen leaders. These forms of sinfulness in particular pervade creation (Balaam's point in 23:19).
chs. 11-25 and deeply affect the character of the journey and 15. Some of the disputes are focused on Aaron (and his
the shape of Israel's future. On God's wrath and judgement, sons) and their priestly leadership (chs. 16; 17). Actual tests are
see especially at NUM 1:53 and ch. 14. carried out which substantiate their unique role with respect
9. Israel's God not only dwells in the midst of Israel, but also to the sanctuary in the eyes of God. Members of this family
goes before them. The accompanying presence of God is also take actions that have an intercessory function; they stand
associated with the pillar of cloud/fire; 9:15-23 speaks of it 'between the dead and the living' and a plague is averted
in such a way that the itinerary is not predictable or routinized. (16:47—50; cf. 25:7—13). This correlates with their mediating
This symbol is linked to the ark of the covenant, which repres- role in various rituals (chs. 5; 15).
 113 NUMBERS

16. Interest in the proper succession of leaders (Eleazar, Familial Challenge to Moses' Leadership (12:1-16)
20:22—9; Joshua 27:12—23) demonstrates the crucial import- The Spy Mission (13:1—14:45)
ance of good leaders for the stability of the community. Re- Statutes for Life in the Land (15:1—41)
bellion against God-chosen leaders is deeply subversive of The Rebellions of Korah and others (16:1-50)
God's intentions for the community and risks death short of Aaron's Blossoming Rod (17:1-13)
the goal. But the leaders themselves are not exempt from strict Rights and Responsibilities of Priests and Levites (18:1—32)
standards (20:10—12). They may be held to a higher standard, Ritual of the Red Heifer (19:1-22)
because the impact of their mistakes has such a deep and The Disobedience of Moses and Aaron (20:1-29)
pervasive effect on the community. Victory, Complaint, and Healing (21:1-35)
17. Holy People and Holy Priests. The call in Leviticus The Story of Balaam (22:1—24:25)
for the people to be holy (i.e. to live a life that exemplifies the The Final Rebellion (25:1-18)
holy people they are) is continued here (15:40). What consti- The New Generation on the Plains ofMoab (26:1-36:13)
tutes a holy life, or that which is inimical to it, is continuous The Census of the New Generation (26:1-65)
with the provisions of Leviticus in some ways. Various The Daughters of Zelophehad (27:1—11)
uncleannesses—whether moral or ritual in nature—are From Moses to Joshua (27:12—23)
incompatible with holiness (chs. 5; 6). Yet, for Numbers, Offerings for Life in the Land (28:1-29:40)
Israel's sins are focused on matters relating to leadership, Vows and their Limits (30:1-16)
mistrust of God and failure to believe in promises, and finally War Against the Midianites (31:1—54)
idolatry (ch. 25). Early Land Settlement Issues (32:1—42)
18. A case for more democratic forms of priestly leadership The Wilderness Journey Remembered (33:1-49)
is pursued by Korah on the basis of the holiness of all the Directions for the Conquest of Canaan (33:50-6)
people (16:3). Moses' reply assumes gradations of holiness; The Apportionment of the Land (34:1—29)
even if all are holy, God chooses from among them certain Special Cities and Refinements in the Law (35:1—34)
persons to exercise priestly leadership, and this chosen status Once Again: the Daughters of Zelophehad (36:1-13)
constitutes a holiness that sets them apart from other holy
ones. The disaster experienced by Korah and his company
(16:23—35) demonstrates their special status (16:40), as does
COMMENTARY
the test with staffs (ch. 17).
19. Gradations of holiness are also evident within the mem- Israel Prepares to Leave Sinai (1:1-10:10)
bers of the tribe of Levi. The Levites are set aside to care for the
tabernacle, symbolized by their encampment between the This entire section comes from the Priestly tradition. The
tabernacle and the people. Among the Levites the family of chronological report (1:1) situates the census one month after
Aaron is especially set aside for priestly duties (16:40; 17; 18:7- the completion of the tabernacle (Ex 40:17) and nineteen days
n, 19). Indeed, a 'covenant of perpetual priesthood' is made before the departure from Sinai (10:11), where Israel had been
with this family because of the mediatorial actions of Phine- for almost a year (Ex 19:1). The tabernacle stands in the centre
has (25:10-13). of the camp. Encamped around it are members of the tribe of
20. The NT works with several themes from Numbers. It Levi. Encircling them are the various tribes of Israel, three in
cites God's providing for Israel in the wilderness and lifts up each direction. The tabernacle situated in the centre of the
Israel's infidelity as a warning for the people of God. These camp expresses a divine centring for the community gener-
themes are carefully interwoven in i Cor 10:1-13, where many ally. At the same time, while God dwells among the people
texts from Num 11-25 are referenced; it is carefully noted that and guides them through the wilderness (9:17), the nature of
these passages were 'written down to instruct us' (cf Jn 3:14; that guidance is divinely limited. Hence, while God leads
Heb 3:7-4:11; 2 Pet 2:15-16; Jude 5-11; Rev 2:14-17). them from one oasis to the next, the divine guidance is not
all-controlling and human leadership is crucial (10:29-32).
E. Outline The divine presence does not issue in a situation where the
Israel Prepares to Leave Sinai (1:1-10:10) people have no option but to obey; disobedience is a lively
The First Census (1:1—54) possibility. Indeed, warning signs punctuate the narrative
The Encampment (2:1—34) (e.g. 1:53); they alert Israel to the care needed by the commu-
The Levites (3:1-4:49) nity with respect to the near presence of God in their midst
Purification of the Camp (5:1-6:21) and the importance this has for the shape of the journey.
The Aaronic Benediction (6:22—7) (1:1—54) The First Census The early mention of the 'tent of
Final Preparations for Tabernacle Worship (7:1—8:26) meeting' (v. i) signals its importance for what precedes as well
The Passover at Sinai (9:1-14) as what follows; it is synonymous with the tabernacle. How it
Divine Guidance in the Wilderness (9:15-23) is to be related to the tent of the epic tradition (Ex 33:7-11) is
The Two Silver Trumpets (10:1—10) uncertain; the tabernacle may have assumed the role of the
The Wilderness Journey (10:11—25:18) tent (see 7:89). The rare phrase, 'tabernacle of the covenant'
Departure from Sinai (10:11-28) (1:50, 53; 10:11; Ex 38:21) extends the designation for its major
Human and Divine Guidance (10:29-36) sacred object, the 'ark of the covenant'; the language focuses
A Paradigm of Rebellion (11:1—3) on the God—Israel relationship and the divine speaking asso-
Rebellion and Leadership (11:4—35) ciated with that.
NUMBERS 114

This census list plays an important structural role in Num- remains God and this divine move is not to be presumed upon
bers (see NUM c.2). God commands the census and also without the endangerment of life.
names one male from each tribe to assist (except Levi; two In v. 54 and throughout chs. 1-9, the Israelites are reported
Joseph tribes keep the number at twelve, see Gen 48), 'the to have done exactly as God commanded. One wonders how
leaders of their ancestral tribes' (v. 16; cf. 2:3-31; 7:12-83; anything could go wrong. Later failures cannot be blamed on
10:14—28). To appear on this list was a continuing sign assur- faulty preparations.
ing each tribal group of their present identity and future place (2:1—34) The Encampment With the tabernacle centred in the
among God's chosen. camp, and the Levites camped immediately around it (see
The census is to include the males of the old generation, 20 NUM 3), God commands that the tribes be precisely ordered
years and older. The purpose is conscription, to determine around the perimeter. They are to be ordered as companies
'everyone able to go to war' (cf. 2 Sam 24:9); battles are ('hosts' or 'armies'), specifying military readiness. Three
expected (though there will be few to fight, see 21:1-3). Israel tribes are to be positioned at each side of the tabernacle, under
has good reason to be confident with these numbers (but they their distinctive banners; each triad is named for the domin-
are not, 14:1—4). The results of the census (perhaps the same anttribe ofthe three (seen from the perspective of Israel's later
census as in Ex 38:26; cf. 12:37): 603,550 males; the second history; cf. Gen 49), which is flanked by the other two tribes in
census yields 601,730 (26:51), though the tribal distribution each case—the camp of Judah (the most dominant) to the
changes somewhat. When women, children, and Levites are east, the side where the tabernacle opening was located, and
added, the total must have been about 2 million. The unreal- Moses and the Aaronides were camped; Reuben to the south;
istic number has not been resolved (for a survey, see Ashley Ephraim to the west; Dan to the north (the leaders ofthe tribes
1993: 60-6); probably it was thought, if mistakenly, to be as in 1:5-15). This order ofthe tribes is the order forthe march,
actually this large. Whether literal or symbolic, the number beginning with Judah. The tabernacle, set in the midst ofthe
testifies to God's blessing and preserving this people, and Levites (v. 17), is to move between the camps of Reuben and
keeping the divine promises. This generation will be unfaith- Ephraim. God's commands are again followed. This camp
ful and, by divine decree (14:22-30), will die off in the wil- may have been modelled after an Egyptian pattern (see Mil-
derness. At the time of the new census, 'not one of them was grom 1990: 340).
left', except Joshua and Caleb (26:65).
(3:1-4:49) The Levites This section describes two censuses of
The Levites, who do not bear arms and are not registered
the tribe of Levi, its organization, and its responsibilities for
here (see 3:14), are given duties with respect to the tabernacle
transporting and guarding the tabernacle and its furnishings.
and its furnishings (detailed in NUM 4). They are charged to
The genealogical formula (3:1) links the generation of Moses
encamp around it, protect it from casual contact, maintain it,
and Aaron with those in Genesis (the last is 37:2; cf. Ex
carry it during the journey, and pitch it at each stop. The
6:14-25).
'outsider' (v. 51) refers to all who are not Levites, whether
Israelite or alien (16:40). The sense of'come near' is 'encroach (3:1—13) occurs 'at the time when God spoke with Moses on
(see Milgrom 1990: 342—3). Violation of the tabernacle pre- Mount Sinai' (v. i). Since that time Aaron's sons, Nadab and
cincts means death, not as a court verdict, but as a penalty Abihu, have died childless (Lev 10:1-2); this reference alerts
delivered on the spot by the levitical guards (see 18:7). the reader to dangers associated with handling holy things,
This drastic action is in the interests of the community as a and the tasks ofthe Kohathites in particular (4:15—20). Aaron's
whole, so that it will not experience the wrath of God (v. 53). other sons, Eleazar and Ithamar, were ordained as priests by
God's wrath in Numbers is impersonal in its basic sense; it Moses (the 'he' of v. 3; cf. Lev 8:30) and served with their father
'goes forth' or 'comes upon' (16:46; 18:5). Wrath is not a legal throughout his lifetime.
penalty, or a divine decision, but inevitably issues from the A distinction is made within the tribe of Levi between the
deed as a matter of the moral order; it is an effect intrinsically descendants of Aaron, who attend to priestly duties, and other
related to, growing out of, the violation of the place of God's Levites, who assist the priests, with responsibilities for 'ser-
presence orthe divine-human relationship (see NUM 14). God vice at the tabernacle' (cf. 1:50-3 for an earlier summary),
is not conceived in deistic ways, however, and sees to the w. 11—13 (restated in 8:16—18) recall the killing ofthe Egyptian
movement from deed to consequence, in sometimes sharp firstborn and the sparing ofthe Israelite firstborn (see Ex 13:1—
language (11:33). The effect may be death, often in Numbers 2, 11-15), in remembrance of (or repayment for) which God
because of plague (16:46-50; 31:16). It can be overcome by had consecrated the latter to a life of religious service; the
various means, from sacrificial ritual (8:19) to priestly inter- Levites serve as substitutes for them (and their livestock for
cession (16:47—50; 25:11). Israel's firstborn livestock). While the Levites are responsible
Looming large over the exacting concern for the tabernacle to the sons of Aaron, it is as representatives of all Israel. It may
are Israel's past infidelities, especially the golden calf debacle, be that God himself takes the census ofthe Levites and reports
where Israel violated its relationship with God and jeopard- the results to Moses (3:12,15—16).
ized its future (Ex 32:9—10). God graciously chose to dwell (3:14—39) continues in narrative time and space from 2:34
among them; but, given the people's propensity to apostasy, and describes God's command of a census ofthe non-Aaro-
safeguards had to be instituted. These strict measures are not nide Levites (total: 22,000), their encampment positions, and
to protect God from the people or the people from God their specific responsibilities. The census of Levites was pro-
(though violation could mean violence, v. 53), but to preserve hibited in 1:47—9 because they were non-military, served the
a proper relationship between God and people. Israel has been tabernacle, included all from one month and older, and repre-
honoured by this incredible divine condescension, but God sented all Israel's firstborn (cf. 3:40-1). The levitical camp is
 115 NUMBERS
ordered in terms of Levi's sons (Gershon, Kohath, and Mer- moral living among the laity (male and female), and the
ari); their clans encamp on three sides of the tabernacle and priests have responsibilities relating to both spheres. More
have varying duties with respect to its transit. The Kohathites generally, matters of purity are important in recognition of
(from whom Moses and Aaron are descended) are responsible God's dwelling in the camp (5:3), but so also are matters of
for the most sacred objects (4:4; e.g. the ark), the Gershonites moral wrongdoing, which 'break faith with the Lord' (5:6).
for the fabrics, and the Merarites for the supporting structures Several cases extend or modify statutes in Leviticus.
(responsibilities are detailed in 4:1—33). Aaron and his sons (5:1-4) Persons who are ritually (and communicably) unclean
encamp on the pre-eminent, entrance (eastern) side of for various reasons are to be put outside the camp to live in
the tabernacle (v. 38). Aaron's son, Eleazar, is in charge of tents or caves, without access to worship, so as not to contam-
the leaders of the three clans (v. 32) and has general oversight inate the community or defile the tabernacle. This statute
of the tabernacle and certain special details (4:16); his brother reinforces or extends those in Leviticus (see Lev 13:45-6;
Ithamar has oversight over the work of the Gershonites and 15:31-3; 21:1-3, ")•
the Merarites (4:28,33). Again, God's commands are followed
(3:16,39,42,51). (5:5—10) extends Lev 6:1—7; the new focus is on wrongdoing
(including a false oath) where the injured party dies without
(3:40—51) The firstborn system is detailed more fully here, next of kin, in which case priests receive the appropriate
where the firstborn of all Israel are numbered (22,273); each restitution. The public confession of this deliberate sin
of the 273 persons over and above the 22,000 Levites is against the neighbour (see Lev 5:5) is also newly integral to
redeemed by five shekels apiece (paid apparently by the first-
the ritual; note that the sin against the neighbour 'breaks faith
born, v. 50, and given to the priests; cf. Lev 27:6). The figure of with God', w. 9-10 note that priests are to receive their right-
22,273 seems too low in view of the census numbers in 2:32 ful dues.
(even assuming an equal number of female to male firstborn,
this would entail an average of fourteen male children per (5:11—31) has a complex history given the literary difficulties;
family); no satisfactory explanation has been given. The re- yet at least some features (e.g. repetition) serve a purpose in
demption of the firstborn keeps the exodus action of God the present redaction (for detail, Milgrom 1990: 350-4).
explicitly before the people as a reminder of their redeemed Though often called a trial by ordeal, the coalescence of verdict
status. The recurring phrase T am the LORD' (common in and sanction, effected by God not the community, suggests
Leviticus) is shorthand for the divine origin of the commands. rather an oath that is dramatized. The focus of this case-law is
a wife, possibly pregnant, whose husband suspects ('is jealous
(4:1—33) delineates God's commands regarding the second
of) her of adultery but has no evidence, whether she has
levitical census, taken to determine the number of those
actually committed adultery (w. 12—140) or is only suspected
(ages 30-50) who are to perform the actual duties; these
of doing so (14/7). In the former case, this text softens the
ages differ somewhat from 8:24-6 and from other OT texts
penalty prescribed for an adulteress in Lev 20:10, probably
(e.g. Ezra 3:8), perhaps reflecting expanding community
because there was no evidence. In the latter case, a woman
needs. Aaron and his sons are responsible for packing and
unjustly accused could be vindicated; so the jealous husband
unpacking the most holy things, with differently coloured
(or the community) could not arbitrarily decide her fate.
cloths marking gradations of holiness (w. 5-15); only they
In either case, the man brings his wife (who is 'under [his]
are allowed to see and touch them. The responsibilities of
authority', w. 19, 29) to the priest with a grain offering,
the three levitical groups for certain sanctuary items, as noted
though without the usual oil and frankincense (Lev 2:1—10),
above, are also divinely commanded in detail, so that each
as was the case with sin offerings (Lev 5:11). Such offerings
item is exactly accounted for (Kohathites, w. 1-20; Gershon-
bring 'the [potential] iniquity to remembrance' before God.
ites, w. 2i—8; Merarites, w. 29—33). A special emphasis is
The procedure: the priest prepares a mixture of holy water (see
given regarding the work of the Kohathites (4:17—20), not
Ex 30:17—21) and dust from the tabernacle floor, probably
because their status is higher, but because they handle the
thought to have potency because of its contact with holy
'most holy things'. God graciously takes their greater risk into
things, in an earthen vessel (which could be broken after
account and specifies precautionary procedures for their
use, Lev 11:33). Th£ priest is then to bring the woman 'before
handling of these objects. To die for improper contact with
the LORD' (the altar), loosen her hair—a sign of (potential)
the mostholy objects (w. 15,19-20) seems to have reference to
uncleanness, Lev 13:45—and put the grain offering in her
direct, though mediated action by God (see NUM 1:53; Lev
hands. The priest has her take an oath regarding the suspi-
10:1—2). This concern may be rooted in the golden calf apo-
cions registered (w. 19—22): if she has been faithful, she will
stasy, where the holiness of God was compromised.
be immune from the water; if unfaithful, the water will cause
(4:34—49) describes the implementation of God's com- her sexual organs to be affected adversely in some way (the
mands; once again, they are obeyed to the letter (w. 46-8 effect is correlated with the crime) and she will be ostracized
summarizes the results). The encampment is now fully pre- among the people (see Job 30:9) and precluded from having
pared for the journey through the wilderness. children (v. 28). If the woman is pregnant, the effect may be a
(5:1—6:21) Purification of the Camp This section, probably miscarriage. The nature of the effect of the water upon the
added late in the redactional process, deals with matters need- woman is considered a sign as to whether the woman has told
ing attention for the journey. Why these particular issues are the truth. The repeated 'Amen. Amen' ('so be it'), expresses
collected at this point and ordered in this way is uncertain; her willingness to accept either result of the ritual (see Deut
some links are evident (e.g. 'be unfaithful' in 5:6, 12; guilt 27:15—26). Unlike her husband, she is given no other voice in
offerings) and they deal both with matters of ritual purity and the ritual.
NUMBERS 116
In 5:23-8 (v. 24 anticipates 26/7, as v. i6a does i8a), the not know if this was considered an 'office', whether many took
priest writes the curses on a surface from which the ink could the vow, or how long a term was.
be washed off into the water the woman is to drink; the The nazirite vow entailed separation from products of the
imbibed water is thought to contain the power of the curses vineyard (and other intoxicants), haircuts, and corpses; their
(cf. Ex 32:20; Ezek 3:1-3). The priest takes the grain offering return to secular life was signified by cutting the hair. As such,
from her and burns a portion of it on the altar, after which she these persons were highly visible members of the community,
drinks the water (w. 25—6). If the woman has been unfaithful, signs to all of total dedication to God. They bore similarities to
she will experience distress (no time frame is specified), hence the Rechabites (2 Kings 10:15; J er 35)> conservative proponents
the phrase, 'waters of bitterness'. The potion actually has no of ancient Israelite traditions who rejected Canaanite culture,
bitter taste nor brings pain in itself, but this would be the including viticulture and building houses.
effect if God adjudged the woman guilty (v. 21; cf. Zech 5:1—4; Like the high priests, nazirites were not to come into con-
Jer 8:14; 9:15). tact with (even within sight of) a corpse, but unlike them,
(5:29-31) summarizes the essence of the two types of case for accidental contact required rites of purification (w. 6-12; cf.
which this ordeal would be applied. The husband is freed 5:2—3; 19:11—12, 19). Upon being purified, they were to 'sanc-
from any responsibility for a false accusation (the need to tify the head [hair]', i.e. be reconsecrated (w. nc-12). w. 13-20
express this is striking, and it opens the way to frivolous describe the ritual at the completion of their consecration; the
expressions of jealousy). If the woman is guilty, she bears range of offerings (cf. Lev 8) suggests the high status of the
the consequences (by divine agency). nazirite; returning to secular life was a major step. The ritual
One might claim that the ritual could not accurately deter- includes the shaving of the head and the burning of the hair
mine the truth; but, as in the sacrificial system, it is God, (because it is considered holy), v. 21 summarizes the force of
before whom the woman is brought, who knows the truth of the previous verses. On possible links to Jesus, John the
the situation and is believed to act in the ritual and to effect the Baptist, and the early church, see Mt 2:23; Lk 1:15; Acts 18:18;
proper result. Yet, one wonders if this procedure ever verified 21:23—4;on nazirites in Second-Temple Judaism, see Milgrom
suspicions; perhaps the threat was sufficient to elicit confes- (1990: 355-8).
sions. It was only women who lived under such threat, and the (6:22^7) The Aaronic Benediction The placement of this
ritual is degrading; that no comparable law existed for the benediction seems unusual; it may be another item that pre-
male, or no concern is expressed that undisclosed male in- pares the people for the journey through the wilderness. This
fidelity might contaminate the camp, is revealing of the patri- is the blessing for the time of departure, and daily throughout
archy involved. The language of jealousy is also used in the their journey. Each line, with God as subject, is progressively
marriage analogy for Israel's relationship with God, her hus- longer (three, five, seven Hebrew words); besides the name
band (who is jealous, e.g. Ex 20:5; 34:14), and may have YHWH, twelve Hebrew words signify the twelve tribes.
informed prophetic rhetoric (e.g. Isa 3:16—17; Ezek 23:31—4). This benediction in some form was widely used in ancient
Jesus' attitude towards women (Lk 7:36-50; Jn 4:1-30; 8:1-11) Israel, especially at the conclusion of worship (see Lev 9:22;
breaks open the one-sidedness of the Numbers ritual (see Deut 21:5; 2 Chr 30:27; Ps 67:1; 121:7-8; see its ironic use in
Olson 1996: 38-9). Mai 1:8—10). Putting the name of God on the people may have
(6:1—21) provides for a temporary, voluntary nazirite vow been understood literally, given the inscription on two cigar-
(from nazir, meaning 'set apart'; the unpruned vine was also ette-sized silver plaques found near Jerusalem, dating from
called a nazir, perhaps a symbol of Israel as consecrated to the the seventh-sixth centuries BCE (for such parallels, see Mil-
Lord; the word for uncut hair is nezer). As with the other grom 1990: 360—2). The blessing has been commonly used in
statutes in this section, the laity are the focus of concern; yet post-biblical Jewish and Christian communities.
these statutes highlight priestly obligations relating thereto One probably should not see a climactic arrangement in the
(and may suggest priestly control over their activity). The text clauses; so, for example, blessing would include peace. Per-
does not institute the nazirite vocation, but regulates a con- haps the second verb in each case defines the first more
secrated life in certain ways. Vows, always individual acts, specifically, but together the six verbs cover God's benevolent
were common in ancient Israel (see 30:1—16) and this vow activity from various angles and state God's gracious will for
was 'special' (v. 2). the people.
Yet, the precise purpose for becoming a nazirite remains Blessing has a wide-ranging meaning, touching every
elusive. Generally, nazirites were male or female individuals sphere of life. It testifies most basically to the work of God
who took a vow of consecration for a special vocation. Am the Creator, both within the community of faith and without.
2:11-12 states that God raised up nazirites; the parallel with No conditions are attached. It signifies any divine gift that
the prophets means they had a high calling (as does their serves the life, health, and well-being of individuals and com-
parallel with the priests). That they generated opposition munities. Keeping is a specific blessing to those with concerns
among the people, who made them drink wine and thereby for safety, focusing on God's protection from all forms of evil
prevented them from fulfilling their calling, suggests their (Ps 121:7-8), pertinent for wilderness wandering.
importance. The stories of Samson and probably Samuel, God's face/countenance (the same Hebrew word) is a com-
lifelong nazirites (dedicated by their parents from the mon anthropomorphism (esp. in Psalms; see Balentine
womb, cf. Jer 1:5), suggest that God called such persons to 1983). The shining face of God (contrast the hiding face)
specific tasks (cf. Judg 5:2; Gen 49:26). Wenham (1981: 85) signifies God's benevolent disposition towards the other,
calls them 'the monks and nuns of ancient Israel', but we do here in gracious action, for which Israel can make no claims
 117 NUMBERS

(Ps 67:1). The lifting up of the Lord's countenance signifies a 19:1—22; Lev 14:8—9) so they can perform this service without
favourable movement towards the other in the granting of endangering themselves or the community. The Levites are
peace, that is, wholeness and fullness of life. Putting God's then presented 'before the LORD' (v. 10) and before 'Aaron and
name on the people (supremely by means of the word) em- his sons' (v. 13) in the presence of the people. The people lay
phasizes the divine source of all blessings. their hands on them, symbolizing that the Levites have be-
come their sacrifice, a 'living sacrifice' dedicated to the service
(7:1-8:26) Final Preparations for Tabernacle Worship The
of God in their stead (w. 10—n; cf. 3:40—51). The Levites in turn
chronological note at 7:1 indicates that what follows is a flash-
lay their hands on the head of the bulls, which are sacrificed to
back (it continues through 10:10); it is one month earlier than
cleanse the sanctuary (the whole burnt offering, v. 8a) and to
the time of 1:1 and coincides with Ex 40 and the day Moses set
atone for sins they had committed (v. I2b). God claims that the
up the tabernacle; yet it assumes Num 3-4 and the provisions
choice of the Levites is rooted in the Exodus events (3:5-13),
made for carrying the tabernacle. This literary technique sus-
and that they are 'mine... unreservedly given to me from
pends the forward movement of the narrative and returns the
among the Israelites' (w. 14-16); God in turn gives them to
reader to the occasion of the divine descent to dwell among the
the Aaronides for service at the tabernacle (see 3:9). This
people and their grateful response.
constitutes an act of atonement for the Israelites (for whom
(7:1-88) describes the consecration of the tabernacle in con- the Levites undertake the work) to prevent any plague result-
nection with which offerings were made by the leaders of the ing from too close a contact with the holy things. The section
twelve tribes, w. 1—9 describe one gift: six wagons and twelve concludes with the typical reference to obedience and a sum-
oxen to carry the tabernacle and its furnishings. The Merarites mary of the Levites' cleansing (w. 20—2), followed by a refer-
received two-thirds of the wagons and oxen because they carry ence to age requirements (w. 23-6; cf. 4:47) and a clarification
the supporting structure; the Kohathites carry the most holy that they are not priests, but assist the Aaronides in their
things by hand. 7:10 refers to the offerings presented in both responsibilities.
w. 1—9 and 12—88. w. 11—83 specify other gifts: necessities for (9:1—14) The Passover at Sinai This section continues the
the public altar sacrifices and the priesthood—silver and gold flashback begun at 7:1. w. 1—5 report a second celebration of
vessels, animals, and flour mixed with oil and incense—to be the Passover in fulfilment of the 'perpetual ordinance' of Ex
offered at the altar whenever needed (not at one dedication 12:24. This celebration also precedes the wilderness journey,
occasion). The tribal leaders, in the order given in 2:3—31, each and enhances this moment of departure in Israel's life.
give the same offerings on the successive days of the celebra- A question is presented to Moses (and Aaron) as to whether
tion; they are listed out twelve times, and w. 84-8 provide a those who had become unclean through touching a corpse
total. This striking repetition underlines the unity and equal- (see 5:1-4; 19:11-20) could celebrate Passover. Upon consult-
ity of the tribal groups and the generosity of their support for ing the Lord (see 7:89), Moses is told that such unclean
the tabernacle. persons (and possible descendants) should not be denied
(7:89) seems out of place, but it emphasizes that God's on- Passover and are to keep it one month later, i.e. the fourteenth
going commitment to Israel (not only to dwell among them, day of the second month. In view of v. 6 ('could not keep') this
but to speak to Moses) matches the people's obedient re- represents an adjustment in the law (see NUM D.IO). The
sponse regarding God's dwelling-place. The mercy seat is (later?) addition of another case of persons away from the
the cover of the ark of the covenant, upon which were fixed camp (v. 9) assumes the land settlement and is a still further
two cherubim, sphinx-like creatures, shaped to form a throne adjustment of passover law. For stipulations regarding cele-
for the invisible God (i Sam 4:4; 2 Sam 6:2); in effect, the ark bration, see Ex 12:10, 46. For reference to not breaking the
was God's footstool (2 Kings 19:15; i Chr 28:2; for description, bones of the passover lamb (9:12), see Jn 19:36.
see Ex 25:17—21). From this place, God will speak to Moses on Supplemental instructions also adapt older regulations for
a regular basis when he enters the tabernacle; this fulfils those who are clean and at home (v. 13). Such a strict ordinance
God's promise in Ex 25:22 and is reported in the narrative at this point reflects a concern that others might delay cele-
that follows (Num 11:16—30). bration until the second month. A permissive rubric in v. 14 is
given for the aliens, non-Israelites who are residing perman-
(8:1-4) specifies lighting directions for the seven tabernacle ently in the land (cf. Ex 12:19, 4^~9)- Being 'cut off from the
lamps (commanded by God in Ex 25:37, but not reported in Ex people' is explained as bearing (the effects of) one's own sin,
37:17—24), with a reminder of how the lamps were con- which is either banishment or execution, either judicially or at
structed. Their seven branches and flowery design may have God's own hand. As in 5:31, the last seems likely (see Milgrom
symbolized the tree of life (see i Kings 7:49 for the temple 1990: 405-8).
lampstands; cf. also Zech 4:1—14; Rev 11:4); the branched
(9:15-23) Divine Guidance in the Wilderness This section
lampstand or menorah remains an important symbol of light
begins (v. 15) with a flashback to Ex 40:34 and supplements
in Judaism.
Ex 40:36—8 regarding the relation between the cloud/fire and
(8:5-26) (the setting is still as Ex 40; cf. Num 3:11-13); the the stages of Israel's journey. It describes in advance an on-
Levites are consecrated 'to do service at the tent of meeting' going feature of that journey; the actual departure is not
(v. 15; cf. Lev 8; the priests are sanctified, while the Levites are reported until 10:11. w. 17—23 anticipate the march, stressing
purified), w. 5—19 state the divine command and rationale for Israel's obedience to the divine leading at every stage.
the ceremony and w. 20—2 stress that it was obeyed. This In Israel's pre-tabernacle journeying, God 'in' (not 'as') the
entails participation in a purification rite (w. 5-7; cf. 6:9; pillar of cloud and fire led them through the wilderness (Ex
NUMBERS 118

13:21-2). Divine leading follows this Passover as it did the first. God and Moses/Aaron, and the judgement of God is invited
This was a single pillar, with the fire within the cloud (Ex into the picture again and again.
14:24; 40:38); references to the 'glory' of the Lord in the cloud (10:11—28) Departure from Sinai The date in v. n is nineteen
(Ex 16:10) refer to the fire (Ex 24:17). Here this 'glory-cloud' is days after the census (1:1), which was eleven months after
linked to the tabernacle (and the ark, 10:33-6); its rising and arrival at Sinai (Ex 19:1). The time of departure is set by divine
setting schedule the stages of Israel's journey. It is likely that command, signalled by the cloud (see 9:15-23). In w. 14-28
the cloud would rest on the tabernacle and, while the taber- the marching order of the tribal units according to a three-
nacle remained in the middle of the marching people, the tribe standard (or regiment) follows the arrangement in Num
cloud would proceed to the front of the procession (see v. 17; 2. The positioning of the Levites, those who carry the taber-
14:14). The various timings of this cloud activity (v. 22) em- nacle items (w. 17, 21), is not precisely symmetrical (see chs.
phasize obedience and the need to follow a schedule ('charge') 3—4). For the leaders see 1:5—15; 2:3—31; 7:12—83. The end of the
set by God, however irregular. At the same time, divine activity first stage of the journey is anticipated in the reference to the
does not function apart from human agency (see 10:1-10, settling of the cloud in the wilderness of Paran (v. 12; see
29-32). 12:16), the setting up of the tabernacle framework (v. 21),
(10:1-10) The Two Silver Trumpets God commands Moses to and the reference to three days' journey (10:33).
make two trumpets of hammered silver (about i ft. long with a (10:29—36) Human and Divine Guidance These verses
wide bell). They are to be blown by priests on various occa- formed part of the older epic tradition. Both v. 29 and the
sions: summoning the congregation or its leaders (w. 3-4), tradition are ambiguous as to whether Hobab or Reuel is
breaking camp (w. 5-6, presumably all four sides according to Moses' father-in-law; in Ex 2:18 Reuel is, but in Judg 4:11
the order in Num 2, so the LXX), engaging in battle (v. 9; see Hobab is so identified (and Jethro in Ex 3:1; 18:1). Perhaps
31:6), and on days of rejoicing (see 2 Kings 11:14; Ezra 3:10), 'father-in-law' refers to any relative by marriage. The Midia-
appointed festivals (see chs. 28-9), and monthly offerings nites are often mentioned positively (contrast chs. 25; 31);
(v. 10; see 28:11-15). I n w- 9-IO» the language anticipates the being a desert tribe, they would know the wilderness. Moses'
land settlement. A distinction is made (v. 7) between an invitation shows that the guidance of the cloud is not
'alarm', perhaps a series of short blasts, and a 'blow', one deemed sufficient. The marching community is in need of
long blast. the 'eyes' of a human guide, even from outsiders such as
A rationale for the blowing of trumpets is given in w. 9-10: Hobab (cf also Balaam; Jethro in Ex 18). Both divine and
to bring Israel's situation before God, who is thereby called to human activity are necessary for the people to find their way
act on their behalf, either in battle (salvation from enemies) or (so also the spies in ch. 13). Moses promises that Hobab's
in and through the offerings (forgiveness and well-being). people will obtain the goodness the Israelites receive from
The call of the trumpet is picked up in eschatological contexts God (see Judg 4:11).
(Zech 9:14; i Cor 15:51—2), exemplifying continuity across all The ark in association with the cloud (see 9:15—23) precedes
generations of God's people. The blowing of the trumpets by the community here (v. 33). The second 'three days' journey' is
the sons of Aaron complements the rising and the setting of probably a dittograph. Moses' directives to the Lord (w. 35-6),
the cloud. With the role of Hobab in 10:29-32, it becomes at the departure and arrival of the ark, are old poetic pieces.
apparent that clear-sighted human leadership is integral to They portray the march as a liturgical procession. God was
effective divine guidance. believed to be intensely present wherever the ark was (7:89;
see Ps 68:1; 132:7-8). God, the Lord of Hosts ('the ten thou-
The Wilderness Journey (10:11-25:18) sand thousands of Israel'), leads Israel in battle against its
enemies (14:44; i Sam 4:1—7:2). That Moses would invite the
This middle section of Numbers describes Israel's journey
from Sinai to the plains of Moab. The emphasis upon Israel's Lord to become active on behalf of Israel demonstrates again
the integration of human activity and divine.
obedience to this point stands in sharp contrast to what fol-
lows. The beginnings of the march (10:11—36) signal no prob- (11:1-3) A Paradigm of Rebellion These verses provide a pat-
lems, but with 11:1 the carefully woven fabric comes apart at tern in both form and content for several episodes that follow:
the seams. In spite of precise preparations, disloyalty now fills murmuring; judgement; cry (of repentance); intercession;
the scene and severely complicates the move towards the land. deliverance (on Exodus parallels, see above; for content see
Warnings of divine judgement have been given (1:53; 3:4, 10; NUM 13:1-14:45). Place-names are at times etymologized for
4:15, 18-20; 8:19), but they go unheeded, with disastrous convenient recall of the story.
results. The peoples' complaints of unidentified misfortunes are
Many of these narratives (a mixture of the traditional not specifically directed to God, but God hears them. The
sources) are ordered in a comparable way (see at 11:1—3) an(^ divine anger is provoked and 'the fire of the LORD', perhaps
mirror the wilderness stories of Ex 15:22-18:27. Once again lightning (see Ex 9:23-4; 2 Kings 1:9), consumes outlying
we hear of manna, rocks producing water, battles with desert areas of the camp (a threat to its integrity). The people direct
tribes, and non-stop complaints. But Numbers is different. their response to Moses, who intercedes on their behalf, and
The complaints in Exodus are tolerated, as if a long-oppressed the storm stops. The place was called Taberah ('Burning'),
people is entitled to some grumbling. In Numbers, however, referring to both divine anger and its effects.
in view of the giving of the law and the golden calf debacle, the (11:4-35) Rebellion and Leadership The coherence of this
themes of sin, repentance, and judgement are introduced. passage is difficult, perhaps reflecting different traditions;
The people are sharply identified as rebellious, against both yet good sense can be made of the awkwardness. On the
 119 NUMBERS
'miraculous' provision of food in the wilderness see NUM they had finished eating (the entire amount; cf. w. 19—20),
20:1—13. God's anger was provoked and a plague (related to the food?)
This murmuring immediately follows the first; complain- swept the camp.
ing has become a pattern of life. The complaints of the rabble The place was called Kibroth-hattaavah ('Graves of crav-
(non-Israelites, Ex 12:38), intensified by Israelites, despise ing'), recalling the people's complaint (v. 4) and the effects of
God's gifts of food (w. 6,18) and deliverance (v. 20). Nostalgic- the plague.
ally recalling the (mostly vegetable!) diet typical for Egyptians,
they cry out for fish (cf. v. 5). God's gift of manna (see EX 16), (12:1-16) Familial Challenge to Moses' Leadership This text
which the narrator notes was tasty and choice, was not concerns the authority of the Mosaic tradition in view of rival
thought to provide the strength they needed. This amounts claims regarding divine revelation; it may reflect later power
to a rejection of God and a request for the Exodus to be struggles among priestly groups (cf. NUM 16).
reversed (v. 20)! Challenges to Moses as a unique spokesman for God are
God's anger is revealed to Moses, who joins the people in brought by his sister and brother (though God alone hears
complaint about a related matter (w. 10—15). m language them, v. 2?). The stated basis for the challenge is that Moses
typical of lament psalms, Moses complains that, given what had married a Cushite woman. Gush usually refers to Ethio-
the people have become, God has mistreated him, placed too pia (if so, this would be Moses' second wife; so the LXX), but
heavy a leadership burden on him (see Ex 18:18), and provided here it probably refers to a Gush in northern Arabia (see Hab
insufficient resources. Feeling caught in the middle, he asks 3:7). If so, she would be Zipporah, a Midianite (10:29; ^x 2:I5~
for either reliefer death. The maternal imagery Moses uses is 22).
striking; God has conceived and birthed this people (see Deut Why this issue is raised remains uncertain. If v. i is integral
32:18), and hence God should assume the responsibilities of a to the reason given in v. 2, the issue centres on intrafamilial
wet-nurse and see to their nourishment. Moses should not conflict regarding authority in view of Zipporah's (growing?)
have to carry this burden 'alone', implying that God is some- leadership role and/or influence with Moses (see Ex 4:24-6;
how negligent. 18:2). Miriam and Aaron assume that God has spoken
A lively exchange between God and Moses follows (w. 16- through them (cf. Mic 6:4), confirmed by God in v. 5, for
23). God replies to Moses in two respects: he will share the Miriam is a prophet (Ex 15:20) and Aaron speaks for God (Ex
spirit given to Moses with others, who will help bear the 4:15). 11:4—35 has shown that God does not speak only through
burden (see w. 24-30); God will provide the meat for which Moses; moreover, God's spirit will rest upon Joshua (27:18)
the people have asked (see w. 31-2). Regarding the latter, and even on Balaam (24:2-4,15-16). God is not restricted to a
however, God's anger at the people remains. Repeating their single way into this community.
complaints, God declares that they are to prepare for an Yet, challenges to Moses' status with God are not counten-
encounter with him; they will indeed get meat, a month's anced. The narrator bases this point on Moses' unique rela-
worth, but so much that it will become loathsome. Moses tionship with God, stated generally (v. 3, devout, humble
responds by wondering how meat can be found for so many before God) and, in an act of conflict resolution, God's own
people (only soldiers are counted, 1:46). God responds with a words to Aaron and Miriam in Moses' presence. God custom-
rhetorical question: in effect, God's hand is not too short arily speaks to prophets in visions and dreams, but Moses is
(NRSV fn.; no general statement is made about divine power; different for two reasons: he is uniquely entrusted with the
cf. Isa 50:2; 59:1) to provide this amount of food. God will house of Israel (see Ex 40:38) and God speaks to him directly
show that his word is good. (lit. mouth to mouth) and he sees the form of YHWH, a
As for burden-sharing (w. 16-17, 24~3°)> Moses obeys God human form that God assumes (cf. 14:14; Ex 24:9-11; Deut
and gathers seventy elders around the tent (probably in the 34:10; in Deut 4:15, the people see no form). The issue pertains
centre of the camp in spite of w. 26, 30, which may speak of both to what is heard (that is, clarity) and what is seen (God).
movement within the camp). God shares Moses' spirit (ruah, Unlike with dreams and visions, Moses' entire person, with
not quantitatively understood), which had its source in God, all senses functioning, is engaged in the experience (for detail,
with the elders, who prophesy. Such a charisma was given to see Fretheim 1984: 79-106). God assumes (v. 8c) that Miriam
various leaders (see 24:2, 27:18, i Sam 10:5—10) and was and Aaron were aware of this uniqueness, and his response is
transferable (see 2 Kings 2:9; on prophecy and ecstasy, see anger (see 11:33).
Milgrom 1990: 380-4). While they prophesy only once (un- When Miriam becomes leprous (an unidentified skin dis-
like Moses), 16:25 suggests they assume some ongoing bur- ease), Aaron interprets it as a consequence of their foolish sin
dens. Even two elders who remained in the camp (Eldad and and pleads ironically to 'my lord' Moses that he (not God!)
Medad) receive a share of God's spirit. In the face of efforts by spare both Miriam and himself. The Hebrew 'do not lay sin
Joshua to stop them, Moses refuses any protection of his upon us' (NRSV fn.) should not be translated 'punish'; rather,
authority or restriction of the divine word to established chan- the effect is intrinsic to the deed. The whiteness of Miriam's
nels (see 12:1—16; Balaam); indeed, he wishes that all God's skin (a reversal ofthe dark skin of Moses' wife?) occasions the
people could receive this charisma. stillborn analogy, in effect: do not let her waste away to death.
The gift of meat (w. 18-20, 31-5) comes in the form of Aaron may not suffer the same effects because of his confes-
quails (see Ex 16:13; P S 78:26-31), carried into the camp on a sion and plea or perhaps because he is high priest (see Lev
wind (ruah) provided by God. They cover the ground for miles 22:4), revealing a clerical (and male) bias.
to a depth of two cubits (about 3 ft); the least that anyone Moses prays to God on Miriam's behalf, but God responds
gathered was ten homers (probably 60 bushels). But before that she is to be barred from the camp for seven days. The
NUMBERS 120
levitical regulations speak of a fourteen day process for leprosy detail were present in the other sin and judgement stories, a
(Lev 13:4; 14:8), so the banishment is probably an external sign comparable understanding would no doubt be evident.
of shame (like a parent spitting in a child's face, Deut 25:9). 1. God voices a lament (14:11), echoing those of the people
Miriam bears her shame, and the people honour her by not and Moses (11:11-14), usrng language familiar to the psalms
resuming the march until she returns (apparently healed). (cf. Ps 13:1—2). God does not remain coolly unaffected in the
v. 16 probably means they remain in the wilderness of Paran face of these developments. But the judgement that follows is
(see 10:12). spoken, not with the icy indifference of a judge, but with the
mixed sorrow and anger of a suitor who has been rejected.
(13:1-14:45) The Spy Mission The setting for chs. 13-20 is That God's lament is repeated in 14:26, interrupting the
Kadesh-barnea (13:26), about 50 miles south of Beersheba in announcement of judgement, reinforces this understanding
the wilderness of Paran (or Zin, 20:1). On historiographic (see Fretheim 1984:107-26). The phrase 'you shall know my
considerations, see Levine (1993: 372-5). This passage inter- displeasure' (14:34) may refer to this divine frustration.
weaves at least two traditions; the epic story has Caleb as hero 2. God announces a disastrous judgement (14:12), compar-
and the Priestly tradition adds Joshua. This rebellion proves to able to that visited upon Egypt (Ex. 9:15). God will disown
be the decisive one for the future of Israel. Israel and start over with Moses. Given what follows, this is a
Twelve scouts, one from each tribe, are sent to spy out the preliminary announcement, a point for debate with Moses (cf.
land of Canaan at God's command (cf. 32:6-13; Deut 1:22-45). 16:20-1; Ex 32:9-14). Yet, such a judgement would be
Moses gives instructions regarding destination (the Negeb deserved.
and the hill country) and observations to be made regarding 3. God engages Moses in conversation (14:13-35). Moses
military readiness and the character of the land (13:17-20). argues (cf. EX 32:11-14; Deut 32:26-7) that God's reputation
According to 13:21 they scout the entire length of the country, among the nations (the Egyptians and, remarkably, the Ca-
from the wilderness of Zin in the south to Rehob in the naanites) is at stake; they will conclude that God failed in his
north; 13:22—4 (from the epic tradition) reports only on promise to give them the land. Their opinion should count
the Negeb and Judah, from which they bring back fruit; with God; God agrees that it does, for God's goal is that his
especially noted is a cluster of grapes (hence the name Esh- glory fill the earth (14:21). Moses also appeals to God's prom-
col), the season for which is July/August. After some forty ise from that previous interaction (see EX 34:6—7), pleading for
days the scouts bring back a mixed report. The initial report God to act according to his steadfast love: to forgive the people
(13:28-9) is realistic; the land is bountiful but filled with as he had done 'ten times' (frequently, Gen 31:7). Such inter-
strong people and fortified cities. The identity and placement cession is reported elsewhere as prayer (11:2; 21:7) or action
of indigenous peoples is not always clear (cf. 13:29 with 14:25, that 'turned back my wrath' (25:11) and diminished the effects
45), reflecting different traditions. The Amalekites are a of a plague (16:46—50).
perennial enemy of Israel (see EX 17:8-16). The Anakites 4. God responds favourably to Moses and forgives Israel
(13:22, 29, 33) are a people remembered as giant in stature (14:20); but forgiveness, while it ameliorates the effects of sin
and associated with the Nephilim (see GEN 6:1—4); they are (Israel is not annihilated), does not cut off all consequences.
later defeated (Josh 15:14). For the other peoples, see GEN This is true for all acts of forgiveness; the consequences of sin,
15:19-21. which can catch up the innocent (as here), need ongoing
Unrest among the people at the report (13:30) occasions a salvific attention (e.g. abuse in its various forms). In this
division among the spies. Caleb responds by expressing con- case, the build-up of the effects of sin means that the old
fidence in Israel's ability to overcome all obstacles. The other generation will die in the wilderness and their children suffer
scouts (Joshua is not separated out until 14:6-9, 30) give 'an the fall-out of the adults' infidelity (14:33; 26:64-5; 32:10-12).
unfavourable report of the land' (13:32), voicing alarm at the Those who brought the bad report die off early (14:37). Yet, the
size and strength of its inhabitants and their cities and expres- consequences are not total: the children, ages 1—19 (14:29, 31;
sing a belief that Israel would be defeated (so 'devours' in cf. 1:3), and the dans (see Josh 14:6—14) of Caleb (14:14) and
13:32). This report is exaggerated for effect; it succeeds. The Joshua (14:30) will enter the land. So, finally, God does not
people are seduced by the negative report (14:36), despise disinherit this people, and a new generation will possess the
God's promise of land (14:31), and complain against Moses land. But the entire community is now to turn away and
and Aaron out of fear for their lives and the fate of their continue their wandering for a generation (14:25, 34).
dependants (cf. 31:13-18). They plot to choose a new leader 5. God announces the judgement (14:21-35), this time as a
and reverse the Exodus (14:4)! They persist in spite of the solemn oath, made as certain as God's own life (14:21,28), and
leaders' urgent pleas ('fell on their faces'; 16:4, 22), expres- details that judgement in moral order terms, i.e. what goes
sions of distress ('tore their clothes'; Gen 37:34), and assur- around comes around (14:28—35). They have sinned, they will
ances that the indigenous peoples are 'bread' (that is, we will bear (the effects of) their sin (14:34). Akey verse is 14:28, T will
'devour' them, not they us, contrary to 13:32; cf. Ps 14:4) and do to you the very things I heard you say'. In effect: your will be
their gods will provide no protection (lit. 'shadow'; cf. Ps 91:1), done, not mine. Their desire for death in the wilderness (14:2)
for 'the LORD is with us'. Rather than rejoice in the report of is granted (14:32—3); their rejection of the land (14:3) is agreed
'an exceedingly good land' and trust that God will see to the to (14:30); their desire for a return to Egypt (14:3-4) is brought
promise, the people 'rebel against the LORD' and threaten to close to hand (14:25); their claim that the children would
stone Joshua and Caleb to death. become booty (14:3) causes the children to suffer that fate at
To these developments God responds (on 'glory' see 9:15— their own hands (14:33) rather than in the land (14:31); they
23). This response has several dimensions. If this kind of want different leaders (14:4), they will get them (14:30). They
 121 NUMBERS
do not believe that God is with them (14:8-9); they discover he (15:22—36) Various sacrifices for atonement for unintentional
is not (14:43—4). The forty days of scouting become forty years sins (cf. LEV 4:13—21; for detail see Milgrom 1990: 402—5), for
of wandering (14:34). Judgement is intrinsic to the deed ('you the 'whole people' (w. 22—6) and for the individual (w. 27—9),
shall bear your iniquity', 14:34; cf. 32:23); God does not intro- and penalties for individuals who commit 'high-handed' sins,
duce it into the situation. God is not arbitrary, but facilitates a i.e. who are defiant and unrepentant (w. 30—1; see Milgrom
consequence that correlates with the deed. One might speak 1990:122—5). I n 5:5~8 (cf LEV 6:7) even intentional sins can be
of a wearing down of the divine patience in view of 14:22; the atoned for, apparently because the persons are repentant
other side of the coin is that persistent negative human con- (though see 16:46). The priests are those who make atone-
duct will in time take its toll, and God will see to the proper ment for both congregation and individual (w. 25,28). This is
functioning of the moral order. the means God has established in and through which to effect
Having heard these words of judgement, the people mourn both corporate and individual forgiveness.
at what has been lost, confess their sin, and seek to make Those who sin defiantly (the old generation of chs. 11-14 is
things right by taking the land on their own (14:39-45; cf. in view) will be 'cut off from the people (see 9:13). The
Deut 1:41—5). Moses sees that it is too late. God has now issued following incident of intentional sabbath-breaking (w. 32—6)
anew command (14:25) and they will be defeated, for God will illustrates such defiance. The sabbath-breaker's labour did
not be with them (cf. 14:9). The die has been cast, and God's carry the death penalty (see EX 31:14-15; 35:2-3); yet it was
word about their future is certain. Moses' word proves to be not clear what to do with him (15:34). Though much disputed
correct; God (the ark) does not go with them and they are (see Milgrom 1990: 408—10), this may mean (cf. LEV 24:12)
defeated. God's presence, not human strength, is what finally that, though the death penalty was clear, the community
will count in Israel's life. awaited a word from God either regarding the means of
(15:1-41) Statutes for Life in the Land The wilderness narra- execution or before proceeding to such a severe punishment
tive is interrupted by a series of statutes—probably late (gang stoning).
Priestly additions—pertaining to the time 'when you come (15:37—41) (cf. Deut 22:12) pertains to clothing. Tassels are to
into the land' (w. 2,18) 'throughout your generations' (w. 15, be attached to each corner of the garments of all Israelites,
21, 23, 37). For the coherence of this chapter in its context, see with a blue(-purple) cord on each (still worn on prayer shawls
Olson (1996: 90—101). Such laws, following upon rebellion by Orthodox Jewish men). This cord was a public sign of
and judgement, function to assure the community in a con- Israel's status as a holy people and a reminder of what that
crete way that God still intends a future for them; hence, law entailed. The call to be holy (v. 40; see EX 19:6; LEV 19:2) is a
essentially functions as promise, at least for the new genera- call to exemplify that holiness in daily life, to be true to the
tion. For the old generation, however, the laws would function relationship in which they already stand. The fundamental
only as threat, for they would not live to obey them. Such an way in which the people do justice to this relationship is by
interweaving of law and narrative is common in the Penta- obedience to the commandments. Israel's holiness is not
teuch, and is revealing of the dynamic relationship of law and simply an internal disposition; it is to be expressed in every
changing life circumstances. sphere of life. The fundamental grounding for this is the fact
One such matter pertains to the non-Israelites in the camp. that God is YHWH, the Lord who brought them out of Egypt.
The statutes in w. 1-31 apply equally to outsiders (w. 14-16,
26, 29, 30; cf. 9:14). They are given equal status before God: (16:1-50) The Rebellions of Korah and Others Num 16-18
'you and the alien shall be alike before the LORD' (v. 15; cf. Lev focuses on issues relating to the value and legitimacy of
19:33—4, 'you shall love the alien as yourself). Other changes leadership within Israel, especially priestly leadership as it
are evident. relates to service at the tabernacle.
This passage in its present form portrays two major rebel-
(15:1—16) prescribes that a grain offering (flour mixed with lions, one by Korah, Dathan, Abiram, and 250 lay leaders
oil) and a drink offering (wine)—agricultural products—are (w. 1—40) and, in response to their deaths, a second rebellion
to accompany each animal (w. 11-12) presented for the 'offer- by 'the whole congregation' (w. 41-50). The role of Korah, one
ings by fire' listed in v. 3 (for detail, see LEV 1-7). What was of the Levites (about whom the narratives have been silent
previously required only for the offering of first fruits and the heretofore), draws the entire community into a rebellious
festival of Weeks (Lev 23:12—18) and for the nazirite consecra- stance. The conflict between the Levites and the Aaronides
tion (6:14-17) now applies to all offerings. The amount of may reflect later controversies between rival priestly groups
these offerings increases with the size of the animal (lamb, (cf. 12:1-16; 17:1-13).
w. 4—5; ram, w. 6—7; bull, w. 8—10). The repeated reference to Issues of coherence make it likely that at least two major
'a pleasing odour to the LORD' (w. 3, 7,10,13,14, 24) is a vivid traditions have been interwoven. The epic tradition centred on
way of speaking of that which brings pleasure to God (see GEN a revolt led by the Reubenites (Dathan and Abiram, w. 12-15);
8:21-2) because it signifies a healthy relationship. it has been overlaid by a Priestly tradition, wherein Korah
(15:17—21) prescribes, on the occasion of baking bread (in the leads the rebellion (w. 3—11, 16—24, 35)- Omer expansions
land), a donation of one loaf from the first batch of dough. A may be evident, e.g. the role of the 250 lay leaders, but it is
donation is any gift for the service of the sanctuary, given to possible to read the whole as an (awkwardly ordered) unity.
acknowledge that all such gifts come from God. In this case Korah, a son of Kohath, belonged to the Levite clan respon-
the bread would be food for the priests. This statute broadens sible for the tabernacle's 'most holy things' (4:4), but they
earlier statutes regarding first fruits to include that produced were not to touch or see them (4:15, 20). Korah is the eponym-
by humans (see Ex 23:19; Lev 23:9-14; cf. 18:13-18). ous ancestor of a later group of temple singers (i Chr 6:31-48;
NUMBERS i:

his name occurs in eleven Psalm superscriptions, e.g., 44-9). of the congregation (v. 22), for not all should bear the con-
Dathan and Abiram (and On, not mentioned again) were sequences for the 'one person' (an exaggeration for Korah is
members of the tribe of Reuben, the firstborn son of Jacob representative of the rebellious group; cf. GEN 18:22-33). Th£
(the demotion of the tribe may be due to this rebellion, 26:9- 'God of the spirits of all flesh' (cf. 27:16) is an appeal to God as
n). These persons (probably with different agendas) make Creator, who gives breath (i.e. spirit) to all.
common cause against Moses and Aaron. They are joined by God responds positively to the intercession and separates
250 lay leaders and confront Moses and Aaron with the charge the congregation from the 'dwelling' (sing, here and v. 27;
that they 'have gone too far' in 'exalting' themselves above since sing, is used only for God's dwelling, does it refer to their
other members of the community (w. 3,13). While this charge 'tents', v. 26, ironically?) of the rebels and their families.
may have been sparked by their prominence in 15:1—41, it may Dathan and Abiram had refused to leave their homes (16:14)
also be related to their harsh words about the old generation and Korah had apparently joined them. The 250 men remain
(14:26-35), among whom the rebels would be numbered. at the tent to offer incense, and are later consumed by fire
The claim (v. 3) that 'everyone' in the camp is holy is not (v. 35; cf. 3:4; 11:1; LEV 10:1—2). The inclusion ofthe families and
incorrect (as just noted in 15:40, and perhaps prompted by it); the command not even to touch (v. 26) suggests their sins
the problem is the implication drawn, namely, that Aaron and have polluted all that is theirs (on corporate guilt, see JOSH
Moses have no special prerogatives for leadership. The claim 7:24-6).
for the holiness of everyone is not simply related to a move to When the separation occurs, Moses sets up a test to demon-
gain priestly prerogatives for all Levites (as Moses interprets it, strate that this is God's decision not his own. If these people
v. 10), though this is primary. The presence of Reubenites and die a natural death, then he is wrong; if God 'creates some-
250 laymen reveals another interest, namely, extending 'secu- thing new' (a creation for this moment) and the ground opens
lar' leadership prerogatives beyond Moses to representa- up and swallows them, and they descend prematurely to
tives from all twelve tribes, especially firstborn Reuben (so Sheol (the abode of all the dead; cf. the image in Isa 5:14),
w. 12—15). then they have despised the Lord (note: not Moses). The latter
Moses responds in deed and word to this confrontation happens immediately to 'everyone who belonged to Korah and
(w. 4-17). After 'falling on his face' (see 14:5), Moses proposes all their goods' (v. 32). Korah, Dathan, and Abiram are not
a test. The antagonists are to bring censers (metal trays that specifically mentioned (they are in 26:9—10; cf. Deut 11:6; Ps
hold hot coals on which incense is burned, cf LEV 10:1—2) to 106:17). The people panic, perhaps because of complicity; it
the tabernacle and prepare them for offering incense. If God quickly turns to accusation, v. 41.
accepts their offerings, their priestly status would be recog- In the wake ofthe killing ofthe 250 men because of their
nized. The phrase 'and who is holy' (v. 5) assumes gradations presumption, special attention is given to their censers
of holiness; even if all are holy, God chooses the priest and this (w. 36—40), which became holy because ofthe use to which
status entails a holiness that sets him apart from other holy they were put, even by unqualified persons ('at the cost of their
ones (cf. 6:8). So God, not Moses, will decide the identity of lives'). They are gathered from the fire by Eleazar and not
'the holy one' who is to approach the altar. But Moses makes Aaron (see Lev 21:11) and, at God's command, hammered
his opinions clear. They (and here Levites, whom Korah repre- into an altar covering (perhaps a supplement; cf. Ex 38:2) to
sents, become the focus), not we (v. 3), have gone too far (v. 7)! serve as a reminder that only Aaron's sons can approach the
The reply in w. 8-n addresses the Levites' challenge to Lord to offer incense.
Aaron's leadership (v. n). Their displeasure with the duties The congregation, however, remembers only the killings,
they have been assigned by God (1:48—54), and their desire for blames Moses and Aaron, and threatens them (16:41). Again
higher status, is a move 'against the LORD' (v. n). They have the glory ofthe Lord appears, this time to Moses and Aaron,
elevated privilege above service. Next Moses speaks to chal- and God again threatens to annihilate this people (cf. w. 19-
lenges to his own leadership (w. 12—15), sending for Dathan 21). Once again Moses and Aaron intercede by falling on their
and Abiram. They twice refuse to come, believing themselves faces, presumably pleading with God (cf. v. 22). In the absence
to be deceived (to 'put out the eyes'). In their complaint about of God's response, they take the initiative and act to make
Moses' authoritarianism (after all, Reuben was the firstborn atonement for the (intentional! cf. 15:22-31) sins ofthe people
son), they give Moses' own words in v. 9 an ironic twist (v. 13), through the use of incense (unprecedented, but appropriate
and even call Egypt the land of milk and honey! Moses tells for this story). They do so with haste, and at some risk (he
God (spitefully?) to ignore their offerings, i.e. not act through 'stood between the dead and the living'—a job description for
them on their behalf, for he has taken nothing (cf. i Sam 12:3) a priest!), because a plague had already broken out (on divine
from them or harmed them. Finally, Moses repeats his judgement, see NUM 13—14; note that wrath is impersonally
instructions to Korah, adding that Aaron is also to appear described, see NUM 1:53). The act of atonement had the effect
(w. 16-17). of stopping the plague, but not before many died (14,700).
The time for the divine decision arrives (w. 18-35). Each of The disaster experienced by Korah and his company proves
the men stands before the Lord at the tent with his censer the special status of both Moses (w. 28—9) and Aaron (v. 40).
prepared. In addition, Korah assembles the entire congrega- It is not that such leaders never fail (12:1—16; 20:12) or
tion, apparently in sympathy with him, to watch the proceed- that other persons are never channels God might use to reveal
ings. The glory of the Lord appears (see 9:15-16) and God tells his will (11:24-30; Balaam), but these persons are chosen
Moses and Aaron to move away for God is going to destroy the and are deserving of respect. Implicit is that the way to adju-
assembled congregation (in essence, the old generation; cf. dicate differences with leaders in the community is not
v. 45) immediately. But Moses and Aaron intercede on behalf through envy or personal attack (common in Numbers), but
 123 NUMBERS
through a careful discernment of God's will for the flourish- 10:8), of God's speaking to Aaron alone, indicating its import-
ing of the community. God goes to enormous lengths to ance for Aaronides.
protect the place of good leaders (on the divine wrath, see w. 1-7 gather previous material (see 1:50-3; 3:5-10, 14-39;
NUM 1:53). 4:1-33; 8:14-19) and delineate the relationship among the
various groups regarding their duties at the tent of meeting
(17:1-13) Aaron's Blossoming Rod Whereas 16:1-40 was con-
('covenant', 17:7). The protection of the community as a whole
cerned about the status of both Aaron and Moses, and Aaron
('outsider') from 'wrath' (v. 5, see NUM 1:53) is a prime concern
among other Levites, this passage focuses on Aaron 'the man'
(w. ia, 4-5, 7, 22; 'outsider' in v. 7 would also include Levites).
(v. 5) among other tribal leaders. In view of the renewed
Aaronides and Levites alone (not laity) 'bear responsibility for
rebellions of the people and Aaron's risking his life on their
offences', that is, suffer the consequences for violations (their
behalf (16:41-50), God makes another effort to demonstrate
own and that of the laity) relative to the sanctuary (w. ia, 23).
Aaron's priestly status. Whereas 16:40 showed that through
In addition, priests are responsible for other priests (v. ifc) and
an ordeal that led to death, this passage makes the same point
priests and Levites for Levites (v. 3, 'they and you'). God
through an ordeal that symbolizes life (the budding staff),
stresses to the Aaronides that priesthood is a gift from God
emblematic of Aaron's life-saving actions in 16:46-50. Both
as is the service oftheir 'brother Levites' (w. 6-7; cf. v. 19); they
the bronze covering for the altar (16:38) and Aaron's staff serve
cannot presume upon their office in relationship to their
as ongoing visual signs for the community of God's choice of
brothers or all Israel.
Aaron's priestly leadership. This story, best designated a le-
w. 8—32, a gathering of materials from Lev 6—7; v. 27 primar-
gend (with parallels in many cultures), may reflect later strug-
ily reviews the God-commanded portion due to the Aaronides
gles between rival priestly groups. Yet, unlike 16:3—11, rivalry
from the people (w. 8-20) and the Levites (w. 25-32, a new
with the Levites is not evident.
provision) and that due to the Levites (w. 21-4), in perpetuity
God's effort on behalf of Aaron's priestly status is settled by
(w. 8, n, 19, 23), in spite oftheir failures.
means of a unique ordeal. At God's command, Moses places
In w. 8-20 the 'portion' consists of those 'holy gifts' the
twelve staffs (a symbol of authority; 'staff and 'tribe' translate
people give to the Lord, which in turn God 'gives' to the priests
the same Hebrew word) from the leaders (cf. 16:2) of the
and Levites and their 'sons and daughters' for the sake oftheir
tribes, each inscribed with a leader's name, before the Lord,
support and for that of the sanctuary, w. 9—10 specify the
i.e. the ark (see 10:35-6), in which the 'covenant', the Decalo-
'most holy' gifts, reserved for the priests: 'every offering
gue, was placed (Ex 25:16, 21). Aaron's staff, the powers of
of theirs' (those parts not burned, 'reserved from the fire'),
which had already been demonstrated (EX 7:8—12, 19; 8:16—
w. 11-18 specify the 'holy' gifts (v. 19), 'elevation offerings'
17), was added to them (the Levites are the thirteenth tribe in
(tenupd) or gifts dedicated to God, to be eaten by any clean
Numbers). God set the terms: the staff that sprouts would
member of the priests' families. They include first fruits
indicate which leader God had chosen for priestly preroga-
('choice produce'); anything 'devoted' to the Lord's service, pro-
tives. Upon Moses' inspection the following morning, only
scribed under the provisions of the ban (see LEV 27:21,28); and
the staff of Aaron had sprouted; moreover, it flowered and
firstborn human and unclean animals, for which the priests
bore ripe almonds (symbolic of the life-enchancing, fruit-bear-
receive the redemption price (v. 15 is detailed in 16—18). On the
ing capacity of priests for the community). Moses shows the
redemption ofthe firstborn, see NUM 3:11-13,40-51.
evidence to all the people. At God's command Moses put
These holy gifts of God to the priests are called 'a covenant
Aaron's staff before the ark, to be kept as a warning (Hebrew
of salt forever before the LORD' (v. 19). Salt is presented with all
'sign') to the rebels. For usage of this image in messianic texts,
offerings (Lev 2:13); as a preservative it becomes a symbol for
see ISA 11:1-2.
an everlasting covenant (see 2 Chr 13:5). This provision is
God had performed such a sign 'to put a stop to the com-
God's commitment to the priests in perpetuity, for the Aaron-
plaints' against 'you' (pi.; Moses and Aaron) and 'me' (w. 5,
ides have no property. God alone is their share and posses-
10); it soon becomes clear that God did not succeed in his
sion, that is, they are dependent for life and health upon the
objective (see 21:5).
gifts of God, albeit gifts mediated through human beings,
The concluding verses (12—13) lead into the next chapter.
rather than on land.
The people, apparently convinced, express their dismay and
The Levites' portion for their work is the Israelites' tithe of
worry about dying. Yet the focus is not on what they have done,
agricultural produce (w. 21—4). The tithe belongs to YHWH
but on the possibility of encroaching upon the tabernacle
(v. 24) and is given to the Levites (on the title see Milgrom
precincts. The next chapter provides protections against
1990: 432-6). They also have no tribal territory, but are given
such a possibility.
forty-eight cities with pasture land (see 35:1—8). On w. 22—3,
(18:1—32) Rights and Responsibilities of Priests and Levi- see w. 1—7.
tes The Priestly material of chs. 18-19 constitutes a second Finally, in a speech to Moses, God commands the Levites to
break in the narrative flow (cf. 15:1-14). On law and narrative, give a tithe ofthe tithe they have received (the 'best of it') to the
see NUM 15. Aaronides (w. 25—32). The other nine-tenths ofthe offering
Given the establishment of Aaron's status with the people shall be no longer holy and become in effect their own pro-
and other Levites (chs. 16-17), and the concern of the people duce, 'as payment for your service'. But if they do not give their
about encroachment on the tabernacle (17:12-13), a redefini- tithe, that will 'profane' the holy gifts, and they shall die.
tion of the responsibilities of the tribe of Levi is now given
along with their means of support (though the people are not (19:1—22) Ritual ofthe Red Heifer 5:1—4 stipulated a measure
said to hear this), w. i, 8, 20 contain the only cases (except Lev to be taken in cases of 'contact with a corpse'. Such unclean
NUMBERS 124

persons were to be placed 'outside the camp' so as not to defile arrive again in Kadesh (they set out again in v. 22). Probably
the community. This passage expands upon that statute, pro- the forty years in the wilderness has been completed, as v. 12
viding for rituals of purification for such persons in perpetuity and the time of Aaron's death (v. 28 with 33:38) suggests.
(mostly laypersons, Israelite and alien), especially in view of The 'first month' in v. i would thus be in the fortieth year.
all who had died (e.g. 16:32-5, 49) and would die (14:32-5). On the problems of redaction in chs. 20—1 see Milgrom (1990:
Caring for the dead is a necessary (and dangerous) task, so this 463-7).
impurity is not linked to sin. On purity issues, see Nelson The people again complain to Moses and Aaron about wild-
(1993: 17-38). The origin of this ritual is unknown, but it erness conditions, but this time the narrator agrees that 'there
probably can be traced to ancient Near Eastern rites developed was no water' (w. 2,5). They return to the basic questions they
to deal with the same issue. These statutes are to be conveyed had in 14:2—4; events have apparently not changed this peo-
to the Israelites (v. 2; contrast 18). ple. They even express the wish that they had died with Korah,
The choice of a (brownish-)red heifer (actually, cow) per- Dathan, and Abiram (16:32-5, 49)! Again, Moses and Aaron
haps symbolized blood/life (red animals were so used in the fall on their faces and turn towards God (14:5; 16:4); again the
ancient Near East); it was to be unblemished (see Lev 21:16— glory of the Lord appears (see 9:15—16).
24; 22:20) and never used for work (Deut 21:3—4). Th£ burn- The reader expects to hear about God's judgement; but God
ing of the entire animal (including its blood/life, v. 5, uniquely has a different response this time, recognizing that the
here) may have been thought to concentrate life in the ashes people's need for water is real. God commands Moses to
which, when mixed with water and applied to the unclean take 'the staff (from v. 9 this is Aaron's staff that had been
person or thing, would counteract (literally thought to ab- placed in the tent, 17:10-11; 'his' staff refers to the one he was
sorb?) the contagious impurity of death and the diminish- using, v. n) and 'command [speak to] the rock before their eyes
ment of life in the community. This happened, not in some to yield its water' (my itals.). The reference to 'the rock' (v. 8)
magical way, but because God had decreed it so. The place- suggests a prominent rock in the area. This was the way in
ment of cedar wood and hyssop (cleansing agents), and crim- which Moses was 'to bring water out of the rock for them'.
son material (symbolizing blood?), during the burning Moses takes the staff as God had commanded him. The
intensified the purifying quality (literal and symbolic) of the reference to Moses' obedience usually concludes his actions;
resultant ashes. The sprinkling of the blood/life seven times here it breaks into the sequence, suggesting that his following
towards the entrance of the tabernacle (that is, towards Godjcf. actions are less than what God commanded. Having gathered
Lev 4:6) shows the importance of the ritual for maintaining the people, Moses calls them rebels (as does God, 17:10), and
the integrity of the community in relationship to God (19:4, asks them:'shall we bring water for you out of the rock?' (my
13, 20). itals.). He proceeds to strike the rock twice with Aaron's staff,
w. i—10 specify the procedure by which the life-giving and and water flows. God's response is negative: Moses and Aaron
cleansing agent was prepared under the supervision of the did not trust God to 'show my holiness' before the people, and
priest (the absence of reference to death may mean an earlier, hence they will not lead the people into the land. The place
more general application). Eleazar is charged with this duty name Meribah is linked to the people's quarrelling with God
(Aaron dies in 20:28); he and those who assist him must be (as in EX 17:7, without judgement) and to God's showing his
clean, but they become unclean in the process (because of holiness, perhaps because of the gift of water (but apparently
contact with the holy) and short-term 'decontamination' less so than if Moses and Aaron had trusted, v. 12).
rituals are prescribed for each. A much debated question: what did Moses and Aaron
w. 11—13, detailed in 14—22, specify the use to which the (Aaron stays in the background) do to deserve this divine
ashes and fresh ('running') water are put for persons and response (for the history of interpretation, see Milgrom
things (w. 14-16) that have had contact with death. As in other 1990: 448-56)? The charge in v. 12—they did not 'trust' in
cases (see Lev 12:2) they are unclean for seven days; during God (used ofthe people in 14:11, with the same result) 'to show
this time, if they are to become clean, they must twice be my holiness' before Israel; in v. 24—they 'rebelled against my
sprinkled with this mixture by a clean person (w. 17-19; out- command'; in 27:14—they 'rebelled against my word... and
side the camp? cf v. 9 and 5:3-4). Otherwise they 'defile the did not show my holiness' before Israel; in Deut 32:51—they
tabernacle' where God dwells (5:3) and shall be 'cut off from 'broke faith... by failing to maintain my holiness among the
Israel' (19:13, 20; see NUM 9:13) for the sake of the commu- Israelites'; in Deuteronomy elsewhere (1:37; 3:26; 4:21)—God
nity's wholeness. was angry towards Moses because ofthe people, as if Moses
suffered vicariously; in Ps 106:32-3—the people make
(20:1—29) The Disobedience of Moses and Aaron The text Moses' spirit bitter and his words rash (v. 10?), qualifying
returns to a narrative mode, explaining why Israel's key lead- Moses' fault.
ers did not enter Canaan. It is enclosed by the deaths of It is difficult to bring coherence to this variety; it may be
Miriam and Aaron and marked especially by the 'rebellion' purposely ambiguous. The 'we' of v. 10 could suggest that this
of Moses and Aaron. It may be a reworking of the story in EX was their work not God's, hence reducing the witness to God.
17:1—7, which also took place at a place called Meribah ('Quar- But the focus in v. 24 and 27:14 is 'rebelling against' God's
relled'). Priestly materials surround a report from the epic command (a major issue in Numbers), ironically using
tradition in 20:14-21. Moses' own word regarding the people (v. 10). This could
v. i is difficult given the reference to Kadesh in 13:26. entail a lack of trust or breaking faith. Neither the questioning
Perhaps God's command in 14:25 to wander back towards ofthe people nor the striking ofthe rock (rather than speaking
Egypt was in fact carried out (contrast 33:36-7), and so they to it) followed God's command. The former, with its negative
 125 NUMBERS
address, does not recognize the real needs of the people (as DEUT 32:50; 34). Aaron's vestments are transferred to Eleazar
God did twice in v. 8), and the latter would be less a witness to before 'the whole congregation', an assuring sight signifying
God's power. Thus God's compassion and power, both analy- continuity into the future. Aaron dies (is 'gathered to his
tic of God's holiness, are compromised 'in the eyes of the people', cf. Gen 25:8) and is mourned by Israel for thirty
people. days (as with Moses, Deut 34:8), rather than the usual seven.
The point is sharply made that the end result (here, water to The next five chapters are transitional. The new generation
drink) is not only what counts as a witness to God, but also the seems to be essentially, if not entirely in place (20:12). And so
means by which that result is achieved. The most trusted of the texts portray a mix of the old and the new.
God's leaders fall into the trap of thinking that the end justi- (21:1-35) Victory, Complaint, and Healing The narrative from
fies any means. The reader should beware of both 'rationaliza- 11:1 to this point has been predominantly negative. The pro-
tion' and supernaturalism in interpreting stories such as this mulgation of laws for life in the land (chs. 15; 18; 19) and the
(as with the manna and quail, 11:7-9, 31)- Th£ provision of installation of Eleazar have given signs of hope. As the narra-
food and water is not to be divorced from a recognition of tive moves towards the census ofthe new generation (ch. 26),
nature's God-given potential. Even in the wilderness God's these signs become more frequent. Indeed, from this time on
world is not without resources. In ways not unlike the gifts of Israel will be successful in all its battles. Yet negative realities
manna and quail, water courses through rock formations. still abound. In this passage military victories enclose a nega-
God is not creating out of nothing here; water does not mater- tive report about further complaint and judgement.
ialize out of thin air. God works in and through the natural to Victory over Arad (w. 1—3): this text functions paradigmatic-
provide for his people. The rock itself plays a significant role in ally for other holy war texts in a way that 11:1—3 did for the
this. complaint passages; it summarizes the essence of what is at
(20:14—21) Before reporting the death of Aaron, an interlude stake. For the geographical and chronological problems asso-
recounts developments in Israel's journeying. Theyare'onthe ciated with Canaanite contact at Arad and Hormah (a region
edge' of Edom (v. 16) and request permission from the Edom- in the Negeb), given the references to Edom in 20:21 and 21:4,
ites to use the King's Highway (the major north-south route see Milgrom (1990: 456-8).
through Transjordan) to pass through and, presumably, enter The Canaanites of Arad fought with some success against
Canaan from the east (cf. the failure from the south in 14:39— Israel; this prompts 'Israel' to make a vow to wage holy war
45). Edom's refusal to allow Israel to pass creates an external against them if God would give them victory (cf. Jephthah's
difficulty that matches the internal difficulties in the chapter. vow, Judg 11:30—1). Israel's victory reverses the earlier failure at
Together they raise questions about endangered promises. Hormah (14:45).
The text gives no reason for the reader to think this request Israel then fulfils the vow, utterly destroying the people and
of Edom was unfaithful because God was not consulted. their towns. Such texts (see also ch. 31) are virtually genocidal
The Edomites are the first people Israel encounters since in their ferocity towards others. These understandings are
Sinai (cf. GEN 25:19—36:43 on Jacob/Esau). Moses initiates the grounded in a concern about infidelity and extreme danger
contact by sending messengers to the 'king of Edom' (no to Israel's future (Deut 20:16—18) and unfaithful Israel experi-
evidence exists that Edom was a kingdom at this time; cf. ences similar destruction (see Deut 28:15—68). Such practices
the chieftains of GEN 36). Moses' letter, typical in that world, are followed only in this era of land settlement (and hence are
uses the word 'brother' for Edom, a dual reference assuming a not paradigmatic, even for Israel). Yet they rightly remain
relationship of both ally and actual brother (see Gen 33:9). incomprehensible to modern sensibilities. That Israel under-
Moses briefly recounts Israel's history from the descent stands their God to want such destruction makes this practice
into Egypt through the Exodus to the present time. Notable even more difficult to fathom. The canon as a whole subverts
is the confessional character of this account: they cried to such understandings (see Isa 2:1-4).
YHWH, who heard and sent an angel, God in human form
(see NUM 9:15—23; EX 14:19; 23:20—3), to bring them out. It is (21:4—9) returns for a final time to the complaining mode (for
assumed that the king of Edom knows who YHWH is (cf. Ex form, NUM n; for content, NUM 14), qualifying the victories
15:15)! Given the last reference to an Edom—Israel encounter, that enclose it. The seriousness ofthe complaint is evident in
which ends on an ambivalent note (33:4—17), it is not surpris- that it is directed for the first time against both God and Moses
ing that Edom refuses (Judg 11:17). Edom refuses even though (though see 14:2—3), yet for the first time the people sincerely
Israel promises not to trouble them and, after negotiation, (cf. 14:40) confess their sin, and the segment ends on a heal-
even promises to pay for water (w. 19—20). Edom's show of ing note. This occurs as the people turn towards the Red Sea,
military force convinces Israel to go 'around' Edom (so 21:4; that is, the Gulf of Aqaba, and begin their journey around
Judg 11:18; Deut 2:4—8 has access to a memory that the Israel- Edom. The complaint focuses on the lack of (palatable) food
ites passed through Edom without incident). and water, and God is charged with intending death in the
Exodus. The God-facilitated effect of their complaining is an
(20:22-9) returns to internal issues, with the installation of infestation of poisonous (lit. fiery, because of the burning)
Eleazar as successor to his father as high priest and the death snakes that results in many deaths (not unheard of in this
of Aaron. The people continue their journey along the border area). The people confess their sin to Moses and request his
of Edom and come to Mount Hor (site unknown). In view of intercession to have the snakes taken away. Though the
Aaron's imminent death, and at God's command and as a people repent (and presumably are forgiven), the snakes are
reminder of their rebellion ('you' is pi.), Moses, Aaron, and not removed nor kept from biting. In other words, as is typical,
Eleazar climb to the top of the mountain (cf. Moses' death in the effects of sin continue beyond forgiveness. But God works
NUMBERS 126

on those effects by commanding a means (a homeopathic (22:1—24:25) The Story of Balaam This text has been deemed
Egyptian technique to ward off snakes and heal snakebite), intrusive in its context, and its central figure Balaam thought
with which the promise of God is associated, through which to less than worthy of God's purposes for Israel. He is a travelling
heal those who are bitten (cf Wis 16:7; the combination of professional seer, and a non-Israelite at that, who seems all too
prayer and medicine in 2 Kings 20:1-7). Moses makes a ready to pronounce curses if the price is right. But the story
copper image of a snake and sets it upon a pole for all to see; with its oracles has in fact been cleverly woven into the larger
God is true to promises made, healing those who look to it and fabric of Numbers and God uses Balaam in remarkable ways
trust the means God has provided. The copper snake ends to bring blessing to Israel.
up in the temple, but its meaning is distorted and Hezekiah Source-critical attempts to divide this story into J and E
has it destroyed (2 Kings 18:4). On snakes as symbols of (only 22:1 is P) have not been successful. Coherence difficul-
both death and life in the ancient Near East and the discovery ties and the various divine names may reflect a long history of
of copper snakes in that area, including a copper snake 5 transmission and editing of both narrative and poetry, the
in. long near Timnah in a copper-smelting region, see earliest forms of which may date from before the monarchy.
Joines (1974); Milgrom (1990: 459—60) (for NT usage, see An Aramaic inscription from the eighth century BCE has been
JN 3:14-15). found at Tell Deir 'Alia in Jordan, the contents of which are
(21:10—20) Travel in Transjordan: the tempo of the journey ascribed to a 'seer of the gods' named 'Balaam, son of Beor'.
picks up as Israel moves through various places on its way to He reports a vision of a meeting of the gods who are planning
Canaan. The character of the journey changes as well; water is disaster for the earth (for text and details, see Milgrom 1990:
provided at the divine initiative at Beer (v. 16, meaning 'well', 473-6). Scholars agree that this text and Num 22-4 both have
the first positive etymology in Numbers) and the people sing roots in Transjordan traditions about this legendary figure. A
songs of appreciation (w. 17-18, 27-30, from unknown few biblical traditions have a negative assessment of Balaam,
sources). perhaps having access to still other traditions (cf. Num 31:8,
Though several sites cannot be identified (and do not fully 18; Josh 13:22; Rev 2:14).
correspond to the itinerary in 33:41—9), the route takes Israel The text combines a narrative and four poetic oracles, the
around Edom and Moab. The Wadi Zered is the boundary basic content of which is blessing. Literary studies have noted
between Moab and Edom and the Wadi Arnon the northern the repetition of key words such as '(not)seeing' and the
boundary of Moab. The Arnon prompts the narrator to insert a number three, including a probable tripartite structure: (a)
portion from the otherwise unknown Book of the Wars of the Balaam's three encounters with God (22:1-40); (b) Balak's
Lord (apparently an early collection of poems about Israel's three attempts to curse Israel thwarted by Balaam's three
conquests). This poetic piece (though not spoken by Israel) blessings (22:41—24:13); (c) A climactic fourth blessing
and the songs in w. 17—18 and 27—30 contribute to the increas- (24:14-25).
ingly anticipatory character of the march. Finally, they arrive The function of this material at this juncture in Numbers
at Mount Pisgah 'across the Jordan from Jericho' (22:1). has been delineated by Olson (1985: 156-64) especially. With
its focus on the blessing of Israel and its remarkable reitera-
(21:21-35) Victories over the Amorites: these reports probably
tion of divine promises, the story envisages a marvellous
precede 21:10-20 chronologically. For greater detail, cf. Deut
future for Israel at a key transition between old generation
2:24—3:7. With Israel situated on the 'boundary of the Amor-
and new. The material also functions ironically; a non-Israelite
ites' (21:13), Moses sends a message (similar to 20:17) t° King
with less than sterling credentials voices God's promises in a
Sihon requesting safe passage. Moses receives the same reply
way that no Israelite in Numbers does, not even Moses. God
as he got from Edom, but Sihon also pursues Israel in battle.
finds a way to get the word through in spite of the rebellions of
In response, Israel defeats his armies, kills him, and takes
Israel and its leaders (and Balaam's own failings, 22:22-35;
possession of his lands, to the border of the Ammonites in the
31:8, 16). The disastrous activities in 25:1—18 make the words
east (at the Wadi Jabbok), including the capital Heshbon,
of Balaam stand out all the more brightly. That the people do
perhaps a short distance east of Jericho. These lands include
not actually hear these words is testimony that, contrary to
former Moabite lands, and the song in 21:27—30 (cf. Jer 48:45—
appearances, God continues to be at work in fulfilling these
6) praises the victory of the Amorites over the Moabites and
promises. Indeed, God turns even the worst of situations (the
their god Chemosh (21:29) and the capture of their lands, now
potential curses of Balaam) into blessing.
belonging to Israel. Notable is Israel's integration of a non-
Israelite story into their own story of these events. Because (22:1—40) Balak, king of Moab, is fearful that Israel, given
Sihon defeated Moab and Israel defeated Sihon this enhances their numbers and victories over the Amorites, will next turn
Israel's strength. Israel's 'settling' in the land of the Amorites on what is left of his kingdom (which includes Midianites,
sets up a later controversy (see NUM 32). 22:4,7; 31:7-9) and overcome his armies with ease. And so, as
The victory over the aggressor Og, another Amorite king kings were wont to do in that world (cf. i Kings 22), he turns to
(w. 33—5), mirrors that of the victory over Arad in 21:1—3 (cf- a mercenary diviner from Syria (the exact location is uncer-
Josh 10:8), with its stress upon holy war, and this in express tain), famous for his effective blessings and cursings (v. 6, an
response to a word from God. The total destruction is like ironic statement, given later developments!). Messengers,
what was done to Sihon (v. 34). prepared to pay for his services, inform Balaam of Balak's
Israel is now situated at the boundary of the promised land request to have him curse Israel so that he can defeat them
and is given a foretaste of victories and settlements to come. (in v.ii the compliment of v. 6 is omitted). Note that the curses
Those promises are now raised in the story of Balaam. were not thought to be finally effective apart from Balak's
 127 NUMBERS
subsequent actions. Divination (usually condemned in Israel, a vehicle through which God works to show Balaam's depend-
Deut 18:9—14) was a widely practised 'art' whereby the mean- ence upon God for his insight and words and to sharpen his
ing and course of events was sought through interpretation of faithfulness.
various natural phenomena. With sword drawn, the angel of YHWH (God in human
Asking for a delay in order to consult YHWH (!), Balaam has form, see 9:15—23) confronts Balaam and donkey three times
the first of three encounters with God. That YHWH's name is in increasingly restrictive circumstances. The donkey alone
placed in the mouth of Balaam, that he is called 'my God', sees the figure in the road; twice it is able to avoid a confronta-
converses with him, and is accepted as a matter of course by tion, but the third time it proves impossible and so it lies down
the visitors, is remarkable. Such a usage expresses, not a under Balaam. Each time Balaam strikes the donkey, becom-
historical judgement, but the narrator's conviction that the ing angry (like God in v. 22) the third time. God opens the
god with whom Balaam had to do is none other than YHWH donkey's mouth and it questions Balaam about its mis-
(cf Ex 15:15; Gen 26:28). The divine enquiry into the visitors' treatment. Balaam thinks that he has been made to look the
identity (v. 9) is designed to elicit the response Balaam gives; fool; if he had had a sword, he would have killed the animal.
how he responds—absolute divine foreknowledge is not as- When the donkey queries him about their long history
sumed—will shape the nature of God's response. God prohi- together, Balaam admits that the donkey has not acted this
bits Balaam from going to Moab to curse Israel, for they are way before.
blessed (see 6:22-7). Balaam obeys God and recounts the At this point God opens Balaam's eyes so that he can see as
divine refusal to the visitors (both acts relate to Balaam's the donkey sees. When he sees the angel with drawn sword he
faithfulness to God), who report back to Balak but without falls on his face, presumably pleading for his life. It was not
any reference to God (v. 14). the donkey who was against him but God. The angel gives the
Readers would expect such a reply from God and think this reason for the confrontation, noting that if it had not been for
is the end of the matter, but not Balak: he sends a larger and the donkey's manceuverings, he would have killed Balaam.
more distinguished delegation, who make a more attractive Balaam responds that, though he did not know that God
offer—promising honour and writing a blank cheque (v. 17). opposed him, he has sinned; he offers to return home if God
Even with such a tempting offer, Balaam again demonstrates remains displeased. But God renews the commission (v. 35)
his faithfulness by consulting with 'YHWH my God' and and Balaam proceeds.
telling the visitors that he is subject exactly (not 'less or The three episodes of Balaam with his donkey are mirrored
more', v. 18) to the divine command. In view of Balaam's in the first three oracles of 22:41-24:13. These oracles show
demonstrated and promised faithfulness, God changes the that the experiences of Balaam with his donkey parallel the
strategy and commands him to go and do 'only what I tell you to experiences of Balak with Balaam. The donkey's experience
do' (v. 20), a word which the reader is led to think God can now becomes Balaam's experience. Just as the donkey is caught
speak with more confidence. Balaam goes, but the reader is between God's threatening presence and Balaam's increasing
left to wonder what God might tell him to do. anger so Balaam is caught between God's insistence on bles-
What follows is surprising (v. 22), probably to both ancient sing and Balak's increasing anger about the curse. From
and modern readers (in view of various disjunctions most another angle, Balaam's difficulties with the donkey are like
regard w. 22-35 as a later interpolation). The reader (but not God's experience with Balaam. It is a conflict of wills. Balaam
Balaam) is told of God's anger because he departed (for the has to be brought more certainly to the point where he will
translation, 'as he was going', see Ashley 1993:454—5); indeed, allow God to use him as God sees fit (see v. 38). God will open
God has become Balaam's 'adversary'. To create curiosity Balaam's mouth just as God opened the donkey's mouth
about the reason, the narrator delays informing the reader (v. 28). From still another angle, the donkey becomes a God
until v. 32, where it is clear that God still has questions about figure)!), speaking for God and reflecting God's relationship to
Balaam's faithfulness, remarkable in view of his responses in Balaam (w. 28—30). God has been mistreated by Balaam along
w. 13—21. This strange encounter thus amounts to a 'blind' the journey because Balaam thinks this trip is making him
test. The reader will remember Jacob in GEN 32:22-32 and look the fool. The donkey reminds Balaam of their long life
Moses in EX 4:24-6, both of whom encounter a God who together and his faithfulness to him.
creates trials as they embark upon a new venture relative to Having arrived at the boundary of Moab (v. 36), Balaam is
God's call. The language is also similar to Joshua's experience greeted by Balak, who chides him for his initial refusal. Ba-
(JOSH 5:13-15). At the end of this test (v. 35), God's command to laam responds by saying, rhetorically, that he does not have
Balaam remains the same as it was in v. 20—to speak only the power 'to say just anything' (v. 38). What God puts in his
what God tells him. mouth, as with the prophets (see Jer 1:9; 15:16; Ezek 2:8—3:3),
But to get to that goal, the narrator makes use of fable this is what he must say (cf. Jer 20:7—9).
motifs with a talking donkey (cf. GEN 3:1-6; JUDG 9:7-15) to
portray the test. God here uses irony and humour to get (22:41-24:13) Balaam's first three oracles. The first two ora-
through to Balaam. The donkey becomes his teacher (!), one cles are integral to the surrounding narrative; the third (as
who sees the things of God (including potential disaster) more with the fourth) is less so but still has close links. Each situa-
clearly than Balaam sees and subverts Balaam's supposed tion contains seven similar elements; the third time around
powers. Balaam's treatment of the donkey during the journey breaks the pattern in key ways (cf. Olson 1996: 145-7):
is a sign of his unfaithfulness; he does not see the God who i. Balak brings Balaam to a high point overlooking the
stands before him in increasingly inescapable ways and re- Israelite camp (22:41; 23:13—14, 27—8), a people so vast he
spond appropriately (cf. Joshua in JOSH 5:13-15). The donkey is cannot see them all (23:13). The place changes each time and
NUMBERS 128

Balak hopes that the venue (and the sight of a smaller portion strong deliverer, imaged as strong animals (23:22; 24:8—9),
of the people) might change the word spoken; in the third and will defeat Israel's enemies (24:8—9).
instance Balak uses (will of) God language (23:27). But the 6. Balak's reactions to Balaam's oracles are increasingly
place makes no difference, and he finally sees all the people negative, issuing finally in anger and dismissal (23:11, 25-6;
(24:2). 24:10—11). But Balak comes to recognize that Balaam's God is
2. Balak builds seven altars and sacrifices a bull and a ram the one with whom he has to do (23:17, 27) and finally blames
on each (23:1—2, 14, 29—30), the first and the last at Balaam's YHWH for the fact that Balaam will not be paid for his
request. Sacrifices were a typical part of the diviner's art, services (24:11).
perhaps to appease the deity and to look for omens in the 7. Balaam's response to Balak in each case is a testimony to
entrails. Balaam's purpose may be to show Balak that he is the word of God (23:12, 26; 24:12—13). That he must'take care'
proceeding in a proper manner. But, in fact, divination is seen to say what God has put in his mouth again indicates that he
to be bankrupt as a means of revelation (23:23; 24:1). does have other options. But he knows he must speak in view
3. Balaam twice turns aside from the offerings to consult of the source of the words.
with YHWH, but the third time he does not look for omens'
(24:14-25) Balaam's fourth oracle stands outside the form
(24:1; diviner's language is used for consulting with YHWH).
delineated above and comes directly from Balaam, with no
In the first case, he is uncertain that YHWH will meet him
reference to the spirit ofthe Lord (as in 24:2), but with a claim
and informs God about the offerings (23:3-4); the second time
that he himself 'knows the knowledge of the Most High'
he is certain and says nothing about offerings (23:15).
(24:16). This oracle is suddenly introduced as Balaam's word
4. God twice meets Balaam and puts a word in his mouth
to Balak upon his departure, a word that ironically makes clear
and commands him to return and speak that word (23:5,16).
that Balak and Moab are expressly in Israel's future. Israel will
God's insistence on what he must say recognizes that Balaam
bring Moab (24:17, and perhaps Ir in 24:19; cf. 22:36), Edom,
does have options. It becomes increasingly clear, even to Balak
and the other peoples in the region (the Shethites) under the
(23:17), that God reveals through the word, not divination. In
aegis of Israel and its God and will be exalted among the
the third instance, the spirit of God comes upon him (see
nations.
11:17, 25~6) without consultation after he 'sets his face' and
The means by which this will be accomplished is anticip-
'sees' Israel's situation (24:2).
ated in the kingdom language of 24:7; God will raise up a star
5. Balaam speaks God's blessings on Israel rather than
and sceptre (the future 'him') of 24:170; from the tribe of
curses. The blessings become less descriptive, more future
Judah, for whom lion imagery is also used (see Gen 49:9—
oriented, and more properly blessings as one moves through
10), and Israel will be established among the nations (24:17-
the four oracles. Even more, those who curse Israel will them-
20). These royal images are usually associated with the Davi-
selves be cursed, while those who bless will be blessed (24:9).
dic dynasty and its victories over Moab and Edom (2 Sam 8:2,
Prominent throughout is the language of seeing; the one who
12—14) and have been messianically interpreted.
did not see the purposes of God (22:22-30) now does see them
The obscure (and possibly added) brief oracles against the
(23:9, 21, 23—4; 24:3—4,15—17). Indeed, the clarity of his seeing
nations (24:20-4) name the Amalekites (cf. its king Agag,
increases over the course of the oracles; the most expansive
24:7, and i SAM 15; 30); the Kenites (Kain), a subgroup ofthe
claims are the 'knowledge' of 24:16 and the seeing into the
Midianites; Assyria (or an obscure tribal group, Gen 25:3);
future of 24:17. Falling down but alert (24:4,16) may refer to a
Eber (perhaps another tribal group in the area); and the
qualified ecstatic reception of God's word.
Philistines or other sea people (Kittim). The oracles announce
Balaam 'sees' Israel's history and God's promises, moving
their ultimate demise. In all of these events Israel's God will
from the past through the present to a more and more specific
be the chief actor (24:23).
future: election from among the nations (23:9); promise (and
But the Moabites come back to haunt Israel almost imme-
fulfilment) of many descendants, like the dust of the earth
diately. The Israelites remain at the boundary of Moab across
(23:10; see Gen 13:16, 28:14), an(^ blessing (24:9, cf. GEN 12:3);
from Jericho.
exodus (23:22; 24:8); God's presence among them and his
care in the wilderness (23:21; cf. 24:5-6). He anticipates a (25:1-18) The Final Rebellion Scholars agree that this chapter
successful conquest, as both Israel and God are imaged as combines two separate stories about Israelite men and foreign
lions (22:23—4; 24:7~9)> me rise of the monarchy and specific women (often assigned to JE and P), with a conclusion that
conquests relating thereto (24:7,17-19). The overall scene for assumes both stories. The second story may have been added
Balaam is a blessed people: numerous, confident, flourishing, to illustrate the first and to raise up the stature ofthe Aaronic
powerful, and its king is God. In Balaam's words (23:io):'let line (at the expense of Moses?). The chapter is highly con-
my end be like his!' densed and the reader must fill in many gaps. The focus is
Balaam 'sees' some of Israel's basic convictions about God. violation ofthe first commandment, the first notice of idolatry
God is not a human being, is not deceptive, blesses Israel, since Ex 32 (for parallels, see Olson 1996: 153-4), anomalous
reveals his word to people such as Balaam, and makes prom- given God's blessings in chs. 22—4. In these events the old
ises and keeps them (23:19—20). The claim that God has generation seems finally to die off (14:26—35; 26:64—5). Th£
spoken and will not change his mind (23:19) refers to these decks are cleared for the new generation (whose census fol-
promises for Israel and is not a general statement about divine lows in ch. 26).
immutability (see Gen 6:5-6; Ex 32:14) or a general claim The first story (w. 1—5; cf. Deut 4:3—4) involves Moabite
about prophecy (see Jer 18:7—10). This God chooses to dwell women who, through acts of prostitution, invite Israelite
among this people and is acclaimed as their king (23:21), is a males into idolatrous practices associated with the god
 129 NUMBERS

(sing.) Baal, the Canaanite god of Peor (on Balaam's advice, is killed for his participation in Israel's apostasy. The condem-
31:16). God tells Moses to impale the chiefs of Israel so thatthe nation of a Simeonite, when combined with the actions of
anger of God is turned away from Israel; no notice is given of Levites and Reubenites in ch. 16, means that the curse on
obedience (unusual in Numbers; a failure of Moses?). Moses these three tribes in Jacob's last testament (Gen 49:1-7) is
issues a different command, namely to kill only the idolaters brought to completion (see Douglas 1993: 194—5).
(also not executed), w. 8—9 speak of a severe plague, which
v. 18 and 31:16 associate with the idolatry of Peor, and must The New Generation on the Plains ofMoah (26:1-36:13)
have begun in 25:3 (cf weeping in 25:7). Because the wrath of
The balance of Numbers (all Priestly material) contains little
God was not turned away by following God's command to
narrative in the usual sense, though enough to keep the law
execute a few, a more devastating plague occurred, a working
and narrative rhythm alive (see chs. 31; 32). Various statutes
out of the consequences of the deed (see NUM 1:53; 14).
and lists are presented that prepare Israel for its life in the
The second story (w. 6-15) involves a relationship between
land.
a Midianite woman and a Simeonite; the detail given in w. 14-
This census marks the beginning of the new generation
15 testifies to their status (and may link the man with v. 4). The
without the presence of the old (see NUM c.2). Given the
phrase 'into his family' (v. 6) suggests marriage, but the
obedient preparations for the journey in chs. i—10, the reader
Hebrew is 'to his brothers'; the tabernacle setting suggests
may wonder whether anything external can be developed to
something more sinister, as does the word 'trickery' in v. 18
prevent the rebellions of a new generation. The oracles of
(36631:16). He did this 'in the sight of Moses' and afflsraelites
Balaam, however, have made it clear that God will be true to
as they voiced their lament to God at the tabernacle. The
promises made, and those promises have been focused on
wrong committed is uncertain, but the combination of mar-
this new generation by God himself (14:24, 31). From the
riage to a Midianite (paired with idolatrous Moabites, v. 18)
assumptions of land ownership and allocation in chs. 27—36,
and the defiance exhibited in parading themselves before the
this new generation will inherit the land, regardless of what it
lamenting people suggests idolatrous practice.
does. Hence, these chapters have a promissory force (see NUM
Perhaps Moses had difficulty acting because he himself had
married a Midianite. In any case, the blatant act exhibited in 15)-
Yet this does not lessen the call to be faithful (Caleb and
his sight was serious enough to call for a decisive response.
Joshua stand as examples) and so chs. 27-36 (and Deutero-
Moses' failure entails two instances of disobedience in quick
nomy, also addressed to the new generation) seek to assist
succession. But Phinehas, grandson of Aaron, does not hesi-
Israel in its faithfulness through new orderings of a commu-
tate. He enters their tent (perhaps a nearby shrine?—the
nity confronted with many of the same issues. Many signs of
Hebrew word occurs only here) and pierces them through.
hope will surface, not least the complete absence of death
The single act suggests they were having intercourse and the
notices. But this picture dare not contribute to undue opti-
tabernacle vicinity suggests an act of cultic prostitution, which
mism. Deut 28—31 will make it clear that this new generation
would link back to v. i. The effect of his action (in effect a
will be no more faithful than the old and will experience many
'sacrifice') was to 'make atonement for the Israelites' (v. 13; cf.
of the same failures and consequences (see Deut 29:22-8;
16:46—8) and stop the plague, which God's command to
31:20-9). On parallels between Num 1-25 and 26-36, see
Moses in v. 4 had called for, and Phinehas now fulfils at least
Olson (1996: 158—9).
in part. God interprets this action as a zeal exercised on behalf
Characteristic of chs. 27—36 is the recognition that older law
of the divine jealousy (the related Hebrew words show that
may need to change in view of new life situations. The heart of
God's zeal became Phinehas's), which links the action to
the matter is community justice and stability; for that reason
idolatry (see Ex 34:14-16; Hos 9:10). So, this is a zeal for the
God becomes engaged in social and economic change. Such
first commandment (and the first reference to Baal, which
ongoing divine involvement witnesses to a dynamic under-
may account for the god's later infamy, e.g. Ps 106:28).
standing of law, in which the tradition is reinterpreted for the
This action of Phinehas becomes the basis for God's estab-
sake of life in a new situation. Instead of an immutable,
lishing with the Aaronides an everlasting covenant of peace,
timeless law, Israel insists on a developing process in which
which is interpreted to mean a covenant of perpetual priest-
experience in every sphere of life is drawn into the orbit of law,
hood ('my' means that its fulfilment is solely dependent on
but always in the service of life and the flourishing of com-
God). What is new, given earlier divine commitments to
munity.
Aaron (Ex 29:9; 40:15; cf. Mai 2:4-5)? Covenant (of peace)
language is new (see Isa 54:10; Ezek 34:25), suggesting a (26:1-65) The Census of the New Generation The second
formalization of a prior commitment. census begins as did the first (cf. v. 2 with 1:2—3), with military
This text may reflect later priestly rivalries. The status of service in mind, Eleazar replacing his father Aaron, and land
Phinehas is raised up over Aaron's other son Ithamar (whose allotment issues paramount. The reference to all these per-
descendants were banished by Solomon, i Kings 2:26-7) and sons having come out of Egypt seems strange; perhaps this is
God's commitment to Phinehas, whose descendants were how they identify themselves as a community. See GEN 46:8-
Zadokites (i Chr 6:4—10; Ezek 44:15), is eternal. 24, whose list of seventy individuals have here—basically—
The conclusion (w. 16-18) combines elements from both become seventy clans (cf. also i Chr 2-8). Even with the fail-
stories (known to Num 31:8-16 and Ps 106:28-31). The divine ures of certain tribal groups and the diminishment of num-
word to 'harass [be an enemy to] the Midianites' is directly bers, the twelve-tribe reality remains intact here (only
correspondent to their harassment of Israel; see NUM 31, Manasseh and Ephraim are inverted). The listing focuses on
where Israel goes to war against the Midianites and Balaam clans rather than individuals (for land allotment); the totals
NUMBERS I30

are given for each tribe and the total for all: 601,730 compared originally stood here (or after 36:13) and concluded an earlier
to 603,550 in 1:46. Even with all the deaths in chs. 11—25, me version of the 'Pentateuch'.
numbers remain essentially the same. God's blessings have The need for a successor to Moses on the eve of the entry
been at work behind the scenes. into the land is made clear by his (and Aaron's) earlier rebel-
Several events of previous chapters are recalled, the rebel- lion (v. 14; see 20:12). It is striking that Moses is the one who
lion of Korah and the Reubenites (w. 9—11; cf also v. 19), the initiates the issue of succession (v. 15), appealing to God as
deaths of Er and Onan (v. 19; cf. Gen 38:3—10), the deaths of Creator, the one who gives breath (spirit) to all people (see
Nadab and Abihu (v. 61; cf. Lev 10:1-2), and a reference to 16:22), in an apparent reference to God as the one who has
Jochebed, the mother of Moses (v. 59). Another reference to given Joshua the spirit, a specific charisma for leadership
women anticipates events yet to occur (v. 33), and is the reason (27:18; cf. 11:17, 2 ^J Deut 34:9). Joshua has been an 'assistant'
for the lengthier generation list of Manasseh. A new reason to Moses since the Exodus (11:28; Ex 24:13; 33:11). Here his
for the census is given in w. 52-6, i.e. land apportionment is responsibilities are especially associated with leading the Is-
to be based on tribal size after the conquest is complete raelites in battle (see Ex 17:8—14), the basic meaning of'go out
(though the location of land will be based on lot, a means of before them and come in before them' (27:17, 21; Josh 14:11).
eliminating human bias). Such a method sought to ensure a Yet the image of sheep and shepherd suggests a more com-
fair distribution of the land to the various families. prehensive leadership role, even royal in its basic sense (see 2
The Levites are also newly enrolled (cf. 3:14-39, with an Sam 5:2).
increase of 1,000), separately as before (1:48—9), with refer- In response to Moses, God commands him to take Joshua
ence to the absence of tribal allotment (18:23—4). As God had and commission him by laying his hand upon him, a sym-
said (14:20-35), no member of the old generation is still alive bolic act signifying the transfer of authority through which
except Caleb and Joshua and, for a time, Moses. God was active (so v. 20; cf. 8:10-11; Deut 34:9). The investi-
(27:1-11) The Daughters of Zelophehad Because ancestral ture is public, before 'all the congregation', so that it is clear
lands are to be kept within the tribe (see Lev 25; i Kings that he is the one whom the people are to obey (v. 20). The act
21:1—4), a way t° pass on the inheritance must be found if a is also to take place before Eleazar the high priest (see 20:22-
man has no sons. In such cases daughters may inherit; that 9), to whom Joshua is responsible with respect to the discern-
possibility is here given Moses' blessing (it occurs in Josh ment of the will of God (esp. regarding battle) through the use
17:3—6). A restriction is added in 36:1—2, providing an indusio of Urim and Thummim (see EX 28:29—30). The latter explains
for Num 27—36 (for less restrictive practices in that world, see why only'some' of Moses' authority was given to Joshua (v. 20;
Milgrom 1990: 482-4). cf. Moses' role in 12:6-8; Deut 34:10; Josh 1:7-8). Moses did as
The daughters of Zelophehad take the initiative with Moses God had commanded him.
in pursuing inheritance rights inasmuch as their father had (28:1—29:40) Offerings for Life in the Land In chs. 28—9 offer-
no sons (see the census, 26:33). The allusion to their father not ings are instituted for various regular and festival occasions
being with Korah may refer to the 250 laymen of 16:2; 'his (the number seven is prominent throughout) for Israel's life
own sins' may refer to the old generation (26:64-5). They note in the land. They assume all previous texts in the Pentateuch
that their father's name would still be associated with this regarding these matters (e.g. LEV 23; cf. NUM 7; 15; DEUT 16:1—
land (27:4); apparently their sons would pass on the name (see 17) and may be a late addition. Whereas the opening chapters
36:1-12; Ezra 2:61). Moses consults with God, who agrees of Numbers centre on the spatial ordering of the community,
with the daughters. In addition, God decrees other ways in these ordinances focus on its temporal ordering, in anticipa-
which the inheritance is to be passed on in the absence of tion of a more settled life in the land. By marking out these
sons, with preference given to direct lineage (see Sakenfeld times Israel placed itself in tune with God's temporal ordering
1995). Levirate marriage (Deut 25:5-10) was probably not in creation, a rhythm and regularity essential for the life God
applicable here, either because the mother was dead or no intends for all (for links to Gen i, see Olson 1996: 170-3). At
longer of child-bearing age. these times through the year Israel is to be attentive to offer-
Israel's patrilineal system sought to ensure the endurance ings given by God in and through which God acted for the
of the family name (see 27:4; Deut 25:5-6), a questionable sake of the life and well-being of the community (indeed, the
issue from a modern perspective; yet, such a concern sought cosmos). For a convenient summary of the significance of
to safeguard a just distribution of land among the tribes (see offerings, see Nelson (1993).
36:1—12). These women challenge the practice that only males (28:1—2) introduces all the offerings (brought by the people)
inherit land; yet their appeal remains fundamentally oriented that belong wholly to YHWH (whole burnt offerings; purifica-
in terms of their father's name (w. 3-4), perhaps practising tion or 'sin' offerings; each with meal and drink offerings, cf.
politics as the art of the possible. So they commendably NUM 15) for the various times. This totals thirty days of the year
challenge current practice, and take an important step toward (252 total male animals—lambs (140), rams (20), bulls (79),
greater gender equality, but they do not finally (seek to) over- and goats (13) for the purification offerings), besides the daily
turn the patrilineal system. (See Fishbane 1985: 98-105.) and sabbath offerings (two lambs in each case). 29:39-40
(27:12-23) From Moses to Joshua This segment describes the concludes the list, with a list of private offerings not covered
transfer of authority from Moses to Joshua. A good case can be here. On 'pleasing odour' (28:2, 24) see NUM 15:3.
made, especially given the reference to the death of Moses The first three offerings (28:3—15) mark the basic temporal
(v. 13), that the report of Moses' death (now in Deut 34; note frame of days, weeks, and months. The remainder mark out
also the similarity between Num 27:12-14 and 06^32:48-52) the festival year, set primarily in terms of the beginning of the
 131 NUMBERS
two halves of the year, the first month (Passover and Unlea- a request, often in crisis (see 21:2; Jacob in GEN 28:20—2;
vened Bread) and the seventh month (Rosh Hashanah, Day of Jephthah in JUDG 11:30—1; Hannah in i SAM 1:11).
Atonement, and Booths), with Weeks between these major Three categories of women whose vows are conditional are
seasons. These three festival periods are closely timed to presented: those who are still in their father's house and
Israel's three harvest times, and in time become associated under his authority (w. 3—5); women who are under vows
with three events of Israel's early history (Exodus; giving of the (even rash ones, see Lev 5:4) at the time they are married,
law; wilderness wanderings). vows not annulled by the father (w. 6—8); women who are
(28:3—8) Daily (continual) Offerings (tamid), offered every married and under their husband's authority (w. 10-15). Wi-
day (even on special days) at dawn and dusk, the points of dows and divorcees are excluded because they are under no
transition between night and day. See EX 29:38—42. man's authority (v. 9).
In the cases presented essentially the same principles are
(28:9—10) Sabbath Offerings, which help focus on that hal-
operative. If a father or husband disapproves of a vow, he must
lowed seventh day of creation, separated from all other days.
speak up at the time he hears (of) the vow (not least a vow to
No purification offering is presented on the sabbath because
fast, v. 13) or the vow stands. If the father or husband disap-
of the theme of joyfulness.
proves, the vow is annulled, the woman is forgiven by God and
(28:11-15) Monthly (New Moon) Offerings. Cf. NUM 10:10. is to suffer no consequences. The fourth case is expanded
(28:16-25) Passover and Unleavened Bread, celebrated in the (3:14-15): if a husband annuls his wife's vow after some time
first month, v. 16 assumes the provisions for Passover (see has passed, then he (not she) will be guilty of breaking the vow
9:1—14; Ex 12:1—27; Deut 16:1—8). Unleavened bread (w. 17—25; and will have to suffer the (unspecified) consequences (see
see Ex 13:3-10) was celebrated on the seven days following Deut 23:21).
Passover; it was begun and concluded with a 'holy convoca- These statutes assume dependence of the woman upon the
tion', on which days there was to be no occupational work. man rather than a culture of reciprocity. They protect both
(28:26-31) Festival of First Fruits (Weeks; Harvest; Pente- men (from having the responsibility to fulfil a vow a woman
cost), one day with no occupational work. Celebrated fifty days has made) and, to a lesser extent, women (whose vows remain
(a sabbath plus seven times seven days) after Unleavened intact unless there is immediate male response). Lines of
Bread at the start of the wheat harvest (June). See LEV 23:15- responsibility are thus clearly drawn. The overarching con-
21; DEUT 16:9—12. cern is that voiced in v. 2—individuals are to keep their word.
Failed promises adversely affect one's relationship to God and
(29:1—6) The first day of the seventh month is the traditional
disrupt the stability of a community.
New Year's Day (this time in the autumn is thought to be the
first month in an older agricultural year calendar, cf Ex 23:16; (31:1—54) War Against the Midianites This narrative (with
34:22). This is an occasion for a holy convocation, with no 32:1—42) focuses on traditions associated with Israel's con-
occupational work. The shofar is blown (v. i); on blowing the quests and settlement in the Transjordan. It is often called a
trumpets at the appointed festivals, see NUM 10:10. Midrash, with its frequent reference to prior texts in Numbers
and its exaggerations (e.g. the amount of spoil and that no
(29:7—11) Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), celebrated on the
Israelite warrior was lost in battle, v. 49). Certainly the entire
tenth day of the seventh month, with a holy convocation,
narrative is idealized, probably in the interests of the portrayal
fasting, and no work at all (as on sabbath). See LEV 16:29-34;
of the new generation, though a nucleus seems rooted in
23:26-32.
some event.
(29:12—38) Tabernacles (Booths; Sukkot; Ingathering) is the w. i—2 pick up the story line from 25:17—18. God had com-
autumn harvest festival. Celebrated from the fifteenth day manded Israel to attack the Midianites in response to their
(when there was no occupational work) of the month for seven corresponding attacks on Israel, v. 16 interprets this harass-
days, offerings are specified for each day, with many more ment in terms of Moabite/Midianite—merged here—wo-
animals than at other festivals. Fewer offerings are ordered for men, at the instigation of Balaam, seducing Israelite men
an eighth day, a day of'solemn assembly' (the seventh one for into idolatrous practices. Israel's obedient response to God's
the year) with no occupational work, which ends the celebra- command is military in character and is interpreted as 'aven-
tion. See LEV 23:33-6, DEUT 16:13-15. ging' (n-q-m) Israel and God (w. 2-3). But the language of
The large number of animals and amounts of produce 'vengeance' for n-q-m is problematic; preferred is the sense
anticipate settlement in a land of abundance. These statutes of vindication, to seek redress for past wrongs. Israel is
will help the wilderness community face into the future. God's instrument of judgement against the Midianites,
(30:1-16) Vows and their Limits The mention of votive offer- which would vindicate the honour of both God and the
ings in 29:39 perhaps provides the link to this material (see Israelites.
LEV 7:16—18; 22:17—25; 27; NUM 15:1—10). These statutes in This narrative is also linked to two earlier successful battles
casuistic style (cf. DEUT 23:21—3) concern vows or pledges against Canaanites and Amorites (21:1-3, 2I ~35)> each waged
(neder) made by men (v. 2), who are bound by their word, according to holy war principles in which their entire popula-
and by women who are as well (w. 3—15). But women are tions were destroyed (cf. Josh 6:20—1; 10:28—42). This battle
usually (v. 9) bound to their vows within limits placed by the takes a somewhat different turn. It has the earmarks of a Holy
actions of a father or husband. These are (sworn) promises to War, with the presence of the priest as 'chaplain' (see Deut
God ('oath' is used with human beings) related to service 20:2-4; Phinehas rather than Eleazar because of Lev 21:11)
(nazirite, 6:2) or in exchange for the (potential) fulfilment of and the sanctuary vessels (v. 6, presumably including the ark,
NUMBERS I32

14:44) and the sounding of alarm (10:9). Only 1,000 men On the offensiveness of these holy war practices, see NUM
from each tribe are engaged, a small percentage of those 21:1—3. This victory is the first of the new generation and bodes
available (26:51; cf Judg 7:2-8; 21:10-12). The battle itself is well for the future.
only briefly described (w. 7-8) and every male (including
Balaam) is killed and their towns destroyed (v. 10; cf. Josh (32:1—42) Early Land Settlement Issues This chapter reports a
13:21—2). The presence of Midianites in Judg 6—8 would seem crisis among members of the new generation regarding land
to question this, but there were other Midianite clans (see settlement to the east of the Jordan (outside the usual defini-
Hobab in 10:29-32). Then (unlike Num 21) the women and tion of Canaan, but present in some texts, GEN 15:16-21, Exod
children (and animals) are not killed but taken captive and 23:31). Its resolution by means of compromise stands in sharp
(with other booty) brought before Moses, Eleazar, and the contrast to earlier experiences (see 32:6—13) and witnesses to a
congregation (v. 12). This action represents a variation in the change in this Israelite generation.
practice of Holy War as outlined in Deut 20:13-18 (and 21:10- The focus is on tribes who settled in the highlands of Gilead
14), where a distinction is made between the peoples of Ca- east of the Jordan river—Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of
naan (including Amorite areas where some tribes settled, Manasseh (see also Deut 3:12—20; Josh 13:8—32; 22:1—34).
32:33) and others more distant. Apparently the Midianites These tribes receive a somewhat mixed evaluation here and
are considered among the latter, though qualified in view of elsewhere in the tradition (see 16:1; Gen 49:3-4; Josh 22:10-
Israel's prior history with them (ch. 25). 34; Judg 5:15-17; 11:29-40; i Chr 5:23-6).
Moses expresses anger that captives have been taken, or at In 21:21—35 the Israelites had defeated the Amorite kings
least that 'all the women' have (w. 14—15). He isolates 'these Sihon and Og and obliterated their communities; this hap-
women here', because they were involved in the Peor apostasy. pened at God's command (21:34). This theological point is
But he commands not only that they be killed, but all women correctly made by Reuben and Gad (32:4) in their request for
who are not virgins (because all are suspect?) and all male this territory as their possession (32:1—5). These areas with
children (certainly a genocidal move), while female virgins their fertile pasture lands were now 'vacant', and their avail-
can be preserved alive 'for yourselves', as wives or slaves ability attracted the attention of these cattle-rich tribes (later
(w. 16-18). No word from the Lord is given regarding this joined by the half-tribe of Manasseh, 32:33-42).
matter (common in Numbers), and there is no arbitration, so Their final words, 'do not make us cross the Jordan', trigger
the reader might ask how legitimate it is. One cannot help but Moses' memories of past disasters associated with reluctance
wonder if the unmarried women were checked one by one! to enter the land (32:8-15; see NUM 13-14), 'land' here under-
The text informs the reader only indirectly that these com- stood to mean Canaan. Moses questions whether they are
mands of Moses were carried out (see v. 35). trying to avoid upcoming battles; indeed, he considers them
The commands regarding purification for persons (soldiers 'a brood of sinners' (v. 14) who repeat the unfaithfulness
and captives) and organic materials which have come into exhibited by the spies, the effects of which he rehearses, and
contact with the dead are begun by Moses (w. 19-20; in terms which could now recur with even more disastrous conse-
of NUM 19, as is v. 24) and extended by Eleazar (w. 21—3, quences—the destruction of Israel.
in terms of a word of God to Moses not previously reported) But, unlike Israel in chs. 13—14, these tribes propose a
with respect to distinctions between flammable and non- compromise (w. 16-19). They will settle in the Transjordan
flammable (metallic) items. and leave their families and animals behind. And they will
w. 25—47 f°cus on me distribution of the spoil. God speaks fight, indeed serve in the vanguard of the Israelites as they
for the first time since v. 2 (w. 25—30) with commands regard- move across the Jordan. They will not return to their homes
ing the disposition of captives and booty. They are to be until 'all the Israelites' are secure and they will not inherit any
divided evenly between the warriors and the rest of the con- of those lands (w. 16-19).
gregation (cf. i Sam 30:24). One in 500 of the warriors' items Moses responds positively, if cautiously, and mention of
are to be given to the priests as an offering to the Lord; one in God is especially prominent. Picking up on the 'vanguard' of
fifty of the congregation's items (more because of less risk) are v. 16, they are to go 'before the LORD' (w. 20-2), that is, before
to be given to the Levites (see NUM 18:8-32 for other such the ark (see JOSH 4:12-13; 6:7-13). If they follow through on
portions; cf. also NUM 7). This command is carried out (v. 31) their agreement they have fulfilled their obligation. If they do
and w. 32—47 detail the disposition and quantity of the spoil; not, they can be sure that their sin will find them out (w. 20—
the total—just of the officers!—is immense: 808,000 ani- 4). The effects of sin are here understood to have an intrinsic
mals, 32,000 young women, and (from v. 52) 16,750 shekels relationship to the deed and such effects will in time reveal
of gold. w. 48—54 deal with non-living booty. The officers what they have done (see NUM 14).
approach Moses with information that no Israelite was killed Gad and Reuben, using deferential language ('your ser-
and announce their gift to YHWH of the precious metals each vants', 'my lord'), agree with those terms (w. 25-7). And so
soldier (v. 53 includes everyone) had taken. These valuables Moses commands Eleazar, Joshua, and tribal heads to witness
are brought to Moses to make atonement for themselves and and honour (he will soon be dead) this agreement and these
as a memorial before God—through tabernacle furnishings tribes formally and publicly agree (w. 28—32). If these tribes
made from the metals—regarding this event (w. 50, 54). The fail, they will have to take lands west of the Jordan (v. 30). The
need for atonement is usually linked to EX 30:11-16 and the words, 'As the LORD has spoken' (v. 31) are striking because the
taking of a military census, but this seems strained; it might text does not report God having so spoken; Moses' word seems
have to do with the taking of human life, not fully commanded to be as good as God's. When the agreement has been made,
by God in this case (see above). Moses gives the lands to these tribes, who rebuild Amorite
 133 NUMBERS
cities and rename them (w. 33-8; see JOSH 13:8-32 for land warning that will be more fully developed in Deuteronomy
allotments). (see esp. chs. 28—31).
The integration of the half-tribe of Manasseh (w. 33, 39—42) (34:1—29) The Apportionment ofthe Land This chapter de-
into the tribes settling in Transjordan comes as something of a lineates the boundaries ofthe promised land (w. 1-15) and the
surprise; it may be an old tradition added later (see 26:29-34; leaders who are to apportion that land among the tribes
Josh 13:29—32). They oust more Amorites for their lands, and (w. 16—29). Both are chosen by God. The content suggests
hence their situation is different from that of Gad and Reuben that the land will soon be in Israel's hands.
who possess already conquered lands. The land for two and The boundaries ofthe land of Canaan are idealized; they do
one-half tribes is thus already in place before the Jordan is not correspond to the boundaries known from any time dur-
crossed. ing Israel's history. On the other hand, the boundaries corres-
(33:1-49) The Wilderness Journey Remembered This pas- pond well to the Canaan known from Egyptian sources prior
sage is a recollection ofthe forty-two stages of Israel's journey to the Israelite settlement and a few other texts (see Josh 13-
through the wilderness, from Egypt (w. 3—5) to their present 19; Ezek 47:13-20). Several sites are not known and so the
situation across the Jordan (v. 49). Its placement may recog- boundaries cannot be determined with precision (see Mil-
nize the end ofthe journey narrative and the beginning ofthe grom 1990: 501—2).
land settlement. The itinerary is represented as something The southern border (w. 2-5) moves from the southern
Moses wrote at God's command (v. 2); it probably has its end ofthe Dead Sea south and west across the wilderness of
origin in one or more ancient itineraries that circulated in Zin to south of Kadesh to the Wadi of Egypt to the Mediterra-
Israel through the generations (see Milgrom 1990: 497-9). nean (the western boundary, v. 6). The northern border (w. 7—
Many sites are not mentioned elsewhere (w. 13,18-29); most 9) is less clear, extending from the Mediterranean to Mount
are not geographically identifiable. The itinerary is a surpris- Hor (not the southern mountain, 20:22-9) into southern
ingly 'secular' document; divine activity is mentioned only at Syria (Lebo-hamath). The boundary to the east moves from a
the beginning (v. 4) and at the death of Aaron (v. 38). This line north of the eastern slope of the Sea of Chinnereth
omission emphasizes the importance of human activity on (Galilee) down the Jordan river to the Dead Sea (w. 10-12).
this journey. Hence, the boundaries given here do not include Transjordan
The reader can recognize two uneven segments, up to and where two and one-half tribes had settled (v. 32), confirmed
following the death of Aaron (w. 38-9), perhaps betraying by Moses' statement (w. 13—15). From the perspective of v. 2
priestly interests, and the reference to the king of Arad (v. 40), (cf. 32:17; 33:51), Israel has not yet entered the land of its
perhaps because this is the first contact with Canaanites. Only inheritance. Yet God had commanded the destruction ofthe
v. 8 speaks ofthe travel time involved. Amorites (21:34) an(^ cities of refuge are assigned in the
The first segment is w. 3-37 (see Ex 12:37-19:1; Num 10:11- Transjordan (35:14). Deut 2:24—5 includes the area west of
20:29). Noteworthy is the detail regarding the Passover, and the Jordan.
the note about it as a battle among the gods (see v. 52; cf Ex Ten tribal leaders (not from Reuben and Gad) are appointed
12:12; 15:11). Strikingly, Sinai is simply another stop along the to apportion the land, generally listed from south to north
way (w. 15-16), with no mention ofthe giving ofthe law, and (w. 16—2 9). Eleazar and Joshua (v. 17) are to supervise the work.
the sea crossing is mentioned only in passing. The presence (35:1—34) Special Cities and Refinements in the Law These
and absence of water is raised (w. 9,14), perhaps because of its stipulations are given by God to Moses for the enhancement
import for the journey. This levelling ofthe journey to its bare of life for various persons in the new land. The taking of
bones highlights the journey itself rather than the events human life puts the land in special danger, w. i—8 allocate
along the way. cities for the Levites (for lists see Josh 21:1—42; i Chr 6:54—81).
The second segment (w. 41—9; see Num 21:1—22:1) moves Stipulations for land distribution in Num 34 are here contin-
quickly to the present situation (with a passing reference to ued, with provision for the Levites, who have no territorial
Mt. Nebo, the site of Moses' death and burial). rights (see 18:21—4; 26:62). Inasmuch as they will be active
(33:50—6) Directions for Conquest of Canaan This segment throughout the land (with unspecified functions more exten-
constitutes hortatory instructions from God to Moses regard- sive than care for the tabernacle, such as teaching), they are to
ing the nature ofthe attack on Canaan, which God has given be allotted forty-eight cities (six of which are cities of refuge,
for Israel to possess (v. 53). In possessing the land, they are to w. 9-15). These cities provide for their housing and for graz-
drive out (not exterminate; cf. Ex 23:23; Deut 7:1—6) all the ing lands for their livestock, though not as permanent posses-
present inhabitants, destroy their images and sanctuaries, sions (and others would live in them). 1,000 cubits (450 m.) in
and apportion the land by lot according to the size ofthe clans each direction from the town wall issues in a square of 2,000
(v. 54, essentially a repetition of 26:54-5, perhaps because of cubits per side (see Milgrom 1990: 502-4). The various tribes
the events of NUM 32). If they do not drive out the inhabitants will contribute cities according to their size.
(which is what actually happens; cf. JUDG 1:1—2:5; J Kings (35:9—15) institutes cities of refuge (cf. Ex 21:12—14; Deut
9:21), those left shall 'be as barbs in your eyes and thorns in 4:41-3; 19:1-3, 9; for a list see Josh 20:1-9). When established
your sides' (v. 55), which is what they prove to be over the years in the land, the people were to choose three cities of refuge on
(see Judg 2:11-3:6). The reader will recognize these themes each side ofthe Jordan (well distributed north to south). These
from EX 23:23—33 and 34:11—16; they anticipate such texts as cities were set aside as a place of asylum for persons (Israelite
Deut 12:2—4. Th£ final verse (v. 56) anticipates the destruc- or alien) who killed someone without intent, until their case
tions of Samaria and Jerusalem and the exiling of Israel, a could be properly tried. Their purpose was to ensure that
NUMBERS I34

justice was done and to prevent blood feuds. As long as such year property transfer would not return it to the family, be-
persons remained within one of these cities they were secure cause the property would have been inherited rather than sold
from the avenger. The avenger of blood (or redeemer, go'el; cf. (v. 4; see LEV 25:13—33). Moses agrees with this reasoning and
Lev 25:25, 47-9) was the relative of the deceased charged to apparently receives a word form the Lord on the matter (it may
ensure proper retribution for the sake of the land (see 35:33). be his interpretation of the 'word of the LORD' more generally,
These cities were probably functioning during the monarchial cf. Ex 18:23). The daughters may marry whom they wish, but it
period. must be from within their own tribe (common in patrilineal
(35:16-34) Distinctions are made in the homicide laws be- systems) so that the tribal allotment of every tribe remains as
tween murder (including death through negligence) and un- originally determined. The daughters of Zelophehad—Mah-
premeditated killing (on the intentional/unintentional lah, Tirzah, Hoglah, Milcah, and Noah—actually marry
distinction, see 15:22—31; Ex 21:13—14). The burden of proof is within their dan, sons of their father's brothers.
on the slayer. Those who murder another with intent, regard- The final verse in Numbers speaks of God's command-
less of the means or motivation (six examples are given, ments given through Moses since 22:1, when Israel arrived
w. 16-21), are to be put to death by the avenger (w. 19, 21), by the Jordan at Jericho. These commandments have been
though not without trial (v. 24 covers both cases, see below) essentially forward-looking, anticipating Israel's future life in
and, according to the supplement (w. 30—4), evidence of more the land. Inasmuch as Deuteronomy takes place over the
than one witness (v. 30; cf. Deut 19:15-21), and no monetary course of a single day, at the end of Numbers Israel's entrance
ransom ('loophole') is possible (v. 31). Murder pollutes the into the promised land is just hours away.
land and its wholeness, not least because God dwells there
(v. 34); only the blood of the killer can expiate the land, that is,
remove the impurity that the murder has let loose (w. 33-4). REFERENCES
The avenger's action is necessary for the sake of the future of
the land and its inhabitants. Ashley, T. R. (1993), The Book of Numbers, NICOT (Grand Rapids:
On the other hand, killing without intent and hostility Eerdmans).
Balentine, S. E. (1983), The Hiding of the Face of God (Oxford: Oxford
issues in a different response (w. 22-3). A trial is to be held
University Press).
(v. 24, outside the city of refuge, with national judges repre- Douglas, M. (1993), In the Wilderness: The Doctrine of Defilement in the
senting the congregation, cf. Deut 19:12; Josh 20:4—6) to Book of Numbers (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
decide whether the killing was truly unintentional. If so Fishbane, M. (1985), Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford:
decided, the slayer was returned to the city where he originally Oxford University Press).
took refuge (cf. Josh 20:6), where he remained until the high Fretheim, T. E. (1984), The Suffering of God: An Old Testament
priest died. Perspective, Overtures to Biblical Theology, (Philadelphia: Fort-
The cities of refuge were a kind of exile, a home away from ress).
home for those who killed unintentionally, so this was a (1991), Exodus, Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teach-
ing and Preaching (Louisville, Ky.: John Knox).
penalty. Because the city of refuge only masked the polluting
(1996), The Pentateuch, Interpreting Biblical Texts (Nashville:
effects of the murder, expiation was still necessary. This was Abingdon).
accomplished through the death of the high priest, which had Joines, K. R. (1974), Serpent Symbolism in the Old Testament: A
expiatory significance, issuing in a kind of general amnesty. Linguistic, Archaeological, and Literary Study (Haddonfield, NJ:
Only then was release possible. If the slayer left the city before Haddonfield House).
this happened (and no ransom was possible, v. 32), he was not Levine, B. (1993), Numbers 1—20: A New Translation with Introduction
protected from the avenger, whose actions would not incur and Commentary, Anchor Bible (New York: Doubleday).
guilt. Milgrom, J. (1990), Numbers, JPS Torah Commentary (Philadelphia:
Jewish Publication Society of America).
(36:1-13) Once Again: The Daughters of Zelophehad This Nelson, R. D. (1993), Raising Up a Faithful Priest: Community and
chapter picks up the issues raised by the daughters of Zelo- Priesthood in Biblical Theology (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John
phehad; they provide an indusio for Num 26—36. In 27:1—11 Knox).
they had requested Moses that they inherit their father's Olson, D. (1985), The Death of the Old and the Birth of the New: The
property inasmuch as he had no sons. They based their case Framework of the Book of Numbers and the Pentateuch, Brown Judaic
on the continuance of their father's name and his property in Studies, 71 (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press).
their clan (27:4). Now members of their tribe (Manasseh) Numbers, Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and
Preaching (Louisville, Ky.: John Knox).
come to Moses, recall the previous arrangement (v. 2), and
Sakenfeld, K. D. (1995), Journeying with God: A Commentary on the
ask for an interpretation in view of the fact that upon marriage Book of Numbers, International Theological Commentary on the Old
any property held by the wife became that of her husband. Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans).
Hence, if a daughter were to marry outside her tribe, the Wenham, G. J. (1981), Numbers: An Introduction and Commentary,
property would transfer to that tribe and Manasseh (in this Tyndale Old Testament Commentary (Downer's Grove, 111.: Inter-
case) would lose its full original allotment. Even the jubilee Varsity).
 8. Deuteronomy CHRISTOPH BULTMANN

INTRODUCTION Judges, Samuel, Kings). Thus, it is the opening of what is

known as the Deuteronomistic History and leads directly on
A. Character. Deuteronomy represents a major strand of Ju-
to the book of Joshua (Noth 1991; McKenzie 1994). In many
dean theology of the seventh to fifth centuries BCE. Its an-
instances, Deuteronomic laws function as criteria for the
onymous authors develop pivotal ideas such as the uniqueness
representation of Israel's history in the land during the period
of YHWH, the human love' and 'fear' of God (6:4—5, 2 4)> an(^
from the crossing of the river Jordan to the fall of Jerusalem.
the excellence and accessibility of Israel's law (4:5—8; 30:11—
The process of the formation of the Pentateuch loosened the
14). The book contains a version of the Decalogue and relates
literary link between Deuteronomy and its continuation.
all other laws to these basic commandments (ch. 5). It gives
expression to the ideas of a 'covenant' between YHWH and D. Literary Genre and Structure. 1. A clue to the problem of
Israel and of Israel's 'election' through YHWH (5:2; 7:6; genre lies in 1:5 which says that Moses set out 'to expound this
26:16-19). Deuteronomy focuses narrowly on Israel's land, law' (be'er 'el hattord hazzo't). From 1:6 to 30:20, Deuteron-
while at the same time viewing it from a perspective of ex- omy is a great oration with a didactic purpose. However, the
pectation (6:10—12, 17—18; 30:20). Its concern for the exclu- speaker is presented to the readers of Deuteronomy by a
siveness and purity of the worship of YHWH results in drastic narrator, who framed the oration with short narrative sections
admonitions about the conquest of the land (7:1-2; 12:1-4, in 1:1-5 and 34:1-12, thus making the oration the valedictory
29-31) and harsh regulations concerning apostasy (13:1-18; address of Moses before his death in the land east of the
17:2—7). Originally the document of a religious movement, the Jordan. This concept is also reflected in a few more instances
oldest parts of the book functioned as a law to enforce the where the voice of a narrator is heard in Deuteronomy (e.g.
centralization of the sacrificial cult at the temple in Jerusalem4:41-3, 44-9; 5:1; 27:1; 29:1, 2 (MT 28:69; 29:I); 3 I:I » 2 » 7»
(ch. 12) and as a law to promote social solidarity in Judah (ch. 9-10, and see Polzin 1993).
15). The spirit of Deuteronomy in regard to cultic matters may 2. Deuteronomy is a multifaceted oration. 'To expound tord
be grasped from the law on religious vows in 23:21—3 (MT 22— means more than just the transmission of a law code. The
4), and in regard to ethical matters from the law on just speaker relates the laws to the land as the area of their future
measures in 25:13-16. Deuteronomy reflects a tendency to- application as well as to the Decalogue as the essential compil-
wards rationalization within the Israelite religious tradition. ation of commandments for Israel. He instructs his audience
However, as the book developed over a long period, there are about the theological significance of the Torah and calls for
many tensions within it. faithful obedience. This gives Deuteronomy its unrivalled
paraenetic tone. The speaker also predicts the consequences
B. Name. The name 'Deuteronomy' is derived from the LXX
of violating the law and even hints at the prospects beyond.
where it is called deuteronomion, the 'second law'. This goes
The resulting structure of the oration is very complex indeed.
back to a misinterpretation of 17:18 by the LXX translators,
Historical reviews in 1:6-3:29; 5:1-33; 9:7-10:11 and parae-
where the expression misneh hattord means a 'copy of (this)
netic sections in 4:1-40; 6:4-9:6; 10:12-11:25 f°rm a prologue
law'. In the Jewish tradition, the name of the book is debdrim
to the laws in 12:1—26:15, a large collection of blessings and
(words), which is a name taken from the opening verse of the
curses in 28:1—68 and a further paraenetic section in 29:2—
book.
30:20 forms an epilogue to them. In addition, the speaker
C. Place within the Canon. 1. Deuteronomy is the fifth book of gives instructions for a future ritual commitment to the law
the Pentateuch. Its last chapter reports the death of Moses and after the crossing of the Jordan in 11:26—32 and 27:1—26. At
thus, on the plane of narrative, concludes the story of the the climax in 26:16—19, me speaker himself enacts a declara-
Exodus which began with the oppression of the Israelites tion of covenantal relationship between Israel (his audience)
and the call of Moses in Exodus. With its numerous references and YHWH. The overall form of an oration thus combines a
to the patriarchs it also relates to the patriarchal stories in number of distinct materials.
Genesis. Above all, Deuteronomy indicates the end of the era 3. Many attempts have been made to describe the literary
of divine legislation for Israel. All of the laws which Moses unity of Deuteronomy in more precise terms than that of an
delivers to the people were revealed to him at Mount Horeb oration. A basic structural pattern of four elements consisting
(which is called Mount Sinai in Exodus and Numbers). Ac- of a historical and paraenetic prologue—laws—covenant
cording to Deuteronomy, however, they were only promul- (26:16—19)—blessings and curses, was regarded as reflecting
gated by Moses towards the end of his life in the 'land of Moab' the pattern of a cultic ceremony (von Rad 1966). A similar
(except for the Decalogue). This concept allowed later re- basic pattern of four main elements, namely a historical
dactors of the Pentateuch to co-ordinate competing laws prologue—a fundamental statement of allegiance (6:4—7)—
which claimed Mosaic authority by making Deuteronomy a detailed stipulations—blessings and curses, was regarded as
sequel to the so-called Priestly Document. reflecting a pattern of ancient Near-Eastern political treaties
2. Deuteronomy is the first book of a historical work which (McCarthy 1978; Weinfeld 1992: 65-9). However, a simple
consists of Deuteronomy plus the Former Prophets (Joshua, basic pattern of laws, introduced by a prologue and concluded
DEUTERONOMY 136

by an epilogue with curses, may already be found in the Code concerning the spirit of the Josianic age are severely restricted
of Hammurabi of the eighteenth century BCE (where the by the nature of the historical sources informing us about his
curses threaten any future king who might abolish or alter times (cf. also P. R. Davies 1992: 40—1). Nevertheless, even if
the laws: ANET 163-80). Deuteronomy cannot be reduced most of 2 Kings 22-3 is only legendary, the historical back-
to a literary structure which directly corresponds to any ground of the representation in these chapters of Josiah's
typical pattern because its erudite authors freely employ religious reform in 622 BCE may be sought in the activity of
several elements from a common Near-Eastern cultural a movement which promoted the exclusiveness and purity of
background. the Judean religion and gave literary expression to these ideas
in a law code which later became the core of Deuteronomy. It
E. History of Research. From patristic times onwards there
is therefore not amiss to attribute the origin of Deuteronomy
was always a tradition that Deuteronomy was somehow re-
to a 'YHWH alone movement' in the seventh century BCE (M.
lated to the 'book of the law' (seper hattord) which, according to
Smith 1987: 11-42) and even to a distinct class of scribes who
2 Kings 22:1—23:25, was found in the Jerusalem temple during
were educated in a Judean wisdom tradition (Weinfeld 1992:
the reign of Josiah in the late seventh century BCE (e.g. Jerome,
158-78, 244-319).
CChr.SL 75. 5). T. Hobbes, in his Leviathan (1651, chs. 33, 42),
2. An important factor in the development of the Deu-
explicitly identified that law code with Deut 12—26 and em-
teronomic movement is the language of political treaties
phasized that, in his opinion, it had been written by Moses.
in the ancient Near East (McCarthy 1978; Weinfeld 1992).
One hundred and fifty years later (1805—6), W. M. L. de Wette
Although the dependence of Deuteronomy upon such docu-
at the University of Jena came to the conclusion that Deuter-
ments has often been overstated (see the critique by Nichol-
onomy was not only the book which was found in the temple
son 1986: 56-82), there are clear parallels in terminology
but had also been written not long before Josiah's times (see
and in the compositional function of a curse section. The
Rogerson 1992:19—63). Whereas for de Wette this hypothesis
relevant texts for comparison may be found in Parpola and
meant that Deuteronomy was a late part of the Pentateuch,
Watanabe (1988) and ANET 531-41, also 201-6. The suc-
later research into the history of the Israelite religion, con-
cession treaty of the Assyrian king Esar-haddon in favour
ducted by A. Kuenen and J. Wellhausen around 1870, estab-
of his son Assurbanipal, which dates from 672 BCE, is of
lished the view that most parts of the Pentateuch were even
particular interest here. Copies of this treaty were discovered
later than the Josianic Deuteronomy (for a convenient pre-
during an excavation in Nimrud on the upper Tigris in
sentation of this view see W. Robertson Smith 1892: 309-
1955. They represent versions of the treaty as it was con-
430). The valuable commentary by S. R. Driver (1895) rests on
cluded with vassal states in the eastern periphery of
this seminal model of the history of Israel's religious trad-
Assyria and one can assume that the same treaty was also
itions. Subsequent scholarship tried to identify several edi-
concluded with vassal states in the west, including Judah.
tions of Deuteronomy which had been conflated into the
The treaty must have been known to the scribe who wrote
extant book or to discover distinct redactional layers within it
Deut28:2O~44 (Steymans 1995) and may also be alluded to in
(see Mayes 1979; for a retrospective discussion see Nielsen
Deut 13. However, the question of under what political
1995; for the current state of debate see Veijola (forthcom-
circumstances a Judean scribe would have borrowed those
ing)). Meanwhile it has become clear that the age of Josiah
motifs from ancient Near-Eastern traditions remains open to
only stands for the beginnings of the literary development of
conjecture.
Deuteronomy which reaches well into the Second Temple
3. The literary history of Deuteronomy developed further
period.
after the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem in 587 BCE. Ac-
F. Historical Background. 1. The age of Josiah, king of Judah cording to Noth's theory of a Deuteronomistic History (see
639-609 BCE (2 Kings 22-3), was characterized by the decline DEUT c.2), the author who wrote the history of Israel in her
of the Neo-Assyrian empire. As very little is known about the land must be seen against the background of this exilic age
impact of Assyrian politics and religion upon Judah, which (see, however, Cross 1973). That author opened his narrative
since the second half of the eighth century had to some extent with Deut 1-3; 4; 31; 34 (apart from some later additions) and
been a vassal state of Assyria, it is hard to decide what libera- placed the book of the law which had been passed on to him
tion from Assyrian domination would have meant to the into this narrative framework. Furthermore, not only do such
Judeans (see McKay 1973; Spieckermann 1982; Halpern passages as 4:25—31 and 29:22—30:10 refer to Israel in exile;
1991). However, even in a very critical reading of Kings, the entire concept which dominates the paraenetic sections,
scholars accept the historicity of the information given in 2 namely that Israel finds herself outside the promised land and
Kings 23:11-12, according to which Josiah removed Assyrian has to regain it, looks like a response to the end of monarchic
religious symbols from the temple in his capital Jerusalem Judah.
(Wurthwein 1984: 459; cf Uehlinger 1995). It is less certain 4. More refined analyses of the distinct redactional layers
whether he also carried out the centralization of sacrificial within the Deuteronomistic History led many scholars to
worship which is attributed to him in 2 Kings 23:8-9, and the conclusion that the work of the Deuteronomistic
whether this was instigated by the Deuteronomic law or con- scribal school extended far beyond the middle of the sixth
versely inspired the composition of a corresponding law code century BCE and right into the Persian period. Passages which
(see Lohfink 1985; Clements 1996). Even more disputed is the secondarily add theological reflections on the relevance of
historical reliability of the information about Josiah's en- the Torah to preceding narrative or paraenetic texts (such
croachment on the territory of the former Assyrian provinces as Josh 1:7—8; Deut 6:17—18) are seen as an expression of a
north of Judah (2 Kings 23: 15—20). Any general conclusions specific 'nomistic' or 'covenant-related' stage in the Deu-
 J
137 DEUTERONOMY
teronomistic tradition (Smend 1971; 1983; Veijola 19960). 6. Two independent documents have been added to Deu-
Modifications in anti-syncretistic paraenetic passages which teronomy, in ch. 32 the Song of Moses, and in ch. 33 the
seem to reflect later historical experience of the Second Blessing of Moses. Whereas the collection of sayings about
Temple period (e.g. Deut 7:22; 7:3-4; cf. Neh 13:23-7; Ezra the tribes in ch. 33 mostly predates the seventh century, the
9:1-2) are another point in question. An important formal poem of ch. 32 has its origin in the context of later reflections
criterion for these analyses is the recurrent shift of address about the relationship between YHWH and Israel amongst
in Deuteronomy between second person singular and the nations.
second person plural (cf. DEUT 12:1-32) for which, however,
H. Literary History. 1. Deuteronomy developed from a law
an explanation in purely stylistical terms has also been sug-
code to an oration of Moses within a narrative frame. The
gested.
original law code aimed at a cultic reform in Judah and
addressed its lay audience in the second person singular. It
G. Sources. 1. The legal core in chs. 12-26 incorporates many
consisted of laws which were relevant to the centralization of
older materials. A direct comparison is possible between
sacrificial worship (12:13—19; 14:22—9; 15:19—23; 16:1—17; 18:1—
Deuteronomy and the so-called Book of the Covenant in Ex
8) and probably also of laws concerning social and judicial
20:22—23:33. This shows parallels between Ex 20:24—5 I I Deut
matters (15:1—18; 16:18—19; J7:8—13; 19:1—21; 21:1—9; cf- Mor-
12:13-14, Ex 21:2-111| Deut 15:12-18, Ex 21:12-14 I I Deut 19:1-
row 1995), family and sex laws (see DEUT G.I), laws promoting
13, Ex 22:25-7 (MT 24-6)1123:19-20 (MT 20-1); 24:10-13,
equity in response to poverty (mainly in 23:15—25:16), and
Ex 23:4-5 || Deut 22:1-4, E X 23:10-111| Deut 15:1-11, Ex 23:14-
some ritualistic materials (e.g. 21:22-3; 22:9-10; 23:17-18),
18 || Deut 16:1—17. Thgse as well as some less obvious parallels
cf. Crilsemann 1996. 6:4—9 may have been the prologue to
make it clear that the Deuteronomic law represents a later
this law code. However, any detailed reconstruction of the
stage in the history of Israelite law (Otto 19960; Levinson
original law code remains highly hypothetical. Whether or
1997; contrast Van Seters 1996), although the Book of
not it was presented as a law of Moses depends on the evalua-
the Covenant may itself contain post-Deuteronomic as well
tion of 4:44-5 as its superscription.
as pre- and proto-Deuteronomic materials. At least two
2. The incorporation of Deuteronomy into the Deuterono-
more collections of laws were taken up by the authors of
mistic History was a distinct stage in its literary history (see
the law code, namely a collection of family and sex laws
DEUT c.2 and F.3), which created an explicit interrelation
(21:15—21; 22:13—29; 24:1—4; 25:5—12) and a collection of laws
between the law and the issue of Israel's land as well as the
on warfare (20:10-14, 19-20; 21:10-14; 23:10-15) (Seitz 1971;
differentiation between the law code and the Decalogue in ch.
Rofe 1987; 1985/7). Further laws may have been taken up from
5. In this process, the historians added laws to the code which
oral tradition, possibly with some paraenetic elements at-
look towards the subsequent history of Israel, such as the law
tached to them urging and motivating obedience, such as,
on the king (17:14-20) and the law on the conquest (20:10-18,
e.g. 22:6-7. Th£ series of curses in 27:16-25 belongs to the
and further laws on warfare, see DEUT G.I).
apodictic law in Israelite tradition which commands an
3. The literary development of the paraenetic sections in
unconditional condemnation of or punishment for certain
4:1-40; 6:4-11:25; 29:2-30:20 as well as of the laws which are
offences.
primarily concerned with the problem of syncretism or reli-
2. The large section of blessings and curses in ch. 28 con-
gious assimilation such as 12:1—7, 29~3IJ 13:1—18; 18:9—20 is a
tains a traditional series of blessings in w. 3-6 (which are
special problem (see DEUT F.4). Many suggestions have been
reversed in w. 16—19). w- 20—44 closely follow a sequence of
made for attributing the respective texts to only a few succes-
curses in Esar-haddon's succession treaty (see DEUT F.2).
sive editions or redactional layers. However, it seems more
3. Ch. 5 contains the Decalogue (w. 6-21) which found its
appropriate to think in terms of a prolonged literary process
place also in Exodus (20:2-17). However, instead of being a
which led to what ideally may be called the canonical shape of
source of Deuteronomy, it is a composition which originated
Deuteronomy no earlier than the 4th century.
inside the Deuteronomic movement (Hossfeld 1982).
4. On the plane of the history of ideas, Deuteronomy is I. Outline
often seen as belonging to a Hoseanic prophetic tradition. The Review of the Conquest of the Land East of the Jordan ((1:1-5)
basic command of Deut 6:4—5 which centres on the notion of 1:6-3:29)
love' of God is regarded as a consequence of the theological Discourse on the Excellence of the Law (4:1—40 (41—3, 44—9))
concern and the metaphorical language of Hosea. As a second Review of the Covenant at Horeb and the Decalogue (5:1-33
instance of Hoseanic influence the law concerning the king (6:1-3))
over YHWH's people (Deut 17:14—20) is appealed to. How- Discourse on Faithful Obedience to the Law (6:4-11:25 (26-
ever, the available evidence does not sufficiently support the 32))
conclusion that Deuteronomy originated in the monarchy of Promulgation of the Laws (12:1—25:19 (26:1—15))
northern Israel and was taken to Judah by refugees after the Declaration of Mutual Commitments between YHWH and
defeat of Israel in 722 BCE (Alt 1953). Israel (26:16-19)
5. The historical reviews in 1:6—3:29; 5:1—33; 9:7—10:11 show Instructions for a Ceremony West of the Jordan (27:1—26)
a relationship with narrative traditions in Exodus and Num- The Consequences of Obedience and Disobedience through
bers and presuppose the Yahwistic work in the Pentateuch. Blessings and Curses (28:1-68)
Whether 11:26-32 and 27:1-14, together with Josh 8:30-5, Discourse on the Significance of the Law ((29:1) 29:2-30:20)
reflect an ancient tradition (Nielsen 1995; Weinfeld 1991) Report of Moses' Parting from Israel, Including his Poem and
remains doubtful. his Blessings (31:1—34:12)
DEUTERONOMY i38
COMMENTARY (1:9-18) Officers in Israel This insertion, which separates
w. 6—8 from its continuation in v. 19, authorizes an organiza-
Review of the Conquest of the Land East of the Jordan tion ofthe people modelled on 16:18—19 an(^ 17:8—11. The
((1:1-5) 1:6-3:29) passage is remarkable in that it grounds the position of'lead-
(1:1—5) Moses as Orator The superscription to Deuteronomy ers' on the consent of the people (v. 14) and specifies their
introduces the book as the words of Moses to all Israel at a qualification as 'wise, discerning, and reputable' persons
location east of the river Jordan. As Moses is never to cross the (v. 13)—a profile which one may read as a self-portrait ofthe
Jordan (3:23—8), the following oration will be his valedictory Deuteronomistic school. The designation of these leaders
address. This, however, is only explicitly indicated in 31:1—2 (ra'sim) in military terms (sarim, soterim, v. 15) corresponds
(cf 4:22). The basic form of the superscription, 'These are the with the literary context ofthe conquest narrative. Their des-
words that Moses spoke to all Israel beyond the Jordan as ignation as 'judges' (sdpetim) may reflect their actual function
follows', has been considerably expanded, v. 5, which may be in the society ofthe author's time. A similar concern with the
part of a specific compositional scheme (cf. 4:44; 29:1 (MT institution of leaders is expressed in Ex 18:13-27; 2 Chr 19:5-
28:69)), emphasizes the qualification of Moses' oration as law 10; Num 11:14-17, 24-5, whereas no details about the appoint-
(tord). 'Of all the terms for God's instructions, none better ment of officials during the time ofthe Judean monarchy (cf.
characterizes Deuteronomy, since it connotes both law and an e.g. Jer 36:12; 2 Kings 24:15) are known, w. 16-17, integrity of
instruction that must be taught, studied, and pondered, and it the judges is essential to the idea of justice, and just claims of
is expected to shape the character, attitudes, and conduct of the poor merit protection (cf. 24:14—15; Am 5:10—12).
those who do so' (Tigay 1996: 3). For v. 4 see further on 2:24- (1:19—2:1) The Failed Conquest In an artistic retrospective
3:11. v. 2 can best be explained as a misplaced gloss on 1:19, account, Moses indicates the reason why, after the Exodus,
while v. ifc, which adds some topographical information, re- the Israelites did not conquer the promised land west ofthe
mains elusive, v. 3 reflects an interest in chronology that is Jordan from its southern border (cf. also the time-scale im-
typical of Priestly texts in the Pentateuch, cf. e.g. Ex 40:17; plied in 1:2). Disobedience (1:26; cf. 1:7-8) and lack of faith
Numio:n. (1:32, RSV; contrast Ex 14:31) led to divine punishment ofthe
(1:6—3:29) The Conquest of Israel's Land Moses gives an Exodus generation (1:34-5; cf- 2:14-15). Kadesh-barnea has
account of the partly unsuccessful and partly paradigmatic been identified with an oasis about 80 km. to the south-west
beginning of Israel's taking possession of the promised land. of Beersheba, the town which normally marks the southern
The section gives expression to a deliberate concept of the land border of Judah (i Kings 4:25 (Mt 5:5); 2 Kings 23:8; cf.
as YHWH's gift to Israel which Israel entered from outside at however Josh 15:2-4). Instead of being the starting-point for
a certain moment in history. The Deuteronomistic History the conquest, it becomes the starting-point for a journey of
(see DEUT c.2) thus starts with an idealized image of the nearly forty years south-eastwards to the Red Sea and back
conquest of the land, and ends with a somewhat stylized northwards on the eastern side of Mount Seir until the suc-
image of the loss of the land, cf. 2 Kings 15:29; 17:6, 23; cessful conquest begins with the crossing ofthe Wadi Arnon
25:21, 26. It thus shapes a coherent overall view of one ex- (2:24), a wadi which runs towards the Dead Sea from the east
tended period of Israel's history. Although the Deuteronomis- opposite En-gedi. The narrative has been constructed upon
tic authors of the sixth and fifth centuries BCE include several the basis of a tradition about the Calebites who had expelled
historical traditions in their composition, their work cannot 'the three sons of Anak' from the fertile Hebron area (cf. Josh
be called historiographical in a strict sense. 15:14 and some fragments in Num 13-14).
(1:6-8) YHWH's Command Moses' retrospective does not (2:2-23) The Neighbouring Nations The second episode in
start from the Exodus but with a reference to Mount Horeb. Moses' account opens with a phrase similar to 1:6-7. Th£
Thus it alludes to all the events which this name implies (cf. approach to the Wadi Arnon offers an opportunity to define
5:2; 9:8). The land which Israel is to conquer is called 'the hill Israel's territorial claims against the Edomites, the Moabites,
country of the Amorites' (har ha 'emori) by a designation based and the Ammonites (see ABD, ad loc.). The section has been
on the name for the area in Neo-Assyrian inscriptions. An expanded by several successive scribes. One basic feature is
alternative general designation is 'the land of the Canaanites' the idea that YHWH, and not the respective national deities,
('eres hakkencfant), and elsewhere in Deuteronomy a list of assigned these three peoples their territories (w. 5, 9, 19;
peoples is used for describing the population ofthe land (cf. 7:1; contrast Judg 11:12-28, esp. v. 24). A second basic feature is
20:17). Whereas chs. 2-3 carefully define Israel's territorial the analogy between Israel's conquest of her land and the way
claims east ofthe Jordan (cf. 3:8), the vision of Israel's land as in which these and other peoples took possession of their
extending to the north as far as the river Euphrates (v. 7; cf. Josh respective territories 'just as Israel did in the land they were
1:4) is alien to the concept of a conquest as well as to Israel's to possess, which the LORD had given to them' (v. 12, NJPS).
historical traditions. It may be either an echo of imperial rhet- According to this view, the history of the historical nations
oric (Weinfeld 1991:133—4) or a reflection ofpolitical experience follows on a mythological age in which 'Rephaim' (giants)
in the late seventh century when victory in a battle at Carchem- inhabited the land. They may be called 'Emim', or 'Zamzum-
ish on the Euphrates in 605 BCE made the Neo-Babylonians the mim', or 'Anakim' (w. 10-11, 20-1), and are comparable with
political overlords of Palestine (cf. Jer 46:2; 2 Kings 24:7). v. 8 'Horim' and 'Awim' in other regions (w. 12, 22-3; cf. also Am
emphasizes that Israel's hope for the land is founded on an 9:7). As far as the Rephaim are concerned, a mythological
oath which YHWH swore to her ancestors, cf. Gen 15:18. The tradition has been identified through a Ugaritic text (c. 14—I2th
verse forms an indusio with 30:20. cents. BCE) which also establishes a link between Rephaim
 i39 DEUTERONOMY

and the place-names Ashtaroth and Edrei (cf. 1:4; 3:11; see 14, 25—9, the scene thus includes reflections on the relation-
Margulis 1970). All these glosses amount to a striking reinter- ship between Moses and the people. The opening of the
pretation of the conquest imagery which finds expression also prayer proclaims YHWH's uniqueness (as in i Kings 8:23);
in 9:2. w. 14-15, pointing back to 1:34-5, these verses mark a one might compare the hymnic praise of the sun god in an
transition between two periods of Israel's history after the Akkadian hymn (Lambert 1960: 129 11. 45-6; ANET 388):
Exodus. 'Among all the Igigi (gods) there is none who toils but you,
(2:24—3:11) The Model Conquest YHWH's command also None who is supreme like you in the whole pantheon of gods.'
stands atthe beginning ofthe third episode in Moses' account.
Discourse on the Excellence ofthe Law (4:1-40)
2:32-6, the first act of the conquest draws on an ancient
tradition about a Transjordanian city ruler which has been This great discourse has been inserted between the historical
preserved in the parallel narrative in Num 21:21—31. The ac- retrospective and the superscription to the law in 4:44.
count follows a highly stylized pattern: YHWH gives the Although it combines several components and although the
enemy over, and the Israelites' army then 'strikes him form of address changes between second person plural and
down—captures his towns—utterly destroys all human second person singular (see DEUT F.4 and Begg 1980), it
beings in them—keeps the livestock and plunder as spoil' eventually forms a unit framed by w. 1—2 and 40. The dis-
(2:33—5 and again in 3:3—7). This pattern agrees with the course gives an interpretation ofthe Exile after the destruction
Deuteronomistic law on warfare in 20:10-18 and especially of Jerusalem in 587 BCE as a time of 'serving' gods who are
the injunction to 'utterly destroy' (h-r-m hifil) all former in- nothing but 'wood and stone' (v. 28; cf. 28:64) and addresses
habitants of the land (20:16—17; see DEUT 7:1—2). Moses is thus the issue of Israel's 'return' to YHWH (v. 30; cf. 30:1-2). It
represented as conducting an exemplary war against the presupposes the prohibition of idols in the Decalogue (w. 12—
Amorites east ofthe Jordan, cf. 3:21; 31:4. 2:25-30, the basic 13, 16; cf. 5:8) and contains an explicit monotheistic confes-
structure of the account has been supplemented by several sion (w. 35, 39). Both these fundamental theological doctrines
additions which focus on divine providence: YHWH puts 'the are being derived from the visual scene of YHWH's revelation
dread and fear' of Israel upon the peoples (2:25), YHWH at Mount Horeb and presented as an epitome ofthe Torah.
'hardens the spirit' ofthe Amorite king (2:30). Moses acts in (4:1—8) Israel's Wisdom Obedience to the 'statutes and ordin-
accordance with the law of 20:10 although neither this law nor ances' brings with it the promise of life (v. i; cf. 30:15-16) and
the analogy with Israel's passing through the land of the is also seen as a condition for the conquest ofthe promised
neighbouring nations applies to the case ofthe Amorite terri- land (v. i; cf. 6:17—18). At the same time, the 'statutes and
tory (2:26-9). 3:I~7> ^e second Amorite king is seen not as a ordinances' are defined as rules for life in the land (v. 5; cf.
city ruler but as king of a vast region; see, however, 1:4 and 12:1). The substance and the extent ofthe law must be pro-
DEUT 2:10—11, 20—i. His name has been adopted from an tected from any changes (v. 2). This principle lies on the way to
etiological tradition which links this mythological figure to the formation of a canon. In w. 6—8, a scribe gives expression
Kabbah of the Ammonites (3:11, however, the Ammonite to the ideal of Israel as a 'wise and discerning people' ('am
territory itself is exempted from the land which the Israelites hakam wenabon). Israel will be recognized as such a people
claim, 2:19, 37). The description of the conquered towns from YHWH's protection (v. 7) as well as from her divine law
probably depends on i Kings 4:13. 3:8 states the result of (v. 8, cf. DEUT 1:5). Obedience to this incomparable law would
Moses' ideal conquest which a scribe, probably in the sixth counteract the 'foolishness' ofthe people which is attacked in
century BCE, created from very remote memories of some Jer 4:22. The designation of Israel as a 'great nation' echoes
early history of Israelite tribes in the land east ofthe Jordan. Gen 12:2, cf. Deut 1:10. Inthe final shape of Deuteronomy, the
(3:12—20) Tribal Territories On the distribution ofthe land see admiration ofthe nations in 4:6—8 corresponds with their
Josh 13:8-32. w. 18-20, the 'rest' (n-w-h hifil I.) which YHWH puzzlement in 29:24—8 (MT 23—7). w. 3—4, the warning
has given to these tribes is an ideal for all Israel. Therefore, against apostasy may be a gloss based on Num 25:1-5, cf.
these tribes are summoned to support the conquest of the also Hos 9:10.
land west of the Jordan, cf. Josh 1:12—15; 22:1—4 (for the notion (4:9—14) YHWH's Voice at Mount Horeb The praise ofthe
of'rest' cf. also Deut 12:9; Josh 23:1; 2 Sam 7:1; i Kings 8:56). Torah is complemented by a graphic representation of the
The notion of a rest in which the towns may be left without revelation of the Decalogue. The Israelites are to keep that
any defence (v. 19) conveys a peaceful vision in strong contrast day in their memory and their heart and pass the tradition on
with the military ideology of 2:34. to all future generations (v. 9). YHWH revealed the Ten
(3:21—9) The End of Moses' Leadership w. 21—2, Moses' and Commandments directly to the people so that they could
Joshua's leadership in the conquest are seen in close parallel, hear 'the sound of words' (v. 12; cf. 4:33; 5:24), and he thus
cf. Josh 1:5. v. 28 is resumed in 31:7; Josh 1:6. The scene of established his 'covenant' (bmt) with them. The poetic im-
Moses' rejected prayer is not continued by the narrator until agery underlines the priority ofthe Decalogue over the several
34:1—3. Moses wants to 'cross over' into the land and 'see' it statutes and ordinances (w. 12—14). Th£ account is based on
(v. 25), but he may only 'see' it, whereas Joshua is to 'cross over' 5:1—6:3 which, in turn, depends on fragments of older trad-
into it (v. 27-8). Moses thus becomes the symbol for an itions in Ex 19-34. ^ makes the special point that Israel did
unfulfilled hope to live in the promised land. The reason for not see any 'form' (temund; 'shape' NJPS, 'similitude' KJV) in
this is that YHWH makes him bear the consequences ofthe the theophany (v. 12).
people's lack of faith—which Moses deplored in 1:32 (v. 26; (4:15—20) Prohibition of Idols and Astral Cults Like 5:8,
the same thought has been added in 1:37-8). Not unlike 9:13- Moses' warning excludes all sculptured images in wood or
DEUTERONOMY 140

stone (pesd) from Israel's cult. No image of the deity can (4:41—3) Cities of Refuge Based on 19:1—13, a narrative inser-
signify religious truth, because the fundamental tradition of tion identifies three towns in the allotted territory east of the
YHWH's theophany at Mount Horeb knows of no anthropo- Jordan (3:12-17) as places of refuge. This is repeated in Josh
morphic or zoomorphic shape, cf. also the imagery of 1:33; Ex 20:1-9.
13:21-2, contrast Ex 32:4. The strongly anthropomorphic lan- (4:44-9) A Superscription v. 44 marks the transition from
guage of the HB should be considered in the light of this Moses' historical review in 1:6—3:29 to the publication of the
critical thought. The section takes the law of 16:21—2 one tora in a more limited sense than that implied by 1:5. Still, the
step further and reflects a development which is also indicated notion of tora includes paraenesis as well as the laws. Together
by Isa 40:18-20, 25-6; Jer 10:14-16 (on religious iconography with the subscription in 29:1 (MT 28:69), me superscription
in Israel in antiquity see Keel and Uehlinger 1998). Astral in v. 44 forms a frame around the extended law code as the
cult, which is also an issue in the law code itself (17:2—7), document of a covenant, and 31:9 may refer to this unit. A
seems to have been a major threat to Judean religious identity parallel superscription in v. 45, which is taken up in 6:20-5, is
in the late monarchic period, cf. 2 Kings 23:11-12; Zeph 1:4-6; terminologically interesting, cf. 5:31. The term 'decrees' fedot)
Jer 8:1—3, and see the quotations from an Assyrian treaty at may designate the Decalogue, cf. 2 Kings 17:15 and the singu-
DEUT 28:1—68. This type of religion is interpreted in w. 19—20 lar noun in such priestly texts as Ex 25:16; 31:18. As neither of
on a line with 32:8-9, according to which YHWH as the God these superscriptions can be shown to have been the original
most high assigns celestial beings as deities to the nations, superscription to the law code which Hilkiah is said to have
whereas Israel is his own people ('am nahdld, cf. i Kings 8:51— sent to Josiah (2 Kings 22:3—10), it remains an open question
3 and the term 'am segulld in 26:18). However, the polemics in whether that document had already been attributed to Moses
v. 28 and the confession in v. 35 seem to invalidate this inter- then. w. 46-9, these later additions are based on chs. 1-3.
pretation of polytheism. Instead of 'the land of Moab' as in 1:5, they speak more
(4:21-31) Moses' Prophetic Warning A scribe here gives correctly of 'the land of... Sihon'.
Moses a prophetic role on his parting from Israel (cf. 31:14—
30). Moses foresees YHWH's wrath and YHWH's mercy in Review of the Covenant at Horeb and the Decalogue (j.'i-JJ
Israel's future history which centres on the Exile after the (&i-3))
defeat of Jerusalem in 587 BCE. He confronts Israel's faith (5:1-5) The Covenant at Mount Horeb The superscription
with two conflicting views of God: 'the LORD your God is a which announces the Torah (4:44) is not directly followed by
jealous God', and 'the LORD your God is a merciful God' a code of laws, but instead by an explanation of the relation
(w. 24, 31; cf. 5:9-10; Ex 34:6-7). The tension between these between the laws of Deuteronomy and the Decalogue (5:1—31)
two statements should not be superficially resolved, as both as well as by a series of discourses on faithful commitment to
perceptions of God claim their place in religious experience YHWH (chs. 6-n). Chs. 5-11 may altogether be attributed to
and stimulate as much as restrict theological reflection. In the Deuteronomistic scribes of the sixth and fifth centuries BCE;
present context, the experience of divine punishment is seen cf. DEUT F.3, H.3. The Decalogue is the foundation of YHWH's
as a consequence of violating the prohibition of idols (v. 23), covenant with Israel (v. 2) which is linked to the place name
not of the service of'other gods' as e.g. in 29:24-5 (MT 25-6); 'Horeb' (as 'Sinai' in Exodus) and the imagery of God's speak-
cf. also Rom 1:22—3. On the other hand, the expectation to ing to the Israelites directly from 'out of the fire' (v. 4). Two
'find' YHWH 'if you search after him with all your heart and further considerations have been added to this original con-
soul' (v. 29; cf. Jer 29:13-14; Am 5:4) is founded on YHWH's cept: v. 3 emphasizes the continuous relevance of the covenant
covenant with the ancestors (cf. 29:13 (MT 12)) which, unlike to all generations of Israel. The weight of this issue becomes
the covenant at Mount Horeb (4:13, 23) does not depend on clear in contrast to Jer 31:32 where the original covenant refers
obedience to the law (cf. Gen 15:6). v. 31, therefore, shows a to the 'ancestors' and, after a history of unfaithfulness, needs
greater kerygmatic depth than a passage like 28:58-68. eschatological renewal, v. 5 emphasizes the role of Moses as
(4:32-40) A Confession of Monotheism w. 32-5, this unique mediator between YHWH and Israel. A similar concern
statement in Deuteronomy must be seen on one level with Isa guides the narrators in Ex 19-24; 32-4. For a circumspect
45:5—6, 12, 18, 21—2; 46:9—10, although it may reflect a later analysis of Deut 5 see Hossfeld (1982).
liturgical adaptation of these sayings from the sixth century (5:6—21) The Decalogue A proper biblical perspective on the
BCE. In a perspective of a theology of creation, the unit leads to Decalogue can be gained through 5:24 (cf. 4:33): 'Today we
a climax in a monotheistic creed, cf. 32:39. In a universal have seen that God may speak to someone and the person may
horizon, YHWH's revelation at Mount Horeb in a voice 'out still live.' The Decalogue is fundamental not only to the cov-
of the midst of the fire' (RSV, cf. w. 12—13) an(^ his prodigious enant relationship between YHWH and Israel, but through
actions in the Exodus (cf. 5:15; 34:11-12) are considered a proof Israel as God's revelation to humankind. Within the Christian
of his exclusive divinity. The knowledge of God (v. 35) which tradition, it remains a valid exposition of the commandment
Israel will arrive at through an understanding of her traditions to love God and one's neighbour (Mk 12:28—34; Rom 13:8—10).
is finally to become the knowledge of 'all the people of the The Decalogue is a literary composition of the Deuteron-
earth': i Kings 8:60; cf. 13349:6. w. 36 (cf. 8:5) and 37-9 read omists and maybe more original in its context in Deut 5 than in
like homiletic amplifications of the preceding sections. In Ex 20. It could, however, always function as a self-contained
liturgical diction, v. 38 refers to the completed conquest of sequence of basic commandments and probably originated
the land. w. 39—40 echo v. 35 and w. 1—2 respectively and form independently of its literary setting. The Decalogue integrates
a finale to the discourse. several distinct elements; see also Schmidt (1993). Its three
 141 DEUTERONOMY

main sections are the self-presentation of YHWH and the mulated as positive law here. The life of the community is to
prohibition of other gods (w. 6—10), the sabbath command- be guided by three essential principles: the protection of hu-
ment (w. 12—15) and the series of six prohibitions in w. 17—21. man life, of marriage, and of property. Natural indignation at
w. 6-10, in a first person singular address of YHWH, two any offences against these rules is a powerful demonstration
basic features of Israel's faith are being expressed: the God of their universal validity. The death penalty within a society
who demands obedience to his commandments is the (cf. 19:11—13) and war between hostile societies (cf 20:10—14)
God who delivered his people from oppression in Egypt, and are not addressed by the commandment at v. 17, cf. also Gen
this God is a 'jealous God' ('el qanna') and therefore demands 9:6. However, as the commandment expresses great respect
exclusive worship. God's punishment for 'iniquity' (awon) for human life, it should strengthen a commitment to peace
extends to an entire family, i.e. to the four generations which and protection of life in all fields, w. 20—1, the three conclud-
may at most be living at any one time. Ezek 18 revises this ing prohibitions can be related to the three preceding ones.
doctrine of 5:9-10 and Ex 34:7 in an extensive theological Bearing false witness may be used as a strategy for causing
discussion, cf especially 18:19-20 and also Deut 7:10; another person's death, cf. 19:15—21; i Kings 21:8—14. Coveting
29:18—21 (MT 17—20). The first section of the Decalogue is a married woman may lead to adultery, and desiring another
framed by a witness to the gracious God who is known to person's property may end in its misappropriation. The
those who love God through the Exodus and through a pro- authors of the Decalogue have thus reduplicated the three
mise to show 'steadfast love' (hesed). The human being's basic rules of w. 17—19 in order to warn against the psycho-
response is to love God (v. 10; cf. 6:5), and this implies logical origin of obvious violations of basic ethical norms, cf.
acknowledging God's uniqueness (v. 7) and keeping God's Job 31:5-12. The same line of interpretation is pursued further
commandments (v. 10). v. 8, which separates v. 7 from its in Jesus' teaching in Mt 5:21-2, 27-8. As much as the social
continuation in v. 9, is an addition which anchors the concern world of ancient Judah can be recognized behind 5:12-21, and
of 4:15—18 in the Decalogue. The prohibition effects a sharp as strongly as the conflict between the God of the Exodus and
distinction between visual representations of God and meta- 'other gods' in Israel's religious history characterizes 5:6-11,
phorical representations of God in human language, v. n, the Decalogue still remains the most comprehensive compi-
invoking the name of a deity is part of an oath (cf. 6:13; lation of life-enhancing religious and ethical insights within
Jer 5:2; Ps 24:4). The prohibition reflects the strong concern the OT
with judicial matters typical of Deuteronomy (cf. 16:19;
(5:22—31) Moses as Mediator The idea which was only secon-
19:15-19).
darily added in 5:5, that Moses is the unique mediator of
w. 12-15, me Decalogue includes only one distinctive reli-
YHWH's revelation of the law (cf. 34:10), is fundamental to
gious custom, namely keeping the sabbath as a weekly day of
this section of Moses' review of the events at Mount Horeb.
rest from work. The commandment continues an older tradi-
YHWH invites Moses, 'stand here by me' (v. 31), after approv-
tion (cf. Ex 23:12; 34:21) and at the same time probably trans-
ing of what the people demanded of Moses (w. 28, 30).
forms the day called sabbat from a celebration of full moon (cf.
Following the people's pledge to listen and do whatever
e.g. 2 Kings 4:23; Hos 2:11 (MT 13)) into a weekly day of rest,
YHWH would tell Moses (v. 27, cf. Ex 19:7-8), YHWH begins
w. 14—15 particularly emphasize the social significance of a
to tell Moses the whole instruction (kol-hammiswd), and 'the
periodical day of rest and call for generous treatment of all
statutes and ordinances' which Moses in turn shall teach the
dependent persons, whether they be formally linked to a
people (v. 31). All the laws are thus referred back to a revelation
family as slaves or live as 'resident alien[s] in your towns'.
at Mount Horeb although, prior to entering the land, the
Obeying this commandment is a way of remembering God's
Decalogue is the only law known to the people. In correspon-
liberation of Israel from oppression in Egypt (cf. 15:15; 26:6-
dence with this differentiation between the Decalogue and all
8). In Ex 20:11, this motivation has been substituted with the
other laws, the idea that YHWH wrote the Ten Command-
concept of a cosmic dimension of a seven-day week, cf. Gen
ments on two stone tablets further underlines their signifi-
1:1—2:3. Notwithstanding this notion of its universal character,
cance (v. 22; cf. 9:8—10; 10:1—5; Ex 24:12; 31:18). Scribal
the sabbath must also be protected as a 'sign' of the unique
comments (w. 24/7, 26) on the notion of the divine voice
relationship between YHWH and Israel, cf. Ex 31:12-17.
from 'out of the fire' reflect on the uniqueness of God's
v. 16, except for v. 12, this commandment of the Decalogue
revelation (cf. 4:32-3) as well as the frailty of the human being
is the only one which is expressed in a positive form. It has a
beside God (cf. Isa 40:6—7; Jer 17:5—8). v. 29, which has a close
traditional background in the legal sentences in Ex 21:15, I7!
parallel in Jer 32:39—40, is a further comment on Israel's
cf. also Deut 21:18-21. It aims at protecting solidarity within a
pledge to obey the laws: the ideal of 'fear of God' as the true
family and securing support for parents in their old age by
disposition for obedience to the law was realized in an exem-
their sons and daughters. The first part of the motive clause
plary situation during the foundational theophany. This 'fear'
(cf. 22:7) reflects the idea that honourable behaviour will repay
is 'not terror but inner religious feeling' (Weinfeld 1991: 325).
the person who exercises it. The second part refers to life in
Israel's land, and this shows thatthe Decalogue was given pre- (5:32—6:3) Exhortations 5:32—3 may be a reflection of liturgical
eminence over the 'statutes and ordinances' for observance in practice, cf. 6:17—18; 7:11. In general terms, a scribe here
the land (5:31; 12:1) only through the literary construction of relates obedience to God's will to the rewards which an obedi-
5:1-5, 22-31. ent person will gain from it. Within the OT, such a liturgical
w. 17—19, these three prohibitions are probably based on and doctrinal tradition, which is characteristic of Deuteron-
Hos 4:2 and are alluded to in Jer 7:9. Fundamental ethical omistic writing (cf. also 8:1; Josh 1:7; Jer 7:23), is questioned by
criteria for accusations in prophetic speech are being refor- the book of Job which gives expression to a different religious
DEUTERONOMY 142

experience. 6:1 marks the beginning of Moses' teaching Israel as a 'jealous God' (cf. 5:9), punishes apostasy (v. 15; cf. 29:25—8
the 'instruction' (miswd) which YHWH commanded him (MT 24-7)). The extraordinary thought that YHWH might
(5:31). A further superscription in 12:1 introduces the 'statutes 'destroy' Israel (v. 15) is made the subject of reflection in 9:7—
and ordinances', cf. already 4:44, 45. 6:2-3 mav again reflect 10:11, especially 9:13-14; cf. also Am 9:8 and Deut 28:63.
liturgical practice. A strong endeavour to keep the religious 'Forgetting YHWH' while devoting oneself to the worship of
tradition alive throughout the generations also motivates local, autochthonous deities is a recurring reason for accusa-
6:20-5. tions in Hosea (2:13 (MT 15); 8:14; 13:6) and Jeremiah (2:32;
13:25; 18:15; 2 3 :2 7)> cf- 8:7-20. v. 14 reflects a situation of Israel
Discourse on Faithful Obedience to the Law (6:4-11:25 as a community not yet consolidated after the destruction of
(26-32)) the central royal sanctuary. Like ch. 13, the verse indicates the
Deuteronomists' anti-assimilationist concerns, v. 16 points
(6:4-9) The Central Confession The opening vocative in v. 4 back to Ex 17:1-7: YHWH's presence in Israel must not be
gives this section its name, Shema, and w. 4—9 together with 'put to the test'. For w. 17-18 cf. DEUT 5:32-3. v. 19 reflects the
11:13—21 and Num 15:37—41 form a liturgical text of highest same situation as v. 14, cf. Josh 23:5 and see on 7:1—6.
importance in Jewish worship. The translation of the second
half of v. 4 (YHWH 'elohenu YHWH 'ehdd) is much debated (6:20-5) Basic Religious Instruction The section emphasizes
and remains ambivalent. Stylistically, the words may form that the Exodus creed is the foundation of the law, as the
one prose sentence or, alternatively, two parallel hymnic ex- internal structure of the Decalogue also makes clear. The
clamations. Thematically, the words may be a statement about introduction shows the catechetical purpose of a unit such
YHWH or, alternatively, a statement about YHWH's relation- as w. 21-4, cf. Ex 13:14-15. The graphic elaboration in v. 22
ship with Israel. The translation adopted by NRSV and NJPS, may be secondary, cf. Garcia Lopez (1978). v. 25 formulates a
'The LORD is our God, the LORD alone', is probably the best, cf. fundamental theology of the law: observing the law (kol-ham-
however LXX and Mk 12:29. Th£ audience is being admon- miswd) will be 'righteousness (seddqd) for us' (RSV), 'to our
ished and confesses that Israel stands in an exclusive relation- merit before the LORD our God' (NJPS), cf. 24:13. LXX offers a
ship with YHWH. This excludes the worship of any other remarkable translation: 'mercy (deemosyne) will be for us,
deities (cf. 5:7; 17:2—7) as well as a consort of YHWH (cf. i f . . . ' In the NT, Paul in Phil 3:9 expresses his acceptance
DEUT 16:21). Josh 24 reflects a similar concern regarding and his rejection of this theological thought, cf. also Gal 2:16—
Israel's exclusive allegiance to YHWH. At a later stage in the 17, 21.

history of Israel's religious thought, this fundamental confes- (7:1-11) The Election of Israel v. i takes 6:10 as a model, and
sion could be accommodated to a monotheistic creed like 4:35, v. 4 depends on 6:15. However, the perspective in which the
39; 32:39; and in this sense Zech 14:9 unfolds the universal land is seen is totally different from the one adopted in 6:10—
dimension of v. 4; cf. also i Cor 8:4. v. 5, cf. Mk 12:30. What 15 and 8:7—18 or such texts as Hos 2:2—13 (MT 4—15); Jer 2:5—7
human sentiment can correspond to the confession of v. 4? A where the wealth and fertility of the land are considered a
scribe here designates the true faith commitment as 'love of threat to Israel's allegiance to YHWH. According to w. 1-5, the
God'. This notion has been further developed in 30:16-20, land is a territory where the religious habits of many ancient
and it equals the notion of'fear of God' as in 5:29, see DEUT A.I. 'nations' prevail and where, because of this, Israel's identity is
The fact that v. 5 is an injunction need not surprise. First, it in danger. This idea is being expressed through the imagery of
may have been modelled after a demand of undivided loyalty a military conquest, v. 2 represents the same concept which
in the political sphere (cf. Parpola and Watanabe 1988: 39 (11. underlies 2:32—5; here as in 20:16—17 it is shaped as a com-
266-8); ANET537). Secondly, as faith is a human response to mand to 'utterly destroy' (h-r-m hifil) the nations of the land.
divine revelation (cf. 5:6, 24), it can be given guidance, and the (On the antiquarian list of names see the entries for the
notion of love here functions as the fundamental guiding respective names in ABD.) The concept of'ritual destruction'
idea; cf. also Mic 6:6-8. The scribe circumscribes the totality of entire communities can be traced back to at least the ninth
of the human being with three terms in order to emphasize century BCE as it is also found on the Mesha stone, a Moabite
the seriousness of a faith commitment, cf. the idealized char- royal inscription from about 830 BCE, which includes this
acterization of Josiah in 2 Kings 23:25 and also i Kings 8:46— episode:
50; contrast Jer 12:2. w. 6-9, all Israelites are asked to mem-
And Chemosh said to me, 'Go, take Nebo [a town east of the Jordan]
orize, to teach, and to publicly confess the dogma of v. 4. As the from Israel!' So I went by night and fought against it from the break
intrusive relative clause 'that I am commanding you today' (cf. of dawn until noon, taking it and slaying all, seven thousand [men
7:11) shows, this later came to be understood of the entire law; and women], for I had devoted them to destruction [firm] for (the
see Veijola (19920, b) and on the customs mentioned in w. 8- god) Ashtar-Chemosh. And I took from there the [vessels] of
9, Keel (1981). Yahweh, dragging them before Chemosh. (11.14—18 (abbreviated): cf.
ANET320)
(6:10-19) Against Forgetting YHWH The paraenetic dis-
courses in chs. 6-n are styled so as to correspond to the However, v. 2 does not intend to document ancient military
imagined situation of Moses' audience east of the Jordan practice, but rather to construe an ideal of Israel's conquest of
(1:1-5; 3 :2 9J 4:46). Taking possession of the promised land the land. This ideal does not tell anything about Israel's early
(cf. 1:8) is seen by the Deuteronomists as the one great threat history, but mainly has two functions: it serves as a basis for
to Israel's belief in the God of the Exodus (5:6). Looking back explaining the defeat of Jerusalem in 587 BCE in terms of
to the defeat of Jerusalem in 587 BCE, these scribes understand Israel's apostasy which is seen to have been induced by her
the catastrophe as caused by the 'anger' ('ctp) of YHWH who, assimilation to the nations of the land in defiance of a Mosaic
 143 DEUTERONOMY

command (cf. 20:18; 29:25-8 (MT 24-7); Josh 23:1 to Judg then you shall bless the LORD your God...'; cf. Weinfeld 1991:
3:6), and it serves as a warning against assimilation for the 391) is an exhortation to praise God for all the good which the
community of those who are faithful to the law, probably at community enjoys. In v. n, the notion of forgetting YHWH'
some time in the Second Temple period, v. 3 may be directly is explained in terms of disobedience to the law. w. 12-18
related to the policy of Nehemiah in the fifth century BCE, cf. enlarge on the preceding texts, notably in hymnic praise of
Neh 13:23—7 and also Gen 24:3; 28:1. v. 5 proscribes all cultic YHWH's mighty deeds. A scribe here warns against impious
sites besides the temple, cf. 12:3; Ex 34:13. In w. 1—2, Israel's arrogance (cf. Hos 13:4—6), as Israel's wealth is owed to God's
claim to the land and fear of apostasy resulted in an ideal blessing (7:13; cf. Hos 2:8 (MT10)). w. 19-20 add a reinterpre-
which induces doubt about God's relation to humankind and tation of w. 7—18 on the lines of 7:1—5, turning the concept of
frightens the human being away from God. Even within annihilation into a conditional threat against Israel, cf. 6:15.
Deuteronomy itself, this voice finds a theologically more w. i and 6 (cf. 6:1) frame the first unit of ch. 8 which demon-
promising context, cf. 4:19-20, 32-5 (however, also 36-8); strates how the imagery of Israel's forty years wandering in
9:1-6. v. 6 can justify a separation from people who worship the wilderness (cf. 1:3; 2:14; Am 2:10; Ex 15:22—17:7; Num
'other gods' (v. 4; 20:18), but not the ideal of w. 1—2. On the 10:33—12:16; 20:1—21:20) should lead towards a knowledge of
exegetical problem of w. 1—2 see Barr (1993: 207—20). God. To the several interpretations of this period (cf. 1:31;
v. 6 (cf. 26:16-19) Puts ^e exclusive relationship between 32:10-11; Hos 2:14-15 (MT 16-17); J er 2:2 )> v - 2 adds the aspect
YHWH and Israel (cf. 6:4) into a universal horizon in relating of God's 'testing' (n-s-h piel) Israel's faithfulness (cf. Judg 3:4).
it to the entire created world (cf. Ex 19:5; Am 3:2), thus going This thought may even prepare the ground for the discussion
far beyond an orientation towards Israel's land. The connec- of the problem of theodicy in the book of Job. In v. 5, this
tion between mythological primeval history and YHWH's call interpretation is modified by the concept of God's 'disciplin-
of Abraham in Gen 9:18-12:3 gives a narrative representation ing' (y-s-rpiel) Israel, cf. Zeph 3:2; Jer 2:30; 30:11,14; 31:18. v. 3
of this creed. Its climax in Gen 12:3 (cf. Jer 4:1—2) must be is a keystone of theology within the OT A scribe here develops
considered an aspect of the canonical context of Deut 7:6. an understanding of religious faith and, at the same time,
w. 7-8, Israel's election is founded solely on YHWH's love, claims that this faith must have its foundation in God's words
cf. Hos 11:1, which also manifests itself in YHWH's promise to of promise and command; cf. 5:24; 30:15-16; also I
the ancestors, cf. Gen 22:16—18. A scribe here confronts the
(9:1-6) Righteousness and the Conquest of the Land Rhet-
triumphant conception of w. 1—2 with a deliberate antithesis
orically, this section has been carefully adapted to the fictiti-
which sees Israel as 'the fewest of all peoples', w. 9-10 quote
ous situation indicated by 1:1—5; 3:2$; cf also 31:3—6. It is
5:9-10 but restrict YHWH's punishment to any individually
probably an insertion, and borrows a number of motifs from
responsible person.
its literary context. Moses 'encourages and strengthens' Israel
(7:12-26) Hope and Israel's History This section presents in such a way that his words even create a contradiction
further Deuteronomistic elaborations of some of the subjects between v. 3 and 7:22. However, the specific subject of w. i—
addressed in 6:10-7:11. YHWH's oath to Israel's ancestors 6 is the question of why YHWH would destroy the nations of
(7:8) will only motivate YHWH to keep the 'gracious covenant' the land, cf. 7:1-2; 8:19-20. Israel is being warned not to
if Israel observes the commandments; v. 12, together with ascribe YHWH's great deeds to her own 'righteousness'
8:19—20, thus relate the theology of 7:7—8 to the doctrine of (sedaqd; contrast 6:25; 8:1). Instead, the nations of the land
YHWH as a 'jealous God' (5:9—10; 6:15; 7:9—10). God's love are being qualified by a 'wickedness' (ris'a) which provokes
unfolds in blessings in the spheres of daily life (w. 13-15; cf. Ex divine punishment, cf. Ezek 18:20 and also Gen 15:16; Lev
23:25-6; Deut 28:1-14). v- J 6 forms a transition to scribal 18:24—30. There is no way of determining what the 'wicked-
reflections on the impossible vision of 7:1—2 in the light of ness' of these nations who could not have offended against the
the historical experience of a small community living laws from Mount Horeb is seen to have been, although one
amongst different peoples (cf. 6:14). Although hope remains might refer to the 'abhorrent things' (to'lbot) according to
that taking possession of the land will eventually be as suc- 12:31; 18:9—12; 20:18. This problem may have motivated the
cessful as the Exodus from Egypt (w. 18—19; cf- I:3°J Ex 13:17— scribe who, by adding v. 2, altogether transforms the imagery
14:31), YHWH will 'clear away' (NRSV; dislodge: NJPS: nasal, of conquest. Building on elements adopted from 1:28 and
v. 22 as in 7:1) the peoples only 'little by little', cf. Ex 23:28-33; 7:24, this scribe imagines the entire land as populated not
Josh 23:6-13. This concept prepares for the biblical picture of by ancient nations, but rather by 'the offspring of the Anakim'
Israel's early history as much as for an understanding of the (see DEUT 1:28), i.e. mythological creatures, cf. Am 2:9; Josh
post-exilic period in the light of YHWH's exuberant promises. 11:21-2; Bar 3:24-8. Mythological imagination thus counter-
In the realm of history, what is essential is not to allow the balances the rhetoric of annihilation.
religions of these peoples to become a 'snare' (v. 16) for the
(9:7-10:11) YHWH's Wrath at Mount Horeb This section
people of YHWH. Cf. also the liturgical use of the warning
reads like a homily on the doctrine of YHWH as a 'jealous
example of the earlier generations in Ps 106:34—41.
God' in 6:15. Looking back to Mount Horeb as the place of a
(8:1—20) Knowledge of God and Praise Characterized by its 'covenant' ceremony (9:9, based on 5:2, 22), a scribe here
poetic beauty and a rich diversity of paraenetic verbs, ch. 8 reflects on the threat that YHWH might 'destroy' (s-m-d hifil,
returns to the subject of 6:10-15: the wealth of the land as a 6:15; 9:8, 13-14) Israel. In his representation of Israel's foun-
possible threat to Israel's faithful adherence to the God of the dational period under Moses' leadership, he shows how, in a
Exodus. For a critical analysis see Veijola (1995 »). w. 7—10 paradigmatic way, this threat had been averted through
('When the LORD your God brings you into a good land... Moses' intercession for the people. Thus, Israel's future is
DEUTERONOMY I 44

grounded in the Mosaic age (as well as in the promise to the 11:26—32 (cf. 27:11—13; 30:15—20). Crossing the Jordan and
ancestors, 9:27; cf. 7:7—8), although the catastrophe of 587 BCE entering into the land marks the situation for a decision
could not be averted, cf. Jer 5:18—19; 30:11, the interdiction of between faithful adherence to YHWH, the God of the Exodus,
intercession theme in Jer 7:16; 11:14; also I5:I- Th£ basic and apostasy: obedience or disobedience, blessing or curse are
narrative, which may have included 9:7-18, 26-9; io:iofc-n, being presented as straightforward alternatives. A similar
is based on an earlier version of the story of the Golden Calf in ceremony at Shechem, i.e. between Mount Gerizim to the
Ex 32—4; see Driver (1895 (1901)) and especially Aurelius south and Mount Ebal to the north, is narrated in Josh 24,
(1988). Several additions have been joined to it, notably refer- cf. especially w. 14-15. A puzzling gloss in v. 30 transfers the
ring to Aaron (9:20; 10:6-7), the Levites (10:8-9), and the ark ceremony of v. 29 to a location directly in the valley of
(10:1—5; cf. J Kings 8:9). The section starts from a striking the Jordan, cf. Josh 4:20; 5:10. Here as elsewhere in chs.
reinterpretation of the period in the wilderness (9:7; cf. Jer 4-11, the great paraenetic alternative is as much a reflection
7:24-6, and see DEUT 8:2), and this has been enlarged by more of liturgical practice as it is part of the Deuteronomistic lit-
instances of Israel's rebellious character as a 'stubborn people' erary invention of Moses' oration.
(famqese-forep, 9:13) in 9:22—4 (for which cf. 1:19—46; Ex 17:1—
7; Num 11:1—34; PS 106:19—33).
Promulgation of the Laws (12:1-25:19 (26:1-15))
(10:12-11:32) Nomistic Paraenesis The exhortation 'So now, (12:1-32 (MT 12:1-13:1)) The Law of Centralization of Sacrifi-
O Israel' opens a sequence of loosely connected paraenetic cial Worship Ch. 12 contains the law which defines the place
addresses which borrow many elements from the preceding of Deuteronomy in the history of Israelite cult. It is based on
chapters. Although the section may include some vague an opposition between a multiplicity of cultic sites ('any place
reminiscences of a treaty form (cf. Mayes 1979: 30-4, 207- you happen to see') and 'the place that the Lo RD will choose' as
9), it has no overall coherence. Regarding the conquest of the one legitimate place for performing acts of sacrificial cult
the land west of the Jordan, 11:22—32 returns as it were to the (w. 13—14). On the one hand, the law contradicts that of Ex
point where Moses' historical review had left the reader in 20:22-6 which gives permission to erect 'an altar of earth' or
3:29. 'an altar of stone' in many places, for that law includes the
The first unit, 10:12—11:1, builds upon 6:2, 5 and empha- divine promise that 'in every place where I [YHWH] cause my
sizes that 'fear of God' and 'love of God' denote a belief in God name to be remembered I will come to you and bless you'. On
which is the basis for all faithful obedience to the divine the other hand, the law is presupposed by the Priestly Docu-
commandments, w. 14-15 refer to Israel's election in a uni- ment. In that code, the one single 'place' of sacrificial worship
versal horizon (cf. 7:6—8; 4:32—5), and w. 17—18 establish a is imagined as a sanctuary the design of which was revealed to
connection between election and behaviour (cf. 4:5—8; Ps Moses on Mount Sinai, and this unique sanctuary was to allow
146:6-9). v. 19 gives an example of how hymnic praise of a YHWH 'to dwell among the Israelites' (wesakanti betokam, Ex
just and benevolent God must entail practical ethical conse- 25:8-9 MT). The law of Deut 12 in its hypothetical original
quences for the life within a community. For the command form is often regarded as the law which caused the Judean
itself cf. Lev 19:18/7, 33-4. The 'sojourner' (RSV; NRSV trans- king Josiah 'to defile the high places... from Geba to Beer-
lates 'stranger' in 10:19, Dut 'resident alien' in 5:14; 24:17, etc.) sheba', i.e. throughout his kingdom, and to leave only 'the
is a typical needy person because he holds no property in land altar of the LORD in Jerusalem' (2 Kings 23:8-9; see DEUT F.I),
and does not belong to a landowner's household either. In and this historical connection remains a plausible assump-
dense metaphorical language, v. 16 gives a paraenetic re- tion. The law does not name Jerusalem directly but, instead,
sponse to 9:13 (cf. also Jer 4:4; 6:10); however, in 30:6 a scribe speaks of'the place that the LORD will choose'. This may be
arrives at an even more radical understanding of human due to the fact that, according to Israel's historical tradition, it
opposition to the divine word and of God's will to overcome was David who first conquered Jerusalem and made it an
this opposition, cf. Jer 31:33—4; Ezek 18:31; 36:26. For v. 22 cf. Israelite city in the tenth century BCE (2 Sam 5:6—10). The
Gen 46:27. The second unit, 11:2—9, gives an enumeration of temple at Jerusalem, therefore, was not a sanctuary of YHWH
the mighty deeds of God (cf. esp. Ex 14; Num 16) that will from time immemorial (cf. also 2 Sam 6-7; i Kings 5-9).
contribute to an understanding of God's 'greatness', cf. 3:24. However, there is no reason to suppose that the formula 'the
As v. 2 is an anacoluthon, it is not clear in what sense a scribe place that the LORD will choose' should be interpreted in a
here addresses the problem of the succession of generations distributive sense as 'at all the respective places that YHWH
in Israel, cf. 29:14-15 (MT13-14); Josh 24:31; Judg 2:7,10. The will choose', even if, according to Jer 7:12-15, Shiloh had at
liturgical fragment does not take the situation of Moses' ora- some time been a sanctuary of the same legitimacy as Jerusa-
tion into account, cf. 1:34—5,39> 2:I6. For w. 8—9 cf. 8:1. w. 10— lem. Deut 12 clearly has Jerusalem in view.
12, cf. 8:7-10: the praise of the land also implies a rejection of The law of Deut 12 is addressed to a laity which must be
idolatrous fertility cults, cf. Hos 2:2-13 (MT 4-15). w. 13-15 cf. seen as living outside the capital in a rural milieu (v. 17). Ithas
7:12-15, a scribe here turns the praise into a conditional prom- several repetitions and employs the second person singular as
ise, cf. Jer 5:23—5. w. 16—17 are based on 6:15 and echo the well as plural. There is a broad scholarly consensus which says
curse of 28:23. For w. 18-21 see DEUT 6:6-9. w. 22~5 (cf. 7:16- that the sections in the plural (or mixed forms of address) are
24; 9:1; Josh 1:1-9): this unit leads on to the conquest narra- later than those in the singular, and that the singular sections
tives of the book of Joshua. For the ideal delineation of Israel's may have been part of the original Deuteronomic law code. As
territory cf. 1:7 and Josh 1:4. For the motif of the nations' dread far as cultic matters are concerned, 12:13—19; 14:22—9; 15:19—
of Israel cf. 2:25; Josh 2:9-11, 24. 23; 16:1-17 representthe core ofthe Deuteronomic legislation.
 145 DEUTERONOMY

A correspondence has often been noted between these laws on reads 'to put his name there' as in 12:5 etc.). The concept of the
cultic centralization and the concept of YHWH's unity and sanctuary as dwelling-place not of the deity, but of the divine
uniqueness as expressed in 6:4. For an extensive discussion of 'name' reflects a critique of a concept of holiness which is
Deut 12 see Reuter (1993), Levinson (1997). founded upon too anthropomorphic a notion of the deity (see
(12:1—7) Centralization and Anti-Syncretism v. i is a super- Weinfeld 1992: 191—209; Mettinger 1982: 38—79). It counter-
scription to the law which closely follows 5:31; cf 6:1. It balances a theological understanding of the temple which
introduces a second-person plural section (however, in the may have been prevalent in the monarchic era and again in
MT the formula relating to the land and its conquest is in the Second Temple period (cf Ps 46:5). According to 26:15,
the singular). w. 2—3 echo 7:5 and introduce into the Deuteron- the 'heaven' is YHWH's 'holy habitation', and this idea also
omic law a criterion for the judgement of Israel's history of underlies Solomon's prayer in i Kings 8:22—53. Th£ LXX
the monarchic period which is pronounced in Deuteronomis- translators may have had this prayer in mind when they
tic historiography (cf. i Kings 14:23—4; 2 Kings 17:7—12). The translated the phrase 'to make his name dwell there' as 'for
stereotypical description of the high places may be based on his name to be invoked there', cf. also Isa 56:7 and Mk 11:17.
Hos 4:13; Jer 2:20. Their interpretation as the remains of the w. 13—14 speak of one type of sacrifice only, the 'burnt
cult of an earlier non-Israelite population represents a distinct offering' ('old), when the entire animal is presented to the
development within Deuteronomistic thought, which results deity. It gives permission to slaughter (zabah) animals for
from the concept of the legitimacy of one single sanctuary of food 'within any of your towns' (v. 15) and thus makes slaugh-
YHWH only. In i Sam 9:11—14, for example, the fact that a ter a secular matter which does not have to be performed at an
country town fir) has its shrine on a hilltop (bdmd) does not altar any more (see Maag 1956). In consequence, no ritual
worry the narrator. The list of cult-related objects in v. 3 also purity is demanded of those who eat the meat. v. 16 adds a
represents a late stage of religious polemics when compared to detailed instruction concerning the blood which was formerly
16:21-2; 5:8. put on an altar, w. 17—18 deal with cultic offerings which can
no longer be brought to a local shrine but are not entirely
(12:8—12) Centralization and the Periodization of Israel's His- divested of their ritual quality either. On the tithe see the
tory w. 8—12 are another second-person plural section. Like additional law in 14:22-9, on the firstlings the law in 15:19-
Jer 7:21-2, the text builds upon the idea that Israel did not 23, on pilgrimages to the sanctuary the laws in 16:1—17. Th£
receive laws concerning cultic matters prior to entering the LXX has the second half of v. 17 in the second person plural
land. However, according to this Deuteronomistic scribe, the which might suggest that the references to 'votive gifts' (ne-
period of cultic tolerance lasted not only until the age of darim, cf. 23:21-3 (MT 22-4)), 'freewill offerings', and 'dona-
Joshua (cf. Josh 21:43-5; 23:I) but until that of Solomon, tions' are a later addition. The law envisages cultic
during which the temple in Jerusalem was built. Like i Kings celebrations of the entire family and makes 'rejoicing' the
8:16, Deut 12:8-12 identifies the moment at which YHWH main characteristic of a religious festival. In the LXX, the list
'chose' the place of the only sanctuary with the inauguration of of participants does not include the Levite but rather the
the temple in Jerusalem, cf. i Kings 5:3-5 (MT 5:17-19); 2 Sam 'resident alien', as in 5:14. v. 19 commands permanent support
7:1 for the notion of'rest'. It is clear from these links between of the Levite who used to be the priest at a local shrine and was
the law and the narrative that w. 8—12 are an addition to the to lose his cultic functions through the centralization of sacri-
Deuteronomic law after it had become part of the Deuteron- ficial worship (see, however, 18:6-8).
omistic History.
(12:20-8) Restrictions on Profane Slaughter The section
(12:13—19) Centralization and Sacrifices w. 13—19 are a sec-
gives a restrictive interpretation of v. 15. Permission is given
ond-person singular section and are the most original and the
to 'eat' meat 'whenever you have the desire', but an animal
most radical part of the legislation of the Deuteronomic re-
may be 'slaughtered' (zabah) 'within your towns' only if, after
form movement in the late-monarchic era (see DEUT F.I). The
the expansion of the territory, the sanctuary is 'too far from
first and the last sentences of this section open with the
you' (v. 21; the structuring of the verse in the NRSV is not
imperative 'take care that you do not...' and it may be debated
convincing), w. 23—5 show the great concern this scribe has
whether this is an appropriate beginning for a law (cf. 8:11;
aboutthe blood taboo (cf. Gen 9:4; Lev 17:10-12). v. 27 restores
however, in 6:10-12; 12:29-31 the imperative follows a tem-
the zebah type of sacrifice as a consequence of the restrictions
poral clause). However, no alternative beginning suggests
on the law of v. 15, and this is presupposed in the enumeration
itself. In w. 13—14, the lawgiver commands the restriction of
of offerings in w. 6, n. At an even later stage, the law of Lev
sacrifices to the one single place 'that the LORD will choose'
17:1-7 abrogates Deut 12:15 (Cholewinski 1976: 149-78; see,
and thus puts an end to all other cultic sites which used to exist
however, Rofe, quoted in Fishbane 1985: 228, who suggests
in Judah. A connection between the concept of a single sanc-
that w. 20-8 should be understood as a late scribal harmoni-
tuary and the concept of tribal territories is made only here
zation of Deut 12:13—19 and Lev 17:1—7).
(and, depending on this verse, in 12:5), and the Deuteron-
omistic authors are not agreed on whether Jerusalem could (12:29—32) Anti-Syncretistic Paraenesis In a second-person
be claimed by Judah (Josh 15:63) or by Benjamin (Judg 1:21). singular section, the same concept as in w. 2—7 is being
The formula concerning the chosen place of sacrificial wor- repeated, namely that even after the extinction of the nations
ship in v. 14 lacks a complement as in 14:23; 16:2, 6, n; 26:2 in the land west of the Jordan, a temptation will remain for
which qualifies the chosen place as a place which YHWH Israel to imitate religious rites which the divine ceremonial
chooses 'to make his name dwell there' (lesakken semo sam; law does not permit. For paraenetic purposes, all 'abhorrent'
also in a second-person plural text in 12:11; a later variation rites are equated with a syncretistic corruption of Israel's
DEUTERONOMY 146

religion (and vice versa). The end of v. 31 addresses a ritual sympathy. In comparison to the careful legal proceeding
practice which is severely criticized in such Deuteronomistic spelled out in 17:2—7 ( ' . . . and you make a thorough inquiry,
texts as e.g. Jer 7:30—4; 2 Kings 21:6. This type of child- and the charge is proved true'), the instructions for punishing
sacrifice may betray Phoenician influence in Judah in the the offender in w. 8-9 look awkward. A double textual tradi-
period after the fall of Jerusalem in 587 BCE (see Miiller tion for the beginning of v. 9 reads 'you shall surely kill him'
1997). v. 32 (MT 13:1) concludes the law of centralization (MT) or, alternatively, 'you shall surely report him' (LXX).
with a general exhortation and a formula which serves to However, it is clear that the formal legal verdict 'and he shall
protect the text from any changes and thus leads towards its die' (wamet, cf. 19:12 contrast 19:4 'and he shall live', wahay,
canonical status (cf. 4:2). The law of Deut 12 was not only of and cf. 24:7 etc.) is only pronounced in v. 10 (MT n; cf. also
enormous importance in the religious history of ancient Is- Tigay 1996: 132). The law represents a specific conception of
rael, but it retains its theological significance as a reflection on 'Israel' in whose midst (MT w. 2, 6, 12, 14) any attempt to
God's presence in worship in relation to God's supreme free- incite apostasy must be punished. At a later literary stage
dom. within Deuteronomy, this is restricted to a threat of divine
punishment (29:16—21 (MT 15—20)). v. 7 (28:64) may reflect
(13:1-18 (MT 13:2-19)) Incitement to Apostasy The law deals
an awareness of the religious world of antiquity in which
with incitement to apostasy or idolatry in three paragraphs
Israel struggled to retain her faith.
and in each case commands the death penalty (w. 5,10,15) as
in 17:2-7. The laws echo some motifs which are also found in (13:12-18) An Insurrectionary Town The model idea of ritual
Esar-haddon's succession treaty (see DEUT F.2), and thus apply destruction of the nations in the promised land (7:1—2) is
instructions concerning disloyalty in the political sphere to applied to an Israelite town in the case of its turning to the
apostasy in the religious sphere. Whether this betrays a revo- worship of foreign gods. The detailed instructions about the
lutionary atmosphere in late seventh century Judah (Weinfeld 'ban' (herem) are reminiscent of Josh 6-7, cf. also Deut7:25-6.
1992: 91-100; Dion 1991; Otto 1996/7) or whether a later w. 17/7-18 prove the author to have lived some time after the
learned scribe employed the language of political treaties for fall of Jerusalem, which was explained by the Deuteronomists
paraenetic variations on the commandment of 5:7 (Veijola as the consequence of YHWH's 'fierce anger' (hdron'ap, cf.
1995/7) remains open to debate. It may be useful to quote 2 Kings 23:26). The community lives in the expectation of
some lines from the Assyrian treaty for comparison here: YHWH's 'compassion' (rahamim), and faithful obedience to
the law is understood as a condition for future restoration.
If you hear any evil, improper, ugly word which is not seemly nor
good to Assurbanipal... either from the mouth of his ally, or from (14:1—2) Rites of Mourning This law, a late insertion into the
the mouth of his brothers... or from the mouth of your brothers, law code, forbids two rites still considered to be habitual rites
your sons, your daughters, or from the mouth of a prophet, an in Judah in Jer 16:6. The Israelites must neither gash their
ecstatic, an inquirer of oracles, or from the mouth of any human skin nor 'make baldness between the eyes', i.e. on the fore-
being at all, you shall not conceal it but come and report it to head. The kerygmatic introductory statement employs par-
Assurbanipal... If anyone should speak to you of rebellion and ent-child imagery in a way reminiscent of Isa 63:8-9,16. Its
insurrection ... or if you should hear it from the mouth of anyone, metaphorical aspects are more evident in 8:5; Isa 1:2-3; Jer
you shall seize the perpetrators of insurrection, and bring them 3:19. In the monarchic period, the title of a 'son' of YHWH
before Assurbanipal... If you are able to seize them and put them to could be given to the king in royal ideology (cf. Ps 2:7; 2 Sam
death, then you shall destroy their name and their seed from the
land... (11. 108-46: Parpola and Watanabe 1988: 33-4; ANET 535-6; 7:14), and also the entire people could be called YHWH's 'son'
an Aramaic treaty of the 8th cent, even includes the instruction to (Hos 11:1). v. 2 is a repetition of 7:6.
destroy a treasonous town: Sfire stela, 3. 12-13; ANET 661). (14:3-21) Dietary Laws The law opens with the general in-
struction not to eat 'any abhorrent thing' (kol-tofeba) This is
(13:1—5) Prophets The possibility of magic acts in the name of explained by detailed lists which have a more extended paral-
other gods than YHWH is also a motif in the Exodus narrative lel in Lev n. The section maybe a secondary addition induced
(cf. Ex 7:8-13). However, in the light of Jer 23:9-32, especially by the question of profane slaughter (12:15). A theological
w. 25—32, it is doubtful whether prophetic incitement to apos- reason for these distinctions is given in Lev 20:22—6; for an
tasy was ever an issue in late-monarchic Judah. The problem interpretation of these rules see Douglas (1966: 41—57). v. 21,
of untrue oracles in the name of YHWH is addressed in Deut animals which have died of natural causes are a taboo for the
18:9-22. The author of w. 1-2 interprets the criterion of people to which the law code is addressed but may be given as
fulfilment of an oracle as referring to thaumaturgic compe- a charitable support to members of the non-landowning class,
tence and decidedly subordinates it to the first commandment cf. 24:19—22, and may even be sold to foreigners. Later laws in
of the Decalogue (5:6—10). The law exhibits a concern for the Lev 11:39—40 and 17:15—16 only demand rites of purification
exclusiveness of the worship of Israel's God, probably against after eating such meat. The prohibition at the end of v. 21 may
a background of strong tendencies towards assimilation to reflect religious awe in regard to an animal and its mother as
foreign cults after the fall of Jerusalem (cf. 12:29—31). The at 22:6-7, cf- E X 23:18-19.
second half of v. 3 which is based on 6:5 aims at a theological
(14:22—9) Tithes A detailed law on tithes further clarifies
understanding of any conceivable enticement to a new reli-
12:17-19. The tithe (or a less clearly defined offering: Ex
gious allegiance.
23:19) seems to have been a conventional contribution which
(13:6-11) Family The second law concentrates on an instiga- peasants gave for ceremonies at local shrines, cf. Am 4:4-5.
tor's confidentiality with the tempted believer and is therefore Any suggestion to link it to royal taxation remains speculative
supported by an explicit order to suppress any feelings of (Crusemann 1996: 215-19). The tithe is made the subject of a
 147 DEUTERONOMY

formal command in Deuteronomy in an attempt to abolish decrees: 'If an obligation came due against a seignior and he
the traditional rites and to link the offering to the central sold (the services of) his wife, his son, or his daughter... they
sanctuary. A tendency towards desacralization of the tithe is shall work (in) the house of their purchaser... for three years,
reflected by the permission to turn it into money and to with their freedom reestablished in the fourth year' (§ 117,
reserve the money for a pilgrimage. A later scribe restricted ANET170—1). The version in Deuteronomy puts special em-
this permission by adding a conditional clause like that at phasis on the obligation to provide the slave generously with
12:21 ('if/because the place... is too far from you', v. 24). In some goods on leaving, 'in proportion to YHWH's blessing'
legislation of the Second Temple period, the tithe is formally which the master had enjoyed (v. 14, following the LXX read-
declared a source of income for the Levites, cf Num 18:20-32; ing). However, it does not become clear on what economic
Neh 13:10—14. w. 28—9 (cf. 26:12—15), twice within a seven- basis former slaves would sustain themselves, and instead of
year cycle (15:1), the tithe must be put to charitable support of becoming landless poor, it might be more advantageous for
the poor in the country towns. The attached promise makes them to stay with their masters (w. 16-17). m me circumspect
it clear that divine blessing does not depend on any fertility social vision of Lev 25, the release of slaves is connected to the
rites. restitution of landed property in the jubilee year; cf also Neh
5:1-13. v. 15 adduces the fundamental article of Israel's faith
(15:1—11) Remission of Debts and God's Blessing Within the
according to Deuteronomy in order to encourage unre-
sequence of cultic laws, the law indicates that the divine
strained obedience. 'Remembering' (zakar) is a vital act of
blessing on which economic success of farming depends
faith. Additionally, a rational argument in v. 18 says that a
(v. 10, cf. v. 18) may be won through humanitarian behaviour.
slave gives his master 'double the service of a hired man'
w. 1—3 revise the traditional institution of a fallow year (cf. Ex
(NJPS; NRSV's translation is based on a contentious inter-
23:10—11) and either complement or even replace it by a com-
pretation ofmisneh as 'equivalent').
mand to remit any debts which a fellow farmer might have
incurred. It is clear from the context that the law concerns a (15:19—23) Firstlings Instructions for annual offerings in
loan which helped the 'neighbour' or 'brother' (RSV) to sur- 14:22-7 and here form a framework for the humanitarian
vive until the next harvest. The law does not include 'foreign- laws in 14:28-15:18 which refer to three-year and seven-year
ers', because they did not belong to the community of those cycles or periods respectively. On firstlings see Ex 13:1—2;
who had to observe the 'release' (semitta) that was proclaimed 34:19—20.
in YHWH's honour. A lucid philosophical understanding of (16:1-8) Pesah and the Feast of Unleavened Bread The law
this controversial differentiation (cf. again in 23:19—20 (MT conflates pesah and the massot feast into one festival in the
20-1)) has been suggested by H. Grotius who says that the month of Abib (March/April; a later name is Nisan; see also
Israelites owed the foreigners only whatever was demanded Lev 23:5). The pesah is thus integrated into the traditional cycle
by 'natural law' because of the unity of humankind, but not of three agricultural festivals (Ex 23:14-19). For a critical
what would have been motivated by an extraordinary benevo- analysis of w. 1-8 see Veijola (1996/7); Gertz (1996). Read in
lence ('Talibus incolis debebantur ob humani generis cogna- conjunction with 12:13—19, it appears that the pesah is the
tionem ea quae sunt iuris naturalis: non etiam ea quae main zebah type offering in the original law code. It may
maioris sunt bonitatis,' Annotata ad Velus Testamentum, only be offered at the central sanctuary (w. 2, 5-6). The
1644). ancient prohibition of eating leavened bread with a zebah
The instruction of w. 7—10 implies rich observations on the (Ex 23:18) forms a transition to the instructions concerning
human heart and comes close to the commandment of Lev the Feast of Unleavened Bread. This is to last for seven days
19:18 to love one's neighbour (cf. Deut 10:17-19; Mk 12:31). In and radiates into the entire territory (w. 3-4). At a later stage,
w. 4—5, a later scribe expresses a vision of the fullness of God's v. 8 introduces a cultic assembly at the close of the festival
blessing in response to the people's faithful obedience (cf. Isa week. In the history of the pesah, this law is unique in that it
58:6-9) and v. ii reconciles this expansion with the original does not allow the slaughtering of the passover lamb in the
intention of the law. v. 6 may be a late gloss on w. 4-5 which is individual homes, cf. Ex 12. For the Deuteronomic movement,
partly based on 28:12 and possibly reflects a political hope of this festival in spring is of foremost religious significance
the community in the Persian empire. because it causes the participants to remember the Exodus
(15:12—18) Debt Servitude The law commands that any He- as the foundational intervention of God in Israel's history; cf.
brew slave is to be set free (hopsi) after six years of service. also 2 Kings 23:21-3.
This seven-year period is not directly related to the year of (16:9—12) The Feast of Weeks In Ex 23:160, the sabufot festival
release of w. i—n. The law is based on Ex 21:2—6. However, it is called 'the feast of harvest'. The date of this feast depends on
does not take up the second law of Ex 21:7—11 (which is more a the beginning of the grain harvest which would normally fall
family law), but instead extends the force of the first law to in April. Its main characteristic is the liberal consumption of
apply equally to male and female slaves. The term 'Hebrew' portions of the new yield, and therefore it is supposed to
('iforf) is known from narratives which confront the Israelites include all the people within the rural community. The appeal
with the Egyptians or the Philistines (e.g. Ex i; i Sam 4). It to generosity is underlined by v. 12 in a way similar to 15:15.
remains doubtful whether it was originally related to the term According to the Deuteronomic law, 'rejoicing' in YHWH's
hab/piru which, in Egyptian and Near-Eastern texts of the presence is the primary raison d'etre of the harvest festivals
second millennium BCE, designates a certain stratum of so- (w. n, 14—15; cf 12:18, see Braulik 1970), which, in pre-Deu-
ciety (see ABD iii. 6—10, 95). The subject of the law has a teronomic times, may have had numerous and confusing
parallel in the Code of Hammurabi (i8th cent. BCE) which mythological aspects, cf. Hos 2:2-15 (MT 4-17).
DEUTERONOMY 148

(16:13-15) The Feast of Booths In Ex 23:16/7, the sukkot festival a covenant can be ascribed to the Josianic age depends on the
is called 'the festival of ingathering'. It is the autumn festival critical understanding of Hos 8:1 and 2 Kings 23:1—3; see
which follows the grape harvest. Before the beginning of the Nicholson (1986).
calendar year in ancient Israel was moved to spring in the late (17:8-13) The Authority of a High Court As the abolition of
seventh or early sixth century, the festival must have coincided local sanctuaries eliminates the possibility of seeking an or-
with the New Year and many suggestions have been made deal (cf. Ex 22:7—8), the law establishes the judicial authority
concerning its ritual aspects, notably as a celebration of of the priests at the central sanctuary (cf. 12:13-14). Later
YHWH's enthronement as a 'king' and 'creator god' additions in w. 9, 12 seem to anchor the office of a judge in
(Mowinckel 1962: i. 118-30; Mettinger 1982: 67-77). this text which is presupposed in the book of Judges. The
(16:16-17) The Rule of Pilgrimages The law summarizes the death penalty for 'presumptuously' (bezadon) disregarding
festival calendar with a revised version of the rule of Ex 23:17. divine authority is commanded in a second case in 18:20-2.
It is clear from w. n, 14; 12:18; 14:26 that 'all your males' (17:14-20) The Israelite King The law deals with the legiti-
includes entire 'households', if not entire villages. 31:10-13 macy of the Israelite, i.e. Judean monarchy, as does the Deu-
gives a more extensive list of participants in a religious teronomistic discourse in i Sam 8. It is often regarded as the
festival. core of a supposed Deuteronomic constitutional law in 16:18-
(16:18—20) Judges Possibly as one aspect of royal administra- 18:22. As such, it could be directed against revolutionary
tion and judicature, the law institutes judges (sopetim) in the tendencies as known from the history of the northern king-
Judean country towns. These are coupled with 'officials' (so- dom (cf. i Kings 15:27—8; 16:9—10,16; 2 Kings 9:14; 15:10,14,
terim), i.e. a certain type of scribe, to which the specification 25, 30; Hos 8:4) or it could be a Utopian model for the political
'according to your tribes' (RSV) may relate, possibly a second- role of a future Israelite king after the destruction of the
ary addition (as in 1:15) which alludes to a tribal and military Judean monarchy in 587 BCE (cf. Lohfink 19710). However, a
model, cf 20:5-9. Th£ city gate was the normal place for trials, more plausible interpretation sees the law related to the di-
cf 21:19; Am 5:10. One layer of laws in Deuteronomy, esp. the verse reflections within the Deuteronomistic representation
collection of family laws (see DEUT G.I), is built upon the of Israel's history (see DEUT c.2 and F.3) about the responsi-
judicial authority of the 'elders' (zeqenim) of a town who may bility of the kings for the national disasters under the Assyr-
have been a more traditional body. v. 19 is a concise expression ians and Babylonians (2 Kings 15:17—25:21). In any case it is
of the juridical ethos which, in 10:17-18, is even related to God worth noting that the law does not mention any royal officers
as example. Taking a bribe (cf. Ex 23:8) is condemned as a (cf. i Kings 4:1-6).
threat to justice in all currents of Israel's religious thought, cf. According to w. 14—15, instituting a monarchy was funda-
e.g. Am 5:12; Isa 5:23; Ps 15:5; Prov 17:23; cf. also Lambert mentally legitimate although not without ambivalence, as it
(1960: 133). v. 20 is a later addition which makes taking meant that Israel would become similar to 'all the nations that
possession of the land depend on obedience to the law as in are around', thus verging on apostasy. The prohibition against
6:17—18. The subject of legal procedures is further pursued in appointing a foreigner (v. 15) as well as the reference to the
17:8—13; 19:1—21; 21:1—9. king and his descendants (v. 20) intend to protect the Davidic
dynasty, cf. 2 Sam 7. However, the restrictions imposed on the
(16:21—2) Cultic Sites This pair of instructions concerning
king in w. 16-17, 2O are an indirect critique of Solomon, cf. i
the features of a sanctuary is puzzling in its literary context.
Kings 9:10—11:13. They correspond to the more general para-
The reference to 'the altar that you make for the LORD your
enesis of 8:11—14 an(^ can even be traced back to prophetic
God' is reminiscent of Ex 20:24—5 rathgr than Deut 12:13—14.
criticism in Isa 31:1. The reference to a divine oracle in v. i6b
The temple at Jerusalem does not seem to be an obvious place
(and again in 28:68) may reflect controversies which also lie
for an 'asm, a sacred tree or a wooden object, nor a masslbd, a
behind Jer 41:16—43:7. At a later stage, the law was supple-
standing stone (cf, however, 2 Kings 23:6). In Deuteronomis-
mented by w. 18—19 which emphasize the pre-eminence of
tic literature, these objects are normally connected with cultic
the Torah in Israel. The king shall have his own copy of the law
sites in the open country (i Kings 14:23) and are ascribed to the
which may lead him like any Israelite to fear God (6:24) and
pre-Israelite population (Deut 7:5; 12:2-3). Following recent
keep God's commandments (5:31-2). Deuteronomy ideally
archaeological discoveries, it is strongly debated whether an
subjects the supreme representative of political power to the
asherah might originally have been devoted to the goddess
same religious and ethical obligations of the highest possible
Asherah as a divine consort of YHWH, see Wiggins (1993);
moral standard (4:8) which are valid for the entire commu-
Frevel (1995).
nity. It is this concern which invites comparison of this law
(17:1) A Sacrificial Rule The mention of an altar entails a with Paul's reflections on political power under the conditions
rule like that of 15:21 concerning sacrifices, cf. further Lev of the Roman empire (Rom 13:1-7).
22:17-25. (18:1-8) Priests The law, which may originally have followed
(17:2^7) Apostasy as a Legal Case This law may be more on 17:13, only addresses two issues which concern the typical
original in Deuteronomy than 13:1—18 from which laws it is audience of the law code in the Judean country towns. In a
distinguished by the prescription of a careful legal procedure. legislative form similar to 15:1-2, it defines the claims of the
Apostasy is explicitly called a breach of the covenant (bent) priests at the central sanctuary (cf. Ex 23:19). The priests, who
between YHWH and Israel. This points back to the interpret- are not entitled to landed property, are regarded as levitical
ation of the Decalogue (esp. 5:6—10) as the main stipulation of priests, and w. 6—8 state that all Levites have a rightto perform
a 'covenant' in 5:2, cf. also 4:12-13. Whether or not this idea of priestly duties, even if, due to the centralization of the cult,
 149 DEUTERONOMY

they lose their functions outside Jerusalem. The relation be- talionis. This rule, which applies to manslaughter and bodily
tween this law and Josiah's actions as reported in 2 Kings harm, intends to keep punishment and revenge within strict
23:8—9 is a controversial issue (see DEUT F.I). In additions to limits (cf. Ex 21:23-5). Taken out of its original legal context, it
the law in w. i, 2, 5, a scribe underlines YHWH's 'electing' the is rejected in Mt 5:38-42, whereas within that context a line of
entire 'tribe of Levf. However, in later legal developments the interpretation within Judaism leads towards monetary fines
priesthood is restricted to the descendants of Aaron (Num (Tigay 1996: 185).
3:9-10). (20:1-21:14) Laws on Warfare Except for 21:1-9, these laws
(18:9-22) Prophets As sacrificial cult does not exhaust all form a sequence of four laws on the army, on conquest, and on
religious energies, a section on divination and magic has booty. Their background in antiquity is well illustrated by 2
been added to the law code. Like 17:14, w. 9-12 reflect the Sam 8:2; 12:26—31, and 2 Kings 15:16; and especially in view of
Deuteronomistic narrative framework of Deuteronomy. As in 20:10-14 it is w°rth comparing Thucydides, Pdoponnesian
12:2—4, 2 9~3 J > what is 'abominable' to Israel's God is equated War, 5: 84-116. The first two laws have been heavily supple-
with the religious practices of the former inhabitants of the mented. In 20:1—9, a priest has been given a role beside the
land, cf. also Lev 20:1-8, 22-7. Besides child sacrifice (see officials (sotmm) in w. 2—4, and the officials' enquiry has been
DEUT 12:31), seven forms of superstition make a contrast to reinterpreted in v. 8, cf. Judg 7:1-7. In 20:10-18, the original
the one exclusive form of communication between God and law of w. 10-14 has been given an opposite meaning in
his people through a prophet (nabi'). w. 16-18, the author accordance with the idea of a military conquest of the prom-
establishes the notion of a succession of prophets by the same ised land in w. 15—18 (cf. Rofe 1985/7). Whereas the original
interpretation of the events at Mount Horeb which is em- sequence of laws aimed at restricting destructive energies in
ployed to define the relation between the Decalogue and the case of war, the eventual result of its reworking provides
law code in ch. 5. The idea of a prophet in v. 18 and the law another affirmation of the concept of annihilation of the
concerning a 'presumptuous' prophet in w. 20—2 are closely peoples in the land, see DEUT 7:2. The anti-assimilationist
related to the book of Jeremiah (Jer 1:7—9; 23:9~32)- Israel's motive for this fictitious historiographical concept is empha-
prophetic traditions are thus anchored in the Torah. However, sized in v. 18, cf. 18:9-13. However, the authors of i Kings
34:10 makes a distinction between Moses and all later 14:24; 2 Kings 21:2 point towards the futility even of this
prophets. On theories concerning the end of the prophetic concept.
age sometime during the Persian period see Barton (1986: (21:1-9) Expiation for Unresolved Murder Thematically con-
105-16). tiguous to 19:1—13, the rite allows the elders of an Israelite
(19:1-13) Cities of Refuge The law continues the section on town to make atonement for a murder in a case where the
judicial matters which began in 16:18. However, it does not murderer cannot be identified and punished, v. 5 is a later
mention any judges but only the 'elders' of a city (v. 12). The attempt to see this unique ceremony directed by priests, cf.
introductory v. i appears to be an addition made after 17:14—20 Lev 4:20.
and 18:9-22 had been inserted into the law code. The institu-
(21:15—23) Family Laws w. 15—17, the rule that the firstborn
tion of three cities of refuge in Judah compensates for the
son shall inherit twice as much of his father's estate as any
abolition of local sanctuaries where, prior to the reform, an
other heirs must not be violated (cf. E. W. Davies 1986). w. 18-
asylum-seeker could have found protection (Ex 21:13—14; cf. i
21, conversely, parents must be able to rely on that son for
Kings 1:49-53). w- 8-9 are an addition which provides for
support in their old age, cf. 5:16; Ex 21:15, J7- The elders of a
three cities of refuge east of the Jordan, cf. 4:41-3; Num 35;
town play a remarkable role in traditional family law in Deu-
Josh 20. The central concern of the law finds expression in
teronomy, cf. 22:15; 25:7- The law imposes a death penalty and
v. 10 and is the same as in 21:1—9.
stresses its function as a deterrent. By association, it is fol-
(19:14) Boundaries Laws such as this (cf. 27:17); 23:24—5 (MT lowed by a regulation which limits public exhibition of an
25-6); 24:19-22, and also 15:7-11 address likely causes of executed offender.
conflict in a rural community and may be compared with
the laws on agriculture in Plato's Laws, 8426—84&c (Driver (22:1-4) Fairness and Co-operation Like Ex 23:4-5, the law
looks at disturbed social relations in a rural community and
(1895) 1901: 234). The issue is also dealt with in wisdom
forbids 'ignoring' (hit'allem) obvious cases for mutual help.
literature: Prov 23:10—11; the Egyptian Instruction of Amen-
Although it also draws a distinction between lost property and
cm-opc (i2th cent. BCE: ANET422, 'Do not carry off the land-
mark at the boundaries of the arable land, | Nor disturb the theft, its main characteristic is the strong paraenetic tone
which aims at overcoming indifference and irresponsibility.
position of the measuring-cord; | Be not greedy after a cubit of
land, | Nor encroach upon the boundaries of a widow' (7.12— (22:5-12) Ordinances Protecting Life and Manners This sec-
13)), the Akkadian series of incantations, Shurpu (copies from tion, notably w. 5, 9-12, must be seen against the background
the 7th cent. BCE: Reiner 1958: 14, 'He set up an untrue of the notion that certain practices would be 'abominable' to
boundary, (but) did not set up the [trjue bound[ary], | He YHWH. Of special interest is the restriction on human greed
removed mark, frontier and boundary' [the sun god is asked and power over animal life in w. 6-7. It concludes with a
to release this person] (2, 45)). motive clause similar to the one in 5:16, and from this one may
(19:15-21) Legal Witnesses v. 15 is of great consequence for infer that respect for the parent—child relationship stands
setting up standards for legal proceedings, w. 16—21 never- behind the law, cf. also 14:21/7.
theless discuss the problem of false testimony by a single (22:13-30 (MT 23:1)) Family and Sex Laws Part of a more
witness and threaten him with a penalty based on the lex extended collection (see DEUT G.I and Otto 1993), the laws
DEUTERONOMY 150

address issues of dishonesty and violence in sexual relations. line ofthought can be found in Mic 6:6—8. If someone made a
They are arranged according to the marital status of a woman. vow, whatever had been dedicated to the deity would have to be
The death penalty is imposed in most cases, although w. 23—7 taken to the central sanctuary (12:17-18). 23:24-5, a number of
reflect a development towards restricting this through careful rules, such as this, in the final section of the law code (also
considerations. In one case only (v. 19) a fine is imposed, even 24:6,10—13,14~I5> I7~1^' 19—22) anticipate conflicts in a rural
if this seems to contradict the principle expressed in 19:19. A community. Most ofthem express the same spirit as 22:1—4 or
complementary law to w. 28—9 can be found in Ex 22:16—17 15:7—11. They refer to the relationship between economically
(MT15-16). v. 30, if a man was married polygamously, his son independent 'neighbours' (rea') as well as between such peas-
must not marry any of his father's former wives; cf 27:20; Lev ants and the landless poor who are employed as 'labourers'
18:8. (sakir) or are not attached to any household at all (ger, also
(23:1-8 (MT 23:2-9)) The Assembly of the Lord The law needy orphans and widows). The rules are based on an ethos
probably concerned local assemblies in monarchic Judah (cf. of fairness and generosity, and this is an obvious moral con-
Mic 2:5), however, it does not indicate what functions such an sequence of a faith which centres on the Exodus creed (24:22;
assembly (qehal YHWH) would have had. Edomites and Egyp- cf. 5:6—21, esp. 14—15). 24:1—4, a man had the right to divorce
tians are to be admitted under certain conditions, whereas his wife (cases such as 22:13-19, 28-9 excepted), and he could
Ammonites and Moabites are not (see ABD). w. 1—2 may get married to more than one woman (cf. 21:15). By implica-
allude to cultic perversions, however, this is not entirely con- tion, a woman had the right to get married more than once.
clusive, and the designation 'born of an illicit union' (NRSV) However, a man did not have the right to call back his divorced
follows the LXX interpretation of the unknown Hebrew word wife once she had been married to and thus 'defiled' by (tame')
mamzer. The law originally seems to think of Jacob as Israel's another man. As generally in Deuteronomy, the law does not
ancestor (v. 7; cf. Gen 25:21-6) and, in v. 3, to express the same take the perspective of the woman, whose fate may be deplor-
spirit of contempt as Gen 19:30-8. The list of peoples does not able. For discussions about this law in early Christianity cf.
exhaustively reflect the political situation of Judah (cf. e.g. 2 Mk 10:2-12; Mt 19:9; 5:31-2. 24:5, cf. 20:5-7. 24:7» me death
Kings 23:13; Jer 27:3; Zeph 2:4—9) but concentrates on those penalty is imposed on anybody who kidnaps a person, cf. Ex
three Transjordanian neighbours with whom 2:2-23 is also 21:16. In the Code of Hammurabi a similar law reads: 'If a
concerned, w. 4-6 are obvious secondary additions based on seignior has stolen the young son of another seignior, he shall
reinterpretations of 2:8—25 and Num 22—4. i Kings 11:2; Ezra be put to death' (§ 14, ANET 166). 24:8-9, a later addition to
9:12; Neh 13:1—3 refer to this law in combination with 7:3—4. It the collection, asserts the authority of the levitical priests in
has been suggested that Isa 56:3-7 abrogates this law (Donner cases of an infectious disease which LXX identifies as leprosy.
1985). Lev 13—14 offers detailed instructions for dealing with such
diseases. The concluding exhortation points to Num 12.
(23:9-14) The Military Camp Possibly by association a transi- 24:16, capital punishment (cf. e.g. 24:7) must be executed
tion is made from the assembly (qahal) to the camp (mahd- only on the person of the offender. Thematically, this belongs
neh). YHWH is not seen to appear in an epiphany during a to a group of laws on the administration of justice (21:22—3;
campaign (cf. Judg 5:4-5; 2 Sam 22:8-16), instead, the law is 25:1—3). Although in its immediate context the term for 'crime'
intended to protect the deity's continuous presence in the (hef) is also being used for 'guilt' in a religious sense (24:15),
camp (cf. 20:2—4). the principle of individual responsibility here does not engage
(23:15—16) A Fugitive Slave The law may originally have fol- with the teaching of 5:9 which states that YHWH will punish
lowed on v. 8 since it deals with slaves who presumably have 'iniquity' (fawon) through four generations. 25:1—3, a further
fled from a foreign country: they are given permission to settle law on practical legal matters. The notion of 'degradation'
'in any one of your towns'. If a political dimension should be within the community also underlies the two following laws.
implied here, the law overturns provisions such as are known 25:4, proverbial from its reinterpretation in i Cor 9:9—11, may
from an Aramaic treaty of the eighth century BCE which have been linked with 24:19—22. In four Hebrew words it says
specifies that a fugitive must be returned (Sfire stela, 3, 4-6; a lot about treatment of animals and its original sense merits
ANET 6 6 o). If, however, the law must be understood within a pondering. Prov 12:10 may be a help. 25:5-10, if a man dies
domestic horizon only, it is worth comparing contrary regula- without leaving a son, his name is 'blotted out of Israel', and
tions in the Code of Hammurabi (fi6, ANET 167). this is seen as a great misfortune (the same view may be
(23:17—18) Laws against Prostitution As in 23:1—2, it is not implied in 24:5). Where circumstances allow, securing the
clear what kind of cultic rites, if any, lie behind these laws (cf. continuity of a deceased man's family through levirate mar-
ABD v. 505-13). Even Hos 4:13-14 and 2 Kings 23:7 hardly riage has first priority. Fear of disgrace is to motivate a reluct-
offer a firm basis for historical explanation. ant brother-in-law. 25:11—12, except for the lex talionis (19:21),
this is the only instance of mutilation as punishment in the
(23:19—25:12) Religious, Economic, and Civil Laws 23:19—20,
law code.
like 15:1—3, the law is intended to facilitate a fellow Israelite's
economic survival. 23:21-3, the law is typical of the conflation (25:13-16) Fairness and Honesty The concluding paragraph
of religious and sapiential thought in Deuteronomy (Weinfeld of the law code is permeated by the sapiential spirit of human-
1992: 270—2). On the one hand it fully recognizes and teaches ism typical of many sections of Deuteronomy. The law on just
the religious implications of a vow, on the other hand it asserts weights and measures has parallels in Israelite as well as
that this custom is dispensable, thus putting into effect the ancient Near-Eastern wisdom texts (Prov 11:1; 20:10, 23;
liberating power of reflection. A further development of this Shurpu, 8. 64—7 (Reiner 1958: 42—3); cf. Code of Hammurabi,
 151 DEUTERONOMY
J94 (ANHTi69)). It appeals to a common sense of what is just spends to an exhortation such as 6:17—18. It includes a list of
in order to keep the human being from doing 'unrighteous- three forbidden abuses of the third year's tithe, which pre-
ness' (fawel); cf also Lev 19:35—4; Ezek 18:5—9. Moral behav- sumably are related to some form of death-cult, possibly a
iour guided by such self-evidently just principles is related to problem in the Second Temple period. For the designation of
the blessing of a long life, whereas its opposite is considered heaven as YHWH's dwelling place cf. i Kings 8:27—30 and
an 'abomination' (tofebd) for God. However, in such laws as also Zech 2:17; Isa 63:15; 2 Chr 30:27.
15:1—11 and 23:19—20 (MT 20—1), Deuteronomy goes beyond
the limits of this moral order: fairness is not enough in the Declaration of Mutual Commitments between YHWHand
service of Israel's God. Israel (26:16-19 J
(25:17-19) War against Amalek A historical reminiscence of In its present literary context, the passage represents the
relations between Israelites and Amalekites may have been covenant ceremony which is presupposed in 29:1 (MT
preserved in i Sam 30, whereas the traditio-historical back- 28:69). It has been suggested that it originated in a cultic
ground behind the three texts in Ex 17:8-16; Deut 25:17-19; i event and that this might even be identified with the covenant
Sam 15:1-35 remains obscure; cf. Foresti (1984). The peculiar ceremony under King Josiah which is narrated in 2 Kings
episode in Ex 17:8—16 is taken up here (in a secondary addition 23:1—3 (Smend 1963). After its introduction (v. i6a; cf. 6:1;
to the law code in the 2nd person pi., like 23:40 (MT5»); 24:9) 12:1), the declaration revolves around the solemn statements:
and reinterpreted in terms of a lack of 'fear of God' (cf. Gen 'You have affirmed this day that the LORD is your God', and
20), in order to account for the command to exterminate the 'And the LORD has affirmed this day that you are [...] His
Amalekites. Looking forward to a time when Israel will enjoy treasured people' (NJPS). In the unique form of a mutual
'rest from all her enemies' (cf. 12:9—10) prepares the ground declaration, this corresponds to 6:4. The covenant relation-
for the story of i Sam 15 (although this is not coherent with 2 ship between YHWH and Israel has an ethical dimension,
Sam 7:1). Cf. also the motif of just retribution in Jer 2:3; 30:16. and the Deuteronomists are strongly concerned with the en-
suing idea of a divine law. This accounts for the first explica-
(26:1-11) A Form for Liturgical Recitation On a redactional tion concerning Israel's obligation 'to walk in his ways, and to
level similar to 17:14—20, a Deuteronomistic scribe makes the keep his statutes [...] and his ordinances, and to obey his
traditional custom of taking the first fruits to a YHWH sanc- voice'. Equally, the covenant relationship has a universal di-
tuary (Ex 23:190; Deut 18:4) the occasion for a pilgrimage mension. This is expressed in the second explication concern-
which seems not to coincide with one of the three main ing YHWH's promise to Israel 'to set you high above all
festivals (16:1—17). Th£ core of the instruction is an artistic nations that he has made, in praise and in fame and in
composition in w. 5—10. In twentieth-century scholarship, it honour' (cf. RSV; there are some further additions to the text
has often been considered an ancient confessional formula on which partly may depend on 7:6). God the creator of all
which the oldest literary source of the Pentateuch was mod- humankind sets his people 'high above' ('dyori) all nations
elled (von Rad 1966). However, it is more likely that the 'that he has made'. A similar thought is expressed in Ex 19:5-
confession did not originate in Israelite cult in pre-monarchic 6, where the clause 'for all the earth is mine' also implies a
times, but instead within the Deuteronomistic School (cf. theology of creation which in its hymnic form may have been
Richter 1967; Lohfink 1971/7). The confession starts from a a constituent motif in the cult of the Jerusalem temple even in
reminiscence of an ancestor who was 'a perishing Aramean' the monarchic period (cf. Ps 24:1). Deut 7:6, too, refers to 'all
(NRSV reads 'a wandering'; see, however, Janzen 1994). As the peoples that are on the face of the earth'. All these reflec-
this must refer to Jacob, the scribe here integrates the Jacob tions (cf. also 32:8—9) should be understood in a dialectical
tradition into the Exodus tradition and thereby to a certain relation to Gen 12:3 or Isa 49:6 which speak of the blessing
degree invalidates the former which was closely linked to the that comes to all humankind through Israel.
sanctuary at Bethel (Gen 28; 35; cf. 2 Kings 23:15). The con-
fession then unfolds four times in three sentences with a Instructions for a Ceremony West of the Jordan (27:1-26)
characteristic pause at the end of each section (cf. RSV). It is In w. i, 9, n, as well as in 29:1—2 (MT 28:69; 2 9 :I )> the
built on numerous allusions to the Exodus narrative, notably narrator interrupts Moses' speech, which comes to an end
Ex 1:9—14; 3:7—10, 15 (in v. 8, 'signs and wonders' may be only in 31:1. Concurring conceptions of cultic ceremonies on
secondary as is 6:22). v. 10 leads up to the actual ceremony entering the land have been combined here just as in the book
which is followed by a celebration. A scribe here designs a of Joshua, v. 2—3, the scribe who commands the erection of
concise picture of Israel's salvation history and thus gives stelae with the law code written on them may be responding to
profound witness to God's mercy in a perspective of Judean the accusation that Israel spoiled her land as soon as she
theology. The basic structure of the composition reflects the entered it (cf. Jer 2:7). Josh 4:20 mentions twelve memorial
conviction of biblical faith that God helps the oppressed who stones in Gilgal near the river Jordan (on the place-names see
cry out to him (cf. Judg 3:9; Ex 22:20—3), even if his ways are ABD). w. 5-7, a second scribe thinks of sacrifices and conse-
inscrutable (cf. Ex 34:10; Isa 55:6—9). w. 3—4, as v. 10 instructs quently of the need for an altar, built in accordance with Ex
the farmer himself to set down his basket 'before YHWH', the 20:24—5, but n°t with Deut 12:13—14. The location of this altar,
reference to a priest must have been introduced at a later which Joshua is said to have built (Josh 8:30—1), is near
stage, perhaps sometime during the Second Temple period Shechem, to where v. 4 also transfers the stelae, w. 11-13, the
(cf. Neh 10:35-7 (MT 36-8) )• valley between Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal is defined as
(26:12—15) A Declaration of Obedience A declaration at the the place for a third ritual (cf. 11:29—30). w. 14—26, this in turn
sanctuary corresponds to the law of 14:28-9 and also re- has been expanded by a liturgy (cf. Neh 8:1—8). The series of
DEUTERONOMY I52

curses, framed by w. 15 and 26, has its focus mainly on interpreted as the experience of a divine curse (cf. 29:24-7
clandestine evil deeds which threaten human dignity and a (MT 23-6); i Kings 9:8-9). In this process, YHWH became
peaceful society. the subject of all those curses on an almost monotheistic level,
cf. Isa 45:6-7. Referring back to the curses and 'afflictions'
The Consequences of Obedience and Disobedience through pronounced in w. 20-35, a scrit>e in w- 58-9 calls them a
Blessings and Curses (28:1-68) 'stupendous' doing of YHWH (p-1-' hifil).

As part of his address to Israel, Moses gives conditional prom- (28:1—14) Moses promises God's blessing for obedience to the
ises of divine blessings (w. 1—14) and curses (w. 15—68) law. w. 3—6 may be a traditional formula of blessing which
respectively. The parallel introductory clauses to these two originated in a cultic setting, cf. i Sam 2:20; Ps 24:5; 118:26;
sections (w. 1—2, 15) presuppose the shaping of the law code 121:8. w. 7-14 can best be described as an attempt by later
as an oration of Moses (cf Mayes 1979: 348—51). They refer scribes to counterbalance the curses in w. 20—44 (see Seitz
back to the declaration in 26:16-19, and this connection to the 1971: 273—6). The blessing of Israel functions as a witness to
idea of a covenant scene is further underlined by the subscrip- YHWH's divinity (v. 10; cf. i Kings 8:43).
tion in 29:1 (MT 28:69). However, it is disputable whether (28:15—68) w. 15—19, the curse section opens in close corre-
28:1—68 originated as part of a covenant pattern or as a homi- spondence with w. 1-6. w. 20-9, the second section adopts a
letic elaboration based on a pattern of a good and a bad rhetoric from the political sphere, see above, w. 30-3, the third
alternative, cf. the Deuteronomistic passages in i Kings 9:4- section, marked off by the repetition of expressions from v. 29
7 and Jer 22:3-5. Th£ latter suggestion would account for the in v. 33, refers to a typical military defeat, cf. 20:5—7, IO~I4-
promise of blessings which cannot be traced back to treaty w. 34-5, the fourth section, partly an inverted repetition of
rhetoric. w. 27-8, lays an elaborate curse upon the mental and bodily
There is strong evidence that the section of curses, notably state of an individual, w. 36—7, the fifth section goes beyond
w. 20-35, incorporates material adopted from Esar-haddon's the motifs of w. 30—3 and refers to the entire nation's exile, cf.
succession treaty of 672 BCE (see DEUT F.2 and on Deut 13; v. 64 and 4:27-8. The scribe looks back to the Babylonian con-
Weinfeld 1992: 116—29; Steymans 1995). In this treaty an quest of Jerusalem in 587 BCE, cf. i Kings 9:7; Jer 24:9. w. 38-
extended series of curses invoking the gods of the Assyrian 44, the sixth section to a certain degree runs parallel to w. 30—
pantheon is pronounced against anyone who should breach 3; it includes a series of so-called futility curses (w. 38—42)
the oath imposed by the Assyrian king: which again reflect the rhetoric of political documents, see
37 May Assur, king of the gods, who decrees [the fates], decree an evil above. The elaborate curse in 43-4 envisages a total subver-
and unpleasant fate for you. May he not gra[nt yo]u long-lasting old sion of the social order in which 'aliens' were the landless
age and the attainment of extreme old age. 38 May Mullissu, his poor, cf. 14:28—9. w. 45—8, the seventh section is a transitional
beloved wife, make the utterance of his mouth evil, may she not passage which forms a conclusion to w. 15-44 and an intro-
intercede for you. 38A May Anu, king of the gods, let disease, duction to w. 49-57. The curses in w. 20-44 are called 'a sign
exhaustion, malaria, sleeplessness, worries and ill health rain upon and a wonder' (RSV), which expression may even allude to the
all your houses (cf. 28:22). 39 May Sin, the brightness of heaven and
Egyptian plagues (cf. 6:22) and thereby draw a parallel be-
earth, clothe you with leprosy and forbid your entering into the
presence of the gods or king. Roam the desert like the wild ass and tween these two sets of images of punitive disasters. The
the gazelle (cf. 28:27). 4° May Samas, the light of heaven and earth, following reflections on the Exile and the fall of Jerusalem
not judge you justly. May he remove your eyesight. Walk about in (as well as some additions in w. 20, 25) betray connections to
darkness! (cf. 28:28-9). 41 May Ninurta, the foremost among the the book of Jeremiah. Forw. 47—8 cf. Jer 5:18—19 and 28:13—J4-
gods, fell you with his fierce arrow; may he fill the plain with your w. 49-53, the eighth section gives a stylized representation of
blood and feed your flesh to the eagle and the vulture (cf. 28:25—6). the Babylonian attack on Jerusalem. Cf. Jer 5:15-17; 6:11; 19:9;
42 May Venus, the brightest of the stars, before your eyes make your 48:40. v. 51 reverses the blessing of7:i3. Whether v. 53refersto
wives lie in the lap of your enemy; may your sons not take historical experience during the siege of Jerusalem or only
possession of your house, but a strange enemy divide your goods (cf.
alludes to a recurring motif in treaty curses (see above, and
28:30). ... 63 May all the gods that are [mentioned by name] in th[is]
treaty tablet make the ground as narrow as a brick for you. May they Weinfeld 1992: 126-8) is not conclusive (cf. also Lev 26:26,
make your ground like iron (so that) nothing can sprout from it. 64 29). w. 54—7, the ninth section elaborates the scenes ofhorror
Just as rain does not fall from a brazen heaven so may rain and dew during a siege, cf. also 2 Kings 6:24—9. w- 58—68, the con-
not come upon your fields and your meadows; instead of dew may cluding section adds several scribal reflections on what is
burning coals rain on your land (cf. 28:23—4). • • • ^9 Jus^ as [thi]s ewe written in the 'book of this law (torn)', w. 58-61 focus on the
has been cut open and the flesh of [her] young has been placed in issue of diseases (w. 21—2, 27, 35) and reverse the blessing of
her mouth, may they make you eat in your hunger the flesh of your 7:15. The line of interpretation of the curses as 'a sign and a
brothers, your sons and your daughters (cf. 28:53). (Parpola and portent' in v. 46 seems to be continued here. v. 62 points back
Watanabe 1988: 45-52; ANET 538)
to 26:5 on the one hand, and 1:10 on the other. The verse
In addition to this Assyrian treaty, an Aramaic treaty of the implies a total reversal of Israel's salvation history, even if it
eighth century BCE has been adduced as a possible source for might still hint at a vague possibility of a new beginning. This
motifs in 28:38-42 (Sfire stela, lA. 27-8; ANET 659-60). in turn is excluded by v. 68 which refers back to Ex 14:13
The curses of Deut 28, notably w. 20-42, must be seen (Reimer 1990) and leaves no room even for the expectation
against this ancient Near-Eastern background, and it seems of a miserable life in Egyptian slavery, w. 64-7, the threat
most likely that they were contrived once the disaster which concerning life in the Diaspora cuts Israel off from any rela-
Judah and Jerusalem suffered in 587 BCE had come to be tionship with YHWH, the protection of which is the central
 153 DEUTERONOMY

concern of Deuteronomy, cf 13:6-11 (MT 7-12). The frightful (29:10—15) Covenant and Oath This section sets forth a litur-
picture of the conditions of that life enlarges v. 34 in a different gical scene comparable to the one narrated in Neh 10. The
age. v. 68 sets a seal on the nullification of the relationship term 'covenant' (berit) is doubled by the term 'oath' or 'curse'
between YHWH and Israel (cf. 5:6) in case of disobedience to ('aid, v. 12; cf. Neh 10:29 (MT 30)). The idea of a covenant
the Torah. ceremony finds a less direct expression than in 26:16—19. Th£
A most extraordinary interpretation of the curse section reference to the ancestors (cf. Gen 17:7) sees the patriarchal
and, by implication, of the destruction of Jerusalem, is given age as the foundation of Israel's existence as the people of God
in v. 630. The verse is an artistic expression of the climax of in an even more fundamental sense than that of the concept of
negativity. While its structure may depend on such oracles as a divine promise of the land (1:8; 30:20). According to w. 14-
Zech 8:14—15; Jer 31:28; 32:42, the verb employed (sis') may 15, the covenant also includes people who are not present at
have been adopted from other promises of salvation (cf. Deut the assembly, although this is not coherent with the fictional
30:9; Zeph 3:17; Jer 32:41 MT; Isa 65:18-19). This peculiar setting of Moses' speech. The addition may be by a scribe
statement finds a wider context in reflections on YHWH's having in mind the Jewish Diaspora in the Persian empire
compassion (r-h-m piel, n-h-m nifal; cf. e.g. Jer 4:28; 13:13—14; (cf. 30:3-4).
18:7-10; Deut 4:31; 30:3). (29:16—21) A Warning against Apostasy The view of the 'na-
tions' in this homiletic passage is informed by i Kings 11:1-8
Discourse on the Significance of the Law and 2 Kings 23:13 rather than Deut 2:1-23. Th£ polemics
((29:1) 29:2-30:20; against foreign gods and their visual representations echo
(29:1 (MT and LXX 28:69)) The Covenant in the Land of such passages as Ezek 20:1—44; ^sa 44:9—20; Jer 10:1—16.
Moab Whether this verse is a subscription to the preceding Historically, it betrays a strong tendency towards a separation
law or a superscription to the following speech of Moses is from rival groups within the land, cf. Neh 10:28 (MT 29). The
subject to debate. As it cannot be demonstrated that a tradi- metaphors of v. 18 (cf. also Am 6:12), as well as the term
tional ancient Near-Eastern covenant pattern underlies 'stubbornness of heart' (serirut lib), link the passage with Jer
29:2/7—30:20 (see, however, Weinfeld 1992: 100—16; Rofe 9:12-16 (MT 11-15). The threat of divine punishment is re-
19850), it is more likely that v. i is a concluding statement stricted to an individual and left entirely to YHWH. A scribe
and that 4:44-28:68 are subsumed under the expression thus revises 5:9—10; 17:2—7, and also gives the curses of ch. 28
'these are the words of the covenant'. Thus, the verse is part a new application.
of an editorial framework around the law, and it also connects (29:22—8) The Devastated Land The passage looks back to the
to 1:1—5 and to 5:1—5. Just as a 'covenant at Horeb' defines the destruction of Judah in 587 BCE. The rhetorical form of w. 24-
theological dimension of the Decalogue, so a 'covenant in the 8 has close parallels in i Kings 9:8-9 and Jer 22:8-9 and is
land of Moab' defines that of the Deuteronomic law. However, also known from an Assyrian source from the seventh century
the unique concept of two covenants which supplement each where a report of a punitive campaign reads: 'Whenever the
other does not blur the distinction between the Decalogue and inhabitants of Arabia asked each other: "On account of what
the Deuteronomic law which is developed in ch. 5. have these calamities befallen Arabia?" (they answered them-
(29:2 (MT 29:1)) A Concluding Address The narrator intro- selves:) "Because we did not keep the solemn oaths (sworn by)
duces a speech which reaches as far as 30:20 and mainly Ashur, because we offended the friendliness of Ashurbanipal,
consists of three thematically distinct units. 29:3—21 focuses the king, beloved by Enlil!" ' (ANET3OO). v. 25 is founded on
on the religious obligation of every single Israelite and on the the first commandment of the Decalogue as the central stipu-
limitation of divine punishment for apostasy to an individual. lation of the covenant at Horeb (5:1-10, cf. also 4:20; Judg
29:22—30:10 gives an interpretation of the fall of Jerusalem in 2:11—15). w- 22 (cf- J Kings 8:41—3) and 23 (cf. Jer 49:18; Gen
587 BCE and turns towards a prediction of future salvation. 19) may be later additions.
30:11-20 is a general reflection concerning the law delivered (29:29) Secret and Revealed Things Taken in its literary con-
by Moses and functions as a magnificent coda to it. text, this verse may refer to the human inability to fully under-
(29:2-9) Exhortations The notion of'covenant' in 29:1 trig- stand the past (29:25—8) or the future (30:1—10). It may also
gers off a paraenetic discourse which seems to be looking at refer to a concealed background of the Torah which would be
the conquest of the land (cf. the verb 'to succeed', s-k-l hifil, in irrelevant to obedience (30:11-14), or an interpretation in the
v. 9 (MT 8) and in Josh 1:7-8). w. 2-3 highlight the mighty light of Ps 19:12 (MT 19:13), which speaks of'secret faults',
deeds of YHWH in the Exodus, cf. 6:22. w. 7-8 remind the might also be a possibility. NJPS reads: 'Concealed acts con-
reader of the paradigmatic conquest of the land under Moses' cern the LORD our God; but with overt acts, it is for us and our
leadership as narrated in 2:24—3:17. v. 4, which may depend on children ever to apply all the provisions of this Teaching.'
Isa 6:9-10, is a gloss on w. 2-3: unless God himself directs the (30:1-10) Hope for Future Restoration From the image of the
human heart, even his mighty deeds which are represented land devastated by a curse, the speech turns towards predic-
through the kerygmatic narrative tradition will not lead to tions of salvation. These have close parallels in the book of
faith, w. 5—6 quote from Deut 8 in direct speech by YHWH Jeremiah (e.g. Jer 29:10—14; 32:36—41). As in Deut 4:25—31,
(MT; LXX reads the 3rd person). The final clause of 8:3 is Israel is envisaged as returning to YHWH who will show his
substituted by a formula which mostly occurs in Ezekiel and mercy to the people (rdham: 4:31; 30:3). However, whereas
in the Priestly Document in the Pentateuch (e.g. Ezek 20:20; according to w. 1—2 returning to YHWH is a precondition
28:26; Ex 6:7), and this demonstrates a combining of diverse for better fortunes, a scribe in v. 6 (contrast 10:16) makes
theological traditions. Moses pronounce an unconditional promise, cf. Jer 31:33-4.
DEUTERONOMY I 54

Within this horizon of expectation, v. 7 gives a new interpreta- to hand down as a song of Moses. He makes YHWH address
tion of the curses in ch. 28. w. 8—10 are based on motifs Moses in a prophetic speech which characterizes Israel by her
adopted from 28:11, 63. breach of the covenant on entering the land, cf. 5:2,7; Jer 31:32;
(30:11-14) The Accessibility of the Law Here as in 6:1, 25, Hos 13:4-6. The notion of YHWH concealing himself (v. 18)
'commandment' (miswd) designates the entire law which which is predicted in the poem (32:20; cf. Jer 18:17; 33:5! also
Moses delivers in his speech. In terms of composition, the Isa 8:17 and Ps 44:24 (MT 25); 80:3 (MT 4) el al.) is a remark-
declaration may be seen as an equivalent to 4:5—8. Whereas able interpretation of the motif of YHWH's anger which else-
the expression 'in your mouth' refers to the regular repetition where dominates in the Deuteronomistic literature (e.g.
of the received law (cf. 6:7; Josh 1:8), the expression 'in your 29:27 (MT 26); Judg 2:14-15; 2 Kings 23:26). The secondary
heart' takes the internalization of the law even further than w. 20—i borrow from 6:10—12, and, with the notion of'incli-
6:6 does, cf. also Jer 31:33—4. The scribe demonstrates the nation' (yeser), possibly even allude to the framing verses of the
essential conformity of the divine law to the human being Flood story in Gen 6:5; 8:21. w. 24-9 imitate the introduction
with the help of impressive poetic imagery. In Rom 7, espe- to the Song of Moses and make the entire Torah a 'witness'
cially w. 7-13, Paul opposes this anthropological concept of against Israel. This thought is further underlined in 32:45—7
Deuteronomistic theology in the light of his understanding of with material taken from 30:15—20.
sin, and therefore, in Rom 10:5—8, applies the figures of Deut (32:1—43) Moses' Poem The Song of Moses adds a new facet to
30:11-14 to 'the word of faith which we proclaim'. the Mosaic oration and thus to the picture of the Mosaic age in
(30:15-20) Choice between Good and Evil This solemn finale Deuteronomy. Attributed to Moses as it is, the poem has a
to Moses' speech reflects an aspect of the wisdom tradition, cf. prophetic purpose (cf. 31:16—22), although its main character-
Prov 11:19; Am 5:14—15. The invitation to 'choose' (bahar) in istic is that of wisdom poetry. It has its climax in a monotheis-
v. igb recalls the scene in Josh 24, especially w. 14—15. v. 20, tic creed in v. 39, and this is prepared by a theodicy (w. 4—5), a
the revealed law is the source of life (cf. Lev 18:5 and Rom reference to mythological primeval history (w. 8-9), a resu-
10:5), and true obedience to its commandments is based on mee of the earliest salvation history (w. 11—12), an explication
the love of God (cf. Mk 12:28—34). Faith is a possible decision of YHWH's concealing of himself (v. 20), and a critique of a
in the face of death and 'evil' (RSV). The beginning of the polytheistic misinterpretation of Israel's apparent abandon-
secondary w. 16-190 has been lost in the MT but can be ment by her God (w. 30-1). S. R. Driver was right when he
restored following the LXX, cf. 7:12—13; 8:19—20. wrote: 'The Song shows great originality of form, being a
presentation of prophetical thoughts in a poetical dress, on a
Report of Moses' Partingfrom Israel, Including his Poem scale which is without parallel in the OT' (1895 (1901): 345). A
and his Blessings (31:1-34:12) notable feature of the poem is its wealth of metaphors and
(31:1-8) The Appointment of Joshua NRSV rightly restores images (e.g. in w. 6, 10, n, 13, 15, 18-19) as W£U as mytho-
the beginning of this section following the LXX and the logical motifs (w. 8—9, 22, 23—4). Stylistically, it is character-
fragmentary MS iQ Deutb from Qumran (DJD i. 59). The ized by the typical parallelism of two sentences or expressions
narrator resumes 3:28-9 and prepares the transition to the which together form a poetic line; cf. Alter (1990, notably
book of Joshua, cf. Josh 1:1-9. Additions in w. 3, 4-6 take up 24-5 on w. 10, 13).
material from 7:17-23; 9:3; 29:7-8 (MT 6-7). What is pre- The poem's basic structure is built upon Deuteronomistic
sented in 2:33—4 and 3:3> 6 as actions of the Israelites, is motifs. Israel first became guilty before YHWH when she
interpreted directly as a divine action in v. 4, cf. 3:21—2. prospered in her land and forgot her God (w. 15-18; cf.
(31:9-30) Codification of the Law and Announcement of 6:10-12; 8:7-18). In consequence, YHWH's anger was
aroused (w. 21—2; cf. 6:15; 29:24—8 (MT 23—7)). However,
Moses' Poem Two themes overlap in this section: a descrip-
tion of the Torah as a book, and, in w. 16—22, the designation when the poet speaks of YHWH's mercy (v. 36), he does not
see Israel's return to YHWH as a condition for it, in contrast to
of a Mosaic poem as a 'witness' against Israel, w. 9—11, the
the Deuteronomistic vision of Israel's future restoration in
written Torah is handed over to the levitical priests and sig-
4:29—31; 30:1—3. The concept of YHWH taking revenge on his
nificantly also to representatives of the laity. Its public reading
gives the festival of the tabernacles (hag hassukkot) in every enemies and destroying them (w. 34—5, 40—1) leads beyond
Deuteronomistic expectations. Instead, it has parallels in or-
seventh year (following 15:1—3) a theological significance as
acles in Nahum; Jer 46-51; Isa 63:1-6, etc.
great as that of the Passover which is designed to remember
The poem is anthological in character and obviously pre-
the Exodus (16:1-8). In a later addition in w. 24-7, the book of
the Torah is brought into connection with the ark in which, supposes the development of monotheistic thought as re-
flected in Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 45:5-7). Despite the attempt by
according to 10:1—8, the tablets of the Decalogue are being
Sanders (1996), in his authoritative study of Deut 32, to
kept. The same scribe possibly also depicted the levitical
demonstrate a pre-exilic origin of the poem, it is more plaus-
priests in v. 9 (cf. 17:18) as those 'who carried the ark of the
ibly considered a composition from the Second Temple
covenant', w. 14-15 make the tent of meeting ('ohd mo'ed) the
period.
place where YHWH speaks to Moses, cf. Ex 27:21; 33:7—11, etc.
w. 16-22 are motivated by the problem of what will happen to (32:1-6) The poet and wisdom teacher stresses the perfection
Israel once her incomparable first leader has died and the and justice of God in sharp contrast to the foolishness of the
foundational period of her history has come to a close, cf. people. Upon the doctrinal foundation which is established by
the analogous problem in Josh 3:11 to Judg 23:1. The author this antithesis, any historical experience of disaster will be
introduces an independent poem in 32:1-43 which he wants reflected in a straight scheme of theodicy. It is worth noting
 155 DEUTERONOMY

how the poet places himself within a horizon of hymnic praise nations do not understand his work, because they attribute
of YHWH (v. 3) and thus responds to the superior importance their triumph over Israel to their own strength (cf. Isa 10:5—
of the concept of'fear of the LORD' in the wisdom tradition 15). Therefore, the relationship between YHWH and Israel
(Prov 9:10). There is a striking similarity between the opening which existed ever since the mythological origin of history
of Moses' poem and the introduction to Isaiah (Isa 1:2-3). (w. 8-9) does not permit YHWH to destroy Israel totally,
(32:7-9) An insight into right behaviour as well as a know- because then his name could not be known and honoured
ledge of God's actions in a mythical primeval age are preserved any more, cf. Isa 48:9—11.
in the wisdom of former generations (v. 7; cf. Job 8:8—10; Jer (32:28—33) Israel's enemies are portrayed as being foolish
6:16-17; Isa 45:20-1; 46:8-11). Therefore, the poet grounds the (some commentators, however, suggest that w. 28-30 refer
Deuteronomistic notion of Israel's election (7:6) on a mytho- rather to Israel). In v. 31, the poet points to the impotence of
logical concept of the primeval age and adduces a polytheistic the enemies' gods who, following v. 8, can at most be sub-
concept of the order of the nations corresponding with the ordinate divine beings.
number of celestial beings. It has been suggested that this (32:34—5) The future destiny of Israel's enemies has been
may be traced back to Ugaritic mythology which, in the epic decided by YHWH long ago, and the time of its arrival is
The Palace of Bafal of the fourteenth century BCE, has the conceived of as imminent. The nations will be hit by YHWH's
'seventy sons of Athirat', cf. the seventy nations in Gen 10 'vengeance'. This is a recurring motif in oracles of doom
(see Lipinski 1998: 300-1; Gibson 1978: 63; AN£Ti34). v. 8 against the nations in the prophetic books (Jer 50:15; Isa
thus is a poetic echo of polytheistic mythology as e.g. Ps 82:6- 34:8; see Peels 1995). At the beginning of v. 35, the reading
7; 89:5-14 (MT 6-15); Job 38:7. Whereas the LXX reads'accord- of the Samaritan Pentateuch and the LXX, 'for the day of
ing to the number of the angels of God' (one MS reads 'of the vengeance and recompense' may be more original than the
sons of God'; cf. 4Q DeutJ (DJD 14. 90), and see Sir 17:17), the MT which, however, is clearly presupposed in Rom 12:19,
Hebrew text testifies to a revision which reads 'according to the where Paul combines Deut 32:35 and Lev 19:18 in a paraenetic
number of the sons of Israel' (for which cf. Gen 46:27; Deut call. In the Targum Onqdos, the phrase 'for the time when their
10:22). The designation of God as 'the Most High' (felyon) in v. 8 foot shall slip' is rendered as 'for the time when they go into
refers to Israel's God as much as does the divine name 'the exile', because the entire passage, w. 28—35, is seen as refer-
LORD' (YHWH) in v. 9; cf. the use of 'dyon in Ps 18:13 (MT 14); ring to Israel.
83:18 (MT 19); 97:9, etc. and see the discussion in Sanders
(1996: 362-74). (32:36-8) The central idea is that of YHWH, the gracious
God, who has 'compassion' on his people, cf. 4:31. Looking
(32:10—14) For the poetic images of the eerie desert and the back to w. 15—18, the poet derides Israel's aberration from her
prodigious land, cf. 8:1—18. The poet mentions neither the faith in YHWH, the only true God.
theme of the Exodus nor that of the conquest of the land, cf.
also Jer 2:2. The fascinating imagery of v. lob is unique in the (32:39) The climax of Moses' poem. Even the most contra-
OT, that of v. ii has a parallel in Ex 19:3—4. Against the back- dictory experiences which Israel may suffer must be referred
ground of the splendour of Israel's early salvation history, v. 12 to YHWH. The uniqueness of God has been given expression
prepares the ground for the monotheistic creed in v. 39. In in 6:4 and it is now emphasized in a monotheistic creed. As a
contrast to the obvious uniqueness of YHWH in this early prayer of an individual, the Song of Hannah in i Sam 2:1—10
period, the foreign gods to which w. 15—18 refer are called 'new has close parallels to this verse, which may be considered the
ones recently arrived' (v. 17). culmination of such passages as Hos 6:1-3 and Isa 45:5~7> cf-
also Rom 4:17.
(32:15—18) The representation of Israel's sin stands in the
(32:40-2) The image ofYHWH's hand raised for an oath (cf.
tradition of prophetic accusations (Hos 11:1-3; 13:4-6). The
Ezek 20) introduces an amplification of the expectation of
poet compares Israel to a rebellious animal that 'kicks out'
w. 34-5. The poet portrays YHWH as a warrior. Arrows and
(LXX apolaktizein), cf. Hos 4:16. 'Jeshurun' as a name for
a sword as YHWH's weapons are mentioned in many oracles
Israel has only three other references in the OT, namely in
of doom, cf. e.g. Nah 3; Hab 3. The poet envisages the total
the poems which frame the Blessing of Moses in 33:2-5, 26-9,
extinction of the enemy. Within the OTas a whole, this image
and in Isa 44:1-5. The name is a nominal form of the root y-s-r
of vengeance finds its counterpart in the vision of universal
'to be straight/right', perhaps in a play on the name 'Jacob'
peace as in Isa 2:2-4. That vision breaks up the dualism of
which, in Hos 12:3 (MT 4), is derived from the root f-q-b
'compassion' and 'vengeance' which underlies any apocalyptic
possibly meaning 'to deceive'. LXX translates the name as
concept of'salvation' and 'doom'.
'the beloved' (ho Igaplmenos).
(32:43) As in v. 8, MT has been revised in order to avoid all
(32:19—25) The poet attributes to the hiddenness and to the possible reminiscences of polytheism. Where MT reads
anger of YHWH all disastrous events which strike Israel. In 'praise, O nations, his people', a MS from Qumran reads
w. 21 and 25 he refers to military catastrophes, in v. 22 he 'praise, O heavens, his people, | worship him, all you gods'
represents YHWH's anger in a cosmological dimension (cf. (4QDeutq, see DJD 14. 141; this is followed by NRSV; cf. also
Job 9:5—6). w. 23—4 portray mythical powers of destruction as Ps 97:9 and see Rofe (2000)), which partly corresponds to the
'arrows' which YHWH will shoot at his people (cf. Ezek 5:16; double reading in LXX 'rejoice, O heavens, with him, | and let
Job 6:4). all the sons of God worship him; rejoice, O nations, with
(32:26^7) YHWH who is the God Most High, is also the his people, | and let all the angels of God confirm for him'. The
originator of Israel's disaster (cf. Isa 45:6—7). However, the last colon of v. 43 goes beyond the thrust of the poem and
DEUTERONOMY 156

addresses the question of impurity and atonement (kipper), veneration for the site of Moses' burial may arise as it is said to
which according to the LXX and 4QDeuti refers to Israel's be unknown. Moses' survey of the land from Gilead in the
land, but according to MT refers to the people as well as the north-east to the Negeb in the south-west is reminiscent of
land; on this theological issue cf Ezek 36. Gen 13:14-15, and YHWH thus confirms his promise to Is-
(32:48-52) Moses on Mount Nebo Harmonizing between rael's ancestors (v. 4, cf. 1:8; 30:20). v. 5, like 29:1 (MT 28:69),
different sources of the Pentateuch, a late redactor makes an refers back to the concept of 1:5: the era of Moses, who deliv-
instruction by YHWH precede the report of Moses' death in ered the Torah to Israel, comes to a close in the land east of the
34:1—8. He does not refer to 3:26—7, where no sin of Moses is Jordan, v. 7, Moses died at the highest age that, according to
thought of, but rather adopts motifs from Num 20:1-13, 22~4; Gen 6:3, a human being could possibly reach; see, however,
27:12-14. Deut 10:6 represents a different tradition about Num 33:39 and cf. Josh 24:29. v. 10, in a paradoxical way,
Aaron's death. stresses the primary importance which prophecy has for the
Deuteronomistic school. On the one hand the verse classifies
(33:1—29) The Blessing of Moses It has been suggested that
Moses as a prophet, on the other, it underlines his incompar-
the framing verses in w. 2—5 and w. 26—9 (together with v.
able status (contrast 18:18) and thus subordinates all later
2ib) originally formed an independent psalm from the earliest
prophets to the Torah; see Blenkinsopp 1977: 80-95. Th£
period of Israel's history (Seeligmann 1964; Jeremias 1987:
expression 'face to face' may refer to the scene at Horeb as
82—92). However, the text and its numerous mythological
represented by 5:5,31; the motifhas been elaborated further in
allusions pose many virtually unanswerable philological and
Ex 33:8—11, cf. also Num 12:1—8. v. 9 again addresses the
traditio-historical questions. It opens with a hymnic descrip-
problem of succession and continuity after Moses' death and
tion of a theophany of YHWH, surrounded by celestial beings
portrays Joshua according to an ideal of wisdom, w. 9-10 thus
(w. 2—3, cf. Steiner 1996; Miiller 1992: 30) and ends with
relate the Torah, prophecy, and wisdom to each other, w. ia, 7-
praise of the incomparability of Israel's God (w. 26—9). Ifv. 50
9 are often considered fragments of the Priestly Document,
has YHWH as subject and is more original than v. 4, the poem
see, however, Perlitt (1988). Finally, w. 11—12 follow the same
may originally have celebrated the kingship of YHWH in
tendency of magnifying the miraculous which can be ob-
'Jeshurun' (see DEUT 32:15, and cf. e.g. Ps 93). Parallels to
served in 6:22. The verses stimulate the poetic imagination
consider would have to include Judg 5:4—5 and Hab 3:3—6,
of the readers with a reference to the miracles that Moses
also i Kings 8:23, 56 and Num 23:9.
wrought in Egypt and thus emphasize God's intervention
(33:6-25) The Blessings On the individual tribes see ABD. when Israel's history started with the Exodus.
Here, as in Gen 49, the tribes are mostly characterized by
metaphors. In general, the sayings date from before the As-
syrian expansion to the west in the eighth century BCE. The
order of the tribes does not follow an established system like
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recht). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).

9. Joshua GORDON MCCONVILLE

INTRODUCTION the idea of a 'Hexateuch' (Genesis—Joshua), where Joshua is

the culmination of the story of promise that begins in Genesis
A. Text and Language. The text on which the commentary is
(12:1—3; Tengstrom 1976).
based is the Masoretic Text (MT) in the edition Biblia Hebraica
2. Yet Joshua also points forward. In its themes of Torah-
Stuttgartensia. It is well preserved and probably represents
and covenant-keeping, it looks to Israel's ongoing life in the
the oldest textform. The Greek version (LXX) of Joshua differs
land. Its reflections on the role of the leader, where Joshua
in numerous details from MT. While the differences are fre-
inherits the responsibilities of Moses, also point forward
quently attributable to the theological interpretation by the
to a crucial issue in Judges-Kings. Its covenant-renewal cere-
translators, LXX sometimes witnesses to better readings than
monies at Shechem (8:30-5; 24:1-28) have solemn ex-
MT. However, it does not represent an older or better text
hortations to faithfulness, and there are other important
form. Fragments of Joshua have been recovered from Qum-
notes of warning. Joshua thus heralds both the possession
ran Cave 4, and may testify to an independent text form.
of land and the possibility of exile. In these respects it has
B. Subject Matter and Literary Genre. 1. Joshua stands at a significant links with Deuteronomy, and also with Judges-
mid-point in the narrative of Israel's origins that spans Gen- Kings.
esis—Kings. It continues the basic story-line of Exodus—Num- 3. The book falls into four sections: entry to the land (1:1-
bers, with its elements of promise of land (Ex 3:8); spying it 5:12); its conquest (5:13-12:24); dividing it among the tribes
out and first failing (Num 13-14); conquest of Trans Jordan (13:1-21:45), and serving YHWH in it (22:1-24:33). The narra-
(Num 21); the theme of guidance and the ark (Num 10:33—6); tive of conquest is at the centre of this. The other parts belong
Moses and Joshua, his second-in-command (Ex 17:8—13); intimately to that concept, however (see c below).
Joshua and Caleb, the faithful spies (Num 14:6-10); Joshua 4. The genre of Joshua may be seen as a conquest narrative,
and Eleazar to divide the land (Num 34:17); cities of refuge, similar in many respects to ancient Near-Eastern conquest
and cities for the Levites (Num 35). The correspondence of accounts, as perpetrated by kings who claimed a religious
Joshua with the expectations created by Numbers has led to mandate for their campaigns (Younger 1990). Joshua is the
 159 JOSHUA
account of YHWH's war-campaign in Palestine, providing 5. These twin elements, Exodus and possession, give to
Israel's entitlement to the land. Joshua its essential dynamic. The possession is always in the
shadow of the first deliverance. To these is added the call to
C. The Religious Teaching. 1. Joshua plays its part in the OT's serve YH WH and obey his word, with severe warnings against
insistence on the worship of YHWH alone, as taught su- compromise and failure to keep covenant. When interpreta-
premely by Deuteronomy. It also takes forward that book's tion of Joshua understands and maintains this tripod—libera-
theology of a single people of YHWH, worshipping him in the tion, possession, service—it can avoid the characteristic
land he has given them, and subject to their covenant with danger of the book, namely an appropriation of the divine
him. Joshua makes its own contribution to the notion of a authority given to Joshua for self-devised ends in modern
unified people, recognizing the particularity of the tribes and conflicts.
their lands, yet insisting on their oneness both in the respons-
D. Joshua and History. The classic view of Joshua is that it
ibility for the conquest (Josh 1:12-15) and in their loyalty to the
narrates the 'conquest' of Canaan by the Israelites. Where this
single sanctuary (Josh 22). Deuteronomy's requirement of a
is accepted as a broadly historical picture, the event is nor-
single place of worship is met here above all in Shiloh (Josh 18;
mally dated to the thirteenth century BCE. Early excavators of
cf Deut 12:1-5).
Jericho thought they had discovered evidence that verified the
2. Closely connected with worship and land is the Holy War
story of its capture by Joshua, but subsequent investigations
theology, of which Joshua is the OT's classic example. Put in
have produced at best a mixed picture (contrast Jericho and
place in several Pentateuchal texts (Ex 14; Num 22—4; Deut 2—
Hazor below; 5:13-6:27 and 11:1-23). I n modern scholarship, a
3), it is here embodied in Israel's foundational narrative of
form of the 'conquest' model is favoured principally by the so-
land possession. The various victories manifest the central
called Albright school, who think that the destruction patterns
concept of the Holy War, namely the hlrem, or sentence of total
at a number of sites is best explained by an Israelite invasion
destruction on the enemy population. This sentence of
about the time of Joshua (Bright 1981). Others have suggested
destruction on a population, civilian and non-aggressor, and
a gradual process of peaceful settlement (Noth 1960), or the
expressly commanded by YHWH, presents the greatest moral
emergence of'Israel' within the population of Canaan (Gott-
difficulty in the book for modern readers.
wald 1979). Some even question whether Israel as a separate
3. In its own context, the herem has an intelligible theology,
entity can be discerned at all in the Late Bronze-Early Iron
involving YHWH's sovereignty over all nations, his owner-
Age archaeological levels (Thompson 1992; Whitelam 1996).
ship of the land, his right to grant it to whomever he wishes,
The issues in this kind of study are complex, and there are no
his agency in the military victory, his judgement on the sin of
unambiguous data. The view taken in the present commen-
the victims, and the need to remove from Israel any risk of
tary is that the the book preserves real memories of Israel's
religious contamination. (There is further comment along
early days in Canaan. The principal general reason is the
these lines in JOSH 5:13-6:27). This theology is idealized in
prominence in the narrative of places that play little part in
our accounts, however. The actual Israelite entry to the land
the periods of the late monarchy, the Exile, and after (Gilgal,
was not swift and tidy, as even a careful reading of Joshua itself
Shechem, Shiloh). Furthermore, a close reading of Joshua
makes clear. The contrast between the real and the ideal may
itself shows that it is not offering a simple conquest model,
be illustrated by a text in Deuteronomy (Deut 7:2-3), in which
but rather a mixed picture of success and failure, sudden
an uncompromising requirement is followed immediately by
victory and slow, compromising progress.
one that implies that Israelites and Canaanites do and will live
alongside each other in Canaan. Of course, even the idea that E. Date and Place of Composition. 1. Theories of the composi-
these commands and accounts are an idealization may only tion of Joshua are closely connected with those concerning the
compound the modern reader's problem, rather than alleviate history of Israel. Scholars who are sceptical about the histor-
it! It may help, however, to recall that Joshua is a conventional ical picture given in the book suppose a late (exilic or after),
conquest-narrative (as we noticed above). In Old Testament theologically contrived composition, with few ancient sources
times, kings went to war and wrote up their victories, attribut- if any. Others have postulated ancient sources behind the
ing their success to their gods. Joshua is YHWH's victory present form of the book, as a means of connecting it to the
account, an indispensable part of the narrative of the demon- events that it purports to relate. Formerly, such sources were
stration of his ownership of the land, and not necessarily sought in the four documents of Pentateuchal source-analy-
realistic. Understood in that way, it may be seen as belonging sis. The prevailing view in modern scholarship thinks rather
to its time, and as superseded by other biblical perspectives on in terms of a variety of sources available to a Deuteronomic, or
God (OTand NT), which present him as seeking the salvation Deuteronomistic, author or authors, who composed the
of the whole world. Yet the ideas of divine gift, dependence whole history from Joshua to Kings, prefaced by Deuteron-
on God, and even judgement, find echoes in the NT. omy, in the time of Josiah, or the Exile, or both (Noth 1981;
4. The book of Joshua's theology of land has another unique Cross 1973).
feature (within Joshua—Kings) in the close connection it 2. The Deuteronomic theory has always encountered prob-
makes between the Exodus from Egypt and the conquest of lems in Joshua. This is because of its strong continuities with
Canaan. This is expressed especially in Josh 3-4, where the story-lines in Exodus—Numbers (as noted in B above). Further-
crossing of the Jordan deliberately evokes the older crossing of more, commentators have often felt unable to attribute large
the Reed Sea (Ex 14). The whole drama from deliverance from parts of the book to the Deuteronomist(s), and find various
slavery in Egypt to possession of land in Canaan is thus degrees of Priestly reworking, for example, in the strong
unified here. Priestly elements in Josh 3—4. There are signs of a modern
JOSHUA 160
trend towards a different view of the composition of the COMMENTARY
historical books, that postulates the various books' independ-
ent growth and editing (Westermann 1993). The present The Entry to the Land (1:1-5:12 J
commentary takes such a view. It allows for the preservation (1:1-9) Commissioning of Joshua The overture to the book of
of ancient material within a 'Joshua' tradition that maintains Joshua forms a transition from the narratives of the wilder-
its special themes and concerns. This explains, for example, ness wanderings of Israel into that ofthe settlement in Ca-
the prominence of the ark of the covenant and the centrality of naan. The underlying theology is the ancient promise that
Shiloh, topics which, incidentally, put the book closer to i YHWH would give his people a land (w. 3-4; cf Gen 15:17-21;
Samuel than to other historical books. It also enables Joshua Ex 3:17; Deut 1:7-8). The commissioning of Joshua in succes-
to be read on its own terms, and not principally typologically, sion to Moses is at the centre of this transitional narrative, and
as sometimes happens in the Deuteronomic theory, where the reference to the latter's death makes an express link with
Joshua himself becomes a kind of cipher for Josiah. The the closing words of Deuteronomy.
mediators of the Joshua tradition may well have been the The life of Moses had spanned Israel's Exodus from Egypt
priests at Shiloh. The book of Joshua, in its present form, and its time in the wilderness. He was not to enter the prom-
however, has been carefully shaped theologically. The narra- ised land; rather, Joshua would do that. The tradition of a
tive of the taking of Jericho, for example, is a stylized liturgical relationship between Moses and Joshua is found in Ex 17:8-
composition (see on Josh 5:13-6:27). 16; Num 27:12-23, and pursued in Deuteronomy (1:37-8;
3. It is impossible, in my view, to trace the growth of the 3:21-8; 31:1-23; 34:9). Now the first command to Joshua is to
book into its present shape in any detail. For example, a key cross the Jordan (v. 2), in order to enable the people to possess
Deuteronomic text such as Josh 24 is capable of widely vary- their land (v. 6).
ing dates, and language that can be thought Deuteronomic If Joshua is second to Moses (he is Moses' 'assistant', v. i),
may be much earlier (Koopmans 1990). However, the book his present commissioning virtually puts him in Moses' place.
was utimately edited together with the other historical books The phrase 'servant of YHWH', marking both relationship
(Judges-Kings) to form a continuous narrative from the occu- and responsibility, is elsewhere used of Moses (v. i; cf. Ex 14:31;
pation of the land to the Exile. The perception of the unity of Deut 34:5), and of King David (2 Sam 7:5). The present pas-
the whole story may be seen in the tacit designation of Shiloh sage (w. 6-9) strongly suggests a transfer ofthe privileges and
as the 'chosen place' (Josh 9:27), in terms recalling Deut 12:5, role of Moses to Joshua, perhaps in a special ceremony (Loh-
and pointing forward to the identification of this 'place' with fink 1962). The elements in this transfer are (i) the encour-
Jerusalem in i Kings 8:29; 2 Kings 21:4. This final stage ofthe agement of Joshua (w. 6, 7, 9); (2) the giving of a task, namely
composition probably took place during the Exile in Babylon. putting the people in possession ofthe land (v. 6), implying
F. Outline the distribution of its parts to the tribes, the subject of Josh 13—
19, and (3) the assurance of God's presence with him (v. 9).
Entry to the Land (i:i-yi2) The theory of a ceremony should not be pressed to argue that
Commissioning of Joshua (1:1—9) Joshua is thus a 'royal' figure (by analogy with the passing of
The Transjordanian Tribes (1:10—18) an office from David to Solomon, Gerbrandt 1986). But the
Rahab and the Spies (2:1—24) three elements identified do characterize the role of Joshua as
Crossing the Jordan (3:1-5:1) it emerges here.
Circumcision and Passover (5:2—12) Joshua's special position appears in the fact that YHWH
Taking the Land (j.'ij—12:24) addresses him several times in the singular in this passage.
The Fall of Jericho (5:13-6:27) The promise that he will be with him is peculiarly his (v. 9).
Achan's Sin Against the 'Devoted Things' (7:1-26) But Joshua is also to place himself under the authority ofthe
The Fall of Ai (8:1-29) word of God already given to Moses (v. 7). The terms ofthe
Ceremony at Mt. Gerizim (8:30—5) responsibility recall the law ofthe king (Deut 17:14—20), but
Covenant with Gibeon (9:1—27) are valid for all who would lead in Israel, thus marking out
Defeat ofthe Southern Alliance (10:1-43) such leadership from all other, in the sense that it is received
Defeat ofthe Northern Alliance (11:1-23) and held only by way of God's gift, not by personal power
Subduing the Whole Land (12:1—24) (McCarthy 1971).
Dividing the Land (13:1-21:45)
The Command to Allot the Land (13:1-7) (1:10-18) The Transjordanian Tribes Joshua's first command
The Settling of Transjordan (13:8-33) emphasizes the military nature ofthe coming campaign, and
Caleb's Inheritance (14:1—15) follows Deuteronomy in thought and language (Deut 11:31).
The Territory of Judah (15:1—63) 'Officers' over the people are presupposed in Ex 5:10-19, and
The Territory of Joseph (16:1-17:18) there are narratives of commissioning in Num 1:16, Deut 1:15.
Shiloh, and the Remaining Tribal Territories (18:1-19:51) The latter makes them tribal officials. Their role here and in
Cities of Refuge and Levitical Cities (20:1—21:45) Deuteronomy is administrative; Numbers knows of a spiritual
Serving YHWH in the Land (22:1—24.33) responsibility. The fine balance here between careful prepar-
The Altar by the Jordan (22:1-34) ation and the recognition that the land is God's gift is a feature
Joshua's Farewell Address (23:1-16) of Joshua.
The Covenant at Shechem (24:1—28) If the crossing ofthe Jordan is the mark of land-occupation,
Endings (24:29-33) a problem is posed by the settling of some Israelites east ofthe
 161 JOSHUA
river (cf. Num 32; Deut 3:12-21). The topic is returned to in (v. n) has Deuteronomic overtones (Deut 4:39). This may be
Josh 22, thus virtually framing the book. Common to these intelligible as a matter of strategy (cf. the Gibeonites' tactics,
narratives is the requirement that the tribes of Reuben, Gad, Josh 9). Yet the author may wish to show ironically the super-
and the half-tribe of Manasseh should participate in the con- ior faith of the enemy in YHWH's power.
quest of the land of Canaan, thus expressing their belonging Rahab demands the life of herself and her family, borrow-
in Israel, before settling finally in their own land. The region ing a significant Hebrew term, hesed, 'deal kindly' (v. 12),
does not seem to be formally part of the promised land (Num denoting the loyalty expected in a covenant relationship (cf. i
32 distinguishes it from the land of Canaan, w. 29-30; for Sam 20:8). The spies agree, in spite of the Holy War theology
Deuteronomy, however, the war of conquest begins there). which underlies their presence there (Deut 2:32—7; 7:1—5;
The key theological idea here is 'rest' (w. 12, 15; cf. Deut 20:16—18). The men swear on their own lives that they will
12:9). Rest is a goal of the occupation narratives, entailing the guarantee those of Rahab and family (w. 14,19), provided she
complete possession of the land and the subduing of enemies does not 'tell this business of ours' (w. 14, 20). It is hard to
(Josh 11:23). Its definitive enjoyment, however, is elusive (cf. know what is left to tell that the Jericho authorities do not
again 2 Sam 7:1). Finally, the response of Israel is important know! But the reader feels that the Israelites have somehow
here (w. 16—18; see Earth 1971). Specifically, it could be either entrusted the success of their cause to a Canaanite. Polzin has
the officers accepting the command of v. n, or the Trans Jordan- rightly detected the irony of the whole episode, and its sugges-
ian tribes agreeing the terms ofw. 13-15. More importantis the tion that Israel, already, has failed to adhere to the terms of the
pattern of command and response, essential to covenantal herem (Polzin 1980).
arrangements (cf. Ex 19:8; 24:3, 7), and the words are as from In the event the present adventure would play no part in the
Israel as a whole. Israel shows its willingness to submit to entry to Canaan or the fall of the city—except perhaps to warn
Joshua as successor of Moses, and thus to YHWH and his the inhabitants that it is coming (6:1)!—since YHWH's power
word. is irresistible.
(2:1—24) Rahab and the Spies The mission of the spies recalls (3:1—5:1) Crossing the Jordan There now comes the account of
the first such mission, which had resulted in failure to take the the entry of the whole people to the land (3:1—5:12). This great
promised inheritance because of fear (Num 13—14). The pres- culmination of promise makes express connections with the
ent enterprise focuses on Jericho. Some therefore see the Exodus story. The crossing of the Jordan by a miraculous
story as originally an aetiological tale, explaining the continu- parting of the waters (Josh 3:16) recalls the crossing of the
ing presence in Israel of a family or group associated with Reed Sea (Ex 14:21—2); the first Passover kept in the new land
Rahab (Josh 6:25; Wagner 1964; cf. Long 1968). However, the (Josh 5:10-12) corresponds to the first of all, in Egypt (Ex 12-
reference to 'the land' alongside 'Jericho', v. i, puts this story in 13); the centrality of the ark here symbolizes the guidance of
the context of the larger narrative of conquest; there is also an YHWH on the way to the land (Mann 1977), and prepares for
echo of the first mission, recalling that such efforts can fail. the Holy War ahead (Num 10:33-6).
The outcome this time is successful, however, in so far as the The narrative in 3:1-5:1 has resisted alignment with the
spies return to encourage the people (v. 24; contrast Num traditional Pentateuchal sources. While a number of elements
13:31-3). in it occur twice (e.g. the selection of men to carry the stones,
Yet this is an odd beginning to the conquest (w. 1—3). Joshua 3:12; 4:2; the setting up of the stones, 4:8—9, 20) the central
has no command from God to send spies (contrast Num 13:1— incident, the passage of the ark through the river, is told only
3). The secrecy of the project (v. i) seems inconsistent with a once (4:11). It has been widely seen as an aetiological liturgical
victorious march into the land, and in any case is not sus- narrative from the sanctuary at Gilgal, near Jericho on the
tained (w. 2—3). And the involvement of the Canaanite prosti- banks of the Jordan (possibly Khirbet-Mafjar). This was an
tute Rahab in Israel's advance seems to compromise its important cultic centre in the monarchic period (i Sam 11:14-
integrity. 15), and perhaps earlier. The festival would have celebrated the
The involvement of the 'king of Jericho' (v. 2) reminds us of memory of exodus together with the triumphant entry to the
the real issues at stake, namely Israel's challenge to the city- land (Kraus 1951), perhaps in the context of the Feast of
states of Canaan, the more profound because Israel's only Unleavened Bread, or massot (cf. 5:10-12; Otto 1975; other-
king is YHWH. The king is well aware (as Balak, king of wise Halbe 1975: 329-44). The crossing of the Jordan would
Moab, had been, Num 22:2-4) °f me threat posed by Israel have echoed that of the Reed Sea (cf. Ps 114:3, 5; Mic 6:4-5).
to the whole land (v. 3). This type of explanation may account better for the promin-
These great issues sit oddly with the setting of the action in ence of ark and priests in the narrative than the 'literary'
a prostitute's bedroom. The next scene (w. 4-7) has an elem- solution of Noth and others (Noth 1953; Fritz 1994), which
ent of farce, the secret police being easily dispatched in the postulates 'post-Priestly' additions to a Deuteronomic narra-
wrong direction. The city-gate closes to keep enemies out, but tive.
they are already inside, and settling down for the night. The account of the crossing is connected to that of the spies
Rahab's words (w. 8-n) borrow the language of Israel's (ch. 2) by the further mention of Shittim (3:1). The first verse
confessions of faith. Her admission of the city's fear at Israel's sets the theme when it brings Joshua, together with 'all the
progress corresponds to God's promise (cf. Ex 23:27; Num Israelites', to the verge of Jordan for the crossing (cf. v. 17). The
22:3). And she sees the victories in Transjordan as evidence tribal officials play their part, and the due timing is observed
that they will carry the day in Canaan (Deut 3:21-2). The (w. 2-3; cf. 1:10-11). The theme of the ark as a guide on the
confession of YHWH's universal rule in heaven and on earth journey (v. 40) is connected (as in Num 10:33—6) with that of
JOSHUA 162

Holy War (v. 10), anticipating the sack of Jericho. The crossing comparison with those given in the tribal lists in Num i. In
respects the requirements of holiness, the ark being attended that place they may simply be exaggerated (see NUM i). It is
by the properly authorized personnel (w. 3, 6; cf. Num 3:5—10, also possible that the word translated 'thousand' really means
31), and the people keeping due distance. In this respect the 'platoon' in such cases, and therefore implies smaller and
story recalls the encounter with YHWH at Sinai (cf. Ex indeterminate numbers.
19:10—12). Finally, the priests, who have been in the water with the ark
Preparations for the crossing are now joined with a reaffir- during the crossing of the people and the ceremonies with the
mation of Joshua's leadership, and of YHWH's special prom- stones (4:10), emerge last from it, and when they do the river
ise to accompany him (3:7; cf. 1:5). YHWH's fundamental resumes its normal course (4:15—18).
promise to Israel (Ex 3:12) is thus applied to Joshua himself. The date of the people's emergence from the river is sig-
The themes of his leadership, YHWH's law (words), his nificant, the tenth day of the 'first month' being part of the
powerful presence and his promise to dispossess the enemy Passover celebration, when the lamb was prepared for
(cf. Ex 3:17) are all closely combined here (w. 10-11). The the feast (Ex 12:2—3). f*-*11 calendars in Israel and the date of
phrase 'the LORD, the Lord of all the earth' (v. 13; cf. Mic 4:13; the Passover see Clines 1976.) Thus, the crossing of the river
Ps 97:5) is a claim to absolute universal dominion, similar to is expressly connected with that of the Reed Sea. The two
claims made by other ancient Near-Eastern deities. Baal, for events frame the larger narrative of exodus and conquest, as
example, was known at Ugarit as zbl VI ars ('the prince, lord of archetypal acts of salvation. The stones taken from the river
the earth'; see Fritz 1994: 51—2). are set up in Gilgal (v. 20), and the link between exodus and
Following the scene-setting there is an initial, succinct entry is established.
report of the crossing (w. 14-17), with only a note to make Finally, in the perspective of the larger narrative, the pur-
the point that it was truly miraculous, the river being in its pose of the demonstration of God's power in this event is that
spring flood (v. 15). This passage has a complex relationship all the peoples of the earth might know it. The narrative thus
with the following (ch. 4), both anticipating that fuller account points towards the triumphs of YHWH that lie ahead. The
of the crossing, and participating in it (only here is the entry effect of the Israelites' approach on the inhabitants of the land
into the water by the priests narrated). is devastating (5:1). Their designation 'Amorites' and 'Canaan-
There now follows (4:1—5:1) an extended account of the ites' follows Deut 1—3, e.g. Deut 1:7. That passage recorded
crossing, though it has been briefly narrated just before. how it was the Israelites whose hearts 'melted' (1:28), and how
Parallel and anticipatory accounts of events are known else- they then rashly took on the enemy unprepared (1:41-5). Now
where in the OT (cf. 2 Kings 18:13-16; 18:17-19:37). v. i, which it is the turn of the Amorites; the misadventure of Moab is in
refers to the crossing as if complete, yet introduces instruc- the past, and the land trembles before the approach of Israel
tions about actions to be performed before or during it, may be and YHWH.
intelligible as a link with ch. 3, and a kind of announcement
that what follows tells how the crossing was accomplished. (5:2—15) Circumcision and Passover Before the march of Jer-
This intersection of temporal points of view, both here and at icho, three things occur. The first is a circumcision of Israel,
the conclusion of ch. 3, may be a function of the liturgical designed to ensure that the nation is properly constituted
character of the text. ritually. Circumcision was widespread among ancient Sem-
The twelve tribal representatives (3:12; 4:2) are now ap- ites. In Israel, however, it marked the convenantal relation-
pointed to carry stones from the midst of the Jordan to the ship with God. Its institution is traced in the Old Testament
far side. The stones present a difficulty. Did Joshua set up back to Abraham, and is told in a text which states that no
twelve stones in the Jordan besides those which the people uncircumcised male can be regarded as an Israelite (Gen
carried across, as suggested by NRSV's parenthesis (v. 9)? A 17:9-14). The institution ofthe Passover reiterates the require-
better solution is to see v. ga as explaining how it came about ment, allowing resident aliens in Israel to be included on
that twelve suitable stones were found in the middle of the condition that they are circumcised (Ex 12:43—9).
Jordan (cf. v. 3). Thus v. gfc ('and they are there to this day') The connection between circumcision and Passover is im-
should fall outside the parenthesis, and be seen as a continua- portant; Israel must be ritually pure to celebrate its central
tion of v. 8fc (with Ehrlich 1968: 16). memorial feast. That connection is re-established here, at a
The liturgical function of the actions performed is clear. place not otherwise known, Gibeath-haaraloth, or 'the Hill of
That is, the narrative is not merely relating events, but also the Foreskins'. The name of the place is presumably con-
instituting an act of worship for all future generations (w. 6- nected aetiologically with the action. How it relates to Gilgal,
7, 21—2). In this it resembles the narrative of the first Passover which is also named as a result of this action (v. 9), is unclear.
(cf. Ex 12:24-7). Perhaps there was a special site in the locality for the cere-
The importance of Joshua's performance of the commands mony (Soggin 1972: 70).
given to Moses is now re-emphasized, together with his According to MT, the circumcision was necessary because
comparable standing in Israel (w. 10—14). m heralding the the wilderness generation had not been circumcised (w. 4—7),
accomplishment of the crossing this passage echoes the sig- though it is not clear why this was so. (Against MT, LXX adds
nal given of Joshua's importance at its beginning (3:7-8). The that some Israelites who came out of Egypt had not been
two passages mark out the key players in the whole action, circumcised; but this is unlikely to be a better tradition.) God's
namely Joshua (the bearer of God's commands), the priests decree banning the Sinai generation from seeing the land of
(guardians of his holiness), and the people, constituted as Canaan is prominent here (w. 4, 6; cf. Num 14:22—3; Deut
an army (4:13). The numbers of warriors here are small by 1:34-40). The point is that as that generation had been unfit to
 163 JOSHUA
go into the land, this generation will be fit. The circumcision 65-7; Rang 1989: 38-40). When armies went to war, it was a
of adult males would therefore have been a necessary precau- war of the god against the god(s) of the enemy.
tion. The term 'a second time' shows, however, that Joshua did Against this background, YHWH asserts that the battle
not initiate the practice in Israel. against the Canaanites is his. (His unexpected 'No!', v. 14—
The first section of the passage ends with an aetiology of the not 'Neither', NRSV—presumably denies only that he is on
name of Gilgal. In the phrase T have rolled away from you the the side of the enemies.) But the incident also serves to grant
disgrace of Egypt' the verb closely resembles the name Gilgal. to Joshua a direct experience of God, like that of Moses, at the
The explanation is of a sort that is frequent in the OT, not a beginning of the real test of his leadership.
scientific etymology, but rather a paronomasia designed to The story of the attack on Jericho raises a tricky historical
bring out a connection between word and event (cf. the re- question. Early excavators discovered a section of collapsed
naming of Jacob 'Israel', Gen 32:27—8). Gilgal thus becomes a wall, which they thought was evidence for our narrative (Gar-
necessary stage, theologically speaking, in the progress to the stang 1931). Later work revealed, however, that the wall was
land, the place where the people were made fit to possess their earlier, from the Early Bronze Age (late third millennium;
inheritance. The 'disgrace' of Egypt cannot refer to the mere Kenyon 1979). The town was briefly reoccupied in the Middle
fact of uncircumcision (though Gen 34:14 might suggest so), Bronze Age. Thereafter the evidence for settlement is slight,
for the people were circumcised there (v. 5). The reference apparently because of erosion of the mud-brick defences.
is probably to the social disgrace of servitude; the entry to There is, therefore, no clear evidence of the Israelite attack
the land will mean freedom, and a realization of who Israel (mid-thirteenth century).
properly is. The commissioning scene (5:13—15) passes directly to the
Gilgal then becomes the place of the first Passover held in attack. There is a pregnant pause (v. i), which recalls the fear
the land (w. 10-12)—the second event preparatory to taking in the city (2:24). The note that the city was 'shut up inside and
possession. The allusion to Jericho (v. 10) has ominous over- out' presents a challenge, though it may also recall ironically
tones for the Canaanite population. While the correct date the easy entry and egress achieved by the spies, and that even
is given for the Passover, the cultic rituals are not spelt out now there is a fifth column within.
in detail (there is no account of the Feast of Unleavened The preparations for the attack (w. 2-7) continue the reli-
Bread that followed Passover for seven days, Lev 23:5—6; gious note struck in the crossing of the Jordan. The armed
and the language, especially the combination 'unleavened men precede the priests, who blow trumpets as they in turn
cakes and parched grain', does not suggest the P source). precede the ark. The ark itself symbolizes Israel's Holy War
Rather, the Passover is here associated with the ceasing (cf. i Sam 4:1-3), and is therefore likely to be original to the
of the manna (cf. Ex 16) and the eating of the produce of narrative (against Noth 1953: 41—2; Fritz 1994: 75—6, who
land. Yet the 'unleavened cakes' also recall the 'unleavened assign ark and priests to secondary Deuteronomistic addi-
bread' which had been the food of hasty flight from Egypt tions). A'rearguard' (v. 13), not otherwise specified, completes
(Ex 12:15-20; Deut 16:3). The eating of it now, along with the procession that marches round the city. The marching
'parched grain', is consistent with a people not yet settled; round the city is not a military manoeuvre in the proper sense,
nevertheless, they have already begun to enjoy what they though one of the verbs used is reminiscent of the encircling
themselves had not planted or laboured over—a sign of the of a city in a siege (Soggin 1972: 86-7). The encirclement
beginning of legitimate possession (Deut 6:10-11). With cir- actually reported is stylized; the procession of priests and ark,
cumcision and Passover, the cessation of manna and the the blowing of trumpets, and finally the great shout of all the
bounty of the land, a full circle has been turned since the people (v. 5), show that the whole procedure is an act of
departure from Egypt. religious obedience and devotion. The lack of military realism,
despite the involvement of the 'men of war', stresses that in
this primary account of Israel's Holy War the victory is
The Taking of the Land (5:13-12:24)
YHWH's. The language of v. 2 (T have given into your hand
(5:13-6:27) The Fall of Jericho Joshua's encounter with the Jericho, with its king and mighty men of valour') is reminis-
'commander of the army of the LORD' close to Jericho pro- cent of Deuteronomy's theology of the gift of the land (and of
claims the beginning of the war of conquest. The figure seems ancient Near-Eastern Holy War language; Rang 1989:130—2).
to be the same as the 'angel (or messenger) of the LORD', who Early victories in the Holy War were recorded there with the
represents the presence of YHWH himself (cf. Judg 6:14; triumphs in Transjordan (Deut 2:26-3:11, esp. 2:31). Yet there
13:20-2). The angel's function is sometimes military (Num is a new significance and solemnity about the taking of Jer-
22:23; 2 Sam 24:16—17; 2 Kings 19:35); at other times there is a icho, as a 'first fruits' of the conquest of the land proper.
commissioning, as with Gideon (Judg 6:11—12). Both The repetitiveness of the account of the action itself (w. 8—
elements are present here. The closest echo of our passage is 21) may be liturgical; the taking of Jericho could have been
the appearance of the angel to Moses early in his ministry (Ex rehearsed on great religious occasions. Equally, it may simply
3:2), also clearly a manifestation of God (Ex 3:4—6). The words be a feature of ancient narrative's manner of building towards
of the 'commander' here recall God's words on that occasion a climax. The prominence of the number seven is noticeable
(v. 5). Joshua evidently knows the angel's military role (v. 13), (seven trumpets, v. 8; days, circuits on the final day, w. 14-15;
and also recognizes him as God when he worships him. The cf. v. 4). The use of seven (and multiples) in religious texts is a
idea of Holy War was universal in the ancient Near East, feature not only of the OT (Gen 1:1—2:4; 4 :2 4)> tut also of the
where kings typically believed they were mandated by their ancient world. In the literature of Ugarit epic events often
gods to undertake campaigns of conquest (Younger 1990: occur in seven-day cycles, with the climax on the seventh day
JOSHUA 164
(IDE iii. 564). The literary and theological character of the The narrative of Josh 7—8 combines the story of Achan's
account means that no firm answer can be given to the ques- offence against the 'devoted things', and the battle report
tion as to what actually happened. Yet it is by no means concerning Ai. The two themes are connected. Israel's
impossible that an actual event, remarkable in some way, approach to the heartland will proceed via the Valley of Achor,
might have come to be memorialized in this particular way. an important route from the Jordan valley into the central
The theology of the herem, or 'ban', is at the centre of the ridge, and later part of the northern boundary of Judah (Josh
narrative, and of the Holy War. (The notion was known also 15:7). Progress is temporarily halted, however, by Achan's sin.
outside Israel; King Mesha of Moab boasts of having laid The name 'Achor' is explained by association with 'Achan'
Israelites under the herem, on the mid-ninth century Moabite (7:26). The name Achan is sometimes remembered as 'Achar'
Stone; see Rang 1989: 80—4). The implications of it are spelt (i Chr 2:7, and regularly in LXX), the letters 'r' and 'n' being
out in w. 17, 21 (cf Deut 20:16—18 for the law). All living easily confused in Hebrew.
creatures are to be put to death, and all the city's wealth is to The immediate sequel to the triumphant demolition of
be devoted to God by being placed in the 'treasury of the LORD' Jericho is a reverse (7:1). It now emerges that the Israelites'
(that is, in any sanctuary of YHWH). The rationale derives respect for the ban on Jericho was not complete. The word
from 'holiness' ideas; in animal sacrifice, the animal is re- 'break faith' indicates rebellion against God, meriting severe
garded as having become 'holy' in a technical sense. Similarly, punishment (cf. i Chr 10:13-14). And the whole people is
the slaughter of a city's population in Holy War is a kind of affected by the sin of one person.
sacrifice to God. Further, since it is seen in this way, it is not Joshua now sends spies into the interior (7:2—9), recalling
optional but an absolute obligation. Transgression in this area both the first intelligence mission that he had authorized (2:1),
could rebound on the transgressor, and indeed the whole and the still earlier one sent by Moses (Num 13-14; Deut i).
people (v. 18). The message of these spies contrasts starkly with that of
The OT's justification of the herem is in terms, first, of Moses' fearful spies (Deut 1:28). In that case, initial fear
God's judgement on the sin of the peoples thus condemned gave way to a false confidence which resulted in ignominious
(Deut 9:5), and second, as a measure for preserving the purity defeat (Deut 1:41-5); here there is false confidence (as it tran-
of Israel (Deut 20:18). This is subordinate, in the wider spires) in the first place, with similar results. In both cases the
biblical picture, to the project of bringing salvation to the people's hearts 'melt' (Deut 1:28; Josh 7:5) at the apparent
nations (Ex 19:5—6). For modern readers the positive theology invincibility of the enemy. And there as here Israel's advance
in such ideas is hard to discern. Perhaps it may be attempted is halted as YHWH withdraws his presence from them (Deut
in terms of God's holiness, consistency, and loyalty. 1:42; Josh 7:12). Ironically, Israel's fear here also directly
Modern sensitivities aside, there are further strictly theo- reverses the fear (once again the 'melting hearts') already
logical problems. First, the picture given here represents the felt by the Amorites before their own advance (5:1).
extreme of the tendency to exclusivism in the OT The OT The numbers involved in the first attack (2,000-3,000) are
ultimately keeps in view the purpose of salvation for all the much less than in the second (8:3). Ai is no mean city (the
nations (Isa 40:5; 42:6; Jonah), and even sees the election of number of its citizens who fall in the final battle are 12,000;
Israel as a means to that end (Gen 12:1—3; ^x I9:5~^)- Election 8:25). Israel has to learn again not to take this enemy for
as an end in itself becomes monstrous. Our present text is part granted; God must be among them or they cannot succeed.
of an inner biblical dialogue in which the salvation of all When that is in place numbers are not the main factor.
nations is balanced by a concern for the preservation and Joshua now assumes the Mosaic role of intercessor (w. 6—
purity of the chosen people. Second, the idea of the herem 9). When he prays together with the 'elders of Israel', it is
can lead to the prevailing of the 'holy' over the ethical, a Israel as a whole that cries to YHWH in this crisis. Joshua's
dilemma which the OT seeks to avoid by entering a justifica- wish that they had remained on the far side of the Jordan
tion in terms of God's judgement on evil (Deut 9:5). seems to run counter to God's declared intent (Ex 17:3). Yet the
The story concludes with the notes about the sparing of prayer finishes with an appeal to God to glorify his 'name',
Rahab and her family (w. 22-5), according to the commit- that is to establish his reputation, by finishing the task he had
ment made in ch. 2. It is laid to rest in Joshua's curse of the city begun.
(v. 26, grimly echoed in i Kings 16:34), with its hint that, in the YHWH's reply to Joshua (7:10—15) is the theological centre
story's own terms, the command to destroy has been some- of the passage. The problem, known to the reader since w. i—
what compromised. That suggestion will be taken up again in 2, but not yet to Joshua, is now revealed. Israel, having been
the narrative. unfaithful in respect of the ban, has become subject to the ban
itself. The sin against the ban is a breach of the covenant (v. n).
(7:1—26) Achan's Sin Against the 'Devoted Things' After Jer- As at previous times, the very continuance of the life of Israel
icho, Joshua now turns his attention to Ai (literally 'the heap') with God is at stake. The call to 'sanctify' the people means to
a city near Bethel in the central mountain ridge, giving an make them ritually ready for a solemn encounter with God (cf.
important foothold in the heartland, yet at this stage avoiding Ex 19:10). God now prescribes the harsh penalty for infringe-
one of the toughest strongholds, Jerusalem. The reference to ment of the ban (w. 13—15). The theology of the ban implies a
Beth-aven (v. 2) is obscure. Lacking in LXX, it is a contemp- division within all of reality between the holy and the profane
tuous corruption (lit. house of iniquity). It is elsewhere used of (meaning common, or normal). The holy sphere may be
Bethel (Hos 4:15; 5:8), but not in Joshua (cf. Josh 18:12). Some described as that which belongs entirely to God. The distinc-
see it as referring here to Ai itself (with apparent support from tion is symbolized in the geography of temple and tabernacle,
a minority Gk text). But it may be a third site in the vicinity. which portrays a stepped progression from the profane sphere
 165 JOSHUA
(outside the sanctuary) to the holy of holies itself. Rituals from of Bethel along with Ai in v. 17. The narrative really relates the
the consecration of priests to the act of sacrifice are conceived defeat of the more important Bethel. This theory has to
as a transfer from the profane sphere to the holy. The sin of assume that Ai has been virtually substituted for Bethel
Achan consists not merely in having stolen the goods, but in throughout, to explain how this mere outpost could have a
having illegitimately transferred them from the holy realm to 'king' (8:1). A more radical suggestion, based on the topo-
the profane. This is not only a kind of robbery of God, but also graphical data of w. 9—11, is that Et-Tell is not Ai, an option
a contamination (in a technical sense) of the profane realm. which entails an alternative siting of Bethel too (Livingston
This is what makes the offence so serious; the penalty for the 1970; but against this, Rainey 1971).
infringement of holiness conventions or regulations was YHWH now commissions the taking of Ai (8:1—2), in con-
death (cf Num 16). And the culprit must be found because trast to ch. 7, where Joshua acted on his own initiative. The
otherwise the guilt of the offence would fall on all Israel. words of encouragement, 'Do not fear or be dismayed', recall
The method of discovering the guilty party is important. Deut 1:21, where they also preface a new phase in the story of
The division of Israel into tribes, clans, households gives a the conquest. The ban is reiterated for Ai, as for Jericho, except
glimpse of its pre-monarchical constitution (see Wright that the people may on this occasion take plunder.
1992). The identification of the culprit was probably made The strategem of pretended flight was well-known to the
by sacred lot (cf. i Sam 10:20-1). Its use here may function to ancient world (see Fritz 1994: 90 for examples and cf. Judg
preserve unity among the tribes in a judicial action which 20:36-8). Here, the mimicry of the first defeat is an added
must lay the blame at the door of one (Wilson 1983), as well narrative factor (v. 6, cf. 7:4—5). The garrison having been
as to establish that the procedure is God's. tricked into leaving the city, a second unit set in ambush
The remaining narrative (7:16-26) tells how the divine would come in from the west and destroy it. Though the
command was carried out. The execution of Achan's family initiative is God's (w. 1-2), Joshua's resourceful leadership
along with him is one of the most shocking incidents in the also comes into play. Numbers are now commensurate with
book. The narrative may suppose that they were actually im- the task (v. 3). (On the numbers themselves, see on 4:13.)
plicated in the sin, but it must be admitted that there is no hint The forces move into place (w. 10-17). Th£ Israelites take
of that. The logic of the judgement may be, not that they were up a position to the north of the city (v. 13). Their general
deemed guilty by association, but that they had had contact direction of approach, however, is from the east, the 'Arabah'
with the holy things. It is thus comprehensible within the (v. 14), or Jordan valley, with Gilgal and Jericho. The ambush
world-view that is represented in the text, though alien and to the west is thus from the opposite direction. Bethel lies a
even outrageous within a modern world-view. little further west again. The possible exposure of the ambush
The whole action takes place at God's initiative and 'before' to Bethel gives some support to the view that the peoples of Ai
him (v. 23). The narrative illuminates some of the central and Bethel are in reality one here, as does the remark in v. 17.
concepts of the account of the conquest. The war on Canaan God's command to stretch out the sword towards Ai (v. 18)
is a Holy War, conducted by YHWH himself; the people, in recalls the staff that Moses held out, also at God's command,
covenant with him, are holy, in the sense of belonging spe- atthe crossing ofthe Reed Sea (Ex 14:16, 21). Joshua holds out
cially to him; this is the root of the solidarity of Israel that plays the sword until the battle is won (v. 26). The relative strength
a role here. Overcoming God's enemies means uncomprom- ofthe two armies is not an issue. For when the forces of Bethel
ising loyalty to him. The call to probity before God, and the and Ai see their city in flames they have no more power even to
solemnity of commitment, is echoed in the NT too (Acts flee (v. 20; 'power' is literally 'hands', in contrast to the 'hand'
5:1-11). of Joshua, mentioned four times in w. 18—19).
(8:1—29) The Fall of Ai The action in this chapter follows both As in Jericho, the population ofthe city is not spared. The
from Josh 6, the taking of Jericho, and Josh 7, in which the stipulations of the ban in this case are carried out, and
defeat of Ai was delayed. Now that the problem reported in the livestock and wealth taken as plunder. Two memorials
ch. 7 has been resolved, God is with his people again in their ofthe victory are left behind: the pile of rubble that was the
conquest of the land. Ai is thus next after Jericho, and like it, city; and a second heap of stones, where the body ofthe king of
will fall to the Israelites (v. 2). The narrative is a battle account, Ai was thrown at its entrance (w. 28-9). As at Jericho, it is not
told with unusual military and topographical detail. only an army but a king who is defeated.
The history and geography of this incident are complicated. (8:30—5) Ceremony at Mt. Gerizim The taking of Ai, and the
In the narrative, Ai is located by reference to Bethel (cf. above, implied defeat of Bethel as well, marks an important point in
7:2). Bethel is almost universally identified with modern Bei- the conquest, as the ceremony that is now described makes
tin, a few miles north of Jerusalem in the central ridge. That clear. Deuteronomy had provided that, 'on the day that you
being so, the site of Ai must be a place called Et-Tell (meaning, cross over the Jordan', the people should setup large stones on
like Ai, 'heap' or 'ruin'), the ruined remains of a once sub- Mt. Ebal, cover them with plaster, and write 'all the words of
stantial city. Et-Tell, however, shows no sign of having been this law' on them (for the erection of stones in solemn rituals,
occupied between the late third millennium and the eleventh see Koopmans 1990:404-5). In addition they were to erect an
century, when there is evidence of Israelite occupation. In altar for sacrifice (Deut 27:2—8), and solemnly accept the
other words Et-Tell seems not to have been a living city at terms ofthe covenant (Deut 27:11—26).
the time of the conquest. There are some differences between that passage and this.
One proposed solution is that Ai, though uninhabited, was While Deuteronomy requires two separate kinds of construc-
a military outpost of Bethel. This is supported by the mention tion (stone stelae for writing and an altar for sacrifice), Joshua
JOSHUA 166
makes no such distinction. Here, the ceremony involves a sense they are like the king of Moab, Balak, who had tried
reading of the law, with its blessings and curses; Deuter- to employ magic against Israel on its approach to the land
onomy had recorded only a proclamation of curses. Even so, (Num 22).
our narrative sees itself as the fulfilment of that one (w. 30-1). The theological heart of the present passage is in w. 14-15.
The 'words of the law' are probably the Deuteronomic law, The 'leaders' (v. 14), or 'leaders of the congregation' (v. 18) are
the basis of the ceremony on Mts. Ebal and Gerizim, near presumably the elders and judges who represent Israel, as the
ancient Shechem. If the 'book of the law' was first made the people of YHWH, in an official way. They conclude the treaty,
rule for Joshua himself as he led Israel into the land (1:7-8), it eating the Gibeonites' bread. Joshua then makes peace with
now becomes so for the whole people, in anticipation of the them (the narrative excludes him from the treaty-making,
fuller covenant renewal ceremony at Shechem reported at the perhaps to show that he was not implicated in the duping of
end of the book (Josh 24). Israel). In the narrator's view, the treaty was not according to
This narrative does not sit naturally, chronologically or the will of YHWH, and Israel was tricked because they did not
geographically, within the account of the conquest. Shechem consult him. Once again, Israel's fortunes decline rapidly
lies well to the north of Bethel and Ai, and the subjugation of after a triumph.
the whole land has not yet been related. Furthermore, a report When the truth is out, the issue is whether Israel should go
of the covenant renewal at Shechem comes appropriately at ahead and implement the ban (w. 16-21), or stand rather by
the end of the book (Josh 24). The present passage has been the oath. The answer is that the oath must stand, in accord-
put here, however, for a theological purpose. Following the ance with treaty practice. However, the Gibeonites are con-
setback at Ai, it shows first, that the people are now committed signed to servitude, to mark their deceit.
to proceeding in obedience to God; and second, that a decisive The final paragraph (w. 22-7) expands the sentence re-
point has been reached; there will be no stopping till the land ported in v. 21, with a dialogue between Joshua and the
has been taken. Gibeonites, in which he pronounces them 'cursed', and they
One further point is important, namely the inclusion of the accept his right to decide their fate. The curse properly be-
'aliens' among the Israelites as full members of the commu- longs to a situation in which a treaty has been violated, and is
nity (v. 33). Deuteronomy provided liberally for non-Israelites therefore unexpected here. The thought is probably that the
who lived among the people (Deut 14:28—9), and the religious deceit used by the Gibeonites is itself a violation of trust.
community was in principle open to them (Deut 23:7—8). This The servitude imposed on the Gibeonites is now specified
picture is consistent with that. as service of the 'place that he [YHWH] should choose', that is,
(9:1-27) Covenant with Gibeon The first two verses prepare the main worship sanctuary of Israel. The term occurs in
for the battles ahead. An alliance by some of the Canaanite Deuteronomy in a number of forms (Deut 12:5, 14, and fre-
kings begins to form. The geographical limits and the names quently in Deut 12—26; see DEUT 12:1—5). ^ is often taken in the
of the peoples are familiar from Deuteronomic description critical literature to refer cryptically to Jerusalem, a device to
(Deut 1:7; 7:1; Josh 3:10—see on that passage; the Girgashites maintain the Mosaic guise (Clements 1989: 28). However, the
are missing here). What the kings 'hear' is presumably a phrase is connected with Shiloh in Jer 7:12, a central sanctuary
report of the successes of Israel at Jericho and Bethel/Ai. for Israel before Jerusalem (i Sam 1—3). And here it could refer
First, however, there is an extraordinary incident, and a to Gibeon itself, the great 'high place' at which Solomon
fresh setback. Gibeon lay to the south of Bethel and Ai, a little would worship before building the temple (i Kings 3:4;
to the north of Jerusalem. The Israelite camp is still at Gilgal Chronicles goes further and locates the tent of meeting there
(v. 6), near Jericho. (This reinforces the chronological point at the time; 2 Chr 1:3).
made above; the Israelites have not yet marched north.) The The story of the treaty with the Gibeonites echoes an actual
Gibeonites were Hivites, one of the native peoples (Deut 7:1; early encounter of Israel in Canaan. When the Gibeonite
see 'Hivites', ABDii. 234). They too 'hear' what Israel has done covenant reappears in the OT, in the traditions about Saul, it
(9:3), fear for their lives, and decide to pretend that they are is as a fact already well established. Saul, it seems, broke the
not indigenous to the land, but foreign travellers. They covenant with the Gibeonites, perhaps to extend his territory
approach Joshua and 'a man of Israel' (a way of referring to in Benjamin, and suffered the consequences of a famine in
the Israelite army, Judg 7:23). In asking for a treaty (v. 6) they Israel (2 Sam 21). The 'curse' of Joshua's covenant thus re-
are aware that Israel's Holy War rules out such a treaty with bounded on Israel for its failure to keep its terms.
the local population. (For treaties, see Mendenhall and Her- (10:1-43) Defeat of the Southern Alliance The submission of
ion, 'Covenant', ABD i, 1179-202.) Gibeon has a devastating effect on the region (w. 1-15). It now
The prohibition of treaty-making with the population of transpires that Gibeon is a relatively powerful city, 'like one of
Canaan is the theological rationale of the episode, spelt the royal cities' (v. 2). This means that it was a significant city-
out in Deut 7:1—5, and echoed by Joshua here (v. 7; Mayes state, though it may imply that it did not have a king. (Strik-
1985). Treaties, or covenants (the word is berit, the same ingly, no king is mentioned in Josh 9, in a narrative which
that is used for God's covenant with Israel, Ex 24:7) were a otherwise regularly focuses on the non-Israelite kings.) The
universal means of establishing relationships among power of Gibeon here seems at odds with its weakness in Josh
peoples in the ancient Near East (see JOSH 24). The Gibeonites 9 (Soggin 1972: 121). Yet Josh 9 need only imply that Gibeon
here seek an inferior, vassal status as the price of survival. perceived Israel to be very strong. And the war that is now
Their knowledge of Israel's successes extends back to Egypt, declared on Gibeon by neighbouring states may in any case
and includes the victories in Transjordan (w. 9—10). In this suggest uneasy relations between them, which might have
 167 JOSHUA
contributed to Gibeon's seeking alliance with Israel. Under overlooking the coastal plain west of Jerusalem, and not
that alliance, Gibeon can now turn to Israel for help (v. 6). finally taken until the time of Solomon (i Kings 9:16; cf.
The chain effect of Joshua's conquest continues when, in Josh 16:10). Debir lay south of Hebron. Its name, incidentally,
the style of preceding accounts, the king of Jerusalem 'heard' was attributed to the king of Eglon at first (w. 3), and may
about both Ai and Gibeon (v. i). Suddenly Joshua is playing for bespeak a transference in the course of the narrative's trans-
control of the whole southern region of Canaan. The king of mission.
Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, is called Adoni-bezek by LXX, as in The unity of Joshua's victories in the land to date has been
Judg 1:5-7 (^e confusion has led some to suppose the trad- conveyed by various rhetorical and literary means, for ex-
ition about both is unhistorical (Auld 1975: 268-9) )• He ample, by the catchword of 'hearing' (10:1), and by making
initiates an alliance of city-states against Gibeon, to maintain Jericho and Ai paradigms of subsequent victories. In this
control of the region. The cities involved are located across the section there is a reappearance of the herem, or ban (w. 28,
southern highlands (cf 12:10-13). Jerusalem occupies an im- 35, 37, 40). The narrative ends with a summary statement of
portant position on the central ridge, between south and Joshua's control of the entire southern part of the land.
north. The other cities were further south, in the heart of Kadesh-barnea is important because it recalls the starting-
what would be Judah. Lachish was a major city-state in point of the journey of conquest (Deut 1:2; 2:14). Gaza takes
Joshua's time (now illuminated by the reliefs of Sennacherib's in the coastal area of the Philistines, even though there is no
siege in the British Museum). Hebron, south-east of report of victories there. Goshen is probably an area in the
Lachish, was known to the patriarchs as Kiriath-arba. We are southern reaches of the Negeb (not the Goshen of Joseph's
less well informed about the others; there is nevertheless an Egypt (Gen 45:10)). The geographical perspective here is the
authenticity about the kind of political response narrated ideal one that pictures a total conquest of the land in a series of
here. swift campaigns by Joshua himself.
Joshua marches again from Gilgal. The battle report stres-
ses the hand of God in the defeat of these powerful enemies, (11:1-23) Defeat of the Northern Alliance There is no account
the hailstones from heaven proving more devastating than the of a march north by Joshua and Israel, and no specific military
Israelite forces. The famous staying of the sun and moon or strategic plan is explained. It is simply assumed that
(meaning simply that the day was lengthened) showed that Joshua's task is the conquest of the whole land of Palestine,
it was YHWH, not Joshua, who defeated the kings; and he the 'promised land' of Pentateuchal narrative. The narrative of
controlled not only Israel but even the heavenly bodies. The the northern campaign begins with the familiar formula,
latter miracle poses a bigger problem to the imagination, 'when x heard'—here Jabin, king of Hazor. Here again, an
perhaps, than the hailstones, though neither can be conceived alliance forms around a leading power, and the campaign
in a strictly literal way. The two belong in the same category. runs a similar course.
The day was remembered in Israel as especially remarkable, The centre of the new threat is Hazor (w. 1-9). The partly
the victory having been attended by strange natural phenom- excavated tell shows that Hazor was by far the largest city of
ena, which are attributed to YHWH's power. Joshua's day, perhaps ten times larger than Jerusalem, with as
The first general account of the battle had reported that many as 40,000 inhabitants. Known from the Amarna letters
Israel pursued the fleeing armies of the alliance into their and other texts, it is a historically plausible leader of an alli-
territory, 'as far as Azekah and Makkedah' (v. 10). Azekah lies ance against an incomer that threatened its interests in the
on the route from Jerusalem to Lachish; Makkedah has not area. Furthermore, archaeology shows that this great city was
been identified. There is now a further report (w. 16—27), that destroyed in the thirteenth century BCE, not to be rebuilt as a
tells how Joshua captured the five kings and held them until fortified city till the days of Solomon (i Kings 9:15), though
their armies were thoroughly defeated and only a number of there was some settlement in the interim.
survivors had regained their cities (v. 20). (The passage has The other cities of the alliance may be identified with
been thought originally to be independent of w. 1—15, an various sites in the region between the Sea of Galilee (Chin-
aetiology based on five trees, and a separate story about the neroth) and the Mediterranean. The size of the region de-
caves (Noth 1971: i. 282-3). It is now> in an7 case» well inte- pends on identifications. The 'Arabah south of Chinneroth'
grated with the preceding.) The five kings are made subject to (v. 2) may mean the Jordan valley south of the Sea of Galilee,
a demonstration of Joshua's victory (v. 24), and executed and which would imply a very large area for the alliance, but the
exposed, recalling the fate of the king of Ai (8:29). Memorial phrase has also been taken to denote some more restricted
stones are again erected to mark the triumph. Joshua's words area east or west of the Sea. The peoples involved are mixed
of encouragement to the troops (v. 25) recall God's words to (v. 3), but the names are familiar from the formulaic designat-
Joshua at the beginning of the campaign (1:6). ion of the Canaanites in Deuteronomy 7:1 and elsewhere. The
The last stage in the campaign (w. 28-43) is the destruction Jebusites are normally associated with Jerusalem.
of the cities from which the alliance had come, now defended The name of Jabin is associated with a defeat of Hazor also
only by the stragglers from the battlefield. The passage thus in Judg 4—5, where it is sometimes considered secondary
records the completeness of the victory. The towns taken here (Soggin 1972: 136). Alternatively the name is dynastic. In
do not correspond exactly to the towns that formed the ori- the latter case, some revival in Hazor's fortunes in the period
ginal alliance. Jerusalem is omitted, in keeping with the pic- after Joshua is implied.
ture given in Joshua and Judges that it was not subjugated by Battle is joined at Merom (v. 7). This may be identical with
Joshua (Josh 15:63). Jarmuth is omitted too. Libnah, Gezer, the Madon of v. i (both are 'Marron' in LXX), and is probably
and Debir are the new entrants. Gezer was an important city near Hazor. LXX also adds 'from the mountain' in v. 7, giving a
JOSHUA 168
picture of an ambush by a people that would become natur- essentially complete. The phrase 'the land had rest from war'
alized in the hills, while the Canaanites would hold to the is the ideal perspective on events that dominates this part of
plains. The rout extends to the Mediterranean far to the north the book. It recalls Deut 12:10, which anticipates the blessed
at Sidon, and returns south-eastwards past Lake Huleh (now a life of Israel in the land after all wars are won.
fertile plain) towards Hazor itself. It is a mighty sweep as far as
'Lebanon and... to the Western Sea', to borrow part of Deu- (12:1—24) Tne Subduing of the Whole Land In closing the
teronomy's classical description of the extent of the land. account of the conquest, this chapter reverts again (w. i—6) to
Victory is complete. the victories in Transjordan, already recalled in Josh 1:12-15
The hamstringing of the Canaanites' horses and the burn- (cf. Num 21; Deut 2—3). This accords with the Deuteronomic
ing of their chariots incapacitates them at the point of their view that the promised land includes territory in Transjordan
natural advantage over the Israelites (v. 9). This is done in and Cisjordan, the ban having been applied there first (Deut
fulfilment of YHWH's command, a vital element in the nar- 2:34; 3:6). The promised land began, therefore, at the river
rative of Joshua's success. Command and fulfilment are close- Arnon, running from the east into the Dead Sea, and forming
ly related here (w. 6, 9). the northern boundary of Moab; and it extended on the east
Hazor itself is now put to the ban (w. 10—15); its king is side of Jordan as far north as Mt. Hermon.
executed, and the city burned. The other towns are also The two principal adversaries in Transjordan were Sihon of
destroyed, but not burned, an authentic note in an account Heshbon and Og of Bashan. Sihon's kingdom extended from
that otherwise stresses the total extirpation of the enemy. As the Arnon to the next major tributary of Jordan to the north,
at Ai the booty is excepted from the ban (v. 14), a further the Jabbok (where Jacob had wrestled with God; Gen 32:22-
exception to the law of Deut 20:16, though the terms of that 32), and eastwards to the Ammonites' borderland. Chinner-
law are borrowed here (as elsewhere in our account) in the oth is the Sea of Galilee; this implies that Sihon controlled a
phrase 'all who breathed'. Here as in the case of Jericho the stretch of the Arabah well to the north of the Jabbok. Og's
report of the total destruction of human life reflects the 'ideal' territory lay to the north and east. His major cities, Ashtaroth
perspective of a pure Israel in the land (see JOSH c.i-3). Even and Edrei, lay well to the east of the Sea of Galilee, but his land
so, it is hard to avoid the implication that Hazor was thor- extended south to the Jabbok. The biblical author's point,
oughly razed. however, is that Moses took all the Transjordan from the
The present paragraph also ends on the note of command- Arnon to Hermon. He also distributed these kings' lands to
fulfilment (v. 15). The chain of command extends from the tribes of Reuben and Gad, and half the tribe of Manasseh
YHWH through Moses to Joshua. The line from YHWH to (cf. Num 32: Deut 2-3).
Moses appears twice, framing the sentence, the name of The next section (w. 7—24) portrays Joshua's conquests as
Joshua occurring twice in the centre. By this rhetorical means, the continuation of the land possession and promise fulfil-
the author portrays Joshua as the one who acts according to ment that had begun under Moses. Baal-gad and Mt. Halak
God's word, and who therefore successfully leads Israel into are the northern and southern extremes of the land, as in
its inheritance. 11:17. The parts of the land, and the peoples in it, are recorded
The summary paragraph (w. 16—20) records the full extent here as on other occasions (Deut 1:7; 7:1; Josh 11:16—17), an(^
of the land now under Israelite control, from south to north. the theme of land distribution is continued.
Mt. Halak is on the borderland of Edom (Seir) in the far south- The list of cities (w. 9-24) roughly follows the progress of
east; Baal-gad is in the shadow of Mt. Hermon. The defeat of the conquest as reported in Joshua: Jericho and Ai come first,
all the kings of the land is stressed by means of a repetition then the southern alliance under Jerusalem, and the north-
(w. 17-18). The exception of Gibeon is recalled, perhaps as a ern, under Hazor. Some of the names mentioned here are
blemish on the record. And the rationale is given: God 'hard- new: Geder, Hormah, Arad, Adullam, Tappuah, Hepher,
ened their hearts' against Israel, so that they might be utterly Aphek, Lasharon, Taanach, Megiddo, Kedesh, Jokneam,
destroyed (the term refers again to the ban). The language is Tirzah. This suggests that the list was originally independent
similar to that which is used of Pharaoh in the great confron- of Josh i-n. It is doubtful if these towns were all occupied at
tation between that king and Moses (Ex 7:13; and esp. 10:20, any one time (Fritz 1994: 136-7). Some of the locations are
where, as here, it is YHWH who does the hardening). The well-known (e.g. Arad, on the southern borders of Judah, with
phraseology does not mean that the enemies were helpless its temple to YHWH; Megiddo, an important fortress on
puppets; rather, it is designed to show their determination to the north-south route, commanding the entrance to the
oppose the will of God. The parallel between Pharaoh and the plain of Esdraelon). Others are less certain. Bethel is un-
kings of Canaan is no doubt purposefully drawn. God took expected in v. 16, because of its mention in v. 9; it is omitted
Israel from one situation to the other, overcoming powerful in LXX, and may not be original here. (Judges records the
opposition, both political and moral. fall of Bethel to the 'house of Joseph', Judg 1:22-5; mis was
The Anakim (w. 21-3) had inspired fear in Israel at the 'after the death of Joshua', Judg 1:1.) Shechem is a striking
first, and deterred timid Israel from proceeding to inherit omission.
their land (Num 13:28; Deut 1:28). The ease of this victory The list represents a spread from north to south, and epi-
comments on the misplaced fear there, and fulfils the prom- tomizes the completeness of Joshua's success. The recurrence
ise of Deut 9:1-3. of the 'kings' is significant. Again, it is not only geography that
The allocation of land according to tribes, though it belongs interests our writer, but the character of the enemy. YHWH
properly to the next major section of the book, is intimated empowers Joshua, who is not a king, to overcome the kings of
here, to reinforce the message that the mission of Joshua is Canaan.
 169 JOSHUA
Dividing the Land (13:1-21:45) The possibility of non-possession is hinted at afresh, in the
notice about Israel's failure to drive out the inhabitants of
(13:1^7) The Command to Allot the Land Following the con- Geshur and Maacath (v. 13), an area in the far north, below
quest narrative, the next major section concerns the allocation Hermon. This will become a kind of motif in chapters to
of territory to the tribes. Noth thought that this section derived come, and will present the other side of the picture of con-
from a second Deuteronomistic author, citing 13:1 as a sec- quest, namely of failure to conquer entirely (see Mitchell
ondary anticipation of 23:1 (Noth 1953: 10), designed to intro-
duce the long insertion (13:1-21:42). Both conquest and land 1993)-
Finally, though Moses and Joshua distribute the land, it
division belong within the Deuteronomic concept, however, remains an 'inheritance', and its ultimate giver is God. While
and the appeal to a second source is not necessary (Wenham Joshua succeeds Moses, neither figure acts like a dynastic
1971). king (against Nelson 1981; see Schafer-Lichtenberger 1995:
The command to Joshua (v. i) is at first surprising, in view 219-24). Joshua has no successor. In this respect Israel is
of the summary statements of complete conquest that we have unlike the kings of the ancient Near East, whose prerogative
just read (11:23). Th£ same tension, between the conquest as was the land grant.
accomplished and as not yet accomplished, is found in w. 6-
7. But there is a counterpoint of real and ideal in Joshua. Its (14:1—15) Caleb's Inheritance The allocation of the land in
author, like that of Deuteronomy, knows that possessing and Cisjordan by Joshua together with Eleazar the priest and tribal
not possessing are always twin possibilities. These commands chiefs (w. 1—5) continues directly from Num 26, where Moses
to Joshua resemble other challenges to Israel in the book, and Eleazar had taken a census of the people precisely for this
which promise and warn at the same time (23:16; 24). distribution (Num 26:1—4, 52~6; cf Num 32:28). The use
The centre of w. 1—7 outlines land not yet won. It covers of the sacred lot was commanded in Num 26:55. Th£ ex-
three areas: the Philistine lands from the border with Egypt planation of Levi's exclusion from land inheritance, and the
(the Shihor is probably a branch of the Nile's eastern delta) to dividing of Joseph, supplies the lack of such an explanation
the five Philistine cities in the coastal plain above it (v. 3); in Num 26.
the Phoenician coast (v. 4), and the mountains of Lebanon The grant of land to Caleb (w. 6—15) is a special case. Caleb
(w. 5—6). The exact limits are not clear (e.g. Aphek could be a had dissented from the first spies' timid report (Num 13:30—3),
location close to the Philistine lands, or another in Galilee). as had Joshua, according to another text (Num 32:12). For his
Nor is it obvious how these areas relate to the conquests faithfulness he was promised a possession of his own (Num
already described (cf 11:8), or to the total area of Joshua's 14:24; Deut 1:36), and this is now fulfilled in the area of
activity, which apparently does not include Lebanon. They Hebron, which Caleb requests (v. 12). Hebron is in the south
are, however, part of Deuteronomy's ideal extent of the land of the territory shortly to be allocated to Caleb's tribe of Judah.
(Deut 1:7), and as such, unfinished business. Joshua's task is Caleb's speech emphasizes his vigour into old age, like Moses
to divide the land in Cisjordan (v. 7), the Transjordanian land (Deut 34:7). This also is part of the promise to him (Num
having already been distributed. 26:65). m his trust in YHWH,he is not even dismayed by the
Theologically, this passage establishes that it is YHWH who Anakim, the giants who had terrified Israel at first (v. 12; cf.
will now divide the land. Joshua may die, but YHWH will still Num 13:22, 28, 32-3). And the next chapter records his con-
give the land. quest of the city (15:13—14).
Hebron plays a distinctive role from the beginnings of
(13:8—33) The Settling of Transjordan Transjordan now also
Israel until long after the conquest. Sarah died and and was
prefaces the section about the distribution of land. The lists of
buried there (Gen 23:1-7); its ancient name Kiriath-arba (lit.
cities have a more abbreviated parallel in Num 32:34-8. But
city of four) has been interpreted variously (four cities?
the extended narrative here draws more widely on other ma-
clans?). In our passage (v. 15) Arba is the name of one of the
terial (e.g. with 13:21—2; cf. Num 31:8). And the explanation of
Anakim. A story about David's time also links Caleb to the
the Levites' non-inheritance of territory (w. 14, 33) is based on
area, albeit in a crisis (i Sam 30, note v. 14). David will rule at
Deut 18:1.
first from there (2 Sam 5:3—5). The city will thus have a
It was Moses who had conquered in Transjordan (w. 12, 21),
strategic importance for Israel as a whole, and Judah in parti-
and could therefore 'give' it; the expression 'Moses gave'
cular.
occurs here several times, in connection with the land as
Hebron becomes the first place in Cisjordan to be allocated,
'inheritance' (w. 8, 14-15, 24, 29, 33). Moses continues to
and this is Joshua's first such act, in which he assumes
'give' in ch. 14 (w. 3-4, 9, 12), but there it is finally Joshua
completely the mantle of Moses.
who 'gives for an inheritance' (v. 13). The narrative concerning
Transjordan therefore affirms the unity of Moses' and (15:1—63) The Territory of Judah The description of Judah's
Joshua's work. tribal land, the first and longest of such descriptions, consists
It also stresses the unity of all Israel. The twelve tribes have principally of a definition of its boundaries (w. 1-12), and a list
a stake in the land, and inherit in it. The concern to show this of its cities (w. 20—63), with a further passage on the inherit-
explains the repeated assertion that the tribe of Levi did not ance of Caleb (w. 13—19). (For treatments of Judah's bound-
receive land of its own (w. 14, 33). Their compensation for this aries, see Alt 1953; and for the boundaries in general,
is elaborated in Josh 21. The immediate point is clarified, Na'aman 1986.)
however, in 14:3—4, where it is connected with the division of The boundary description (15:1-12) proceeds in the order
the large tribe of Joseph into two, Ephraim and Manasseh, south, east, north, west. The southern boundary runs from
thus maintaining the twelvefold character of Israel. the southern tip of the Dead Sea to the Mediterranean, taking
JOSHUA 170

in the old sanctuary of Kadesh-barnea in the Sinai border- (16:1—17:18) The Territory of Joseph The tribe of Joseph ranks
land, and extending to the 'Wadi [or brook] of Egypt', that is elsewhere too as next after Judah (cf the relative space devoted
the Wadi el-Arish (different from the Shihor, 13:3), which to each in Jacob's blessing, Gen 49:8-12, 22-6). As we have
flows into the Mediterranean between Gaza and the Nile seen, Joseph was subdivided into Ephraim and Manasseh
Delta. The east is bounded by the Dead Sea. The northern (14:4). Together they receive a huge swathe of land between
border is the most detailed, representing, no doubt, hard the Jordan and the Mediterranean from just north of the Dead
political realities. It is constructed carefully round the south- Sea to Mt. Carmel in the north-west (as well as the lands held
ern extremities of the city of Jerusalem (v. 8), pointedly ex- by the other half of Manasseh inTransjordan). (For the border
cluding it from Judah. And the western limit is the descriptions that follow see Seebass 1984.)
Mediterranean. The southern border (w. 1—3) runs from Jericho (conver-
Although Jerusalem is not counted to Judah here, its pre- ging there with both Judah and Benjamin) up towards Bethel,
sence is felt. The last verse of the chapter (v. 63) notes that along the route followed by Joshua from Jericho to Ai. It
Judah could not take it. It is elsewhere assigned to Benjamin borders Benjamin to the south (16:2—3 is paralleled by 18:12—
(18:28), whose southern border corresponds closely to the 13), and goes past the important military outpost of Gezer,
northern limit of Judah outlined here (Josh 18:15—19). Along- guarding the entry to the hill country from the plain. Bethel
side this neat picture, however, must be laid Judg 1:8, which and Luz are remembered as separate places here, whereas
records that Judah did indeed take the city! Yet the same they are elsewhere regarded as one (18:13; Judg I:2 3)-
chapter notes that the Benjaminites could not drive out the The boundary of Ephraim (w. 5—10) is most carefully de-
Jebusites, who thus remained alongside them in the land fined in relation to Manasseh on its northern and eastern side
(Judg 1:21). This complex picture suggests that Jerusalem (6/7-7). It seems from v. 9 that the relations between them at
was indeed fought for, perhaps by both tribes, the final out- the borders were complex; perhaps there were disputes be-
come being failure. There may in addition have been conten- tween them. The theological comment on Ephraim concerns
tion over it between Judah and Benjamin. (Judg 1:8 then either its failure to take Gezer (v. 10), which was taken at last—and
recalls some short-lived triumph there, or belongs to the then as a gift of Pharaoh—only by Solomon (i Kings 9:16).
idealizing perspective found in passages such as Josh 11:23.) The description of Manasseh's land in Cisjordan is prefaced
In the biblical history, it would be left to David to oust the by a passage about the tribe as a whole (17:1—6). The genea-
Jebusites, and then to make a virtue of the city's disputed logical information, unusual in the narratives of land distribu-
status by making it his capital over all Israel (2 Sam 5:6-10, tion, is closely related to Num 26:29-34. It ma7 ^e required
cf.v.5). because the allocation of land to Manasseh was peculiarly
Caleb, having been granted Hebron, now has to take it in complicated, as indeed the inter-clan relationships may have
war (w. 13—19). This action of his may be regarded as part of been. Machir and Gilead appear as the names of tribes in
Joshua's, reported in 10:36-7. Caleb becomes a 'distributor' in Judg 5 (w. 14, 17). There Machir appears to be west of the
turn, granting land to his 'brother' (or close relative) Othniel, Jordan, while Gilead is east. Personal names are hardening
as well as his daughter Achsah, because of his role in the into names of geographical regions in that text (see Lemaire
conquest. Her request for water reflects the realities of life in 1981).
the drier areas of the land, such as the Negeb, Judah's south- The six clans named are said in Numbers to descend di-
ern desert. (Othniel later becomes the first 'judge-deliverer' of rectly from Gilead, Manasseh's grandson, while our passage
Israel: Judg 3:8—11.) traces them simply to Manasseh himself. (NRSV's 'tribe of
The list of cities can be divided into twelve groups (by the Manasseh', v. 2, is literally 'sons of Manasseh', which need not
repeated phrase 'with their villages'), possibly reflecting a mean the following generation.) The story of Zelophehad's
monarchical administrative system (Soggin 1972: 176-80). daughters resumes a line of narrative from Num 27, 36, in
The cities also fall into four geographical groups: the Negeb which Moses established the right of inheritance for female
(or 'extreme south', v. 21), the lowlands (the Shephela), be- descendants, in the absence of male ones, to protect family
tween the higher hills and the Mediterranean, v. 33, the hill property. Num 36 specified in consequence thatthe daughters
country, that is the high hills of the central ridge (v. 48), and should marry within the tribe. The story is now concluded, to
the wilderness, east of the central ridge towards the Dead Sea show that Moses' provisions were respected, and also to ex-
(v. 61). This division has been thought to be military. plain the division of territory in Manasseh. The five daughters
The long list shows how extensive and varied Judah was, of Zelophehad, son of Hepher, receive shares along with the
incorporating both the rich plain and the dry wilderness. The five Gileadite clans (in place of Hepher), making 'ten portions'
blessing of Jacob associates Judah with viticulture, at home in (v. 5). Of the eleven names (six sons of Gilead and five daugh-
the terraced slopes of the hill country and lowlands (Gen 49: ters of Zelophehad) six appear on ostraca (potsherds) found at
11-12). The lands bordering the drier area were more suitable Samaria, as geographical locations.
for sheep-rearing than agriculture. Carmel and Maon (v. 55) Manasseh stretches from Asher (the tribal land to the north
feature in the story of Nabal, a sheep-farmer who crossed of it) to Michmethath, on the border with Ephraim to the
David (2 Sam 25:2). south (v. 7, cf. 16:6). Again the description (w. 7—13) shows
The final verse (v. 63) belongs to the pattern that indicates that borders were not absolute lines, with Ephraimite towns
Israel's partial failure to take the land, and thus to obey God's belonging within Manassite land, and Manasseh having
command, predicated as it is on faith. The note of failure is an towns within the territories of Asher and Issachar. The picture
important counterpoint to the claims of sweeping victory that is further complicated by the continuing presence, here too, of
we have met in Josh 1-12, especially 11-12. Canaanite enclaves (w. 11-12, cf. Judg 1:27-8). The comment
 171 JOSHUA
about forced labour (v. 13) suggests Israelite ascendancy, yet distribution is reiterated in w. 2—9; and it reappears in 19:51,
failure in terms of the underlying programme of expulsion. rounding off this section on land allocation, which is thus
The request of Joseph (w. 14—18) relates oddly to the dis- bound up carefully with Israel's religious life (Koorevaar
tribution already described. It may be out of chronological 1990: 217-34; 289-91).
sequence, in which case the demand for more than one Allocations have now been made to five tribes: Judah,
portion may actually have been met in the separate allocation Ephraim, Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad. The division of Joseph
to Manasseh and Ephraim, though this is not said. Joshua into Ephraim and Manasseh compensates for the fact that
accepts the basis of the tribe of Joseph's claim, namely great Levi has no territorial inheritance (18:7; the arithmetic is not
numbers. His answer—that they should clear the hill country affected by the fact that Manasseh falls into two parts, on
of trees and make it habitable—corresponds to a reality in the either side of the Jordan). Seven tribes remain, therefore, to
history of the hill country, namely agricultural deforestation. receive land (v. 2).
And the Joseph tribes may be assumed to have taken him at The characteristic paradox of Joshua reappears in w. i, 3:
his word. the land is 'subdued', yet the people have still to take it. The
Yet there is another undercurrent. Joseph's sense of con- last stage of the allocation is prefaced by a survey (lit. writing,
striction is related to their inability to confront the Canaanites v. 4), a new feature in the story (and unexpected, but the
of the plain, with their iron chariots, the tanks of the day. But account need not be supposed to follow a strict chronological
Joshua ends on a note of challenge: Joseph must drive them order). Joshua continues to control events from Shiloh (v. 4),
out in spite of their strength. The point thus chimes in with and provides for the allocation to take place by means of the
the developing theme of Israel's limited grasp on the land that sacred lot, 'here before the LORD our God' (v. 6, cf. w. 8, 10).
they have 'conquered'. This recalls the general requirement in 14:1; only now is the
casting of the lot located in Shiloh, however.
(18:1—19:51) Shiloh, and the Remaining Tribal Territories The Benjamin (w. 11—28) lies between Judah and Ephraim. The
allocations for the remaining tribes are now suddenly located description of its northern border (18:12-14) is as f°r
at Shiloh, where, we are told, the tent of meeting is set up Ephraim's southern one (16:1-3), but 1£SS detailed. Its south-
(18:1). There is other OT evidence that Shiloh was once an ern boundary, as we have seen, follows closely that of Judah's
important sanctuary for all Israel at some time before the pre- northern one (18:15—19; cf. 15:8—11). The list of its towns
eminence of Jerusalem. It appears as such in i Sam 1—2 (w. 2i—8) simply includes Jebus (Jerusalem), though it is
(where it has a 'house of the LORD', 1:24, and the 'tent of elsewhere made clear that the city did not fall to Joshua
meeting', 2:22, as in our text); and it is named as the place of (15:63). It also embraces Gibeon and its satellites (cf. 9:17),
God's choice, following Deut 12, in Jer 7:12. It also features as making no mention of their special status (Josh 9) or Israel's
the central sanctuary for Israel in Josh 22. defence of them against the Jerusalemite alliance (Josh 10).
Yet hitherto Gilgal and Shechem have been the important The present concern is description, not conquest, and repre-
centres for Israel. For this reason, Noth and others saw the sents an ideal.
'Shiloh' material here as secondary (Noth 1953: 107—8; Fritz The territory of Simeon (19:1—9) lay in the semi-arid Negeb,
1994:179—80; but contrast Milgrom 1976). However, there is in the far south. Its description consists of a number of towns,
logic in its positioning here. First, it fits with the flow of the some of which also appear in Judah's list (15:21-32). The
narrative, which has just recorded the allocation of land to the narrative here locates Simeon within the territory of Judah,
Joseph tribes, in which Shiloh lies. Second, Shiloh is projected without a boundary description. It also provides a rationale for
here as the central sanctuary for all Israel in a way that Gilgal this arrangement (v. 9). In fact the identity of Simeon was
and Shechem were not. Principally this is because the tent of lost early in Israel's life, as is clear already in Jacob's bless-
meeting is set up there. This has been conspicuously absent in ing (Gen 49:7), where it is paired with Levi, and condemned
the narrative so far (despite a reference to the 'altar of the to be scattered in Israel. It is missing too in the Blessing of
LORD' and 'the place that he would choose' in Josh 9:27). Yet Moses (Deut 33) and the Song of Deborah, again perhaps
the introduction of Shiloh at this point is not just incidental. because of its early failure to settle. The Judah list in Josh
Its centrality is indicated in an artistic way by its placing 15 seems to reflect this, while here in Josh 19 Simeon's sepa-
between the allocations of land to Judah and Joseph on the rate identity is retained in accordance with the twelve-
one hand, and the remaining tribes on the other. This pattern- tribe ideal.
ing of the narrative extends further: the distribution to Judah The lots now follow for Zebulun, Issachar, Asher, and
and Joseph is preceded by the settling of land on Caleb (14:6- Naphtali (19:10-38), which form a cluster between the Sea
15), while the remaining distribution is followed by an account of Galilee and the Mediterranean. Proceeding from east to
of an inheritance for Joshua (19:49—50). The accounts of west, Issachar, Zebulun, and Asher have southern borders
rewards for the two faithful spies are woven carefully into with Manasseh along the line of the Carmel range and the
the whole story of the distribution, which is thus seen to be plain of Esdraelon. Naphtali is to the north of Issachar and
constructed according to an elaborate pattern. The notice Zebulun.
about Shiloh is at the centre of this pattern, suggesting that The data for these tribes consist of a mixture of town lists
the erecting of the tent of meeting there is important in the and border descriptions. The name of Mt. Tabor occurs in
concept of the narrative as a whole. It fulfils the promise- connection with three of the tribes (w. 12, 22, 34, twice in
command that God would be among Israel in the land he place-names), distinguishing it as a reference-point in this
was giving them (Lev 26:11—12: T will place my dwelling [tent, area. The other important landmark is the Mediterranean.
tabernacle] in your midst': Deut 12:5). Shiloh's role in the Asher (w. 24-31) lies along the sea-coast from Carmel (at
JOSHUA 172

modern Haifa) as far north as Tyre and Sidon, cities of Phoe- The instructions regarding cities of refuge (20:1—9) in Num
nicia. KabuJ is known as the pJace where SoJomon made an 35:9—28 and Deut 4:41—3; 19:1—10 are now appealed to (v. 2),
agreement with King Hiram of Tyre (i Kings 9:10—14). and what was commanded there is reiterated and put into
(BethJehem, v. 15, is obviousJy a pJace in GaJiJee, not the 'city practice. The requirement is essentially the same in aJJ the
of David' south of JerusaJem. 'Judah on the east of the Jordan' texts. The accidental homicide was subject, by virtue of the
(v. 34)—Jit. 'Judah of the Jordan'—can have nothing to do with homicide itself, to a form of justice deriving from famiJiaJ
the tribaJ territory far to the south.) relations in a tribaJ context. The 'avenger of blood' was ap-
The description of Dan (19:40-8) stands apart from the pointed by the famiJiaJ group to exact bJood for bJood in cases
preceding group. AJthough it settJed finaJJy in the extreme of homicide. The word translated 'avenger' is elsewhere 're-
north (hence perhaps its incJusion here aJong with the GaJiJee deemer' (Ruth 2:20). The connection is in terms of respons-
tribes), its originaJ territory was farther south, and that first ibility for the protection of the family group. The blood
inheritance is described here. It consists of Jand to the west vengeance system had no mechanism in itseJf to cope with
of Judah, running down to the Mediterranean at Joppa accidental homicides, as exemplified in Num 35:22—3 and
(TeJ-Aviv), and including certain PhiJistine territory (Ekron). Deut 19:5. The present text, and parallels, permit the killer
It is debatable Jand between Judah and the Philistines, to escape to designated cities for asyJum.
and some of the names here are known from the stories of One criterion for deciding intentionaJity emerges from
Samson, who clashed with the Philistines on the edges of three of the texts, nameJy whether there had been previous
the ShepheJah (Jow hills) and their coastaJ areas (cf. Judg enmity between the parties (v. 5/7, cf. Deut 19:4/7, Num 35:23/7).
13:2, 25; 14:1). Ir-shemesh is Beth-shemesh in the same The means of determining guiJt or innocence is never clearly
region. speJt out, however. The procedure at the gates of the city of
The Danites may never have had a strong foothoJd in this refuge may be no more than formaJ request for sanctuary
region. It was onJy David who subdued the Philistines. AijaJon (v. 4). It is followed by a trial before the fedd, or 'congregation',
and ShaaJbim are mentioned in Judg 1:35 as places where that is, the whoJe people constituted as a religious assembly
Canaanites (Amorites) continued to Jive, under pressure, ad- (v. 6; cf. Num 35:12). It may have been represented by judges
mittedly, from 'the house of Joseph'—but not from Dan. Dan's in the city of refuge, or indeed Levites (as aJJ the cities of refuge
failure is admitted in the narrative, which aJso reports its are aJso JeviticaJ cities; see beJow). Deuteronomy reserves the
migration north, to the outer edges of the territory. Its 'con- right of the eJders of the killer's city, where they beJieve him
quest' of Leshem is not celebrated as part of Joshua's con- guiJty, to demand extradition (Deut 19:11-12). It is not cJear
quest. It is toJd more fully in Judg 18, where the slaughter of how these various procedures relate to each other.
Leshem (Laish) is implicitly criticized (18:27). Th£ final note Sanctuary is a common concept in the ancient worJd, often
in the description of the tribaJ inheritances, therefore, is associated with places of worship ('sanctuaries' in that sense).
decidedly downbeat. The summary in 19:48 appears to refer A Jaw of Exodus aJso connects the principle of asyJum with an
to the places that have been enumerated in the originaJ terri- aJtar (Ex 21:12-14). <-)ur text and its parallels are unique in
tory (since there is nothing in v. 47 that couJd correspond to providing for asyJum cities. These may actually have had
'these towns with their villages'). Dan's 'inheritance', there- sanctuaries, yet it is not likely that the refugee was intended
fore, was not inherited, and the 'complete' conquest is in the to remain strictly within them. The rationale may be deduced
end incompJete. from the implied analogy with the Levites. It is to be afforded a
Joshua's personal inheritance (19:49—50) corresponds, as pJace in the Jand where Jife and sustenance are possible. We
we saw, to that of CaJeb the other courageous spy (see JOSH may surmise that a refugee might be joined there by his
14:6-15). UnJike the case of CaJeb, there is no special prepara- immediate family and resume a normaJ Jife.
tion for such an allocation. Yet, as we saw (18:1), the two The provision that the refugee must stay until the death of
accounts balance each other within the structure of the Jarger the high priest (v. 6b) may be intended to set a time-Jimit on
narrative of the division of the Jand. There is an equiJibrium the stalemate produced by a verdict of innocent, a verdict
too in the fact that CaJeb inherits in (southern) Judah, whiJe which nevertheless cannot revoke the right of bJood ven-
Joshua does so in (northern) Ephraim. geance in principle (Num 35:27^. The asyJum Jaws are often
The conclusion (19:51) returns to ShiJoh and the tent of dated to the post-exiJic period on the grounds that the office of
meeting. It thus emphasizes again that that is the spiritual high priest is thought to date from that time. The Jaws them-
centre of the Jand, symbolizing the hand of God in the division selves, however, make best sense in the context of an attempt
of it, as in the giving. Joshua and EJeazar are named once to impose a unified administration on a diversified justice
more as jointly responsible for the execution of it (cf. 14:1; cf. system, perhaps in the earJy monarchy. And the office of
Num 26:1—4; 52~6). high priest is apparently known in the administrations of
David and SoJomon, with Zadok (i Kings 1:38-40). (The
(20:1-21:43) Cities of Refuge and Levitical Cities The next two PriestJy sections of the OJd Testament trace the beginnings
chapters complete the picture of Jand occupation by designat- of the office to the desert period, with Aaron, but there is no
ing 'cities of refuge' (20:1—9), an(^ leviticaJ cities (21:1—41). special evidence to confirm the historicity of this.) It is diffi-
These show how two classes of people, who are in some sense cult, moreover, to make sense of the prominence of the Trans-
dispossessed, are granted the right to Jife and a pJace among Jordanian cities in the Jaws on the assumption of a post-exiJic
the people. The concluding summarizing statement of God's setting, or indeed of the residual famiJiaJ Jaw. A compromise
victory over aJJ Israel's enemies (21:43—5) sh°ws that these is to think of the high priest clause as a post-exiJic addition.
provisions belong within the theme of Jand possession. (For other views see AuJd 1978; Gertz 1994: 117-57.)
 173 JOSHUA
Instead of tribal territory (13:14; 14:3-4) Levi would receive Serving YHWH in the Land (22:1-24:33)
towns and their pasturelands throughout Israel (21:1—3),
according to the Pentateuchal rationale that YHWH himself (22:1-34) The Altar by the Jordan Joshua now (w. 1-9) takes
is the Levites' 'inheritance' (Num 18:20; Deut 18:1-2, cf Deut up the charge addressed to the Transjordanian tribes at the
10:9). This meant in practice that they received shares of outset of the conquest (1:12—18), which in turn looked back to
the Israelites' sacrifices and offerings (Num 18:9—24). In Deut 3:18—20 (hence the reference here to Moses' command,
addition, Num 35 provides for forty-eight Levitical cities, v. 2). Though they had settled in their lands before their
including the six cities of refuge (Num 35:6-7—all noted fellow-Israelites had crossed the Jordan, they were obliged to
in Josh 21; w. n, 21, 27, 32, 36, 38; the number forty-eight, participate with them in the war for the land. They are per-
w. 4—7, 41, is significant perhaps as a multiple of twelve, mitted to return home, with a strongly Deuteronomic exhor-
the number of the tribes). The Levites now come to Joshua tation (w. 2-5; cf Deut 10:12-13). Joshua's 'blessing' of them
and Eleazar at Shiloh (w. 1-2) to claim their part in the (v. 6) belongs to the language of peaceful farewell. Shiloh is
land; the allocation of their cities is thus included in the the place of this parting, which may have had a ceremonial
general apportionment of territory. The function of levitical aspect.
cities has often been supposed to lie in their possess- The unity of the people is now called into question (w. 10-
ing sanctuaries, in line with the provision that Levites should 34) when the two and a half tribes, on their return, erect an
have their living from sacrifices. However, there is no altar by the Jordan, on the Israelite side of the border between
evidence of the existence of a sanctuary in most of the the two lands (w. 10—n). This is interpreted by the Israelites as
towns in this chapter. They may have served merely as resi- an act of war, because it is held to challenge the claims of the
dences, and places where Levites could enjoy some personal sanctuary of Shiloh, so closely bound up with the theology of
wealth and status, while performing their priestly duties land possession (v. 12).
elsewhere (Deut 18:6—8 can be read in this sense; McConville The case against the two and a half tribes is outlined (w. 13—
1984: 144-7). 20) in terms of holiness requirements—hence the role of
The tribe of Levi was associated with priesthood from early Phinehas (son of Eleazar) in the accusation, rather than
in Israel's history (Judg 18:3-6). According to Priestly Penta- Joshua. The sin is compared with two other sins in the reli-
teuchal texts (Num 3—4), it was divided into two groups: gious realm (w. 17, 20): the idolatry at Peor in the days of the
priests proper and Levites, or assistants to the priests. The wilderness wanderings (Num 25), and Achan's transgression
priests were traced to the line of Aaron, and through him to of the ban on Jericho (Josh 7). It is all Israel, as a religious
Kohath, one of the sons of Levi. Kohathites who were not of assembly or congregation, that pursues the errant tribes
the Aaronite line, together with descendants of Levi's other (w. 12, 16). The issue, furthermore, is framed in religious
sons Gershom and Merari, were 'Levites'. These texts are terms by raising the question whether the land across the
widely regarded as exilic or post-exilic, because the distinc- Jordan might be ritually 'unclean', and therefore itself unfit
tions they make are not evident generally in the historical for worship (v. 19).
books of the OT, nor clearly in Deuteronomy. The system is The Transjordanians, in reply (22:21—9), recognize the
presupposed here, however (w. 4—7). The territorial order unique claims of both YHWH and his altar. The phrase 'The
adopted roughly follows that of the allocation to the tribes LORD, God of gods' ('el 'elohim YHWH) is a strong affirmation
(Judah, Joseph, the rest). Judah's primacy here is not only of YHWH's supremacy. To a Canaanite it might literally have
chronological, but also consists in receiving the sons of Aaron meant the supreme god among a number of gods; in the OT it
(v. 4). To an audience in the late Judahite monarchy, or in the merely means that he is unrivalled. The Transjordan-
exilic period, the association of Judah with Aaron would seem ians' argument is that this altar is not itself for sacrifice,
natural, for by then the Aaronide priesthood was well estab- but rather, as a copy of the true altar, it symbolizes their
lished in Jerusalem. Yet there is no express allusion to Jerusa- participation in the worship that takes place there (v. 270).
lem here, and Shiloh retains its prominence in the context. As such it is a 'witness' (w. 28, 34). This last idea strikes two
The account of Aaron's geographical foothold in the south, important Deuteronomic notes, namely the unity of Israel
therefore, seems to be independent of late-monarchic/exilic and the preservation of the true faith for future generations
theologizing. (w. 24-8; cf. Deut 6:2, 7).
In the list of towns in Judah and Simeon (w. 9—12), these The events recorded here probably testify to complicated
two are simply amalgamated (v. 9; see JOSH 19:1-9). Surpris- relationships in Israel's early years between the peoples east
ingly, Hebron is assigned to the priests, having previously and west of the Jordan. The focus on Shiloh again suggests a
been granted to Caleb (14:14—15), a fact that is acknowledged memory from pre-monarchic times (cf. JOSH 18:1). The poten-
here, and explained (v. 12). Debir too (v. 15) had fallen to Caleb tial relevance of the narrative to post-exilic times should also
(15:15-17). The list may be dated to the early monarchy (with be noticed, however, because of the questions that arose then
Albright 1945). Some of these towns were not taken till then, about the status of Jews who chose to live in the Diaspora,
and after the division of the monarchy, with Jeroboam's anti- away from their restored temple at Jerusalem. For this reason
levitical measures (i Kings 12:31), Levites will scarcely have the chapter is often held to have an ancient core, but to have
been able to hold them. been revised by both Deuteronomic and Priestly writers (Noth
The summarizing conclusion (21:43-5) is in line wrth II:2 3» 1953: 133-5; Kloppenborg 1981).
emphasizing promise fulfilment and rest from enemies. (23:1-16) Joshua's Farewell Address The book of Joshua
There are echoes of Deuteronomy in the language, especially comes to a close with two distinct ceremonies, each seeming
v. 430. in itself to be a finale. The first, in Josh 23, is a farewell address
JOSHUA 174

of Joshua to the gathered tribes in an unnamed place (the logic especially second millennium Hittite vassal-treaties) and
of the narrative would suggest Shiloh); the second, Josh 24, is some OT covenants, notably Deuteronomy more or less in
a covenant renewal ceremony at Shechem. These are some- its entirety (Baltzer 1971). Josh 24 exhibits the characteristic
times seen as a duplication, Josh 23 being later than Josh 24, features: a preamble (v. i), a rehearsal of the historical relation-
and in certain respects modelled on it. There are, however, ship between the parties (w. 2—13), stipulations and the re-
important differences between the two chapters. quirement of loyalty (w. 14—15, 25), formal witnesses (w. 22,
Joshua's farewell address is linked expressly to the narrative 27), depositing a document (w. 26—7), and a statement of
of conquest. It connects (v. i) with the resumptive statements consequences (v. 20—here only the bad consequences of
in 11:23 and 21:43-5, and their themes of fulfilment of prom- disloyalty are recorded, in contrast to Deut 28). YHWH is
ise, complete conquest, and rest from war. The opening verse thus depicted as the suzerain, who requires loyalty from his
(ib) also repeats verbatim a phrase from 13:1, referring to partner in the context of his commitment to protect them in
Joshua's advanced age (see JOSH 13:1). The fact that there is the land which he grants them. Properly, the present narrative
no reference here to the allocation of land (chs. 13-21) and that merely resembles the ancient treaty form, being itself a lit-
it is assumed that land remains to be taken, has been thought erary construction. However, the use of the form has real
to argue for the secondariness of Josh 13—21. However, 13:1 significance, in that it records the actual commitment of the
also introduced a catalogue of places not yet subdued. Both people to YHWH rather than to other gods, and their accept-
passages, therefore, simply express the tension between land ance of this as the basis of their lives.
possession as a fact and as a project that still awaits accom- The historical context of the narrative is differently esti-
plishment. When chs. 23 and 24 are read together, the dis- mated. Some scholars, on the basis of Deuteronomic lan-
tribution of land may simply be assumed here, and the two guage and themes (e.g. w. 16-18, 25, 260}, conclude that the
ceremonies culminate in 24:28: 'Joshua sent the people away whole passage comes from Assyrian (Perlitt 1969: 239-84) or
to their inheritances' (itself an echo of 22:1—6). exilic (Nicholson 1986) times. This is not necessary, however.
Following Deuteronomic requirements, the people are to Much of the material draws on themes that belong to Israel's
hold fastto the law of Moses (v. 6; cf. Josh 1:7), and indeed love' traditions broadly understood: the origins of Israel's ancestors
YHWH himself (v. n, cf. Deut 6:5—the term denotes covenant in Mesopotamia and the patriarchal line (w. 2-4, cf. Gen
loyalty). They must not adopt the worship practices of the 11:27—12:9), the Exodus from Egypt and the wilderness wan-
peoples that still remain among them (w. 7, 16), nor inter- derings (w. 5—9), the conflicts in Transjordan and the Balaam
marry with them (v. 12; cf. Deut 7:1-5). If they do, YHWH will tradition (w. 9-10, cf. Num 22-4), and the conquest itself.
cease to drive out the nations, and Israel itself will be driven off While there are Deuteronomic elements here (v. n, the seven
its newly acquired land (w. 15,16; cf. Deut 30:17—18). nations, cf. Deut 7:1; v. 13, cf. Deut 8:10—n), other features are
The tension between the ideal and the real is theologized in more individual. An example is the statement that Abraham
the speech as a reproach to Israel for imperfect obedience to and his family worshipped other gods 'beyond the River' (v. 2).
the command to take the land (Judg 2:2-3). Joshua here And the references to the stone as witness and particularly to
expresses the twin possibilities of the covenant: faithfulness the oak in the 'sanctuary of the LORD' (w. 26—7) contrast with
and possession, or unfaithfulness and loss. This choice, with Deuteronomic prescriptions (Deut 16:21—2), and are signs of
its consequences, is most fully spelt out in Deut 28. Joshua antiquity. Deuteronomic language, furthermore, is equivocal
goes even further, appearing to imply that the 'curses' of the as a means of dating texts, since many of its terms are found in
covenant will certainly come (v. i$b), in a passage reminiscent ancient treaties (Koopmans 1990: 407; Sperling 1987). Ar-
of Deut 4:25—31; 30:1—5. This might suggest that our passage chaeology has found structures both at ancient Shechem and
has the Babylonian exile in view, and must therefore date to a on Mt. Ebal. These have been linked both with this ceremony
time after it. Unlike Deut 4:30, however, there is no mention and with the one described in Josh 8:30-5, though such links
here of repentance and return to the land. It is therefore not cannot be made conclusively.
dependent on them in any simple way, and the allusion to the Josh 24 obliges the Israelites to enter into a solemn cov-
Babylonian exile is not certain. enant, or better, a covenant renewal (if the Deuteronomic
Horeb and Moab covenants are presupposed). The 'historical
(24:1—28) The Covenant at Shechem Unlike the speech in prologue' recalls YHWH's faithfulness in bringing Israel to
Josh 23, the ceremony in Josh 24 is clearly located in Shechem their land, and reaffirms his agency in the Holy War. The
(v. i). The shift of location from Shiloh is unheralded (hence 'Amorites' (v. 8) are the kings Sihon and Og, who were de-
LXX's reading 'Shiloh', which must be regarded as a late feated in the Transjordanian campaign (Num 21:21-35; Deut
harmonization). Shechem, however, has important roots in 2:26—3:17). They are bracketed here with Balak, king of Moab,
the broader narrative of exodus and conquest (Deut 11:29; 2 7> who hired Balaam the magician to curse Israel, in a vain
Josh 8:30-5), which bespeak its strong association with cov- attempt to stall their progress (Num 22-4; cf. Josh 13:21-2).
enant. Other narratives about Shechem support this. In a story Here YHWH says that he would not listen to Balaam (v. 10); in
from Judges there is reference to a temple of'Baal-berith' (also Numbers, Balaam knows from the outset that God was deter-
'El-berith'), that is, the lord, or god, 'of the covenant' (Judg 9:4, mined to bless the people (Num 22:12). The translation 'hor-
46). Gen 34 tells of an ancient agreement (covenant?), albeit net' (NRSV, v. 12) is based on LXX and early versions, but is
quickly broken. These texts suggest obliquely that Shechem obscure, and sometimes rendered 'terror', picking up an im-
was known as a place of covenant from early times. portant theme in the exodus tradition (cf. Ex 15:14—16; Num
Formal parallels have been observed between ancient Near- 22:3). The whole argument stresses both God's irresistibility,
Eastern treaties of both the second and first millennia (but and his commitment to Israel.
 175 JOSHUA

The appeal to Israel is a call to exclusive loyalty (w. 14-15). Cross, F. M. (1973), Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge
The phrase 'You cannot serve the LORD' is a surprisingly Mass.: Harvard University Press).
strong assertion that Israel will be unfaithful. It may be taken Ehrlich, A. B. (1968), Randglossen zur Hebrdischen Bibel, iii. Josua,
Richter, I. u. II. Samuelis (Hildesheim: Georg Olms).
as a forceful warning not to enter this covenant lightly, or to
Fritz, V. (1994), Das Buch Josua, HAT 1/7 (Tubingen: Mohr).
think that loyalty to YHWH will be easy. As such it fits with
Garstang, J. (1931), The Foundations of Biblical History: Joshua, Judges
Deuteronomy's view that Israel cannot keep covenant (Deut (London: Constable).
9:4—7). The warning may be compared with v. 23, in which Gerbrandt, G. E. (1986), Kingship According to the Deuteronomistic
failure to worship YHWH alone is pictured as a present History, SBLDS 87 Atlanta: (Scholars Press).
reality. This also is in line with the general picture of the early Gertz, J. (1994), Die Gerichtsorganisation Israels im deuteronomischen
generations of Israel, ready to resort to other gods from the Gesetz (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
beginning (Ex 32; Num 25). Deuteronomy too, at its climax, Gottwald, N. K. (1979) The Tribes ofYahweh: A Sociology of the Religion
portrays Israel as unfaithful (Deut 32). The effect here may be of Liberated Israel, 1250-1050 BCE (London: SCM).
Halbe, J. (1975), 'Erwagungen zum Ursprung und Wesen des Massot-
rhetorical. Elsewhere the Joshua generation is pictured as
festes', ZAW&j: 324-45.
faithful (Judg 2:7,10). The outcome in any case is the conclu-
Rang, S.-M. (1989), Divine War in the Old Testament, BZAW 177
sion of the covenant, and the people go at last to their ap- (Berlin: Mouton, de Gruyter).
pointed homes (v. 28). Kenyon, K. (1979), Archaeology in the Holy Land, 4th edn. (London:
(24:29-33) Endings Four short units complete the narrative Ernest Benn).
of the book, and in a sense of the Hexateuch (Genesis- Kloppenborg, J. S. (1981), 'Joshua 22: The Priestly Editing of an
Joshua). Joshua and Eleazar were co-responsible for the divi- Ancient Tradition', Biblica, 62: 347—71.
Koopmans, W. T. (1990), Joshua 24 as Poetic Narrative, JSOTSup 93
sion of the land. Their deaths are now told, in the outer
(Sheffield: JSOT).
framing sections of these four units, signalling the end of Koorevaar, H. J. (1990), De Opbouw van het Boek Jozua (Heverlee:
the era of conquest and settlement, as Moses' death had Centrum voor Bijbelse Vorming, Belgie VZW).
signalled the end of the period of exodus (Deut 34). Like Kraus, H.-J. (1951), 'Gilgal: ein Beitrag zur Kultusgeschichte Israels',
Moses, Joshua is given the title 'servant of the LORD'. He is VTi: 181-99.
buried in the territory that had been given him as a personal Lemaire, A. (1981), 'Galaad et Makir', VTy. 39-61.
inheritance (Josh 19:49-50; cf. Judg 2:8-9). Livingston, D. (1970), 'Location of Biblical Bethel and Ai Reconsid-
The note concerning Israel records that they were faithful ered', WTJ33: 20-44.
during Joshua's lifetime, agreeing with Judg 2:7, but stopping Lohfink, N. (1962), 'Die deuteronomistische Darstellung des Uberg-
angs der Fuhrung Israels von Mose auf Josua', Scholastik, 37:32-44.
short of the ominous sequel (Judg 2:10). It brings to comple-
Long, B. O. (1968), The Problem of Etiological Narrative in the Old
tion the aspiration in Joshua of a people dwelling peacefully Testament, BZAW 108 (Berlin: A. Topelmann).
and obediently in a land given in fulfilment of God's promise. McCarthy, D. J. (1971), 'The Theology of Leadership in Joshua 1-9',
The emphasis is on 'service', or worship, of YHWH, echoing Biblica, 52:165-75.
the commitment undertaken in the covenant dialogue (w. 14- McConville, J. G. (1984), Law and Theology in Deuteronomy, JSOTSup
22). 33 (Sheffield: JSOT).
The record of Joseph's burial connects expressly with Gen Mann, T. W. (1977), Divine Presence and Guidance in Israelite Traditions:
50:24—6. It puts the story of Joshua in a broader context, The Typology of Exaltation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
suggesting that the 'ending' achieved in it relates to the story Press).
Mayes, A. D. H. (1985), 'Deuteronomy 29, Joshua 9, and the Place of
that began long before with the promises to the patriarchs, the
the Gibeonites in Israel', in N. Lohfink (ed.), Das Deuteronomium:
great theme of Genesis. He is buried in Shechem, in the Entstehung, Gestalt und Botschaft (Leuven: Leuven University Press),
territory of his son Manasseh. This also connects the report 321-5.
with the immediate context. Milgrom, J. (1976), 'Priestly Terminology and Social Structure of Pre-
Monarchic Israel', JQR 69: 66-76.
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16,1-17, 13', ZDPVioo: 70-93. Wilson, R. R. (1983), 'Enforcing the Covenant: The Mechanics of Jud-
Soggin, J. A. (1972), Joshua, OTL (London, SCM). icial Authority in Early Israel', in H. B. Huffmon, F. A. Spina, and A.
Sperling, S. D. (1987), 'Joshua 24 Re-examined', HUCA 58:119-36. R. W. Green (eds.), The Questfor the Kingdom of God: Studies in Honor
Tengstrom, E. (1976), Die Hexateucherzahlung, CBOTS 7 (Lund: C. W. of George E. Mendenhall (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns), 59-75.
K. Gleerup). Wright, C. J. H. (1992), 'Family', ABD ii. 761-9.
Thompson, T. L. (1992), The Early History of the Israelite People: From Younger, L. (1990) Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study in Ancient Near
the Written and Archaeological Sources (Leiden: Brill). Eastern and Biblical History Writing, JSOTSup 98 (Sheffield: JSOT).

10. Judges SUSAN N I D I T C H

INTRODUCTION would-be Israelite king, a Danite founding myth, and a fascin-

ating tale of civil war that describes the ways in which the
A. The Biblical Timeframe. 1. Within the Bible's chronology,
ideal of pan-Israelite unity conflicts with strong local tribal or
that is within the pan-Israelite portrayal of the history of the
clan-related loyalties. Interwoven with the unifying theme
people, Judges is set in a time before kings ruled in Israel and
concerning Israel's relationship to God are a host of other
before ritual actions and spaces were regularized and central-
fascinating issues in Israelite world-view dealing with atti-
ized. Leaders are swashbuckling bandits whose influence
tudes to gender, to centralized authority—in particular in
lasts only during their lifetimes, and Israelite groups unite
the form of monarchy—attitudes to war, and other essential
to fight enemies as members of a loosely organized confed-
aspects of Israelite self-definition.
eration. Two important heroes are women, an unusual gender
for such roles in the androcentric Israelite tradition preserved
C. Relation to Actual History of Israel. 1. Do the stories of
in the HB.
Judges reflect the actual events of early Israelite history of
2. Judges presents the period of the 'conquest' when Israel-
the pre-monarchic, pre-tenth-century BCE era, or at least in
ites wrest control of portions of the land from various
general capture the flavour and tone of the times? Who are
non-Israelite overlords, defeating and dispossessing rival in-
these leaders called 'judges' who rarely serve in a juridical
habitants. In contrast, however, to portions of the book of
context and act more as military and political liberators (see
Joshua which portray the conquest as linear, unstoppable,
Judg 4:5 for one exception)? Does the politically decentralized
and totalistic, Judges presents the events of a take-over much
confederation presented in or implied as lying behind many
more haltingly as Israel, a poorly armed resistance force, wins
of the narratives reflect the realities of a pre-monarchic form of
some battles and loses others, has periods of relative success
Israelite self-governance? As is the case with epic traditions
and some significant setbacks, never completely gaining con-
of other cultures, it is extremely difficult to match specific
trol of the promised land. Indeed Israelite encounters with the
events and persons in Judges with detailed facts of Israelite
enemy seem less like the warfare of conquest than the activ-
history. It is certainly possible that some elements are rooted
ities of subversive insurgents, guerrillas. Leaders are often at
in actual experience, now stylized and formulated in the con-
odds with the people while Israel itself is presented as com-
tours of the literary tradition. (For a full discussion of such
posed of rather fragmentary groups and individuals that are
issues see Boling (1975).) To pose such questions is to enter
sometimes at war with one another.
the vexing problem concerning Israelite origins in the land of
B. The Story. The narrative frame of the book as it now stands Israel. Four major theories have been proposed: the conquest
largely parallels its theological message. Israel is unable to model; the infiltration model; the liberation model; and the
defeat its foes because of lack of faithfulness to YHWH, pioneer settlement model.
patron deity who rescued Israel from the oppression of slavery 2. The conquest model is closely wedded to the version of
in Egypt. At intervals, however, YHWH raises up leaders who Israel's arrival in the land found in the biblical book of Joshua.
inspire Israel to renewed faith in him, assuring their capacity Archaeological finds of the twentieth century seemed to evi-
to succeed in battle. The tales of Israel's insurgency feature dence strafing and burning in various locations mentioned in
various heroes including Ehud the left-handed man; Deborah, the Bible, destruction that took place in the second half of the
the prophet, and her aide Barak; Jael the female assassin of the second millennium BCE, the period appropriate to the biblical
Canaanite general Sisera; Gideon, destroyer of the altar of chronology, and thus encouraged many American scholars to
the deity Baal, competing god of the Canaanite enemy; find in the Scriptures the outline of actual historical events.
Jephthah whose only daughter becomes a war-vowed sacrifice They thought it possible to prove in essentials that land-
to YHWH; and Samson the superhero of ancient Israelite hungry Israelites making a transition from nomadic life to a
tradition. Additional tales include the story of Abimelech, a more settled pattern of existence violently supplanted the
 177 JUDGES
inhabitants of the land (see Albright 1939; Bright 1981). In subterfuge and ambush, practitioners ofthe military ideology
this model, the confederation or league served to organize and oftricksterism (Niditch 1987; 1993: 106—22). One thinks e.g.
rally the conquering army. ofthe hero Ehud's assassination ofthe Moabite king Eglon,
3. Theories about Israelite nomadism have been strongly who is described literally as a fat calf whose ample girth folds
challenged in recent years and confidence in the conquest over the assassin's knife, or ofthe heroine JaeJ who poses as a
model has waned as the matches between biblical accounts friend ofthe Canaanite general Sisera, Juring him to her tent
of conquest and archaeological evidence have proven far less with offers of succour, onJy to kiJJ him by driving a tent peg
than perfect (see Hayes and Miller 1977). More suited to the through his head as he sleeps. Of course, the portrayal of
stories in Judges is the infiltration model that suggests that battles between haves and have-nots couJd aJso reflect the
Israelites gradually moved into the land and that battles with sort of worJd described by Coote and WhiteJam (1987), as
the natives were largely defensive (Alt 1967; Noth 1960). The highland pioneers feeJ themselves threatened by those in
confederation was a means of unifying various elements of control ofthe lowlands and by various rivals to the territories
the group that would become Israel for purposes of defensive they have settled.
war. This model too, however, rests upon outmoded notions of 7. In Judges, Israelite political motives are completely inter-
Israelite nomadism (Gottwald 1979). Scholars have also be- twined with religious motives. The hero Gideon's revolt be-
come increasingly suspicious about the existence of a formal gins with a night-time act of subversion as he overturns the
Israelite league, especially about the existence of a single statue of Baal. Samson's exploits are a means by which
confederation that consisted of twelve tribes (Mayes 1974). YHWH shows his power. Deborah is after all a prophet and
4. The liberation model allows that some of those who Samson a nazirite, one consecrated to God at birth. The
would come to constitute the group called Israel came from national agenda and the Yahwistic agenda are one.
outside the land of Canaan but that their take-over of the land
was aided by large segments ofthe native population. Marxian D. Judges as Part of a Larger Whole. 1. If these traditional
in orientation, this view of Israelite formation suggests that a narratives do reflect the social world of Israel's pre-state ori-
group of immigrants, perhaps people who have escaped from gins as a people, in its current form the book also serves as an
Egyptian slavery, becomes the spearhead of an ideologically important segment of essential pan-Israelite myth. The pro-
based revolution of have-nots against haves. The have-nots cess by which a host of traditions about the judges came
consist of the immigrants and the native population of Ca- together as a distinct corpus is difficult to reconstruct, invol-
naan living in a repressive feudal system common among the ving a complex interplay between the oral and the written,
many petty tyrannies of the ancient Near East. The new- individuals and the group, the ancient and the more recent.
comers and those who share their political goals are united Along the way, what were once disparate traditions came to be
by their belief in YHWH and eventually defeat their better an expression ofthe larger group's sense of history and iden-
armed, urban rivals (Mendenhall 1973; Gottwald 1979). tity. This is not to suggest that the process was superorganic
5. The pioneer settlement model does not look beyond the without reference to specific composers set in time and place,
land for origins, but regards Israelites as native to the land of but to admit uncertainty about the whos and wherefores.
Canaan, elements that leave the more settled and urban low- Scholars generally consider the book of Judges in its current
land areas to deforest and tame the wilds of the highlands. form to be a part of the Deuteronomistic History, a corpus
This movement of pioneers is economically motivated by the spanning Deuteronomy-2 Kings, whose collection and set-
collapse of trade in the difficult times ofthe Late Bronze era. ting down is attributed to nationalistic and devotedly Yahwis-
The pioneer settlements grow and prosper and their popula- tic writers during the time ofthe reforming seventh century
tion eventually takes over the lowlands as well (Coote and BCE Judean king Josiah (see INTROD.OT).
Whitelam 1987). In contrast to the other models, the pioneer 2. Such writers combine the radical monotheism, anicon-
model does not rely on biblical traditions at all in an attempt to ism, and condemnation of fertility rituals, divination, and
reconstruct Israelite history. Rather, scholars employ archaeo- child sacrifice found in Deuteronomy with a strongly pro-
logical data and pertinent ethnographic models from other Davidic, pro-southern emphasis on centralization of worship
cultures to build their portrait ofthe origins of ancient Israel. in the temple in Jerusalem. The Deuteronomistic History is
6. The world-views and the sorts of situation portrayed in considered to have undergone revision by ideological off-
Judges suit the liberation model remarkably well—indeed, spring of these seventh century reformers, exilic writers re-
better than any other portion ofthe Israelite literary tradition. sponding to the crisis of Babylonian conquest. The theme of
Whereas the various enemies are ruled by kings, their armed YHWH's control of history and the book's strongly national-
force equipped with chariots, their deity housed in a temple, istic pride in Israel's military successes appear to suit well the
and their women awaiting them in fine houses with lattice- interests of such writers, monarchic and exilic. The varieties
work windows, the Israelites are the underdogs, their leaders of religious expression revealed in the tales and their implicit
charismatic figures many of whom are marginal in some distrust of kings and political authority, however, seem to
sense even within their own culture. Jephthah, for example, point in other directions. Either Judges is not appropriately
is an illegitimate son born to a prostitute, Deborah is a wo- Deuteronomistic, or one must adjust suggestions about
man, an unusual qualification for Israelite military and polit- the Deuteronomistic corpus as pro-Josianic propaganda and
ical leadership, while Samson is a wild man caught between come to appreciate the various threads in world-view pre-
the realms of nature and culture and regarded as somewhat served in this book as indeed in other material from Deuter-
dangerous by his own people even while they admire him. onomy to 2 Kings. It has been suggested that the refrain, Tn
Israelite warriors fight in the name of YHWH by means of those days there was no king in Israel; all the people did what
JUDGES 178

was right in their own eyes' (Judg 17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25), aU°ws as a piece of pro-Judahite propaganda (Brettler 1989). In its
pro-monarchic, southern writers to present received trad- current form, the chronicle accommodates and begins to
itions as a reflection of olden times, romantic and appealing explain the clear differences between views of Israel's early
in some senses, but chaotic and better left in the past. Never- history that were inherited in the tradition.
theless, the subversive and anti-establishment qualities of v. i, the opening words of the book betoken a time of
Judges shine through and together with the lively traditional transition; Moses' successor Joshua has died and new leader-
style of the narratives help to explain the continuing appeal of ship is necessary. The Israelites, here treated as a whole,
tales of the judges. request an oracle from God concerning the individual or
group that will lead the conquest as a vanguard. Such pre-
E. Ethics and the Book of Judges. As with virtually every bib- battle requests for divine guidance are usual not only in
lical book, Judges confronts the modern reader with much Israelite war texts but throughout comparable material in
that seems offensive or repugnant: the bloodthirsty violence the wider ancient Near East (see e.g. 2 Sam 5:19; i Sam 23:2;
of heroes such as Ehud; the sacrifice of a daughter to God by i Kings 12:22). In such views of war the deity or deities are
Jepththah; the rape, condoned by her husband, of the woman ultimately involved in the battles of men while war itself is
in Judg 19, her murder, and subsequent dismemberment. framed and characterized by ritual action (see Rang 1989: 56—
How does one engage such texts? One might disassociate 72, 98-107, 215-22). 'Canaanite' and 'Amorite' are traditional
oneself from Scripture and conclude that ancient Israelite designations for the purported natives of the land. For more
culture is not our culture, their world-view not ours. A person detailed discussion of terms for people of the land see Boling
who does consider himself within a more continuous line (1975). w. 2—4, Judah and Simeon are treated as individuals by
of biblical tradition for cultural or religious reasons might the singular verbs and pronouns of the language, lending the
attempt to appropriate selectively, appreciating Jephthah's brief mention of their victories the quality of hero accounts,
appeal to criteria of just war (11:12-27), the Israelites' con- comparable to tales of the judges, w. 5—7, the story of Judah
demnation of the evildoing at Gibeah, their heroism in and Simeon's victories focuses on one cameo scene as is
confronting better-armed enemies. In this commentary we frequent in the war tales of Judges. A conquered king is
attempt to stand at some critical distance from the ancient captured and rendered less than human with the loss of his
representations in Judges, nevertheless empathizing with ability to grip and his capacity to balance easily on two feet.
their authors and audiences. We have to imagine a world in Like the blinding of King Zedekiah by his Babylonian con-
which human sacrifice is not unthinkable even while we, like querors, such treatment of the enemy indicates how symbols
the voices of Deuteronomy and Leviticus, condemn it. We of one's power are as important as the power itself. The enemy
must also consider the possibility that the ancient Israelites leader becomes the spoils of war, a doglike creature confirm-
were self-critical and unsure: their frequent enquiries of God ing the impotence of this and other enemies. He expects no
portrayed in Judges, and their need for, but distrust of, leader- better treatment (v. 7); his words point to the reversal of his
ship being evidence of inner tensions and self-doubt concern- own fortunes as a practitioner of this crude war code and are
ing the nature of human action and the moral underpinnings filled with irony and pathos. God has paid Adoni-bezek back.
of received literary traditions. v. 8, this is one of the few uses in Judges of formulaic language
implying imposition of the ban, a war ideology that involves
the killing of all enemies, frequently by the sword, and often
COMMENTARY
burning of the enemy city or town. Compare conflicting
(1:1—36) Bridging the era of Joshua and the period of the comments concerning the taking of Jerusalem at 1:21 and
judges, this chapter is a chronicle describing Israel's military Josh 15:63. Notice also in the latter the use of the plural,
progress and lack of progress in the land. The author draws 'people of Judah' (cf. w. 2-4). w. 12-15, mis little piece of the
brief sketches of military encounters in economic strokes and tradition preserved also in Josh 15:15—19 presents a common
includes a few vignettes that may have been described at folk theme concerning an elder rewarding a younger hero
greater length in the non-preserved tradition. Notice the range with a patrilineal culture's most valuable commodity, a nubile
of terms used in the first half of the chapter that describe woman, his very own daughter. Heroes are frequently offered
going to war and conquering. The author varies the traditional such rewards in 'dragon-slaying' and other combat contexts;
language producing a certain texture in these verses, but, in the battle itself is sometimes presented as the difficult task
describing defeats and inability to conquer, monotonously posed by a powerful future father-in-law to test the mettle of
and repeatedly employs the same phrase, 'did not drive out', the hero or to eliminate him. So Saul tests David (i Sam 18:17).
creating an aura of dejected resignation. Scholars frequently The interactions between Caleb, lone surviving leader of the
point to the south to north geographic orientation of the generation of the Exodus, Othniel the hero, who also is Caleb's
chapter. For a detailed discussion and identification of the par- younger brother, and Achsah, Caleb's daughter, portray the
ticular sites named in the chapter see Boling (1975). Many young woman as resourceful and capable. She urges her
suggest that Judg i preserves a more accurate view of the husband to ask for land along with her, a piece of fertile earth
period preceding the establishment of the monarchy than being an appropriate extension of the gift of a woman. She
Joshua (e.g. Boling), while one scholar eschews questions of herself demands water rights as her father allows and seems
historicity, pointing rather to the way in which different lit- to expect. The theme of a hero's reward thus becomes a com-
erary genres make for different varieties of historiography ment on a daughter's rights as Achsah is the first of a group of
(Younger 1994). The prominent role played by Judah in this powerful women in Judges. Notice also the closely endogam-
introductory chapter has led one scholar to view the chronicle ous nature of the marriage.
 179 JUDGES
i: 17, a direct reference to the imposition of the ban (see v. 8). content at 3:7—10, 12, 15; 4:1; 6:1—10; 10:6—16; 13:1), making
The folk etymology for the name given to the conquered city sense not only of this period in the biblical chronology but of
plays on the term meaning 'devote to destruction' (cf. Num the subsequent monarchic periods as well. Israel's fortunes
21:3). v. 19, the first of several 'excuses' offered in Judges to depend not upon pragmatic matters such as economic
explain defeat and the implicit incompleteness of the por- strength, political unity, or military preparedness but rather
trayal of the conquest found in Joshua. With some historical upon the health of the covenantal relationship with God.
verisimilitude it suggested that Israelite groups control the Notice the language of interpersonal relationship through
hill country, but not the lowlands. Actual chariots of the period which covenant is expressed. Israel 'abandons' YHWH
would have been made of wood and leather with some iron (w. 12—13) to follow other gods, especially the Canaanite Baal
fittings, but the image of iron chariots expresses well the and his consort. YHWH in turn becomes 'angry' and 'in-
author's view of his people as underdogs confronting better- censed' with them (w. 12,14, 20), while they 'lust after' these
armed, professional military forces, w. 22-6, as is frequent in foreign gods (v. 17). This passage ends with an additional twist
biblical war portrayals and in actual warring situations, recon- on the theme of Israel's incomplete conquest: enemies have
naissance troops are sent to assess the situation before battle been left in the land to test Israel's faithfulness.
(e.g. Num 13; Josh 3). As in the tale of Rahab (Josh 3), a local
(3:1—31) The activities of the first judges, Othniel, Ehud, and
person is recruited with promises that he and his family will
Shamgar. w. 1—4, this introductory section lists by name and
be rewarded or spared if he provides useful information to the
place Israel's competitors in the land. See Boling (1975), for a
Israelites (see also i Sam 30:11—15). The man in this case is
discussion of terms and sites, v. 3 provides an additional
treated in the style of ancient genealogies as a city founder (see
explanation for the continued presence of such groups in
Gen 4:17).
the land promised by YHWH to Israel. The newcomers to
(2:1-6) This brief theophany functions as a connecting link the land require some enemies in order to sharpen their
between what precedes and what follows. It is a continuing agonistic skills. This together with the repeated suggestion
response to the Israelites' request for divine guidance at 1:1 that the idolatrous enemy tests Israel's capacity to resist idols
and an introduction to themes concerning the link between (v. 4; 2:22), the indication that the enemy has better arma-
military failure and apostasy developed in more detail in ch. 2 ments (1:19), and the overriding theme that apostasy guaran-
and following, v. i, God's covenantal promise to give Israel the tees failure, reveal an author attempting to make sense of
land reaches back to the era of the patriarchs, while his own traditions about Israel's incomplete conquest that challenge
covenant faithfulness is witnessed by the rescue from Egypt, the more triumphalist ideology of Joshua, w. 5—6, typically
w. 2-3, the covenant is conditional, however, upon Israel's Deuteronomic in outlook, suggest that living in close proxim-
fealty to YHWH alone. The tone and the concerns of the ity to those not of one's own people, the uncivilized Other,
Deuteronomistic writer emerge strongly. Has Israel failed leads to foreign marriages and cultural contamination (cf.
to drive out the enemy because of military weakness (1:19) Deut 7:1—6). It is the world-view of a group strongly defining
or have they chosen to live among the forbidden, idolatrous 'us' as 'not them', w. 7-11, the report concerning Othniel (see
Other? The writer here seems to understand failures de- JUDG 1:11-15), me younger brother and son-in-law of Caleb,
scribed at 1:28—36 as evidence of the latter. Subsequent pol- traces the conventionalized pattern (see 2:11—31) in language
itical and military problems are punishment for Israel's that is largely formulaic.
weaknesses as a covenant partner, w. 4-5, the people's reac- w. 12-30, within the recurring narrative frame of apostasy,
tion to these dire predictions provide the folk etymology for the people's cry to God, the raising of a judge-rescuer, the
the place where the angel has appeared. successful battle against the enemy, and the lengthy respite
(2:6—23) A theologically grounded view of history is laid out: from war, comes the beautifully crafted tale of the trickster-
Israel's military and political fortunes depend upon covenan- hero Ehud. The trickster succeeds through deception and
tal faithfulness which in turns appears to depend upon strong disguise, a marginal person who uses his wits to alter his
leadership, w. 6-10, a brief recapitulation of land-allotting status at the expense of those holding power over him (see
events described in Joshua, an indication that indeed Joshua Niditch 1987). v. 15, in this case, the rescuer's ruse is made
was the sort of leader who kept the people faithful to God, and possible by his left-handedness. In the Hebrew, the term for
notice of his demise and burial, and the death of the gener- left-handed is literally 'bound' or 'impaired with regard to the
ation of the Exodus. Note the ominous comment that another right hand'. To be left-handed is thus to be unusual or mar-
generation replaces them who did not know YHWH or the ginal, the right being the preferred side in other biblical con-
work he had done for Israel. Such allusions to new young men texts (see Ex 29:20, 22; Lev 7:32; 8:23, 25; Eccl 10:2).
in power generally signal trouble for Israel in biblical texts (cf. Benjaminites, Ehud's fellow-tribesmen, are described in the
Ex 1:8; i Kings 12:8). w. 11-23, in formulaic language typical of tradition as predisposed to left-handedness (see 20:16). This
the Deuteronomistic writers, the pattern of Israel's history trait makes them especially effective warriors. The effective-
under the judges is outlined: apostasy; punishment by mili- ness comes not only from the lefties' capacity to surprise the
tary defeat and subjugation; the people's distress; the raising enemy or to make a defensive posture more difficult. Left-
of a hero, the judge, who inspires Israel and delivers her; the handedness suggests also the power of a wild man, the ec-
death of the leader; relapse into apostasy; defeat. Compare the static, and the socially uncontrolled. Notice the play in this
theology and the language in Deut 4:21—31; 6:10—15; 9:4~7> verse and below upon terms for and images of ritual sacrifice.
12:29-32; 28:25, and notice how the framework set out in this Eglon's name plays on the term for 'calf while the 'tribute' to
chapter unifies Judges as a whole (see e.g. the language and be offered to the king of Moab is also the term for sacrificial
JUDGES 180

offering (Anderson 1987: 74). It is however the 'fatted calf important oracle concerning the need for reform in the time
himself who will be slaughtered, v. 16, the typical right- of Josiah (2 Kings 22:14—20); Noadiah mentioned in Neh
handed man would be expected to wear his sword on the left 6:14; and the wife of Isaiah (8:3). Were women prophets in
in order to draw with the right hand. Thus Ehud hides his fact common in ancient Israel, having been deleted or not
weapon, w. 19-20, these verses contain language of intimacy. preserved in the biblical corpus, or were prophetesses rare?
On 'in secret' see Jer 40:15; 37:17; and 38:16; with nuances of One suspects the former given how workaday and mundane
enticement see Deut 13:6 and Job 31:27; and with eroticism are the references to Huldah, Noadiah, and Isaiah's wife, but
see 2 Sam 12:12. 'Coming to' may also have erotically intimate the current biblical context makes Deborah leap off the page
connotations (see Ruth 3:4). v. 21, the 'thrust' term also used as special and unusual in her mediating and leadership roles.
in Judg 4:21 combined with the short sword that had been This is how she is understood by the compiler of the traditions
worn on the thigh, a male erogenous zone in the HB, and its in Judges. (See JUDG 4:9.)
destination the belly, a term also employed for 'womb' com- The phrase usually translated 'wife of Lappidoth' may be
pletes the womanization of the enemy whose defeat by an translated 'woman of fire', or 'woman of torches/lightning
Israelite hero is enriched narratively by a metaphoric mixing flashes', in a parallel to Barak whose name means 'lightning'.
of images of sex and slaughter, a trait of epic battle scenes The latter conveys a more charismatic image than the identi-
elsewhere in the world (see Vermeule (1979: 101-2, 145-58, fication by husband's name. Much has been written on De-
171-3) on classical Greek material and Shulman (1986) on borah's role as judge. Key terms in v. 5 portray her as an oracle,
Tamil material), v. 24, what did Eglon's servants assume he critical to Israel's military success because of her capacity to
was doing in his quarters? The phrase translated 'relieving mediate between God and Israel. Such holy men and women
himself in NRSV literally reads 'pouring out' or 'covering his are often called upon in traditional cultures to mediate be-
feet', the feet being a biblical euphemism for the male mem- tween humans as well and to provide advice in a wide range of
ber. The phrase thus may mean that he was urinating or areas.
defecating. In any event, the language suggests intimate ac- v. 5, Deborah 'sitting' under a tree named for her, and the
tivity involving private parts again pointing to Eglon's vulner- verb 'go up' that elsewhere in the HB describes those who seek
ability and unmanning. In this context compare the divinely inspired counsel, suggest oracular and prophetic
encounter between David and Saul in the cave (i Sam 24:1—7). processes involved in rendering various sorts of judgement.
v. 31 has a brief reference to another of the Israelite liberat- See relevant terminology and content in i Sam 9:13,14, 18; 2
ing heroes, one that lacks the usual conventional frame in Kings 19:14 || Isa 37:14; 2 Kings 22:14; Jer 26:10-11. w. 6-7,
content and language. While some suggest the appellation Deborah delivers to Barak, the apparent leader of Israelite
Anath refers to a place, others suggest that the warrior's name forces, military instructions received directly from God con-
includes that of the Canaanite goddess Anath, herself a war- cerning a confrontation with the army of Jabin, led by Sisera
rior and patroness ofwarriors (see Boling 1975: 89). The latter his general. YHWH is the ultimate military commander in
points to the varieties of Israelite religious identity preserved the holy wars fought by his people. The promise of victory by
however briefly in the epic traditions of Judges. Shamgar, like divine communication (v. 7) is essential to waging war
Samson, performs superhuman feats, able to conquer hun- throughout the ancient Near East (see JUDG 1:1). v. 8, Barak's
dreds of the enemy with a mere ox-goad, a symbol of the desire to have Deborah attend the battle certainly highlights
agrarian roots thattypify many of the heroes of Judges. Indeed her status as a leader, but it is not at all unusual to have the
an agrarian thread in Israelite identity dominates the book. holy person present in a military setting. Indeed, Samuel
Has an editor purposefully omitted much of Shamgar's story incorporates roles of priest, prophet, and general, while Elisha
because the tradition associates this hero with things Canaan- refers to Elijah as 'the chariots of Israel and its horsemen' (2
ite? Has material simply been lost or forgotten? Or, for an Kings 2:12). v. 9, the 'woman' is Jael whose tale follows, v. n,
ancient Israelite audience, perhaps the mere mention of the Kenites are another of the intriguing but difficult to iden-
Shamgar, the ox-goad, and the Philistines metonymically tify pre-Israelite groups inhabiting the land. Moses' father-in-
suggested a wide range of relevant and familiar stories, cited law Jethro, a priest of Midian according to traditions in Exodus
here only in brief, but more fully rendered in other contexts and Numbers, is called a Kenite in Judg 1:16 and the present
not preserved for us, as perhaps also is the case for the briefly text, leading some to attribute sacral dimensions to Jael's tent
described Othniel (w. 9—11). (Cross 1973: 200). The point here is that Heber has disasso-
ciated himself from those Israelite connections and has be-
(4:1-24) This chapter introduces Deborah the prophet, Barak come a military and political ally of the Canaanite king Jabin.
the Israelite warrior hero, and Jael, a woman warrior who His wife Jael, whose name means 'YHWH is God', has differ-
exemplifies the traditional character motif, 'the iron fist in ent loyalties from her husband, allowing for the deception in
the velvet glove', v. i, notice that the conventional narrative w. 17-22. w. 12-16, the pattern reversing Israel's fortunes is
pattern resumes without reference to Shamgar. v. 3, as at 1:19 completed with the underdogs' victory as predicted by the
the enemy is described as having iron chariots, a well-armed prophetess. Only the general Sisera is said to survive, under-
oppressive force. Israel does not have the use of iron weaponry scoring the epic proportions of YHWH's victory for his people
until the beginning of the monarchy, v. 4, Deborah, who is and allowing the bardic author to focus on one dramatic scene
introduced at the saviour point in the pattern, after the for- involving Sisera and Jael, a cameo that encapsulates central
mulaic cry to God for relief from oppression, is described as a themes and employs favourite recurring literary topoi in
prophet who judges Israel at this time. Other female prophets Judges, w. 17—22, like Ehud, Jael deceives the enemy into
are alluded to in the HB, such as Huldah who provides an thinking that she can be of service. Sisera needs a place to
 181 JUDGES
hide from Israelite pursuers. Like Eglon, Sisera is rendered class' (Soggin 1981: 82) while the verb 'grew fat' also means
vulnerable and impotent, and in this case the assassin is not 'ceased'. A translation that allows that villagers cease to pros-
only one of the underdogs but a woman as well. Jael poses as per better suits the pattern of the song's plot depicting De-
Sisera's saviour and his seductress, urging him twice to turn borah as rescuer, and better supports the cessation of trade
aside to her, covering him with a rug (v. 18). He asks for water, described in v. 6 where the same term for 'cease' is found. The
but mother-like she gives him milk to drink, setting him at his author describes a period of subjugation and disruption until
ease with the wiles of women. He, like the child, drops off to Deborah, an archetypal mother in Israel, goddess-like and
sleep comforted that Jael will protect him from the Israelites powerful, arises, v. 8, the variously interpreted first bicolon
(v. 20) whereupon, warrior-like, she strikes him dead. The may be a proverb that links times of political change or
phrase, 'Comes to him quietly' imports the language of revolution with the exchange of power between deities. Events
lovers (Ruth 3:7) into an aggressive and agonistic scene. The in the divine realm parallel the changing course of human
tent-peg and hammer, accoutrements of settled domesticity, events: 'When new gods are chosen, war is at the gates.' The
become weapons of the assassin. These exquisite juxtaposi- second bicolon points to the poorly armed Israelite forces who
tions—lover/killer, mother/assassin, tent-dweller/warrior— rely less on the sort of weapons utilized by their feudal en-
are drawn with greater detail and nuance in the ancient emies than on the power of the Lord, an image well suited to
poem of Judg 5. v. 22, the fulfilment of Deborah's prediction Gottwald's theory about Israelite wars of liberation in the late
(v. 9). w. 23-4, a reminder that the battle is YHWH's, as the second millennium BCE (see JUDG 04). w. 10-11, these verses
conventionalized pattern is again completed with relief from are among the few in extant Israelite literature that may point
Israel's oppressors. Now Israel herself bears down upon and to the bardic process behind the composition of some biblical
destroys her enemies, at least for the time being. works, v. 12, like the Divine Warrior himself, Deborah and
Barak are formulaically encouraged into battJe (cf. Isa 51:9;
(5:1—31) The victory song attributed to Deborah is one of the 52:1).
oldest extant Israelite literary compositions dating perhaps to w. 13-15, in the procession motif of the mythological pat-
the twelfth century BCE, a time roughly contemporaneous tern that describes the battle with and victory over the forces of
with the era it depicts. Like the earlier works of the Canaanites chaos, the composer describes the members of an Israelite
discovered at Ugarit, the composition is characterized by a confederation. Scholars suggest that in the absence of a cen-
parallelistic variety of repetition whereby imagery unfolds in a tralized government, various Israelite tribes or clans would
beautifully layered or impressionistic style (Cross 1974), so come together for purposes of defence, w. 15-18, this section
that the parallel line adds colour, nuance, or contrast to its is usually translated and interpreted to mean that some Israel-
neighbouring description. The lines in such bicola or tricola ite groups did not willingly join in battle with their compa-
are in general roughly parallel in length, while language triots. Yet the section sits apart from v. 23 in which Meroz is
selected by the composer to create content and the content cursed for its lack of support. Providing examples from cog-
itself draw upon traditional Israelite media of expression, also nate languages, one scholar suggests that the term translated
employed by others whose work is preserved in the biblical 'why' in w. 16 and 17 is an emphatic particle that might be
tradition. The song contains three major narrative thrusts: an translated 'verily' (Cross 1973: 235 n.). In this case, w. 15—18
introduction to the Divine Warrior and an overview of the continue the catalogue of warrior groups with references to
historical setting for the poem (w. i-n); a catalogue of their geographic origins and ways of life (cf. Iliad 2:485-759).
the participants and their successes or failures (w. 12—23); a For example, Reuben dwells among the sheepfolds (v. 16),
telling of the tale of Jael that includes a poignant cameo scene Gilead tents beyond the Jordan (v. 17). The translations 'tarry'
of women in the enemy camp (w. 24-31). and 'stayed' (NRSV ct al.) for terms that ordinarily mean
v. i, the victory song is attributed to Deborah and Barak, 'to dwell' are forced, w. 20-1, the battle takes on cosmic
recalling perhaps the attribution of victory songs to Moses and and supramundane nuances as even the hosts of heaven,
Miriam in the Exodus story (Ex 15). The victory song is a genre YHWH's army, join the fray and as the onrushing torrent,
frequently associated with women composers in the Israelite evocative of the sea in Ex 14-15, sweeps the enemy away. v. 23,
tradition, v. 2, while the translation in NRSV appears to refer Meroz, whose identity is uncertain, was one of those local
to the Samson-like hairstyle of the warriors, others translate groups expected to be committed to the Israelite cause. As in
the first line of v. 2, 'When they cast off restraint in Israel' all ancient Near-Eastern treaty relationships, the punishment
(Boling, 1975: 107; see also Soggin: 1981: 84 for alternatives), for shirking one's responsibility is a curse, understood to have
v. 3, notice the parallel terms and syntax in the call to hear this real and physical power.
song, the formulaic introduction 'hear/give ear' (cf Deut 32:1; w. 24—7, another version of the tale of Jael presented in
Isa 1:2). YHWH, both muse and victor, is the ultimate source wonderfully economic style. Notice the way the author builds
and receiver of the song. w. 4-5, God as Divine Warrior (cf. Ex to the assassin's deception. Sisera asks for water, she gives him
15:3) is described in his march to battle. Like Marduk, Baal, milk, or no, is it not cream in a lordly bowl? And then with
and Zeus he is a storm god whose rousing disrupts the natural repetition that underscores the violent turn in the action she is
realm. The epithet 'One of Sinai' invokes a wide range of described as one who strikes, crushes, shatters, and pierces,
traditional lore concerning God's place of habitation and the v. 27, the description of Sisera's death is rich in double entendres
dramatic encounter with Israel. Imagery of earthquake also that play upon themes of eroticism and death. Sisera kneels, a
dominates the scene at Sinai (Ex 19:16-24). defeated warrior or a would-be lover (cf. Ps 20:9 and Job 31:10)?
v. 7, the term translated 'peasantry' in NRSV has also been Is he at her feet (so NRSV) or more literally between her legs,
interpreted to mean 'warriors' (Boling 1975:102) and 'leading 'feet'being a euphemism for genitals (see Isa 7:20; Deut 28:57;
JUDGES 182

Ezek 16:25 AV)? The same ambivalences in meaning apply to consummation of Gideon's offering. YHWH's power is fre-
the terms translated lay' and 'dead' in NRSV (cf i Kings 1:21; 2 quently revealed in the fire (see Gen 15:17; Ex 3:1—6; cf. Judg
Kings 14:22; Ezek 32:29; and Gen 19:32,34, 35; 35:22). The last 13:20). Gideon's fearful response is typical of biblical theopha-
term ofv. 27 variouslytranslated 'dead', 'laid waste', 'destroyed', nies, and the subsequent building of an altar and folk etymol-
mightalsobe translated 'despoiled', cf. Isa 15:1; 23:1; and ^4:30 ogy commemorating the dramatic experience of God place
(see Niditch 1989:47—51). The repetitive cadences ofthe verse, Gideon in a line of Israelite ancestor heroes (see Gen 29:17—
moreover, have the quality of a ritual dance of death. The enemy 18; 32:30). v. 23, having experienced the power of God through
is atthe same time seduced and slaughtered, the one serving as an intermediary, Gideon now receives messages directly from
metaphor for the other, w. 28-30, the author powerfully juxta- the Lord. w. 25-35, God's charge to Gideon is to commit a
poses the scene of Sisera's death at the hands of a woman with a bold act of subversion, to cut down the sacred pole or asherah,
glimpse of another female figure, the hero's mother who anx- a symbol ofthe Canaanite deity Baal's indwelling presence,
iously awaits his victorious return from battle. This gifted com- and to overthrow his altar, replacing it with an altar to YHWH.
poser is able to picture the enemy camp with pathos and The wood ofthe pole is to provide the fire while the offering is
empathymuchasHomerdepictstheTrojanwomen. Incontrast a bull of his father's. Under cover of darkness Gideon and his
to Jael, the tent-dwelling woman, the mother of Sisera is an men thus challenge both the ruling Canaanite establishment
aristocrat peering from a house with lattice-work windows and his own people. Will they defend his actions and YHWH
(see 2 Kings 10:30), accompanied by ladies-in-waiting. They or will they submit to the rule of Canaanite culture? Joash,
assure her in poetic parallelism that her son is late because he Gideon's father, comes to his support, as a folk etymology
and his men are busy dividing up the spoil. Among the spoil are for Gideon's new name, 'Let Baal contend against him', com-
women booty, a term derived from the root literally meaning pletes Gideon's transformation from farmer's son to warrior
'womb' (v. 30). We know, whereas his mother does not, that no hero. Now Gideon is filled with the spirit of God (v. 34), such
Israelite women are to be raped. Ironically in the sexually possession being the mark of charismatic leaders such as
charged language ofv. 27 it is Sisera himself who has been Samson, Jephthah, and Saul. War is not the purview of cold
despoiled at the hands of a warrior woman practising the art of military professionals, but the very will of YHWH himself
tricksterism. whose power infuses and energizes those who fight his bat-
tles, w. 36—40, Gideon requests and receives again a sign of
Tales of Gideon (6:1-8:35) YHWH's support. The symbol chosen, a fleece of wool, is
Chs. 6, 7, and 8 contain stories of Gideon who rescues Israel drawn from the agricultural world that defines the Israelite
from the Midianites, and draw upon traditional Israelite topoi community for many ofthe traditions in Judges, while the
such as the theophany and the miracle account while suggest- evidence of God's presence and power involves the deity's
ing a more international bardic tradition concerning the ex- capacity to control and alter the normal course of nature.
ploits of hero warriors. The hero's repeated request for a sign recalls Moses (see
(6:1-40) w. i-io, the introduction to Gideon's history out- JUDG 6:17) and more generally is a favourite biblical motif of
lines the conventionalized pattern ofthe judge (see JUDG 2:11- the hesitant or insecure hero. Indeed YHWH favours those
23; 3:12—30) enriched with a detailed description of Israel's who are aware of their own weaknesses (see ch. 7).
oppression as an agriculturally based community (see w. 3—5). (7:1—25) w. i—8 war, in this case against the Midianites, is not
YHWH's response is through a prophet who explains Israel's for the glory of Israel but for the glory of God. As in Deut 20:5-
woes in Deuteronomic terms; Israel has worshipped gods 7, the Lord orders the Israelites to limit the size of their
other than YHWH. YHWH is formulaically identified as the fighting force by allowing the fearful to return home (v. 2).
rescuer ofthe Exodus (cf. Ex 20:2) and, with the call to Gideon, Even so, the fighting men are too numerous, for the battle, like
does send help. v. n, like Saul and many other Israelite heroes, the Exodus itself, is to be not proof of Israelite prowess but a
Gideon's roots are in the farming community beset by en- miracle account in which success is guaranteed by God the
emies round about, v. 12, the divine presence—as in tales of warrior. Thus God devises a method, the test ofthe mode of
Abraham, Jacob, Manoah's wife, and others—involves an in- drinking, to reduce the force to a mere 300 men (v. 8). Only
termediary messenger who appears at first to be a human the 'lappers' are allowed to fight. (Cf. 2 Chr 25:7-8 and the
being, v. 13, Gideon responds to the visitor's encouraging humbled stance of Israelite kings in the face of war at 2 Chr
formulaic greeting with a complaint typical of Israelite na- 14:9—15; 12:6; 20:12; 16:8.) w. 9—11, reconnaissance before the
tional laments (cf. Ps 74; 77:7—20). God is capable of wonders battle is a common biblical war motif (Num 13; Josh 2). Here
known from the great myths that mark the foundation ofthe the descent into the enemy camp is suggested by YHWH as a
world and the people Israel. Where is he now? See also means of offering the always humble and hesitant hero
Abraham's response to divine promises (Gen 15:2). w. 14—15, Gideon a positive sign before the battle, v. 12, notice the
the charge to or commissioning ofthe hero (cf. Moses: Ex 3:10; description ofthe enemy in the parallel style of Israelite poets.
Jeremiah: Jer 1:4-5; and Saul: i Sam 9:20) and the hero's Each repetition serves to emphasize the enemy's massive
humble attempt to refuse (cf. Ex 3:11; Jer 11:6; i Sam 9:21). strength over against the two Israelite observers and their
v. 16, cf. Ex 3:12. v. 17, as is typical in the pattern ofthe the- skeleton army. v. 13, dreams have divinatory significance (cf.
ophany, the hero requests a sign, assurance that the commiss- Joseph's dreams and his dream interpretations in Gen 37:5—7;
ion comes from God or that the words spoken are true (Gen 40:8-22; 41:1-36). The interpretation, moreover, like a curse
15:8; Ex4:i; also 3:12-13). w. 19-23, evidence thatthe message or a blessing has the capacity to bring about that which is
to Gideon is backed by divine favour is provided by the fiery predicted. Hence the rabbinic saying, 'All dreams follow the
 183 JUDGES
mouth'. The overheard conversation functions as a particular the days when Israel's only king was YHWH and when her
sort of omen akin to the Greek kledon. w. 15—23, the instruc- leaders recognized their limitations as tools of YHWH. w. 24—
tions before the battle and the mentioned instruments of war 7, the story of Gideon's ephod as here included transforms
are reminiscent of the battle of Jericho (Josh 6). The shouting, what may have been an etiology for a local cultic object into a
the trumpets, the torches, and the breaking jars lead to the mini golden calf episode. The leader responds to the people's
enemy's rout. v. 23, as judge, Gideon calls up members of the lack of faith as in Ex 32 by requesting they give him gold, out of
Israelite confederation to pursue the Midianites (cf. Judg 5:14— which he fashions a sacred object. In Ex 28 and 39 the ephod is
18). w. 24-5, in a final mop-up operation, Gideon calls up the described as a golden and woven vestment worn by the priest
tribe of Ephraim, whose heroes capture and behead the Mid- Aaron, one of the various items that allow for mediation
ianite captains Oreb and Zeeb. between heaven and earth. Here the ephod appears to be
(8:1—35) w- I—3> one °f the benefits of making war in this more self-standing and iconic and is treated as an idol by the
traditional culture is access to booty and to a manly sort of Deuteronomistic writer of v. 28 who interrupts the positive
honour. The Ephraimites are interested in their part of the assessment of Gideon with this episode, v. 31, a brief introduc-
glory and the spoils, and accuse Gideon of leaving them only tion to Abimelech's humble origins (see JUDG 9:1). w. 33—5,
the dregs (v. i). Gideon responds in a proverb designed to the conventionalized pattern of the judges resumes. With the
reduce tension and win over one's opponent without violence. death of the faithful leader, Israel suffers a moral relapse,
In the form of a rhetorical question he states that Ephraim's worshipping Canaanite deities, forgetting YHWH, and aban-
'gleaning', that is, what is left after the harvest, is preferable to doning loyalty to the house of Gideon, the hero.
his (Gideon the Abiezrite's) grape harvest. He thus suggests (9:1—57) The story of the rise and fall of one of Gideon's sons,
not only that they have received much in the battle, but also— Abimelech, a would-be king, told from the perspective of an
diplomatically and self-effacingly—that their worth or honour anti-monarchic writer, v. i, Abimelech is the son of a concu-
is greater than his own. w. 4-9, Gideon's interactions with the bine, a secondary wife (see 8:31) whose origins are in Sche-
people of Succoth and Penuel are similar to David's encoun- chem. Such humble roots are not unusual for the judge as
ters with Nabal, husband of Abigail (i Sam 25), and Ahime- social bandit (cf. Jephthah, 11:1-3); Abimelech, however, is not
lech, priest of Nob (i Sam 21). A popular hero who might also a patriot for God, but a self-server, w. 2-3, Abimelech appeals
be considered 'a Robin Hood type of social bandit' (Hobs- to his mother's kin for support in his murderous plans for a
bawm 1969) asks for support in the form of food for his take-over of political power. The phrase 'he is our brother' not
fighting men. As in the Nabal episode, the request is denied only refers to kinship bonds but also to related political or
and threats ensue. The officials of Succoth in fact taunt Gi- covenantal ties (cf. i Kings 20:32). w. 4-6, the mercenaries
deon (v. 6), implying that his prowess as a fighter is more in that Abimelech hires with his kinsmen's financial backing are
tales than in deeds, w. 10—17, Gideon does succeed militarily, described with derision as literally 'empty' and 'wanton' (cf.
captures the Midianite kings Zebah and Zalmunna and Gen 49:4). The simple narration of heinous crimes, un-
makes good his threat to punish those who would doubt adorned by editorial comment, condemns a system of select-
him. It is unwise to tangle with a bandit, especially one ing leadership that was common in the petty tyrannies of the
supported by God, as Nabal finds out. ancient Near East. If any doubt remains about the narrator's
w. 13—14, these verses are often cited as proof of Israelite view of kingship in the style of Israel's immediate neighbours
literacy at an early period or as an indication that a later writer one need only read the parable that follows, w. 7-21, one son
portrayed an ordinary young man who happen to pass by as of Gideon survives the slaughter of his brothers and is said to
literate. In fact the term translated 'young man' may be used go to the top of Mount Gerizim, appropriately, one of the
as technical language for a particular variety of government peaks involved in the ancient ceremony of blessings and
bureaucrat, one who would have access not only to writing but curses described in Deut 27-8. There he delivers a masal, an
also to the sort of detailed political information that Gideon is ancient Israelite genre that creates a message by means of
pictured to request. Such bureaucrats would have been asso- implicit comparison, an analogy drawn between a saying,
ciated with centralized monarchic governments rather than story, or other form and the situation of the listeners. In this
with the more fluid political situation that Judges claims to masal, the choosing of a human king, Abimelech, is likened to
portray, but such anachronisms are in fact typical of trad- a search for a leader among the trees. Notice the recurring
itional literatures, w. 18—21, this scene poignantly portrays a frame language that unifies the masal and builds to the an-
particular bardic ideology of war. The foreign kings respect swer as to who will reign. The debate among objects of a
their enemies suggesting they looked like princes (v. 18). particular group or among the members of one body concern-
Gideon for his part executes the Midianites because of his ing who is the most important or who is to lead is a common
kinship bonds to those they had killed. Warriors are to face folk motif (see Thompson 1955—8: ^42; 1461). In this case,
their equals in battle (hence Goliath's disdain for the lad David however, the useful trees decline rulership as beneath them.
in i Sam 17:42-3; see also 2 Sam 2:20-3), and the inexperi- Only the useless and prickly bramble agrees to reign. One
enced son of Gideon is not up to the task. The kings, quoting a might expect the masal to end with v. n and thereby serve as a
proverb, request that the hero leader himself kill them, for comment on those who overtly desire power. The author
such is the appropriate death of a king. w. 22—3 Gideon rejects contextualizes this potentially universal masal in terms of
hereditary kingship though the people press it upon him the story of Abimelech. That such contextualization was typ-
(cf. i Sam 8). The attitude behind this scene and the tale of ical of masal use even in oral contexts is possible (cf. e.g. Ezek
Abimelech that follows is strongly anti-monarchic, glorifying 17; 2 Sam 12). The message in context appears to suggest that
JUDGES 184

kingship is a reasonable if not desirable form of leadership, his saving actions and Israel's unfaithfulness in terms famil-
but that the system will work well only if there is trust between iar from prophetic oracles of the lawsuit form (cf. Hos 7:11—
the leader and the led. As Jotham states in a gloss upon the 16), and Israel repents (cf. similar pattern of motifs in Ezra 9,
masal, the situation in Shechem involves an evil coup, actions Neh 9, and 2 Chr 20). Finally, as in Ex 2:23-5, YHWH has pity
undertaken without 'good faith' and doomed to failure (w. 16- upon Israel and will send a rescuer. Indeed God's pity is
20). Those who are disloyal to Gideon (w. 17—18) will not be invoked by displays of humility and contrition on the part of
capable of loyalty to Abimelech who himself has been proven the people and its leaders (see 2 Chr 20:12; 16:8; 12:6—7). v- J7>
prone to self-serving violence. Jotham's parable serves as an the phrase 'called to arms' (NRSV), lit. 'were called', is tech-
ominous prediction. As the righteous complaint of a wronged nical language used elsewhere in Judges to suggest military
person, this speech act also helps to bring about vengeance muster of an essentially non-professional fighting force
through divine intervention. (cf. 4:10; 6:35; 7:23-4). v. 18, the scene is set for the re-entry
w. 22-49, me story of Abimelech's decline is framed in of the unlikely hero who, as in traditional narrative patterns, is
terms of God's control. It is YHWH who 'sent an evil spirit' precisely the one who will succeed.
between Abimelech and the Shechemites. (For YHWH's con-
trol of persons through such means see i Sam 16:14.) Th£ The Story ofjephthah (11:1-12:7)
wresting of political power through violence that is not div- Jephthah is another of the bandit chiefs who rises to power
inely sanctioned is condemned, w. 25-7, the Shechemite because of military prowess in the raiding sort of warfare
chieftains attempt to undermine the stability of Abimelech's described in Judges. Whereas other 'judges' initially display
fledgling state through acts of banditry, and soon transfer their anti-establishment orientation in opposition to kings
their affections to a new strongman. They are pictured as and generals who oppress the Israelites (e.g. Ehud, Gideon),
drunken louts taunting the status and credentials of Abime- Jephthah's marginality is kin-based as well. He is the son of
lech and loyalists such as Zebul. w. 34—41, Zebul informs a prostitute denied rights of inheritance by his father's
Abimelech of Gaal's would-be coup and taunts the challenger legitimate children. Such a background, of course, is typ-
to face the king (v. 38). He does and is defeated by Abimelech ical of a host of folk heroes. The tales of Jephthah's ex-
and Zebul. w. 42-9, Abimelech takes further vengeance on ploits provide fascinating insight into aspects of Israelite
the people of Shechem, a practitioner of the ideology of total views of war.
'pacification'. Such acts of killing, burning, and strafing with- (11:1—40) w. 1—3, the term 'mighty warrior' is applied to Gi-
out attention to the military status, age, or gender of those deon (Judg 6:12), David (i Sam 16:18), and a host of other
destroyed are sometimes portrayed to be business as usual heroes in the biblical bardic tradition. Like David in retreat
among the monarchs of the ancient Near East. Even David, from King Saul who has declared him an enemy of the state,
the ideal king in some threads in the tradition, engages in Jephthah becomes a 'social bandit'. Surrounded by other
brutal, terror-inspiring acts of warfare (see 2 Sam 5:7-8). In uprooted fighting men, such bandits can cause much mis-
the tale of Abimelech is implicit criticism, for the king's chief for the establishment or provide sorely needed protection
violent victory and deadly excesses only foreshadow his own for their sympathizers, w. 4-11, now faced with the Ammonite
ignominious defeat, w. 50—7, Abimelech continues his tour of threat the leaders of Gilead seek to woo back the hero. They
vengeance at Thebez, another fortress city. Here as in She- offer him the position of commander, but when he balks they
chem the people flock to the tower for protection, and, as at have to increase their offer to the position of chieftain, literally
Shechem, Abimelech plans to burn it down (w. 48—9). This 'head'. The agreement between Jephthah and the elders is
time, however, a woman of unknown name or origins throws sealed with an appeal to YHWH as witness as is appropriate
down an upper millstone, a symbol of the woman's domestic in a covenantal form (v. 10). Interweaving a traditional story
realm, and crushes the skull of this would-be hero. He in fact about the success of the once marginalized hero is an account
begs his armour-bearer to kill him quickly lest it be said that a about the workings of the political process in non-dynastic
woman slew the hero Abimelech (cf. 2 Sam 11:21). She, like societies with fluid patterns of leadership, w. 12—28, this ex-
Jael, does render the hero impotent, while the millstone itself change between Jephthah and the king of the Ammonites
is an evocative symbol not only of domesticity but of woman's provides insight into certain Israelite concepts of just war.
sexuality as well (cf. Isa 47:2; Job 31:10). w. 56—7, the writer Employing juridical language (cf. formula in 2 Chr 35:21; 2
sets the story in context as an example of just deserts, con- Kings 3:13; i Kings 17:18), Jephthah and the king are portrayed
demning Abimelech's style of assuming political authority as arguing by messenger about land rights and in effect about
and emphasizing both the power of curses and YHWH's the direction of a thread in Israel's founding myth. w. 12-13,
control over the affairs of humans. Jephthah demands to know what cause justifies the Ammon-
(10:1—18) w. 1—3, brief notes about the judges Tola and Jair. ites' military posture against Israel, and the Ammonite king
The larger traditions about these men may have been lost, or responds that it is a matter of territory. He provides a version of
an author has purposefully decided to abbreviate, knowing events related in Num 21:21-31 (see an additional version in
that his audience is aware of the fuller tradition (see f UDG 3:7- Deut 2:26-35), but portrays Israel as an unjust aggressor,
ii on Othniel and 73:31 on Shamgar). w. 6—17, the convention- w. 14—27, in a lengthy response, Jephthah provides a pro-
alized pattern—death of judge, backsliding, cry for help— Israelite version of the taking of the disputed border territory.
resumes, as the passage reviews Israel's major enemies, The argument has three components: (i) Israel took the land
w. 10-16 is a dialogue between the Israelites and YHWH in in a defensive war. Had Sihon, king of Heshbon, allowed Israel
which Israel confesses her sins of idolatry, YHWH describes to pass peacefully through his territory during the Exodus
 185 JUDGES
from Egypt, there would have been no need for war or the flattened out or covered up by the pan-Israelite myth that
accompanying conquest of the disputed area (w. 15—22); (2) dominates the HB.
YHWH, God of the Israelites, has conquered this land for his (12:7—13) The notice of Jephthah's demise is followed by a
people, and peoples are allowed the lands their deities are able listing of three judges identified by the details that for an
to procure for their benefit. Note the reference to Balak (v. 25) Israelite audience may have been metonymic markers of
who according to tradition seems to accept grudgingly that other stories. The reference to the marriages of the thirty
YHWH has granted Israel certain lands (see Num 22—4, esp. (v. 9) and to the sons and donkeys (v. 14) are intriguing hints
24:25; also Num 21:10-20 (w. 23-5); (3) Israel has been in of tales that have been lost. Several times in Judges, such brief
possession ofthe disputed territory for some 300 years, so that catalogues of leaders serve as a transition from the exploits of a
the statute of limitations on land claims appears to be over leader whose story is told in detail to an indication of Israel's
(w. 26-8). return to apostasy, to be followed by another substantial slice
That the Israelite author feels called upon to portray his ofthe tradition (see 10:1-5; 331)-
hero as appealing to just cause is in itself interesting. The
arbiter of the dispute is YHWH whose judgement will be The Epic of Samson (13:1-16:31)
made apparent in the outcome ofthe battle (11:27). War, as
in many traditional cultures and accounts, makes manifest (13:2-24) The Birth of a Hero v. 2, in Israelite tradition, the
barrenness of the mother is a virtual guarantee that what
divine judgement.
follows is the birth story of a hero. So with Sarah, Rebekah,
(11:29-40) The Sacrifice of Jephthah's Daughter Some scho- Rachel, and Hannah, w. 3-23, the annunciation, a special
lars describe Jephthah's vow as rash, evidence perhaps ofthe theophany of which women are the primary recipients. Trad-
warrior's madness that manifests the spirit of YHWH within itional motifs of this form include the appearance ofthe deity
him. Although shocking to modern readers, the sacrificial or his emissary, and the announcement ofthe birth (v. 3);
vow is a feature of an Israelite ideology of war, reflected also special instructions or information for the mother and son
in other ancient Near-Eastern cultures. The warriors promise (w. 4-6); expression of fear or awe (v. 22). Cf Rebekah (Gen
the deity something of value in return for his assistance in 25:22—3); Hagar (Gen 16:11—12); Sarah and Abraham (Gen 18).
war. This particular belief in the efficacy of sacrifice underlies Note how the language used in the annunciation concerning
the ideology of the ban, whereby conquered persons are re- Samson is economical, as similar language is used to express
garded as devoted to the deity; the transfer of these valuable similar content, unifying the story and emphasizing key
commodities is accomplished by wholesale destruction (see themes, in particular the nazirite identity of Samson (w. 4—
Num 21:2—3;me terminology at Deut 13:16; and Niditch 1993: 6; 7; 14). w. 4—6, as described in the Priestly text at Num 6:1—
28-55). v- V-> in Hebrew the term translated 'whoever' in 21, nazirite status (lit. consecration, dedication, separation) is
NRSV could also be understood as 'whatever'. Surely the a self-imposed and temporary state of holiness that an adult
Israelite audience knew ofthe pathos to follow. In fact, the takes upon himself or herself by a vow. The symbolization of
tale of a war vow gone awry becomes the foundation myth for nazirite holiness is rich in contrasts between nature and
a woman's rite of maturation, v. 34, on women and victory culture. For example, the nazir is not to drink wine and beer
songs see Ex 15:20-1; i Sam 18:6-7; Judg 5:28-30. w. 34-40, that are fermented and transformed from grapes and grain
implicit in the story of Jephthah's daughter is an analogy into culture-affirming products of human invention (cf the
drawn between a father's offering his daughter in sacrifice extension in Num 6:3); he or she is not to cut the hair which
to a male deity and the nubile woman's passage from virginity must grow in a natural state unaltered by man-made instru-
in her father's household to adult responsibilities of marriage ments. Samson is to be a nazir by divine direction, even in
and childbearing in the home of a husband. Each woman is a utcro. The nature/culture dichotomy implicit in nazirite sta-
sacrifice mediating the relationship between the males who tus and the specific motif of hair are central to his character-
control her life and sexuality. Notice the emphasis on the ization and to the story cycle, v. 5, a critical feature ofthe divine
daughter's stage in life (w. 37, 39) and upon that of her message: Samson is to be a saviour, w. 8-24, interesting
companions who form a support group of people undergoing dimensions involving gender and status emerge in the an-
a similar experience. Together they model a rite marking the nunciation scene. The woman is unnamed but she is the one
bittersweet transition to adulthood experienced by all Israelite whom the man of God seeks out. She alone receives the
women (v. 40; see Day 1989). important message about the hair (v. 5), and appears to have
a down-to-earth good sense that contrasts with her named
(12:1—7) As in 8:1—3,me Ephraimites complain that they have husband's fretful and repeated enquiries. Unsure and fearful,
not been asked to join in the battle and thereby to enjoy the he believes that the divine being will harm them, but she
spoils. The events referred to in w. 2-3 are not part of the realizes that he comes in blessing. Cf. w. 8, 12, 16, and 21
recorded tradition, but tales well-known to an Israelite audi- with 6—7, 10, 23. In a confirmation of her status in these
ence may lie behind Jephthah's words. In contrast to the annunciation events, she is the one who names the boy,
dispute with Gideon, this one ends in inner Israelite war, a 'man of the sun' or 'Sunny' (Samson in Hebrew is simson,
battle which the Gileadites win. Notice the reference to region- sun is semes). Indeed, naming the child is usually the purview
al dialects in w. 5—6. This passage points not only to causes ofthe mother (so Hannah (i Sam 1:20); so Eve (Gen 4:1); so
of conflict when decentralized military forces compete for the matriarchs), as are other matters concerning the birth and
glory and spoils, but also to some ofthe regional flavours career of her children, v. 18, cf. Gen 33:29. w. 19-21, on God's
and tensions in ancient Israel, differences sometimes power revealed in fire see f UDG 6:19-22, Gideon's theophanic
JUDGES 186
experience. ¥.25, the term translated 'stir' in NRSV has a more extricate the solution to the riddle from her man, threatening
pressing nuance: compel or thrust (on this term repeated in to kill her and her family by burning. Indeed fire is a recurring
the tales of Samson see Alter 1990). The warrior, a sort ofholy motif in the Samson narrative, a means of expressing the
man in his own right, is one possessed by the divine spirit. boiling rage of the hero and his enemies.
This war frenzy allows him to burst forth in massive destruc- Notice the poetic parallelism of the riddle and the solution
tion (see also 14:6,19 and cf. 16:20). as formulated. In the Hebrew the words play on 'm' sounds.
The answer, moreover, has the same double range of re-
Samson and the Philistines: Episode One (14:1-15:8) sponses as the riddle itself (see Camp and Fontaine 1990),
The first of several stories in which relations with a woman for the solution could be read as another riddle whose answer
lead to a power struggle between Samson and the Philistines. is 'love' or 'sex'. In turn Samson reacts with a proverb that has
Themes of 'us' versus 'them', and symbols of the wild and a sexual innuendo (ibid.). Ploughing with another man's
untamed versus the socialized and cultural emerge in a tale of heifer, in Israelite culture as in others, refers to cuckolding.
trickery and counter-trickery as God uses the life of this Israel- The Philistines have had their way with Samson's woman by
ite culture hero to challenge and defeat the Philistines who obtaining his secret from her. Knowledge, deception, sexual-
'rule over Israel at this time' (14:4). ity, and power intertwine in this story about competition for
status, a juxtaposition of motifs that recurs in the Samson
(14:1—20) w. 1—4, the issues of Israelite status and the other-
cycle, w. 19-20, Samson pays his riddling debt by killing
ness of the Philistines emerge in the parents' disapproving
thirty men of Ashkelon and giving the spoils to his riddle
words to Samson concerning his chosen match (14:3; cf. Gen
opponents. He then withdraws to his own people, but his
34:14—15) and in the unequivocally ethnic way in which Sam-
father-in-law gives Samson's bride to another man, thereby
son describes her. Samson is not a son who is swayed by
preparing the way for a counter-match in trickery and vio-
parental wishes; they defer to the strongman, a folk hero in
lence. Indeed tension escalates as the fissure between Philis-
the style of Hercules, one not bound by social convention, v. 5,
tine and Israelite is shown to be unbridgeable.
the killing of the lion with bare hands, an act kept secret (see
also v. 9), prepares for the hidden answer to the riddle that (15:1—8) v. i, the desire for his woman coincides with the
follows (v. 14) as the story of ethnic rivalry among exogamous harvest season, a time of fertility—a pairing of themes com-
groups continues. The tearing apart of the lion with bare mon in traditional literatures (e.g. Ruth). Samson bears a
hands also helps to portray Samson as a superhero with power peace offering, but approaches as if all is forgiven, further
over the forces of the natural world. A pattern is established revealing his obliviousness to social convention, v. 2, the
whereby Samson's overtures to the settled, social world of the father controls his daughters' sexuality, a commodity his to
Philistines is followed by a superhuman feat emphasizing his exchange. He offers Samson another deal (cf. Saul, i Sam
qualities as wild man (cf. 15:1,4; 16:1,3; 16:4, 9,12,14). v. 8, the 17:25; 18:17—22), the younger sister, v. 4, Samson's vengeance
honey in the lion's carcass has the serendipitous quality of is described in the fantastic hyperbole appropriate to tales of
spontaneous generation, a source of nourishment appropri- superheroes, the use of torches somehow attached to the tails
ate to one who often comports himself in a manner that is of 300 foxes to spread fire among the standing grain, vine-
beyond the boundaries of cultural convention. On honey and yards, and olive groves of the Philistines (on fire, see JUDG
warriors see i Sam 14:27—9. 14:10—18). Samson bends nature to destroy what Philistine
w. 10—18, the wedding between Samson and the Timnite labour has carved out of nature. In a pattern that recurs in the
woman becomes an occasion for trickery, as a would-be union story cycle, Samson's flirtation with the social world of the
between groups instead leads to resentment and destruc- Philistines is followed by a violent outburst frequently direc-
tion—ultimately God's plan for the Philistines, oppressors ted at aspects of Philistine culture (see JUDG 16:3 on city gate
of Israel. The wedding story is framed by a traditional narra- and 16:29-30 on the house of Dagon). w. 6-8, violence
tive pattern seen in tales of Ehud and Jael whereby the person escalates as the Philistines take vengeance upon Samson's
of marginal or outsider status gains power over those in power Philistine in-laws (on fire and vengeance see JUDG 14:10-18),
through deception. In this setting, Samson is clearly the out- and he exacts massive vengeance upon the Philistines, then
sider surrounded by Philistines, and the riddling contest with withdraws to a cave in a beautiful symbolization of his status
its wager provides him with a clever means of increasing his as wild man. The Philistines' cruel treatment of members of
status at Philistine expense. Samson hopes not only to win the their own group serves to paint them as barbarians; the Israel-
bet but to show himself more clever than the oppressors of ite author provides a more generous portrait of the Judahites
Israel. who seek to capture Samson (15:12—13).
Riddling contests, in fact, are frequent at the wedding
ceremonies of many traditional cultures, providing a safe Samson and the Philistines: Episode Two (iy.g-2o)
means of acting out the animosities that may exist between (15:9—17) A saviour such as Samson is a mixed blessing,
the members of exogamous groups. In this case, however, although to be sure Israelites are elsewhere portrayed as pre-
neither side plays fair (in epic literatures they rarely do). ferring collaboration with tyranny to revolt (see Ex 2:14; 5:21).
Whereas the usual or expected answer to the riddle, given The men of Judah, responding to a Philistine counter-raid,
the wedding context, is 'love' or 'sex' (see Camp and Fontaine wish to hand over the man whom the Philistines seek (for a
1990: 140—2), Samson's experience with the lion and the scene that raises comparable issues in political ethics see 2
honey provides him with a response that could be known to Sam 20:14—22). Gingerly, 3,000 Judahites come to Samson
him alone. In turn, the Philistines coerce Samson's fiancee to with a formulaic accusation of wrongdoing ('What... have
 187 JUDGES
you done to us?') and convince Samson to allow himself to be entrapment or trickery; counter-trickery or escape. The plot
given over to the enemy. Samson the trickster goes quietly, but follows this path three times, in the style of traditional folk
merely bides his time, bursting forth upon the Philistines narration, but in the fourth instance Samson is caught. The
with a power fuelled by the divine frenzy. Notice the wonder- victorious and superhuman outburst that follows this tale
ful imagery used to describe the impotence of the ropes that of deception (see JUDG 15:4) must await the next episode
bind him (v. 14), and again the fire motif. As he kills the lion (16:23-30).
with bare hands and uses foxes to destroy Philistine property, v. 4, the name of Samson's final lover, Delilah (Heb. delild),
he uses the jawbone of a donkey, a weapon pulled serendipit- is of uncertain etymology possibly having to do with 'loose
ously from nature, to kill a thousand men. v. 16, Samson the hair' or 'flirtatiousness', but the word plays on the term for
propounder of riddles and the speaker of proverbs here de- 'night' (layeld) as Samson's name derives from the term
clares his victory in a war-taunt that plays upon the repetition for 'sun' (semes), v. 5, the Philistine lords or, better, 'tyrants'
of sounds and words and two meanings of the root h-m-r, offer Delilah a fortune in silver if she is able to uncover and
'donkey' and 'pile up'. In synchronic parallelism the many divulge to them the source of Samson's strength. The narra-
slain Philistines are called 'heaps and heaps', v. 17, the narra- tive revolves around a folk motif, the secret source of power
tive ends with a folk etymology. The place is called 'Jawbone (Thompson 1955—8: 01830; 01840). Some heroes' strength or
Height'. their very life-force resides in their sword or an amulet; the
(15:18—20) The great victory over the Philistines concludes source of Samson's power is integral to his status as nazir,
with an amusing little vignette that emphasizes both Sam- declared even before his birth. The traditional folk motif thus
son's swaggering ways and his position as a favourite of God. intertwines with particular theological concerns having to do
Thirsty after the battle, he speaks in the hyperbole one expects with Samson's relationship to YHWH.
of Samson to YHWH, his protector, asking essentially if God w. 6-17, Delilah's question to Samson is repeated four
intends to reward the hero of Israel with death by thirst (v. 18). times with nuances, as the formulaic request is elaborated,
Notice again the epithet 'uncircumcised' applied to the Philis- exerting more and more pressure upon the hero and building
tine Other (cf. JUDG 14:3). God responds by splitting open a to the climax of his revelation (w. 6,10,13,15). Also repeated is
spring from a rocky hollow (lit. mortar-like place) so that Delilah's test to Samson: 'The Philistines are upon you' (w. 9,
Samson drinks and is revived. In doing so he takes his place 12, 14, 20). While some suggest that Samson is a foolish
with Elijah and Moses, other biblical heroes for whom God buffoon to reveal his secret and others that Samson so loved
opens sources of fertility and nourishment. The story is com- Delilah that he never truly believed she would betray him, the
pleted with another place etiology, 'Spring of the Caller'. theological interests of this traditional story suggest that Sam-
v. 20, this verse is taken by some to mark the end of an son is guilty of hubris. He has come to believe that his
earlier version of the Samson epic, to be followed by supple- strength is not contingent upon the symbol of his holy other-
mental tales (Boling 1975: 240-1). The verse might be seen to ness, his consecration to YHWH. The repetition, 'The Philis-
function as a transition to the story of Samson's fall. He judges tines are upon you', at v. 20 produces a special pathos, for in
for twenty years and then comes Delilah. contrast to the other times when Samson breaks free, this
time, shorn of his hair, he does not realize that YHWH has left
Samson and the Philistines: Episode Three (16:1-31) him and that he has become vulnerable like other men.
The passage is unified by the repetition with nuances de-
(16:1-3) Tlus brief episode foreshadows the longer Delilah scribed above and by the progression of false revelations that
narrative in structure and content, and echoes patterns estab- lead finally to the truth. These counter-deceptions by Samson
lished earlier. Once again Samson approaches the uncircum- each play on the dichotomy between nature and culture so
cized Other through one of their women, a prostitute, and the important in the cycle of stories as a whole. Samson first
encounter ends in his violent departure. The trickster pattern declares that raw bowstrings would hold him (v. 8), these
is also found, as the enemy seeks surreptitiously to capture the being minimally treated natural materials. Then he claims
strongman (v. 2) and as he feigns lack of knowledge of them that new ropes would bind him, ropes being a more processed
only to escape in the night by lifting off the very gates of the material (v. 12). Then comes the reference to the quintessen-
city in another Herculean display (v. 3). Coming before the tial art of women's culture, weaving, as an image of safely
encounter with Delilah that brings Samson down, this scene tying or taming the locks of Samson's hair intermingles with
might be seen as contributing to the hubris of the hero and to an evocation of the dangerous and seductive woman, a weaver
our own expectations about his invincibility, an attribute that of webs and plots. Samson's bold mention of the hair in the
turns out to be false. The appeal of Philistine women might be third deception is followed by the truth: a razor that cuts off
seen as Samson's tragic flaw (so implicitly Alter 1990). It does the natural wildness of Samson's hair will tame Samson. The
seem clear that the Samson tradition as preserved emphasizes hair on one level is a symbol of Samson's particular manli-
a favourite biblical theme, the danger of foreign (and loose) ness. His power resides on the border of the cultural and the
women (Deut 7:3-4; Prov 5:3-6; 7:10-23). This theme would natural, for Samson the riddler is able to kill lions with bare
have appealed to nationalist Israelite writers throughout the hands, Samson the trickster withdraws to a cave, darting in
tradition and certainly to Deuteronomistic writers usually and out of the social world of Philistine dominance. It is the
credited with the preservation of the material. hair that binds him to the God whose power is revealed in
(16:4—22) The story of Samson's downfall that ends with a nature, the God who often prefers the wilderness to the city.
hint of his last hurrah (v. 22) traces a pattern now familiar v. 21, powerless and now blind, Samson is made to grind at a
from the cycle: encounter with a Philistine woman; attempted mill in the prison. He thus does the work of a fettered beast or
JUDGES 188

the work of women. The 'grind' term, however, has additional (17:7—13) It is likely that early in Israel's history not all priests
sexual connotations in the HB (see Job 31:10; Isa 47:2—3), as were Levites. Even the venerable Samuel who trained under
euphemism for intercourse. Samson, like Job's wife, now the priest Eli of the shrine at Shiloh is given an Ephraimite
'grinds for another'. The mighty hero has been feminized, genealogy in some threads of the tradition (see i Sam 1:1 and
playing Sisera to a Philistine Jael (see on JUDG 4, 5). cf. i Chr 6:26). These verses suggest, however, that the levit-
(16:23-31) Samson's rehabilitation and his final victory are set ical priest lends special status to a shrine, granting its owner
appropriately during a Philistine festival in which the adher- prestige and divine blessing. This passage nicely captures the
ents of the god Dagon rejoice, thanking their god for helping quality of itineracy attached to Levites in the biblical tradition.
them to defeat Samson, their enemy. The Philistines' victory Notice the designation 'father' that Micah attaches to the holy
prayer is a rhythmic ditty built upon rhyme and poetic paral- man (v. 10) and cf. 2 Kings 6:21; 8:9; 13:14; and Judg 5:7.
lelism (v. 24). They have Samson brought out that 'he might (18:1—13) v- J> fr°m Levitical itineracy, the narrator turns to
sport' (my tr.) before them. Humiliation is implied, but the Danite wanderings in search of a homeland, as the tales of
term 'sport' may also have sexual connotations. Feigning Micah, the young Levite, and the Danites weave together in a
weakness, Samson asks the lad who leads him to allow him founding myth. w. 2-10, the reconnaissance mission is a
to support himself by leaning against the pillars of the great frequent motif in Israelite war accounts (cf. Num 13; Josh 2;
house that is filled to the rafters and beyond with Philistines. and}UDG 6:10—14). While spying outthe land in the north, the
With a final prayer to God, Samson pulls down the house, Danites receive hospitality in Micah's household, v. 3, do the
killing himself and his enemies. The narrative ends with a Danites know the Levite from elsewhere (Soggin 1981: 272)?
declaration of admiration for Samson's final deed (v. 30). In The text may mean that they recognize the priest's southern
contrast to other threads in the HB, traditions of the judges do accent or dialect (Boling 1975: 263). w. 5—6, the request for a
not reveal concern with innocent enemies that are killed or the sign or an oracle before battle is also a frequent feature of
like, but are informed by jingoistic national pride, defining traditional Israelite war accounts and points to the belief in
'us' in terms of'not them'. Samson is buried and commemo- divine control of the wars of humans (see JUDG 4:5, 8; 6:13 on
rated with full honour. Deborah and Gideon), w. 7—10, the neutrality of the author
concerning the Danites' cheerful response to the Laishians'
The Founding of Dan (17:1-18:31) military vulnerability is troubling, but reflects an ideology of
These chapters offer a fascinating Danite founding myth that expedience in which the use of war to achieve political goals is
provides insight into Israelite notions of their ancestors' re- a given. In contrast to other biblical war texts, the battle is not
ligious lives, and perhaps also a glimpse of aspects of Israelite justified by appeal to a righteous cause, e.g. the sinfulness of
popular religion that continue to hold meaning throughout the enemy, but like all war succeeds only with divine sanction,
biblical times. Also of interest is the ideology of war that serves v. 12, an etiology for the name of a location in Judah, 'The
as background to the establishment of Dan. Camp of Dan'.
(17:1—6) The tale opens with the confession of a guilty son (18:14—26) This passage contributes to the aura of banditry
named Micah. He has stolen his mother's money, but now that permeates not only the stories of the judges but also the
returns it to her. Like the father of the prodigal son, she tales of David's early career. Like David in his encounters with
harbours no resentment, but praises God for her son's reha- the priest at Nob (i Sam 21:1—9) an(^ with the household of
bilitation and asks him to dedicate the money to YHWH by Nabal (i Sam 25:2—38), the Danites propose to help them-
making a pesd, a term translated 'idol' in NRSV, but better selves to what they need or desire, and only a brazen fool
understood as a carved statue of iconographic significance, would attempt to deny them their requests. Armed and dan-
and a massekd, a cast metal icon. Such icons were symbols of gerous, the Danites, like David, make their intentions seem
the deity's indwelling presence and closely identified with the inevitable and logical, managing in their rather convincing
deity (hence Micah's statement to the Danites at 18:24). speeches to make it seem as if the robbed party is in the wrong
The son, still a bit of a con artist, uses only a small portion if he protests their actions or attempts to deny them his
of the endowment (cf. w. 3 and 4), but commissions the possessions (see w. 19, 23—5). Notice the wonderfully disin-
statuary. Since only the smelter is mentioned, some suggest genuous if not self-righteous response of the Danites to Mi-
that the phrase, 'carved statue and cast statue', refers only to cah, lit. 'What's it to you?' or 'What troubles you that you call
the metal icon (so NRSV translates). Without making a nega- up [a force against us]?' (v. 22). The Levite is convinced to join
tive value judgement, the narrator describes how Micah com- the Danites, while Micah, himself a Laban-like character not
pletes his home shrine with a divinatory ephod (see JUDG above cheating his own mother, knows when he has been
8:27) and teraphim, movable statuary that several scholars bested, v. 18, compare to 17:4, 5, and 18:14 in me HB and see
have associated with cults of ancestors (cf. Gen 31:30, 34-5), JUDG 17:5 concerning the number of icons commissioned by
installing his own son to serve as priest, v. 6, some read this Micah.
verse and other echoes of it (18:1; 19:1; 21:25) as a pro-Josianic (18:27—31) The conquest of Laish by the Danites. While the
or pro-Davidic writer's comment on the need for strong cen- language of putting to the sword and burning is reminiscent
tralized leadership in the form of monarchy. The statement of biblical ban texts in Deuteronomy and Joshua, the ideology
reflects an author's effort to separate himself in chronology behind the conquest is quite different (see on JUDG 18:7-10
and world-view from what he portrays to be olden times, but is and Niditch 1993: 127—8). w. 30—1, variant manuscript trad-
not clearly readable as a negative assessment when compared, itions read not Manasseh, as in the Hebrew, but Moses (so
for example, with the commentary on Gideon's ephod at 8:27. NRSV). In this way, the hereditary priesthood of Dan is said to
 189 JUDGES
belong to the line of Moses rather than the line of Aaron (v. 30). (v. 15). One elderly gentleman, however, greets them, and
The translation of pesel, 'idol', in w. 30—1 as in 17:3, 4; 18:14, after a brief conversation welcomes them to his home. Notice
gives the impression that the narrator strongly disapproves of the formulaic reference to feasting, 'they ate and they drank'
Micah, the Danites, and the shrine itself, but the language (cf. 19:4, 6). w. 22-6, this account is a variant of the tale about
could not be more matter of fact. While special status is Lot in Gen 19. In both, visitors find hospitality in the house of
accorded implicitly to the rival sanctuary at Shiloh by describ- an Israelite, but 'base fellows', miscreants (in Gen 19 it is 'the
ing it as the place where 'God's house' was located in pre- men of Sodom' who become synonymous in Western trad-
monarchic times, the founding of Dan is treated with good ition with miscreants) surround the house and demand that
humour and respect. the stranger/s be sent out to them that they might rape them,
lit. 'know them', a biblical euphemism for sexual intercourse.
Civil War (19:1-21:25) v. 22, for ancient Israelites homosexual rape is as quintes-
This gripping story of an ancient Israelite civil war contains sential an expression of anti-social behaviour as cannibalism
three major parts: the rape that leads to the war; the war itself; is in the Greek tradition. Strangers in need of succour in the
and the process of reconciliation. Motifs of hospitality and Odyssey find themselves being eaten, whereas Israelite stran-
kinship run throughout the whole, as the tales pose essential gers are threatened with rape. A number of threads in the
questions about the nature of group unity and the causes Israelite tradition indicate special disapproval of homosexu-
of dissensions and fissure. Women play key roles in the ality as a form of relationship that blurs neat categories of
narratives but in contrast to Deborah, Jael, and other strong creation as the Israelites understood them (see e.g. Lev 18:22;
women of Judges, they are silent characters who join or sepa- 20:13, and Deut 22:5 in context). This negative attitude even to
rate the men who control them in a strongly androcentric and consensual relations between men blends in Gen 19 and Judg
agonistic work. In Judg 19-21, women are doorways leading 19 with the frequently found theme of the womanization of
into and out of war, sources of contention and reconciliation. the enemy Other, as discussed at f UDG 16:19, 21 (Samson) and
These chapters serve as an important transition to the early 4:27 (Sisera). Thus their threat of homosexual rape marks the
history of the monarchy in i Samuel, for they point to the evildoers as consummately aggressive, prepared to act out in a
inevitable tension between kinship or clan loyalties and loyal- literal way the metaphor of conquest in war. In Gen 19 the
ties to the larger Israelite group, understood as a nation and a aggressors are Sodomites, but the tale in Judg 19 shocks its
whole. audience even more because the enemy is within, Israelites in
the Israelite town of Gibeah. w. 23-4, in both versions of the
(19:1-31) v. i, like chs. 17-18, this account points to a certain tale, the host attempts to appease the wild men outside by
interest in the travels and experiences of Levites who are often offering them women instead, prized virgin daughters (as
those most in need of local support and hospitality, having no also in Gen 19:8) and the man's concubine as well. To modern
patrilineal holdings of their own. The concubine is a second readers, the offer is as shocking as the threat, if not more so,
wife, having less status than the first wife, but some rights and seems to suggest a world in which women are valuable,
nevertheless, v. 2, the Hebrew text reads that 'she played the but expendable commodities. The crafter of the tale here,
harlot towards him', i.e. was disloyal but not necessarily adul- however, is critical of the husband who throws his wife to
terous. Other MS traditions followed by NRSV read 'she the vicious mob (v. 25; see discussion at JUDG 19:28; 20:6).
became angry with him'. A misogynistic tradition could w. 25-8, whereas in Gen 19:11 danger is averted by the mir-
more easily understand her leaving the man to return home aculous intervention of the threatened men who are actually a
in terms of the adultery idiom. Whatever the cause for the manifestation of God, here the concubine is cast out to the
rupture, this brief allusion to tensions in one couple's rela- crowd. The language conveys extreme violence and force not
tionship foreshadows the more serious disruptions in the only in describing the actions of the abusive men outside the
larger social family that are to follow, v. 3, after four months house, but also in describing the husband's giving his wife
the Levite goes after her, hoping to win her back (cf situation over to them. The term translated 'seize' in NRSV is rooted in
and language in Gen 34:3). the term 'strong'. The husband strong-arms the woman; the
w. 3-10, at the home of his father-in-law the Levite receives abuse begins inside the house. With the break of day, the
full hospitality as is proper in traditional cultures, especially evildoers let the woman go, such anti-social outbursts being
between affines. The grand dimensions of the in-law's gener- the work of night. The narrator juxtaposes the collapse of the
osity is emphasized by traditional style repetition at w. 4, 6, 8 victimized woman at the doorway with the husband's crass
and 5,7,8,9. Each time the Levite rises to leave, the host urges and brusque orders to her (v. 28), a command requiring only
him to stay, he accedes, and they feast. Finally, at v. 10 comes two words in the Hebrew. The wife cannot answer, for she is
the break with the repetition in action and language that dead. The portrait of the husband is singularly unsympa-
signals an important shift in the action and mood (see on thetic, as the composer of the story deftly juxtaposes the
Samson and Delilah at JUDG 16:20-1). Levite's criminal disregard for the well-being of his spouse, a
w. 11—15, in his journey north from Bethlehem, the Levite member of his own family, with questions about Israelite
ironically refuses his servant's advice to stop in Jebus, a non- unity and mutual responsibility.
Israelite town, instead suggesting they stay at a town 'of the w. 29-30, the Levite's grisly actions upon returning home
people Israel'. It is in this town, Gibeah of Benjamin, that echo in visceral fashion the ritual calling up to military action
the outrage takes place, w. 16—21, instead of meeting with the of members of the Israelite confederacy or league (see i Sam
expected hospitality, the party finds itself ignored in the open 11:5—8). Whereas the leader would divide a sacrificial animal
square, an ominous adumbration of the troubles to come into pieces and send them to the tribes, the Levite cuts up the
JUDGES 190

human victim in a powerful and troubling symbolization of composed in oral-traditional style, as the narrator warms to
the soon to be clear fissures in Israel's body politic. his tale, loses his place a bit, and in the very process manages
(20:1—48) From the gathering of Israelite fighting forces to to reflect the chaos of battle, v. 40, the image of the whole city
the defeat finally of Benjamin, the tribe of Gibeah, this chapter burning is reminiscent of impositions of the ban (see JUDG
describes the wrenching process of a civil war that pits the 1:8). In this case, however, some Benjaminites survive (v. 47).
ideal of pan-Israelite unity against tribal and kinship-based w. 44, 46, here, as at 20:16, respect is expressed for the
unity. The war and subsequent events in ch. 20 test the warriors of Benjamin. In such bardic accounts, the narrator
ideology of the ban. Will Israel root out the evil in its own and the characters of the tales themselves frequently honour
midst as required in Deut 13:12-18 (see the use of the term those on both sides of the battle (see e.g. JUDG 6:19, 21 above).
'base fellows' in Deut 13:13)? w. 1-2, the narrator presents an This stance is not uniform throughout Judges in which the
orderly idealization of the way in which an Israelite confed- majority of accounts treat the enemies of Israel as the unre-
eration may have worked (see discussion of notions of a deemable Other. See especially attitudes to the Philistines
league' at JUDG 5 and JUDG 03). w. 3-7, as required in Deut expressed in tales of Samson. Of course, one might expect a
13:14, an investigation is undertaken before war is declared more generous depiction of fellow Israelites, v. 48, the lan-
against alleged miscreants. Note the way in which the com- guage and imagery of the ban is very strong in this verse (see
poser has the Levite cover up his cowardly sacrifice of his wife, JUDG 20:40), but because some 600 Benjaminites escape, the
w. 8-n, the emphasis here, as in the opening verses, is upon finale of the battle is not technically a full imposition of the
the unity of the group and their single-mindedness in rooting ban. The most consistent feature of the ban ideology as de-
out the evil in their midst. And yet the apparent unity belies scribed in Deuteronomy and Joshua is the killing of all human
the fact that Benjaminite representatives are not among them enemies.
(see v. 3: Benjamin has heard about the gathering but has not (21:1-25) Tlus passage describes the way in which the Benja-
gathered with the other tribes). Moreover, while the Hebrew is minites are reintegrated into the pan-Israelite community.
difficult at v. 10, it appears to suggest that vengeance is to be Paradoxically, the process requires renewed violence against
meted out to the entire city of Gibeah, because of the evildoers fellow Israelites and the irregular and antisocial stealing of
in their midst. Such an action would be consistent with the women, men helping themselves to sources of procreation
ban in which evil is understood to be like a contagious hu- without appeal to proper social mores. As violence against a
mour that spreads beyond the breakers of covenant to their woman leads into conflict, violence against women leads out
families and townsmen (see Deut 13:15—16; Josh 7:24—5). of war to a rebuilding of the community. The story-teller
Nevertheless in contrast to an invocation of the ban against appears to justify this renewed violence by appeal to the
foreigners, an inner Israelite enactment risks destroying the Benjaminite emergency. Literarily, the final episodes of
covenant community itself. One could well expect Benjamin- the story of the civil war do provide an indusio with the begin-
ites to balk at giving up all of Gibeah. v. 12, a variation on a ning, emphasizing again the androcentric bent of the ma-
formulaic expression that makes accusation of wrongdoing terial. One wonders, however, if the narrator is so approving
(see Gen 3:13; 12:18; 29:25). v. 13, this sentence may mean, or accepting of the world-views and war views implicit in
'Hand over the specific people in Gibeah who have done chs. 19—21.
wrong,' or 'Hand over those Gibean scoundrels,' i.e. all people v. i, no mention of a prohibition against marriage with
of Gibeah are scoundrels (see JUDG 20:8-11). v. 16, the Benja- Benjaminites is found in the gathering at Mizpah (20:1-11),
minites have a reputation as especially fine warriors, aided by in the decision to go to war, or in the battle itself, v. 2, weeping
a tendency to left-handedness. Saul is of Benjamin as is Ehud, to YHWH is a frequent motif in Judges (2:4; 20:23, 2 ^)
the left-handed judge. implying an appeal for advice or assistance in times of great
w. 18, 23, 27-8, on the importance of receiving divine stress, w. 3-4, the juxtaposition of weeping and questioning
guidance before battle see JUDG 1:1. Notice the frequent em- YHWH, and the offering of sacrifices (cf. 20:26-8) strongly
phasis on the presumed kinship bonds between all Israelites suggests the formal request for an oracle, w. 5—7, does v. 5
(w. 28, 23, 13). The repetitions in content and language beto- suggest that YHWH has offered a way out of the people's
ken a traditional style of narration that beautifully captures dilemma? The absence of a rubric implying divine response
and creates the rhythms of the forward and backward progress may well mean, to the contrary, that Israel falls back upon its
of the battles, w. 32—4, the break with repetition signals a own devices, employing an unorthodox version of the ideo-
change in the action, as the Benjaminites who met with initial logy of the ban as a means of procuring women for Benjamin.
success finally succumb to the Israelite forces (cf 17:20). If not answering the call of the confederation is to be consid-
w. 35-48, with a comment in v. 36 on the Benjaminites' ered an act worthy of total destruction (such an act warrants
realization that they are defeated, the battle accounts appear a curse in Judg 5:23, but no call for total destruction), then
to end, but w. 36—47 provide a more detailed encore of the all associated with the miscreants, including young women,
account of the war's denouement. Noting that w. 31-2 parallel are to be destroyed, guilty by contagion (see JUDG 20:8-11).
v. 39, that v. 41 repeats the content if not the language of v. 36, The notion of wreaking near total destruction upon the one 'of
and that w. 36—7 appear to be an explanatory commentary on all the tribes' who did not heed the call against Benjamin
or continuation of w. 33—4, many scholars have suggested that appears more an excuse to obtain women than a means of
ch. 20 concludes with a conflation of two variant accounts of imposing divine justice. It is upon this issue that the com-
the end of the war. This is certainly a possibility, although the poser has his characters dwell (see w. i, 5-7). Indeed if not
confusion and expansiveness also characterize some works answering the call against miscreants were the issue then the
 igi JUDGES
600 remaining Benjaminite men would be worthy of death. REFERENCES
It is not by chance that no divine command or sanction
Albright, W. F. (1939), "The Israelite Conquest ofthe Land in the Light
appears in this account, an indication of a narrator's critical of Archaeology', BASOR 74:11-23.
point of view. w. 8-9, a search indicates that the inhabitants of Alt, A. (1967), Essays on Old Testament History and Religion (Garden
Jabesh-gilead did not join the Israelites at Mizpah. Given that City, NY: Doubleday), 173-221; German original, Die Landnahme der
the Benjaminite who becomes first king of Israel, Saul, is Israeliten in Paldstina (Leipzig: Reformationsprogramm der Univer-
described as rushing to the rescue of the inhabitants of this sitat, 1925).
town in northern Gilead when they are threatened by the Alter, R. (1990), 'Samson Without Folklore', in Niditch (ed.) (1990),
Ammonites (i Sam n) and that they in turn show undying 47-56.
loyalty to him and his sons (i Sam 31:8—13; 2 Sam 2:5—7), one Anderson, G. A. (1987), Sacrifices and Offerings in Ancient Israel: Studies
in their Social and Political Importance (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Pre-
wonders if some ancient tie is believed to bond Jabesh-gilead
ntice Hall).
to the tribe of Benjamin. Boling, R. G. (1975), Judges: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary,
w. 10-12, this partial imposition of the ban suggests paral- AB6A.
lels with Num 31, a priestly war account. In both narratives, all Brettler, M. (1989), The Book of Judges: Literature as Polities', JBL
males are killed but women who have not known a man 103: 395-418.
sexually are spared. The contexts of and world-views behind Bright, J. (1981), A History of Israel, 3rd edn. (Philadelphia: Westmin-
the war episodes differ. Num 31 reveals a view suggesting that ster).
the virgin girl is an unmarked slate differing in identity from Camp, C. V., and Fontaine, C. R. (1990), The Words ofthe Wise and
sexually active women who have been marked by men, and their Riddles', in Niditch (ed.) (1990), 127-51.
from men of all ages who carry in their persons the identity of Coote, R., and Whitelam, K. W. (1987), The Emergence of Early Israel in
Historical Perspective (Sheffield: Almond).
the group. The woman who has not had intercourse is treated Cross, F. M. (1973), Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge,
as a sort of fresh, fertile ground available for a man's seed. In Mass.: Harvard University Press).
Num 31, virgin girls are not tainted with Moabite contagion (1974), 'Prose and Poetry in the Mythic and Epic Texts from
and can become the bearers of Israelite offspring. In Judg 20, Ugarit', HTR: 1-15.
a passage not concerned per sc with priestly issues of purity, Day, P. L. (1989), 'From the Child Is Born the Woman: The Story of
virgins provide the requisite assurance that Benjaminite chil- Jephthah's Daughter', in Day (ed.), Gender and Difference in Ancient
dren will be the offspring of their legal fathers, an issue of vital Israel (Minneapolis: Fortress), 58—74.
importance to a culture grounded in traceable patrilineages. Gottwald, N. K. (1979), The Tribes ofYahn>eh:A Sociology ofthe Religion
of Liberated Israel 1250—1050 B.C. (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis).
The men of Jabesh-gilead are eliminated to make the virgin
Hayes, J. H., and Miller, J. M. (eds.) (1977), Israelite andjudean History
girls vulnerable to capture and easily available. In the process (Philadelphia: Westminster).
of procuring the young women, issues of justice under the Hobsbawm, E. (1969), Bandits (New York: Delacorte).
ban seem muted, a rationale at best. w. 13-25, the daughters of Kang, S.-M. (1989), Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient
Jabesh-gilead being inadequate in number to provide women Near East (Berlin: de Gruyter).
for the surviving Benjaminites, another plan is hatched. Fear- Mayes, A. D. H. (1974), Israel in the Period of the Judges, SET 2/29
ing the curse they have placed upon any of their number who (Naperville, 111.: Allenson).
willingly help Benjamin as a tribe to survive (v. 18), the Israel- Mendenhall, G. E. (1973), The Tenth Generation (Baltimore: Johns
ites find for the Benjaminites an opportunity to engage in Hopkins University Press).
wife-stealing. Niditch, S. (1987), Underdogs and Tricksters: A Prelude to Biblical Folk-
lore (San Francisco: Harper & Row).
w. 19—24, like the story of Jephthah's daughter, this tale may (1989), 'Eroticism and Death in the Tale of Jael', in Day (1989),
well reflect or be the myth used to explain the origins of an
43-57-
ancient Israelite festival involving young women of marriage- (ed.) (1990), Text and Tradition: The Hebrew Bible and Folklore
able age. The association between vineyards, dancing nubile (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
women, festival at an important cultic centre, and wife-stealing (1993), War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence
may suggest some sort of yearly occasion for betrothals and the (New York: Oxford University Press).
reinforcing of aspects of a patrilineal, endogamous culture. As Noth, M. (1960), The History of Israel, tr. P. R. Ackroyd, rev. edn. (New
a literary form, the tale shares much with traditional narratives York: Harper & Row); German original, Geschichte Israels, 2nd edn.
such as the rape of the Sabine women. In the larger Israelite (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1954).
Shulman, D. D. (1986), 'Battle as a Metaphor in Tamil Folk and
tradition and in the specific war story that the wife-stealing Classical Traditions,' in Stuart H. Blackburn and A. K. Ramanujan
brings to a close, the tale emphasizes that women's sexuality (eds.), Another Harmony: New Essays on the Folklore of India (Berke-
has to do with relations between men (v. 22). In this case as in ley and Los Angeles: University of California Press), 105-30.
Gen 34, the normal and proper channels for exchanging wo- Soggin, A. J. (1981), Judges: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westmin-
men have been disregarded. Ultimately, the tale is a founding ster).
myth marking the renewal of the tribe of Benjamin. Such Thompson, S. (1955-8), The Motif-Index of Folk Literature (Bloom-
stories of beginnings are often characterized by departures ington, Ind.: Indiana University Press).
from the workaday norm if only to reinforce them or to grant, Vermeule, E. (1979), Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry
in a return to beginnings, a brief chance of participation in an (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press).
Younger, K. L., Jr. (1994), 'Judges i in Its Near Eastern Context', in A.
institutionalized form of revolt, v. 25, while some suggest that R. Millard, James K. Hoffmeier, and David W. Baker (eds.), Faith,
this formula indicates disapproval, it seems more likely a com- Tradition, and History: Old Testament Historiography in Its Near East-
poser's way of lending the tales an ancient, early, and otherly em Context (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns), 207-27.
quality.
 ii. Ruth GRACE I. E M M E R S O N

INTRODUCTION B. Literary Structure. Of all the OT books Ruth has the highest
ratio of dialogue to narrative, hence the immediacy of its
A. Description, Date, and Purpose. 1. At first sight Ruth is a
appeal. Best described as a short story (novella), it is a skilfully
delightfully simple tale of domestic life. It moves from sorrow
structured interweaving of darkness and light. It begins with
to joy, from emptiness to fullness, largely through the initia-
death and ends with birth, the transforming of emptiness into
tive and resourcefulness of two women. This description,
fullness. The central chapters 2 and 3 are parallel in structure;
however, masks many intractable questions not only of date
beginning and ending with scenes in which only Ruth and
and purpose but of relationship to OT law and practice. In the
Naomi participate, their main focus is on Ruth's encounters
prominence it gives to women, and its unconventional atti-
with Boaz which bring for her blessings both material and
tude to society, it resembles Esther, although contrasting with
spiritual. Their settings, however, are strongly contrasted; the
this in its overtly religious dimension. Although YHWH's
former takes place in public in the countryside by daylight, the
active intervention in human life is acknowledged only twice
latter in the intimate privacy of a threshing floor by night.
(1:6; 4:13), the frequent invocation of the Name in blessing
affirms that he is in ultimate control. Yet this aspect is delib- C. Feminist readings. Although written from a female per-
erately muted; at times God seems not even 'in the shadows' spective and illustrative of the courage and resourcefulness
(Campbell 1975), and twice significant events are attributed to of a woman, it is merely speculative to suggest that a woman
chance (2:3; 3:18). Throughout it is a story of faithfulness was its author. Feminist commentators are divided in their
(hesed) human and divine. Each of the blessings invoked is appraisal of Ruth's character. For some she is an example of
fulfilled ultimately through human agency. strength and independence, for others she merely subserves a
2. The questions of date and purpose are interrelated. Un- male agenda, for in the end it is a man who makes the
certainty as to the one compounds the problems concerning decisions and a male child over whom the women rejoice
the other. Arguments can be adduced for both a pre-exilic and and with whom the future lies.
a post-exilic date. In neither case are they conclusive and the
D. Text. Fragments of four Hebrew MSS of the book of Ruth
matter remains unresolved. From a general consensus on
dating from the last century BCE and the first CE, found in
linguistic grounds that it belongs to the post-exilic period
caves 2 and 4 at Qumran, attest only slight variations from
and, despite its non-polemical tone, may have been a protest
theMT.
against the exclusivism of Ezra and Nehemiah, preference has
moved now to a pre-exilic date on the grounds that the alleged
Aramaisms are, with few exceptions, open to other explana- COMMENTARY
tions. Neither the fact that it is included among the megillot
(the five scrolls) in the third section of the Hebrew canon, nor (1:1-5) Th£ references to time and place (v. i) have a signifi-
comparison with the attitude to foreigners in the book of cance beyond the simply chronological and geographical.
Jonah, justifies assigning it to a late date. The setting of the They point to a time of anarchy (Judg 21:25) fr°m which
story in the period of the Judges, which accounts for its pos- Ruth's descendant, David, will deliver Israel, and to a foreign
ition in the Christian canon, is, however, clearly remote from land outside the covenant, yet within which God works out his
the author's own time (1:1; 4:7). If the concluding references to purpose. The contrast between Ruth, this Moabite heroine
David are original they provide a terminus a quo for its written through whom Israel's future is secured, and the Moabite
form and open the possibility that it may have had a political women who led Israel into idolatry on their journey into the
purpose in supporting David's claim to the throne, whether in promised land (Num 25:1—3), cannot have escaped either the
his or in Solomon's time (Hubbard 1988). The acceptance of author or the readers of this narrative. The intimate relation-
Moab as an appropriate refuge for a Judahite family, and of ship of Ruth and Boaz, with its promise of a glorious future for
Ruth as the wife of a prominent Israelite, suggests a time prior Israel under David, redeems the apostasy and degradation of
to the growth of the intense hostility represented by Deut the earlier incident.
23:3-6. Whatever its original purpose, its position in the From conventional beginnings with its focus on Elimelech
Christian canon introduces a note of hope after the negative and his sons, the narrative quickly becomes a woman's story.
anarchical tone of the end of Judges and restores woman, and Through bereavement and barrenness (v. 5) it appears as a
the male—female relationship, to an honourable position after story without a future. But the death of sons at the story's
the sordid, misogynist events of Judg 19-21. beginning is counterbalanced at the end by a son whose birth
3. In the HB the position of the book of Ruth varies. When it holds promise of a future, not only for the family concerned
immediately follows Proverbs Ruth herself is to be seen as an but for the nation (4:14—17).
example of the 'capable wife' ('eset hayil) of Prov 31. In Judaism (1:6—13) Naomi's initiative marks a new beginning. But the
the book of Ruth is associated with the harvest celebration real initiative is YHWH's in showing his care for his people by
of Pentecost, the biblical Feast of Weeks, and the giving of 'giving them food' (v. 6, in Hebrew an alliterative phrase, latet
the law. lahcm lahcm). This is the first of only two references in the
 i93 RUTH

whole narrative to YHWH's direct intervention in human life. story as it unfolds. Boaz is better described here as 'friend'
In both instances he acts to secure the future, first by the rather than 'kinsman', for modcf (a rare word) is not strictly a
provision of food, and second by the conception of a child kinship term but refers to acquaintance or familiarity (cf. Prov
(see 4:13). The sixfold repetition in this section of the verb 7:4, 'intimate friend'). The vocalized Hebrew text differs here
'return, turn back' (sub) indicates a keynote of these verses. from the consonantal text which indicates a more common
With v. 8 the dialogue begins. Naomi's command to her word of comparable meaning (meyudda'; cf. 2 Kings 10:11; Ps
daughters-in-law, 'Go back', is repeated in w. 11—12 in a 55:14). Boaz is bound to Naomi by friendship with Elimelech,
more peremptory way. The expression 'mother's house' is to as well as by ties of kinship as members of the same clan
be noted. It occurs elsewhere in contexts of love and marriage (mispaha), an intermediate grouping between the smaller
(cf Gen 24:28; Song 3:4; 8:2). In general, however, a widow family unit ('father's house') and the larger tribe. The phrase
returned to her father's house (Gen 38:11; Lev 22:13), but the translated 'a prominent rich man' (gibbor hayil) signifies, in
death of Ruth's father is not implied (cf. 2:11). Naomi's hori- some instances, a man of military prowess (Judg 6:12; i Sam
zons are restricted to the idea that 'security' (v. 9) is to be 16:18) as well as wealth (2 Kings 15:20). An element of phys-
found only in marriage, a thought which continues through ical prowess is not to be excluded too readily from this por-
w. 11—13. It is debatable whether or not the idea of levirate trayal of Boaz (cf. LXX, 'powerful in strength').
marriage (Lat. levir, 'brother-in-law'; see Deut 25:5-6) is pre- Ruth had for 10 years been the wife of an Israelite (1:4) yet
sent here. In a strict sense this was the responsibility of a dead still she is reckoned an outsider and designated as 'the Moab-
man's brother within a tightly knit family unit. Future sons of ite' (w. 2, 6). The situation at the beginning of ch. i is
Naomi's would be but half-brothers to the dead. Her words are reversed. It is Ruth now, not Naomi, who is a widow without
better understood as an outburst of hopeless despair and family in a foreign country. Thus she claims the right of the
possibly self-pity. The ambivalence of Naomi's character al- poor, enshrined in law, to glean at harvest (Lev 19:9-10).
ready becomes apparent. Does her instruction to her daugh- Ruth's arrival on Boaz's land (v. 3; the picture is of unfenced
ters-in-law arise from genuine concern for their future, or is it strips of land with various owners) is attributed to chance
a cynical rejection of them in despair? The alternatives turn on (miqreh). There is no overt intervention here by YHWH in
the meaning of the ambiguous v. I3b, whether it expresses the course of events (contrast 1:6), yet the frequent invocation
self-pity, 'it has been far more bitter for me than for you' of his name in blessing throughout the narrative (2:4; cf. 2:12,
(NRSV, taking the Hebrew preposition min to indicate com- 20; 3:10; 4:14) affirms his ultimate responsibility in human
parison), or altruistic concern, 'it is exceedingly bitter to me affairs. The greeting of v. 4 is a traditional one (see Ps 129:8).
for your sake' (RSV). YHWH is regarded as the source both of The nature of Boaz's question, 'To whom does this young
blessing as reward for meritorious action (v. 8), and of catas- woman belong?' (v. 5), reflects the assumptions of the patri-
trophe which, however, is not necessarily regarded as pun- archal society of the time. The answer identifies Ruth imper-
ishment (v. 20). sonally, not by name but by her foreign origins and her
(1:14-18) portrays the depth of Ruth's commitment to Naomi relationship to Naomi.
and to YHWH. The terminology of v. 16 is reminiscent of
(2:7) presents two difficulties, in v. ja an apparent disjunc-
marriage vows (cf. Gen 2:24) and of covenant making (Ex 6:7;
tion with the following narrative in v. 15; in v. 7b an exegetical
Lev 26:12). Ruth's action demands comparison with that of
problem arising from the ambiguity of the Hebrew. As re-
Abraham who left his homeland with promise of a future;
gards the latter, NRSV 'without resting even for a moment'
Ruth at this moment has no promise and no future. Naomi's
(following the LXX) is to be compared with REB 'she has
silence is significant. Nowhere does she respond to Ruth's
hardly had a moment's rest in the shelter' (a more literal
devotion. Ruth's allegiance to YHWH is signified by the form
rendering of the Heb.; cf. NIV). Either way Ruth's unstinting
of her oath (v. 17). Her use of the name YHWH here, and here
activity is emphasized. The former relates to her request to
only, implies renunciation of Chemosh, god of Moab, and the
glean 'among the sheaves' (v. ja, an advance on v. 2) which fits
aligning of herself with Israel.
awkwardly with v. 15 where this is clearly an outstanding
(1:19—22) The deficiencies of Naomi's character are exposed. privilege accorded to her by Boaz, not a matter of right. Sasson
She defines 'full' and 'empty' (v. 21) simply in terms of male (1989) attempts to resolve this difficulty by understanding
relatives. In fact, she left for Moab not 'full' but famine v. 7b, 'she has been on her feet from early this morning until
stricken; she returned to Israel not empty but with Ruth's now', to refer not to Ruth's untiring gleaning but to her patient
remarkable devotion. waiting for her request to be granted, a privilege outside the
The narrative in this chapter is skilfully structured and competence of the overseer and finally granted by Boaz him-
powerful in its simplicity. From famine (v. i) it moves to self only in v. 15. Two considerations, however, militate against
harvest (v. 22), from Moab to Bethlehem. It began with Elim- this view: (i) it is unrealistic to assume that a woman in Ruth's
elech; it ends with Naomi's story. There is both pathos and needy circumstances would refrain from gleaning in the cus-
irony. Despite Ruth's extraordinary avowal of loyalty to Naomi tomary way while requesting permission for an uncertain
and her God, choosing a future without promise or hope, she privilege; (2) it disregards the explicit statement that she
is ignored by Naomi and the townswomen in Bethlehem. She 'gleaned in the field behind the reapers' (v. 3). A possible
is still designated a foreigner (v. 22) even though it is with her solution consists in emending ba'omanm ('sheaves') in v. 7
that the future lies. to bffdmirim ('swathes'; cf. NEB), thus creating a clear dis-
(2:1—7) Th£ sequence of events is interrupted by a circum- tinction from v. 15. Some prefer to omit v. ja following the
stantial clause (v. i) which supplies details germane to the Vulgate and Syriac.
RUTH 194

(2:8-16) This section is dominated by the first encounter 'best clothes' (an interpretative rendering of 'cloak', simld)
between Ruth and Boaz, the main characters in the narrative. may suggest deliberate preparation as a bride (v. 3). There is
Ruth's status above that of a servant is acknowledged by Boaz a hint of unconscious irony in Naomi's words, '[Boaz] will tell
in relieving her of the menial task of drawing water (v. 9; the you what to do' (v. 4). In the event it is Ruth who tells Boaz
vessels would be either large clay pots or goatskins). Boaz's what to do (v. 9). In Naomi's eyes Ruth is merely passive and
protection of Ruth (v. 9), T have ordered the young men not to unquestioningly obedient; in her dealings with Boaz she
touch you', contains echoes of the divine protection afforded proves herself independent and resourceful (cf. 2:11).
to Sarah (Gen 20:6) and Rebekah (26:11). Ruth's response
plays on the verb 'acknowledge' (root n-k-r) and the noun (3:6—14) This dramatic scene is couched in tantalizingly ob-
'foreigner' (nokri), a category of persons distinct from the scure language, perhaps deliberately so. It is unclear whether
'resident alien' (ger) who had legal rights of protection within the expression 'uncover his feet' (w. 4, 8) implies sexual
the community. intercourse. That a threshing floor with its piles of grain
Boaz alone, in contrast to Naomi, appreciates the cost of afforded considerable privacy is evident from its use as a
Ruth's loyalty to her mother-in-law (v. n). The motif of reward haunt of prostitutes (Hos 9:1). Moreover the word 'feet' (ra-
(v. 12) has occurred already in 1:8. The figure of YHWH's glaim) occurs in some instances as a euphemism for 'genitals'
protective wings (kanap) derives either from bird imagery (cf. Isa 6:2). Yet the word used here signifies rather 'the place
(Deut 32:11; Isa 31:5), a figurative description of deities found of his feet' (margelot', see v. 14), hence the REB rendering, 'the
elsewhere in the ancient Near East, or from the cherubim in covering at his feet', is to be preferred to the NRSV. Never-
the sanctuary, symbolizing YHWH's presence, which pro- theless, sexual overtones are undoubtedly present both in the
vided a place of refuge in times of need (Ps 36:7; 57:1). The repeated use of the verb 'lie' (sakab, w. 4, 7, 8, 13, 14) and in
combining of YHWH's blessing and Boaz's favour in w. 12-13 Ruth's request, 'spread your skirt [literally "wings"; cf. 2:12]
is significant. Only YHWH can pay her 'wages in full' (mas- over your servant', a highly unconventional proposal of mar-
kurtek selemd; NRSV 'full reward'), but Boaz himself is to be riage (cf. Deut 22:30; 27:20; Ezek 16:8). Far from finding this
the agent of this blessing for under his 'skirts' (kanap) Ruth morally offensive, Boaz gives Ruth his blessing and reaffirms
will eventually find security (3:9). Behind Ruth's bland words the public regard for her as 'a worthy woman' (v. n, '(set hayil;
'you have... spoken kindly' (literally 'to speak to the heart', cf. P rov 31:10). Yet the unconventional nature of her behaviour
v. 13) lies a more ambivalent meaning; in some contexts this is implied by the secrecy which Boaz urges (v. 14). There is no
expression signifies the tender wooing of a lover (Hos 2:14). suggestion that Ruth is a woman of loose morals. Her action is
The narrative is rich in such ambiguities which foreshadow motivated by the fact that Boaz is 'next-of-kin' (go'el, v. 9).
the outcome of the story. The overwhelming generosity and This, however, raises acutely the question of the relation-
superabundance of Boaz's provision for Ruth (w. 14—16) is ship of the book of Ruth to OT law, for nowhere else in the OT
reminiscent of YHWH's unstinting provision for his people are the obligations of a go'cl said to include marriage. His
(Ps 81:10; cf also 1:6). duties were the restoration of property to his impoverished
kin and the redemption of their persons from slavery (Lev
(2:17-23) The picture in v. 17 is of grain beaten out with a stick
25:25, 47-9). The go'el's responsibility in the matter of Elim-
(cf. Judg 6:11). The weight of an ephah is unknown. Although
elech's property is not made specific until 4:3-4. The focus
a surprisingly large quantity to result from gleaning, it was
here appears to be solely on Ruth's marriage. Yet for the story
not more than Ruth could carry home—possibly, but by no
to have credibility Ruth's request must have appeared reason-
means certainly, about 25 kilos.
able. Indeed Boaz does not question it. It may be that, in
The most significant aspect of Boaz's relationship to Naomi
different areas, local practice varied and that the laws of
and Ruth is now disclosed (v. 20). He is a 'kinsman redeemer'
Leviticus were formulated in order to regulate the matter, or
(go'el; Lev 25:25, 47-9). v. 21 has a playful, humorous touch.
the term go'el is used here in a less technical sense. What is
Boaz's instruction, 'keep close to my young women' (v. 8),
involved here is not to be confused with levirate marriage, an
becomes on Ruth's lips, 'keep close to my young men'. Naomi
obligation imposed only upon the brother of a dead man and
responds with an appropriate warning!
then only in the case of brothers living together in a closely
The chapter's close marks the end of harvest (June) and the
knit family unit (Deut 25:5). Whereas the refusal to undertake
start of a new uncertain future. Where will provision be
the obligation of levirate marriage was regarded as a grave
found? Once again the initiative is Naomi's (cf. 1:6).
dereliction of duty (cf. Gen 38:14, 26; Deut 25: 7-10), this was
(ch. 3) Unlike chs. i and 2, ch. 3 has no public aspect. It begins not so in Ruth's case. Marriage to her was clearly a voluntary
and ends with private conversation between Ruth and Naomi, undertaking (v. 13).
and pivots on the intimate scene between Ruth and Boaz at The meaning of Boaz's statement in v. 10 is not entirely
the threshing floor. clear. The 'first instance' of Ruth's loyalty was her selfless
(3:1—5) Naomi continues her efforts to secure Ruth's, and with devotion in leaving homeland and family for Naomi's sake
it her own, future by the only means she understands, namely (2:11). 'The last instance', v. lob implies, relates to her single-
marriage (cf. 1:9). To this end she plans an extraordinary and minded commitment to build up Naomi's family by avoiding
entirely unconventional scheme, although whether from other relationships. On these grounds Boaz pledges himself
genuine concern for Ruth or from self-interest is unclear. to fulfil Ruth's request (v. n). With v. 12 (where there is a slight
Certainly its outcome is to her own advantage (4:15). The dislocation of the Heb.) an element is introduced into the
ambivalence of Naomi's character remains unresolved. The story of which neither Naomi nor Ruth appear to have been
instruction to Ruth to wash, perfume herself, and put on her aware, the existence of a yet closer relative.
 i95 RUTH

(3:15-18) The themes of emptiness and fullness, prominent group of elders (v. 2) and by the people (v. n). Ruth's relations
in Naomi's lament in 1:21, recur in these last verses. Naomi's with Boaz which began furtively and unconventionally are
physical emptiness is relieved, but this is but the prelude to publicly acknowledged. Theirs is no illicit liaison, and Ruth
the satisfying of her deeper need. Naomi had the first word in is no longer an outsider, the Moabite. Significantly the bles-
this chapter. Now she has the last word. Boaz's mention of the sing (v. n) compares her to Rachel and Leah, the mothers of
closer relative has introduced an element of uncertainty into the twelve tribes of Israel, v. 12 further associates her with
her carefully conceived plan. Once again the element of Tamar, like Ruth a foreigner who, by unconventional means,
chance is taken into account as she bids Ruth wait to see secured the future of a line threatened with extinction (Gen
'how the matter will fall' (v. 18). There is no overt reference 38). The clan named after her son Perez rose eventually to a
here to Yahweh's intervention or direction, implicit though it degree of prominence (Neh 11:4—6; i Chr 27:3). Is there a hint
has been in the several references to his name in blessing. The here that the speakers knew of Ruth's unconventional beha-
emphasis throughout falls on the human obligation to act viour at the threshing floor? Thus Ruth was not the first
according to loyalty (hesed). foreign woman with a place in the genealogy of the royal
(4:1-6) Action moves now from the private to the public Davidic line.
arena and hence to exclusively male participants and the (4:13—22) Now, for only the second time in the narrative,
arrival of the unnamed next-of-kin, known only as 'so-and- YHWH intervenes, this time in enabling Ruth to conceive
so' (peloni 'almoni), a deliberately shadowy figure. The area (cf. 1:6). Yet, from v. 14 to the end ofthe book, Ruth is relegated
inside the city gate, the traditional place for executing busi- to the shadows, regarded as little more than a surrogate
ness, is the scene of a double legal transaction, the redemption mother for Naomi's child. Although no longer termed 'the
of Elimelech's land and the marriage of Ruth. The exact Moabite' she is still an outsider. The story ends as it began
nature of the relationship between these two issues is unclear, with Naomi, empty through bereavement of husband and
and this uncertainty may perhaps account both for a slight sons, filled now by the birth 'to her' of a male child (v. 17).
dislocation in the Hebrew of v. 5 and, more significantly, for The identity ofthe go'el (v. 14) is ambiguous, referring perhaps
the disjunction between the consonantal text and its vocalized to Boaz through whom Naomi's future has been secured, or
form. The consonantal text is represented by the NRSV, 'The more probably, in view of v. 15, to the newborn child. A woman
day you acquire the field from the hand of Naomi, you are also still needs a male go'el. Yet the response ofthe women (v. 15)
acquiring Ruth the Moabite'; in contrast the vocalic text, re- puts the importance of sons in perspective; Ruth's love for
presented by the REB, reads, 'On the day you take over the Naomi is of more value than seven sons (cf. i Sam 1:8). But
field from Naomi, I take over the widow, Ruth the Moabite.' thereafter the focus is on Naomi and the child. Ruth is ig-
Either way, the mention of this young woman of child-bearing nored. The concluding genealogy is entirely male. Yet the
age complicates the situation. Up to this point mention had remarkable fact is that the title ofthe book bears Ruth's name.
been made only of Naomi (v. 3). Ruth's prospective child, Although the book of Ruth is often termed a love story, the
however, would inherit the land and thus disadvantage the only reference to 'love' occurs in v. 15, not between Ruth and
family of the unnamed kinsman. It is this new factor in the Boaz but between Ruth and Naomi, unreciprocated though it
situation that accounts for his sudden change of mind from was on the older woman's part. The women who shared
unqualified agreement (v. 4) to instant refusal (v. 6). Naomi's distress (1:19—21) share her joy, and, in the only
A number of unanswered questions remain: why did Ruth instance of its kind in the OT, name the child (v. 17). Elsewhere
glean as one of the landless poor if the family was already in this is a function ofthe parents alone.
possession of land, and why was the kinsman not aware of the Whether w. lyb and 18—22 are an original part of the
existence of property (cf. 2 Kings 8:3—6)? These are not the narrative is open to question. It is, however, arguable on
narrator's concern. literary grounds that the names of the genealogy form a
(4:7-12) Although the marriage in question does not accord counterpart to the tragic names of ch. i. From a tale of death
with the regulations of a strictly levirate marriage, its purpose, and bereavement they point to a glorious future. In the canon-
'to maintain the dead man's name on his inheritance' (w. 5, ical context their importance lies in giving the story a wider
10), is expressed in identical terms (lehaqim "sew, cf. Deut significance than the purely domestic, and in introducing the
25:7). Nevertheless there are striking differences between promise of hope after the despair with which the book of
the transaction described here and the procedures set out in Judges ends.
Deut 25:5—10. There the removal of the sandal by the rejected
widow, accompanied by spitting in the reluctant brother-
in-law's face, was a potent sign of his disgrace; here the REFERENCES
bestowal of the sandal by its wearer is the solemn confirma-
Campbell, E. F. (1975) Ruth (New York: Doubleday).
tion of a transaction. Hubbard Jr., R. L. (1988), The Book of Ruth, NICOT (Grand Rapids,
The amount of space proportionate to the whole narrative Mich.: Eerdmans).
which is devoted to this legal transaction emphasizes its im- Sasson, J. M. (1989), Ruth: A New Translation with a Philological
portance in the story. The agreement concerning both the Commentary and a Formalist-FolUorist Interpretation, The Biblical
property and the marriage is ratified by a properly constituted Seminar, 2nd edn. (Sheffield: JSOT).
 12. i and 2 Samuel GWILYM H . J O N E S

INTRODUCTION various approaches to the books of Samuel by textual critics

(for a summary see McCarter 1980).
A. Title. 1. In the Hebrew canon the books of Samuel were
2. A positive approach to the LXX can lead to an extensive
read as one continuous work, with only a very brief space
use of it to reconstruct what was the original Hebrew text
between the final words of the first and the beginning of the
before its emergence in the shorter version preserved in the
second. Their appearance as one work in Hebrew MSS was
MT. This was the approach initiated by Julius Wellhausen in
known to Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. 6. 25), Jerome (Prologus ga-
1871 and built upon by a succession of commentators. It was a
leatus), and Origen (quoted by Eusebius). This is the position
method of study that was not thrown off course when it was
reflected too in the Masoretic note at the end of 2 Samuel,
realized that a number of recensions of the Greek were in
which gives the sum total of verses as 1,506 and the middle
existence, each of different value and reliability. There was
verse as i Sam 28:24. Th£ simple title is 'Samuel'; if the title
confidence that from the surviving recensions an original
refers to content, it is only appropriate to the first half of the
Greek translation could be reconstructed; cases where this
first book, for David takes centre stage from then on; it is
reconstructed Greek text was superior to the Hebrew could
equally inappropriate if it is an indication of authorship, as
be distinguished from those where the Greek was merely
suggested by the Talmud (B. Bat. i^b), for it reports Samuel's
paraphrasing the original.
death at i Sam 25:1.
3. Taking a more negative attitude towards the LXX, it was
2. The division into two books was made by the LXX, which
claimed that the divergent readings of the LXX could not
gives them and the books of Kings the title basileion ('king-
confidently be used to reconstruct the Hebrew original. Other
doms'), with the books of Samuel designated as I and II and
reasons can be suggested for such divergences; most may be
the two books of Kings as III and IV. It may be that the
attributed to the wish of the Greek translators to correct the
conventional size scrolls used by Greek writers demanded
Hebrew or else to their practice of paraphrasing the Hebrew
such a division, and a fitting conclusion to the first half was
rather than translating it. Nor could it be assumed that it was
found in the report of the death of Saul in i Sam 31. The Latin
possible to recover the original Greek translation from the
accepted this division, but modified 'Kingdoms' to 'Kings'
various recensions available. Consequently a more wary atti-
(Regum). The division was first introduced into the Hebrew
tude towards the Greek was adopted, and serious questions
text with the publication of Daniel Bomberg's first edition of
were raised concerning its value for reconstructing the text of
the Hebrew Bible (Venice 1516—17).
the books of Samuel. As an example of this approach McCar-
3. 'Samuel' belonged with Joshua, Judges, and Kings to the
ter refers to P. de Boer's studies in 1938 and 1949.
section of the HB known as 'former prophets' (nlbi'im riso-
4. However, the position had to be reassessed with the
nim), a terminology used by the Bible itself (cf. Zech 1:4; 7:7).
discovery of Hebrew MSS of the books of Samuel in Cave 4
It is only to a limited extent that this section of the Bible is
at Qumran and in view of the work done on these fragments
concerned with prophets, but it was assumed in antiquity that
since 1952. The three relevant MSS are: 4QSama, containing
Samuel was the author of Judges and Samuel, and that further
fragments of most of i and 2 Samuel and dating from 50—25
material was added by Nathan and Gad (i Chr 29:29). Like-
BCE; 4QSamb, fragments of a small part of i Samuel and
wise, the books of Kings were attributed to Jeremiah (B. Bat.
dated in the third century BCE; 4QSamc, small fragments of
I4b-i5a). But the tradition of 'prophetic' authorship is no
i Sam 25 and 2 Sam 14—15 and dated in the first century BCE.
longer tenable.
The significance of these fragments is that the Hebrew text
B. Text. 1. The Hebrew text of the books of Samuel (MT) is in a preserved in them is generally at variance with the MT, but
poor state, evident mainly in the number and extent of its close to the LXX (cf. Cross I953»; 1955), and thus they give
haplographies, i.e. scribal omissions from the text caused by some confirmation to the more positive attitude towards
the use of identical consonants at the end of words or sen- the Greek text. Detailed comparisons have enabled textual
tences (known as homoiotdeuton). For examples, reference critics to be more precise in their reconstruction of the text
can be made to: i Sam 4:1/7, where the Greek text contains of Samuel. In many instances the Qumran fragments are
the additional words, 'And Eli grew very old, and his sons closer to the Lucianic MSS of the LXX (LXXL) than to the
continued to act more and more wickedly in the presence of Codex Vaticanus (LXXB)—not that the evidence of LXXB is
the LORD'; i Sam n, at the beginning of which 4QSama has a to be ignored, for it is fuller than the MT and in many ways
few lines of additional text; i Sam 17-18, where, in the account superior to it. Nevertheless, like the MT, it does suffer from
of David's contest with Goliath, the Greek text is shorter and extensive haplographies. The evidence of LXXL is especially
more consistent. Nevertheless, reference to the Greek text valuable for recovering the Hebrew text of Samuel, particu-
raises as many problems as it solves, for it has to be admitted larly when it is in agreement with the ancient Qumran
that some of the divergences between the MTand the LXX are fragments and is supported, as is frequently the case, by
not due to the Greek's preservation of the original, but may other ancient witnesses, such as the third century CE'S Old
have been caused by the tendency of the Greek to paraphrase Latin and Josephus's Jewish Antiquities (see further Ulrich
the Hebrew. A different evaluation of the Greek text has led to 1978; Tov 1979).
 197 I AND 2 S A M U E L
C. Composition. 1. On first appearance the books of Samuel before becoming attached to a narrative complex. The most
may give the impression of a well-organized composition influential study in this area was Rost's examination of the
dealing with three main characters, Samuel, Saul, and David. succession narrative in 2 Sam 9-10; i Kings 1-2 (1982).
But on a closer reading of the narrative, a number of discrep- Following the success of his approach other studies concen-
ancies, contradictions, and duplications become evident. trated on complexes such as the ark narrative (Campbell 1975;
Although Samuel seems to be the main character in the first Miller and Roberts 1977) and the story of David's rise (Gr0n-
block of narratives, he disappears completely from i Sam 4—6 baek 1971), and others again on shorter units.
only to be reintroduced again in i Sam 7. Two different inter- 4. The Ark Narrative. Narratives about the ark in i Sam
pretations of the movement to secure a king are evident in i 4:1/7—7:1 are taken as one unit because of their concentration
Sam 8—n; in some sections YHWH disapproves of the devel- on the fate of the ark during a particular period, their total
opment and it was contrary to his will that a king was chosen, exclusion of Samuel, who is the key figure in the surrounding
but in others the kingship, and Saul its first incumbent, gain chapters, and their distinctive vocabulary. Some have also
divine approval. There are a number of duplicates in both the included 2 Sam 6, recording the transportation of the ark to
Saul and David cycle of narratives. In the case of Saul, there Jerusalem, as a climax to the complex; there is, however, no
are two accounts of his rejection by YHWH (i Sam 13 and 15) general agreement on this, mainly because of the difficulties
and two again of David's introduction to his court (i Sam 16 caused by variations in nomenclature between i Sam 7:1 and 2
and 17). The Davidic cycle has double reports of his betrothal Sam 6:2-4.
to Saul's daughter (i Sam 18), his defection to the king of Gath 5. The historical setting suggests an early date for the ark
(i Sam 21 and 27) and his unwillingness to grasp the chance to narrative. The tenth century BCE has been proposed as a
kill Saul (i Sam 24 and 26). These features demand a con- possibility, with the pilgrims coming up to festivals in Jerusa-
sideration of the composition of the books. lem as the intended audience. Its purpose was to give them an
2. Continuous Strands. An approach that found favour outline of the ark's previous history. Others, whilst accepting a
among scholars of an earlier generation was to find in i and tenth-century date, find in the narrative an underlying theo-
2 Samuel evidence of continuous strata of material. It was an logical theme, namely YHWH's activity in the history of Israel
approach that was developed under the influence of Pentateu- (Campbell 1975) and by implication his power and invincibil-
chal criticism and its apparent success in identifying the main ity (Gordon 1986).
narrative strands combined to form the Pentateuch. Examples 6. An earlier date, taking the narrative back to the time of
of duplicate narratives, with their repetitions and deviations, Saul and David, has also been proposed (Miller and Roberts
naturally led to a search for strands or sources similar to the 1977). The main argument given in support is that an account
ones which had proved so successful in Pentateuchal source of the previous misfortunes of the ark would be unnecessary
criticism. The traditions in i Sam 8—n about the founding of a and irrelevant once David was on his way to be king in
monarchy provided a good starting-point for such an investi- Jerusalem. A date between the defeat at Ebenezer and the
gation. In the older strand in i Sam 9:1-10:16; n; 13-14 is bringing of the ark to Jerusalem has therefore been suggested.
found an account which takes a favourable attitude towards This issue has been made more complex by Miller and Rob-
the monarchy and is thought to be historically reliable. A later erts' proposal to connect other passages with the ark narrative,
account in i Sam 8:1-22; 10:17-27; 12; 15 is critical of the more especially the passages in ch. 2 which are critical of Eli
monarchy and is thought to reflect the theocratic view of the and his sons and therefore provide a reason for the defeat at
post-exilic period to such extent as to make it of little historical Ebenezer.
value. Moving from these parallel strands to other duplicate 7. An early date seems more appropriate for the ark narra-
narratives, attempts have been made to identify one strand as tive than the later date proposed by some investigators. To date
a continuation of the Pentateuchal J and the other as a con- some parts of it after the fall of Samaria in 722 BCE and others
tinuation of E; others found in the antimonarchial strand in the reign of Hezekiah in the late eighth or early seventh
traces of Deuteronomistic thinking. A fairly late example of centuries, and to interpret it as a narrative intended to combat
this line of thought is found in Otto Eissfeldt's Introduction the tide of Assyrian religious beliefs and practices (Schickl-
(1965), where it is argued that in atleast i Samuel there is an E berger 1973), divorces it entirely from the historical setting to
sequence almost without gaps. Because this sequence was by which it belongs. So too does the emphasis on its timelessness
nature a reshaping of an earlier secular presentation, it fol- and therefore its possible relevance to those in the Babylonian
lows by implication that there was an original continuous exile (Timm 19 6 6). On the contrary, it is best understood as an
strand which betrayed the marks of the Pentateuchal J stra- ancient independent unit which eventually found its way into
tum. Although Eissfeldt's work appeared in its third German the books of Samuel (cf also Gordon 1986).
edition in 1964, he was by then out of step with the general 8. The Founding of the Monarchy. As noted above, the
trend of OT literary criticism, which had abandoned the idea presence of duplicate accounts of the founding of the mon-
that continuous strata could be traced in the books of Samuel, archy in i Sam 8-n was one of the main reasons for finding in
and with that the possibility of identifying them as a continua- Samuel a continuation of Pentateuchal sources. With the
tion of Pentateuchal strands. abandonment of that approach an alternative method of deal-
3. Independent Units. A different and more acceptable ing with these chapters had to be sought. The contrast be-
approach is to posit that the books attained their present tween pro-monarchial and antimonarchial attitudes cannot
form after the combination of a number of independent be missed; it must also be observed that they have been set
narrative units, some long and some short. Many of the side by side and allowed to intertwine; however, the placing of
narratives had a previous existence as independent pieces an antimonarchial section at the beginning of the complex
I AND 2 S A M U E L 198

(8:1-22) and another at its end (12:1-25) is a dear indication of concluding sections have been proposed is not in itself a
the sentiment of the final editor. sufficient reason for doubting the existence of the History.
9. These features have been given a different interpretation 13. Unquestionably the impression gained is that an author
in recent studies. First, instead of searching for evidence in has brought together material relating to David's advance to
support of Pentateuchal sources there is a tendency to find the the throne and has worked it around a dominant theme. Its
origin of individual narratives at different centres. Some, such obvious aim was to demonstrate that David was the legitimate
as 8:1—22, originated at Ramah, others, such as 10:17—27, at successor of Saul as king of all Israel and that he gained the
Mizpah; some again, such as 11:1-25, obviously preserve an- throne lawfully by respecting 'the LORD'S anointed' and not
cient semi-historical material (see Weiser 1962). Secondly, taking any of the many chances given to him to usurp the
there has been a shift of opinion regarding the priority of the throne. This latter point is made clear in the two accounts of
two different attitudes towards the monarchy. Instead of tak- David's refusal to take Saul's life (i Sam 24 and 26); the same
ing the pro-monarchial strand as older and more reliable than point is brought out again in the emphasis on David's non-
the antimonarchial, which was later and reflects a post-exilic com plicity in the deaths of Saul (i Sam29:i—n),Abner (2 Sam
view of the institution, it is now claimed that the antimonar- 3:28—39), and Ishbaal (2 Sam 4:9—12), as it is in Abigail's
chial stance was a natural immediate reaction towards such specific statement to this effect in i Sam 25:30-1. David be-
an innovation (cf Ishida 1977; Criisemann 1978). Thirdly, the haved honourably on all these occasions, and it is impossible
nature of the opposition to the monarchy in these chapters to support the view that he was an opportunist engaged in
has been reassessed. One contention is that the antimonar- guerrilla warfare against Saul and joining with bands of mal-
chial sections were not absolutely opposed to the monarchy contents to usurp the throne (as argued by Ishida 1977; cf.
but to particular forms of monarchy, especially those en- Gordon 1984 for a refutation of this argument).
croaching upon the sovereignty of YHWH (Boecker 1969; 14. A tenth-century date for this History has been sug-
cf. Birch 1976). gested; a justification of David's conduct as he was moving
10. It does not concern us at this point to decide how the towards the throne was perhaps necessary in the reign of
monarchy was founded, nor to attempt a description of the Solomon, when a Saulide faction was in danger of threatening
historical circumstances leading to the election and anointing the unity of the kingdom. It has been suggested that a mem-
of Israel's first king. But, as far as the composition of the books ber of Solomon's court prepared the history and deliberately
of Samuel is concerned, what is envisaged is that a number of took a positive attitude towards the Saulides. Not quite as
traditions about the early beginnings were available at differ- convincing is the proposal to date it in the early years of the
ent key centres, each reflecting the interests of its particular divided kingdom, soon after Solomon's death, and to give it
centre. When they were brought together into this complex, the specific aim of supporting Davidic and Jerusalemite
they were set side by side without any apparent awareness of claims to supremacy over 'all Israel'.
the contradiction involved. 15. The comparison made recently between the History and
11. The History of David's Rise. The extensive collection of the thirteenth-century BCE 'Apology of Hattushilish' throws an
narratives in i Sam 16—31 has been designated as 'The History interesting light on the history of the genre (McCarter 1980).
of David's Rise', whose theme is the advance of David under Hattushilish, a Hittite king, after absolute allegiance to his
the guidance of YHWH, a theme supported by its counterpart, predecessor, finally usurped the throne when his life was in
namely that Saul had lost divine favour and was no longer danger. In his revolt he was assisted by the goddess Ishtar who
competent to rule (cf. Gr0nbaek 1971). Although Saul is pre- had promised him the throne. Similarly David had been
sent throughout these chapters, interest focuses on David, faithful to Saul until he was finally compelled to leave court;
and the story of his rise to power, from his initial anointing he too came to the throne because YHWH had promised it to
at Bethlehem by Samuel until his acceptance as king over him. In both versions it was divine will that finally decided the
Israel in Jerusalem, is traced step by step. issue of succession.
12. There are some uncertainties about this History. Its 16. The Succession Narrative. L. Rost's (1926) study of the
natural starting-point is with Samuel's commission to find a succession narrative identified 2 Sam 9-20; i Kings 1-2 as a
successor for Saul (i Sam 16:1); but alternative starting-points separate unit that was mainly concerned with the issue of
have been proposed. Some have argued against the inclusion succession to David's throne. It is an issue that is given full
of the report of David's anointing in 16:1—13, mainly because expression in i Kings 1:20, and the narrative as a whole is
no other reference to his anointing is found in the History, concluded with the statement in i Kings 2:46 that 'the king-
and furthermore because it is Saul that is consistently called dom was established in the hand of Solomon'. Other possible
'God's anointed'. Others have taken the starting-point back to candidates for the throne have been dismissed one by one
15:1. Likewise there is disagreement about the History's con- until the final scene portrays the contest between the two last
clusion. A suitable climax is provided by the account in 2 Sam candidates, Adonijah and Solomon.
5:1-10 of David's occupation of Jerusalem. But arguments 17. There are no real grounds for disagreement about the
have been presented for including other sections within the conclusion of the succession narrative, despite the attempts to
History, most notably the account of David's victories over the take i Kings 1—2 with the Solomonic corpus which follows
Philistines in 2 Sam 5:17-25 in fulfilment of the promise in 2 rather than the Davidic section which precedes. Another view
Sam 3:18, and also 2 Sam 6:1-23 because oflinguistic similar- that has been taken is that the original corpus was a Court
ities to 5:17-25. Also included by some is Nathan's oracle in 2 History of Davidic times, upon which was superimposed the
Sam 7, which seems to be presupposed by 2 Sam 3:9—10 and theme of succession when i Kings 1—2 was added to it (Flana-
5:2. However, the fact that such a variety of opening and gan 1972). There is more room for disagreement about the
 199 I AND 2 S A M U E L
specific point at which the narrative begins. It can be argued this corpus of material is too closely integrated with the re-
that the promise to David in 2 Sam 7 is an appropriate intro- mainder of the narrative in Samuel—Kings to be separated and
duction to a section concerned about the succession (Jones treated as an entity. He finds in the narrative 'recollections' of
1990). Links have been noted too with the bulk of 2 Sam 2-4 previous sections as well as thematic and verbal similarities to
(Gunn 1976), possibly with 5:1-3 and also with 6:16, 20-3; but other parts of Samuel—Kings. Rejecting the term 'succession
the case for connecting these sections with the corpus is not as narrative', he finds the schema 'David under the blessing' (2
convincing as is the one for connecting 2 Sam 7. Strict adher- Sam 2—5) and 'David under the curse' (2 Sam 9—24) adequate
ence to the theme of succession helps to eliminate some of to deal with the Davidic corpus of tradition.
these sections. 20. Whatever difficulties may arise in connection with such
18. Giving it the title Court History raises the question of terms as 'court history' and 'succession narrative', it is clear
the character of this complex of narratives. A court history that a block of tradition reaches its climax with the statement
must be envisaged as a document giving an account of events in i Kings 2:46, which causes a break between it and what
which keeps as faithfully as possible to their course, and follows. Although the succession of Solomon to the throne
would depend possibly on some records, and definitely on gives a general indication of the theme of that section, the
recollections of eyewitnesses. Eyewitness accounts would concept of 'succession narrative', as originally defined, may
have been possible here if the History is dated in the period well have to be modified. But it is conceivable that during the
of the Solomonic Enlightenment which came soon after the early years of Solomon the events leading to his accession to
events described. Consequently it has won acclamation as 'the the throne were recorded. It may be that the unease caused by
oldest speciment of ancient Israelite historical writing' and as the executions of i Kings 2:39 prompted the writing of a
'genuine historical writing' (von Rad 1966). Nevertheless, the political tract to show that Solomon was the legitimate heir.
validity of the term 'history' has been doubted. Reports of Its contents suggest that it emerged from court circles.
private scenes and conversations suggest that some of its
contents are more akin to court gossip than to reliable history. D. The Deuteronomistic History. 1. The final compilation of the
Its interest in personalities rather than in the political impli- books of Samuel, like that of Joshua, Judges, and Kings, with
cation of events, its lack of reference to the international which they formed a corpus, is generally attributed to a Deu-
scene, and the absence of citation of sources and of chron- teronomistic author or authors. The complex, covering the
ology have led to the judgement that, whilst using historical period from the death of Moses (Deut 34) to the account of
facts and possessing a historical theme, it cannot be classified Jehoiachin's favourable treatment in exile in 561 BCE; (2 Kings
as historical writing (Whybray 1968). Although the author 25:27-30), is generally known as the Deuteronomistic History
displays remarkable narrative skill, his work is more a (see Noth 1943). Without surveying the long and complex
historical novel. Admittedly all the characteristics of a good debate about the Deuteronomistic History, the position can
novel are present: a theme, division into scenes, artistic struc- be generally stated as follows: in Joshua-2 Kings is found a
ture, use of dialogue, portrayal of characters, and mastery of presentation of history according to a single line of interpreta-
style. But to consider it as a novel, or a 'work of art and tion; there are links of language and thought between these
entertainment' (Gunn 1978), fails to do justice to its aim and books and the Deuteronomic law and its accompanying
purpose. There are good reasons for placing it in the category speeches in the book of Deuteronomy (see Weinfeld 1972);
of political propaganda. despite its influence on subsequent studies, Noth's concept of
19. The aim and purpose of the complex thus becomes an a single Deuteronomistic historian (Noth 1943) presented too
issue. As noted, its aim has been described as seeking to simple a view of the history; similarly the idea of a double
demonstrate the legitimacy of Solomon's accession to the redaction, one working before the Exile, soon after 621 BCE,
throne and to justify the elimination of his opponents. The and the other in the Exile, after 561 BCE (see Nelson 1981), also
narrative's aim is to make a point. Works disseminating polit- presents too simplistic a picture of compilation; a more pro-
ical propaganda were known in the days of Solomon; Egyp- longed and complex development, reflecting continuing ac-
tian precedents also sought to legitimize claims to the throne, tivity by a Deuteronomic school or circle, has found support
such as the claims of Amenemhet in the Prophecy of Neferty because it attempts to do justice to both the unity and diversity
and the claims of Sesostris in the Instruction of Amenemhet found in the Deuteronomistic History (see Jones 1984).
(Whybray 1968; Mettinger 1976). Doubts have been raised, 2. It must be recognized, however, that the contribution of
however, regarding its designation as 'succession narrative' the Deuteronomists to the final form of the books of Samuel is
and also the definition of its aim as legitimizing Solomon. less pronounced than their part in fashioning Judges and
Against the former it has been pointed out that succession is Kings. The exploits of the 'judges' were presented within the
not the dominant issue in most of these chapters, especially in Deuteronomists' own rigid formula; likewise they imposed
2 Sam 13-20 (Conroy 1978; Gunn 1978); against the latter a their own structure on their presentation of the kings of Israel
case has been made for seeing an anti-Solomonic tendency in and of Judah, sometimes including very little material within
i Kings i—2 and anti-Davidic elements in 2 Sam 10—12. Many their standard formulae. Evidence of such a domineering
of the discussions of purpose are combined with complex structuring is absent from the books of Samuel. A possible
analyses of the Deuteronomistic History into editions by suc- reason is that the blocks of tradition mentioned above were
cessive redactors, with the various editions modifying the complete narratives in themselves, and because they more or
view taken of David and Solomon. For such reasons some less subscribed to the Deuteronomistic viewpoint there was
have been inclined to abandon altogether the concept of 'suc- very little need for editorial activity. A full list of verses which
cession narrative'. Carlson (1964), for instance, claims that can be regarded as Deuteronomistic annotations is given by
I AND 2 S A M U E L 200

McCarter (1980; (i Sam); 1984 (2 Sam)). In some places in i brought all this material together by means of redactional
Samuel relatively lengthy additions have been made to the links and editorial expansions, and gave the material an anti-
text, such as the polemic against a non-Jerusalemite priest- monarchial slant, has been challenged. Weiser (1962) saw in
hood in i Sam 2:27-36; 3:11-14, or the interpolation to Abi- this antimonarchial stratum an earlier, pre-Deuteronomistic,
gail's speech at i Sam 25:28-31 with its anticipation of some prophetic layer. Although Weiser refused to think of this layer
sections in Nathan's oracle, i Sam 12 is certainly Deuterono- as a literary unit, others have seen in it evidence of a complete
mistic, for Samuel's speech is reckoned to be one of the ora- pre-Deuteronomistic edition of Samuel which had originated
tions included by the Deuteronomist to mark one of the in prophetic circles (cf Birch 1976). McCarter (1980) has
important milestones in Israelite history. A review of Israel's accepted that there was a pre-Deuteronomistic structure be-
past history, when God performed some of his mighty acts on longing to a middle or penultimate stage of tradition and
behalf of his people, serves to emphasize that the monarchy having its own characteristics or slant. It is further claimed
was an unwelcome development. Other annotations are very that it was this prophetic history that gave the first edition of
brief and have been inserted in order to incorporate material Samuel its basic shape; beyond the negative portrayal of king-
into the Deuteronomistic History, such as YHWH's reply in i ship as a concession, it sought to set out the essential elements
Sam 8:8 or notices about Saul's kingship at i Sam 13:1—2; of the new institution from a prophetic perspective. Its point
14:47-51. Similarly in 2 Samuel, some interpolations are of view was distinctly northern. McCarter accepted too that the
more significant than others, such as the ones in the report origin of Deuteronomic law and theology was to be found in
of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam 7:12/7—130, 22—4), which make northern prophetic circles (cf. Nicholson 1967) and that the
the prohibition of a temple only temporary and typically occur intermediate prophetic stratum can therefore quite easily be
on an important historical occasion. Less significant ones are called 'proto-Deuteronomic'.
in the form of formulaic introductions to the reigns of kings, 3. Another approach associates the prophetic viewpoint
such as 2 Sam 2:ioa, n; 5:4—5. with a later rather than earlier stage in the history of tradition.
3. Deuteronomistic editing, although only slight, served to The view taken by Dietrich (1972) and Veijola (1975; 1977) is
give expression to some theological themes which were im- that three layers of Deuteronomistic tradition succeeded one
portant in the eyes of the Deuteronomists. Among these are another in the following order. First of all came a basic histor-
the primacy of the Jerusalem temple and the Davidic cov- ical work (DtrH), whose intention was to present one great
enant, which stands out in contrast to the earlier period of history of God's dealings with his people. It was composed
disobedience to God's will and the later period which similarly soon after 587 BCE, possibly at Mizpah, and probably knew
deserved an unfavourable judgement. The Deuteronomists nothing of the fate of king Zedekiah after his transportation to
had a very positive view of the dynastic promise to David; on Babylon. Secondly came a redaction which included prophet-
its basis they held out a hope for the restoration and renewal of ical texts (DtrP) and sought to emphasize the importance of
the Davidic dynasty in the future. Connected with this hope the prophetic role and the function of the divine word in
was their emphasis on repentance; a return to God would save history. It has been dated between 580 and 560 BCE and
them from Philistine oppression (2 Sam 7:3), and the real connected with Judah, probably Jerusalem. Finally came a
basis for future security was a confession of wrong and the nomistic redaction (DtrN) containing law-oriented additions
continuation of their relationship with YHWH (i Sam 12:19- which brought out more clearly the place of the law. It has
24). The presence of these themes in 1-2 Samuel is sufficient been ascribed to the period immediately after the rehabilita-
evidence of some Deuteronomistic editing. tion of Jehoiachin in 561 BCE. Admittedly, the views of Dietrich
and Veijola have not been generally or enthusiastically re-
E. A Prophetic History. 1. It cannot be denied that the history ceived, and they have been accused of classifying texts accord-
given in 1-2 Samuel, especially in the sections relating to the ing to subject-matter rather than producing firm evidence of
foundation of the monarchy, is prophetic in perspective and redactional activity. Nevertheless, it is an interpretation that
therefore very critical of the monarchy. In these sections the has the advantage of being able to hold together two different
figure of Samuel dominates. He appears in i Sam 1—7 as an emphases: on the one hand it gives full recognition to the
ideal prophetic leader, and for that reason the move towards a unified theological outlook of the history, and on the other it
kingship is presented as an act of folly and of unfaithfulness to allows for the various emphases being brought out in differ-
God. Even after the founding of the monarchy, the prophet ent redactions. The idea of continuous activity by a 'Deuteron-
still had a role; Samuel remained as an intercessor between omic school' gives room for unity and diversity.
God and people and had the task of condemning Saul's king- 4. Whichever of these approaches finds favour, it is accepted
ship because of his disobedience. As the narrative proceeds, without question that at some stage or other prophetical
David is presented as the man chosen by YHWH. This is interests and emphases found expression in the Deuteron-
established as the ideal of Israelite kingship—the king was omistic History. The work cannot be read without observation
YHWH's chosen, but he was subject to prophetic authority, of a very pronounced prophetic slant in many of its narratives.
for the prophet had a hand in choosing, anointing, and in-
structing the king. This prophetic perspective cannot be ig- F. Outline
nored. Samuel (i Sam 1:1—4:10)
2. One approach to this question is to argue that at a pre- The Ark Narrative (i Sam 4:1/7-7:1)
Deuteronomistic stage of the tradition the narratives were Moving towards a Monarchy (i Sam 7:2-15:35)
placed together to form a 'prophetic history'. Noth's (1981) Saul and David (i Sam 16:1— 2 Sam 1:27)
idea of a Deuteronomistic editor, who for the first time The Kingship of David (2 Sam 2—8)
 201 I AND 2 S A M U E L
Succession to David's Throne (2 Sam 9-20) Embedded in these traditions is Hannah's song (2:1-10),
Appendices (2 Sam 21—4) which, like other Hebrew psalms, celebrates a victory granted
by God. As noted from NRSV's footnotes, the MT is not
satisfactory and the LXX and 4QSama must be consulted to
obtain a better version. The theme is clear: the singer has been
COMMENTARY exalted by God and exults in this good fortune. To emphasize
i Samuel God's work comes a series of contrasts: the mighty and the
feeble (v. 4), the full and the hungry (v. 5), the barren and
Samuel (1:1-4:10.) the mother of children (v. 6), the faithful and the wicked (v. 9).
(1:1—2:10) Samuel's Birth and Dedication Samuel, the last of God's absolute power is celebrated (w. 6—8, 10). It is appro-
the judges and the maker of Israel's first two kings, is pre- priate in its context, for the reference to the barren bearing
sented as a significant person in this account of the extraor- children in v. 5 connects it with Hannah, and the reference to
dinary circumstances surrounding his conception and birth. 'king' and 'anointed' in v. 10 links it with its wider context in
Although his father came from an old, prestigious stock in which the rise of Samuel was to lead to the anointing of
Ramah (v. i) in the land of Zuph (see 9:5—6), Elkanah's first Israel's first king.
wife was childless and he had decided to take a second wife (cf The reference to 'king' in v. 10 raises the question of date.
Gen 16:1-4). There was inevitable tension and rivalry between The song itself betrays a number of affinities with early pre-
the two women, with Hannah being constantly provoked and monarchial Hebrew psalmody (Deut 32; Ex 15; Judg 5; 2 Sam
distressed; this provided a perfect scene for a miraculous 22; and Ps 113). See Albright (1968), Willis (1973), and Wright
intervention and the subsequent contrast between her humili- (1962). Possible ways of dealing with this reference are: to
ation and ultimate triumph. These events are connected find here an allusion to early rulers, such as Abimelech; to
with Shiloh, where Elkanah and his family attended annually date the song to the late years of Samuel when Israel had a
for a feast (Judg 21:19—24), and where Hannah, whose plight king; to regard v. lob as a later addition. Whichever solution is
was made more obvious when she received only one portion accepted, a reference to 'king' suits a narrative depicting the
of the sacrifice (v. 5), came into contact with Eli the high priest. decline of Shiloh and the rise of the Samuel-Saul-David re-
Worship at Shiloh, one of the most important sanctuaries and gime. Like 2 Sam 22, it truly represents Israel's royal ideology.
the home of the ark (3:3), was regulated by Eli and his two
unworthy sons. The second main contrast introduced in the (2:11-36) The Depravity of the House of Eli After describing
narrative is that between the corrupt priesthood of Shiloh and the total depravity of Hophni and Phinehas (w. 11-26), this
the ideal prophet Samuel. Although the narrator emphasizes section describes the visit of a man of God to Eli to deliver an
the themes suggested by these two contrasts, his account oracle of doom (w. 27—36). Like other levitical priests, Eli's
contains obvious legendary elements (as in the accounts of sons bore Egyptian names. But the main interest is in depict-
the births of Isaac and Samson). ing their evil ways, which stand in contrast to Samuel's ex-
Another element introduced into the narrative is Hannah's emplary behaviour. Several short statements about Samuel
vow to dedicate the son requested as a nazirite (v. n). The MT are introduced (w. n, 18, 19, 26); he is ministering before
refers to only one feature of the nazirite vow, leaving the hair YHWH and gaining in maturity and favour. But the sons of Eli
uncut, but the longer text of the LXX, to some extent sup- are unfaithful ministers. This is a further development of the
ported by 4QSama, includes an undertaking to abstain from theme introduced in ch. i, the contrast between the corrupt
strong drink (Num 6:1—21; Judg 13:5, 7). The actual dedication priesthood of Shiloh and the ideal prophet Samuel.
is reported in w. 21-8. On his annual visit to Shiloh Elkanah The malpractices at Shiloh are noted in w. 13-17. The
paid his vow, which may have been related to Samuel's birth, priests took more than their share of the offering. Although
but Hannah delayed her visit until the child had been weaned receiving only what was forked from the pot suggests trust in
and then took him to Shiloh to 'abide there forever'. 4QSama providence, it is clear that they took more than their due. A
makes it quite clear that she was dedicating him as a nazirite. reconstructed text based on 4QSama suggests that they took
Votive offerings were brought, a 'three-year old bull' (with meat in addition to 'the breast for wave-offering and the right
4QSama and LXX in preference to the MT's 'three bulls') thigh', which belonged to them by right (Lev 7:31,32). Another
accompanied by flour and wine (Num 15:8—10). See Willis malpractice was their insistence, on taking by force if neces-
(1972). sary, a piece of meat before the fat was burnt off, for the fat
There is a repeated wordplay on s-'-l—(to ask, request)— belonged to the Lord (Lev 7:22-5).
'what you have asked of him' (v. 17 REB), T have asked him' Whereas his sons were corrupt, Eli himself was old and
(v. 20), 'what I asked' (v. 27 REB), 'he is given' (v. 28). Although unable to check them. They were guilty of prostitution with
such wordplays appear in birth narratives, it is obvious that female sanctuary assistants, and were possibly resorting to a
what occurs here is more appropriate to Saul (cf. la' ul, v. 28) Canaanite practice of cultic prostitution (Num 25:6-15). It is
than to Samuel, which is taken to suggest that the story about interesting that the reference to prostitution is absent from the
the birth and dedication of a nazirite belonged originally to LXX and 4QSama, which may suggest that it was a later addi-
Saul but was secondarily applied to Samuel. Saul is closer tion. They did not respond to the pleading of their aged father,
than Samuel to another nazirite, Samson (Judg 16). See more who accepted that they were beyond human intercession.
fully Dus (1968), and for an opposite view Gordon (1984: 23- Samuel in contrast was gaining in favour and maturity, for
4). The account of Samuel's birth is thus a combination ofthe his ministry was acceptable to God (w. n, 18). According to
Shiloh/Eli traditions with the nazirite/Saul traditions. priestly custom he wore a linen ephod (i Sam 22:18), and his
I AND 2 S A M U E L 202

mother used to make him an outer garment. Hannah was (w. 9—10). But once God had spoken and given Samuel the
rewarded for her faithfulness with a family of five children. oracle of w. 11—14, Samuel became more powerful than Eli
Although the narrative brings out clearly the contrast between and spoke the oracle of doom over his house. It is an oracle
the Elides and Samuel, it may not have been originally in- that confirms the words of the man of God in 2:27-36: the
tended to describe Samuel's rise. Possibly it was an introduc- house of Eli will fall because of the iniquity of his sons and his
tion to the ark narrative and showed why YHWH rejected own inability to check them. Eli accepted God's verdict (v. 18).
Shiloh and departed from Israel (Willis 1971). Samuel was no longer a boy, but a powerful person whose
An oracle against the house of Eli was spoken by 'a man of words were fulfilled and whose position as a prophet was
God' (w. 27-36), an anonymous figure (i Kings 13:1-13), who acclaimed. For a time Samuel was associated with Shiloh,
took the role of a prophet and pronounced words of doom. It but before long that centre was to be stripped of its pre-
may be that the introduction of an anonymous spokesman eminence.
was a literary device whereby the Deuteronomistic historian
gave his own judgement. The Aaronide house of Eli is about to The Ark Narrative (4:^-7:1)
fall, despite the self-revelation of God in Egypt to his family The narrative now focuses on the ark; Samuel disappears
(Moses) and the election of this house to perform all priestly from the scene, Eli and his sons are mentioned only briefly
duties, such as offering incense, wearing the ephod, and (4:4/7, 12-22) and there is little interest in Shiloh. It is gener-
accepting gift-offerings. It is rejected on the basis of the ally accepted that the ark narrative (4:1/7—7:1; 2 Sam 6) is a self-
charges brought in w. 15—16; the choicest parts of the sacri- contained literary entity recording the fortunes of the ark until
fices, belonging to the Lord, had been taken and Eli had its installation in Jerusalem (Rost 1926); there is no need to
shown himself unable to prevent this. God's promise of a attach to it sections about the sons of Eli from chs. 1-3 (as by
perpetual priesthood to the house of Eli is now rescinded Willis 1979 and Miller and Roberts 1977). The main theme of
because the conditions had not been met. Although Eli him- this theological narrative is the power of YHWH as it was
self will be spared the ultimate downfall, the death of his two invested in 'the ark of the covenant of God'; this point is
sons will give him a sure sign of what is coming (v. 34). missed if it is interpreted only as a cult myth showing how
Allusions to the fate of the priesthood are seen in w. 33-5: the Shilonite cultic object was transferred to Jerusalem (Rost),
the slaughter of the house of Eli refers to the massacre of the or as a polemic against the Assyrian plague-god Nergal-
priests of Nob; the one spared was Abiathar (i Sam 22:20); Resheph (Schicklberger 1973), or a reflection on the end of
the faithful priest given a sure house is Zadok (i Kings 2:35); an epoch in Israel's history (Campbell 1975). As noted above
the impoverished priests were the non-Zadokites living out- (0.4-7), there is reason to date the narrative soon after the
side Jerusalem and playing only a minor role after the Josianic events described, sometime in the tenth century BCE. For a
reform (2 Kings 23:9). See McCarter (1980). fuller discussion see Gordon (1984: 30—9).
Although the narrative in i Sam 1-2 presents a contrast
(4:1^-22) The Capture of the Ark The Philistines appear on
between Samuel and the house of Eli, the oracle in w. 27-36
the scene without introduction (see OCB). According to the
introducesanothermajorthemebelongingtothe Deuteronom-
longer Greek text they were responsible for engaging Israel in
istic History, namely that the true priesthood was the Zado-
battle, and the position of the two camps at Ebenezer and
kite one of Jerusalem.
Aphek in the southern end of the plain of Sharon indicates
(3:1-4:10) Samuel is Called Samuel is now set within the that they were intent on gaining land further north, which was
tradition of the great prophets, for this narrative, despite also of interest to the Israelites in their movement westwards.
some formal variations, belongs to the genre of prophetic- This reflects a recurring position until their ultimate defeat by
call narratives (Isa 6; Jer 1:4—10; Ezek 1:1—3:16). Samuel will David. Israel was conquered twice; on the first occasion the
now be acting as God's mouthpiece (see Newman 1962). enemy's success was due to God's decision 'to put us to rout
Dream theophanies were not uncommon in the ancient today' (v. 3), and on the second occasion it occurred despite
Near East, and elements from that genre have been preserved God's presence in battle (v. 7). The ark is also introduced
here (Gnuse 1982). into the narrative without explanation (see OCB), but it is
However, the narrative in its present context elaborates the known from such passages as Num 10:35—6 and 2 Sam 11:11
contrast between Samuel and the house of Eli and brings it to that it was given an important place in Israel's battles. It
a climax. It was in a period when divine oracles were infre- was the visible sign of God's presence and designated his
quent and visions out of the ordinary that Samuel received his covenant with his people and his enthronement in majesty
call-vision. Thus is introduced the theme of the whole chapter, on the cherubim. Although it was brought out to secure
namely the difference between the old regime and the new victory and was greeted with a battle-cry (v. 5), Israel was
(Fishbane 1982). Under the former, Samuel was a boy assist- defeated. No explanation is given for such calamity, but v. n
ant in the temple, where he lived night and day in order to (recalling 2:34) attributes it to the degenerate priesthood of
perform his duties; he was under Eli's supervision, for despite Shiloh.
his failing physical condition he was still in charge. But these Two speeches are included in the narrative, both acknow-
respective positions were changed dramatically with the call- ledging the power of YHWH. After the first defeat the elders
vision, which shifted the seat of power. Even then Eli was of Israel advised the people to bring the ark 'that he may come
presiding for a limited period, for Samuel 'did not yet know among us and save us' (v. 3). When the ark came the Philis-
the LORD' and mistook his voice for that of Eli. It was Eli who tines felt helpless against 'the power of these mighty gods'
instructed Samuel and gave him the right words of response (w. 7-9). Although the Philistines, according to this account,
 203 I AND 2 S A M U E L
regarded the Israelites as worshippers of several gods, they Although they are called 'guilt offering' ('asam), they had a
were aware of the Exodus tradition. double function: as sacrifice they would ensure that YHWH
News of Israel's defeat was brought to Eli (w. 12—23), wh° would 'lighten his hand', and as gifts they were regarded
was more concerned about the ark than anything else (v. 13). It as a compensatory tribute to YHWH. The Exodus tradition
was the fate of the ark, mentioned as a climax to a triad of teaches the people not to be obstinate and prevent the return
calamities, that killed him (w. 17—18). News about the ark of the ark (v. 6).
(v. 19) also made Phinehas's wife give premature birth leading The second concern belonged to the realm of divination
to her untimely death. The name of her son, Ichabod ('where (w. 7-9), and they sought confirmation that it was YHWH
is glory?' or 'alas (for) glory'), and her death-cry both allude to who had humiliated them. They were to select untrained
the loss of the ark. cows, separated from their calves and therefore inclined to
(5:1—12) The Ark among the Philistines The clash between return home, and not to give them guidance which way to
Israelites and Philistines moves to another plane; the struggle take. If the cows went in the direction of Beth-shemesh, the
for possession of territory became a contest between the gods Philistines would know that it was YHWH who had harmed
of the two peoples. As was customary in the ancient Near East, them. The cows had a second function. Because they were to
idols of the gods of those who had been vanquished (in this be sacrificed in order to remove contamination, they and the
case 'the ark of God') were carried to the temple of the victors cart had to be new, unused, and therefore ritually clean (cf.
and placed beside the idols of their gods as an indication of the Num 19:2). The rituals described in w. 3-9 are found else-
latter's supremacy over the former. Thus the ark was taken to where among the Israelites and more generally in the ancient
the temple of Dagon, a Semitic deity identified in Ugaritic Near East (McCarter 1980).
texts as the father of Baal and possibly a vegetation deity (cf The narrative proceeds in w. 10-18 to record the outcome.
Heb. dagan, 'grain'). The Philistines on their arrival in Canaan The direction taken by the cows confirmed that YHWH had
probably adopted such deities. been responsible forthe plagues, and itis evident that the gifts
The narrative's main theme is the power of YHWH, which sent by the Philistines were acceptable (w. 16-18). The Israel-
is illustrated in the contest with other deities (w. 2—5) and in ites celebrated the return of the ark by sacrificing the cows on
the plagues which he brought upon his foes (w. 6-12). Dagon a 'large stone' in the field of an unknown Joshua. A secondary,
was twice humiliated in his own temple in Ashdod; on the later addition in v. 15 introduces the Levites to be responsible
first occasion he was thrown down in front of the ark, and on for sacrifices and changes the function of the stone by making
the second his head and hands were cut off and were lying on it a resting place for the ark.
the threshold. Thus an aetiological motif is introduced into The ark was equally dangerous for Israelites if they did not
the narrative to explain the sacred character of the threshold pay it due respect, either by not celebrating its return (LXX), or
which was not trodden by the Ashdodites. In displaying his by looking into it (MT). Possibly a plague had spread from
power against the Philistines God humiliated them in three of Philistine territory to Beth-shemesh, and in seeking to give a
their five cities, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron. The plagues sent by reason for it this narrative again connected it with the ark.
God are referred to as 'tumours', which some, on the basis of Consequently the ark was moved to Kiriath-jearim ('city of the
the reading 'mice' in the LXX, have identified as bubonic forests'), which had probably been connected previously with
plague, and which others have taken to be an attack of dysen- Baal-worship (cf. 'city of Baal', Josh 18:14 and 'Baalah', Josh
tery (cf. Josephus, Ant. 6f 3). 15:9, 10); its custodian was Eleazar, son of Abinadab, both
It may be that the aetiological narrative in w. 2-3 and the bearing names that appear frequently in levitical lists.
report of the plague in w. 6—12 were not connected with real
events. However, there are several significant features in their Moving towards a Monarchy (7:2-15:35)
emphasis on the power of YHWH: 'the hand of YHWH' is i Sam 7—15 reports the rise of the monarchy and gives an
given prominence (w. 6, 7, 9, n); striking the Philistines with account of the first years of King Saul. As already noted
tumours is reminiscent of the Exodus tradition (Ex 9:15—16); (c.g), it is probable that many of the sections included in
the supremacy of YHWH over other gods is a recurring theme these chapters originated independently at different centres,
in the OT; overcoming humiliation is not only a reminder of such as Ramah and Mizpah. It is a complex section, and, as is
2:1-10, but also forms a bridge between the conquest of the commonly recognized, contains two accounts that betray
ark (ch. 4) and its return (ch. 6). strikingly different attitudes towards the monarchy. A pro-
(6:1^7:1) The Return of the Ark Having realized that the ark monarchial strand (A) is intertwined with an antimonarchial
had to be returned (v. 2, cf. 5:11), the Philistines took consulta- one (B): 8:1-22 (B), 9:1-10:16 (A), 10:17-27 (B), 11:1-15 (A)>
tion on the manner of its return to avoid further humiliation 12:2-25 (B)- Th£ main features noted are: the accounts are
(w. 1-9). Priests and diviners were consulted, but it is not placed together without any attempt to suppress or to
known if they were Philistines or outsiders hired for the harmonize; an arrangement which opens and closes with
purpose. Attention focuses on the double issue raised in v. 3 antimonarchial sections gives a dominant antimonarchial
(Campbell 1975). The first matter of concern was the appro- emphasis to the whole; the antimonarchial stance is now
priate offering to accompany the ark. It was recognized that thought to be early rather than late, and may reflect the
gifts had to be sent (cf. the Exodus tradition, Ex 3:21); they were same opposition to this innovation as was present in the
chosen on the basis of value ('gold'), correspondence with the time of David and Solomon (Criisemann 1978); the message
victims ('five' for the five lords of the Philistines), and repre- of the A strand, that God himself was involved in the establish-
sentation of the plagues suffered ('tumours' and 'mice'). ment of the monarchy, is preserved (see Childs 1979).
I AND 2 S A M U E L 204

(7:2-17) Samuel's Victory at Mizpah Although this chapter is unfit to succeed him (v. 5). Perverting justice in Beersheba,
not directly concerned with the establishment of the monar- which was more southerly than Samuel's normal circuit, gave
chy, it is not to be separated from the events of chs. 8—12. First, sufficient grounds for supporters of the monarchy to press for
it portrays the background against which the monarchy arose, a different succession. Their more explicit reason was that
namely the threat to Israel from the Philistines (cf. 9:16) and they wished to be governed 'like other nations' (cf. Deut 17:14),
other peoples (11:1—15). Secondly, it subscribes to the view that which had military advantages (v. 20). Thus the elders re-
a monarchy became a necessity when Israel was unfaithful to quested a king rather than a new line of judges.
God; theocracy, based on Israel's faithfulness to the covenant, The antimonarchial stance of the chapter is brought out in
brought success against enemies. three different sections. First, in w. 6—9, where the proposal
The Philistines, despite being forced to return the ark, were displeased Samuel (v. 6) and was regarded by YHWH as a
still a threat, and Samuel decided to give the people a lead. His rejection of himself and of Samuel. It is a rejection that in a
assembly at Mizpah (v. 5) is preceded by an address in v. 3, truly Deuteronomistic statement is placed in the context of
which must be regarded as an intrusion (McCarter 1980); it Israel's propensity towards idolatry from the time of the Exo-
contains Deuteronomistic phrases, such as 'returning to the dus. Secondly, in w. 10—17, which give Samuel's view of'the
LORD with all your heart', and many expressions taken over ways of the king', it is shown that a monarchy will have to be
from the editorial framework of the book of Judges (cf. Judg supported by the conscription of personnel for military duties
10:6-16 for 'remove foreign gods', 'serve him only', 'the Baals (w. n-i2a) and to provide labour (w. 12/7-13), submitting to
and Astartes'). For Baals and Astartes see OCB. Mizpah, the confiscation of property and provisions for maintaining a
identified as Tell en-Nasbeh a few miles north of Jerusalem, court (w. 14-15), and even accepting slavery and the confisca-
was important as a tribal centre and the scene of much proph- tion of stock (v. 16, reading 'cattle' with LXX in preference to
etical activity. Prayer was on this occasion accompanied by 'young men' in the MT). The origin of this list of a monarch's
two rites. The significance of the first, drawing and pouring oppressive measures is debatable. On the one hand it is
water, is not clear; since water is the source of life, it may have claimed that it reflects the common practices of Canaanite
been connected with a fertility rite, but more probably, in view kings as known to Samuel and his contemporaries. Akkadian
of its association with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of texts from Ras Shamra testify to many of the practices listed in
Atonement, it was a purification rite. Fasting was a sign of w. 11—17 (so Mendelsohn 1956 and Criisemann 1978). On the
penitence (see OCB). other hand, the similarity of the list to the practices of Solo-
Consequently, when the Philistines attacked Israel, they mon as described in i Kings 10-11 suggests that it must have
suffered a decisive defeat. The account in w. 7-11 bears the its origin there; it is claimed that the Deuteronomistic histor-
marks of the holy war tradition: an enemy assault causing ian's criticisms of Solomon were transferred to i Sam 8 in
panic among the Israelites; petition by Samuel, accompanied order to censure Saul and to show that the monarchy from its
by sacrifice; YHWH himself enters into battle and by a thun- very foundation was corrupt (cf. Clements 1974). Other kings
derstorm causes utter confusion among the Philistines; the followed the same practices, and it is more likely that this
Israelites pursue the disarrayed Philistines as far as Beth-car passage recalls some bitter experiences of the abuse of royal
(probably to the west of Jerusalem in the direction of Philis- power by Israelite monarchs. The concluding verse of the
tine territory). These elements, found also in war reports such passage (v. 18) echoes the language of Judges: under oppres-
as Josh 10, emphasize the basic claim of the holy war tradition: sion the people cried to YHWH, but on this occasion he would
victory belongs to YHWH alone (von Rad 1951). To conclude not deliver. Thirdly, in w. 19—21, it is stated that the kingship
the section it is claimed, again using a formula well-known was reluctantly permitted because of Israel's determination; it
from the book of Judges (cf. Judg 4:23-4), that the Philistines was tolerated rather than approved (cf. v. 7). In this way the
were completely subjugated with Israel repossessing towns narrative successfully combines two opposing views: on the
and territories formerly lost to the Philistines. The position as one hand, the monarchy was an undesirable development and
it was before an earlier battle at Ebenezer (ch. 4) was now was not approved by YHWH, and on the other, YHWH him-
restored; a 'Stone of Help' reminded Israel that 'thus far the self was responsible for selecting the first kings of Israel.
LORD has helped us'. (9:1-10:16) Saul Becomes King This narrative, which is strik-
Samuel the prophet ruled Israel in the style of the preced- ingly different in character from the preceding chapter, has
ing charismatic leaders known as judges, who saved the peo- some features of the popular folk-tale: a young man setting
ple from their enemies (Judg 2:18); he also fulfilled the out to find lost asses returns as designated king. Originally it
narrower judicial role of a judge (w. 15-17). Thus the effec- may have related how Saul visited an unnamed seer, and may
tiveness of a charismatic, non-royal leadership is affirmed, well have the same function as the birth legends associated
and the inappropriateness of Israel's wish to have a king is with other notable characters (Ishida 1977). The original folk-
established. loric material has been incorporated in this biblical narrative
(8:1-22) Israel Requests a King This section, with its negative which subscribes to the view that Saul was chosen by God.
attitude towards the monarchy, contains the elders of Israel's However, several inconsistencies show that it does not fit
request for a king and reports their persistence despite Sam- smoothly into its present context (cf. Birch 1971). According
uel's warning about the oppressive ways of kings. There to 9:6—10 Saul was persuaded to visit a nameless seer who was
were two reasons for the quest for a king, one implicit and unknown to them (cf. 9:18); but as the narrative proceeds we
the other explicitly stated. According to w. 1-3, Samuel's posi- learn that Samuel was well-known 'from Dan to Beersheba'
tion was similar to that of Eli before him, for his sons were (so 3:20), and 10:14 suggests that they chose him deliberately.
 205 I AND 2 S A M U E L
The seer is described as a popular diviner; but Samuel was the (10:27^-11:15) A Saviour for Jabesh-gilead The inhuman
designated successor of Eli. treatment of the inhabitants of Jabesh by Nahash the Ammon-
God's direct participation in the events is emphasized by ite gave Saul an opportunity to prove himself leader. The
their providential character. Saul, a mere youth belonging to description of Nahash's oppression in Transjordan (10:27/7)
the smallest of the tribes and the humblest of families (9:21), is absent from the MT but provided by 4QSama; it was also in
is endowed with extraordinary characteristics (9:1—2); it was a the Greek text known to Josephus (Ant. 6 f f 6 8—71) .His action
journey looking for stray donkeys that brought them to the against Jabesh on the east bank to the south of the Sea of
land of Zuph; on the advice of a boy assistant the seer was Galilee occurred 'about a month later' (following 4QSama and
consulted (9:6); by chance the boy had a quarter shekel to pay the LXX), which was after Saul's return to Gibeah.
the seer for consultation (9:8); after a chance meeting with a Saul is presented as a deliverer in the style of the ancient
group of girls they met the seer, who had just arrived in town judges, which may well be a true historical representation of
and was on his way to a sacrifice (9:11-12); Samuel had been the emergence of the monarchy. The last of the judges became
told beforehand by YHWH that the one chosen to be king the first king. The conditions of pre-monarchial times are
would visit him (9:16); the three signs given by Samuel to Saul reflected in w. 3—4, when the tribes in their separation lacked
were fulfilled (10:2—7). central authority and a united front in battle. It is not clear if
Although the issue ofkingship is settled (8:22), this chapter the messengers came to Gibeah specifically to consult Saul
makes an important contribution to the definition of 'king- and so test the new king (Edelman 1991); however, his leader-
ship' according to prophetic ideology. Saul was anointed to the ship is unmistakable and his action decisive. Like the judges,
office ofnagid (prince, leader) and not melek (king); to define Saul was seized by the spirit (v. 6, cf. Samson in Judg 14:6,19;
the task of'ruling' the verb used is 'asar (to restrain) not malak 15:14) and this brought him success in battle. This specific
(to reign) (Gordon 1984). The emphasis is on YHWH's choice charismatic gift is different from his previous endowment of
of ruler; blood succession was not to be practised. That Saul the gift of prophecy and may also be different from the charis-
was YHWH's chosen ruler is confirmed elsewhere in the matic leadership of later monarchs. Divine choice and inspira-
narrative: his anointing (10:1), which was a private matter tion constitute an ideal ofkingship that existed in Israel before
not disclosed to others (io:ifo); his participation in sacrificial the introduction of dynastic succession by David, and it per-
meals reserved normally for priests (9:24); his direct experi- sisted for some time in the northern kingdom (Alt 1968).
ence of inspiration (10:10—13). Saul's technique for calling assistance is not without paral-
(10:17—270) Choosing a King at Mizpah The narrative of 8:1— lel; dismembering animals occurred in covenant ceremonies
22 is continued, and the dismissed assembly is now recon- and was accompanied by making an oath (cf. Judg 19:29-30,
vened to appoint a king. Although it belongs to the antimo- and Wallis 1952 for an extra-biblical parallel). A curse was
narchial strand, this section recognizes that Saul was an invoked on the oxen and possibly on the people who refused
elected ruler (see Gordon 1984). to respond; their fate would be like that of the oxen. Saul's
The words spoken by Samuel (w. 17-19) present this devel- victory was also similar to that of former judges. By dividing
opment in an unfavourable light. Preceding the command to the forces (cf. Judg 7) the camp was surrounded and an early
assemble for an election (v. 19 b) are words in the form of a morning attack was made. His unmistakable victory over the
judgement oracle (cf Birch 1975). Despite God's protection of enemies was attributed to YHWH (v. 12). Saul was deemed
his people and his ability to deliver them, they have chosen to worthy of the kingship contrary to the words of his opponents
reject him and elect a king. Set in this context, the election was (10:26), but they were spared according to Saul's own wish
under judgement. Furthermore, Saul'selection by lot must be (the name 'Samuel' is unnecessarily introduced in v. 12). Saul
considered in conjunction with the use of lottery elsewhere in was acclaimed king at Gilgal; but the word 'renew' suggests
the OTto find a hidden offender (Josh 7; i Sam 14:38-44); this that v. 14 was an attempt to harmonize this account with the
casts some doubt over Saul's election (McCarter 1980). Never- preceding Mizpah narrative.
theless, Saul was God's choice, whether taken by lot (w. 17— (12:1—25) Samuel's Farewell Speech This chapter closes the
2ib) or acclaimed because of his stature (w. 21/7—27). Possibly period of the judges, and, like other Deuteronomistic orations
two traditions about Saul's election have been preserved here, placed at junctures in the Deuteronomistic History, marks the
a later one followed by an older tradition about his stature (cf. end of an epoch. The cycle of alternative pro- and antimonar-
9:2). Both traditions allow for God's freedom of choice: the lot chial strands is concluded, as it began, with an antimonarchial
confirms that he was God's choice, and what was known in stance and a repetition of the negative words spoken in 8:1—
secret now becomes public; his choice on account of stature 22. However, in the introductory w. 1-5 Samuel's words in-
confirms what is already known from the lost asses narrative. troduce a new element, a contrast between the old prophetic
YHWH's displeasure with the people's resolve to have a king regime and the new royal one. After suggesting that kingship
does not make Saul's kingship invalid. was a concession in response to popular demand (v. i) and was
Public acclamation (v. 24), an important element in a king's a departure from the kind of leadership exercised by himself,
installation (cf. i Kings 1:25, 34, 39; 2 Kings 11:12), is followed Samuel poses a number of questions with the aim of justify-
by Samuel's proclamation of the rights and duties of the ing his own rule. The key is provided by the verb 'take'; in his
kingship, which may have been similar to 8:11—18 or to the just leadership the prophet had 'taken' nothing from the
law-book in Deut 17:18-20, but not identical with either. What people. But according to 'the ways of the king' in 8:11-18, a
is clearly established here is the subjugation of the monarchy number of things will be 'taken' from the people by the king.
to prophetic authority. In pressing for a king the people had taken a step backwards.
I AND 2 S A M U E L 206

The resume of history in w. 6-15 shows that it was an un- the manufacture of weapons, disarmed the Israelites. By se-
necessary step, for God 'in all his saving deeds' had given curing a monopoly in servicing Israelite agricultural imple-
saviours or judges who had achieved great successes in the ments they exacted revenue from them (w. 19-22).
period prior to the call for a king. Set in the context of calling One outcome of Philistine presence was that Saul could no
Moses and Aaron to deliver the people from Egypt (w. 6, 8), longer depend on a militia, but had to establish a standing
three oppressors from the period of the judges are men- army (v. 2). He and Jonathan achieved successes against
tioned: Sisera (Judg 4—5), the Philistines (Judg 13—16), and Philistine garrisons, although the Philistines had a better-
the Moabites (Judg 3). Within a skeletal pattern of apostasy- equipped and numerically stronger force. To man 'three thou-
oppression-repentance-deliverance, the saviours named sand chariots' (following the LXX in preference to the MT's
(with assistance from the LXX) are Jerubbaal (Gideon), Barak, 'thirty thousand') they had 'six thousand horsemen', two for
Jephthah, and Samson. The newly appointed king belongs to each chariot, and their infantry for action in the hills was
the same tradition. numerous (v. 5). Israel panicked, some fleeing eastwards to
Although the demand for a king was a wicked act (v. 17), hide in the hills and some as far afield as Transjordan (w. 6—
there is a way forward: people and king must show faithful- 7). Lack of action led to further depletion of the Israelite army
ness to YHWH. Covenantal language is used here, and also a (v. 8). Thus the scene is set for the battle of Michmash, where a
historical summary as was usual in covenant ceremonies, Philistine garrison had been placed (v. 23).
w. 14-15 announce the blessing and curse of the covenant: it An intrusion in w. 7/7-150 introduces a new perspective; the
will be well if people and king remain faithful, but if not, description of deteriorating Israelite—Philistine relations be-
people and 'king' (following the LXX in preference to 'ances- comes a narrative explaining Saul's disapproval by YHWH.
tors' in the MT) will be wiped away (cf. v. 25). Parallels between The emphasis is on disobedience. Saul's action could be jus-
this passage and the covenantal passage in Josh 24 have been tified: Samuel had not kept his appointment, and Saul did not
noted (McCarter 1980): introduction, antecedent history, infringe upon priestly prerogatives, since kings did offer sac-
transition to the present, requirements, blessings, and curses. rifices (2 Sam 6:17-18; 24:25; i Kings 3:3-4). But the issue is
A covenant between God, people, and king holds the key to the obedience, upon which the future of Saul's kingship de-
future, for it is not God's wish to abandon his people (v. 22, cf. pended (v. 13, cf. 12:14). Because he failed a Saulide dynasty
Muilenburg 1959). Nor will Samuel abandon the people, for was not established, and God chose another king to follow
he has a prophetic role in the period of the monarchy. Sam- him. This represents a prophetic viewpoint: kings must obey
uel's sons are not expected to follow him because they were prophets and kings are charismatic persons chosen by
among the people (v. 2); in any case judges did not have a line YHWH.
of descent. Although old, Samuel still possessed supernatural (14:1—52) The Battle of Michmash This narrative betrays a
powers (v. 17); bringing thunder and rain was a sign of God's mixed attitude towards Saul, oscillating between a sympa-
displeasure, but it also confirmed that Samuel was true to the thetic, favourable view and a negative, unfavourable verdict.
prophetic office and acted according to God's will. He will It may well be that an original positive source has been over-
continue to serve the people as intercessor and instructor laid with other material to reinforce the conviction that Saul
(v. 23), which was the norm for the prophetic office under was not a man after God's heart. (On the chapter see Blenkin-
this new regime (Gordon 1986). sopp 1964.)
(13:1-23) Saul's Disobedience A skeletal introduction to a The Philistines' camp at Michmash was to the north of the
king's reign in v. i (absent from the LXX) lacks Saul's age deep ravine, Wadi es-Suwenit, and that of the Israelites in
when he began to reign and gives an incorrect figure of'two' as Geba to the south of it. Jonathan and his armour-bearer
the length of his reign. Some Greek MSS give 30 as his age, succeeded in the first encounter (w. 1—15) by clambering up
and in both Josephus (Ant. 10 § 8) and Acts 13:21 the length of from the ravine through rock formations that were difficult to
his reign is 40 years. negotiate, as indicated by their names, Bozez ('slippery one')
Saul had been appointed to save his people 'from the hand and Seneh ('thorny one'). The enterprise and bravery of Jona-
of their enemies' (10:1), more specifically the Philistines than brought success against a superior Philistine force.
(9:16). A Philistine campaign to weaken Israel and restrict There is a contrast between Jonathan the hero and the reckless
its expansion into the plains (Mayes 1977) led to the activities Saul, who acted foolishly on one occasion (13:13), interrupted a
described here. First, they had a strong presence in the central consultation to rush to battle on another (14:19), and finally
hill country. The territory of Saul's own tribe, Benjamin, had endangered the life of his son (14:44) (Gordon 1984). After
to be freed, for Geba and Michmash were in Benjaminite Jonathan had defeated the garrison and caused panic (v. 15),
territory to the south of Bethel (referred to as Beth-aven, Saul and his troops later engaged in battle (v. 20). It is also
'house of wickedness', v. 5). Both Saul's capital, Gibeah of emphasized that Jonathan was but an instrument in God's
Benjamin (Tell el-Ful), and Geba of Benjamin are mentioned hand: he set out on the assumption 'it may be that the LORD
(w. 2,3,15 with a different reading in the LXX, v. 16), and it has will act for us' (v. 6), depended on God's approval of his action
been suggested that two accounts have been fused, a victory by (w. 8-12), and it is concluded that it was God's victory (v. 23, cf.
Saul at Gibeah and another by Jonathan at Geba (Mayes 1977). v. 45). Jonathan, possessing the characteristics of a charis-
Secondly, the Philistines were able to send out bands of raid- matic leader, stood in the tradition of those who waged God's
ers to the north (Ophrah), west (Beth-horon), and south battles (Jobling 1976). To ensure success Saul had placed an
(valley of Zeboim) (w. 17-18), undermining Israelite confi- oath on his troops, a rash act (as noted in v. 24, following the
dence and causing fear. Thirdly, the Philistines, by forbidding LXX in preference to the MT), which became a threat to
 207 I AND 2 S A M U E L
Jonathan's life (w. 24-6). Taking the oath seriously, the troops disobeyed the divine command. His kindness to the Kenites is
refrained from eating of the plentiful honey available; Jona- not an issue (v. 6). Reasons could be given for his other
than, unaware of the oath, ate and was refreshed ('his eyes actions; it may be that he believed in sparing the life of a
brightened'). A clash between Jonathan and Saul is hinted at king, as was done on other occasions (cf. i Kings 20:30-4,
by the son's reference to his father as one who 'has troubled 42), and he attempted to justify sparing the best animals for
the land' and who had prevented a total wiping out of the sacrifice and not for personal gain (v. 14). Whatever his rea-
Philistines (v. 30). sons, they were not acceptable. He was guilty of gross disobedi-
A separate tradition, which does not involve Jonathan, in- ence, as is seen from the selection of words chosen to describe
terrupts the narrative at w. 31-5. By observing the oath the his action: disobedience (v. 19), doing evil (v. 19), rebellion
troops were famished by evening when the oath was expiring. (v. 23), stubborness (v. 23), rejection of God's word (v. 23). Saul
They seized animals from the spoil, but were not careful had to admit that it was a sin and transgression (v. 24). Dis-
enough to drain blood from the meat; they slaughtered on obedience was the reason for his rejection and for God to
the ground, not on a stone from which the blood could flow regret that he had made him king (w. 10, 35). To complete
away (w. 33—4). 'Eating with blood' (as in NRSVagainst Hertz- the narrative, Samuel himself fulfilled the terms of the ban
berg 1964) was contrary to regulation (Deut 12:23—7; Lev (w. 32-3), which was a criticism of Saul. Relations between
19:26). Following the intrusion, the narrative proceeds to them were then broken off (w. 34-5).
Saul's determination to wipe out the Philistines (w. 36-46); The cycle of Samuel-Saul narratives is now completed and
it was thwarted by lack of divine support. Upon investigation, the next section consists of a Saul—David cycle. The basic
by means of a sacred lot, fault was found with the king's family question of this cycle, Ts Saul a man after God's heart?', has
and more specifically with Jonathan. The NRSV reads the been finally answered in the negative. He has been rejected
longer text of the LXX, which refers to Urim and Thummim, because he rejected God's word (13:13; 15:23, 26), but it must
probably the black and white stones used for casting lots (see be remembered that he was only reluctantly made king and
OCB). Although Jonathan, and to his credit Saul, were willing that his kingship was under a cloud from the beginning (cf.
to accept the verdict, the warriors resisted and saved Jona- Gunn 1980).
than's life (v. 44). Saul, condescending to the better judgement
of the people, does not appear in a favourable light. There is, Saul and David (i Sam 16:1-2 Sam 1:27)
however, no proof that Saul and the priest manipulated the
The block of narrative in i Sam 16-2 Sam 5 has become
oracle in order to be rid of Jonathan his rival (Long 1989). The
known as the History of David's Rise (see Gr0nbaek 1971),
chapter closes on a more positive note depicting Saul as a
with David identified as the central character. Good reasons
successful warrior (w. 47—8) and the head of a household (w.
can be given for taking i Sam 16:1-2 Sam 1:27 as an independ-
49-51).
ent unit with its own central theme, the decline of Saul and
(15:1—35) The Rejection of Saul This conclusion to the section the rise of David (see 0.11—15). Although the section empha-
on relations between Saul and Samuel has two prominent sizes that David is God's chosen (i Sam 16:1—13), me rejected
themes, the relationship between prophet and king and the Saul was still king and David was careful not to seize the
necessity for obedience. Samuel plays a central role. His kingdom from God's anointed (i Sam 24:6; 26:9). The recog-
command in response to a divine message led to war against nition of David's stature is balanced by the decline of Saul's
the Amalekites, as punishment for their opposition to the authority; whilst David was under blessing, Saul was under
Israelites on their way from Egypt (w. 1-3, cf. Ex 17:8-16; curse. Saul and his son Jonathan knew that David was the
Deut 25:17-19). A holy war to fulfil a divine sentence was chosen successor, and the narrative stresses that he did not
instigated by a prophetic figure. Again God's views of Saul's come to power by shedding Saulide blood. Jonathan even
kingship were transmitted to Samuel (v. 10), and the prophet assisted him by his own virtual abdication (Jobling 1976).
spoke an oracle of judgement to Saul (w. 17-31). The same Saul's position was made even more pitiful by his intense
prophetic attitude is expressed here as in 8:1-22 and 13:8-15; jealousy. Gordon (1984) rightly refutes an alternative reading
the people had been warned against a monarchy, and it be- of the narrative (as by Ishida 1977), which makes Saul a
came obvious from the Gilgal episode that Saul's kingship was popular king who was forced to oppress David, the usurper
doomed. Here the rejection of Saul is final and absolute engaged in guerrilla warfare against the king.
(w. 28-9) and it is parabolically confirmed by the accidental As noted above, various dates have been proposed for the
tearing of Samuel's robe when Saul made his last desperate composition of the History of David's Rise. The most likely are
supplication (Brauner 1974). The rejection is set out in rhyth- either the Solomonic period, when the kingdom was undi-
mic form in w. 22—3, taking up Saul's reference to sacrifice vided and an effort was made to justify David's succession to
(v. 21) and in true prophetic spirit contrasting sacrifice and the throne, or the period of David himself, when an attempt
obedience (cf. Isa 1:11—15; Hos 6:6; Am 5:21—4; Mic 6:6—8) and was made to refute charges brought against David by demon-
declaring finally that he who rejected God's word has been strating that 'the LORD was with him' (i Sam 16:18; 18:14).
rejected. (16:1—23) David's Anointing and Introduction to Court Saul's
The issue of obedience is as prominent in Saul's final rejection (v. i), Samuel's fear of Saul's reprisal (v. 2), and
rejection as it was in the preliminary warning in 13:13 (cf. Samuel's pretence of going to Bethlehem to offer sacrifice
12:14). Th£ ban was operative in this Holy War, and so every (v. 2), provide the background for David's election and anoint-
living thing captured had to be exterminated (cf. Deut 20:10— ing. Thenarrative bears similaritiesand dissimilarities to Saul's
18; Gordon 1986), but Saul in his selective application of it own election to the kingship. A similarity of fundamental
I AND 2 S A M U E L 208

importance is the concept that YHWH alone chooses a king, introduction to Saul, possibly derived from a different source.
both accounts using the verb bahar (choose) (10:24; 16:8, 9, Others interpret it, not as an alternative, but as providing the
10) and thus emphasizing that David, like Saul before him, next step in David's progression to the throne by testing his
did not come to the throne by chance or force. A miraculous suitability. In contrast to the testing of Jonathan at Michmash
and unexpected feature belongs to the actual choice; as Saul (w. 13—14) David proves himself a worthy successor to the
belonged to the smallest clan of the smallest tribe, David was throne.
the youngest of seven or eight sons, which may be a folkloric To avoid the difficulty caused by the statement in 2 Sam
motif (McCarter 1980). It is also possible that the actual 21:19 ^at another Bethlehemite, called Elhanan, killed Go-
process of election was similar; Saul was chosen by elimin- liath, several proposals have been made. Chronicles obviously
ation by means of lots (10:17—270), and it is possible that the attempted to harmonize the text by claiming that 'Elhanan the
elimination of all Jesse's sons, from Eliab the eldest and a man son of Jair slew Lahmi the brother of Goliath' (i Chr 20:5). A
of stature through to David, the youngest and the chosen, suggestion that has found some support is that Elhanan was
occurred through a similar procedure. David, who was not the original name of the Bethlehemite who killed Goliath,
present for examination, had to be brought from the fields, David his throne name (Honeymani948). Other more accept-
exactly as Saul had to be brought from among the baggage. able solutions are: either that elements from a popular trad-
Such obvious similarities are taken as indications that the ition about Elhanan became attached later to David (McCarter
Davidic narrative deliberately reflects the previous one about 1980), or else that in the course of time the name Goliath was
Saul. Nevertheless, there is a clear intention to bring out the given to an anonymous challenger (Hertzberg 1964).
dissimilarity between David and Saul. Although David was A shorter account of the narrative is given in the Vaticanus
handsome (v. 12), it is emphasized that God does not look on MS of the LXX (known as LXXB); it is thought that this is the
the outward appearance'; it was precisely for that reason that result of a shortening of the text, probably for harmonizing
Eliab was rejected. There is perhaps some justification for the purposes. It is not a satisfactory explanation; the shorter text
comment that this is a veiled attack on Saul's personal appear- does not harmonize with preceding or succeeding sections.
ance and stature (9:2; 10:23); me rejection of Eliab, a kind of Furthermore, the parts omitted in the shorter version form
second Saul, confirms Saul's rejection (Mettinger 1976). more or less a complete narrative on their own. A primary
Whatever the similarities, the major difference introduced short narrative received an interpolation of a full alternative
by this narrative is that Saul was rejected but David chosen. account (Stoebe 1973). The shorter version, consisting of
That difference is made explicit in v. 13 with the transfer of w. i-n, 32-40, 42-83, 49, 51-4, reports how David, who
YHWH's spirit from Saul to David and the abandonment of was with Saul as his armour-bearer, volunteered to meet the
Saul to a malevolent spirit. challenge of the Philistine Goliath. Although the NRSV calls
The next section (w. 14—23) introduces an ironic element him 'champion', the Hebrew benayim denotes 'one who steps
into the narrative. Immediately after David's anointing and out to fight between the two battle lines', which was later
his endowment with YHWH's spirit, Saul becomes troubled interpreted in the Qumran War Scroll as 'infantryman'
and unwell, which provides an opportunity for his servants to (McCarter 1980). According to the MT, preferred by the
introduce David to court. By this strange turn of events, Saul NRSV, he was over 'six cubits' tall (approximately 9 ft. 6 in.),
gives David the court experience and training that will enable but 4QSama and the LXX have 'four cubits' (6ft. 6 in.). His
David to replace him. Although David was chosen because of armour, described in detail in w. 5-7, made him a formidable
his skill in playing (v. 18), he had many other attributes and opponent; he was far superior to David, who refused to take
pride of place goes to his military prowess. This made him the armour offered him (w. 38—9) and relied entirely on his
even more attractive to Saul, whose policy was to enlist all men shepherd's sling (v. 40). However, his forehead had not been
capable of assisting him in his fight against the Philistines covered, an omission that was to prove fatal. The inequality in
(14:52); thus David became his armour-bearer. In addition size, experience (v. 33), and armour, and the fact that David
David possessed good judgement and intellect, and was a went to meet him without assistance, set the stage for pre-
man of presence (v. 18). To crown the list of qualifications it senting the theological theme of the narrative, namely that
is stated that 'YHWH is with him', which superficially means God was with David (w. 37, 45-7). David stood the test, and
that David's personal attributes are proof of God's blessing, proved that he belonged to the tradition of Israel's great
but at a deeper level indicates that he had a special endow- saviours. Like Saul he triumphed against the Philistines,
ment, v. 21 states that 'Saul loved him'; reading 'Saul' with the and was now poised to succeed him.
LXX removes the possible suggestion of the MT that 'David' Additional verses included in the MT version are: 12-31,41,
was the subject, thus leading to the interpretation of it as a 48/7, 50, 55-8. Originally this had been an independent narra-
covenant relationship (Thompson 1974). However, a key to tive, but has now been revised to fit into its present context.
the Saul-David narrative is the love-hate relationship be- David was not in Saul's service (w. 17—18) and was unknown
tween the two (Gunn 1980). Another key is provided in v. 23: to the king (v. 55), but an editorial note in w. 14-15 attempts to
Saul was entirely in David's hands, and the narrative shows harmonize the two versions. Again the editorial v. 31 seeks
how David responded to that responsibility. to harmonize the additional narrative, which does not contain
conversation between David and Saul, with the shorter narra-
(17:1-58) David and Goliath The place of this narrative in the tive to which the conversation in w. 32-7 belonged. The aim of
History of David's Rise is unclear. In view of w. 12-16, which this account is to portray David as a mere shepherd boy, not a
so glaringly contradict what has gone before in 16:14—23, it is king's armour-bearer, and how he successfully joined battle
generally assumed that it is an alternative account of David's with the Philistine. The conversation of w. 26—32 emphasizes
 209 I AND 2 S A M U E L
that David did not enter into battle because of arrogance or a Jonathan, after warning David of the danger, became a suc-
spirit of adventure, but because he was destined for this part in cessful conciliator. His plea for David is based simply on
God's plan. This account has all the characteristics of popular David's service to Saul when he secured victory for Israel by
legendary material about David. Although it was not added to defeating 'the Philistine' (Goliath), a victory in which Saul
the text of the original narrative until the fourth century BCE himself had rejoiced. Moreover, Saul is reminded that it was
(after the divergence of the MT from the ancient Greek trad- YHWH's victory, with perhaps a hidden suggestion that he
ition), it may nevertheless consist of an ancient tradition about should not kill a person so clearly endowed with divine power.
David (so McCarter 1980). Other biblical texts show that the Saul listened, and, after a promise under divine oath not to kill
shepherd motif attached to David in this narrative had 'royal' David, relations were restored. Saul's anger was aroused again
connotations (cf Ps. 78:70—2 and the prophecies of Jeremiah, (w. 8—10), and after an unsuccessful attempt to kill David with
Ezekiel, and Zechariah); this was also the case throughout the his spear he set guard over him (v. n). Michal warned her
ancient Near East. husband of the danger (v. n), helped him to escape (v. 12), and
(18:1-30) David, Jonathan, and Michal w. 1-5 are a fitting to give him time used a household idol with goats' hair (as a
conclusion to the narrative in ch. 17. David became perman- net or a wig) to confirm the impression that he was sick in bed
ently attached to the court (v. 2), probably as a reward for his (w. 13-17). The point is made, however, that he was to save his
success and to ensure military assistance in the future (v. 5); own life that night (v. n) and that Michal in protecting her
another possible reason is that he could be kept under obser- husband was only acting in obedience to him (v. 17). Michal,
vation to avoid any revolt (Edelman 1991). David was attractive so as not to dissatisfy her father, did not plan the escape, but in
and popular, and was retained (v. 2) and elevated (v. 5) by Saul; obedience to David only assisted him in executing it; she was
he also won general acclaim by the populace and the courtiers. thus loyal to both sides (Edelman 1991).
Especially important is Jonathan's attachment to David, which An independent tradition, possibly originating from Ra-
is described in terms of'covenant' and 'love'. The word 'love' mah (Hertzberg 1964), records David's escape to Samuel
here denotes more than personal attachment; as with 'bound and their journey together to Naioth. This was a prophetic
to' (v. i) it signifies some kind of political liaison (see Thomp- centre, exactly as Nob was a priestly centre. After three differ-
son 1974; Ackroyd 1975). The word 'covenant' too signifies ent groups of messengers were seized by prophetic frenzy,
more than a bond of friendship; they were sealing a pact Saul himself decided to go to Naioth, and he was similarly
which had political implications; this is confirmed by Jona- possessed; his nakedness may be a symbolic indication that
than's act of handing over his clothes and armour to David he had lost his authority as king. A different explanation to the
(v. 4), by which he was symbolically transferring the right of one found in 10:5-12 is given to the saying Ts Saul also among
succession and making him heir-apparent (Mettinger 1976). the prophets?', and that may have been the narrative's original
Saul's jealousy was aroused, and his relationship with David intention. In its present context the incident demonstrates
developed into one of respect and hatred, recognition and how YHWH used Saul's possession by the spirit to protect
desire to kill. The couplet in v. 7, which made him equal to David; the spirit has thus become a sign of disfavour and a
Saul, not superior to him (McCarter 1980), gave the unmis- means of protecting God's chosen one.
takable message that he would become king and led to more (20:1-42) David and Jonathan After escaping from Saul's
suspicion and caution. The mixed and complicated attitude of wrath, David once again sought Jonathan, and tried to obtain
Saul appears throughout this chapter. On the one hand, there some indication of Saul's intentions. They agreed on a plan
is fear (w. 12, 29) and awe (v. 15) and a recognition that God whereby Jonathan, after establishing Saul's attitude, would,
was with David (v. 12). Saul was willing to give him his unknown to anyone else, give David a coded answer. A major
daughter Merab as wife, although for an unexplained reason theme in this narrative is a continuation from the previous
he gave her to another. He was pleased to give him Michal, chapter, namely that Saul's family sided with David against
who became his wife. On the other hand, Saul hated him and Saul. Jonathan, who had previously proved an effective con-
sought to kill him (w. 10—12); he placed him in stations where ciliator between them, has now been forced to take sides. Atthe
he was likely to fall to the Philistines, such as sending him to beginning he stands by his father, and refuses to believe that
battle as commander (v. 13), encouraging him to fight so that in view of the oath in 19:6 he will harm David without con-
the Philistines could deal with him (v. 17), and making a sulting him. But after David's assurance that he feels close to
demand upon him that would certainly deliver him to the death he agrees to find out Saul's will. After a confirmation
Philistines (v. 25). of their 'love' (or 'pact'), it is agreed to sound him on the Feast
Another prominent theme is that, whereas Saul was of the New Moon, which according to this section lasted for
thwarted in all his plans, David was successful in all his three days (see also Num 28:11—15), an(^ then to inform David
undertakings. It was 'an evil spirit' from God that troubled according to their agreed method. Jonathan, after providing
Saul, but God was with David and gave him outstanding an excuse for David's absence, came out in his defence using
successes (w. 14, 30). Every attempt to hinder David was a words (v. 32) which echo David's own words in v. i. Jonathan
failure and turned out to be a further opportunity for his has now moved from being conciliator between David and his
triumph. father to the position of David's friend under threat from his
(19:1—24) David Escapes Death The loyalty of Saul's own father (w. 30-3). Saul's use of strong words to insult his own
family, Jonathan and Michal, saved David from Saul's further son demonstrates the extent of the rift between Saul and his
attempts to kill him. No reason is given for Saul's renewed family. His enmity towards David had isolated him from his
plans, which were now brought into the open (v. i), but own kin.
I AND 2 S A M U E L 2IO

In emphasizing the fierceness of Saul's actions this narra- ephod' (v. 9). A cloth other than the ephod suggests that the
tive shows that David had little choice but to leave court and word 'ephod' does not here signify a garment worn by priests,
escape. Saul's intention becomes clear in v. 31, 'bring him to as is usually the case, but that it was some kind of image (cf
me, for he shall surely die', and Jonathan was now convinced Judg 8:27; OCB). Obtaining Goliath's sword was significant,
of his intention (v. 33). As noted by McCarter (1980), this since it was proof of David's success in battle and an omen of
confirms one of the main emphases of the History of David's future successes; it may also signify that the object of power
Rise, namely that he did not leave Saul's court out of disloyalty has been transferred from the sanctuary and entrusted to
or in order to further his own cause. He was forced to leave God's chosen king (Edelman 1991). Another act of deception,
because of events which were beyond his control; he was the a feigned madness, was devised by David in Gath. The recog-
legitimate successor who did not act in any way to usurp the nition of David by the courtiers of Gath, who used the words
throne. A significant comment is made by Saul in w. 30—1. specifically connected with his successes against the Philis-
Previous hints have been given of his fear of David (18:12,15, tines, was made much easier by the fact that he was carrying
29) and of his recognition that he would ultimately take the Goliath's sword. His fear of Achish is significant; he was now
kingdom (18:8). Saul now makes explicit to Jonathan that outside YHWH's territory and within reach of the Philistines,
David stands between him and the kingship. Saul's intention and was perhaps more vulnerable because he had not con-
to establish a dynasty by making Jonathan his successor could sulted YHWH before fleeing to Gath (Edelman 1991). David
not be realized as long as David was alive. This sets the scene acted quickly to feign madness; 'he scratched marks on the
for those narratives describing Saul's tireless pursuit of David, doors', which is preferred to the LXX's 'he drummed the
for he was seen as an enemy who threatened the proposed doors', and he also 'let his spittle run down his beard'. Achish
dynasty. was deceived and was eager to get rid of him; madmen were
Insertions into the narrative have been identified in w. n- thought to be under divine protection, and so Achish could
17, 23, 40—2 (McCarter 1980). A promise is made by David to not touch David.
extend his pact with Jonathan to include his 'house' (v. 15) and The series of deceptions associated with David in this chap-
his 'descendants' (v. 42). These verses anticipate David's kind- ter caused no moral problems for the narrator. David was in
ness to Jonathan's son Mephibosheth (2 Sam 9) and attribute flight, had to depend on his presence of mind, and by what-
the survival of the house of Saul to this pact between David ever means was under divine protection.
and Jonathan. It is suggested that this strand in the narra- (22:1—23) Tne Priesthood of Nob Before presenting the con-
tive is an addition made by a Josianic historian. Thus the sequences of David's previous actions in Nob (w. 6—23), his
narrative serves as an introduction to David's period of flight sojourn in Adullam (w. 1-2) and Mizpah of Moab (w. 3-5) are
before Saul and also to later relations between David and the briefly recorded. At Adullam (in 'the cave' according to MT, so
house of Saul. NRSV, but 'the stronghold' according to LXX, so McCarter
(21:1—15) David in Nob and Gath David's visit to Nob is the 1980), which is to the south-west of Jerusalem in the Shep-
first scene in a plot continued in 22:6-23, but which is at helah, David was joined by his family and all those who were
present interrupted by the incidents recorded in 21:11-22:5 deprived and embittered. This marks a new development in
(McCarter 1980 following Gr0nbaek 1971). Taken as a whole the History of David's Rise; he was now an outlaw (cf. chs. 23—
the unit shows that David secured the support of the priest- 6) and a leader of a group of malcontents. Although forced to
hood; however, it was obtained through deception, not will- this position by Saul's own actions, this development may
ingly like that of Michal and Jonathan, and it was have given Saul some grounds for suspecting a conspiracy
accompanied by tragic events. The high-priest of Nob, a little (w. 8,13). Travelling to Mizpah of Moab, a place not known or
to the north of Jerusalem, was Ahimelech the grandson of Eli. mentioned elsewhere, David, because of the uncertainty of his
His suspicion of David's visit was allayed by a concoted story position as outlaw, sought asylum for his parents in Moab.
about a secret mission, and he was persuaded to give provision Reasons for his approach to Moab were: his family connec-
to David and his young men from 'holy bread' or 'bread of tions with Moab (Ruth 4:17—22), and the likely support for an
Presence' reserved for priests (Lev 24:9). David obtained this enemy of Saul, who had defeated Moab in battle (14:47). After
favour after giving assurances that the young men were cere- a further stay in Adullam ('the stronghold'), David returned to
monially clean through abstention from sex and that their Judah on the advice of Gad, who later became a court prophet
'vessels' (euphemism for genitals, Hertzberg 1964) were (2 Sam 24:11—19). Receiving divine communication through a
clean. prophet gave David strength and respectability.
The passing reference to Doeg in v. 7 becomes meaningful The sequel to David's visit to Nob is introduced by Saul's
in the next scene of the plot (22:9-10,18). The presence of an pitiful appeal to those servants not involved in a conspiracy
Edomite spells trouble in view of the long-standing animosity against him. Saul, sitting in council at Gibeah (cf. 14:2), began
between Israel and Edom (Gen 25:25, 30; Num 20:1—21; Judg accusing the members of his own tribe ('you Benjaminites') of
3:7-11). His 'detention' in the sanctuary was probably con- conspiracy and so immediately isolated himself from them.
nected with an act of penance (Hertzberg 1964) rather than His point in v. 7 is that his rival can in no way offer them the
a mere holiday (McCarter 1980). The reference to him as benefits they had received from him, possibly suggesting that
'chief of Saul's shepherds' need not refer in any way to the they would be directed towards his own clan. He further
office of king (as has been suggested by Edelman 1991). By isolates himself from his servants by accusing them of not
another probable act of deception David obtained from Nob disclosing to him the pact between David and Jonathan (v. 8).
Goliath's sword, which was 'wrapped in cloth behind the Doeg the Edomite, chief of the shepherds (21:7), appears now
 211 I AND 2 S A M U E L
to be 'in charge of Saul's servants' (Edelman 1991), in prefer- wilderness southwards of Hebron. Saul obviously treated
ence to 'standing against'. His initial contribution was to David as an enemy and sought an opportunity to kill him;
report Ahimelech's assistance to David by giving him susten- the Ziphites were willing to provide him with the necessary in-
ance and Goliath's sword. Naturally Ahimelech protested his formation. After double-checking to make sure that he did not
innocence by claiming that he only treated David, as in the fall into the hands of the 'cunning' David, Saul went in pursuit
past, as Saul's obedient servant and honoured son-in-law and into the wilderness of Maon. It is clear that David was in real
that he was not aware of a change in his position. When his danger (v. 26); as he was moving away along one side of the
other servants refused to obey Saul's command, Doeg killed mountain, Saul and his troops were 'closing in' on him from
the entire priesthood of Nob and executed blood revenge on both sides. But David was saved at a critical moment because
the whole city (v. 19). One priest, Abiathar, escaped and Saul had to meet a Philistine attack; thus the place was called
attached himself to David. Not only did his escape fulfil the Rock of Escape (NRSV) or Rock of Parting (possibly denoting
prophecy of 2:27-36, but it also secured for David the service that Saul and David parted company). Whatever the signifi-
of a priest. The main point of the narrative is to contrast Saul, cance of the name, it is correct to regard this chapter as an
whose demented act of reprisal had lost for him the service of aetiological narrative. It may have existed on its own origin-
a priesthood, and David, who had access to YHWH through ally, but has by now been included into the history of David.
the only priest left; Saul destroyed the priesthood, David pre- (24:1—22) A Cave in Engedi The scene for this narrative is set
served the only contact with it that was available. Although in 23:29 (24:1 in the HB), which reports David's move to
David acknowledged his own culpability (v. 22, reading 're- Engedi in the hilly area around the Dead Sea. Saul, enjoying
sponsible' with the LXX), he emerges triumphantly, with a respite from Philistine threat, was free to pursue David.
divine counsel available to him through prophet (Gad) and Another account of sparing Saul's life is found in 26:1—25,
priest (Abiathar). The priest Abiathar remained with him as and because of the marked similarities between the two the
high priest until he was eventually banished by Solomon (i relationship between them has been widely discussed. One
Kings 2:26-7). interpretation regards the version in ch. 26 as the older, with
(23:1—29) The Liberation of Keilah In the account of the the present one in ch. 24 containing expansions and revi-
liberation of Keilah David is shown to have access to YHWH sions, especially in the speeches which portray David as an
through the oracle and is also assisted by Abiathar and the exemplary figure and Saul in a most unfavourable light. This
ephod. Keilah, although designated as a city of Judah (Josh view is favoured by McCarter (1980). Another interpretation
15:44), was presumably in Philistine territory ('in the recesses takes them as different versions developed from a common
of the Philistines', v. 3, according to McCarter 1980, on the source, one coming from Engedi and the other from Ziph. It is
basis of the LXX instead of'against the armies of the Philis- possible that this account too contains some core of older
tines,' NRSV); thus it was of interest to Israelites and Philis- material; this can probably be traced in w. 2—50, 7—11, 17—20,
tines. After inquiring of YHWH twice, once on his own 23/7. David is portrayed in a very favourable light, for from his
initiative and a second time in response to his men's uncer- hiding place in the inner recesses of the cave he resisted the
tainty, David is given a positive response and an assurance of encouragement of his men to kill Saul when he came to the
divine participation (v. 5). David's next consultation with open part of the cave to relieve himself. His men's words of
YHWH was by means of Abiathar and the ephod; v. 6 suggests encouragement are oracular in form (v. 4), probably reflecting
that it was after the liberation of the city that the priest joined some previous divine saying rather than being a complete
David. Saul saw that David could be captured easily in a fabrication (as suggested by Gordon 1984). There is some
closed-in town such as Keilah, and believed that God had confusion in w. 4—5. 'Then David went' (v. 4) suggests that
'given him' into his hand (so NRSV, following the Greek and he was listening to his men's words, but the statement that 'he
Targum, in preference to the MT's 'made a stranger of him'). was stricken' (v. 5) seems to indicate a change of heart. The
In his consultation David asked two questions: Will Saul come section emphasizes two points: first, that David was in a
to Keilah? Will the inhabitants of Keilah betray him? These position to kill Saul and seize the kingship; the possession
questions (w. 11—12) are set out clearly in the NRSV, following of part of his skirt was proof; secondly, that he resisted the
4QSamb in preference to the MT After an affirmative answer temptation to kill 'the LORD'S anointed' and prevented his
to both, David and his men depart and Saul's plan is thwarted. men from bringing him to harm (v. 7). These points are
David obviously had advantage over Saul in that he had access elaborated in David's speech (w. 8—15): David could easily
to YHWH through the priest. have taken vengeance on Saul for pursuing him and treating
On his visit to David in Ziph, which was on the edge of the him like an insignificant dog or flea; David, duly acknow-
wilderness of Judah, Jonathan sought to encourage him. The ledging Saul's position as king (v. 8), did not take matters in
pact between them was reaffirmed after Jonathan assured his own hand, but entrusted vengeance to God (v. 12). The
David that Saul would not find him and that he himself was narrative thus repeats a recurring theme in the History of
content with being second to David. With the priesthood and David's Rise; David was no usurper of the throne, for he did
the house of Saul behind him, David was in a strong position. not take action against Saul, who was still God's anointed, but
However, as w. 19—23 show, he was still in danger. For some left such matters as vengeance and succession to the throne
reason or other, the Ziphites were willing to deliver David into entirely in God's hands. Saul's speech (w. 16—21) truly reflects
Saul's hand. Although the places mentioned in v. 19 have not his weak position. First, he has to concede that his actions
been identified, it is obvious from the reference to 'the wil- have been evil and that David is more 'righteous' than he
derness of Maon' (v. 24) that David was now moving to the (v. 17). Secondly, in words reminiscent of Jonathan's words at
I AND 2 S A M U E L 212

Horesh (23:17), he acknowledges that David will become king. blood-guiltiness. Without Abigail's intervention David would
Thirdly, again echoing David's agreement with Jonathan have become guilty of 'blood-guilt' and would have 'taken
concerning the house of Saul (20:14—15), he pleads with David vengeance' with his own hand instead of restraining himself
to preserve his name and not to cut off his descendants. and trusting God. Whereas David was saved from Saul in chs.
In its present form, therefore, this narrative subscribes to 24 and 26, he is in this chapter saved from himself by Abigail
the general theme of David's uprightness in submitting to the (McCarter 1980). Abigail's words have been elaborated to
will of God and not taking matters into his own hands. He include phrases like 'sure house', 'fighting the battles', and
stands in contrast to the pitiful figure of Saul. 'prince over Israel', all implying David's future kingship. She
(25:1-44) David, Nabal, and Abigail A note recording Sam- also asks David to remember her when all is well with him.
uel's death stands in v. i; it may be appropriate at this The next section reports that David did remember Abigail.
juncture since Saul has acknowledged that the issue of suc- When her husband died (v. 30), he decided to take Abigail as
cession is settled (24:20) and that the one anointed by Samuel his wife. He was no doubt impressed by her beauty and
will come to the throne (so Edelman 1991). Following this cleverness (v. 4), and by the good turn that she had done
David returned to 'the wilderness of Maon' (following the him (v. 33); but he was also making a wise political move.
LXX, in preference to 'Paran' in the MT), and a man and Nabal was a prominent member of the Calebite clan, possibly
wife from Maon now take centre stage. its leader, and had control over Hebron. By marrying his
Nabal's refusal of David's request for provision occupies the widow, David was probably taking over that particular terri-
first part of the narrative (w. 2—12). Nabal ('fool') is described tory, as he may have done elsewhere by marrying Ahinoam of
as 'surly and mean', but his wife Abigail as 'clever and beauti- Jezreel. This gave him the power he needed after the loss of
ful'; such descriptions do not necessarily suggest that he was a Michal. It is also significant that later he became king at
surrogate Saul and she a surrogate David (as in Edelman Hebron (2 Sam 2:1-4).
1991), or that they are personifications of the fool and the (26:1—25) Sparing Saul's Life As noted under 24:1—22, this
virtuous wife in wisdom literature (Levenson 1978). To treat chapter contains an older version of how David spared Saul's
the designation 'Calebite' as an intentional pun on 'dog' (keleb, life. As in 23:19, the Ziphites betrayed David's whereabouts to
so LXX, cf. 24:14) is also unnecessary. Nabal's foolishness on Saul, but there are differences between the two narratives.
this occasion was to refuse the request of a king-designate, Whereas the other account describes David cutting off a piece
which may suggest a struggle for power. David's request in w. of Saul's cloak, in this report he takes away Saul's spear and
5—8 is very carefully structured; first comes the offer of peace water jug as he lies asleep in the camp. At Engedi there was a
and friendship to Nabal and his house; secondly, there is a chance meeting between the two men in a cave, but in this
reminder that Nabal's shepherds were not harmed when they chapter David seems to be taking the initiative by secretly
were with David's men, a fact that could be easily verified; entering Israel's camp. Other important differences are due
thirdly, there is a request for supplies, possibly in payment for to the more elaborate revisions in ch. 24, especially in David's
the protection provided by David to Nabal's shepherds. Nabal's speech and in Saul's blessing and plea for mercy upon his
reply was negative and arrogant (especially if 'he behaved descendants. In this account again David had an opportunity
arrogantly' is read at the end of v. 9 for 'and they waited'; there to kill Saul. After using spies to establish the position of Saul's
is some basis for this in the LXX and 4QSamb). With his two camp, David himself was able to find where Saul slept,
questions in v. 10 he dismisses David as a nonentity; he also although it was within the encampment and beside his com-
hints that he knows of his breach with Saul and was not mander Abner (w. 4-5). On seeking company it was only
willing to hand over supplies to 'men who come from I do Abishai who volunteered to accompany him, and they went
not know where', casting doubt perhaps on the honesty of into the camp. Saul's spear was stuck in the ground, possibly
the young men and on their ties with David (Edelman 1991). to indicate the leader's tent (Blenkinsopp 1969/7). As before,
The reference to Nabal as ben blliya'al in v. 17 may link David was encouraged to kill Saul, but on this occasion
him with those who despised Saul when he was king-elect Abishai declared his willingness to do the killing with a single
(10:27) and suggests that he too was rejecting a king-elect thrust of Saul's own spear; a single stroke possibly introduces
and not paying him tribute. In his response, which was a a deliberate contrast with Saul's twofold attempt to kill David
call to arms, David proved that he was ready for con- (18:11). To prove that Saul had been in David's hands, his spear
frontation in order to force Nabal to produce what had been and water jug were confiscated (v. n) and later produced as
requested. evidence (v. 16). The spear was a symbol of his royal office and
David was in danger of taking matters in his own hand and the water jug his life; at this moment both were in David's
not relying on YHWH. But he was saved from taking violent hands. According to Abishai (v. 8), confirmed by a reference to
action through the interference of Abigail. She was prompted 'deep sleep from the LORD' (v. n), it was God who had given
to action by one of Nabal's assistants, who was well-disposed Saul into David's hands.
towards David and critical of his own master; he reported that This narrative again emphasizes that Saul was spared be-
David's men gave them kindness and protection and that he cause of David's unwillingness to harm 'the LORD'S anointed'.
saw danger in Nabal's rash response (w. 14—18). By her swift Even when he had a chance to avoid being personally respon-
action Abigail intercepted David as he was about to annihilate sible for killing him, he restrained Abishai from action. David
the house of Nabal (v. 22). She did not consult her husband, confirms that he was not willing to permit the elimination of
and obviously counted him a fool (v. 25). Abigail's words Saul; all had to be left to YHWH, who could strike him, as he
(w. 26—31) and David's response (w. 32—4) are concerned with had done with Nabal, or bring him to natural death, or hand
 213 I AND 2 S A M U E L
him over to an enemy (v. 10). It was not for Abishai or David to desperation; it is in this context that he took this extraordinary
kill him. In his words to Abner, David accuses him of failing to step. Some background information is provided by w. 3—6.
protect the king, thereby putting the king's life in danger. First, the reader is reminded that Samuel is dead and buried;
Abner not only failed in his duty to Saul, but also failed to Saul is therefore without access to YHWH through a proph-
recognize the king-elect (v. 14). However, Saul did recognize etic figure. Secondly, it is stated that Saul had removed 'med-
him, and this version of their conversation differs from that of iums and wizards' from the land, as was required bylaw (Lev
ch. 24. After protesting his own innocence (v. 18), David 19:31; 20:6, 27; Deut 18:11). Thirdly, Saul was not answered
challenges Saul by suggesting that in his action he did not when he sought YHWH's guidance through normal chan-
have the support of YHWH or his fellow-men (v. 19). In view nels, namely dreams, sacred lots (Urim) and prophets (cf Jer
of his decision to leave Israelite territory, David pleads with 18:18; Ezek 7:26). This is what caused Saul such panic as he
Saul not to let his blood fall to the earth in exile; it would be came face-to-face with the Philistine army; in desperation he
disastrous for Israel if this were to happen to its king-elect turned to prohibited means of getting to know the divine will.
(v. 20). Saul's personal vengeance is likened to a partridge When he turned to the medium at Endor, showing disloy-
hunt, partridge (qore') being possibly a pun on Abner's ques- alty to his own laws, Saul obviously wanted to consult the
tion in v. 14, 'Who are you that calls (qara'ta)?' Saul's reply on ancestral spirit of Samuel (v. 3). It is debatable, however, if he
this occasion makes no reference to David's future destiny, had set out to visit the medium incognito; possibly his dis-
but simply acknowledges that he has been at fault and calls on guise was a necessity so that he could pass through the
David to return. But the die is cast, and before leaving the Philistine camp to Endor, which was north-east of Shunem
king-elect receives a blessing from the king. (Gordon 1986). The discarding of royal clothes may have been
(27:1—12) David with Achish at Gath David's sojourn for a year symbolic, and marks the end of Saul's kingship (Edelman
and four months in Gath raises some difficult problems. 1991). At first he was not recognized by the medium and so
Although it is clear that he was crossing over to Philistine made his request. The narrative as it proceeds after Saul's
territory to escape from Saul (v. i), and that his aim was request is not without difficulties (McCarter 1980). The me-
immediately achieved (v. 4), his relationship with YHWH dium's recognition of Saul immediately after Samuel's appear-
becomes a problem. As he himself stated, YHWH would ance is not explained. The references in w. 17-18 to Samuel's
deal with Saul (26:10); but the question raised by this chapter previous oracle and to Saul's battle with the Amalekites are
is YHWH's protection of the king-elect. Instead of relying on superfluous. It has therefore been suggested that originally
YHWH to defend him, David now seems to be taking matters the woman recognized Saul from his tone in v. 10, and that
into his own hands to avoid confrontation with Saul (Edelman w. u-i2a, referring to the appearance of Samuel, are second-
1991). Another difficulty is that David has become a vassal of ary; then the ghost's words are confined to w. 16 and 19, which
Achish of Gath. For a brief period he and his retinue lived 'in answer Saul's request about the battle. In other words the
the royal city' with Achish, but soon, in response to his own original account has been revised, and Samuel has been
request, he was given Ziklag. It was presumably given to him introduced to prove that Saul failed and died because of his
in return for military service, and from this time it remained disobedience to the prophet Samuel. Even if the narrative has
in the hands of Judean kings as crown property. There is no been revised along these lines, its main point cannot be mis-
agreement about the location of Ziklag, some identifying it taken. It portrays Saul as one totally cut off from YHWH
with Tell el-Khuweilfeh, north of Beersheba, others with Tell having to resort to illegal divination. His failure as a king
esh-Sheri 'ah, south-east of Gaza. Wherever it was located, the will now become finally evident when Israel will be defeated
full implication of these events cannot be missed. David had and he himself and his heirs will die at the hands of the
defected and was granted property for assisting the Philis- Philistines.
tines. (29:1-11) The Philistines Reject David Preparations were
This narrative has an apologetic note, and in w. 8-12 offers now proceeding for the battle between Saul and the Philis-
some justification for David's action. From his base in Ziklag tines. Saul may have taken the initiative and set up camp in
he attacked Israel's enemies, the Geshurites, the Girzites, and the plain of Jezreel to await the Philistine response to his
the Amalekites, who were on the route from Telam (with the challenge; they were mustering their forces at Aphek (v. i, cf.
LXX in preference to the MT) to Egypt. He gave Achish the Edelman 1991). This chapter postpones giving a full account
impression that he was attacking enemies of the Philistines, of the battle in order to describe David's predicament; he was
but such was the extent of their annihilation that no contrary with the Philistine forces and would soon be engaged in battle
evidence was available. By conquering these prospective en- against Saul and his own people. By partaking in bringing
emies and amassing booty, David was making preparations about Saul's downfall he would at a stroke reverse a policy
for his kingship. That seems to have been accepted by the which he had hitherto consistently pursued. David's problem
narrator as justification for his actions; the moral problem of was resolved for him by the Philistine commanders, who
David's gross dishonesty is bypassed. objected to having 'Hebrews' in their ranks. They were easily
(28:1-25) Saul's Consultation at Endor The story of David's recognized from their clothing (so Edelman 1991) rather than
time among the Philistines continues in w. 1-2, and is taken from any racial characteristics (as suggested by Hertzberg
up again in chs. 29—30. Saul's consultation with a medium at 1964). The commanders were adamant, and probably re-
Endor (w. 3—25), although in some ways an interruption, membered how 'Hebrews' had defected at Michmash (i Sam
belongs to this complex of narratives. As he was in camp at 13-14). To support their suspicion of David they quote the
Gilboa, facing the Philistines at Shunem, Saul was in utter victory song which ascribed to him the death of 'tens of
I AND 2 S A M U E L 214

thousands' of Philistines. Because they did not trust David 1980). This narrative, therefore, is a preparation for 2 Sam
(v. 4), and were afraidthathewouldturnagainstthem in battle 2:1—4, where David becomes king of Judah, for it gives an
(cf. 14:21), they could not approve ofhis presence in their ranks explanation of the special bond between David and the people
(v. 6), and Achish was compelled to send him back to Ziklag. of Judah. His success enabled him to hand over gifts to the
Achish had never personally doubted David's loyalty, as he people of Judah (w. 26—31); in this, as in his ruling on the
emphasizes in his reply to the commanders (v. 3) and again in suggestion made by 'worthless fellows' (w. 22—5), he is already
his word to David himself (w. 6—7, 9—10); he had found him assuming the role of king.
faultless,honest, blameless 'asan angel ofGod'. Indeclaringhis (31:1-13) The Death of Saul and his Sons At about the same
innocence to Achish, and confirming that he had gone out 'to time ('now' of the NRSV is translated 'meanwhile' by Hertz-
fight the enemies of my lord the king', David ironically uses berg 1964) as David's defeat of the Amalekites, Saul came at
words which allude to his dishonest methods. last face to face with the Philistines and their troops. The
This narrative again makes a contribution to the theme that linking of events also serves to bring out the contrast between
YHWH was protecting David; in this case he was saved from the two; whereas David succeeded in saving the lives of his
the undesirable situation of being a member of the Philistine own family and others, Saul and his family, with many others,
army fighting against Saul. fell in battle. David, as suggested by events described in the
previous chapter, was favoured with divine guidance and
(30:1—31) David against the Amalekites A report on the battle protection; but Saul, as emphasized in this chapter, is a re-
between Saul and the Philistines is delayed yet again to give an jected and pitiful person. In the course of the battle on Mount
account of David's return to Ziklag, which had by now been Gilboa his three sons, Jonathan, Abinadab, and Malchishua
burned by the Amalekites and its inhabitants carried away. were killed and Saul himself was wounded. His death was
David was prepared for immediate revenge. The Amalekite now inescapable, and, after an unheeded request to his trust-
attack was probably in retaliation for David's raid on them worthy personal armour-bearer to kill him before the Philis-
(27:8, 10); although lives had not been taken, David and his tines derived pleasure from doing so, Saul fell on his sword
men had lost their wives and families, which was a cause for and committed suicide. The armour-bearer's unwillingness
great lamentation (v. 4) and placed David in personal danger and terror at Saul's request was due to his respect for the
(v. 6). sacrosanct person of Saul as YHWH's anointed; he showed
One feature that stands out in the narrative is David's ability the same restraint as David had exercised on several occa-
to consult YHWH. The contrast between his access to YHWH sions. Saul thus came to a dishonourable end (against Edel-
and Saul's dependence on illegal consultation at Endor cannot man 1991).
be missed. David 'strengthened himself in the LORD' (cf. Saul's failure brought total defeat to his troops, as is em-
23:16), and through Abiathar the priest he was able to contact phasized in v. 6. 'All his men' in this case were not only his
YHWH. The answer he received was positive (w. 7-8) and so bodyguard, but 'the men of Israel' of v. i; it was a disastrous
he was encouraged to set out in pursuit of the attackers. Thus outcome for all Israel. Even those who were not engaged in
the narrative again subscribes to the theme that YHWH was battle (suggesting that Saul did not have all Israel behind him)
with David, although that is not specifically stated. A chance fled from the surrounding areas to the north of Jezreel and
meeting with an exhausted Egyptian, probably recognized even from as far as Transjordan, and left their towns and
from his clothing, brought David and his men instantly to villages for the Philistines to occupy. The final ignominy was
the raiders. After reviving the Egyptian and questioning him the disrespectful fate of Saul's body. After beheading him,
carefully, it becomes obvious that he had been engaged in spreading the news of his death throughout the land, and
enemy operations against Ziklag; however, he secured an taking his armour into the temple of Astarte, the chief god-
undertaking from David that he would not take revenge dess of Beth-shan, his body was fastened to the wall of Beth-
upon him nor deliver him to his previous master, and in shan. Hanging the body for public display was a declaration of
return he took them down to the Amalekite camp. By another victory; it is not stated whether his head was taken with his
coincidence David and his troops arrived as the Amalekites body (cf. i Chr 10:10) or was placed in the temple with the
were celebrating their victory, and with feasting and revelry armour (cf. 17:54). However, this horrific scene is not the final
were enjoying the booty that they had taken from Ziklag. The one before the curtain is drawn; the men of Jabesh-gilead,
Hebrew root h-g-g, translated 'dancing' in the NRSV, can be remembering Saul's action on their behalf (11:1—13), came to
translated 'behaving as at a festival' (hag, S. Driver 1913), take the body for cremation and burial. Although it is not clear
which has given rise to the suggestion that the Amalekites if cremation was acceptable among the Semites, it appears in
had timed their raid to secure booty to offer as sacrifice at an this instance to be preferable and more honourable than the
annual festival (Edelman 1991). The point is that David was treatment given by the Philistines to the bodies of Saul and his
able to take advantage of their condition, and only 400 camel sons.
riders were able to escape; the families captured were saved
and the booty returned. 2 Samuel
Through the events described in this narrative David is (2 Sam 1:1—27) David's Mourning for Saul and Jonathan Be-
prepared for the throne, and is by now more or less there. fore proceeding to events concerned with the succession to
He had avenged not only Ziklag but also the areas mentioned Saul's throne, there is an account of how his death was re-
in v. 14—the Negeb of the Cherethites, i.e. the Cretan Negeb in ported to David, and then his reaction to the loss of Saul and
the southern area controlled by the Philistines, the Negeb of Jonathan. This chapter is a fitting conclusion to the narrative
Caleb, i.e. around Hebron, as well as Judean areas (McCarter about Saul and David; it is more appropriate to take it with that
 215 I AND 2 S A M U E L
section than to treat it as the opening chapter of the following Saul's shield is left to rust. In turning to Saul and Jonathan
section on David's rule in Judah. (w. 22—4), David extols them as heroes who, although now
The problem here is that w. i—16 give an entirely different slain, persevered in battle and had slain the enemy (v. 22), for
account of Saul's death to the one read in i Sam 31:3-5. The they were strong and swift in battle (v. 23). Father and son were
Amalekite who brought the news to David claims that he joined in death (v. 23). Then the women of Israel are called
killed Saul, and as proof presents the king's crown and armlet upon to mourn Saul, who had brought them prosperity and
to David. There is no suggestion that Saul committed suicide; luxury (v. 24). Before the final refrain in v. 27, David gives vent
his leaning on his spear' (v. 6) was no more than an attempt to to his personal grief for Jonathan (w. 25/7-26), and the word
support himself. Moreover, Saul was overtaken by 'chariots 'love' echoes once again the covenant of friendship between
and horsemen' (v. 6), not 'archers' as in 31:3; there is no the two.
mention of an armour-bearer in this account, and it mentions
only Jonathan of the three sons killed. Of the various solutions The Kingship of David (2 Sam 2-8)
offered the most likely explanation of the discrepancy is that Not one of the proposed divisions of material in 2 Sam 2-20 is
the Amalekite was lying in order to gain favour with David. entirely satisfactory. Superficially chs. 2-8 appear to be deal-
This is preferable to the suggestion that this chapter con- ing with the period when David set up his kingdom, or, as is
tinues the narrative in i Sam 31, but is the result of the often claimed, his empire, and chs. 9—20, concerned as they
combination of literary strands (Gr0nbaek 1971), and also to are with intrigue and rivalries, address the issue of succession
the view that it is an alternative account emphasizing that to his throne, with a final solution being found in i Kings 1-2.
Saul's death was the result of divine judgement (Ackroyd However, the place of ch. 7 is unclear; on the one hand, it has
1977). If it is accepted that the Amalekite was lying, several appropriately been described as a climax to the period when
features of the narrative fall into place. The Amalekites, as old the Davidic empire was being established, but on the other, it
enemies of Israel, were not trusted; once the messenger is can be regarded as an introduction to the section on succes-
identified as an Amalekite (v. 8), only treachery can be ex- sion to his throne. It can also be argued that other parts of this
pected. He came showing signs of grief, his 'clothes torn and complex would fit more naturally elsewhere (see c.i6). The
dirt on his head', but they may well have been contrived in an clash between Michal and David (6:20-3), f°r instance, is
attempt to give authenticity to his account. Although he really concerned with the succession; again the account of
claims to have killed Saul, it is more probable that he went his Philistine wars (5:17—25), as well as the list of his successes
to Mount Gilboa in search of plunder and chanced on Saul's (8:1—14), could bg placed within the History of David's Rise. It
body; he immediately stripped him of his crown and armlet, could also be legitimately claimed that a climax is reached in
and then realized that these insignia of kingship would be ch. 5 when David became king at Hebron and made a coven-
valuable to David. He saw in this an opportunity to curry the ant with the people. Nevertheless, because of the possibility
favour of the king-elect (McCarter 1984). The messenger de- of identifying a complex in 2 Sam 9—20, i Kings 1—2 dealing
scribes himself as 'a resident alien' (ger); an Amalekite who specifically with the succession narrative, a natural break
was resident was bound by the laws of his adopted community occurs at the end of ch. 8.
(Lev 24:22), and therefore his disregard for the sanctity of'the
LORD'S anointed' could not go unpunished and he was sen- (2 Sam 2:1-32) David Becomes King at Hebron David's move
tenced to death. Not only does this narrative confirm once to Hebron is presented as an act of obedience to God's instruc-
again David's respect for YHWH's anointed, but may also tions after an enquiry from David, and is, therefore, part of
have been intended to exonerate David entirely of the events God's plan to bring his king-elect to the throne. Although that
that led to his succession. It also has an apologetic aim, for it is the interpretation of events given in the biblical account,
explains how David came quite innocently to be in possession there is evidence that David himself had taken several shrewd
of Saul's crown and armlet (McCarter 1984). steps aimed at strengthening his position in readiness for
David's lament in w. 17—20, with its very personal expres- taking the throne. By marrying Abigail he had already ob-
sion of his grief over the loss of Jonathan, can be attributed to tained a power-base in Hebron (i Sam 25:3), and he had also
David himself (cf Hertzberg 1964; McCarter 1984). The in- sent gifts to its inhabitants after his defeat of the Amalekites (i
troduction in v. 17 contains a difficult phrase, 'and he said to Sam 30:31). Hebron was certainly the most powerful town in
teach the sons of Judah a bow', which the NRSV has taken to the region, and it was there that David was 'anointed king over
refer to the lament's title, 'The Song of the Bow'. Another Judah' (v. 4). Although he had been anointed previously by
possibility, having some support in the LXX, is to omit 'bow' Samuel (i Sam 16:13), me action taken on this occasion by 'the
as an intrusion. The poem was preserved in an anthology people of Judah', as later by 'the elders of Israel' (5:3), was a
known as the Book of Jashar (cf. Josh 10:12—13; J Kings 8:12— significant step in his recognition as king.
13), and although it is called a lament it does not adhere strictly David had also attempted to secure support in northern
to the qina metre. A kind of refrain, 'How the mighty have areas. Two of the marriages he contracted, to Ahinoam of
fallen', occurs in three places (w. 19, 25, 27). After stating that Jezreel and also to Maacah, daughter of Talmai of Geshur,
Israel's 'glory' has fallen (a reference to Saul, according to are probably to be considered as marriage alliances through
McCarter 1984, to its 'young men' according to Hertzberg which he established contacts and gained support in those
1964), the poet expresses his wish that the news be kept particular areas. His overtures to the men of Jabesh-gilead,
from the cities of the Philistines to prevent their exultation who had been loyal to Saul (w. 4^-7), were again aimed at
over Judah (v. 20). He then curses Mt. Gilboa (v. 21), the scene establishing a relationship with that area. With the death of
of defeat, and condemns it to barrenness; it is the place where Saul their relationship with him had come to an end, and now
I AND 2 S A M U E L 216

they were being offered a renewed relationship with David open bid for Ishbaal's throne, cf. i Kings 2:13—25, where
(McCarter 1984). David was obviously making moves which Adonijah made a similar bid for Solomon's throne and 2
were a direct challenge to the house of Saul, which was enjoy- Sam 16:20-3, where Absalom openly visited David's harem
ing special ties with Gilead, Jezreel, and Geshur, together with (McCarter 1984, following Tsevat 1958). It was probably Ab-
several other northern territories. Consequently civil war ner's growing power in Ishbaal's court that gave him confi-
broke out between north and south. Ishbaal (reading with dence to make public his interest in the crown. When
the Greek, for the Hebrew Ishbosheth, 'man of shame'), Saul's challenged by Ishbaal, however, he replied angrily and de-
son, had Abner, Saul's cousin, as his military commander, and fiantly, although the meaning of the phrase 'dog's head' in
David was assisted by Joab, son of Zeruiah. Both armies set his reply is not clear; it may denote insignificance or else is a
out for Gibeon, the Saulide contingent travelling from Maha- euphemism for his sexual drive (see further Thomas 1960).
naim in Transjordan, and when they met Abner suggested a Abner does not admit that he is in the wrong, but dismisses
contest between the young men, twelve on each side. A ser- the affair as insignificant in comparison with the loyalty he
ious contest between trained warriors to settle an issue was has shown to the house of Saul (v. 8). It has been suggested
widely practised in the ancient world, cf ordeals by battle that the remainder of his reply (w. 9—10) is a Deuteronomistic
among the Hittites (Fensham 1970). A combat ordeal was interpolation; it shows acquaintance with the Deuteronomis-
settled by the will of the deity. To gain the advantage the tic presentation of Saul and David, i.e. a condemnation of
contestant grasped the head of his opponent and with the Saul, a promise to give his kingdom to another, and the
other hand thrust a sword into his side. All the contestants identification of David as the chosen king (Ackroyd 1977;
were killed (v. 16), which made the contest inconclusive, but McCarter 1984). In his message to David at Hebron (follow-
the more general battle that ensued was to David's advantage ing the LXX in preference to an unclear MT) Abner sought a
(v. 17). The slaughter of the contestants occurred at Helkath- pact (a 'covenant') with him on the understanding that Israel-
hazzurim, usually translated Field of Flints or Field of Sword- ite territories, i.e. Ishbaal's kingdom, would be transferred to
edges (NRSV marg.), which is preferred to the Greek, Field of David. His question, 'To whom does the land belong?' sug-
Sides, referring to the nature of the contest. This, it is claimed gests that power was in his own hand (cf. v. 6) and that he
(McCarter 1984), was a secondary addition, which means that could negotiate as he wished with Ishbaal's land. David set his
the verses originally constituted an aetiological narrative ex- own conditions: the return to him of Michal, Saul's daughter.
plaining a place-name. The significance of his request has escaped the narrator, who
The pursuit of Abner by Asahel was significant, and throws probably understood it simply as proof of Abner's good faith
light on some events which were to follow. Three sons of (cf. Gen 43:4, 5). There were political implications to this
Zeruiah, David's sister (i Chr 2:16), are mentioned here, and move, and David was now staking a legal claim to Saul's
they have been described as rash, cold-blooded, and violent throne. Despite the prohibition of remarriage in Deut 24:1—
(McCarter 1984). One of them, Abishai, had accompanied 4, it is known that there were special provisions for husbands
David to Saul's camp (i Sam 26:6-22) and later became joint forced to give up their wives (McCarter 1984, following Ben-
military leader with Joab. On this occasion Asahel (the young- Barak 1979). The legality of the case was one reason why
est of the three) relentlessly pursued Abner, and because he Ishbaal complied with David's request (w. 15—16); Abner's
ignored his warning Abner had no choice but to kill him power in court was another reason. Doubt has been cast on
(w. 18-230). Joab and Abishai took up the pursuit, which was the historicity of David's marriage to Michal (i Sam 18-19;
halted when Abner reminded them of their bond of kinship Noth 1960), and therefore on w. 14—15 in this chapter. How-
(v. 2 6). Although these hostilities, which had obviously been to ever, it is a tradition that serves a purpose in this context; it
David's advantage (v. 31), ceased, and the armies returned to confirms that David had legitimate rights to Saul's estate.
their bases, this was not the end of the feud between north and Abner successfully negotiated with both sides. His ap-
south. Joab was determined to avenge Asahel's death (3:17); proach to the senior leaders of Israel was based on their desire
when the opportunity arose for him to do this, it is emphasized to have David as king; he knew of their dissatisfaction with
thathe was not acting officially, rather it was a personal feud. As Ishbaal and their realization that he could not withstand the
events developed we learn that David felt unable to restrain the Philistines as David had done in the past. The support of
violence of the sons of Zeruiah (3:39). Saul's tribe and his own, the Benjaminites, was secured, as
is emphasized in the narrative. When he reported his success
(2 Sam 3:1-39) The Death of Abner Hostilities were only to David, he and his men were feasted, which probably on this
temporarily suspended (2:28), for the struggle between the occasion denotes covenant-making. Joab's recapture of Abner
houses of David and Saul was a long one, and, continuing the (w. 22—7) may have been due to a combination of reasons. The
theme of 2:30—i, was generally in David's favour and added to one given immediately, that Abner was planning to deceive
his strength (v. i). This provides the setting for the narrative David (v. 25), is not repeated in the narrative and does not play
continuing from v. 6. A list of sons born to David at Hebron any part in it. Another obvious reason is that Joab did not wish
(w. 2—5) interrupts the flow of the narrative, but may have to face competition from such a powerful commander and
been occasioned by the reference in v. i to the increasing leader as Abner. However, the narrator more than once em-
strength of David. phasizes that it was blood-revenge for the death of Asahel
Ishbaal's quarrel with Abner, whose stature in court was (w. 27, 30); this suited the narrator's aim, for he wished to
increasing, was occasioned by his relationship with one of make clear that David had no part in Abner's death. This point
Saul's concubines and the mother of two of his sons (21:8). is confirmed by the references to Abner departing in peace
There is ground for suggesting that Abner's behaviour was an from David (w. 21, 22, 24), by the statement that David did not
 217 I AND 2 S A M U E L
know of Joab's plan (v. 26), by including David's claim that he narrative, like the account of Abner's death, shows that David
was guiltless as well as his curse upon the guilty Joab (w. 28— was totally innocent of such assassinations.
9), which is very Deuteronomistic in tone (cf. Veijola 1975), by
(2 Sam 5:1—25) Kingship at Hebron and the Capture of Jeru-
describing David's public display of grief (w. 31-2), by citing
salem With Ishbaal's death David was at last free to take the
David's tribute to Abner (w. 33-4), and by noting that David
throne of Israel. Because of his connection with the house of
was unable to resist the violence of the family of Zeruiah
Saul, his proven leadership against the Philistines and the
(v. 39)- promises made to him by God, there was no rival or opposi-
By implication this narrative subscribes to the theme that
tion (w. 1—2). Words to this effect were spoken to David by the
David was God's chosen; first, he had a rightful claim to Saul's
'tribes of Israel' (translated 'staff-bearers' by McCarter 1984),
throne, and secondly he was not involved in any of the violent
but their words are frequently considered to be a secondary
actions that brought him nearer the throne.
addition to the older brief statement in v. 3 (see Veijola 1975).
(2 Sam 4:1—12) The Death of Ishbaal Because Abner was so His installation by the 'elders of Israel' (cf. 'elders of Judah' in
strong that he virtually ruled Israel (cf. 2:8-9; 3 : ^)» his death 2:4) at Hebron consisted of making 'a covenant... before the
threw the country and its reigning monarch into confusion LORD', which must have contained some reference to the
and uncertainty. Two officers in Ishbaal's army decided to take obligations undertaken by both sides, an anointing and his
the initiative and make a bid for David's favour. The lineage of designation as 'king'. The chronological note about the reigns
Baanah and Rechab is given in detail, although some of the of David and Ishbaal in w. 4-5 is also an addition; it is the kind
information in w. 2-3 stands in parenthesis and may have of Deuteronomistic notice that usually appears on the acces-
been a later insertion. Although the two captains were from sion of a monarch and was probably absent from 4QSama,
Beeroth, they were Benjaminites, for, despite uncertainty Old Greek, and i Chron n. Nevertheless, it underlines the
about its exact location, Beeroth 'was considered to belong to historical significance of the occasion.
Benjamin' (v. 2, cf. Josh 18:25); it was definitely not in Benja- The next important step was the capture of Jerusalem
minite territory, but apparently had Benjaminite inhabitants (w. 6-9). The name of Jerusalem (see OCB) is found in
(Hertzberg 1964). The original inhabitants had at some time Egyptian Execration texts of the nineteenth and eighteenth
or other fled to Gittaim, which may have been in Philistine centuries BCE and in the Amarna texts of the fourteenth
territory. century BCE. Its pre-Israelite inhabitants were known as 'Je-
The interpolation in w. 2-3 is followed by yet another busites' (OCB), who were of Canaanite origin (Gen 10:16).
unnecessary insertion in v. 4, which refers to Jonathan's son, The Israelites did not drive them out when they conquered
Mephibosheth (or Meribaal, cf. i Chr 8:34; 9:40). It would be Canaan (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:21); the city preserved its indepen-
more appropriate at 9:1-13. The note may have been included dence until the time of David, and was a foreign enclave. Such
here to make the point that after the death of Ishbaal there a strong fortress, away from the main north-south routes,
would be no serious contender for the throne from the house was as advantageous to David as it had been to its previous
of Saul; Mephibosheth was only a minor ('five years old') and a inhabitants. Because it had been in Jebusite hands, and
cripple. was independent of both northern and southern factions,
The two assassins gained access into Ishbaal's house at and was situated more or less on the border between Israel
noon, when he was taking a siesta. The NRSV simply states and Judah, it was a wise choice as capital. A survey of the
that they entered the house on the pretext of taking wheat; different interpretations proposed for the difficult account of
because they appeared to have business in the house they its capture in w. 6-9 is available in major commentaries;
were allowed to enter. Other translators (cf. REB) and com- special studies of the passage are discussed by McCarter
mentators (Hertzberg 1964; McCarter 1984) have, on the (1984). A reasonable understanding of it is found in the
basis of the LXX, seen a reference here to a porteress, who rendering of the NRSV. The Jebusites were confident that
had been cleaning wheat and had fallen asleep. Once they had their city could not be taken by David; it was such a strong
entered they swiftly accomplished their gruesome task (v. 7). fortress that even handicapped persons, 'the blind and the
In seeking David's favour they claimed to have avenged him lame', would be able to defend it (v. 6). David later picked up
on Saul, who is described as an 'enemy' because he had sought the phrase and used it to refer to the defenders of Jerusalem,
his life (v. 8). David immediately distances himself from their who were to be defeated, as 'the lame and the blind' (v. 8); the
action, for, as he had so consistently demonstrated, he re- third reference to them in v. 8fc has probably been added by an
spected a reigning monarch and did not wish to seize the annotator who was probably using a proverbial expression.
throne. The narrator does not entertain any thought of the The city was taken by those who went 'up the water shaft' to
sons of Rimmon being agents working for David, any more the city (v. 8); they made use of the vertical shaft from the city
than he thought of Joab killing Abner with David's foreknow- to the Spring of Gihon, either by stopping its flow and climb-
ledge. David, YHWH's elect, was to advance naturally to the ing up to the city (NRSV), or by forcing the city into submis-
throne, and and did not have to stoop to intrigue and violence. sion by stopping its water supply (see McCarter 1984). On
His attitude is made explicit in w. 9-11. He had commanded entering the city David occupied the fortress on the hill in the
than the Amalekite, who claimed to have killed Saul, be put to south-eastern corner, also called Ophel, and renamed it 'the
death. The sin of these assassins was worse; they had 'killed a city of David'. The 'Millo' was an earth-fill to form a rampart
righteous man on his bed in his own house' (v. n), and they or a platform, and has been identified as Solomonic terracing
are to suffer the same fate (v. 12). Although these men had by on the eastern slope (Kenyon 1974). David also added to the
their action participated in David's advance to the throne, this fortification. This account of the capture of the city has a
I AND 2 S A M U E L 218
fitting conclusion in v. 10, which may well have been intended Sam 6:7. 'The house of Abinadab' is also known from i Sam
as the closing verse of the History of David's Rise. Two brief 7:1, but his sons 'Uzzah and Ahio' appear here instead of
notes are included in w. n—16. The first (w. 11—12) reports on 'Eleazar', who was in charge of the ark. It was an occasion
negotiations with Hiram of Tyre, who had building materials for joy and celebration, with David and his people dancing
and craftsmen for David's building projects. It is a chrono- vigorously ('with all his strength' in v. 14 and i Chr 13:8, for the
logically misplaced note and probably refers to a later period Heb. 'with instruments of might') accompanied with 'songs'
in David's reign. Hiram also gave invaluable assistance with (following 4QSama, the LXX and i Chr 13:8 for the MT's 'fir-
Solomon's building projects. At this juncture it makes the trees'). But a cultic aberration brought disaster. Although the
point that David was an internationally known figure and striking of Uzzah is sub-Christian, the narrative emphasizes
that his kingdom had status. The second (w. 13—16), a list of once again the power and the danger that ancient Israel
sons born to David in Jerusalem, is a continuation of the list in associated with the most holy object; it is this same ark that
3:2-5. brought plagues upon the Philistines (i Sam 5) and devasta-
Two of David's victories over the Philistines (w. 17-25) are tion to the town of Beth-shemesh (i Sam 6:19). Uzzah's
placed after his capture of Jerusalem; these are also chrono- assistance had not been offered with the care and precaution
logically misplaced and are probably to be connected with an necessary for performing a sacred rite, and according to an-
earlier point when he was 'anointed king over Israel' (v. 17). cient Israelite tradition he was justifiably punished. David was
'The stronghold' was not necessarily Jerusalem, but more also unwilling to take the risk, and the ark was left for three
probably Adullam (McCarter 1984). On both occasions David months with Obed-edom the Gittite. Obed-edom was one of
consulted the oracle, receiving a positive reply on the first David's loyal servants since his time in Ziklag; he was a non-
occasion and a negative one, supplemented by further advice, Israelite and the worshipper of a strange god, and was willing
on the second. The Philistines came up to Rephaim, a plain to to house the ark.
the south-west of Jerusalem, and David defeated them at Baal- Despite some bitter experience with the ark, it was un-
perazim ('Lord of Bursting Forth'); there is here an aetiological doubtedly accompanied by blessing (v. 12), which prompted
play on the sanctuary's name. The second battle was likewise David to bring it to Jerusalem, again with much celebration
connected with Rephaim, although it is uncertain if the sec- and sacrifice. Offering sacrifice after those carrying the ark
ond account is authentic or is a variant of the first one. David 'had gone six paces' does not mean one sacrifice after the first
was advised to take a different route and attack from the flank six steps (as by Hertzberg 1964), but must refer to repeated
in the vicinity of'balsam trees', bushy growths characteristic sacrifice every six steps, as was practised elsewhere (Miller
of a hilly region. This time David secured a decisive victory, and Roberts 1977). David was wearing 'a linen ephod', a
and they were struck 'from Geba' (probably to be read with the priestly garment, which only covered the body and loins,
LXX as 'from Gibeon', six miles north-west of Jerusalem) back and was inappropriate for the vigorous circular dance that
to their border at Gezer. he was performing. With blasts on the trumpet, the sopar or
ram's horn, the people were assembled for this joyous event.
(2 Sam 6:1—23) Taking the Ark to Jerusalem The ark had When the ark was brought into Jerusalem, it was housed in a
presumably remained in Kiriath-jearim since it was taken tent made for it by David (v. 17); this was not the same as the
there after its return from the Philistines (i Sam 7:1), but wilderness 'tabernacle', but was probably a special construc-
now David was determined to bring it to Jerusalem. A con- tion with some features that were later adopted when con-
tinuation of the ark narrative in i Sam 4:1—7:1 is to be found structing a permanent abode for the ark. The whole ceremony
here in w. 1—19 (Campbell 1975). Whether they were originally was concluded with sacrifices, blessings, and gifts; it was
one piece of writing composed at the same time is another indeed a great festive occasion.
matter. Recent studies have on several grounds (such as the Connections between 2 Sam 6 and Ps 132, and again with
difference between Kiriath-jearim and Baalah, between Elea- cultic processions, have been widely discussed (see more fully
zar and Uzza, between a narrative written before a decisive McCarter 1984). It can be cautiously stated that Ps 132 is based
battle and one written after it, and between the character of the on the story of the transfer of the ark to Jerusalem; it is similar
two narratives) argued against reading the chapters together to 2 Sam 6 and does not rest on a divergent version (as argued
as one continuous piece (so MacCarter 1984, following Miller by Cross 1973). Several ceremonial parallels connected with
and Roberts 1977). Whatever its original context, this narra- introducing a god to a new capital have been found, and it has
tive continues the story of the ark and fits extremely well into been suggested that there was an annual procession of the ark
this particular setting. Thematically it is part of the Deuter- to the Jerusalem temple. It may well be that the celebrations
onomistic concern with the choice of David and Jerusalem. described in this chapter gave rise to annually repeated cele-
Chronologically it was only after a decisive victory over the brations.
Philistines (such as the one described in 5:17-25) that David Michal, Saul's daughter, was not pleased with David's be-
would have been in a position to bring the ark to Jerusalem (cf haviour, as is reported in a section that did not belong origin-
Hertzberg 1964). Undoubtedly the narrative has been given a ally to the present context (w. 16, 19-23), but may have been
suitable context. part of the succession narrative (Rost 1982). She found
The ark's journey from Kiriath-jearim, known in this pas- David's dancing most vulgar, for the scantily clothed king in
sage as Baale-judah (on the basis of 4QSama for 'Baalah'), was a mere linen ephod had exposed himself to 'his servants'
a mixed event. Reference to the ark as 'the ark of God maids'. Michal's words referring to the king 'honouring him-
[YHWH]', and to YHWH as 'enthroned on the cherubim' self are full of irony; David's vow to make himself 'more
shows similarity to i Sam 4:4, and again 'new cart' echoes i contemptible than this' has a veiled reference to his piety.
 219 I AND 2 S A M U E L
There is no need to see in this episode a reference to a sacral by giving the second oracle the same historical setting as the
marriage rite to accompany the ritual of the previous section first (w. 1—3) and by employing the word bayit (house) in two
(against Porter 1954), nor is it to be taken as criticism of different ways. David had not been allowed to build God a
David's affairs with women (Crusemann 1980). The key to 'house' (bayit, w. 5, 6, 13), but YHWH was going to found for
understanding the section is the statement in v. 23 that Michal David a 'dynasty' (bayit, w. n, 16). Adaptations were necessary
had no child. It offers an explanation of her childlessness, and in joining the two oracles, among them a promise that Solo-
in some ways is significant when surveying David's relations mon would build a temple. The core message of the second
with the house of Saul and with his own descendants. oracle can be identified as follows: David had been called by
(2 Sam 7:1-29) Oracle and Prayer This chapter, dealing with God (v. 9), had been protected by him against his enemies and
two key issues, building a temple and succession to David's made into a great name (v. 10); God would raise up his son to
throne, is one of the most important in the OT, and has been follow him and would establish his kingdom (v. 12) and he
subject to intense research (see Jones 1990). Although the would enjoy the status of God's adopted son (v. 14). It is an
succession narrative has been identified as 2 Sam 9-10; i oracle that refers to David's choice, his protection, and the
Kings 1-2, this chapter provides a fitting introduction to the promise of a successor. Several new elements have been
succession issue. The appearance of unity in w. 1—17 is only introduced by extending the oracle: God's interest in the
superficial, for two separate oracles concerning two different people of Israel (w. 10-11), the eternity of David's kingdom
issues have been combined, each originating from a particu- (w. 13,16) and the contrast between David and Saul (w. 14/7-
lar occasion. 15). The similarity between this oracle and other texts, such as
The appropriateness of constructing a temple is the subject Ps 89, points to a development in Jerusalem of the combined
of the first oracle in w. 1—7. Extra-biblical parallels, especially theme of David's greatness and the certainty of succession. It
the Egyptian Konigsnovdle, show that it was usual to seek is possible that Nathan, the court prophet, spoke an oracle
divine approval for building a temple (cf. Hermann 1953-4). along these lines either on David's initial enthronement as
David thus consulted Nathan, a court-prophet at hand to king in Jerusalem or on a subsequent celebration of it. His
advise the king, and possibly affiliated to the pre-Israelite words were later accompanied by more elaborate Israelite
Jebusite cult of Jerusalem. Whatever other reasons are given royal ideology, which became the basis for Israel's messianic
in the OTwhy David was prohibited from building a temple (i expectations. When this oracle was combined with the first
Chr 22:8; 28:3; i Kings 5:17), it is stated here that he was one, links were forged by referring to Solomon as builder of
prohibited by Nathan, who was speaking for YHWH ('Thus the temple (v. 13) and by using 'house' with a double meaning.
says the LORD'). Why he was forbidden is not clear. One Thus both oracles have the appearance of being concerned
possible ground for rejection is that David himself had taken with the dynasty.
the initiative ('are you the one to build me...?', v. 5, emphases The second half of the chapter (w. 18—29) contains David's
added); another is that there was opposition from Israel's'tent' prayer, and is to be separated from the first half because:
or 'nomadic' tradition (v. 6); another is that there was a subtle Nathan has disappeared from the scene, no allusion is made
theological difference between the concepts of 'dwelling' (ya- to the temple theme, and David requests God's blessing on his
sab) and 'staying' (sakari) as suggested by v. 2. It is not un- house, a blessing which has already been granted. The prayer
reasonable to suggest that the original oracle was later shows affinity with the work of the Deuteronomists, and it
modified to accommodate a different and more theological may either be entirely their own composition or their thor-
interpretation, v. 6 becomes suspect, and its omission leads to ough revision of an earlier form. A core may have been
a concentration on the reason given in v. 7; a temple was originally connected with bringing the ark to Jerusalem
contrary to the past traditions of the tribes, for God had not (6:1-19) rather than with the dynastic oracle in 7:1-7. It is
indicated to the Hebrew tribes that he desired one particular known that in ceremonies for introducing gods into capital
sanctuary to be designated as his dwelling-place. If that is cities, there was an opportunity for invoking their blessing on
identified as Nathan's reason, before it acquired later theo- king and people; David had invoked blessing on the people
logical interpretations, it must be asked if he had hidden (6:18), but not on his own house, and the core of this prayer
motives. Why would Nathan be interested in Israel's tribal may well have belonged to that part of the ceremony (McCar-
traditions ? It is significant that, although he resisted a Davidic ter 1984). When that prayer was modified for its present
temple, Nathan was in the pro-Solomonic camp (i Kings 1—2) context, a number of additions were made, especially the
and did not object to a Solomonic temple. A possible inter- allusion to God's promise and its 'eternal' nature (w. 22, 28-
pretation of these events is that Nathan objected to a Davidic 9), God's redemption of his people from Egypt (w. 23-4), and
temple because it was intended to replace the old Jebusite one, several Deuteronomistic cliches (w. 22/7—26).
but did not object to a Solomonic temple because the Jebusites (2 Sam 8:1—18) David's Empire and Court The list of David's
were in the Solomonic camp and could therefore influence conquests in w. 1—14 provides valuable historical insight into
him. Whatever Nathan's motives and the stages through the extent of his power and kingdom. David's military leader-
which the oracle passed between its original form and the ship brought him phenomenal successes leading to the estab-
present version, the point of the rhetorical question in w. 5 lishment of what was virtually an 'empire' (Malamat 1958;
and 7 is that David was prohibited from building a temple for Mazar 1962). These verses, like other passages (cf. 5:17—25),
YHWH in Jerusalem. give a catalogue of victories, probably compiled from ancient
The second oracle (w. 8-16) addresses a different issue, fragments, and are arranged thematically rather than chrono-
succession to David's throne; the two issues have been linked logically. David's supremacy over the Philistines, although
I AND 2 S A M U E L 220

placed 'some time afterwards', was gained through a number throne, Absalom, Amnon, and Adonijah, it is demonstrated
of military victories (cf. ch. 5). The exact meaning of the word that Solomon was the sole legitimate successor. Reference has
translated in the NRSV as a proper name, Metheg-ammah, is already been made (c.16—20) to the key issues relating to the
unclear; among other possibilities are 'from Gath to Ammah' succession narrative: the boundaries of the complex, stages in
(cf. i Chr 18:1) or 'took the leading reins out of the hands of the its growth, historical value, date, genre, and motive. Whatever
Philistines' (Hertzberg 1964). Whatever the translation, what the difficulties that have arisen regarding the appropriateness
is implied is that David seized control of the land from the of the term 'succession narrative', it can be retained as an
Philistines and restricted their movement to coastal areas. He indication of the most prominent theme in the complex and
also defeated Moab (v. 2), and despite previous good relations the one that binds the various narratives together. Although
with the Moabites (i Sam 22:3—5), h£ selected two out of every the narrative does not emphasize the involvement of God
three prisoners of war for execution. in the elimination of candidates for the throne, from the few
David had to face competition from Aram Zobah in the references made to his activity (2 Sam 11:27; I2:24! I7:I4) it
north; under Hadadezer it was expanding its territory (Mala- becomes clear that Solomon was God's choice as David's
mat 1958) and was the leading state in the area before the rise successor. The scarcity of such references, together with a
of Damascus. Hadadezer seems to have been the leader of a lack of interest in cultic matters, has given rise to the sugges-
strong coalition (w. 5, 10; Malamat 1963), and he and David tion that it is a secular narrative. This has been taken by some
were competing for ascendancy over the same area. When as proof of mastery of narrative art, by which a point is made
Hadadezer (not David, as suggested by McCarter 1984) had through action and dialogue rather than by making explicit
gone to reinforce his power by the Euphrates (which is the theological assertions (Conroy 1978; Gordon 1984).
meaning of 'restore his monument'), he was attacked by
(2 Sam 9:1—13) Kindness to Mephibosheth David's promise to
David, who took prisoners, mutilated horses, and defeated
Jonathan not to cut off his faithful love from his house (i Sam
their helpers from Damascus. According to 2 Sam 10:1—19
20:15-16) is fulfilled with respect to his last remaining son,
and this passage, three successive battles were fought against
Mephibosheth. This chapter does not stand alone, but is con-
the Arameans. As a result of this success, Toi of Hamath
nected with the story of the Gibeonites' revenge in 2 Sam 21:1—
(which was on the Orontes to the north of Zobah) sent his
14 and with events concerning the house of Saul and the death
son to make an alliance with David, and brought him expen-
of Ishbaal in 2 Sam 2-4. The link with 2 Sam 21:1-14 is the
sive gifts, which indicates that David was the stronger partner
strongest. Chronologically the revenge of the Gibeonites pre-
in the alliance. He also conquered Edom and placed garrisons
ceded the accommodation of Mephibosheth at David's table.
there (v. 14). As a result of his campaigns David had wrested
The slaughter of seven Saulide descendants gave occasion for
control over what is now Palestine from the Philistines, had
David's enquiry in v. 3 (taking v. i as a superfluous editorial
garrisons in Moab, Edom, and Ammon (which corresponds to
link, so Veijola 1975); they could not have been alive at this
modern Jordan), and had conquered Aramean states (corres-
time. The original continuous narrative of 21:1—14; 9:1—13 was
ponding to modern Syria and eastern Lebanon) (cf. Soggin
later separated by an editor, who probably saw in the presence
1977). The Deuteronomistic historian attributes all David's
of a Saulide held in honour in David's household some con-
victories to YHWH (w. 6, 14).
tribution to the theme of succession. Whatever the original
The list of David's court officials in w. 15-18 is not exactly
motive of David's kindness to Mephibosheth, the present
identical with another version in 2 Sam 20:23-6, which has a
narrative emphasizes that David was dealing honourably
different order and additional names, Ira the Jairite and
with Jonathan's son; the word 'kindness' (hesed) occurs in
Adoram. Lists were available in archives, and these two are
w. i, 3, 7. There is no suggestion of imprisonment or of
probably variants (Ackroyd 1977; McCarter 1984). Joab had
keeping guard over him; David was granting him special
been some time with David and had command of the army
patronage (v. 7). Despite Mephibosheth's assertion that he
(see 2 Sam 2); Jehoshaphat was still in office in the time of
was insignificant ('a dead dog', v. 8), he was granted special
Solomon (i Kings 4:3). Zadok and Abiathar shared the priest-
privileges at royal expense (v. n), had his grandfather's prop-
hood until David's death (i Kings 2:26). The Cherethites and
erty restored to him (v. 7) and arrangements were made for
Pelethites were the royal bodyguard, and their captain (read-
Ziba to act as estate manager to provide for the family (v. 10).
ing 'was over' with the English versions and i Chr 18:17) was
Thus Saul's household was enjoying privileges at David's
Benaiah. The statement that 'David's sons were priests',
hand, and it is obvious that Mephibosheth, brought to court
although difficult and therefore revised to 'stewards' in i Chr
from Transjordanian Lo-debar, and his son Mica, were under
18:17, probably means that they were able to act as priests
his protection. Undoubtedly it was advantageous for David to
within the royal household.
have the only survivor of Saul's household under his roof. But
Succession to David's Throne (2 Sam 9-20) there was no real threat from Mephibosheth, for a man who
was 'lame in both his feet' would hardly have made a serious
2 Sam 9-20 and i Kings 1-2 are thought to have originally
contender for the throne.
formed an unbroken unit (Rost 1926), whose theme is clearly
enunciated in its climax, 'so the kingdom was established in (2 Sam 10:1—19) Ammonite and Aramean Wars Problems
the hand of Solomon' (i Kings 2:46). Among the reasons arise here in connection with the history of the wars with
given for considering these chapters as a self-contained unit Ammon and Aram, their connection with the David-Bath-
are: a common theme, common subsidiary themes, stylistic sheba affair and the reason for including 2 Sam 10-12 in the
affinities, a consistent treatment of characters. By describing succession narrative. The chapter begins with an insult to
the elimination over the years of all candidates for David's David by Hanun the king of the Ammonites after the death
 221 I AND 2 S A M U E L
of Nahash, who was an enemy of Saul (i Sam n) but a elite warriors. He is referred to in 4QSama as Joab's armour-
supporter of David. After the Ammonites had summoned bearer and was also known as 'the Hittite', which may denote
help from the Arameans (v. 6), who were Israel's rivals in the family origin of one that was born in Israel, as the 'yah'
the conflict of interest between the two powers, attention element in his name suggests. Another bit of information
seems to focus on the Arameans. Four states were called to produced about Bathsheba is that she was purifying herself
the assistance of Hanun: Zobah and Beth-rehob to the south, after menstruation; after the passing of the seven days of ritual
Maacah (Aram Maacah in i Chr 19:6) north of Manasseh in impurity (Lev 15:19) she was in the best possible period for
Transjordan, and Tob, further south. By connecting this nar- conception.
rative with 8:3-5 it is possible to reconstruct the course of the David's misbehaviour is not glossed over, nor is there any
Aramean conflict as follows: a first battle outside the gate of attempt to explain his action. Although attempts have been
Kabbah (10:6—15); a second battle in the region of Helem in made to excuse his behaviour, especially by the rabbis (see
northern Gilead (10:15-19); a final and decisive battle in which McCarter 1984), no mitigation is offered in the biblical narra-
Hadadezer's coalition was conquered (8:3-8) (following the tive. No explanation is given of his motivation, whether he
reconstruction of McCarter 1984). In planning his action on acted because of love, or lust, or because he wanted to reassert
two fronts (v. 9) David encouraged his own troops to be brave his flagging manhood (Cohen 1965). However, this story
for the sake of'our people and for the cities of our God' (v. 12). which is so openly and honestly related in 2 Samuel is totally
The reference to 'cities' is textually sound and must be re- ignored in i Chronicles.
tained; it is probably a reference to cities in south Transjordan, David's attempt to cast paternity on Uriah, and when that
which had associations with YHWH, and David is thus at- failed, his desperate plan to secure his death in battle, add to
tempting to arouse religious fervour (Giveon 1964). After a the enormity of his misbehaviour. He realized his guilt in the
successful battle in Kabbah, Joab, having fought on two eyes of the law (Deut 22:22), and under the pretext of wishing
fronts, was not in a position to take advantage of his conquest to gain news of the military situation called Uriah from the
and returned to Jerusalem (v. 14). When the next battle was battleground; he then tried to persuade him to go home and
fought under the leadership of David himself (w. 15-19), have intercourse with his wife ('wash your feet' being a eu-
matters were different, and after this defeat Hadadezer's vas- phemism for sexual intercourse). Uriah, although on leave,
sals transferred their allegiance to David. The war account in maintained the ritual purity expected during battle (cf Deut
ch. 10 and the David—Bathsheba narrative in ch. n are ob- 23:9—14; Josh 3:5); with words full of irony he claims that it is
viously different in character and style. The former betrays the wrong to enjoy comforts when the ark was 'in booths' (or
flavour of archival records, the latter the style of a narrator. preferably 'at Sukkot') and the army encamped. He resisted
Rather than accepting the suggestion that the narrative is an the king's persuasive words and his efforts to put him in a
intrusion that interrupts the sequence of the war report, it is relaxed mood through food and wine. Uriah eventually car-
more reasonable to accept that the narrator borrowed material ried the letter assigning him to the front line and to certain
from an archival source to provide the David-Bathsheba nar- death. It is assumed that Uriah was unable to read the mes-
rative with a framework. Because David's affair with Bath- sage (Ackroyd 1977). Joab took matters in his own hands and
sheba was associated with the siege of Kabbah the choice was unnecessarily endangered life by placing his men under the
obvious. Thus we are given the historical setting (10:1-11:1), city wall, an action which had proved fatal in the case of
the affair and its outcome (11:2-12:25), and in conclusion the Abimelech (Judg 5:23); on this occasion it saw the death of
continuation of the war with the Ammonites (12:26—31). Uriah, and, according to the LXXL, eighteen other soldiers. A
Points of contact between chs. 10—12 and their setting in the messenger from Joab to David did not carry the message in
succession narrative can be established. David's affair with the form that it was given, and in order to achieve consistency
Bathsheba was to reach its fulfilment in the birth of Solomon the LXX has a longer version of v. 22. Nevertheless the vital
(12:24), which binds it firmly to the main thrust of 2 Sam 9— information about Uriah's death was transferred, and David
12; i Kings i—2, which show how Solomon became David's sent back to Joab a hidden message of acceptance and encour-
legitimate successor. Contacts have also been found between agement. After the customary period of mourning, seven days
this section and the story of Absalom's rebellion in the follow- (i Sam 31:13; Gen 50:10), Bathsheba was taken into the king's
ing chapters, especially with the events at Mahanaim in household and in the course of time gave birth to a son.
17:24—9 with a specific reference being made to 17:24—7 in (2 Sam 11:276-12:25) Nathan's Parable David's actions were
10:2. It has been claimed that theologically this reference not explained or condemned in the previous narrative, but in
provides a preface to the account of Absalom's revolt. 11:27/7 it becomes clear that his behaviour was unacceptable to
(2 Sam 11:1-270) David and Bathsheba When the time for God. Nathan's parable follows in 12:1-70, which may at first
military activity came round again (i.e. in the spring, after the have existed independently of the high moral tone in 11:27/7
end of the winter rains), and the Israelite troops under Joab and 12:9. Nevertheless, the implication of the parable itself is
had laid siege to Kabbah, David had not joined the forces, a that David was guilty and deserved the punishment which he
decision that was by no means exceptional (cf. 10:7-14). This himself had pronounced on the rich man. Although w. 1-712
was the setting for his downfall; it provided him with an are usually described as a parable it has to be noted that
opportunity to see Bathsheba bathing and then to commit parallels need not be sought for each of its constituent parts,
adultery with her. Bathsheba is identified as the daughter of but that the unit intended to emphasize one particular point.
Eliam, who, according to 2 Sam 23:34, was the son of Ahitho- Even if the search for an exact parallelism between all ele-
phel, and as the wife of Uriah, one of David's corps of'Thirty' ments in the narrative and the parable is abandoned, it is not
I AND 2 S A M U E L 222

easy to decide on the main point of comparison between tion he had received forgiveness. A brief notice of Solomon's
them. A parallelism between the theft of a ewe lamb and the birth in w. 24—5 is beset with difficulties. A possible under-
theft of Uriah's wife is possible, but not likely. It may be that standing of the events is that, if the Nathan parable and the
the story was told with the sole purpose of eliciting words of secondary w. 15/7-240 are ignored, v. 24/7 follows on 11:270,
condemnation from David, and then to throw them back at thus giving 'and bore him a son and she called his name
him with the simple application 'You are the man' (v. ya). The Solomon'. The whole section relating to the death of the first-
pronouncement of the king's verdict and its one-sentence born and the birth of'his replacement' (selomoh) was inserted
application then becomes the focal point of the section. Inter- to avoid the identification of Solomon as David's illegitimate
ference by Nathan, the court prophet and counsellor, may son (Veijola 1979). However, such an interpretation is not
have been prompted by political rather than religious motives; necessary; it can be accepted that a second son was born after
the kingship was a young institution, and he saw that it was in the death of the first, but not necessarily within the short time
great danger if the holder began to take advantage of his status suggested by placing both in the period of the Kabbah cam-
and exploit his subjects. paign, that he was named Solomon because he was a replace-
The terse application of v. ya was obviously not considered ment of the first and that Nathan gave him another name,
adequate. Two complete units, which follow in w. yb—10 and Jedidiah, meaning 'Beloved of the LORD'.
11-12, each with its own beginning and a prophetic-messen- In w. 26-31 we return to the siege of Kabbah, last men-
ger formula, concentrate on different aspects of David's crime tioned in 11:1. Joab captured the fortified area of Kabbah
and consequent judgement. The first unit (w. yb—10) is more known as 'the royal citadel'; this meant that he was in control
concerned with the murder of Uriah than with the taking of of its water supply (v. 27). David was then invited to take
Bathsheba. After a rehearsal of YHWH's mighty works on personal charge of the army for the final siege so that the
behalf of David (w. 7/?-8), a list that is concluded with the city could be reckoned as his conquest. Among the treasures
statement that God would be able to add more, the main taken by David, before he dismantled the city's fortifications,
accusation was that he had 'struck down Uriah the Hittite was the crown of its national god, Milcom (a reading preferred
with the sword'. By such an act he had despised God (v. 9), and to the MT's malkam, 'their king').
his punishment will fit his crime, 'the sword shall never
depart from your house'. The second unit (w. 11—12) does (2 Sam 13:1—39) Amnon and Tamar Amnon's love for Tamar,
not mention David's crime, but introduces a punishment his rape of his half-sister, and the vengeance of Absalom for
that fits the crime of adultery: a member of his household this wrong are incidents which have direct bearing on the
will take possession of his harem, and that public act of succession issue. The outcome of these events was the death
humiliation will stand out in contrast to what he did secretly. of Solomon's older brothers, Amnon and eventually Absalom.
David's response to Nathan was a brief admission of guilt The latter, after his temporary exclusion from court, was
(v. 13); by implication he had deserved death. But Nathan's briefly reconciled with David, but his dissatisfaction led to a
immediate reply gave a revised sentence; his repentance had revolt (chs. 15—19) and finally his death. The private affairs of
been accepted, his sin forgiven, and the sentence of death on chs. 13—14, like the more public events of chs. 15—19, are really
him personally commuted. Nevertheless, the child born from concerned with Absalom (cf. 13:1, 23, 38; 14:28; see Conroy
his adultery with Bathsheba was not to escape, but had to die 1978). Those later events arose from the clash of personalities
(v. 14). The theme of repentance and forgiveness in w. 13-14, evident in chs. 13-14 (see McCarter 1984). It was inevitable
like the interpretation of Nathan's parable in w. 7/7—12, prob- that Absalom, vindictive (14:33) and determined (14:28—32),
ably arose from later reflections on the course of David's was on a collision course with the compliant (13:7), indecisive
kingship and the fate of his dynasty. David's house, including (14:1), and lenient (13:21) David. Joab was always ready to step
the son born to Bathsheba, suffered death; there was rebellion in and force a quick solution.
against David which included the ravishing of his harem The narrative has been skilfully written; the historical sig-
(w. 11—12). But the house of David remarkably survived nificance of the events for the kingdom of David has not been
because he himself had been forgiven (v. 13). Omitting these elaborated, nor has the theological theme that God's will to
later reflections, the natural conclusion to Nathan's parable is place Solomon on David's throne was being fulfilled, nor
found in v. 150. again has the parallel between Amnon's desire for Tamar
The prophecy in v. 14 is fulfilled in w. 15/7—23; the child's and David's desire for Bathsheba. The position, as straight-
death was followed by David's unconventional behaviour. His forwardly described in w. 1-2, was that Amnon, son of David
fast and vigil, the traditional signs of mourning, occurred and Ahinoam, fell in love with Tamar, full sister of Absalom,
before the child's death (v. 16), but were abandoned instantly both children of David and Maacah. His desire for Tamar was
after the child had died (v. 20). It was a strange behaviour that so intense that it made him ill, and he had to resort to a trickery
perplexed his courtiers. However, understood in conjunction proposed by his cousin Jonadab (w. 3-5). Apparently virgins
with the theme of sin and forgiveness in w. 13-14, David's were under close guard, and Amnon did not have access to
behaviour was reasonable (cf Gerleman 1977). Through his Tamar (v. 3), but a request to David, when he visited the ill
actions before the child's death, he was pleading 'with God for crown-prince, brought Tamar to him and he raped her. He did
the child' (v. 16); that was the only reasonable course to take not heed her pleading, in which she indicated the conse-
(cf. v. 22). But once he knew, upon the child's death, that his quences for both of them; marriage between them was poss-
plea had not been accepted, it was reasonable to abandon his ible atthis time (cf. Gen 20:12), although later such a marriage
actions (v. 23). David resigned to these events with serenity; was prohibited by law (Lev 18:9, n; 20:17; Deut 27:22). Amnon
they proved that God was fulfilling his word, and by implica- was obviously driven by lust not love, and his action was
 223 I AND 2 S A M U E L
followed by an intense loathing of Tamar. Despite Tamar's contending that Tekoa had a distinctive wisdom tradition
expectation that Amnon would marry her (v. 16, cf Ex 22:16; (against Wolff 1964). Possible connections between this in-
Deut22:8), she was put away with contempt (w. 15,17—18) and cident and other biblical texts have been suggested. First, it is
immediately went into mourning. Tearing the long gown, the same in style as Nathan's parable; there a king condemns
which she was wearing as a virgin princess, was a sign of grief himself in his response to the situation described, and here
rather than lost virginity, as was putting ashes on the head and the king in his judgement convicts himself (v. 13). Secondly,
placing a hand on the head (cf. Jer 2:37). David, according to the tale about two brothers fighting and one killing the other is
v. 21, was angry when he heard, but, following the LXX and reminiscent of Cain and Abel in Gen 4 (Blenkinsopp 1966),
4QSama, the NRSV adds 'but he would not punish his son and especially the protection given to the murderer, in one
Amnon, because he loved him, for he was his firstborn'. Da- case by divine promise (Gen 4:15) and in the other by royal
vid's leniency probably incurred Absalom's resentment, but he oath (v. n). Thirdly, there are several links with the account of
restrained himself for the time being (v. 22). Joab's interview with the wise woman of Abel of Beth-maacah
Absalom's revenge had been planned for some time, and (2 Sam 20, cf. Conroy 1978).
was timed to coincide with sheep-shearing at Baal-hazor near Whatever the parallels proposed, the interview reported in
Ephraim, which cannot be identified with certainty, but was this chapter has its own problems. The woman's dilemma is
probably a few miles from Jerusalem. Sheep-shearing was a succinctly presented: she was a widow and the murderer was
time for festivities, and it was perfectly normal for Absalom to her only heir; she was thus torn between her duty to avenge
invite the king and his servants to the celebrations. No reason the other son's death and her duty to her husband to preserve
has been given for David's reluctance, nor for the fact that his name by protecting the son still alive (v. 7). Her commun-
Absalom had to press the king for his permission (w. 25, 27). ity rightly insisted on blood revenge, but her appeal for
It has been suggested that David was suspicious of Absalom, special consideration so that her last ember would not be
and that by inviting the king specifically (v. 24) he had his eyes quenched touched David's heart, and he promised a ruling
on the throne. If so, it is not easy to understand why he gave (v. 8). The woman persisted until that very general promise
permission for Amnon to go to the festival; perhaps he did not became an oath that no one would touch her son. The mean-
realize the extent of Absalom's hatred until he was briefed by ing of v. 9 in this particular context is difficult to ascertain (see
Jonadab (cf. v. 32). Once permission had been granted 'Absa- Hoftijzer 1970), but it is not to be regarded as an isolated text
lom made a feast like a king's feast' (following the LXX and that disrupts the sequence (McCarter 1984). It is assumed
4QSama). Nothing is known of the murderers (v. 29) nor of that, if David responded to the woman's plea and suspended
their fate afterwards; but it is obvious that Absalom was taking blood-revenge, he would be guilty; the woman, realizing that
the lead, for it was he who gave the orders and encouraged he would be responding to pressure from her, was willing to
them. An initial report that all the king's sons had been killed accept guilt. The exact meaning of the woman's words in v. 13
had to be corrected by Jonadab; in asserting that it was only is not clear. Examples from the several interpretations offered
Amnon who had died, Jonadab made David aware of the are that the king had devised something against the people by
reason for Absalom's action (v. 32). Jonadab's report was con- banning the heir from their midst, or that he himself was in
firmed when the king's sons returned along the 'Horonaim jeopardy because he had condemned himself for his treat-
road' (with some support from the LXX for the MT 'the road ment of Absalom. Her argument in v. 14 is easier to follow: all
behind him'). A period of bitter court mourning for Amnon die, and the fact of Amnon's death cannot be changed by
followed (w. 36—7). Absalom took refuge with Talmai, king of keeping Absalom in exile.
Geshur, his grandfather on his mother's side, and was three Another problem is posed by the placement of w. 15—17,
years in exile (w. 37—8). Giving a time-scale in these verses, as which do not have any knowledge of w. 12-14, where the
well as noting a change in David, prepares the way for Absa- woman has related the meaning of the king's ruling to the
lom's return, and these verses are frequently read with ch. 14. banishment of Absalom. On the contrary w. 15—17 seem to
David's change of heart (following the LXX and 4QSama) has constitute part of the woman's request in w. 5—7, and are read
been attributed to his affection for his sons and his realization between w. 7 and 8 by many commentators (cf. McCarter
that Absalom was second in line for succession (Gordon 1984, but not so Hertzberg 1964). In her final plea the woman
19 84); but the fact that Joab had to resort to a ploy to persuade stated that the king was 'like the angel of God', which may be
the king suggests that his change of heart was merely an no more than flattery spoken by one trying to ingratiate her-
abating of open hostility towards Absalom and that he could self with the king (so Hoftijzer 1970). After establishing that
be persuaded step by step to allow him to return. the woman's action was Joab's doing, David acceded to the
request that Absalom be allowed to return; but he was not
(2 Sam 14:1—33) Absalom's Return Reading signs that David granted full privileges (v. 24). The section which follows
was ready for Absalom's return, Joab took matters in hand. (w. 25-7) gives a description of Absalom's person, noting his
The text gives no hint of his motives. He probably considered beauty and drawing attention in particular to the weight of his
it necessary for Absalom, a possible heir to the throne, to be in hair. The statement that he had three sons is contradicted by
Jerusalem; he was therefore acting in the kingdom's best 18:18, where he says that he had no son. This section is a
interest (Gunn 1978). The special gift of the wise woman secondary addition, probably intended to show the popularity
from Tekoa, called to his assistance and closely briefed by of Absalom despite his absence from court for two more years
him, was either the gift of speech, in which she had been (Hoftijzer 1970). Finally Absalom was accepted by David; the
trained, or more probably a gift for feigning or acting lamen- king's kiss (v. 33) is to be taken as a sign of reconciliation. It
tation. The incident does not provide sufficient evidence for was only after one desperate action against Joab that Absalom
I AND 2 S A M U E L 224

gained recognition; Joab was compelled to go to David and ('his servants'), loyal troops ('the people'), his personal body-
bring Absalom to the king. guard ('Cherethites and Pelethites', cf. 2 Sam 8:18) and a
(2 Sam 15:1—37) Absalom's Rebellion Absalom, the prince in detachment of 600 Philistines from Gath (w. 17—18). During
exile, soon became a contender for the throne. His intention David's flight from the city there were five meetings or con-
was made known when he acquired a royal retinue, 'chariot versations (15:19—16:13), bearing some symmetrical corres-
and horses', and a personal bodyguard, 'men to run ahead of pondence to the three encounters on his homeward
him' (cf i Kings 1:5). He also set out to win popular support journey (19:16—40) (see Conroy 1978). In his meeting with
among those coming to the seat of justice ('the gate') for Ittai (w. 19-23), the leader of the Gittites, David tried to
litigation. Although the king was responsible for justice, persuade him to stay with Absalom ('the king') and avoid
Absalom was determined to capitalize on discontent because the uncertainty that would not be pleasing to him as a for-
of David's failure to act efficiently and sympathetically. By eigner and exile. But for Ittai there was no king other
making himself accessible and friendly Absalom gained than David, and he was determined to stay with him. David
popularity (v. 6). was presumably testing his loyalty. Other motives become
Reference to the tribes of Israel in v. 2, if taken literally, may apparent in David's conversation with the two priests,
suggest that Absalom was taking advantage of discontent Abiathar and Zadok (w. 24-9). The mention of Levites carry-
among northern tribes and was thus fanning the jealousy ing the ark is usually regarded as a later addition. In his
between north and south (as suggested by Alt 1968). There conversation with them David gives them two reasons for
are, however, overwhelming reasons for accepting that Absa- returning to Jerusalem. The first is theological; it presents
lom's support was widespread and included Judahite as well David in a favourable light as one who resigns to the will of
as Israelite elements (see fully McCarter 1984). Absalom YHWH knowing that it is he who decides the outcome. This is
himself was a Hebronite, and the choice of Hebron as the to be attributed to the pro-Davidic editors. The second is
seat of kingship (v. 10) would be unacceptable if he was practical; David is obviously planning to make a comeback
supported exclusively by northern tribes. But Judahites, and is planting the priests in Jerusalem in order to gain
Ahithophel and Amasa, were among the leaders of his revolt, information (v. 28).
and it is significant that David did not seek refuge in Judah. It David's advance up the Mount of Olives (w. 30-1), which
seems that Absalom had gathered support from Dan to Beer- breaks the sequence of the five conversations, has been de-
sheba (cf. 17:11). The revolt was caused by deficiencies in the scribed as a pilgrimage or an act of penance. It was a march
administration of justice under David; this is the implication undertaken in sorrow and humility, which is mixed with a
ofw. 2-6, although it has not been explicitly stated in this pro- prayer that Ahithophel's counsel be confounded.
Davidic writing. The whole thrust of the biblical narrative is to A third conversation occurred between David and Hushai
attribute these events to Absalom's desire for revenge on of the Archite clan of Benjamin (w. 32—7); it has been sug-
Amnon and his own ambition to take the throne. But such gested that his appearance 'where God was worshipped' was a
causes would not have attracted the measure of support en- direct reply to David's prayer in v. 31, for he is commissioned
joyed by Absalom (McCarter 1984). Consequently several as an informer in order to defeat Ahithophel's counsel. He,
other reasons have been proposed, such as dissatisfaction with the two priests and their sons, were to penetrate Absa-
with David's expansionist policy, or with his ruthless military lom's inner circle and report back to David.
campaigns, or with the loss of personal freedom as state (2 Sam 16:1-23) David in Flight and Absalom in Jerusalem
bureaucracy developed. Absalom probably gained a following David's first three meetings with supporters are followed by
because of'a mass of indefinable grievances' (Bright 1972, two other meetings, but this time with two persons connected
followed by McCarter 1984). After a wait of four years (follow- with the family of Saul. It is doubtful if the reports of these two
ing the Greek and Syriac for the MT's 'forty'), Absalom particular meetings came from the same source as the other
planned his revolt without arousing any suspicion. His re- three; some derive them from an independent source which
quest for permission to fulfil a vow in Hebron was readily had no connection with the present revolt. His first encounter,
granted. It had to be fulfilled in Hebron because it was made with Ziba, the servant of Mephibosheth (w. 1-4), is rather
to YHWH as he manifested himself there; parallels to confusing. Ziba brought provisions to sustain David on his
'YHWH-in-Hebron' are found elsewhere, such as 'Dagon-in- way and reported that Mephibosheth had stayed in Jerusalem,
Ashdod' (i Sam 5:5) and 'YHWH of Samaria' and 'YHWH of confident that Saul's kingdom was to be returned to him. Ziba
Teman' in ancient inscriptions. Absalom swelled the ranks of was clearly an opportunist, who probably calculated that
his supporters by bringing to Hebron innocent and unsus- David would eventually suppress the revolt, and sought to be
pecting guests (v. n), and his revolt was assisted by the pre- in favour with him at the expense of Mephibosheth. If Mephi-
sence of Ahithophel, David's counsellor and grandfather of bosheth's words in 19:27—9, accusing Ziba of slander, are
Bathsheba. trustworthy, he is exonerated; nevertheless, it has been
David's flight from Jerusalem to the Jordan was evidently a claimed that Mephibosheth was as guilty as Ziba (Conroy
wise move, although the text offers no explanation. Absalom's 1978). If that is the case, he had grossly misjudged his posi-
presence in Hebron, discontent among the Israelites and the tion, for the revolt was focused on Absalom. David, against his
enmity of the Philistines left him with no other real alterna- better judgement, accepted Ziba's report and granted him
tive. On the outskirts of Jerusalem, probably in the Kidron Saul's estates.
valley before the ascent to the Mount of Olives, his supporters As David was coming to Bahurim on the edge of the
marched past David; they included the Jerusalem garrison wilderness, he was met by another Saulide called Shimei
 225 I AND 2 S A M U E L
(w. 5-14), who was cursing David and calling him 'Murderer'; response of Absalom and his elders, it would no doubt have
he was interpreting Absalom's take-over of the kingdom as proved successful.
God's revenge for what David had done to the house of Saul. It For an unspecified reason Absalom wished to consult
is not clear what is meant by 'the blood of the house of Saul' Hushai. He played for time, so that David and his men could
(v. 8) as there are many possibilities: the execution of seven regain their strength and muster the troops. In a long and
Saulides at Gibeon (21:1—14), me death of Abner and Ishbaal, colourful speech, Hushai made full use of his persuasive
for which David may have been held responsible, or the deaths powers (w. 8—13). First, he sought to discourage Absalom
of Saul and Jonathan at Mount Gilboa, David perhaps being from precipitate action by reminding him of David's military
implicated by some factions because he had gone over to the prowess; he and his men were brave professionals, and a night
Philistines. David's reply to Abishai and his unwillingness to attack would be futile, for an old warrior like him would not be
take action against Shimei are significant. He was accepting sleeping in camp with his men and he would throw Absalom's
the possibility that Shimei was cursing because YHWH had army into panic. Secondly, by suggesting that Absalom mus-
ordered him to do so (v. 10) and he resigned to God's will ter 'all Israel... from Dan to Beersheba' to battle, he was
without protest (cf also i Sam 26:9—11). In view of his circum- appealing to any illusions of grandeur that he may have
stances at the time, having been forced into exile by his own held; he could envisage a pan-Israelite army supporting him
son, David could only accept that he was under a curse. Action and totally annihilating the enemy. Thirdly, his suggestion
against Shimei would not change the situation. David's that Absalom himself go to battle in person was a direct appeal
response has been interpreted as penitential, but according to his vanity. Hushai's eloquence and reasoning impressed
to v. 12 he was hopeful that God would improve his situation at Absalom and his advisers; nevertheless, as is emphasized in
a future date; it has been suggested, however, that w. 11-12 are v. 14, the narrator found YHWH's will to be the decisive factor.
secondary. Hushai had left the council before a decision had been taken.
Hushai, now known as David's friend, came to Absalom in Although he had given his own counsel, his advice to David to
Jerusalem, and with the standard acclamation, 'Long live the cross the Jordan immediately (v. 16) took into account the
king', recognized his authority as king and declared his alle- possibility of a sudden attack as recommended by Ahithophel.
giance to him (v. 16). Absalom instinctively rejected Hushai's The arrangement for passing information to David through
signs of disloyalty to David. But he was persuaded to accept the sons of Abiathar and Zadok and a girl informant was in
Hushai, when he was assured by him that he considered danger of failing when they were spotted by Absalom's ser-
Absalom to be God's elect and king by public acclamation vants. However, after the message was successfully trans-
and promised him the same loyalty as he had shown his ferred, David and his followers safely crossed the Jordan.
father. During his brief period in Jerusalem, Absalom un- Three other pieces of information are included in w. 23—9.
wisely accepted Ahithophel's advice, which, according to First, the spurned Ahithophel committed suicide (v. 23);
v. 23, was always esteemed and regarded as divine guidance. although the narrative suggests that he took this decision
But, by going to his father's harem, Absalom was publicly because of wounded pride, it has been suggested that it was
declaring his claim to the throne, which he had already taken more from fear of cruel death at the hands of David (Hertz-
(cf. Tsevat 1958). Other instances of this practice are found in berg 1964). Secondly, Joab had been replaced at the head of
2 Sam 12:8; i Kings 2:22-3. Ahithophel saw in such action a the Israelite army by Amasa, an Ishmaelite (with the LXX and
decisive breaking of relations between son and father and i Chr 2:17 in preference to 'Israelite' of the MT) related to Joab
therefore an opportunity to consolidate support from the through the two mothers. Thirdly, David had powerful friends
anti-Davidic camp. in Transjordan, Shobi, the Ammonite, Machir, who had pre-
(2 Sam 17:1—29) Hushai and Ahithophel Hushai's task, as set viously assisted Mephibosheth of the house of Saul, and
by David, was to 'defeat... the counsel of Ahithophel' (15:34), Barzillai from Gilead (see 19:31-9). It was important from
and, despite the respect shown to Ahithophel and his counsel the narrator's point of view to show that David had the support
(16:23), Hushai succeeded in defeating him. The account of of past followers from the house of Saul. They gave David
the contest between them (w. 1—14) has been rightly seen as practical assistance by providing for him.
pivotal in the story of Absalom (McCarter 1984). David's ear- (2 Sam 18:1-33) The Death of Absalom The delay in Absa-
lier conversations with the two priests, Zadok and Abiathar, lom's attack, which had been secured through Hushai's coun-
and with Hushai (15:24—9,32—7), as well as previous introduc- sel, gave David an opportunity to gather and arrange his
tions to Ahithophel (15:12; 16:20—3), have prepared for the troops. By the time he was ready for battle he had an army
contest between Hushai and Ahithophel. Ahithophel advised that he could divide into three groups, which was the tradi-
Absalom to take action quickly; if he were given the troops he tional division of an army (Judg 7:16; i Sam 11:11; Conroy
would make a sudden night attack on David's weary compan- 1978). The army passed out in front of David, who had himself
ions. As was often the case with this frequently used military been prevented by the men from marching out with them
strategy, they would be thrown into panic. The advantages of (v. 3); no such caution was taken by the opposing camp, and
Ahithophel's plan were that action would be swift and suc- Absalom fell. The narrator was anxious to emphasize that
cessful and the loss of life minimal; his aim was to kill David David was not with the army and could not be implicated in
alone and return all other fugitives to Jerusalem, as a young Absalom's death. The point is made more forcibly in his
wife returns to her husband after a brief quarrel (reading v. 30 specific instructions to his three commanders to 'deal gently'
with the LXX rather than the MT). This was sound advice, with Absalom, and it is deliberately noted that all the people
and had it been accepted, as seemed likely from the initial heard him giving that order. Little information is given about
I AND 2 S A M U E L 226

the battle. 'The men of Israel', a corps of conscripted men, was him. By threatening another possible rebellion (v. 7), Joab
defeated by 'the servants of David', presumably a more profes- managed to raise the king from his depression and to see
sional force. The latter were better placed to take advantage of him sitting on his throne with the troops marching past.
the dangerous terrain in which the battle was fought. 'The 'Bringing the king back' to his residence in the capital ob-
forest of Ephraim' was probably wooded hill-country in Trans- viously gave prestige and privileges to those involved; they
Jordan settled by some Ephraimites (Hertzberg 1964). It was would be the king's guards and his closest supporters. The
rough country made treacherous by the large pits found there people of Israel, former supporters of Absalom, had to recon-
(v. 17), and took more casualties than the actual fighting, a hint sider their position; although they had not been satisfied with
perhaps that other forces were fighting for David. Absalom David's management of internal affairs, they had reaped bene-
became victim to the forest, for as his mule made its way fits from his campaigns against the Philistines. Now that
under the branches 'he was left hanging' (as understood by Absalom was dead the Israelites were ready to forget the past
the English versions) in mid-air. Probably his neck became and transfer their allegiance again to David. But David saw
lodged between two branches (G. Driver 1962), which is more danger in accepting these Israelite overtures at the expense of
likely than the suggestion that he was caught by his phenom- his supporters in Judah. No reason is given for Judah's tardi-
enal crop of hair (see 14:26; cf. Josephus, Ant. 7 J 239). Ignor- ness in declaring its support; it may have been connected with
ing David's command regarding Absalom, Joab himself the fact that Absalom's rebellion had centred on Hebron
thrust a spear through Absalom's heart and left his young (15:10). David's approach to the elders of Judah, made through
men to finish the work (v. 15). A man, who was likely to receive his representatives in Jerusalem, Zadok and Abiathar (cf.
a reward for killing Absalom, had three good reasons for not 15:24-9), was in two parts: a reminder of his Judahite descent,
accepting the task: his unwillingness to kill a king's son, his and a notice of his intention to appoint Amasa to replace Joab
obedience to David's known wish, and his realization that as commander of his army. The response was as David had
Joab would not protect him from David's wrath (w. 12—13). wished, and the Judahites went to Gilgal to protect his crossing
Joab suspended hostilities, realizing that it was not a war of the Jordan.
between the people but was focused on an individual (Hertz- On David's return journey to Jerusalem there were three
berg 1964). Absalom was thrown into a pit by the troops and meetings or conversations to correspond to those on his de-
they heaped stones over him; it was not a respectable burial parture from the city (15:9—16:13). His first encounter was
(cf. Josh 7:26; 8:29). But Absalom had during his lifetime with Shimei, a Benjaminite from the house of Saul. The two
erected a memorial for himself in the Jerusalem area, Saulides, Ziba and Shimei, had rushed down to the Jordan in
although there is no certainty that it can be identified with order to bring back the king; the group with Ziba assisted the
the tomb of Absalom in the Kidron valley. He could have king's household to cross. Shimei, because of his guiltiness
erected a memorial in the year when he was prince in Jerusa- for previously cursing David (2 Sam 16:5—13), pleaded with the
lem; his period there as king was very short. The contradiction king to forget his past actions. He had made a special effort to
between v. 18 and 14:27 can be resolved by accepting that the be the first northerner ('house of Joseph') to meet him. David,
sons he had died at an early age. The drama in connection as customary on coronation day, showed magnanimity; he
with announcing the outcome of the battle to David can be could not accept the advice of the vengeful sons of Zeruiah
explained as follows (following McCarter 1984). As suggested (cf. 16:9), and dismissed Abishai as an 'adversary' (satan).
by w. 28-9, Ahimaaz was unaware of Absalom's death. Joab Although he kept his oath to Shimei, he did not forget or
tried to dissuade him from carrying news of the battle to forgive his insulting behaviour (see i Kings 2:8—9).
David; he would have to be informed of Absalom's death, Although the conversation with Mephibosheth follows next
and he could not rely on Ahimaaz to make that report as (w. 24-30), there is some doubt concerning its correct histor-
positively as he would wish. Another messenger was ap- ical placing. It obviously took place after David's conversation
pointed, and the Cushite, like Joab, wanted to give the im- with Barzillai in Transjordan, for Mephibosheth did not cross
pression that it was good news despite Absalom's death. When over. Despite the reference in v. 30, he had gone out to Jeru-
Ahimaaz arrived, amid expectations of good tidings because salem to meet David (v. 25). When he arrived he was unkempt,
he was a good man, he reported that 'all was well', but was probably intentionally to demonstrate his grief for David's
unable to answer the king's question about Absalom. The departure. He pleaded innocence, claiming that he had been
Cushite too brought good news, but, in reply to the king's deceived by Ziba (cf. 16:1—4), and relied on the king's mercy. m
question about Absalom, gave him the news with a positive his attempt to get a favourable decision he referred to him as
slant (v. 32). David began a period of mourning for Absalom an 'angel of God' (cf. 14:17, 20) and reminded him of previous
(v. 33), and this continues into the next chapter. favour granted to him. David's reply, curt and to the point, was
a compromise, and he divided Saul's territories between Ziba
(2 Sam 19:1-43) David Returns to Jerusalem David's pro- and Mephibosheth. Barzillai had made provision for the king
longed mourning for Absalom became an embarrassment and his troops (17:27), and David wished to recompense him
for his troops and supporters. The king had allowed his per- by giving him a place in the court (w. 31—40). Because of his
sonal grief to eclipse his responsibility towards the men who old age Barzillai could no longer enjoy the pleasures of the
had fought against Absalom, their enemy. Joab took matters court; he only wants his home and the family grave. He
in hand and spoke to the king some hard words which prob- handed over Chimham to accompany David; according to
ably exaggerated the situation. David's behaviour had brought MSS of the LXX he was his 'son'. Not forgetting Barzillai's
shame on those who saved him, and had given the impression kindness, David blessed him (w. 38/7—39), and later com-
that he loved those who hated him and hated those who loved mended him to Solomon (i Kings 2:26).
 227 I AND 2 S A M U E L
Conflict between north and south had not ceased (w. 41-3). guarded (v. 19). The proposal was to behead an individual to
These verses are in one sense a continuation of w. 8—13, where save the city (v. 21).
the Israelites considered their position and vacillated, leading The chapter is concluded with another list of David's offi-
David to appeal to Judah. When they saw the Judahites lead- cials (cf. 8:15-18). Joab is the established commander of the
ing the king to Jerusalem, they felt excluded. In the ensuing army, and Benaiah in charge of the Cherethites and Pe-
quarrel Judah claimed priority because David was a kinsman, lethites. Adoram (Adoniram in i Kings 4:6), not mentioned
and Israel because the northern tribes formed the larger part in the previous list, was in charge of forced labour, which may
of his kingdom ('ten shares' to two) and were the first to have been introduced in the latter part of David's reign. All the
mention bringing back the king. These verses prepare for other names are identical with those in the previous list,
the revolt of ch. 20 and the ultimate division of the kingdom except Ira, who replaces David's sons at 8:18. He is called
in i Kings 12. 'the Jairite', probably because he came from the village of
(2 Sam 20:1—25) A Rebellion under Sheba A leader for dis- Jair (Num 32:41; Deut 3:14). The present list has been vari-
contented elements was found in Sheba, 'the son of Bichri, a ously interpreted as later than the one in 8:15-18 (Noth
Benjaminite', and a representative of the Saulide camp (cf. 1960), a duplication of it (Kapelrud 1955), or a more primitive
Bechorath in i Sam 9:1). The nature of his uprising has to be form of it (McCarter 1984).
defined. Although v. 2 suggests that 'all Israel' left David and Appendices (2 Sam 21-4)
followed Sheba, it is clear from v. 14 that he had only the
limited following of all the Bichrites. The use of such terms This miscellaneous collection of narratives, lists, and poems is
as 'revolt' and 'uprising' has been questioned; it was the usually referred to as 'appendices'. However, it is not a hap-
dissension of a small group (McCarter 1984). The significance hazard collection of material, for commentators usually find
of this group must not be overlooked, however. The narrative here a concentric arrangement of the various pieces. At the
reaffirms the presence of a northern, Saulide element which centre are two poems, the Psalm of David in 22:2—51, review-
was not satisfied with being part of a united kingdom under ing the mighty acts of God, and the oracle in 23:1—7 giving
David. According to David's perception in v. 6 this dissent was assurances that the Davidic dynasty was to endure. Each side
potentially more harmful than Absalom's rebellion. In that ofthe central poems are the warrior exploits recorded in 21:15-
particular case, a contender was rising against a monarch, but 22 and again in 23:8—39, where they are accompanied by a
Sheba's dissension showed that the structure of the kingdom warrior list. Moving to the outer circle we find a famine story
was in danger. The allegiance of the northern tribes could no (21:1-14) and a plague story (24:11-25) (cf. Gordon 1984, with
longer be relied upon, and it is significant that Sheba's rally- reference to Budde's commentary of 1902). Sections of these
ing cry (v. i) was repeated when the kingdom was divided after appendices are closely linked with both preceding and suc-
the death of Solomon (i Kings 12:16). ceeding parts of the Deuteronomistic History. The episode
Once he had settled in Jerusalem and made arrangements relating to the Gibeonites in 21:1-14 continues one ofthe main
for his concubines (v. 3), David attended to the dissension. themes ofthe preceding chapters, namely the relationship
Amasa, the newly appointed commander (19:13), was given between David and the house of Saul. The final section, the
three days to rally a force, but failed to act as requested. No plague story in ch. 24, prepares the way for the building of
reason is given, but v. n may suggest that he was disloyal to Solomon's temple, and is therefore appropriately placed im-
David (Gordon 1984). Abishai was immediately put in charge mediately before i Kings. The structure of these chapters is
of the army, for David saw trouble ahead if Sheba and his usually attributed to a final compiler (Hertzberg 1964).
followers had time to establish themselves in fortified cities. (2 Sam 21:1—22) A Famine and the Gibeonites A prolonged
Joab, reluctant to accept demotion, still had 'men' under his famine caused by drought led David, accepting that it was a
command (v. 7) and took the lead in the pursuit of Sheba. sign of divine displeasure, to enquire of YHWH. The reason
When they met Amasa at Gibeon, Joab operated his precon- given is that the house of Saul had incurred blood-guilt by
ceived plan to murder him. Grasping Amasa by the beard to putting the Gibeonites to death (v. i). It is known from Josh 9
kiss him was not a suspicious act; but hidden in his girdle he that the Gibeonites had an irrevocable treaty with the Israel-
had a short sword, which 'fell out' (into his hand, not onto the ites (w. 19-20), and as is evident from biblical and extra-
ground, according to Hertzberg 1964), and with which he biblical material breaching a treaty led to national calamities
killed Amasa. His body was thrown into a field. Joab was (Malamat 1955). The position ofthe Gibeonites is explained in
now unquestionably the leader of the army; his brother v. 2; they were 'Amorites', i.e. inhabitants ofthe land before
Abishai is not mentioned after v. 10. Hostilities centred on the Israelite occupation, but were protected by an Israelite
Abel of Beth-maacah in the north, near Dan, where Sheba had oath. The fact that they were settled in Benjaminite territory
established himself. When Joab and his forces were attacking irritated Saul; he was further aggravated because he had de-
the besieged city a 'wise woman' spoke from the rampart. signs on Gibeon as his capital (Blenkinsopp 1974). Although
There are obvious links between her appearance and that of there is no biblical account of Saul's slaughter ofthe Gibeon-
the wise woman of Tekoa in ch. 14; Joab was involved on both ites, his dealings with the priests of Nob (i Sam 22:6-23)
occasions, and the 'heritage of the LORD' became an issue in makes the statement in v. i credible.
both (v. 19; cf. 14:16; see Conroy 1978). She had a plan to save David's wish to expiate for the sin of Saul has been widely
Abel, a city which had a reputation for wisdom (v. 18) and discussed. One suggestion is that David was acting for the
which was a 'mother city' in Israel (v. 19); by saving it the sake of fertility, and his action was therefore a royal sacrifice
integrity of Israel as 'the heritage of the LORD' would be safe- (Kapelrud 1955), an action that is paralleled elsewhere in
I AND 2 S A M U E L 228

times of great emergency (see 2 Kings 3:26-7). In such a poetry, which may well go back to the tenth century BCE. In its
context, the note in v. 9 that the sacrifice was made 'at the present form, however, the song contains a linking section in
beginning of barley harvest' acquires significance. Other in- w. 2i—8, which reflects Deuteronomistic language and theo-
terpretations of the passage concentrate on the issue of caus- logy. But there is general recognition that the language of the
ality, which ascribes present disaster to past sin. Parallels psalm itself is archaic; earlier attempts to date it in the Macca-
show that a succeeding king made expiation for the sins of bean period have been abandoned in favour of the tenth
the past, more expressly for the breach of an oath (Malamat century (Cross 1953/7). Although some commentators refer
1955), which required the death of the guilty (Fensham 1964). to a long association between the psalm and David, and admit
Another issue is the involvement of David in the deaths of the the possibility of Davidic authorship, there is no internal
Saulides for political reasons. It would unquestionably be to evidence to support the contention. For a discussion of the
David's advantage to be rid of groups which had shown stead- song's structure, type and provenance see under PS 18. The
fast loyalty to the house of Saul, and his motives have been analysis which finds in the song two ancient poems (w. 2-20
under suspicion. The intention of this narrative, together with and w. 29-31, 35-51) belonging to the monarchial period
its sequel in 9:1—13, is to show that David was not acting solely has much to commend it (McCarter 1984). The two poems
to gain political advantage. Although he was ultimately re- were later combined by a Deuteronomistic editor who added
sponsible for the deaths (v. 6), he was acting out of concern for w. 21-8 and v. i (and also according to some v. 510). The
the welfare of the land and in obedience to YHWH's will. His completed song celebrates two aspects of David's life: his
actions were also tempered by his kindness to Mephibosheth deliverance from his enemies and his military conquests.
(see 9:1—13). Nevertheless, ithas to be admitted that, whatever The song, according to the title, relates generally to the
the primary considerations in David's mind, he did gain sig- protection of David from Saul and his enemies, and does not
nificant political advantages. David also secured an honour- concentrate on one particular event. Rescue from enemies is
able burial for Saul and Jonathan, as well as for those executed the prominent theme ofw. 2—20. Using images of a place of
on this occasion. Whatever criticisms can be made of David's refuge on a rock, God, it is claimed, is the speaker's refuge and
treatment of the family of Saul, he showed respect to the dead. thus when he calls he is saved from his enemies (w. 2-4). The
Rizpah's vigil on a sackcloth until the coming of rain (probably image changes in w. 5-6, where the speaker's distress, pre-
an unseasonal shower rather than the November rains, Hertz- sumably at the hands of his enemies although they are not
berg 1964) was not simply intended as protection for the mentioned, is compared to being encompassed by the waters
corpses, but was also in expectation of rainfall as a sign of of Sheol. God's response to his cry for help (v. 7) is described as
God's favour. The bones of Saul and Jonathan were brought a theophany (w. 8-20); for the language and imagery cf. other
from Jabesh-gilead (but according to i Sam 31:12—13 the OT theophany passages (Ex 19; Judg 5:4—5; i Kings 19; Ps
corpses had been burnt), and laid in a family grave at Zela (a 68:8; Hab 3). A number of features stand out in these verses:
place-name according to the NRSV, but a 'chamber' in a grave references to God's appearance are distinctly anthropo-
possibly at Gibeah according to Hertzberg 1964). The LXX morphic ('nostrils', 'mouth', 'came down', 'rode'); storm im-
adds that the bones of the executed sons of Saul were buried agery dominates the whole section, with fire, earthquake,
with them. clouds, lightning, and thunder accompanying God's pres-
A stereotyped section in w. 15-22, probably derived from ence; in its present context this description of God empha-
archival sources, gives an outline of clashes during the Philis- sizes his presence with his distressed servant, for his voice
tine wars with persons of extraordinary size called 'descend- reaches to the caller at the bottom of the sea (v. 5).
ants of the giants' (so NRSV, which is preferred to 'votaries of Prominent traces of Deuteronomistic language are evident
Rapha', a cultic association of warriors, following 1'Heureux in the transitional w. 21-8 (McCarter 1984, following Veijola
1976). According to the NRSV the first giant was Ishbi-benob, 1975). Claiming that he is innocent, righteous, and blameless,
whose hefty armour is reminiscent of Goliath (i Sam 17:7); he the speaker considers God's salvation as a reward and recom-
was killed by Abishai. No details are given of the second giant, pense (w. 21—5). Among the most obvious Deuteronomistic
Saph; he was killed by Sibbecai the Hushathite, who was one cliches are: 'the ways of the LORD' (cf. Deut 8:6; 10:11, etc.),
of David's elite 'Thirty' (23:27 where the LXX is read for the 'judgements and statutes' (Deut 4:5; 5:1, etc.). The theme of
MT Mebunnai). Goliath, the Gittite, was the third opponent YHWH's help to the blameless and pure is asserted again in
(cf i Sam 17), and he was killed by Elhanan, a Bethlehemite; the fourfold statement ofw. 26—7, which have been described
this is probably an older tradition than the one which names as an ancient quatrain (Cross I953»). The final section (w. 29-
David as the victor. There is no reason for claiming that David 51) is more concerned with David's victories over his enemies,
was the throne name of the person whose real name was and has been called a 'royal victory song'. After an acknow-
Elhanan (Honeyman 1948). No name is given to the fourth ledgement of YHWH as the speaker's 'light' and 'shield', the
giant, who possessed some abnormal physical characteristics; sphere of God's assistance is made specific (v. 30); he is given
he was killed by Jonathan, David's nephew, who is not named help to conquer an army and 'leap over a wall' (NRSV, pre-
elsewhere. ferred to the many other translations suggested). A break in
the sequence of thought occurs with the introduction of v. 32;
(2 Sam 22:1-51) David's Song of Thanksgiving This song it is a monotheistic outburst in the same vein as Deutero-
celebrating David's achievements due to God's marvellous Isaiah (cf. Isa 43:11; 44:6, 8; 45:21) and must be regarded as a
works corresponds to Ps 18. The differences between them later expansion. The theme ofw. 30—1 is continued in w. 33—
are minor ones which can be attributed to scribal errors or to 43, which are mainly concerned with victory in warfare. The
the process of transmission. The song contains some ancient king has received strength (w. 330, 40), facility of access
 229 I AND 2 S A M U E L
(w. 33/7, 34, 37), and outstanding victory (w. 38-9, 41-3). In lentils (w. 11—12). The Three did not belong to the Thirty,
these verses again his success is attributed to God's help; it is but are named as a special group. The 'three of the thirty' in
he who has given him strength and guidance. His victories w. 13—170 are not to be identified with the previous three. The
have brought peoples (v. 44, following the LXX) to him, and it episode associated with them is probably linked with the
is obvious from w. 45-6 that the reference is to foreign advance of the Philistines to Rephaim mentioned in 2 Sam
nations. The song reaches its climax with praise of God. David 5:17—21. Their exploit was to break through the Philistine
and his descendants are named only in the last phrase of the ranks to obtain water for David from the well of Bethlehem.
song, a feature paralleled in other victory songs (Hertzberg Realizing his mistake in causing them to risk their lives,
1964); it is therefore to be regarded as original (cf McCarter David poured the water on the ground and called it 'blood'
1984) rather than a later addition (Veijola 1975). (cf Lev 17:10—13; Deut 12:23—4). The status of Abishai and
(2 Sam 23:1—39) David's Last Words and a List of War- Benaiah is not clear, the former being called 'chief of the
riors The poem in w. 1—7 containing David's last words Thirty' and the 'most renowned' of them, and the latter was
stands deliberately after the song of ch. 22, exactly as the among the Thirty but did not attain to the status of the Three
blessing of Moses follows the song of Moses in Deut 32-3 (w. 18—23). Their membership of the Thirty is uncertain,
(cf. Hertzberg 1964). It is not a blessing in the strict sense of caused possibly by the fluidity of the list with the course of
the word, but concentrates on the covenant with the house of time and by casualties. The status of these two seems to be
David and its continued prosperity. The opening words, iden- somewhere between the Three and the Thirty.
tifying David as the speaker and his words as an oracle, are Asahel is the first name on the list of Thirty beginning in
similar in structure to other OT opening formulae (cf. Num v. 24. If Abishai and Benaiah are included, the list has a total of
24:3, 15; Prov 30:1). He is raised on high by God (following thirty-three names, and it is debatable if'thirty' was more than
4QSama) and is his 'favourite' (in preference to 'the sweet a round number, and again if 'thirty' was a particularly sig-
Psalmist of Israel', RSV, see Richardson 1971). A wisdom- nificant number because of a 'host of thirty' in Pharaoh's
saying with its own introduction (w. 2—4) attributes to David court. It is also debatable if the list in w. 24—39 is arranged
a prophetic role because God's spirit speaks through him; it is geographically, with the places listed in w. 24-35 being close
a glorification of a just king. In w. 3/7-4 it is claimed that a just to Bethlehem, and those in w. 36-9 being non-Israelite.
king is like the sun on a cloudless morning; its rays gleam (2 Sam 24:1—25) A Census and a Plague The plague story at
through the rain and cause grass to sprout from the earth; his the end of the collection balances the famine story at its
reign is as beneficial to his subjects as the morning sun. The beginning; in both cases the catastrophe is caused by divine
metaphor of the sun is common in ancient Near-Eastern royal anger in response to a transgression by the king.
ideology, as for example in Egypt, where the solar god-king is The pestilence troubling Israel was a punishment for the
the source of growth (cf. Mai 4:1—20; McCarter 1984). In census (v. 15), which was regarded as a sin (v. 10). But v. i
applying the metaphor to the house of David (w. 5—7) it is suggests that God had invited David to count the people. A
asserted that he is this kind of ruler, as is testified by the possible solution of this difficulty is that David was incited by
everlasting covenant God made with him. The 'everlasting God so that he could punish Israel for a sin committed pre-
covenant' (bent folam) was the promise of a dynasty made to viously. The difficulty is avoided by the Chronicler, who states
David through Nathan (2 Sam 7) and designates a relation- that it was Satan who incited David to count the people (i Chr
ship that was to last for ever (cf. also Ps 89:28; 132:12, etc.). 21:1). Whatever the solution, it is obvious that the census was
Those disloyal to David ('the godless') are compared to worth- the reason for the plague. Several reasons for this have been
less thorns which are cast away and burnt on a fire. A contrast suggested. One is that it was an introduction to a fiscal organ-
is drawn between the loyal subjects of the just king, who enjoy ization or military conscription (Bright 1972), and therefore
the benefits of his rule as the grass benefits from the sun, and a sign that David was moving towards self-sufficiency; poss-
his disloyal subjects, who are no better than uprooted thorns ibly Joab sensed the danger of this move from a charismatic
cast on a fire. levy to a human organization (v. 3; Hertzberg 1964). Another
It is difficult to date David's last words; some favour a reason is that there was a religious taboo on counting heads
monarchical date, even the Davidic period (Richardson 1971; (cf. Ex 30:11-16), or more probably on recording names, some
Cross 1973), but others argue for the period of Hezekiah or connecting this with regulations governing ritual purification
Josiah. On the whole it can be said that there are no compel- (Speiser 1958). The reference in v. 9 to those 'able to draw the
ling reasons for rejecting an early monarchical dating for it. sword' (cf. Num 1:2—3) indicates that it was an enrolment for
The list of David's warriors in w. 8-39 is not without its military service, and that possibly rules of purity had been
difficulties, and the various sections of it must be separated. It neglected (cf. Josh 3:5; Deut 23:9-14). The choice given to
begins with the exploits of 'the Three' (so the LXX and Vul- David through the prophet Gad (w. 11—14) raises questions
gate), whose names are given (w. 8/7—12, possibly concluded about the composition of the narrative. He had to choose
in v. 17/7). Josheb-basshebeth was the chief of the three, and between three possible punishments, varying from three
he, like the other two, had probably been victorious against years to three days, but on a reverse scale of intensity. David
the Philistines (cf. i Chr 11:11). The second, Eleazar, had left it to Gad to choose (v. 15), although the LXX attributes
also distinguished himself in battle against the Philstines the choice of pestilence to David himself. It has been sug-
(w. 9-10), for, when the Israelites were driven back, he stood gested that the plague story in w. 11/7-17 was an independent
his ground and won a great victory. The third, Shammah, folk-tale; its motif was the choice of three punishments and
likewise repelled a Philistine attack during the harvest of theophany (Schmid 1970). Others have presented a more
I AND 2 S A M U E L 23C

complicated picture of the narrative's growth from a very Blenldnsopp, J. (1964), 'Jonathan's Sacrilege, i Sam 14,1-46: A Study
simple original account of a census (w. 2, 4/7, 8—9), followed in Literary History', CBQ26: 423-49.
by a plague (v. iy), and then David's repentance leading to a (1966), Theme and Motif in the Succession History (2 Sam xi
2 ff.) and the Yahwist Corpus', Volume du Congres, Geneve 1965,
commission to build an altar (w. 17-19) (cf. Fuss 1962).
VTSup 44-57.
David's purchase of Araunah's threshing-floor (w. 18-25)
(19690), 'Kiriath-jearim and the Ark', JBL 88:143-56.
constitutes the third section, and has been called an aetio- (1969(7), 'i and 2 Samuel', in R. C. Fuller (ed.), A New Catholic
logical narrative explaining the presence of an altar which Commentary on Holy Scripture (London: Nelson), 305—27.
became the site of Solomon's temple, cf. also the pillar at Bethel (i974), 'Did Saul Make Gibeon his Capital?', VT 24:1-7.
(Gen 28:11-22) and the altar at Ophrah (Judg 6:11-24). Arau- Boecker, H. J. (1969), Die Beurteilung derAnfdnge des Konigtums in den
nah, a Jebusite, was one of the original inhabitants of Jerusa- deuteronomistischen Abschnitten des ersten Samuelisbuches, WMANT
lem before its conquest by David (see OCB), and the non- 31 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
Semitic form of his name given in the MT is possibly older Boer, P. A. H. de (1938), Research into the Text of i Samuel i-xvi
(Amsterdam: H. J. Paris).
than Oman in Chronicles and Orna in the LXX. The text does
(1949), 'Research into the Text of i Samuel xviii—xxxi', OTS 6: i—
not claim that Araunah's threshing-floor was originally a Je-
100.
busite sanctuary, although traditionally a threshing-floor was a Brauner, R. A. (1974), '"To Grasp the Hem" and i Samuel 15:27',
site of theophany (Judg 6:37) and a place for receiving divine /ANESCir6:35-8.
messages (2 Kings 22:10); this was also the case at Ugarit (see Bright, J. (1972), A History of Israel, 2nd edn., OTL (London: SCM).
McCarter 1984). But it was the appearance of an angel (v. 16) Campbell, A. F. (1975), The Ark Narrative (i Sam 4—6, 2 Sam 6): Form-
and the erection of an altar (w. 18, 25) that made it a sanctuary. Critical and Traditio-Historical Study, SBLDS 16 (Missoula: Scholars
David's conversation with Araunah is reminiscent of Abra- Press).
ham's negotiations with the Hittites for the purchase of the Carlson, R. A. (1964), David, the Chosen King: A Traditio-Historical
Approach to the Second Book of Samuel (Stockholm: Almqvist &
cave of Machpelah (Gen 23). In both cases the offer of a gift was
Wiksell).
rejected and a formal purchase made; i Chr 21:24 makes it
Childs, B. S. (1979), Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture
explicit that a gift from a non-Israelite could not be accepted, (London: SCM).
for it was to become the site of the Jerusalem temple. David's Clements, R. E. (1974), 'The Deuteronomistic Interpretation of the
action was acceptable and the plague was averted (v. 25). Founding of the Monarchy in i Sam VIII', VT 24: 398-410.
The placing of this chapter at the end of the appendices Cohen, H. H. (1965), 'David and Bathsheba', JBR 33: 142-8.
and of 2 Samuel is no accident. It may have belonged origin- Conroy, C. C. (1978), Absalom Absalom! Narrative and Language in 2
ally to earlier sections of the book, possibly to the account Sam 13-20, AnBib 81 (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
of the conquest of Jerusalem in 5:6—10 or to the arrival of Cross, F. M. (19530), A New Qumran Biblical Fragment Related to the
Original Hebrew Underlying the Septuagint', BASOR 132: 15-26.
the ark in Jerusalem (ch. 6). On the one hand it confirms
(1953^), A Royal Song of Thanksgiving: 2 Sam 22 = Psalm 18',
the critical stance taken elsewhere towards David; on two
JBL 72:15-34.
occasions he declares himself a sinner (w. 10, 17), and there- (1955), The Oldest Manuscripts from Qumran', JBL 74: 147-72.
fore punishment was inevitable (v. 13). On the other hand, (1973), Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of
David responds to God's invitation, made known to him the Religion of Israel (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).
through the prophet Gad, and this leads to the erection of an Criisemann, F. (1978), Der Widerstand gegen das Konigtum: Die anti-
altar offering pleasing sacrifice to God. It is a forward-looking koniglichen Texte des Alten Testaments und der Kampfum denfruhen
narrative, for the erection of a holocaust altar on Araunah's israelitischen Staat, WMANT 49 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
threshing-floor was in preparation for the building of Solo- Verlag).
mon's temple. (1980), 'Zwei alttestamentliche Witze: i Sam 21:11-15 und 2 Sam
6:16, 20-23', ZAW()2: 215-27.
Dietrich, W. (1972), Prophetie und Geschichte: Eine redaktionsgeschich-
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Ackroyd, P. R. (1971), The First Book of Samuel, CBC (Cambridge: Driver, G. R. (1962), 'Plurima Mortis Imago', in M. Ben-Horin et al.
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(1977), The Second Book of Samuel, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge Brill).
University Press). Driver, S. R. (1913), Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, 2nd
(1975), The Verb Love—'aheb in the David-Jonathan Narra- rev. edn. (Oxford: Clarendon).
tives—a Footnote', VT 25: 213-14. Dus, J. (1968), 'Die Geburtslegende Samuels, i Sam i (Eine traditions-
Albright, W. F. (1968), Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (Garden City, geschichtliche Untersuchung zu i Sam 1—3)', #5043:163—94.
NY: Doubleday). Edelman, D. V. (1991), King Saul in the Historiography of Judah,
Alt, A. (1968), Essays on Old Testament History and Religion, tr. R. A. JSOTSup 121 (Sheffield: Academic Press).
Wilson (Garden City, NY: Doubleday). Eissfeldt, O. (1965), The Old Testament: An Introduction, tr. P. R.
Ben-Barak, Z. (1979), 'The Legal Background to the Restoration of Ackroyd (Oxford: Blackwell).
Michal to David', in J. A. Emerton (ed.), Studies in the Historical Fensham, F. C. (1964), The Treaty between Israel andthe Gibeonites',
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Birch, B. C. (1971), The Development of the Tradition on the Anoint- (1970), "The Battle between the Men of Joab and Abner as a
ing of Saul in i Sam 9:1-10:16', JBL 90: 55-68. Possible Ordeal by Battle?', VT2O: 356-7.
(1975), The Choosing of Saul at Mizpah', CBQ37: 447—57. Fishbane, M. (1982), 'i Samuel 3: Historical Narrative and Narrative
(1976), The Rise of the Israelite Monarchy: The Growth and Devel- Polities', in K. R. R. Gros Louis (ed.), Literary Interpretations of
opment ofi Samuel 7-15, SBLDS 27 (Missoula: Scholars Press). Biblical Narratives, ii (Nashville: Abingdon).
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Flanagan, J. W. (1972), 'Court History or Succession Document? A Mettinger, T. N. D. (1976), King and Messiah: The Civil and Sacral
Study of 2 Samuel 9—20 and i Kings i—2',JBL 91:172—81. Legitimation of the Israelite Kings, ConBOT 8 (Lund: Gleerup).
Fuss, W. (1962), '2 Samuel 24', ZAWjj,: 145-64. Miller, P. D., and Roberts, J. M. M. (1977), The Hand of the Lord: A
Gerleman, G. (1977), 'Schuld und Siihne: Erwagungen zu 2 Sam 12', Reassessment of the 'AA Narrative' of i Samuel (Baltimore: Johns
in H. Donner el al. (eds.), Beitrage zur alttestamentliche Theologie, Hopkins University Press).
Festschrift fitr Walther Zimmerli (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru- Muilenburg, J. (1959), 'The Form and Structure of Covenant Formu-
precht), 132-9. lations', VT 9: 347-65.
Giveon, R. (1964), ""The Cities of Our God" (2 Sam 10:12)', JBL 83: Nelson, R. D. (1981), The Double Redaction of the Deuteronomistic
415-16. History, JSOTSup 18 (Sheffield: JSOT).
Gnuse, R. (1982), 'A Reconsideration of the Form-Critical Structure in Newman, M. (1962), The Prophetic Call of Samuel', in B. W. Ander-
i Samuel 3: An Ancient Near Eastern Dream Theophany', ZAW94: son and W. Harrelson (eds.), Israel's Prophetic Heritage (London:
379-90. SCM).
Gordon, R. P. (1984), i 6[2 Samuel, Old Testament Guides (Sheffield: Nicholson, E. W. (1967), Deuteronomy and Tradition (Oxford: Blackwell).
JSOT). Noth, M. (1960), The History of Israel, tr. P. R. Ackroyd (London: A. &
(1986), I 6[ II Samuel: A Commentary, Library of Biblical Inter- C. Black).
pretation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan). (1981), The Deuteronomistic History, JSOTSup 15 (Sheffield:
Gr0nbaek, J. H. (1971), Die Geschichte vom Aufstieg Davids (i Sam 15—2 JSOT). German original, Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien, I (Tu-
Sam jj: Tradition und Komposition, ATDan 10 (Copenhagen: bingen: Max Niemeyer, 1943).
Munksgaard). Porter, J. R. (1954), The Interpretation of 2 Samuel vi and Psalm
Gunn, D. M. (1976), 'Traditional Composition in the "Succession cxxxii', JTS 5:161—73.
Narrative"', VT26:2i4—19. Richardson, H. N. (1971), The Last Words of David: Some Notes on
'Narrative Patterns and Oral Tradition in Judges and Samuel', VT 2 Sam 23:1-7', JBL 90, 257-66.
24: 286-317. Rost, L. (1982), The Succession to the Throne of David (Sheffield: Al-
(1978), The Story of King David: Genre and Interpretation, mond). German original, Die Uberlieferung von der Thronnachfolge
JSOTSup 6 (Sheffield: JSOT). Davids, BWANT 3/6 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1926).
(1980), The Fate of King Saul, JSOTSup 14 (Sheffield: JSOT). Schicklberger, F. (1973), Die Ladeerzdhlungen desersten Samuel-Buches:
Hermann, S. (1953—4), 'Di£ Konigsnovelle in Agypten und in Israel', Eine literaturwissenschaftliche und theologiegeschichtliche Untersu-
Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Karl-Marx-Universitat, Leipzig, chung, FB 7 (Wiirzburg: Echter).
3- 51-62- Schmid, H. (1970), 'Der Tempelbau Salomos in religionsgeschichtli-
Hertzberg, H. W. (1964), i and 2 Samuel: A Commentary, tr. J. S. cher Sicht', in A. Kuschke and E. Kutsch (eds.), Archdologie und Altes
Bowden, OTL (London: SCM). Testament: Festschrift fur Kurt Galling (Tubingen: Mohr), 241-50.
Hoftijzer, J. (1970), 'David and the Tekoite Woman', VT2O: 419-44. Soggin, J. A. (1977), The Davidic-Solomonic Kingdom', in J. H. Hayes
Honeyman, A. M. (1948), "The Evidence for Regnal Names among the and J. M. Miller (eds.), Israelite and Judaean History, OTL (London:
Hebrews', JBL 67: 13-25. SCM), 332-80.
Ishida, T. (1977), The Royal Dynasties in Ancient Israel: A Study on the Speiser, E. A. (1958), 'Census and Ritual Expiation in Mari and Israel',
Formation and Development of Royal-Dynastic Ideology, BZAW 142 BASOR 149: 171-6.
(Berlin: de Gruyter). Stoebe, H. J. (1973), Das erste Buch Samuelis, KAT 8/1 (Giitersloh:
Jobling, D. (1976), 'Saul's Fall and Jonathan's Rise: Tradition and Giitersloher Verlagshaus).
Redaction in i Samuel 14: i—46', JBL 95: 367—76. Thomas, D. W. (1960), 'KELEBH "Dog": Its Origin and Some Usages
Jones, G. H. (1984), i and 2 Kings, NCB Commentary, 2 vols. (Grand of it in the Old Testament', VT 10: 410-27.
Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans). Thompson, J. A. (1974), The Significance of the Verb "Love" in the
(199°), The Nathan Narratives, JSOTSup 80 (Sheffield: JSOT). David—Jonathan Narratives in i Samuel', VT24: 334—8.
Kapelrud, A. S. (1955), 'King and Fertility: A Discussion of 2 Sam 21: Timm, H. (1966), 'Die Ladeerzahlung (i Sam 4—6; 2 Sam 6) und
1-14', NTT56: 113-22. das Kerygma des deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerks', EvT
Kenyon, K. M. (1974), Digging Up Jerusalem (London: Benn). 26: 509-26.
Levenson, J. D. (1978), 'i Samuel 25 as Literature and History', CBQ Tov, E. (1979), The Textual Affiliations of 4QSam a ', JSOT 14: 37-53.
40: 11-28. Tsevat, M. (1958), 'Marriage and Monarchical Legitimacy in Ugarit
1'Heureux, C. (1976), 'The -flide hdrdpd—A Cultic association of War- and Israel', JSS 3: 237-43.
riors', BASOR 221: 83-5. Ulrich, E. C. (1978), The Qumran Text of Samuel andjosephus, HSM
Long, V. P. (1989), The Reign and Rejection of King Saul: A Case for Lite- (Missoula: Scholars Press).
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McCarter, P. K. (1980), i Samuel, AB 8 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday). Dynastie nach der deuteronomistischen Darstellung, Annales Acade-
(1984), 2 Samuel, AB 9 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday). miae Scientiarum Fennicae B 193 (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedea-
Malamat, A. (1955), 'Doctrines of Causality in Biblical and Hittite katemia).
Historiography: A Parallel', VT5:1—12. (1977), Das Konigtum in der Beurteilung der deuteronomistischen
(1958), 'The Kingdom of David and Solomon in its Contact with Historiographie: Eine redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Annales
Egypt and Aram Naharaim', BA 21: 96-102. Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, B 198 (Helsinki: Suomalainen
(1963), 'Aspects of the Foreign Policies of David and Solomon', Tiedeakatemia).
JNES 22:1-17. (1979), 'Salomo—der Erstgeborene Bathsebas', in J. A. Emerton
Mayes, A. D. H. (1977), 'The Reign of Saul', in J. H. Hayes and J. M. (ed.), Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament, VTSup 30
Miller (eds.), Israelite and Judaean History, OTL (London: SCM), (Leiden: Brill), 230-50.
322-31. von Rad, G. (1951), Der heilige Krieg in alien Israel, ATANT 20 (Zurich:
Mazar, B. (1962), The Aramaean Empire and Its Relations with Zwingli).
Israel', BA 25: 98-120. (1966), The Beginnings of Historical Writing in Ancient Israel',
Mendelsohn, I. (1956), 'Samuel's Denunciation of Kingship in the The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edinburgh: Oliver &
Light of the Akkadian Documents from Egypt', BASOR 143:17-22. Boyd), 166-204.
I AND 2 K I N G S 232

Wallis, G. (1952), 'Fine Parallele zu Richter 19:29 ff und i Sam 11:5 ff Willis, J. T. (1971), 'An Anti-Elide Narrative Tradition from a Prophetic
aus dem Briefarchiv von Mari', ZAW6^: 57—61. Circle at the Ramah Sanctuary', JBL 90: 288-308.
Weinfeld, M. (1972), Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School (Ox- - (1972), 'Cultic Elements in the Story of Samuel's Birth and
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Weiser, A. (1962), Samuel: Seine geschichtliche Aufgabe und religiose (1973), The Song of Hannah and Psalm 113', CBQtf'. 139-54.
Bedeutung: Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu i Samuel - (1979), 'Samuel Versus Eli, i Sam 1-7', TZ 35: 201-12.
7-12, FRLANT 81 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck £ Ruprecht). Wolff, H. W (1964), Amos' geistige Heimat, WMANT 18 (Neukirchen-
Wellhausen, J. (1871), Der Text der Bucher Samuelis untersucht (Gottin- Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
gen: Vandenhoeck £ Ruprecht). Wright, G. E. (1962), The Lawsuit of God: A Form-Critical Study of
Whybray, R. N. (1968), The Succession Narrative: A Study of'2 Sam 9-20 Deuteronomy 32', in B. W. Anderson and W. Harrelson (eds.),
and i Kings i and 2, SET 9 (London: SCM). Israel's Prophetic Heritage (London: SCM), 26-67.

13. i and 2 Kings WALTER D I E T R I C H

INTRODUCTION concluding formula on his death. This so-called king-frame

almost always includes the same formulae with slight stand-
A. Literary and Religious Character. 1. The books of Kings ard variations between the northern and southern kingdoms
contain the history of Israel and Judah from the time of (apart from exceptional cases showing larger variations).
King Solomon to the period of exile, i.e. from the middle of
the tenth to the middle of the sixth century BCE. They cover the The King-Frame
entire duration of the state of Israel apart from the reigns of its Introductory formula:
first two kings, Saul and David, who feature in the books of • synchronized date reference ('X/Israel became king
Samuel. Israel existed before and after this period without in the year of Y/Judah')
being a state. According to the Bible, it was present as the • age at accession (only with kings of Judah)
people of the God YHWH long before it became politically • length of reign (including the year of accession and
organized—indeed, even before it had its own land—and co-reign, if applicable)
remained so during its period as a state; it continued even • name of the queen mother (only with kings of Judah)
after the two states founded on that land had been destroyed • religious judgement (using the first commandment
by great oriental powers and a large number of their citizens as a guideline)
dispersed abroad. Monarchical constitution was more or less
Concluding formula:
merely an experiment in the history of the people of God: one
• source reference (often including special events and
that partly succeeded impressively, but which finally failed.
accomplishments)
The biblical history of the four long and eventful centuries is
• acknowledgement of death
described in such a way that light and darkness are in constant
• statement on funeral 'with the fathers' (only with
alternation—where, however, light predominates at the be-
kings of Judah)
ginning and darkness overwhelms at the end. The impression
• naming and accession of the successor
is given of an unstoppable, increasing decline terminating in
exile. The introductory formula almost always includes a verdict on
2. Several eras can be distinguished during this period of the relevant king. Grades ranging from the extremes, 'He did
history: the era of the united kingdom under Solomon in the what was evil in the sight of the LORD' and 'He did what was
tenth century (i Kings i—n), the era of the two kingdoms of right in the sight of the LORD', were handed out. For this
Israel and Judah from 926 to 722 BCE (i Kings 12—2 Kings 17) verdict, kings were not assessed on their political accomplish-
and the era of the remaining kingdom of Judah between 722 ments, but on their attitude towards the commandment re-
and 587 or 562 BCE (2 Kings 18-25). Th£ history of the two quiring the exclusive worship of YHWH. Right from the
great Israelite dynasties of Omri (i Kings 16—2 Kings 8) and beginning, the northern kings bear the heavy burden of main-
Jehu (2 Kings 9—15) emerges from the lengthy middle era. taining state sanctuaries in Bethel and Dan, in the south and
There is a stylistic variation between passages which are north of the country, and later even in the capital Samaria,
narrated in an attractive and detailed manner (i Kings 1-3; which, according to the authors of the Bible, had heathen
10—12; 17—22; 2 Kings i—n; 18—20) and those in which infor- influences or were in fact heathen. It was only possible to
mation is passed on in a sober and curtailed form (i Kings 4— worship YHWH properly in the temple of Jerusalem, which
9; 13-16; 2 Kings 12-17; 2I~5)- m ^e narrative, the prophets was naturally accessible only to the kings of Judah. Inevitably,
gradually replace the kings as protagonists. Indeed the history many Judean kings described in the Bible did not confine
of Israel seems to be as much the story of its prophets as the themselves to this one holy site, but also maintained or toler-
story of its kings. ated 'high places', holy places in Judah. Some are said to have
3. The colourful diversity of the narrative and historical paganized even the temple in Jerusalem.
information is all held together by a structure which repeat- 4. Thus the religious line of the books of Kings is that the
edly reorientates the reader within a sequence of time. A s a temple of Jerusalem is the only legitimate place to worship
rule, each king is introduced at the time of his accession to the YHWH, evidenced by the number of reports on the building,
throne with an introductory formula and taken leave of with a its decoration and maintenance, its occasional plundering,
 233 I AND 2 K I N G S

and the final destruction of this house of God. All points thirteenth, if one includes Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges,
clearly to a specific period in the religious history of Israel: and Samuel) up to the sixth century BCE, i.e. from the begin-
in 621 BCE, King Josiah carried out cultic reforms the core of ning of the state (from the occupation of the land) to its
which centralized the cult at Jerusalem (cf 2 Kings 22-3). collapse (or to the loss of the land).
Such reforms relate to the corresponding order of law in Deut 4. One especially important source was the 'Books of the
12. Their object was to ensure that the entire people of Judah Annals of the Kings of Israel/Judah', which were referred to
serve YHWH alone and no other god. The first command- in the concluding formula of almost every king. The historical
ment, T am the LORD your God... you shall have no other information for the framing formula is taken from these
gods before me' (Deut 5:6-7) was given prominence. The books. These Annals seem to have been kept in both royal
authors of Kings in effect reviewed the history of Israel and courts (by the end, naturally, only in Judah), and contained the
evaluated each king on the grounds of his adherence to the names and dates of each king as well as short reports of
first commandment, ordering exclusive worship of YHWH. important events occurring during the time of his reign. The
Josiah receives an especially good rating (2 Kings 22:2; 23:25); authors of Kings chose sections of the Annals which seemed
in fact all his predecessors and his few successors are com- to them to be of especial importance. Such reports remained
pared to him and his actions. In this way the fall of the state of partly in the concluding formulae of a frame, were also placed
Judah in 587 BCE is seen (like the fall of the kingdom of Israel into the corresponding narrative about that king, or were
in 722 BCE) as the result of countless breaches of the first enhanced with other, primarily prophetic sources. It is pos-
commandment. sible that the Judean Annals also included reports from the
temple at Jerusalem, which after all stood on the palace
B. Authorship and Sources. 1. Since the verdict on the kings grounds, though perhaps temple registers were used as a
was rigidly integrated into the king-frames which form the separate source. These known sources seem to have been
skeletal structure of Kings, the latter cannot have been written written in a rather sober style and are likely to be historically
before the time of Josiah. Whilst researchers agree on this reliable—individual mistakes, a certain pro-palace slant, or an
basic point, variations have been discussed. Was there in fact occasional erroneous transcript by the Deuteronomists ex-
one single author who described the history of the kings (and cepted.
beyond this a greater work about the history of Israel from the 5. Another much more clearly biased source is the ob-
time of Moses) during the period of exile under the influence viously pro-Solomon 'Book of the Acts of Solomon', named
of the catastrophe in 587 BCE (as in Noth 1991; Hoffmann in i Kings 11:41. A large number of the reports in i Kings 3-11
1980)? Or did an underlying text with an optimistic tendency seem to have stemmed from it. Besides pure information (e.g.
already exist at the time of Josiah which was reworked during about the districts of government in i Kings 4:7—20), it also
the period of exile, giving it a basic tone of pessimism (as in included elaborate and colourful narrative (e.g. Solomon's
Cross 1973; Nelson 1981)? Or was an underlying text mainly dream revelation and wise verdict in i Kings 3). It should
confined to historiographical aims reworked at the end of and perhaps be placed in the eighth century (Walchli 1996),
after the period of exile, from the perspective of prophecy and although older material was also used. The report of Solo-
the Torah (as in Smend 1989; Veijola 1982; Dietrich 1972)? mon's accession to power (i Kings 1—2) seems to have been
2. In each case, the authors of the entire text of i and 2 Kings taken from another source which was already used in Samuel:
are Deuteronomists in so far as they are marked by Deuter- a longer narrative of the transition of power from Saul to
onomy and Deuteronomic thought, especially by the basic David and then from David to Solomon. This narrative is
Deuteronomic creed that 'The LORD is our God, the LORD outstanding literature, but paints a much less glowing picture
alone' (Deut 6:4). Their way of thinking and working, their of the kingdom than the story of Solomon that followed it.
comments, and their written texts can therefore be called 6. The Deuteronomists could also draw from a wealth of
Deuteronomistic. They wrote the history of Israel with the prophetic tradition. There were first the stories of Elijah (i
intention of making it transparent and understandable to Kings 17—19) and Elisha (2 Kings 2—8), which were probably
themselves and their contemporaries and to declare it mean- bound together with other stories of prophets (i Kings 20; 22),
ingful and guided by God. The internal motivation driving all and the story of the coup d'etat of Jehu (2 Kings 9-10) in a
external events is Israel and Judah's relationship to their God larger narrative about the struggle of the prophets of Israel
who chose his people, leading them strictly and lovingly and Judah against Baal (i Kings 17—2 Kings 10, cf. Dietrich
through the ages and demanding to be their one single God, 1998). This may have been produced in the seventh century,
worthy of all respect and love. In this Commentary the Deu- although the collected stories within it partly go back as far as
teronomistic theologians of history, to whom we owe the the eighth and even ninth centuries. Beyond this there was a
books of Kings, are often simply referred to as 'the editors' collection of legends concerning the prophet Isaiah and King
for the sake of brevity. Hezekiah during the Assyrian crisis around 701 BCE (2 Kings
3. The Deuteronomists used specific sources, by no means 18:17-20:19). This collection, which was entirely transcribed
merely writing Kings as they felt appropriate, let alone freely from Kings into Isa 36—9, was probably written in stages and
inventing it. In this way they were true historians whose work not integrated into the Deuteronomistic History text at a
is not an original essay or fiction, but a work of tradition (Noth single point in time (Camp 1990). Its oldest part is the under-
1991). The authors took older, historically orientated extant lying story, 2 Kings 18:17-19:9, 36-7, which, according to
sources, checked them, noted excerpts, sorted them, com- a plausible theory, was produced during the period of crisis
mented on and added to them, and thus created a running shortly before 587 BCE (Hardmeier 1990). Beyond this is
chronology of events from the tenth century BCE (or the a series of individual prophetic stories scattered across the
I AND 2 K I N G S 234

entire Deuteronomistic work which repeatedly contain con- 2. The Deuteronomists only had a limited amount of source
flicts between prophets and kings (e.g. i Kings 14; 21; 2 Kings material at their disposal and used it only selectively. They
i). These may have been taken from a collection of prophet were neither pedants nor accountants and had neither access
stories which were quite critical of the kings and were written to an inexhaustible archive, nor the will or the means to get
in the late pre-exilic period (Dietrich 1992) in order to serve as over-involved in underlying research. They have in the past
a less pro-monarchical reworking of the historical text. A been accused of documenting history in an all too biased and
number of speeches by the prophets (e.g. i Kings 16:1—4; 2 incomplete way. Leaving aside the fact that it is unfair and
Kings 9:7-100; 21:10-15)were probably written in a prophetic- irrelevant to judge an ancient work by modern standards, the
Deuteronomistic style with this in mind. fact remains: had the Deuteronomistic History not existed, we
7. All the prophetic material is without exception written in would not know countless details and many greater connec-
a narrative style. Collections of words and speeches attributed tions in the history of Israel and Judah. Even if it is currently
to individual prophets did not find their way into the Deuter- fashionable (as it has occasionally been in the past) to place the
onomistic History, but were put together into books of their historical reliability of the Bible as low as possible, the Deuter-
own. Thus the absence of Amos, Hosea, Micah, and Jeremiah onomistic books of Kings especially are not only stories, but
in the Deuteronomistic narrative is not surprising and does also history. This is due to the fact that the Deuteronomists
not point to a tendency against prophecies of woe (as sug- quoted their sources in large parts of their narrative rather
gested by Albertz 1992). What the prophets said and experi- than writing something original themselves. Although the
enced had been documented elsewhere. This did not need to historical value of each case must be carefully and critically
be duplicated in a historical work and would in any case have checked—a miracle story about Elisha cannot be given the
been too extensive to do so. The tone of the Deuteronomistic same historical value as the list of Solomon's ministers or
History (as well as Deuteronomy itself) is deeply influenced synchronized date references—they still deliver a lot of essen-
by prophecy, as can be seen throughout the historical narra- tial historical information.
tive. On the other hand there are dates quoted from the 3. The books of Kings offer us information which other
Deuteronomistic History and there is a Deuteronomistic slant (archaeological or non-biblical) sources say nothing about or
noticeable in the subsequent editing of many books of perhaps only hint at: for example, that the Judean kingdom
prophets, and indeed the entire prophet-canon. united two separate state structures, namely the land of Judah
and the city-state of Jerusalem; or that the monarchies in
C. Historical Nature. 1. This theological perspective, which Israel and in Judah had very different qualities—one being
one could call Deuteronomic-prophetic, does not distort the more or less legitimized by God, leading to an unshakeable
Deuteronomists' view of historic events and processes. One ruling dynasty, and the other having a more democratic or
can see how poetic, symbolic, and kerygmatic the pure proph- tribal view of government, leading to a more frequent change
etic historical perspective is by studying Am 4:6-12, Isa 2:6- of dynasties; or that critical prophecy, which became so im-
22; 22:1-14; Ezek 16. By contrast the Deuteronomists are true portant to the religious history of Israel in general and specif-
historians: administrators of historical facts which are kept ically for the exclusive worship of the God YHWH by Israel,
and passed on simply because they had been transmitted. initially emerged from northern Israel. It is of fundamental
They are naturally far from a modern historian's ideal. They and inestimable value that the Deuteronomists created an
do not pretend to report things objectively as they truly hap- unbroken chain of dated events from the establishment of
pened. This idea is in any case impossible and smacks of the state (and even had the intention of spanning the time
ideology. The Deuteronomists do not hide the fact that they from the claiming of land) up to the time of the Exile. This
interpret history from a certain standpoint, but they also docu- allowed all those who followed them, beginning with the
ment it! The strictly chronological structure of the work in chroniclers and the editors of the books of prophets, moving
itself bears witness to its truly historical nature. The closely on to Jewish and Christian interpreters right up to the present
bound narrative block about Elijah and Elisha (i Kings 17—19 day, to place information (biblical and non-biblical text docu-
+ 2 Kings 2—8, 13:14—21) is broken up so that it can be sorted ments, archaeological finds, etc.) from the pre-exile period
into the king-frames in smaller parts. Even kings who reigned into a historical context and thereby fulfil a fundamental
for only a few months and about whom little can be reported requirement of Israelite existence and Judeo-Christian reli-
apart from their short existence, are listed carefully so that the gion, namely a historical basis. God's relationship to man is,
succession of kings, as found in the sources, remained com- according to biblical belief, not merely a spiritual and psycho-
plete. Furthermore, unpleasant and embarrassing events logical process, but one that gains concrete form in space and
were not concealed: for instance Solomon's sale of Israelite time. This is evidenced for the first time in the history of this
villages and cities to the Phoenicians (i Kings 9:11), the polit- small and ancient oriental people of Israel. Thus the forty-
ical folly leading to the partition of the kingdom (i Kings 12), seven chapters of i and 2 Kings form a fundamental episode
Elijah's lack of courage (i Kings 19:3-4), poor recognition of in the humanization of God.
the prophets (2 Kings 9:11), the peaceful death of evil kings
and the violent death of good ones (i Kings 22:40; 2 Kings
21:18; 23:29), the reign of the non-queen Athaliah (2 Kings n) COMMENTARY
and the placing of heathen cult symbols in the temple of i Kings
Jerusalem (2 Kings 21:3-5). It is true that the Deuteronomists
tried to give such reports meaning in terms of their view of The first major section of the two books, i Kings 1:1—11:41,
history, but the great effort exerted to do this does them credit. documents Solomon's reign over Judah and Israel.
 235 I AND 2 K I N G S

Solomon's Accession to Power (1:1-2:46) has heavenly blessing. The people (are only soldiers present or
are these the people of Jerusalem?) cheer in celebration. The
(1:1-4) David's Weakness and Old Age The opening scene of noise strikes fear into the festive society of Adonijah. A trusted
Kings shows King David as an old and impotent man, shiver- messenger, Jonathan ben Abiathar (cf. 2 Sam 17:17-21) brings
ing with cold. Such a depiction of a highly respected king is the shocking news of Solomon's accession to the throne.
probably unique in ancient historiography. No man is deified Adonijah capitulates before the turn of events. He flees to
by the Bible, not even David. Even the beautiful young the altar, certainly standing in the tent: the holiness ofthe
Abishag cannot arouse him, though she later turns the wheel latter will offer him amnesty (cf. Ex 21:13-14). Solomon prom-
of history significantly without us ever learning of one word or ises him protection, though only on probation.
feeling from her (2:17, 22).
(2:1—12) David's Bequest to Solomon It is the first and last
(1:5-10) The Parties in the Struggle for Succession to the time that David and Solomon speak to each other, or more
Throne The time for David's succession seems to have ar- precisely that David speaks to Solomon. He first gives him a
rived. Adonijah, who is the oldest of David's sons following spiritual warning. He must keep the laws of YHWH. In Israel
the death of his brothers Amnon and Absalom (2 Sam 13; 18; everyone, even the king, falls under God and his laws. The
cf 2 Sam 3:2-5) announces his ambitions. Unfortunately he question whether the Davidic covenant in 2 Sam 7:11—16 is
does it in precisely the same manner as Absalom had once fulfilled depends on the king's loyalty to the Torah. The ex-
done and failed (2 Sam 15:1). The narrator qualifies this behav- pression law of Moses' hints probably at Deuteronomy, w. 1-4
iour negatively ('exalted himself). David, whose motives are are unmistakably Deuteronomistic (cf. Deut 6:1—3; Josh I:I~
unclear, makes no comment on the activity. Is he simply too 9). Then the tone changes: David complains to the 'wise'
old? Adonijah seems to have understood the paternal silence Solomon about his enemies Joab and Shimei (cf. 2 Sam
as implied approval. He finds support with the leading per- 3:27; 20:9-10; 16:5-14—but also 19:24) and incites him to
sonalities and classes in the land of Judah: with Joab, com- murder. The ensuing wave of purges is thus clearly legit-
mander ofthe militia (cf. 2 Sam 20:23; 24:l-9)» with Abiathar, imized. Encouragement to reward the old Barzillai (v. 7, cf. 2
a country priest and trusted old companion of David (cf. i Sam Sam 17:26-9; 19:32-9), can hardly brighten the bleak picture.
22:20—3; 2 Sam 15:24—9), with Judean court civil servants and David can now die in peace. He is buried in the 'city of David',
members ofthe royal family. Solomon, however, has ambi- i.e. the necropolis ofthe descendants of David on the Ophel
tions of his own. Although he is only the tenth in the line of Hill in Jerusalem, which is said to be visible still today in the
David's sons (cf. 2 Sam 3:2-5; 5:14-16) he has the political and form of some caves. David is reported to have reigned for forty
military heavyweights ofthe city of Jerusalem on his side: the years—a conspicuously round number. The seven years in
mercenary general Benaiah, with his elite troops stationed on Hebron (cf. 2 Sam 2—5) could be historically correct. The rest
the premises (2 Sam 20:23; 23:8~39)» the high priest Zadok (2 is probably an estimate.
Sam 15:24-9) and the prophet Nathan (2 Sam 7; 12). The (2:13—25) The Elimination of Adonijah Having remained
situation is tense, particularly because Adonijah—as Absalom quiet for some time, Adonijah begins to dig his own grave.
had once done (2 Sam 13:23—9; 15:7—12)—invites members of He lusts after the beautiful Abishag of Shunam. This is dan-
his party to a great feast at a well, probably in the valley of gerous, since she has, after all, lain in his father's bed. Proud
Kidron. We do not discover what he has in mind. and submissive at the same time, he first tells Bathsheba
(1:11-37) David's Decision in Favour of Solomon The story about his frustrated ambitions for the throne: now, all he
unfolds within the confines ofthe palace walls. The narrator wants is Abishag. Adonijah has correctly recognized the
reports as if he were there at the time. Two people are con- power and influence ofthe queen mother (as the ceremonial
stantly in dialogue as the drama ofthe ensuing events escal- in v. 19 shows), but he fails to understand her intentions and
ates: Nathan talks to Bathsheba (Solomon's mother, cf. 2 Sam character. She seems to champion Adonijah's cause, but by
11—12), Bathsheba talks to David, David to Nathan, David to slipping in the phrase 'your brother', she rouses Solomon's
Bathsheba; finally David gives a firm order to Zadok, Nathan, guilty conscience and awakens his fears. The latter immedi-
and Benaiah: Solomon should be anointed king. Two ques- ately orders Adonijah's execution and lets the unscrupulous
tions remain open until the end: whether Adonijah actually Benaiah carry it out. To our consternation, Solomon refers to
allows himself to be proclaimed king, and whether David had the Davidic covenant as justification: was it meant to be in-
really sworn an oath in favour of Solomon in the past. One voked in this way?
thing, however, is finally certain. David abdicates to make way (2:26—7) Tne Elimination of Abiathar Solomon does not dare
for Solomon. Again his motives are unclear. Has he been to harm David's trusted priest and successful minister. He
manipulated? Is he bound to his word? Has he more affection does, however, relieve him of all his duties and send him into
for Solomon than for Adonijah? Is he in favour of centralized exile in Anathoth, a small country town about 5km north of
state government, more likely under Solomon and his Jeru- Jerusalem. Jeremiah, who also originates from here (Jer 1:1;
salem party than under Adonijah and his Judeans? 32), could be his descendant. It is interesting that David men-
(1:38—53) Solomon's Accession to Power The anointing of tions neither Abiathar nor Adonijah in his will. Their fate
Solomon takes place at the well of Gihon, just below the palace depends solely on Solomon.
grounds. The Cherethites and Pelethites are present: David's (2:28-35) The Elimination of Joab Alarmed by the escalating
powerful and readily available mercenary troop (see 2 Sam purge, Joab flees to the holy tent. Even Benaiah is incapable of
15:18). The holy oil is brought from the tent in which the ark of killing him at the altar. Joab cleverly refuses to leave the holy
the covenant stands (2 Sam 6:17). Solomon's accession thus place. In irony, Solomon interprets the pathetic statement T
I AND 2 K I N G S 236

will die here' literally. Benaiah murders Joab at the altar, method of discovering God's will (cf. Gen 28; 37; i Sam
following Solomon's explicit orders. This is a serious crime 28:6,15; Joel 3:1; Dan 2; Mt 2:13). Such means are, of course,
against Israel's religion and law. Even Solomon's justifying also open to abuse (cf. Jer 23:25—7; Zech 10:2, alsoPs 73:20; in
speech in w. 31^-33 (which is attributable to the same author general Ehrlich 1953).
as 2:5-9, 24) cann°t hide this fact. As a reward for his loyal (3:16-28) Solomon's Judgement The wisdom granted Solo-
service Benaiah takes over Joab's post as army chief, whilst mon in his dream is immediately put to effect in making an
Zadok (cf 1:8,10, 34, 39) becomes Abiathar's successor. unusually clever court judgement. The king is confronted
(2:36-46) The Elimination of Shimei Solomon plays a cruel with an insoluble problem: claim against counter-claim with-
game with Shimei, probably a former officer in the private out witnesses or evidence. Maternal love, however, in itself not
guard who has switched sides from Solomon to Adonijah (cf. a legally relevant factor, provides the key to truth and justice.
1:8,10), but who is linked here with the Benjaminite leader of Yet our admiration for Solomon's wisdom should not dis-
2 Sam 16:5—14 and 19:17—24. He places him under house- tract us from the fact that this is a repeated theme found in
arrest only to sentence him to death when he is forced to leave various cultures and used to make the sagacity of numerous
his house. The author of w. 44-5, the pro-Solomon, pro- judges famous (Gressmann 1907) right up to the character of
dynastic thinker already known to us, gives Solomon's cynical Azdak in Bertolt Brecht's Caucasian Chalk Circle. What is
condemnation (w. 42—3) a religious justification. Once again unique about Solomon's version is that the argument about
Benaiah is the willing accomplice. The reader cannot feel the child is not between two wives of one man (who would
pleased about the outcome that the kingdom is now firmly have had a decisive influence on the outcome), but between
in Solomon's hands. two prostitutes. Such personae miserae (who also include
widows) are given special care by the community and above
Solomon's Initial Acts as King (3:1-4:34) all by the king (cf. 2 Sam 14:4-10; 2 Kings 8:1-6). Solomon's
(3:1) Marriage to the Pharaoh's daughter Remarkably, Solo- praise in v. 28 again stems from the author of the story of
mon's first act as ruler is this obviously diplomatic marriage. Solomon.
Is such intermarriage a positive symbol of Solomon's import- (4:1—6) Solomon's Ministers A comparison with David's min-
ance? The Egyptian lady plays a surprisingly large role in the isterial lists (2 Sam 8:16—18; 20:23—6) shows both the young
story of Solomon (cf. 7:8; 9:16; 11:1). However, an Ammonite monarchy's continuity and its development. The cabinet posts
will become the mother of his heir, not an Egyptian (14:21). of 'forced labour' (Ado[ni]ram] and State Department (Je-
(3:2—3) A Religious Assessment of Solomon In this passage, hoshaphat, his title literally meaning 'reminder') remain un-
we have the first beginnings of a king's assessment which the changed. Joab and Abiathar have been removed. Benaiah,
editors make of almost every following ruler. On the whole, who had moved up from the fifth to the second rank of
Solomon receives a good rating. He loved' YHWH (just as importance under David, is the only military officer, although
YHWH loved him, 2 Sam 12:24). Solomon has, like many of he is now ranked fourth. Zadok's son Azariah is solely in
his successors, weaknesses: there were in Judah 'high places', charge of religious policy and is first on the list. (v. 4/7 in which
small sacrificial sites in or near individual towns, although, Zadok and Abiathar are listed as they used to be, beside each
according to the Torah of Moses (Deut 12), only one place of other, is probably a gloss.) David's 'secretary', administrator of
worship was permitted, Jerusalem. But Solomon had not yet the royal offices and archives, is replaced by two new officers.
built his temple there. The number of ministers has generally increased as the ad-
(3:4—15) The Dream-Revelation in Gibeon Gibeon (today ministration has obviously become more complicated. Be-
el-Jib, 8 km. north-west of Jerusalem) is traditionally seen by yond the existing departments, the posts of 'chief of
Israel as a heathen city (cf. Josh 9; 2 Sam 21:2). An important officials', the provincial governors (see 4:7—19), 'the king's
sanctuary was there dedicated to YHWH or perhaps to the friend' (probably the king's chief adviser and representative),
sun-god Shemesh (cf. Josh 10:12—13). Solomon arranges a and 'chief of the palace' (head administrator of the royal estate
great sacrifice and remains overnight in the high place, per- and its buildings) are created. It seems that Solomon has
haps with the intention of instigating a divine revelation. God rewarded his party followers with high rank: not only for
does indeed appear to him and grants him a free wish—an Benaiah, but also Zadok, Nathan, and their sons (assuming
age-old theme in fairy-tales and legends. Solomon shows that the prophet Nathan is meant in v. 5). This kind of text is
modesty and insight. He requires great wisdom to rule, and likely to have stemmed from the palace archive in Jerusalem
wisdom is, according to the OT (e.g. Prov 2:6), a gift of God. and is therefore of great historical value.
God promises Solomon wisdom as well as everything else he (4:7—19) Israel's Provinces under Solomon This list describes
did not wish for, but which the narrative describes him as the twelve regions of northern Israel: the most influential part
having. This passage paints an extraordinarily positive picture of the Davidic-Solomonic kingdom. The city-state of Jerusa-
of Solomon. The hand of the author of the Book of the Acts of lem and the land of Judah are not included, nor are foreign
Solomon (11:41) is especially noticeable in its praise of Solo- possessions. It is not entirely clear what purpose Israel's div-
mon (w. I2b, 13/7) and Israel (w. 8, gb). In the passages ision into districts had: was it simply to mark out spheres of
regarding the Davidic covenant and loyalty to the Torah influence, in which Solomon ensured loyalty through trusted
(w. 6, 14), the editors are particularly tangible (Walchli representatives (see Niemann 1993)? Or were they provinces
1996). The original story shows a high regard for the import- with strict borders that were expected to pay fixed duties at
ance of the dream. The beginning of v. 15 expresses no dis- regular intervals to the royal court (see 4:8, 27) as well as
appointment; quite the opposite, dreams are a legitimate provide forced labour (cf. 9:23)? According to Alt's (19640)
 237 I AND 2 K I N G S

analysis, the list reveals interesting geographical organiza- (5:1-12) The Contract with Hiram of Tyre By now Solomon
tion. It begins with the central mountain country of Ephraim, has gathered enough wealth and wisdom to undertake larger
then describes the surrounding area, moves on from here to building projects. Nevertheless, he requires foreign help for
the north (Naphtali, Asher, and Issachar) and concludes with this since Israel is a lowly developed agrarian country. The
the south and south-east (Benjamin and Gad, to be read with Phoenicians are suitable partners due to their world-wide
LXX for Gilead in v. 19). Itis striking that traditionally Israelite trading connections and high cultural standards, and above
territories are separated from those which had been Canaanite all, their large timber stocks in the mountains of Lebanon.
city-states in the past. Solomon seems to have separated these Hiram (whose Phoenician name is 'ahiram), king of the im-
two great populations due to their differing histories, life- portant city of Tyre, is said to have collaborated with David (2
styles, and self-perceptions, but united them in serving him. Sam 5:11) and is the first to take up relations with Solomon. Yet
As provincial governors he appointed loyal court officials (the it is Solomon who makes a request. It is possible to discern an
names Ahilud, Ahimaaz, and Hushai are well known from older textual layer (according to Walchli 1996: w. 150,16, 20,
the David-Solomon narrative) and trusted administrators 22-5, 26/7) containing very dry contract agreements: Solomon
from the Canaanite regions (Alt 1959). orders timber shipments and offers compensation not only
(4:20—8) The Wealth and Security of Solomon's Time Other for the materials but also for labour. He also suggests dis-
parts of the kingdom than Israel are presented in this passage. patching his own workforce. Hiram ignores this suggestion,
The narrator states that the land of Judah prospered as much but promises to fell the necessary trees and deliver them as
as Israel, since the latter did not have to support Solomon's rafts to the coast of Israel. His price for this is delivery of a
court alone, but could share the burden with neighbouring large quantity of wheat and oil (to be produced, of course, by
states from the Euphrates to Egypt (this is surely a gross Israelite farmers). The editors also let the two kings discuss
exaggeration!). Next comes an assessment of how much the the importance of the Davidic covenant and clarify why it is
king costs his people—the author really means how much Solomon rather than David before him who is building a
the people let this king cost them. Conversion rates for i cor temple: waging war and supporting religion seem to be mu-
shift between 220 and 450 litres. This amounts to tens of tually exclusive achievements in the Bible!
thousands of kilos of flour per day and the same number of (5:13—18) Forced Labour in Israel The massive availability of
cattle annually. Whether these numbers refer to the residence forced labour from 'all Israel' seems to be reported with pride
in Jerusalem or also to the provincial administration is un- (the tone of 9:20-3 will be different). The core of the reports is
clear. Added to this were fodder and straw for thousands of surely correct, given that (unpaid!) forced labour is later the
chariot-horses. Even if these figures are exaggerated, one can cause of the kingdom's partition (i Kings 12). The figures
assume that costs were relatively high. Israel and Judah were mentioned here are probably grossly exaggerated. The Israel-
beginning to have large courts to feed. State administration ites do unexpectedly appear in Lebanon. Did Hiram actually
had become increasingly centralized and voluminous from allow this or did the biblical narrators insist upon their inclu-
the time of Saul. sion? Stone, as opposed to timber, is abundant in the hills
(4:29-34) Solomon's Wisdom This passage opens with surrounding Jerusalem. Gebalites, i.e. people from Byblos (in
praise for the king typical of the book of the history of Solo- today's northern Lebanon) were also used as masons: this is
mon. Here his wisdom is given prominence. We have come not surprising given the context.
full circle since the opening passage in 3:1—15. This time
(6:1—10) Construction of the Temple Walls It is important to
Solomon's wisdom is not that of a king or a judge, but of an
ask what motives lie behind the detailed descriptions in i
academic. It is said that he simply knew a very great deal,
Kings 6-7. Is this a construction order, a description of build-
much more than any other person. The geographical horizon
ing procedure, or the memory of a destroyed building? The
opens unexpectedly: science was international even then. In-
text is full of technical terms whose meaning is no longer
deed texts of wisdom from the whole of the ancient Near East
wholly intelligible. The contours of the building are never-
do exist. They generally contain accumulated general know-
theless imaginable. The foundation stone is said to have been
ledge, tested rules for success in life. The classic example in
laid in the 48oth year since the Exodus, placing construction
the OT is the older part of Proverbs (Prov 10—31). It is no
of the temple in a chronological line with this holy date in
coincidence that Solomon is named as its author (Prov 10:1;
Israel's history. It is possible to count the years in the Deuter-
25:1; hence also 1:1). A different kind of wisdom is implied in
onomistic History from Deut 1:3 onwards and actually arrive
this text, namely that of natural order (v. 33); it has to do with
at the sum of roughly 480. None the less, this is also a round
the ability to enumerate creation, as declared in Job 38—9, Ps
number heavy with significance: not only can it be divided in
104, and Gen i. This form of early science also helped one to
many ways, but it also encompasses twelve forty-year gener-
succeed in life.
ations. It is symbolic that construction should have begun in
that year. The ground-plan of the temple shows it to have been
The Temple of Solomon (5-'i-9-'9J long and narrow, as was commonly found in the region of
According to Hurowitz (1992) the entire account of temple- Israel. The passages surrounding the building were striking,
building is shaped in a way that is reminiscent of analogous the temple walls against which they were built being stepped
Assyrian descriptions. It may have belonged to the Book of the to create rebates for the gallery floor beams, so that they were
Acts of Solomon which seems to originate in the Assyrian thicker at the bottom, and the gallery passages correspond-
epoch, but apparently used older documents. Later on it was ingly narrowed. Opposite the holy place was the low-ceilinged
reworked by the editors. dcbir, most holy place of all. The ceiling beams were made of
I AND 2 K I N G S 238

especially precious cedar wood. The building was not particu- man responsible for the large and wonderful bronze struc-
larly large: about 30x10x15 metres. But it was not for accom- tures in the temple of Solomon. Like his king, he was called
modating the worshippers—they gathered in the courtyard— Hiram or Ahiram. First of all, two pillars built by him which
and God was intangible anyway. According to Isa 6:1, the train stood at the entrance to the temple are described (w. 15-22).
of his robe alone filled the temple. Their names have been preserved (yet are hardly translatable),
(6:11-13) A Word from God to Solomon The Deuteronomists their appearance can be pictured (9 m. high with capitals
took pains to show that God was not bound to the confines of of lotus-leaf wreaths: Keel and Uehlinger 1992: 194), but
the temple building. In the background lies faith in Zion as their function is a mystery. They probably did not represent
the place of God's permanent presence and therefore eternal goddesses, as has been suggested in the past (Gorg 1991), but
security, as expressed, for example, in Ps 46 and 2 Kings were enormous, stylized depictions of God-given, creative life,
19:32—4. This text clarifies that the presence of God is con- decorated with lotus-plants interwoven with pomegranates.
tingent upon his commandments being kept. The prophets The circular bronze sea (w. 23-6) had a diameter of 5m. and
say the same, in e.g. Jer 7; 26:1-6; Mic 3:9-12; Mk 11:15-19; was 2.5 m. high. It probably depicted the primeval sea, a
13:1-2. theme connected with Creation across the ancient Near
East and in the OT (cf. Gen 1:1-10; Isa 51:9-10; Ps 24:2;
(6:14—36) The Interior Decoration of the Temple: Wood-Carv-
89:10-11; and Kaiser 1962). The oxen are a remarkable fea-
ings All the walls of the holy site were clad with wooden
ture, generally symbolizing gods such as Baal or Hadad to
panels and carvings made of costly materials. The ornamenta-
whom fighting strength and virile fertility were attributed.
tion described is emphatically non-figural: plant—and at
The ten identical mobile basins (w. 27-39) each had a capacity
most animal—decoration rather than human (let alone
of over 900 1. of water. Is this an image of heaven's or God's
divine) figures. The aniconic trait is characteristic of the
generous gift of water (cf. H. Weippert 1992) or do they have a
YHWH-religion from early times. Yet the plants and animals
more practical purpose (cf. 2 Chr 4:6)? Closer observation of
mentioned are full of religious connotation, representing
the temple's interior reveals the dominance of an inclusive
power, happiness, and blessing, as other ancient oriental tem-
rather than exclusive monotheism: YHWH had taken up and
ples (Bloch-Smith 1994) and Palestinian iconography (Keel
integrated qualities from all manner of other gods and thereby
and Uehlinger 1992: 189—96) show. Cherubim (w. 23—7;
become the universal, all-encompassing God. In w. 40—7
there was originally one, according to Hentschel 1984-5) are
everything mentioned is recapitulated. It is added that Solo-
the clearest concession to the figurative perceptions of
mon established his own ore-refinery in the Jordan valley to
Canaanite-Phoenician religion. Such creatures were partly
produce the necessary copper. An appendor felt the necessity
animal, human, and angelic (cf their description in Isa 6:2,
to include the as yet unmentioned holy instruments and royal
though, here they are called 'seraphim'). They were built into
blessing-gifts, richly covering everything with gold (w. 48—51).
ancient oriental thrones and apparently symbolized metaphy-
sical powers carrying the monarch on his throne. In this way,
(8:1—21) The Dedication of the Temple For the temple dedica-
the cherubim can be seen as carrying the invisible king,
tion, all the oldest and most honourable people (w. i, 3; not all
YHWH, upon his throne above them (see Keel 1977: 15-36).
men, v. 2) in Israel (and certainly Judah) are invited to the
The doors, constructed in a technically and artistically com-
capital city. The festivities begin with a procession. The ark is
plicated way, are the subject of special description (w. 31—5). It
carried out of the tent in the city of David where it has stood so
is probably the author's vivid imagination rather than Solo-
far (cf. 2 Sam 6) and taken up to the temple grounds. The ark
mon's wealth that makes the entire temple and all its interior
was originally a transportable war palladium which was car-
shine with gold.
ried into battle in the conviction that YHWH was enthroned
(7:1—12) Construction of the Palace Almost by chance, we upon it and would lead his people to victory (cf. i Sam 4; 2 Sam
learn that the temple is integrated into a larger complex of ii:n and Smend 1970). We do not know what the wooden
government buildings. Going by the construction period and chest (this being the meaning of the Hebrew word for 'ark')
its measurements, the temple can hardly have been more contained, if anything. It was the editors who placed the
than a palace chapel. Other buildings are of course not de- tablets of the Ten Commandments into it (cf. v. 9 and Ex
scribed in such a detailed and concrete manner as the temple 25:21). The ark's place was the most holy place in the temple,
(although cf. efforts, especially by Busink 1970: 334—6). The beneath the spread wings of the cherubim. Should they be
'House of the Forest of the Lebanon' seems to have been carriers of the throne, the ark is king YHWH's pedestal. He
especially monumental, named for its richly crafted and pre- himself is not depicted, only the equipment with which he
cious Lebanese timber. It was roughly 50x25 metres large, rules. The ark retains the signs of mobility, its carrying staves.
making it an enormous hall of great splendour. Forty-five These symbolize that YHWH is not bound to one place. In fact
pillars carried the ceiling and partly an upper floor which he does bind himself to this place. He resides in the impene-
perhaps served as the royal bodyguard's armoury and quarters trable darkness of the most holy place, is therefore doubly
(cf. 10:17 and Isa 22:8). Beyond this were a separate throne- invisible, yet is close enough to touch. The festive dedication
hall and various accommodation and administration build- speech correlates the secretive nature of this God with the
ings. The palace and the temple seem to have been similar in light of the sun, which was worshipped as a divine power
architectural style and material, giving the entire complex an elsewhere in the orient and possibly also in pre-Davidic Jeru-
impressive appearance. salem (cf. Keel and Uehlinger 1994). Here, the sun is used as
(7:13—51) The Interior Decoration of the Temple: Metal- a symbol of YHWH's ruling power (w. 12—13 in me LXX
works The Bible records the name of the Phoenician crafts- version; it should be noted that the speech is passed on from
 239 I AND 2 K I N G S

an ancient Israelite book of songs, probably the Book of the (3:4) and far too many for the usual altar to suffice (v. 64 is an
Righteous, cf Josh 10:13; 2 Sam 1:18). The next point of explicatory addendum). The numbers go beyond all realistic
ceremony is the blessing of the assembly. Here the king measure. The narrator wishes to show that Solomon is, as
assumes the duties of a priest (v. 14), whereupon the editors always, generous in making every effort to satisfy God and
have Solomon give a short sermon (w. 15-21): since the Exodus God's people.
from Egypt (cf. 6:1!), God had intended to reside in Jerusalem. (9:1—9) God's Appearance This entire passage is late-Deuter-
David's successes and Solomon's succession find their goal in onomistic. The author explicitly refers to the episode in
the temple in Zion. One can infer what the building meant to Gibeon (v. 2). God need no longer appear to Solomon in
later generations, especially to those standing before its ruins. such an inappropriate place, but can do so in the temple
(8:22-53) Solomon's Dedicational Prayer at the Temple The designed for this purpose! He assures him of his approval of
introductory prayer reflects in great theological depth the the dynasty and the temple, though they are made on the
relationship between God's promise to David and the people's condition that his laws are kept. Should king and countrymen
loyalty to the Torah (w. 23-6), and between the inestimable not abide by the commandments, especially the first, by wor-
size of God and his residence in Zion (w. 27-30). A sentence shipping other gods, they risk the severest of punishments:
such as v. 27 rejects any temple (or church) ideology. God is the loss of their country and the destruction of the newly
too great to be caught up by anyone or anything, yet he can be dedicated temple. The events of 587 BCE are unmistakably
found in the place he has designated, making himself tangible predicted here. We are given a reading guide for the ensuing
to his chosen people. In the main prayer Solomon bids God to description of history. Israel and Judah began with such great-
hear all future prayers made to heaven in this temple: in ness under David and Solomon, only to end so sadly. The
particular in the event of difficult trials (w. 31—2), wartime temple collapses in ruins, David's dynasty is forced from
hardship (w. 33-4), drought (w. 35-6), and any other misfor- power, Judah and Israel's land is stolen. What remains is
tune (w. 37-40). To close, Solomon clearly foresees the state of God's love for his people, as well as the possibility that his
affairs following exile: He prays for the proselytes who will people will learn to be true to him. Thus this section is two
come to Jerusalem (w. 41—3) and for the Israelites or Jews who things at once: an explanation for woe and an offer of salvation.
will dwell in other countries (w. 44-5, 46-51). Zion should
give every member of YHWH's chosen people a common Continuation of Solomon's Governmental Activity, his Fall
identity (w. 52—3). The passage does not seem to be a single and Death (9:10-11:43)
unit. The interests of different periods and people are prob- 1 Kings 9—10 overlaps several times with 3:1—4:34. The con-
ably collected in it. Talstra (1993) claims to have discerned the struction of the temple stands at its centre. It is not easy to
different textual layers: one pre-Deuteronomist (w. 31-2, 37- answer the question whether i Kings 3-10 depicts a golden
40, 41—3), a first Deuteronomist from the time of Josiah age which is framed by i Kings i and n (see Frisch 1991), or
(w. 14—20, 22—5, 28—9), a second from the period of exile whether Solomon's decline already begins in i Kings 9 (see
(w. 44-5, 46-51), and one post-Deuteronomist (w. 33-6, 52- Parker 1988). The latest editor perhaps intended the latter.
3, as well as 57-61). This dating seems on the whole to be too (9:10-14) The Tribute to Tyre Having read in 5:25, that Solo-
early. Veijola (1982) distinguishes between three Deuterono- mon paid for the Hiram of Tyre's help with agricultural prod-
mistic layers from during and after the period of exile: (i) ucts: we are surprised to learn that he had to cede entire
w. 14, 153, 17-21, 62-3, 65-6; (2) w. 16, 22-6, 54», 55-8, 61, villages (probably not the whole of Galilee, but the strip of
66a; (3) w. 29-30, 31-510, 52-3, 59-60. land at the Bay of Akko—see Knauf 1991). The embarrassing
(8:54-61) Blessing and Warning Solomon again blesses the situation is only slightly alleviated by the comment that
gathering, cf. v. 14—or were all of the sermon and prayer Hiram was not satisfied with this payment. The Israelites
passages between them later additions? The Deuteronomistic living there will not have taken much comfort from this. In
author lets Solomon movingly confirm the fulfilment of all 2 Chr 8:2 the problem is solved by the assertion that Hiram
the promises of Moses, i.e. complete ownership of all the land, made Solomon a present of the towns.
assured existence for all God's people and the enduring pres- (9:15-23) Construction of Towns and Forced Labour This
ence of YHWH in this country with them. The hopes and section seems to try to correct the news of 5:13—18 in favour
dreams of the (post-)exile period can be inferred in the sig- of Solomon. It is probably a late Deuteronomistic addition
nificant word 'rest', cf. Josh 21:43-5; 2 Sam 7:1, n. The plea for (see Dietrich 1986). The narrator assures us that it was not
God not to cast his people out but to instil in their hearts a Israelites who were driven to forced labour, but 'only' Canaan-
willingness to abide by the commandments, expresses their ites. This statement is palliative, but the list of cities the editor
awe of God's judgement and acceptance of their own insuffi- uses to underline it is highly interesting. Thus we learn that
ciencies. Israel knows that it owes its existence to God's mercy. Solomon built not only the palace court of Jerusalem, but also
And it knows that its existence is not an end in itself, but the storage and defence structures of various cities in the land.
serves the purpose of manifesting God to all the peoples of The list, whose authenticity can hardly be doubted, has re-
the world, v. 60 is reminiscent of Deutero-Isaiah and is peatedly been used by archaeologists for dating purposes.
an outstanding statement of monotheism (cf. Isa 43:10-12; This is legitimate in itself, though it could easily lead to hasty
45:4-6). conclusions. At the centre of disputes about biblical texts and
(8:62-6) The Feast of the Temple Dedication The festivities archaeological facts lie the cities of Gezer, Megiddo, and
take the form of a seven-day feast. Solomon makes a huge Hazor (cf. Dever 1982; 1990). To an objective observer, build-
number of sacrifices, naturally many more than in Gibeon ing works attributable to Solomon seem rather modest.
I AND 2 K I N G S 240

(9:24^7) Individual Acts of Government Following her men- to the God of Israel. On the one hand this is patriarchal
tion in 9:16, the elusive daughter ofthe Pharaoh reappears. As slander, but on the other, it is simply realistic: women tend
in 9:15, the 'Millo' is referred to in connection with the house not to be so susceptible to rigid ideology as men. In today's
built for her (alone?). This term is probably related to the terms, Solomon gave his wives something similar to minority
Hebrew word for 'to fill'. It is probably a substructure designed rights and religious freedom. According to the biblical author,
to secure the sloping terrain ofthe palace grounds (cf 2 Sam he hereby committed a grave sin leading to dire political
5:9; i Kings 11:27; 2 Kings 12:20). A single note speaks of consequences.
Solomon's triannual sacrificial feasts at the temple. This is (11:9-13) A Divine Manifestation The late-Deuteronomistic
followed by a report on Solomon's shipping on the Red Sea theologian and author of this section defines the nature of
(here dubiously connected to the Reed Sea of Ex 14). One can Solomon's crime: he has broken the first commandment. As
assume that the Tyrians, who were far more experienced in a consequence he will lose power—though naturally, in rec-
this field, actually carried out the trade. The destination port of ognition of David's merits, not all power and not immediately.
Ophir may have been near Aden or on the Horn of Africa. Such reflections come to the firm conclusion that people's
(10:14-29) The Queen of Sheba This story had great spiritual actions, in private and in public life, are connected to their
and even political after-effects all the way to Ethiopia (Pritch- future well-being. God himself ensures that wrong deeds have
ard 1974). It essentially praises Solomon's wisdom and clever- unpleasant consequences and good deeds have pleasant ones.
ness by making a noble and wise ruler so deeply impressed by The biblical authors differentiate between good and evil ac-
him. The story now appears decorated with exclusive gifts, cording to the Torah. This guideline helps them to explain
much gold, and a sermon showing that the well-travelled lady catastrophes such as the division ofthe state or exile. (The
has understood several of the underlying ideas of Deuteron- Book of Job shows, however, what happens if such guidelines
omistic thought: since God loves Israel, he put Solomon on its are applied systematically: the crime-punishment formula
throne. Today Sheba is no longer sought amongst the Sabians does not always add up. Excessive and unimaginable suffer-
of Saudi Arabia, but in a north Arabian principality men- ing cannot be subsumed under such a world-view.)
tioned in an eighth-century Assyrian text (cf. Sarkio 1994: (11:14—28) Signs of Decline in the Kingdom of Solomon Now
186-91). This undercuts, though not significantly, the effect that Solomon is disloyal to God, the first 'adversary' (Heb.
a meeting between a fabulous king and a fairy-tale queen has satan) of several emerges. The editor stresses that God is the
on one's imagination. initiator of these events (w. 14, 23, then also 29—33). The story
(10:14—29) Solomon's Wealth Here everything around Solo- of Hadad, the Edomite prince who was cast out ofthe country
mon is literally dipped in gold. King Midas does not seem a far by David, his hardship, and his recapture of power whilst in
cry. Silver 'was not considered as anything in the days of exile in Egypt is told with marked sympathy (cf. M. Weippert
Solomon' (v. 21). The warning in the law of Deut 17:17, that 1971: 295—305; Bartletti976 claims that Hadad was in reality a
too much silver and gold should not be hoarded by a king, is political lightweight). The text reveals that he returned home
hereby clearly unheeded. From this point, Solomon's splen- shortly after David and Joab's deaths (v. 21). The editors shifted
dour is somewhat dimmed (cf. Dietrich 1996/7). Not all that his return into the age of Solomon, for purely religious rea-
glittered, however, was of solid gold. The man-size shields sons. The same is also possible, though not as clear, for Rezin
(v. 16) were each coated with 600 shekels (about 7 kg.) of gold of Damascus. Both stories suggest that the young monarchy's
or gold alloy. Nor, of course, was the throne entirely made of temporary subjugation of neighbouring countries was not
ivory. The Phoenicians were famous for their ivory marquetry just a figment ofthe author's imagination. Their rediscovered
and carvings. The material for this must have come from independence would otherwise not require any explanation. It
Africa, either via the Nile or the Red Sea from East Africa, or is unclear whether Edom and Aram were already territorial
via Tarshish (probably Tartessos), i.e. the Mediterranean, from kingdoms at the time of David. Perhaps they were tribal chief-
West Africa, as v. 22 may suggest. The lion and bull decor- doms, only assuming the structures of a state in their resist-
ations symbolize power, almost superhuman power (cf. 7:29). ance to Israel, as it may itself have done whilst opposing the
Notes in w. 26—9 on armament and arms trade are historic- Philistines. Solomon's third enemy arises from within north-
ally interesting. David lamed captured horses, not knowing ern Israel, tellingly from amongst the forced labourers which
what else to do with them (2 Sam 8:4). Solomon had a large the provinces, specifically Ephraim, had to provide. As is often
chariot fleet (which is, however, not as large here as in 5:6). He the case with revolutionaries, Jeroboam stems from the elite
also profited from serving as an agent for the export of arms of a repressed people (v. 28). The causes ofthe revolthe leads,
from Egypt to Syria and Asia Minor: a practice which was as also forcing him into Egyptian exile (v. 40), are replaced here
common and questionable as it is today (cf. also Deut 17:16). by a prophet-story (11:29-39).
(11:1-8) Solomon's Wives and their Idolatry It was not un- (11:29-40) Ahijah of Shiloh and Jeroboam ben Nebat The
likely, nor would many have considered it unethical at the story is multilayered and probably completely Deuteronomis-
time, that Solomon maintained a harem including, for diplo- tic (cf. Dietrich 1972: 15—20; as opposed to H. Weippert 1983
matic reasons, foreign women. The reputed thousand women who sees an old core in w. 29-31, 37, 38, 40 and beyond that
is surely an exaggeration and would again, in view ofthe Torah several pre-exilic additions). It is designed to show that it was
(cf. Deut 17:17), have been intolerable. The text concentrates not Jeroboam's revolutionary drive, nor Solomon's repressive
on religious rather than moral arguments. In a tone similar to regime that brought Jeroboam to power, but the will of God as
other post-exilic texts (Ezra 10; Neh 10), women, especially revealed by the prophets. The editors knew Ahijah of Shiloh
foreign ones, are regarded as a temptation threatening loyalty from the story in 14:1-18. Whereas there he is Jeroboam's
 241 I AND 2 K I N G S

enemy, they make him his supporter here. The symbolically younger hotheads demand clear, authoritarian conditions and
torn coat probably stems from i Sam 15:27—8. The editors do so in an extremely vulgar manner, 'loins' being a euphem-
explain (w. 31—9) Jeroboam's rise in advance as a consequence ism for 'phallus'. The narrator tries to explain the Davidic
of Solomon's decline. The delay in Solomon's punishment is, dynasty's surprising loss of most of the kingdom by using
as in 11:9-13, due to God's affection for David. Furthermore, this stylized old-young opposition. Actually, the cause is the
the powers of Judah, Jerusalem, and the dynasty of David are way Solomon squeezed Israel dry, and the trigger was the
permanently bound together, a triple gift of mercy alleviating undiplomatic arrogance of Rehoboam's men. Perhaps Solo-
the pain of the loss of the northern kingdom (w. 35-6). The mon had already lost the north. A language of separation
prophet (i.e. the editor) does not miss the opportunity to almost identical to v. 16 can be found in 2 Sam 20:1. In other
measure Jeroboam by the same guidelines of the command- words, by the time of Absalom's failed revolt, if not before, the
ments. His covenant is immediately made subject to condi- northern tribes had privately distanced themselves from Da-
tions much stricter than those attached to David's in 2 Sam 7. vidic rule. Although they no longer lived in tents (except in
Every reader of the time knew that northern Israel failed times of war, see 2 Sam 11:11) the expression reveals some-
miserably in keeping these laws and was therefore destroyed thing of the semi-nomadic lifestyle of at least some of the
much more brutally than Judah and long before it. northern Israelites in the past. This trait must have influenced
(11:41—3) Solomon's Death Here we find the first (almost) their critical stance towards their rulers. The author of this
regular concluding formula for a king. The editors admit passage is unmistakably a Judean who admits that Rehoboam
that they have not told everything they know about Solomon. played a part in the partition, but who regards it as a perverse
The rest can be read in the Book of the Acts of Solomon. Some rebellion (v. 19) against the legitimate reign of the descend-
over-sceptical critics believe this reference to be fictive. Un- ants of David. A later editor, inspired by the spirit of the
fortunately, only the excerpts quoted in i Kings 3-10 exist prophets, adds that things come to pass exactly as the prophet
today. In its basic tone it was probably highly celebratory. Ahijah of Shiloh had forecast (v. 15, cf. 11:29—32).
Solomon's reign is reported to have lasted for the round sum (12:21—4) A War between Brothers Averted The Judean
of forty years. Death unites him with his 'ancestors', explicitly, scribes found it hard to come to terms with Israel's partition.
of course, with David. As with all family graves, the deceased's Before catastrophe struck in 11:29-39, me prophet Ahijah had
body was probably laid upon a stone bench in the royal tomb, appeared to announce a harsh, but as yet limited, divine
whilst the bones of his dead relatives were collected in an judgement upon the ruling house of Jerusalem. After its
ossuary. The transition from a state of earth-life to the dimin- occurrence, another prophet, Shemaiah, confirms God's irre-
ished state in Sheol, the realm of death, takes place between versible decision. This is an attempt to explain that however
lying on the bench and being taken to the ossuary. Resurrec- understandable their anger and laudable their courage, Reho-
tion is still a distant thought, but its foundations have been boam and the Judeans cannot prevail by taking up arms
laid. against the will of God, especially when it means fighting
The next major section, i Kings 12:1—16:14, documents the against their 'kindred'. Although the entire story is a mental
consolidation of the two kingdoms Israel and Judah. construct which contradicts 14:30, it is still impressive that the
usual way of thinking in terms of power politics and military
Division of the realm (12:1-24) categories is subordinate to strictly theological and ethical
(12:1—20) The Scandal in Shechem Whilst Rehoboam could criteria.
take his father Solomon's place in Judah apparently without (12:240-2 LXX) A Special Greek Version of the Story of Jero-
opposition, he required confirmation from the northern king- boam The Greek version has an addition after 12:24 which
dom. Reports of contractual agreements between northern is not present in the Hebrew, referred to with small letters
tribes and the relevant kings go back as far as the earliest (from a to z). In this version, the story of Jeroboam often
beginnings of the kingdom (cf i Sam 10:24—5; 2 Sam 5:3; concurs literally with the Hebrew text in i Kings 11-14, 7et
19:10-11,42-4). After Solomon's death, Israel forced negotia- occasionally differs from it decisively. Thus we discover, for
tions which took place in Shechem, known today as Nablus, in instance, that Jeroboam was the commander of a chariot unit,
the central mountain country of Ephraim. (It is incorrect to that he laid claim to the entire kingdom during Solomon's
say that Jeroboam ben Nebat already had a role to play in lifetime (b), leading to his expulsion. Following his return
events, as v. 2 states. Although he had returned from exile in from exile, he expanded his home town Zereda and waited
Egypt by then, he was called upon only after the failure of there. Even then his wife Anot had been told Ahijah's woeful
negotiations with the south, cf. v. 20 and McKenzie 1987.) The prophecy about her son (g— n, cf. 14:1—18 in the Heb. text). He is
northern tribes demanded that Rehoboam reduce the state promised ten of the twelve tribes (o) in Shechem by the
burdens which Solomon had imposed upon them—a clear prophet Shemaiah (not by Ahijah near Jerusalem, as in
indication of how at least northern Israel had previously 11:29—31 of the Heb. text). Following the failure of negoti-
regarded the regime. Rehoboam seeks advice from 'the older ations with Rehoboam (p—s; more detailed in the Heb. text,
men who had attended his father Solomon' and with 'the 12:3—14) and the threat of civil war (cf. 12:21—4),me comprom-
young men who had grown up with him and now attended ise settlement gave Jeroboam ten tribes and Rehoboam two
him' (w. 6, 8). These do not form two separate advising bodies (t—z). We probably have a midrashic rewriting of the Hebrew
(so Malamat 1965), but represent a political conflict between text here (Gordon 1975) rather than the core of an old and
two generations (so Evans 1966). The king's experienced historically valuable northern Israelite version (as in Seebass
advisers encourage him to make a moderate contract, whilst 1967; Gray 1977: 310-11).
I AND 2 K I N G S 242

Jeroboam I of Israel (12:25-14:24) Israel (cf. Klopfenstein 1996). The story is probably based
(12:25-33) State Worship in Bethel and Dan King Jeroboam I, on two narratives (cf. Wurthwein 1994): one concerning the
founder and quasi-democratically legitimized ruler of north- conflict between Jeroboam and a man of God from Judah at
ern Israel (12:20), initiated a number of building projects, like the holy site of Bethel (w. i-io), the other telling of the meet-
Solomon before him: he built castles in the central towns of ing between an Israelite and a Judean prophet (w. 11—32). The
his realm (v. 5)—in the cis-Jordanian Shechem and in trans- first legend demonstrates how superior a prophet is even to a
Jordanian Penuel (as the central city of the original Israelite king. An earthly ruler is powerless when faced with the mi-
region of Gilead, cf. i Sam n). Much more important for the raculous might of God and his power to give events a favour-
Bible, however, is the fact that he established state holy sites in able or detrimental turn as he wishes. The books of Kings vary
the far north and deep in the south of his kingdom. This too the prophet—king conflict several times, each time leaving the
likens him to Solomon. Everywhere in the East, rulers who prophet the upper hand, although historical reality often
wished to be recognized or who tried to introduce a new era in proved to be different (cf. Jer 26:20-4; 3^)- Here, Jeroboam's
history became active in founding new cult sites. A state conflict in Bethel led to the theory that this is a folklore version
requires a state religion or ideology. Jeroboam knew this and of the appearance of the prophet Amos in Bethel (cf. Am 7:10—
became active in religious politics. It was probably the Judean 17). The second narrative deals with the relationship between
author's wishful thinking that made Jeroboam worry whether two prophets, often a tense and sensitive affair. Who can
his subjects were too fond of the Davidic-Judean state religion decide who is right when two prophets speak, claiming God's
(w. 26-7). Jeroboam could have confined himself to Bethel authority, yet contradict each other? (cf. i Kings 22 and Jer 27—
had this been the case. The temples in Bethel and Dan had 8 on this problem; Walsh claims that i Kings 13 demonstrates
long existed and were influential beyond their regions (cf. that only prophets who kept YHWH's commandments are to
Judg 17-18; Gen 28; 35). Canaanite deities must originally be trusted). In our story, the 'true' prophet allows himself to be
have resided there (as was almost certainly the case with deceived by the 'false' prophet and pays for it with his life. His
Jerusalem's previous temple!), but the Israelite YHWH had death does convince his opponent of the truth of the 'true'
in the meantime (also?) begun to be worshipped. Thus the prophet's relationship to God—and makes him want to join
temples were well suited as a place of intellectual and spiritual him in death. Not only is this bizarre, but it is also related to
integration for the most important population groups of the the old theme of God's mighty actions compared to the in-
country. The intention to link 'Canaan' with 'Israel' can be sufficiencies of his human instruments. The two stories focus
seen in the central cult figures used and the way they are on the holy site in Bethel and its altar, both of which are
inaugurated. Jeroboam did not make 'calves', but (young) contaminated by 'Jeroboam's sin' and will sooner or later feel
bulls, the animal symbolizing Canaan's main gods El and the power of the true God: the prophet's word immediately
Baal. But the Israelite YHWH 'who brought you up out of destroys the altar (w. 3, 5) and the holy site is abolished 300
the land of Egypt', is claimed to be worshipped by Israelites in years later by King Josiah (2 Kings 23:15-18), although the
Bethel and Dan (v. 28; today the words 'calves' and 'gods' common grave of both prophets is preserved. Thus prophetic
correspond with each other, a feature arising from Judean words are proved to contain the power of God. He directs
polemics). The combination of Israelite faith in the liberating history in such a way as to fulfil the prophecies so that truth
power of the God of the Exodus and Canaanite faith in the may prevail.
power to bless of their national gods stands in opposition to (14:1—20) A Breach between Ahijah of Shiloh and Jeroboam
the Judean belief that God resides in Zion. This is an impres- Jeroboam feels the might of the prophetic word from a further
sive, yet dubious functionalization of religion. The Judean prophet: Ahijah of Shiloh. In w. i—6, 12, 130, 17—18, an older
scribes recognized this correctly, regardless of their biased prophet story concerning the king's failed oracular seance
perspective, and severely criticized Jeroboam's policy, even with Ahijah can be discerned. (There are thematically similar
interpreting it as the seed of the fall of his dynasty and indeed scenes in i Sam 9:1-10:16; 2 Kings i.) It demonstrates how it
the kingdom he founded (cf. 12:29; J3:33~4 and the references is impossible to cheat a prophet, even if he is old and blind and
in dealing with all northern kings to 'the sins of Jeroboam'). one has the perfect disguise (contrast Gen 27). Ahijah merci-
Various cultic alterations for which Jeroboam is seen to have lessly reveals to the queen that her child will die. The reason
been responsible are criticized in this light: the creation of for this is unclear in the text, although the context of i Kings
holy high places (cf. v. 31 with Lev 26:30; Deut 12; 2 Kings 13-14 provides an explanation. In addition, the editors turn
17:9—10), the appointment of non-Levite priests (cf. v. 31 with the oracle of w. 7—11, 13/7—16 into an extensive statement
Deut 18:1-8), and the unauthorized introduction of a religious against Jeroboam and a comprehensive declaration against
feast (cf. v. 32 with Lev 23:34). This is a heavy burden for the his dynasty. Even the entire history of the northern kingdom is
northern kingdom to bear right from its very beginnings! observed here (Holder 1988). The same prophet who an-
(13:1-32) The Judean Man of God and the Prophet in Bethel nounced Jeroboam's rise to power (11:29—39) now forecasts
Mention of this illegitimate feast invites the authors to make that his sins will lead to the fall of Jeroboam's dynasty. Later, a
Jeroboam plan illegitimate cult activities at the illegitimate coup sweeping Jeroboam's son Nadab aside provides confirm-
holy site of Bethel and be caught red-handed by a prophetloyal ation of the prophecy's truth (15:29-30). This pattern of pro-
to YHWH. An editor has inserted a detailed prophet story phecy and fulfilment can be plotted across the books of Kings
(between 12:32 and 13:33) which is marked by Jeroboam's cult- (cf. already i Kings 11:29—31 + 12:15 and then 16:1—4 + 16:11—
sacrilege, but which also illustrates the function of the office 12; 21:21-3 + 22:38 + 2 Kings 9:36-7; 2 Kings 9:7-10 + 10:17;
of prophet and its historical significance for the history of 21:10-15 + 24:2J 22:16-17 + 25:I~7)- m all evidence of the
 243 I AND 2 K I N G S

dates and facts we should not forget that the history of Israel, East, such as amongst the Hittites, the queen mother held a
in the eyes of the author, is dictated not by internal connec- specific rank of'mistress' (in Heb. synonymous with the word
tions of causality, but by its relationship to God (cf von Rad for queen mother), giving her power especially in the case of
1961 and Dietrich 1972). her son's death. Abijam's mother was Maacah, daughter of
Abishalom. Going by his name, this could have been David's
Rehoboam, Abijah, and Asa ofjudah (14:25-15:24 J son, who died during the rebellion and would naturally have
(14:21—31) Rehoboam Although we have come to know Reho- had clear political influence. One would have, however, to
boam from the story of the kingdom's division, the intro- interpret 'daughter' as 'granddaughter', making Maacah's
ductory formula is only now inserted. This is an editorial mother Tamar, the daughter of Absalom mentioned in 2
principle in Kings: up to this point the Israelite Jeroboam Sam 14:27. All this is hypothesis and rather unlikely, espe-
stood at the centre of affairs, whilst the Judean Rehoboam cially since Maacah's father is named as Uriel of Gibeah in 2
was only a minor character. Now our eyes turn to the south Chr 13:2. Thus names cannot tell us much about this queen
and Rehoboam becomes the protagonist. Little good can be mother (but see 15:10). Her son did not rule for long (about
reported of him: he was 41 when he came to power, some- two full years, cf. v. i with 15:9; the number 'three' in 15:2 can
what too old to follow the foolish advice of his young coun- be explained since the years of accession and death were not
sellors. His mother was an Ammonite, a twice-mentioned complete calendar years). There were conflicts with the north-
fact (14:21, 31) which can be compared to that of Solomon's ern state at this time (v. 7/7, probably a note from the diaries of
foreign wives and their idol-worship (11:1—8). By now all the Judean kings). The editors give Abijam a poor rating,
kinds of heathen rituals are said to have found their way probably because he did not reverse the (alleged) atrocities
into Judah (and not confined to Jerusalem, as with Solomon introduced by Rehoboam. Later theologians have pondered
before him). 'Pillars', tall standing stones, perhaps repre- why YHWH continued to reside in Jerusalem despite such
sented deified ancestors. 'Sacred poles' are probably stylized unworthy rulers. The answer is that David's merits were so
trees symbolizing either the old goddess Asherah or her great—even considering the Bathsheba—Uriah scandal—that
power to bless which had become integrated into YHWH. his sinful successors could still profit from them. Would this
The editors use standard sentences (w. 22-4) which are often store of good deeds be exhausted one day? The question is not
repeated later. They hammer out how breaches of the first yet relevant, due to the existence of other rulers, more faithful
commandment formed the underlying evil which led to than Abijam.
Judah's (and even earlier, Israel's) downfall. As with almost (15:9—24) Asa King Asa reigned for an unusually long time.
all kings, the editors report the most important—and in this We learn that he was 'diseased in his feet' in old age: this is
case unpleasant—events of Rehoboam's reign. On the one perhaps an indication of paralysis and possibly of his son
hand there is the constantly rekindling war with Jeroboam, a Jehoshaphat's regency during Asa's lifetime. Asa is given a
plausible account (v. 30, probably taken from the Book of good assessment by the editors. He can even be compared to
the Annals of the Kings of Judah) and on the other a short David, though he did not abolish the high places outside
report of a confrontation with Egypt which had grave con- Jerusalem. That was left to Josiah (2 Kings 23:8). Otherwise,
sequences for the temple at Jerusalem (w. 25—30, perhaps Asa was exemplary: he made pious donations to the temple,
taken from the temple's own registers). Pharaoh Shishak, chased the cult-prostitutes out of the country (cf. 14:24), and
known in Egypt as Shoshenk (about 945-924 BCE, founder dismissed the queen mother 'because she had made an abom-
of the 22nd 'Libyan' dynasty) undertook a campaign to Pales- inable image for Asherah'. It is striking that the queen mother
tine and Syria. He later ordered it to be recorded in the has the same name here as in 15:2. She is certainly the same
temple at Karnak. All the cities he claims to have conquered person. Maacah was, of course, the mother of Abijam, not Asa,
are listed there—they do not include Jerusalem (cf. Noth but kept her position as queen mother following Abijam's
1971). In our text, Jerusalem is made the sole object of early death until Asa relieved her of the post (cf. Noth 1968:
the campaign. It is possible that the city had to pay a high 335-6). The note on this must have been taken from the
price for freedom, a first sign of warning for 'the city that the Annals of the Kings and is therefore historically reliable,
LORD had chosen out of all the tribes of Israel, to put his name especially since such actions were very unusual in a country
there' (v. 21). so loyal to its dynasty. Perhaps it shows a new political direc-
(15:1-8) Abijam This is the first king who is given synchron- tion: away from the present dominance of the Jerusalem
ized dating, i.e. correlation to the line of kings in the sister aristocracy and towards the Judeans of the country. This
state. Such references remind us of their common heritage would explain Asa's steps against syncretistic tendencies in
despite their separate development. Israel and Judah together the state cult of Jerusalem. Ackerman (1993) argues that the
form the people of YHWH. The names of the Judean queen queen mother was regarded as Asherah's representative, mak-
mothers are always included. This has specific political rea- ing her son the offspring of a goddess as well as the adopted
sons. Since David's dynasty reigned exclusively in Judah and son of YHWH (cf. Ps 2:7). Did Asa oppose such religious and
there were several different parties and interest-groups (cf. i ideological perceptions? It is certain that he successfully
Kings i alone), rival parties always had to present a Davidide fended off northern Israel's activities in the border area of
as pretender, though his rank was decisive. In this the queen Benjamin, even if his methods were questionable. His reac-
mother was an overriding factor: the kinship and party repre- tion to northern Israel's provocative expansion of the Benja-
sented by her decided who took up the reins of government minite town of Ramah into a border fortress (cf. Josh 18:25)
(Dietrich 1979). In Judah, as in other parts of the ancient Near was to incite the Aramean king in Damascus to carry out a
I AND 2 K I N G S 244

TABLE 13.1 Dates of the reigns of the first kings of Israel the editors. This may be implied by the separate note 16:7,
andjudah the core of which stems from the Annals, according to some
critics.
Israel Dates Judah Dates
(16:8—14) Zimri's reign As was the case with Jeroboam, woe
Jeroboam 926-906 Rehoboam 926-909 does not befall the founder of the dynasty, but his son, very
Nadab 906-905 Abijam 909-907 soon after his accession. This time it is not war that gives the
Baasha 905-882 Asa 907-867 usurper his chance to strike, but a drinking bout. The rebel
Elah 882-881 Zimri is a high-ranking officer, commander of half the chariot
Zimri 881
troop, a military form used in Israel since Solomon's times (i
Source: Gunneweg 1972. Kings 5:6,10:26). Again one can draw parallels, this time with
the later putsch organized by another officer of a chariot troop,
military attack on northern Israel. Galilee was devastated, and namely Jehu (2 Kings 9). The army often seems to have a hand
as the Israelite king turned his back on the south to concen- in overthrowing regimes in northern Israel. The ideas of
trate on the enemy in the north, Asa took the chance to build charismatic leadership and democracy do not seem to have
his own border fortress in Ramah, using the materials already been important factors in their view of monarchy (see Alt,
present. 1951 = 1964). The underlying instability in northern Israel
could, however, be attributed to its tribal origins: attempts to
Baasha of Israel and his successors (15:25-16:14) centralize power conflict with the centrifugal force of the
(15:25—32) Baasha's coup d'etat The narrative now turns its regions. The editors are not interested in such assumptions.
eyes on the kingdom of northern Israel. Here Nadab, son of They are only convinced that YHWH steered the history of
Jeroboam I, attempted to found a dynasty in the manner of the Israel with justice and purpose. Those who ignore his will
Davidides in the south. He failed after only a short time cannot expect a stable mutual co-existence.
(which does not keep him from receiving a poor rating from
the editors—it is enough that he was Jeroboam's successor). The period ofOmri's dynasty (i Kings 16:15-18:29 J
Nevertheless we see Nadab waging war against the Philis- The dynasty founded in northern Israel by King Omri is of
tines, indeed upon Philistine territory. He apparently resumed great significance to the political development of the country,
the war which Saul had begun (i Sam 13—14; 31). We find out which may only have become a true state at this time.
nothing about his motives or those of Baasha, his overthrower. Archaeological studies of Palestine have shown that a great
The entire royal family is liquidated in the coup, partly due to amount of building took place during the ninth century across
collective thinking, partly in fear of blood-revenge. The Bible is the entire land: city walls and fortifications, administration
not interested in this, however, only stating that everything centres etc. Non-biblical sources from Assyria, Aram, and
came to pass as it had to: Jeroboam was sinful, his 'house' had Moab show reluctant respect for the far-reaching power and
to disappear. The prophet Ahijah had announced as much and influence of Israel at the time ofOmri's dynasty. The biblical
Baasha carried it out. Is this a licence for political murder? Not authors, however, are not interested in the kingdom's fame,
at all: we are told in 16:7 that Baasha and his son will pay for the describing it as thoroughly godless. Thus the prophets are
bloodbath he brought upon the house of Jeroboam. Even if God increasingly brought to the fore, especially Elijah and Elisha.
uses humans as instruments of his judgement, he does not Always loyal to YHWH, they become necessary counterparts
condone their crimes. to and sometimes comrades of the kings. They set the stand-
(15:33—16:7) Baasha's Reign We already know a significant ards of what is important and right in Israel.
amount about the second (if you include Saul, the third)
founder of a dynasty: where he came from, when and how Omri andAhab of Israel (i Kings 16:15-34)
he came to power (15:27—8), and how he became involved in a (16:15-28) Omri's Seizure of Power The rebel Zimri (cf 16:9)
war on two fronts against Judah and Syria (15:17—22). Now all sweeps to power in the place of Baasha's son Elah whom he
we learn is that he reigned for twenty-four years in Tirzah, a has murdered. He only survives for one week, however (which
Manassite city which Jeroboam had already used as a resi- does not hinder the editors from bestowing him with the
dence (14:17) and which is generally identified as el-Far'ah standard judgement given to all Israelite kings: they did noth-
(about 10 km. north of Nablus). Despite his bloody slaughter ing to undo 'Jeroboam's sin' of maintaining holy sites in
of the previous dynasty, the editors regard Baasha as 'walking Bethel and Dan, v. 19). Embroiled in war with the Philistines,
in the way of Jeroboam'. The criteria for judgement are not the army is not pleased with the coup in its capital. Being a
political but religious. Baasha may have destroyed a sinful chariot officer, Zimri probably represented the urban,
dynasty, but left its sin, the bull cult of Bethel (and Dan), Canaanite elements of the state too strongly for the army to
untouched. Thus a prophet confronts him, as with Jeroboam, tolerate, it being dominated by more Israelite, tribal forces. In
and gives him a warning and a scolding (w. 2-4) very similar any case, the army chief Omri is spontaneously hailed by the
to that of Ahijah of Shiloh (14:7—11). Both the Deuteronomistic 'people' (i.e. the soldiers) as their leader and immediately
authorship and a conscious effort to draw parallels between marches with them to the royal residence in Tirzah. The city
the two dynasties are unmistakable. Their fates, as we shall is quickly taken, Zimri loses the citadel after apparently set-
see, are indeed strikingly similar. One can assume that ting it alight himself, and is then killed. Not only Zimri,
only the name of the prophet, Jehu ben Hanani, and the fact however, yearns for power, but also a certain Tibni: either a
of his appearance at the time of Baasha were known to loyal follower of Zimri or precisely the opposite, someone
 245 I AND 2 K I N G S

particularly faithful to tribal Israel. Four years later Tibni dies usually greedy (ravenous) birds, that feed the hermit Elijah.
(cf the dates in 16:15 an(^ J6:23), probably not of natural Who can harm such a man?
causes. The victor's name, Omri, is not Israelite, but might
(17:6—16) Elijah and the Widow in Zarephath But Elijah suf-
be Arabian. Perhaps he worked his way from army general to
fers the same fate as his people: his water runs dry. So God
head of state due to his unusually charismatic personality. He
sends him on to the Sidon region, home of Queen Jezebel, the
certainly created Israel's first long-living dynasty and achieved
lion's den. He expects to find a widow to feed him there. Men
political stability. By founding a new capital city belonging to
of God are often poor, needing the help of others, especially of
the crown, as David had done before him (cf. 2 Sam 5), Omri
women. Elijah does not know that the one God has chosen for
took a first step towards such stability. Samaria (later Sebaste)
him this time is terribly impoverished herself. He learns this
was geopolitically and strategically well situated and could be
only after having randomly asked a woman at the gates of
built without taking larger, existing structures into account.
Zarephath for water and then for bread. She claims, 'as the
Omri equipped it with a generous acropolis (about 180 x 90
LORD your God lives', that she and her son are starving them-
m., from Ahab's time about 200 x loom.), and created an
selves. Elijah repeats his wish, but adding the soothing words,
opulent city in all respects (cf. Isa 28:1), which served as the
'Do not be afraid', and continues by prophesying an endless
royal residence of the Israelites until the destruction of the
supply of food. The editors explicitly remark that it comes to
state. The editors report that the Israelite rulers' religious
pass as Elijah had predicted. The power and truth of a pro-
failings were even worse than those of their predecessors,
phet's word is proved repeatedly, it being a hallmark of the
though they do not explain why.
Deuteronomistic view of prophets.
(16:29—34) Ahab and Jezebel Omri's son and successor, (17:17-24) Elijah Awakens the Dead This story was probably
Ahab, sinks some degrees lower in the editors' rating system an unconnected piece, attached to the previous episode by the
by marrying the Phoenician princess Jezebel, building a tem- editors. Both stories contain the same three people and deal
ple for Baal in Samaria, and erecting a cult symbol in honour with the question of whether it is worthwhile to support
of the goddess Asherah. Baal is the classic Canaanite god of itinerant men of God. w. 7-16 show clearly that those who
fertility, responsible for nature's rebirth. Asherah is the share their food with them end up eating more rather than
mother goddess of the Canaanite pantheon and stands at less. In this passage we learn that their presence does not
El's, Baal's, or even YHWH's side, presumably symbolized bring only death (by seeing guilt and bestowing punishment,
by some wooden object such as a stylized tree. Perhaps these v. 18), but also life. This story is closely related to that in 2
really are signs of Phoenician influence (cf. Jezebel's father's Kings 4:18-37, and perhaps even stems from it. The prophet
name: Ethbaal). Ahab, however, must have been driven by the plays the role of a magician reviving a dead soul by a ritual
need to appease the religious influence of Israel's urban Ca- action. It is of course God making all this possible—the
naanite population, since Bethel and Dan were mainly Israel- prophet calls upon and pleads with him twice. Finally death
ite YHWH-worshipping sites (cf. i Kings 12:25—30). The note withdraws, though not permanently. The entire OT accepts
in v. 34 could stem from the 'Annals'. It is unclear what had death, while showing us how to use God's guidance in shap-
been constructed in Jericho by that time, although according ing life. Passages such as this stress that death is not an
to archaeological studies it is unlikely that the entire city had independent supernatural power, contrary to other oriental
already been built. Two sons of Hiel, who was responsible for beliefs which feared and revered death as a deity. Thus this
the construction of Jericho, died during the building of it (they story is central to the main theme of the Elijah cycle: the true
were not ritually killed, cf. Kaiser 1984)—an event interpreted God versus false gods.
by the editors as an example of God's unambiguous word:
Joshua's curse upon Jericho (Josh 6:26) was a prophetic (18:1—20) Elijah and Obadiah The theme of drought and rain
statement. is now resumed in the narrative. The land of Israel thirsts and
even the king suffers under the drought. YHWH sends for
Elijah and Ahab (i Kings ij-.i-icj-.zi) Elijah in order to bring about the crisis and then the solution
to the unfolding conflict. The meeting between the prophet
(17:1-6) Elijah's Conflict with Ahab and his Flight The de-
and the (godless) king is preceded by one with a (God-fearing)
scription of Ahab's mistake is followed immediately by the
minister. His name is also telling: Obadiah, 'servant of
prophet Elijah's sudden appearance. His name alone is tell-
YHWH'. He is said to have come to the aid of YHWH's
ing: 'My God is YHWH!' Such exclusive worship must have
servants during a purge of prophets. On unexpectedly seeing
been unusual at that time. Elijah confronts the king with
Elijah standing before him, he falls to the ground in fear and
YHWH's word against Ahab's policy of ensuring harmony
respect. Elijah can obviously be everywhere and nowhere: a
by syncretizing the worship of YHWH and Baal: the land will
repeating theme for which Elijah was famous. We also learn
suffer drought and hunger. This is a declaration of war against
that Ahab organized a search for Elijah and that Jezebel
Baal, god of fertility and rain. It will finally be YHWH, not
pursued prophets of YHWH in general. Thus we begin to
Baal, who brings rain. From here onwards, a tense conflict
understand why Elijah's journey took him across the lonely
begins between the two deities which is resolved only in
river of Kerith into the foreign territory of Phoenicia.
18:41-5. The prophet of YHWH withdraws to a small east-
Jordanian river valley as soon as he has made his declaration. (18:21—40) Elijah and the Competition Between the Gods on
The narrative lays great store by ensuring that each change of Mount Carmel The king asks Elijah, as soon as he meets him,
scene is directed by a divine order. It is said that Elijah is a man the same question as his minister had (18: 7,17), only he does
led by God and obedient to him. Miraculously it is ravens, not call the prophet 'my lord', but 'troubler of Israel'. Elijah
I AND 2 K I N G S 246

immediately throws the accusation back at him (which is ily on the story's historical precision and not set enough store
followed by a longer explanation, probably added by the edi- by the theological freedom of the narrator—who after all
tors). Ahab organizes a gathering of the people on Mount wrote at a much later time. The struggle for the exclusive
Carmel, after which he has no further role in the story. This worship of YHWH and against Baalism was much more
is another unconnected story which is probably only placed in long-term and less triumphant than i Kings 18 suggests—a
its present context out of necessity (cf for instance the wastage fact reflected in Elijah's sudden need to flee. His destination is
of water in v. 34—5, although there is a drought everywhere). It Horeb, the name used by Deuteronomy and the editors for
has been suggested that this story reflects a real political and Sinai. Mention of Beer-sheba and Elijah's loss, in the desert, of
religious conflict at the time of Ahab regarding a holy place on all will to live remind us of Hagar and Ishmael's fate in Gen 21.
Mount Carmel near to the Phoenician border (Alt 1964/7:135— Here too God's messenger brings salvation in the form of food
49). It is more probable that it is a theologically planned and water. He must, however, encourage the dispirited man of
anticipation of Jehu's bloody deeds against Baal followers (2 God twice before he is willing to make his way to the moun-
Kings 10:18-27, see Smend 1987). In this sense the horrifying tain of God, inspired by miraculous powers (cf. 18:46).
ending in v. 40 is both necessary and highly unsettling. But (19:9—18) Elijah's Meeting with God on Horeb As Moses had
before this point, a bitter struggle concerning the true god and done before him (Ex 24; 33) Elijah hopes to meet God on
the right religion flares up. Elijah stands against the people. Mount Horeb. He does not appear: at least, not in impressive
They do not seem to understand the choice Elijah offers at all: natural phenomena (which one would have connected with
'YHWH or Baal', since the idea of YHWH monotheism was the weather god Baal) and not in demonstrations of violent
not yet sufficiently established in Israel. Elijah then turns to power (as were sometimes cherished in religious arguments,
the Baal prophets and suggests a competition between them. e.g. in 18:40 and in countless other examples up to the present
They do not answer, but the people do, on their behalf. A day). Elijah encounters a completely different God on Mount
miracle must bring truth to light. Those who have read i Kings Horeb. The description of his approach is extremely powerful
17 know that YHWH can perform miracles. It is quickly and quietly beautiful. The image of God suggested here is in
revealed that Baal is incapable of doing this. Here the cultic clear contrast to that of i Kings 18 and especially 2 Kings 10.
and ritual activities of Baalistic religion are reliably reported: Hosea's criticism of Jehu's bloody wrath (Hos 1:4) is probably
their prayer, rhythmic movements, and self-mortification the background to this scene. Although it is difficult to see the
building up to ecstasy (w. 26—9). But Baal remains inactive. figure of Elijah as an ironic reflection of Moses in general (see
By contrast, YHWH-religion concentrates on the spoken word Hauser and Gregory 1990), this story does show ironic traits.
(prayer) and can immediately work miracles. The people to The prophet is twice asked the reason for his presence, and
whom this is demonstrated turn to YHWH's side at once. This twice the same frustration breaks out in him, as if God had not
call of faith, 'The LORD indeed is God', unmistakably reminds appeared to him in the meantime. In speaking ofthe 7,000
us of Elijah's name ('my God is YHWH'). Elijah's belief has Israelites who do not kneel before Baal in the ensuing battle,
become that of the people. God redresses the balance of Elijah's complaint about his
(18:41-6) Elijah Brings Rain The return ofthe rains is another complete solitude. At the same time Elijah is charged with
triumph for Elijah. The theme of drought reappears along with enlisting three warriors for YHWH's cause of whom at least
king Ahab. King and prophet are no longer enemies, but in two draw a line of blood through history: the insurgents
agreement. The fact that the king can eat again is perhaps a Hazael of Aram and Jehu of Israel. The third in the group is
sign that he was once depicted as a remorseful and therefore the prophet Elisha who doubtless belongs historically more
God-fearing king (Wurthwein 1984). Elijah acts like a magi- with the other two than Elijah does (see 2 Kings 8:7—15; 9:1—
cian who uses his superhuman powers—as symbolized by the 10). The latter's enormous influence seems to have attracted
gesture in v. 42—to call for rain seven times. At the climax, he various traditions and not least the figure of Elisha.
slips into ecstasy, similar to the Baal prophets' trance earlier. (19:19-21) Elijah Charges Elisha The first of Elijah's three
He differs from them decisively, however: the 'hand ofthe required appointments in 19:15-16 is that of Elisha. In fact it
LORD' grasps him and he storms ahead ofthe royal chariots will be the only one, since Elisha immediately takes over
for more than 20 km. from Carmel (some see Samaria as the Elijah's staff—or his mantle!—and carries it further. Elijah's
starting-point) to Jezreel. This archaic-sounding anecdote mantle was apparently his hallmark (cf. 2 Kings 2:8,14; in 1:8
again shows how YHWH breaks the boundaries of what is a different Heb. word is used). By enveloping Elisha with it,
humanly possible. The opening conflict of 16:32—3 and 17:1 is Elijah passes on to him his spirit and his mission. Elisha
thus solved as YHWH proves himself to be the only effective appears as a rich farmer, Elijah as a restlessly wandering
God (although not necessarily the only one that exists). prophet. Acceptance of this duty requires Elisha's relinquish-
(19:1-8) Elijah's Flight to Horeb Even Elijah is human, as ment of his property and family. He seems to be prepared to
Jezebel proves. According to the LXX, she opens her warning do this on certain conditions. Elijah's answer can be interpre-
of revenge—sworn by 'the gods'—with the proud statement, ted in two ways: as scoldingly rejective ('Goback again; for what
'If you are Elijah, I am Jezebel!' The fact that this woman have I done to you?') or as understandingly warning ('Go, but
repeatedly plays the role of Elijah's (and YHWH's) strongest [remember] what I have done to you', Gray 1977:413). It is also
antagonist in his stories may have to do with the real history or unclear whether Elisha bids farewell to his parents, but he
be a further version of the text written shortly after Ahab's determinedly takes leave of his property and gives it to the
death, which made Jezebel rather than Ahab the main villain people. From now on he is Elijah's servant and 'follows him',
(see Steck 1968). Both interpretations could depend too heav- cf. Mt 4:19; 8:18-22. The two men were historically not so
 247 I AND 2 K I N G S

closely tied as it appears here. They stand for different styles of lation—was given a secure economic existence and thus firm
prophecy, being representative of single and group prophets citizen's rights by the allocation of sufficient land. This is
(Schmitt 1972: 183—4). Our text may mark the beginnings of shown by the attempt to legally protect landownership for
the idea of prophetic succession. everyone (Lev 25; Deut 5:21). Initially, King Ahab was forced
to capitulate to this (probably still unwritten) right of his
Ahab and YHWH's Prophets (i Kings 20:1-22:40) subjects: an idea which paints a positive picture of the mon-
archy. Nevertheless, this story shows how unscrupulously the
(i Kings 20:1—34) Ahab's Victory over the Arameans Following
king's power over the civilian rights could still be used and
a Prophetic Oracle In i Kings 20 and 22 we are told of a series
how compliant the lay assessors' court was to his wishes. The
of wars between an Aramean king, Benhadad, and King Ahab
queen is the driving force behind this, since she comes from
of Israel. This does not fit the fact proved by Assyrian sources
abroad and does not respect Israelite ethics, or perhaps does
that Ahab and the Aramean king, Adad-idri (Aram. Hadade-
not know them. In any case, nobody attempts to stop her, so
zer), were closely allied to each other (ANET 276—7). It is
that evil can poison society from the top down—not merely a
probable that the Omri dynasty was at peace with Aram, and
modern experience. If the scandal of Naboth is still an individ-
that this relationship deteriorated only under Hazael (cf 2
ual case for which the royal court is responsible, the theft of
Kings 8:12—13, 28—9; 13:3, and elsewhere). Thus, should our
land by the ruling class 100 years later becomes an economic
stories reflect historical fact, they belong to the time following
principle (Isa 5:8; Am 2:6; Mic 2:1-2).
Jehu's coup. At this point, however, they wish to describe
the confrontation between King Ahab and the prophets of (21:17-29) Elijah's Judgement against Ahab and his
his time. It has been suggested that scenes containing the Court The loss of the farming population's rights in Israel
prophets were added to the text at a later point, and that did not occur without resistance. This can be seen in the
originally the stories dealt with profane scenes of war. This bitterly outraged tone of the Naboth narrative, though it lacks
is possible, though not certain. In ch. 20, the Israelite king further elaboration or explanation of this point (contra
repeatedly defeats an aggressive and arrogant enemy with the Wilrthwein 1984, who sees w. i—16 as a closed short story in
help of prophetic oracles of war. Interestingly, the Arameans its own right). Someone is required to confront the king and
considered YHWH to be a mountain god who had no power under such circumstances this is normally a prophet. A par-
on the plains (v. 23), a belief that stemmed from underlying allel rendering of this story in 2 Kings 9:25-6 shows that
religious and social history. YHWH's home was originally the although a prophet apparently did protest against the judicial
mountains of southern Sinai and Edom (Ex 3; Judg 5:4) and murder of Naboth (and his family) it can hardly have been
Israel itself initially developed into an ethnic and political Elijah. The latter's appearance in these verses has obviously
power on the mountains of Palestine (Judg 1:27-35; I Sam been reworked several times. Originally, there was probably
13-14; 2 Sam 2:9). Now, however, so the story tells us, the only a brief scene: suddenly, Elijah stands before the king in
entire country belongs to YHWH (and his Israelite people)! the vineyards of Naboth. He listens to Ahab's surprised ques-
Ahab even manages to force Ben-hadad to agree to an Israelite tion (v. 20: 'Have you found me, O my enemy?'), briefly and
trading office in Damascus (v. 34). firmly throws his accusation at him (v. 19: 'Have you killed,
(20:35-43) A Prophetic Warning to Ahab The initially posi- and also taken possession?'), and immediately announces his
tive outcome of the war against Aram is tarnished by the judgement (v. 19: 'In the place where dogs licked the blood of
following scene, as Ahab transforms from being a victor to a Naboth, dogs will also lick up your blood'). This prophecy does
sinner: he should not have made business contracts with Ben- not come true to the letter. Editors ensured that God gives
hadad, but should have 'devoted him to destruction', i.e. killed Elijah detailed instructions regarding his task (w. 17—19, in
him. Devoting to destruction, or 'banning', passing spoils of which the slight discrepancy of the setting between Samaria
war and their previous owners on to God, later became an and Jezreel is glossed over). Elijah must scold and warn Ahab
underlying principle of Deuteronomistic theory and historical in a lengthy speech (w. 20^-22, 24, closely related to the
writing (Deut 13:12-18; 20:16-18; Josh 6-7; 11:10-15, and else- speeches in i Kings 14:7-11 and 2 Kings 9:7-10) in which
where). It was probably practised in the early times of the the king's religious failings are repeated (w. 25—6). Ahab's
kings in Israel as in Moab—although not in every war, but transformation into a repentant sinner postpones his judge-
only out of extreme necessity (cf. Dietrich 19960). As grue- ment to the next generation (w. 27-9). v. 23 does not (as
some as this ritual is, it is equally clear that war is being waged suggested by Steck 1968) belong to a particularly anti-Jezebel
without prospect of material gain. Once a 'banning war' had authorial layer dating from the time following Ahab's death.
been declared, it seems that especially prophetic, i.e. strictly The reference in 2 Kings 9:36-7 ascertaining the fulfilment of
YHWH-following circles, insisted upon its compliance (cf. the prophecy proves that this section must clearly be Deuter-
also i Sam 15). In this case, the prophet's ingenious scheming onomistic. The text describes Elijah angrily breaking his staff
forces the king to catch himself out and bring judgement over Omri's dynasty, preparing the reader for terrible deeds in
upon himself—as Nathan had once done to David (2 Sam 12). the future.
(21:1—16) Ahab's and Jezebel's Judicial Murder of Naboth This (22:1—40) Micaiah ben Imlah's Prophecy and Ahab's Death
story is a paradigm for the conflict between the demands of Although great punishment only befalls his sons (the OT
the state and the rights of the people. The farmer Naboth has thought collectively right up to the period of exile), Ahab is
the right and indeed the duty to bequeath his land to his not left unreprimanded. Despite his dying of natural causes
family and not to outsiders. The ruling ideal in ancient Israel according to the Annals of the Kings (22:40), the editors
was that each farming family—over 90 per cent of the popu- emend this. They insert an account of the Israelite king's
I AND 2 K I N G S 248

mortal wounding during a war with Aram. The story is the- dominance. Whenever the sister states were at harmony with
matically linked with i Kings 20, although here Judah and each other, their Transjordanian neighbours suffered hard-
Israel are allies. The sister states were closely tied at the time ship. Judah controlled Edom and therefore had access to the
of Omri's dynasty and remained so until after the uprisings of Red Sea. They probably lacked the nautical skill, however, to
Jehu and Joash (2 Kings 9-11). So the editors entered the undertake trade projects. Nevertheless they refused such help
appropriate names, Ahab and Jehoshaphat. Ahab is given from Israel, perhaps out of age-old defensiveness towards the
the role of the villainous hero. He causes war, gains Judah's more powerful northern kingdom. This may be a reason for
support in arms (w. 1-4), but does not hesitate to sacrifice his the good religious rating given to Jehoshaphat by the editors.
ally to the enemy in order to save his own skin (w. 29-30). Ahaziah, Ahab's son and successor, had no chance of mild
The outcome, however, is different (w. 31—6). The Judean judgement, especially since punishment of the Omri dynasty
remains unhurt whilst a stray arrow hits the Israelite. He had only been postponed. Besides this, the editors knew in
remains courageous during battle (making it unclear whether what light the following story would show the king and his
he died on the battlefield, which weakens the discrepancy of short reign.
22:40), but succumbs to his injuries in the evening, v. 38
relates these events back to Elijah's prophecy (21:19). Th£ story 2 Kings
of Micaiah ben Imlah is inserted within this narrative frame (1:1-18) Elijah and the Death of Ahaziah Having fallen
(w. 5-28). It continues the theme of the relationship between through a lattice—it is unclear whether this is a window or a
the kings of Judah and Israel, but concentrates on the conflict grid on the roof protecting an upper chamber—and suffered
between optimistic court prophets and independent prophets permanent injury, the king calls for an oracle (cf. i Kings 14),
of woe. The Judean king is apparently willing to listen to though from Baal rather than YHWH. Two qualities of this
prophecy even when it is critical—a sign that this passage Syro-Palestinian god are described: he is the patron-god of the
has been reworked by Judeans. By contrast, the Israelite king Philistine city Ekron (similarly Ashdod's patron seems to have
only wishes to hear what he wants from the prophets. When been Dagon, cf. i Sam 5) and he has a second name, Zebub,
one prophet finally says something else, the king and his court meaning 'fly'. Fly-Baal: is this a title of honour revealing that
prophets take action against the troublemaker. Nevertheless, his oracles were carried out to the sound of humming, or is it a
the latter is proved right, whilst all others, despite also seeing (Jewish) term of abuse, derived from zebul (prince) ? In any
themselves as messengers of God and using impressive sym- case, this deity seems to have been particularly appropriate for
bols to prove this, are wrong. A fundamental problem regard- a case such as Ahaziah's. An oracular consultation does not
ing the prophets is the unaccountability of their own attitude take place due to Elijah's interference in the name of YHWH.
towards God's messages. Here (as in Jer 28 and Mic 3:5—8) the According to the present text, he does so following the explicit
basic rule seems to be that a prophet is less convincing the order of an 'angel of the LORD' (w. 3—4) and three (fifty-strong)
more clearly he confirms wishes and expectations. Micaiah army divisions are unable to stop him (w. 9-16). These are
ben Imlah declares thathis opponents are possessed by an evil additions designed to underline the almost transcendental
spirit with whose help they wish to drive the king to death. His position of the prophet who cannot be ordered about and
knowledge of this stems from witnessing (in a vision, cf Isa 6) must be treated with utmost reverence! (Many biblical stories
discussions at a heavenly council. In passing on his secret show that this advice was highly necessary: prophets had no
knowledge to the mortally endangered king, Micaiah gives protection, carried no weapons apart from their word, and
him a final chance to change course. The lying spirit, however, were often faced with evil and even deadly enemies.) The
prevails over the spirit of truth. Micaiah's warnings to the king original version of this story (w. 2, 5—7, 17) is rather short.
have the same effect as those of Isaiah to the people (Isa 6:9- Ahaziah asks the wrong god, Elijah gives him a reply devoid of
10): they serve to entrench opinions rather than change them. hope in the name of the right one. This is thematically similar
True prophets seem to experience this repeatedly. to i Kings 18: Elijah's action to promote the exclusive worship
of YHWH in Israel. Clearly his name ('My God is YHWH!')
Jehoshaphat of Judah and Ahaziah of Israel (i Kings 22:41- was closely linked to this mission. The king does not yet know
2 Kings 1:18) the name of the seer of woe. Description of his appearance,
(22:41-54) Jehoshaphat and Ahaziah's Governments Only however—an ascetic hermit—immediately puts him in the
now is Jehoshaphat officially introduced, although he has picture. Aside from his mantle (cf. 2 Kings 2:13), another
already been closely linked to Ahab. This agrees well with recognizable feature of Elijah seems to be that he suddenly
the statement in the Annals that there was no war with Israel appears precisely when he is not expected or wanted, fear-
at that time, no doubt a consequence of the Omri dynasty's lessly saying what was to be said in the name of his God (cf. i
Kings 18:7; 21:17—20). It is almost unnecessary to say that king
TABLE 13.2 Dates ofrdgns during the Omri dynasty Ahaziah soon died.
Israel Dates Judah Dates Aram- Dates The Acts ofElisha (2 Kings 2:1-8:15)
Damascus
(2:1—18) Elisha's Appointment and Elijah's Ascension Elijah's
Omri 881-870 Asa 907-867 life was coming to an end. In general, people in the time of the
Ahab 870-851 Jehoshaphat 867-850 Hadadezer about 853
OT did not regard death as their enemy, but as a natural
Ahaziah 851-850 Ben-hadad up to
II(?)
conclusion to life. YHWH is a God of life—what happens
»45(?)
Jehoram 850-845 Jehoram 850-845 Hazael from 845 beyond the boundary of death remains out of his reach.
Elijah's ascension is one of the very few breaches of the wall
 249 I AND 2 K I N G S

of death made by the OT, from which the faith in resurrection particularly mild (2 Kings 17:2)—not because he was a rela-
develops later. It is no coincidence that of all people, Elijah was tively God-fearing ruler, but in order to avoid the misunder-
expected to return at the time of the NT (Mk 6:15; 8:28). Since standing that he alone was the cause of the northern
he only departed rather than died, he did not even need to be kingdom's demise. The Deuteronomistic theologians teach
resurrected, but merely return from his heavenly journey to us that God is forbearing, allowing guilt to pile up over a
announce the Messiah's arrival. According to the present text long period of time before demanding atonement. The reader
(w. 2—6), Elijah, Elisha, and many prophet disciples were is then asked to apply this perspective to the fall of Judah: its
aware of the impending departure. Elijah wishes to be alone cause is not its last king (Zedekiah), nor even the last kings
when the time comes: miracles tended to occur at times of (including Josiah!). Here too guilt has accumulated over a
silence. Elisha, however, is required and wants to accompany long period of time, up to the point when, in God's eyes, the
him: as a witness to the miracle and an heir to the master. He mark was overstepped.
does indeed inherithis 'spirit' (not completely, though still the
(3:4—27) Elisha's Contribution to the Campaign against
double portion due the eldest son, v. 9, cf Deut 21:17). The
Moab Israel under the Omri dynasty was consistently a re-
spirit is that which is closest to the sphere of God, cf. Judg 3:10;
gional superpower—especially at the time of this story. The
14:6; i Sam 10:10; n:6; Isa 11:2, and elsewhere. Elisha also
kingdoms of Judah and Edom were compliant (w. 7—8), the
inherits Elijah's mantle, which was not only his hallmark
kingdom of Moab was a vassal liable to pay tribute (v. 4), and
(i Kings 19:13, 19; cf. 2 Kings 1:8), but also proved to possess
refusal to do so resulted in military reprisals. One such cam-
magic powers. Both Elijah and Elisha could divide the river
paign, however, threatens to fail as water supplies ran out in
Jordan with it, reminding us of Moses' division of the Reed
the desert of Edom. The Judean king has the idea of calling for
Sea (Ex 14:21). It is strange that Elijah is given a military title of
a prophet of YHWH, and Elisha—an Israelite!—wishes only
honour: 'chariot of Israel and its horsemen [better: horses]'
to deal with the king of Judah (w. 11-14). This must be a
(v. 12). Originally it seems to have belonged to Elisha (2 Kings
remnant of Judean reworking of the text (cf. already i Kings
13:14), having then been transferred to his predecessor: by
22). The older Israelite version of the story reports that Elisha
contrast to Elijah, Elisha does seem to have been awarded
ensured the success of the Israelite king's campaign. He
this kind of merit: an entire cluster of stories (which was,
placed himself in a state of trance using music (not only a
according to Schmitt 1972, at one time an independent collec-
modern phenomenon!) in which he could simultaneously
tion, and can be found especially in 2 Kings 3; 6—7) tells of
serve as oracle and adviser. It is pointless to dig holes arbitra-
wartime successes achieved by the Israelite kingdom with the
rily in an arid country, unless one is ordered to do so by a
aid of Elisha.
prophet: miraculously, the holes were filled with water (shall
(2:19-25) Elisha Brings Life and Death First, however, we are we think that there was an impermeable layer just below the
shown that Elisha has the same power to perform miracles as surface?). It is still more unbelievable that the enemy believed
Elijah before him. To this day, one can see the spring named this water to be blood (either due to its colouring or because of
after Elisha at the oasis in Jericho, its wonderfully fresh and light reflection), leading them to throw caution to the winds,
abundant water in the heat of the region being attributed to a leave the protection of their defences, and be easily defeated.
miracle by the prophet. By stark contrast, another miracle All this was due to Elisha. It is possible that the oldest version
uses incredibly destructive power against teasing children. of this tale was a relatively sober report: the advance of the
Apparently Elisha, like his adherents, wore a tonsure which allied army against Moab was initially successful (w. 4-90,
was often the subject of mockery. History tells us that ridicul- 24/7-26)—so far as one can describe the devastation of an
ing prophets can be costly (cf. 2 Kings 1:9—14), but so costly? entire region as successful—until the Moabite king, out of
Another forty-two deaths are mentioned in 2 Kings 10:12—14, desperation, made a terrible sacrifice, struck Israel with 'great
where Jehu orders the massacre of Judean princes. Is this later wrath', and forced the invaders to retreat (v. 27). The source of
crime prepared for in order to legitimize its methods in the this 'great wrath', be it YHWH, the Moabites, or their god,
same way as Jehu's massacre of Baal-worshippers in 2 Kings remains unclear. At this point one should take note of an
10:17—27 is preceded in i Kings 18:40 by Elijah's murder of unusual piece of extra-biblical evidence. King Mesha of
prophets of Baal? Moab (mentioned in 3:4) erected a victory stele which was
(3:1-3) King Jehoram of Israel The last ruler of the Omri discovered in the Moabite town of Diban in 1863. On it he
dynasty—not a son, but a (presumably younger) brother of boasts of his triumphs against Israel (text in ANET, analysis
his predecessor Ahaziah—received, like all northern kings, a and interpretation in Dearman 1989). His description is in
negative, yet nevertheless more favourable, rating than his some points similar to 2 Kings 3: during the years before his
parents Ahab and Jezebel. He is said to have abolished the reign Israel dominated Moab until he turned his trust to the
'pillar of Baal', a cult-stone setup by his father. In i Kings 16:32 god Chemosh and subsequently forced Israel out of the coun-
this is not mentioned; perhaps because it was a minor sacri- try. Mesha does not report that Israel, Judah, and Edom made
lege, or confused with the 'altar of Baal'. Perhaps it is even a a great campaign against Moab. Nevertheless such action fits
Deuteronomistic invention, designed to shed a positive light well with the time of Omri's dynasty, which tended to have a
on Jehoram compared to his father. The usurper Jehu's arrow policy of broad alliances (e.g. against Assyria) and which could
still struck him from behind (2 Kings 9:24), not because he always drag Judah in its wake. The sinister, final scene in 2
personally deserved it, but because the woe which had long Kings 3:27 reflects something of the Moabites' religious faith,
hung over his dynasty now befell him. The last king of Israel, though nothing of this kind is mentioned in Mesha's report.
Hoshea, suffered a similar fate: his concluding judgement is Chemosh was in no way a lover of child sacrifices, as it may
I AND 2 K I N G S 250

appear here. The crown-prince's sacrifice was rather a desper- appreciation, Elisha offers support from the highest offices
ate attempt to force the god into action, as we have already in the state (he is obviously a very influential man). The lady
seen with Jephthah during his war against the Ammonites proudly refuses this, referring to her own (equally influential)
(Judg 11:30-1). We also discover from the Mesha stele that clan. Elisha's servant Gehazi—who was perhaps added to the
Chemosh exacted a far higher sacrifice from Israel: several Elisha stories at a later date—guesses what the lady might
Israelite villages were 'banned', i.e. given to the god and secretly desire: she is childless and will, according to all ac-
completely eradicated (cf. the Israelite analogy, i Kings counts, remain so. Elisha immediately promises her a son: a
20:35-43). Th£ war rituals hinted at here are archaically grue- repeated theme in the Bible, usually announcing the coming
some, though one must not be deceived by them: they were of a great Israelite (cf. e.g. Gen 18:10; Judg 13:3; i Sam 1:17; Lk
sporadic rather than widespread. Mass armies, the destruc- 1:13), but used here simply to demonstrate the power of proph-
tion of entire countries, religious wars dominated by fanati- etic miracles. Initially, the lady hardly dares to take Elisha at
cism, extensive genocide, weapons of mass destruction: none his word. She is not disrespectful in v. 16, only afraid of
of these phenomena were contrived or practised by the small possible failure—an all too understandable fear, as we shall
states of the ancient Near East, but are the invention of our see. Although the announced birth takes place promptly and
own time. punctually (v. 17), the child is snatched away at a tender age, by
sunstroke, it seems (w. 18-20). He becomes sick in the morn-
(4:1—7) Elisha Helps a Poor Widow 2 Kings 4 gives us a view
ing and dies at midday (v. 20). The desperate mother imme-
of the way of life of the groups of prophets such as the one
diately knows that only Elisha can help her now. She carries
gathered around Elisha. They led an eremitic existence in
the dead child's body to his chamber and locks it in there, as if
deserted areas, but had followers in the cities from where
to stop the spirit from going too far from the body. A dramatic
they received visitors. Occasionally they made preaching jour-
race against time begins, incredible for the reader, since the
neys to the cities themselves. Apparently, their faith filled their
child has already died. Without explaining much to her hus-
entire lives, so that their needs were extremely modest. The
band (his short retort still tells us that one usually only sought
widow of a prophet-disciple is the principal figure in the first
out prophets on holy days), the mother swiftly rides for about
anecdote. Her husband had probably given up his material
2 o km. to the nearby Carmel mountains and finds Elisha there.
goods when he joined Elisha. He died, leaving a family in debt.
Gehazi cannot hold her back or send her away before, 'in bitter
The wife was unable to pay these debts and the creditor
distress', she reports to the prophet what has happened (v. 28).
wanted her sons to work them off. This arrangement existed
Nor is she satisfied with the suggestion that Gehazi should
not only in Israel, but also throughout the ancient Near
rush to Shunem with the prophet's staff (v. 29). Her wish
East (cf. Ex 21:2-4; Deut 15:12). In itself, the idea of forcing
prevails, namely that Elisha should accompany her personally
insolvent debtors to work for their creditors for a limited
(v. 30). She hopes for nothing less than an awakening of the
period of time is not reprehensible, since it ensures the cred-
dead and seems to realize that the prophet must be personally
itor his rights and prevents the debtor from losing his land or
present for this. Gehazi can indeed achieve nothing (v. 31) and
long-term freedom. In the eighth century, though, as the
Elisha himself steps in. First of all he prays (v. 33): probably a
prophets complain, this method was used systematically in
concession to the piety of a later time. Then he undertakes a
order to rob farmers of their land (Isa 5:8; Am 2:6; Mic 2:2).
magical task in two steps (w. 34-5): by laying his entire body
The present story shows how hard debt-slavery can hit a
exactly next to the corpse he transfers his own life-energy to
socially weak family. In the eyes of the law a widow has lost
the child. Initially his warmed body, then a hefty sneeze, show
the protection of her husband; if she then loses the support of
a return to life. The story finishes abruptly (w. 36—7): Elisha
her sons, she runs the risk of ruin. The fact that she turns to
places the child in its mother's arms for the second time.
Elisha shows that he was regarded not only as the spiritual
Presumably the drama ends on the same day as it had begun.
leader of the prophet-fraternity, but also as a kind of clan-chief
As with other miracles, natural explanations for this phenom-
carrying social responsibility for its members. Unfortunately,
ena, such as mouth-to-mouth resuscitation, are unnecessary.
he does not have the material or legal means to help her. He
Something metaphysical has happened, achieved through the
can, however, perform miracles. Elisha uses one to increase
miracle-working power of a prophet and the decisive action and
what little she has beyond all measure, though not without
faith of a mother.
asking for her active help. In carrying out his apparently
senseless request, the widow proves her faith in him (cf. the
(4:38-44) Elisha Allows his Disciples to Eat their Fill It is
strikingly similar structure in i Kings 17:7—16 and Mk 6:35—
pleasing that a biblical story has daily domestic chores as its
44; 8:i—10). The result is several full oil-jars, obviously a
theme—and even makes the men do the work. In the barren
fortune enough to relieve poor people of their plight. The
landscape of the lower Jordan valley, the group of prophets
story teaches us that those who have faith in the prophet
must literally scrape together a living. An obviously inexperi-
(and his God) will not be let down.
enced man finds a vegetable he does not recognize. It is the
(4:8—37) Elisha Helps a Childless Woman to Beara Son Elisha wild pumpkin (Citrullus colocynthis), which grows on flat ten-
is described as a frequent traveller. He is regularly taken in by drils in arid places and is used as a medicine, but if consumed
a rich lady in Shunem on the northern border of Jezreel (a in great quantities it has a toxic effect (Zohary 1983: 185). It is
common situation amongst wandering prophets). The guest cut and thrown into the large cooking-pot. During the meal a
room setup on the roof by the husband upon his wife's request woeful cry is heard. 'There is death in the pot' reveals the
shows wealth and generosity: it has firm walls and is equipped terror of men who often enough had too little in the pot to
with luxurious furniture (v. 10). Wishing to show his host meet their needs. Elisha comes to their aid. A little flour
 251 I AND 2 K I N G S

makes their meal palatable. In the past, the search for a probably a later addition). Appended to this main story, de-
natural explanation for this has distracted from the intention signed to hail the glory of God and Elisha, a secondary narra-
of the story. This is a further example of Elisha's miracle- tive deals with the teaching of disciples: what can a prophet
working power and how it helps those who trust in it. The accept as recompense for such services and at what point is he
same applies to the following short episode in w. 42-4, which selling his soul? The episode has its precursor in w. 5/7,15/7,16,
is surely a type of the stories of the multiplication of food in where Elisha serves as a good example: in a case like this, a
the NT. Out of little comes a great deal, so much that all who prophet accepts nothing. It must be clear that great power and
are hungry can eat their fill and still not finish the food. These wealth cannot force or buy the support of prophets and God.
are symbolic stories against hunger, encouraging solidarity Nor must prophets let themselves be used as tools for any
amongst people, and also showing God's care for his crea- interest groups (cf. also Mic 3:5). Gehazi, Elisha's servant
tures. named in other stories (and probably also included at a later
date, 4:27-37; 8:4-5) serves as a complementary negative
(5:1—27) Elisha Heals the Aramean General Naarnan This
example: he cunningly accepts the presents brought by Naa-
story brings astonishing news: that Elisha healed neighbour-
man for himself, but is strongly condemned by his master for
ing Aram's highest-ranking military officer of a stubborn ill-
this and is afflicted by the same sickness as the recently healed
ness. Unlike the kings of the time, his name has been
Aramean. Exempla decent, or: disciples of the prophet, be
remembered. Perhaps he was connected with unhappy mem-
warned!
ories in Israel. An Aramean campaign through Israel is men-
tioned (v. 2) and it is said that Aram could give Israel orders (6:1—7) Elisha also Helps his Disciples The following short
(w. 6—7). We are placed in a period of widespread Aramean story is deliberately inserted to show what can really help
hegemony over Israel, perhaps the time of Hazael and Jehu or the disciples of the prophet. When they are confronted by
Joash (cf 2 Kings 8:11—12; 10:32—3; 13:22). In helping the the need for craftsmanship, someone's axe-blade falls into the
Aramean general, Elisha simultaneously helps the Israelite water. This seemingly trivial matter was a serious problem to
king. His reputation as a miracle-worker initially crosses the Elisha's followers, since they did not themselves own such
border by chance, through a young Israelite prisoner-of-war valuable tools. They were borrowed and had, of course, to be
(v. 3). By mentioning Elisha, the girl does great service not only returned. Called by his student, the master is willing to help.
to her master, but also to her people and finally her God. He does not, however, conjure up a new axe, but hurries to the
Typically of men, however, it initially results in misunder- place where the blade sank, asks to know the exact spot, and
standings and threats rather than healing and freedom. The uses a kind of analogical magic before letting the disciple fish
Aramean king orders his colleague/vassal in Samaria to the piece of metal out of the water. The apparently banal
produce the necessary miracle immediately, something he is episode is symbolically touching: God and his prophet can,
naturally unable to do (w. 6-7). Naaman expects respectful in exceptional cases, defy the laws of gravity if God's people
behaviour and conventional miracle-healing from Elisha and require them to do so.
threatens to leave when he does not receive this. The conse- (6:8-23) Elisha Captures Arameans and Subsequently En-
quences are imaginable (w. 11-12). The general of course sures their Release The scene moves back from the smaller-
refuses to descend from his chariot to see the prophet who scale group of disciples to the larger political world, where
in turn sends his servant to the door instead of meeting the Aramean troops can move across Israelite territory unhin-
(enemy!) commander in person (w. 9—10). Nevertheless he is dered. The only thing the Israelite king can do is to avoid
willing to help, but only according to his rules and with the falling into their hands. Indeed he survives ambushes against
active participation of the patient (v. 10). Naaman promptly him several times. The Aramean king (possibly Hazael,
finds Elisha's demand to ritually bathe in the Jordan unrea- should this story have historical roots) can only presume he
sonable: as if the rivers in and around Damascus were has been betrayed (v. n). But on discovering that the Israelite
unsuitable! As soon as Naaman complies with Elisha's in- king (v. 12—it could be Joash) is guided by the hand of a
structions, following encouragement from his subjects— clairvoyant prophet, he sends an army regiment with horses
these are often more sensible than their rulers, v. 13!—he is and chariots to Dothan (about 15 km. north of Samaria) to
immediately cured (presumably he did not suffer from lep- arrest Elisha. The city is quickly surrounded and there is no
rosy, but psoriasis). Some critics have suggested that the story escape for Elisha. The reader sees through the eyes of the
originally ended here, though there is no need for this hypoth- despairing servant what nobody else but Elisha can see: a
esis, nor is it probable, let alone the eight narrative layers heavenly host stands by Elisha, who also have horses and
suggested by Hentschel (1985: 158—60). Naaman under- chariots, but theirs are made of fire (v. 17). Perhaps this is an
standably returns to his benefactor. He wishes to ensure early interpretation of Elisha's archaic title: 'chariots of Israel
the future proximity of the God who helped him so tangibly. and its horsemen [better: horses]' (2 Kings 13:14). But it does
Since this God resides only in Israel, he wishes to take two not come to a battle with the Arameans. God 'struck them
mule-loads of Israelite earth to Damascus in order to be able to with blindness' (v. 18), so that Elisha can mock them: the one
sacrifice to YHWH there (w. 150, 17): a splendid earthbound they seek—himself!—is not here. He will lead them to him.
understanding of God, still far removed from the theoretical Thus he lures them into his trap, right into the middle of the
monotheism of, for instance, Deutero-Isaiah (e.g. Isa 45:5—6). strongly fortified royal city of Samaria, from which—the tide
Elisha understands the request and grants it immediately, has turned—they themselves have no escape (w. 19—20).
parting from Naaman in peace (v. 19; discussion of the prob- Does the core of the story form a cunning wartime tactic by
lems of the proselytes, as mentioned clearly in v. 18, is Elisha? Or was the prophet always considered to be in league
I AND 2 K I N G S 252

with God? He hinders the king, however, whom he respect- due to its own means, but is granted victory when almost
fully calls 'father' (cf., however, 13:14), from simply killing the all hope has disappeared. Only the prophet believes that
enemy that has fallen into his hands. Prisoners, he teaches, God can help even when one's own resources have been
are not to be killed, but to be fed and released (w. 21-2). Such exhausted.
humane principles helped reduce tensions and enmities even
(8:1-6) Elisha Helps a Refugee The episode refers back to the
back in such times (v. 23); but they are not universally kept to
story in 4:8-37, but concentrates only on the woman and her
the present day.
property. Her son and husband play no further part—prob-
ably a sign that the story was handed down separately. Elisha
(6:24^7:20) Elisha Brings Hope in Great Wartime Hardship
foresees famine, warns the woman, and recommends her to
Despite the kind gesture of 6:23, the Aramean threat to Israel
emigrate in advance (cf. the motive named in the stories of
becomes critical. The enemy no longer makes plundering
Ruth and Joseph and countless reports of so-called economic
raids through the country, but now stands before the capital,
refugees today). In this way she does indeed survive the
Samaria. It was common practice to besiege cities for months,
famine, but finds that her property belongs to someone else
even years, in order literally to starve them out (cf. 2 Kings
when she returns. It probably fell into the crown's hands since
17:5; 25:1—2). The narrative stresses the increasingly desperate
it had no owner. Had neighbours taken it over, an argument
situation: even poor-quality food and fuel is extremely expen-
within the clan would have had to be solved. The woman
sive (v. 25), ravenous hunger drives people to cannibalism
appeals to the king who returns her the land on hearing of
(w. 26—9, cf. also Lam 2:20; 4:10), the king is completely
her connections with Elisha. Once again we see what influ-
powerless and deeply dejected (w. 27,30). At last Elisha comes
ence the prophet has with the king and how much he uses it to
on the scene—not as a possible helper, but as his opponent
support his followers, especially those who are in social need
who must fear for his life (w. 31-2). It seems he encouraged
(cf. also 4:1-7)! Referring back to i Kings 4, this story seems to
resistance to the enemy and trust in YHWH, though now the
add a new aspect in w. 4-5. Here, Elisha's servant Gehazi
king's patience has come to an end (v. 33). Elisha sees attack as
announces all his master's great deeds to the king who is
the best form of defence: God has told him that good-quality
highly impressed with the prophet's miracle-working power.
food will be available at normal prices within one day (7:1). A
A recently published ostracon (inscribed potsherd) contains
more astute and practical prophecy of salvation is hardly
the plea of a widow to an official asking for transference to her
imaginable under the circumstances. When the king's adviser
of her late husband's land (see Bordreuil, Israel, and Pardee
shows doubts, Elisha even risks a woeful prophecy against
1998). Whether or not she was successful remains unclear;
him (7:2). The king's silence seems to suggest that he is
she did not have a prophet as her ally.
prepared to give Elisha one final chance. The story reaches
its dramatic climax—and then surprisingly digresses to a few (8:7—15) Elisha Supports a Change of Power in Damascus An
lepers standing at the city gates, rejected and avoided by other eminently political story is placed at the end of the Elisha
citizens. They are the first to witness the Arameans' sudden cycle (though cf. also 2 Kings 13:14—21). It is highly surprising
retreat, take personal advantage of the situation, and subse- that a prophet can move about in the capital city of his
quently announce the news to state officials (w. 3—11). This is a most dangerous enemy and even influence the highest polit-
wonderful precursor to Jesus' recognition that God loves mak- ical circles there. The Aramean king, named here as Ben-
ing the last first (Mk 10:31 par). Meanwhile the reader also hadad, becomes seriously ill and sends his general Hazael
learns what the lepers do not know: that God brought hallu- to Elisha—the prophet of YHWH and not of Hadad or Baal!—
cinations to the Arameans, leading them to believe in the in order to request an oracle. Elisha's reply is ambiguous:
advance of great Egyptian and Hittite armies, and forcing Hazael should tell the king he will recover although he will
them to break off the siege immediately (w. 6-7). Even if there also die (v. 10). The riddle is solved a little later: the king would
were a small number of Hittites in the area (and Egyptians have survived his illness (v. 14), but cannot survive Hazael's
further away), they would never have had the power or the will assassination attempt (v. 15). Hazael probably did not wish
to free Samaria. This, however, is not an indication of the to wait for his predecessor's natural death, as Elisha foresaw.
narrator's ignorance, but of the Arameans' confusion. Not At the same time, a vision shows the prophet how brutally
believing in God, the Israelite king is not convinced by such the new ruler will attack Israel (w. 11—13; cf- J Kings 19:17; 2
a story, and suspects a trick (v. 12; cf. a very similar scene in Kings 8:28; 10:32-3; 12:17-18; 13:3; Am 1:3). It seems that
3:23-4). Finally, however, they dare carefully to investigate the Elisha, even if only after an inner struggle, actually en-
situation—and find the Arameans' eastward retreat route to courages Hazael to carry out the coup and to murder. If
the Jordan littered with weapons and goods discarded in one remembers that the relationship between Israel and
panic. Only now do they dare to enter the camp before the Aram at the time of the Omri dynasty was relaxed, and that
city and take possession of their provisions. Lo and behold, the change of power in Damascus dramatically worsened it,
food prices do indeed sink to the level forecast by Elisha Elisha seems to be shown in an unnervingly lurid light. The
(w. 13—16). The story cannot end without showing the war which Hazael declares shortly after his accession leads to
doubting adviser meeting the fate he deserves (v. 17; w. 18— the Omride Joram's wounding and his murder by general
20 were probably added later as further clarification and Jehu (who hated Arameans). All this was suggested by Elisha
explanation). The narrative themes are war and victory, (2 Kings 9-10). Was this his intention in going to Damascus?
though neither is glorified. War brings terrible suffering Did he take the suffering and death of many people into
to mankind, especially to civilians and above all to women account in his efforts to bring about political change in Israel?
and children (6:28!). Furthermore, Israel is not victorious Or is this story not to be understood historically, but as an
 253 I AND 2 K I N G S
TABLE 13.3 The liaison between Israel andjudah duringthe Such notes could stem from three different sources: the
Omri dynasty Judean and the Israelite annals and the Jehu novella. The
Judean annals claim that their king took part in the war
Relationships Mutual undertakings against Aram and that he followed his wounded cousin Joram
Israel Judah from Ramoth to Jezreel (8:28f). According to the Israelite
annals, Joram alone waged war against Aram, his wounding
Omri Asa
giving Jehu the opportunity to carry out a putsch. This coup is
Ahab m. Jehoshaphat [Together against Aram? i Kings
Jezebel 22:1-40]
referred to very sparingly in both annals, as opposed to in the
Almost a common fleet i Kings Jehu novella (cf. 9:143 with i Kgs 15:27; 16:9, I5b-i7). The
22:49 author of the Books of Kings placed excerpts from both annals
Together against Moab 2 Kings 3 in their correct position, having to accept their interruption of
Ahaziah the novella's narrative flow (9:15/7 is a continuation of 9:13)
Athaliah m. Joram and the duplication of the brief report in 9:16. He wished to
Joram Ahaziah Together against Aram 2 Kings 9 make very clear that Jehu was a schemer, that he was not the
70 princes 42 princes Die together 2 Kings first in Israel, and that it is astonishing how carelessly Joram
10:1—14
and Ahaziah fell into his trap. After all, the threat of coups was
Note: Italic indicates the increasing influence of Israel upon Judah. known to be particularly high during wartime. But the fate of
these two pagan kings was predestined and therefore took its
inevitable course.
attempt to explain the kings' murders and the Arameans'
strikes against Israel as events in accordance with God's pur- The fourth major section, 2 Kings 9:1—15:12, covers the period
poses? of Jehu's dynasty.

The Kings Joram and Ahaziah of Judah (8:16-29) Jehu's coup d'etat (9:1-10:36)
(8:16-24) Joram of Judah This descendant of David receives (9:1-13) The Anointing Prophets have political influence! In
the harshest possible verdict from the editors: religiously, he is 8:7—15 we heard that Elisha played a part in Hazael's coup
placed on the same level as the kings of Israel, and especially against Ben-hadad in Damascus; now we hear that he sup-
'the house of Ahab'. This means he sold out Judah's religious ports Jehu's ousting of the Omri dynasty. Both were an-
policy (amongst others!) to northern Israel. According to the nounced beforehand in i Kings 19:15-17 and both are
authors of Kings, evidence of this can be seen in Joram's connected: nationalist trends with corresponding religious
marriage to the Omride princess Athaliah. She was not overtones were gaining the upper hand in Israel and probably
merely one wife among others, but became the queen mother in Aram. Internal and external confrontation rather than co-
when her son Ahaziah came to the throne (cf. w. 18 and 26; it operation seem to be the dominant tone from now on. Elisha
is unclear from these verses whether Athaliah is Omri's uses a military crisis to his advantage, the Arameans' attack on
daughter or Ahab's, i.e. Omri's granddaughter; the former is Israel and King Joram's wounding. Elisha's disciple is given
probably correct). The relationship between Judah and Israel, exact instructions (w. 1-3): to seek the officer Jehu in the
having often been extremely tense and belligerent after their military camp (Elisha seems to know him and thinks he is
separation (cf. eg. i Kings 14:30; 15:16), clearly changed at the capable of doing what must be done). There the disciple is to
time of the powerful rulers of the Omri dynasty to northern talk to him privately (witnesses would only restrict Jehu's
supremacy over the south. choice of action), anoint him king (in northern Israel, proph-
A late editor claims that this link between Judah and the ets obviously performed this rite, cf. i Sam 10:1; i Kings 11:31;
sinful kingdom of Israel could also have brought the former 19:16, whilst priests did this in Judah, cf. i Kings 1:39; 2 Kings
down, but God, true to the Davidic covenant (2 Sam 7:11-16), 11:12) before withdrawing quickly (any discussion would be
mercifully spared them (v. 19). Nevertheless a major political unwanted or even dangerous). The young prophet fulfils his
crisis broke out as the Edomites, previously vassals of Judah (i task exactly (w. 4-6, lofc), but also makes an impassioned
Kings 22:48; 2 Kings 3:8-9), heavily defeated Joram's troops speech against the house of Omri: Jehu should eradicate it
and achieved independence. This report must originate from completely for worshipping idols and Jezebel especially
the Judean annals, in which unpleasant news was also docu- should meet her deserved fate (w. 7-100). This is a Deuter-
mented. onomistic addition announcing that the end of the Omri
(8:25-9) Ahaziah of Judah Ahaziah is seen in the same light dynasty is, as with the houses of Jeroboam and Baasha before
as his father Joram (and his mother, the Omride Athaliah). He it (v. 9), God's decision. Its intention is to show that no
did not really have much time to prove this, since he reigned important change in the history of Israel happened without
for (at the most) one year. The northern kingdom was cur- God's will or without its proclamation by his messengers.
rently involved in a war with Aram. Fighting centred upon What applies to dynasties later applies to the kingdoms of
Ramoth, a town on the border between Israelite Gilead and Israel and Judah. Their demise is not due to chance, nor the
Aram's sphere of influence to the north. Hazael was evidently result of political power-struggles, and most certainly not a
on the attack, forcing Israel into a defensive position. This can failing by YHWH, but is punishment for past faithlessness. In
be seen in the phrase, 'Israel had been on guard at Ramoth- this way, those who knew God and the Torah could give mean-
gilead against King Hazael' in 9:14. The repeated reports of ing to history. Jehu himself hesitates for a moment from
8:28—9 in 9 :I 4> J5a and then again in 9:16 are remarkable. taking on the role of instrument of God. He does not disclose
I AND 2 K I N G S 254

what the prophet, 'that madman', has told him (v. n), perhaps dow. Apparently, no one dares to disobey him. He impertub-
to protect himself from being considered a 'madman'. Finally ably goes in to eat, a man without emotions. As an
he divulges his secret and receives spontaneous support afterthought, he remembers that one must give people of
(w. 12-13). When he realizes he has the army behind him, good birth a decent burial, but there is not enough left of
he becomes unstoppable. Radical literary critics have claimed Jezebel to bury (v. 30—5). Not for the first time, the narrator
that the entire prophetic opening to the story of Jehu is is extremely reserved in his commentary on the situation. The
secondary. They see the coup as a profane political event attempt at legitimizing events by referring back to the judge-
which is also reported profanely by the narrator, whose perso- ment made in i Kings 21:23 in w- 3^~7 must be by the hand of
nal attitude towards it is distanced (see Wurthwein 1984, editors.
contra almost all others, including Minokami 1989 in this (10:1—14) The Eradication of the Dynasties In the ancient
case). Politics and political reports had, however, religious Near East it was common to eradicate not only the ruling
implications at the time (as they can have today). Jehu con- king, but also the entire ruling house after a coup. This
spires with both military and religious circles (see 10:15-16). minimized the threat of blood-revenge and claims to the
His actions have both political and religious motives and throne. The royal house of Omri resided in Samaria (i Kings
release religious emotions. 16:24). Jehu addresses the Samarians and with seeming fair-
(9:14—37) The Kings and the Queen Mother are Murdered ness, but implicitly threatening them, lets them choose be-
Before rumours have time to spread Jehu arrives in Jezreel tween loyalty to the previous dynasty and defection to him, the
(on the southern border of the plain of the same name) where murderer of their king (w. 1—5). Letters regarding the fate of
King Joram is recovering from injury. We are told besides that the Omrides strongly remind us of Ahab and Jezebel's corre-
his colleague (and cousin!) Ahaziah of Judah is also residing spondence with the nobles of Jezreel concerning Naboth's fate
with him (v. 16). In an impressive scene from the sentinel's (i Kings 21:8-10)—and the Samarians show no more charac-
viewpoint (Gk. tdchoskopia), the narrator depicts the way in ter than the Jezreelites. Jehu's order was ambiguous: 'Take the
which Jehu steers his chariot, a usurper's irresistible charge heads of your master's sons and come to me,' could mean he
('like a maniac') in w. 17—20. Jehu and the reader know what wanted them to deliver the leading figures of the royal family
drives him, although Joram is still ignorant. Since he can into his hands. But they bring the heads of the decapitated
learn nothing from his messengers, he investigates the matter Omrides to Jezreel, apparently seventy in number (w. 6—7).
himself (v. 21), an action which leads to his downfall. He Jehu reacts cold-bloodedly. He takes responsibility for mur-
harmlessly asks if Jehu himself and his army have peace dering the king, but not for the slaughter of the royal family.
(salom). Jehu's reply mimics the question and continues The prophet Hosea does not accept this. Roughly 100 years
with sharp criticism of the Omrides' religious policy, espe- later, he is convinced that God 'will punish the house of Jehu
cially the Phoenician queen mother Jezebel (v. 22; here too the for the blood of Jezreel' (Hos 1:4). A Deuteronomistic rewor-
religious dimension cannot have been added secondarily, ker of the story of Jehu feels obliged to add a pious explanation
contra Wurthwein 1984, Minokami 1989). Joram now recog- legitimating his deeds (v. 10). The Jehu narrator himself again
nizes Jehu's aggressive intentions, but it is too late to flee, withholds judgement, moving swiftly on to the next remark-
there only being time to warn Ahaziah. Jehu's arrow strikes able event instead. Forty-two male members of the Judean
him from behind between his shoulders. The narrator lets the royal family—at that time closely tied and related to the I srael-
traitor give a reason for his deed: Joram had to suffer for a sin ite royal house (cf. 2 Kings 3:7; 8:26, 29)—fall into his hands
committed by his father Ahab (w. 25,260). Unlike in i Kings near Betheked (an unlocatable village, presumably between
21, not only Naboth's murder, but that of his entire family is Jezreel and Samaria). The unfortunate men are obviously
mentioned here, whilst the threatened judgement is not con- ignorant of the latest developments, announce their alle-
nected with Elijah. Precisely these discrepancies suggest the giance to the Omrides, and thereby condemn themselves to
originality of the passage in the context (contra Wurthwein death (w. 13-14).
1984; Minokami 1989; Timm 1982). v. 26/7 is, however, a (10:15-27) The Massacre of Baal-Worshippers An indication
Deuteronomistic addition. The Judean Ahaziah can initially of the contents of the drama's last act is given when Jehu
flee to the south, but is overtaken after about 10 km. on his meets Jehonadab ben Rechab and they become allies. Jehona-
ascent to the mountains and shot down. Severely wounded, he dab is presumably the leader of a nomadic YHWH-worship-
manages to get as far as Megiddo, but dies there and is taken ping religious order which had strictly detached itself from
to Jerusalem by his followers. Jehu can now turn his attention the culture and religion of the country (cf. Jer 35; Levin 1994 is
to Jezebel, who is still in Jezreel. He obviously encounters no most probably wrong in stating that Jehonadab is merely a
resistance on entering the city—other than from Jezebel who chariot officer). In their common 'zeal for the LORD', they ride
defends herself in her own way: lavishly decorated, she ap- to Samaria. The news that further Omrides have been killed
pears at the window from which royalty show themselves to there (v. 17) is due to Deuteronomistic thoroughness, wishing
the people. Thus she demonstratively and symbolically takes to see the announcement made in 2 Kings 9:8—9 carried out
over the business of government following the king's death. to the end. Jehu (and Jehonadab) now turn their attention
She addresses the approaching Jehu as Zimri, thereby bring- from the house of Omri to the house of Baal. Since the time of
ing to mind another usurper who murdered his royal master, Ahab, there had been a temple of Baal in Samaria (i Kings
only to be overcome himself—by Omri! (see i Kings 16:8—2 o). 16:32) which perhaps played a similar role for the Omrides as
The affront is cutting and not without nobility. Jehu reacts the temple in Jerusalem did for the Davidides. As in Jerusa-
impatiently and orders the lady to be thrown out of the win- lem, the religious leaders were close to the political powers;
 255 I AND 2 K I N G S

throne and altar had always been closely linked. In this sense responsible for their deaths and not Jehu? Was Jehu Hazael's
the ensuing attack upon the servants of Baal is clearly in line willing or unwilling accomplice? Soon the Aramean pressure
with Jehu's revolution (and not merely later theology, as sug- upon Israel was so strong that Jehu submitted to Assyrian
gested by Wurthwein 1984, Minokami 1989). The text in dominance. The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III depicts
w. 19/7-23 was certainly filled out at a later date. (v. igfc is a him or one of his ambassadors paying tribute at the feet of
weighted reading aid—'cunning'!—which would be too igno- the Assyrian king (about 825 BCE, found in Nimrud, now in
minious for the Jehu narrator, v. 20 strengthens the motif of the British Museum; for Nimrud, see Oxford Encyclopedia of
Jehu's deception. According to v. 21, all servants of Baal Archaeology (1997), iv. 140-4).
throughout Israel should be eradicated: wishful thinking
which would breach the narrative's time-frame as well as the Athaliah's Reign and Death (11:1-20)
confines of the temple. Now the next problem arises, which is (11:1—3) Athaliah's Accession to Power and Joash's Rescue The
solved in v. 22/7: individual YHWH-worshippers must be queen mother in Jerusalem was Omri's daughter (8:26). She
selected from the mass of Baal-worshippers, cf the same entered the Judean royal family by marrying the Davidide
problem in the later text Gen 18:17—33. Finally v. 26 is a Joram and was the mother of his son and successor Ahaziah
doublet of v. 27.) Ignoring these verses, a logical chain of (8:18). At a stroke, Jehu's coup left her with no male relatives
events is discernible: Jehu gathers all the prophets and priests in either Samaria or Jerusalem. Her reaction to this brutal
in the temple using lures and threats (w. 18-19). His inten- attack is as powerful and even more successful than that of her
tions with the religious functionaries are clear (the 'worship- sister-in-law Jezebel. She becomes—despite being a woman
pers' in v. 19 do not appear in some M S S and were probably and an Omride!—formally ruler of Judah. She personifies the
added secondarily). Jehu's announcement, 'I have a great Omridic politics in Judah, so violently cut away from Israel,
sacrifice to offer to Baal' (v. 19) is cruelly ambiguous. He for a further six years. Despite this, or perhaps because of this,
initially performs the sacrificial rites as a devout king would the editors do not grant her the introductory and concluding
do (v. 24), only to order the ensuing human sacrifice. The formulae usually given to kings. The statement in v. i that she
soldiers present for the task carry out the order thoroughly, became a mass murderer of David's house, which had already
penetrate the cella ('the citadel of the temple'), destroy it and been eradicated by Jehu according to 10:12-14, is not com-
the mazzeba within it and transform the holy site into a mented on. Are we to interpret the doublet, either tolerated or
latrine, to remain so 'unto this day' (w. 25, 27). In this way, deliberately included by the editors, as Athaliah completing
the Jehu story has come full circle. The appearance of a the work of Jehu? In fact we probably have a second text, the
prophet of YHWH at the beginning anticipates what is re- parallel Judean version of the same events. This requires a
vealed at the end: Jehu's battle is both for the throne and its saviour of Prince Joash: his aunt Jehosheba. According to the
religion. Nobody knows to what extent religious motives really other version, Joash would have survived simply because he
played a part and how much was pretence. Not even the was a baby at the time of the bloodbath. In either case, Atha-
narrator speculates on this. In any case, the coup carried out liah came to power because her ruling son Ahaziah and all
by military powers was supported by YHWH-worshipping members of David's house who were capable of ruling had
circles. Together they must have formed the front line of an been killed.
opposition which had its roots in the provincial small-farming
population of the Israelite tribes who were suspicious of the (11:4-20) Joash's Enthronement and Athaliah's Liquida-
Omrides and hated their urban, syncretist pattern of state. tion The priest Jehoiada plays a significant role in deposing
Their victory led to a decisive turn in the political and religious Athaliah. He apparently kept Joash hidden for six years before
history of Israel. bringing the 7-year-old (12:1) to the throne. Was his reason for
taking the queen mother's power merely to hold the reins of
(10:28—36) Jehu's Reign In the final passage concerning Jehu power himself (Levin 1982)? Jehoiada builds up a subversive
the editors make an explicit statement, building upon some organization in the temple (and in the palace?) with a good
annal notes. Jehu (supposedly) eradicated Baal, but the holy infrastructure, sufficient weaponry, and above all a close re-
sites still stood in Bethel and Dan. Thus even Jehu cannot lationship with the 'people of the land' (w. 14, 18, 20). The
expect the highest rating. Even so, his dynasty lasted four final sentence of v. 20, contrasting the land (Judah) and the
generations: no more than the Omrides, but they only reigned city (Jerusalem), sheds particular light on the political con-
for thirty-six years whilst Jehu's house was in power for 100 stellation: Athaliah, like all Omrides, enjoyed the support of
years, its founder himself ruling for an impressive twenty- all members of the urban and aristocratic circles of the capital
eight years, v. 32 immediately shows that this was not a city. The opposition, such as Jehu, drew their power from
particularly happy time for Israel. The Arameans, allies the provincial farming population. The question is whether
turned enemies, put Israel under pressure. An inscription religious factors played a role in the overthrow in Judah as
which has in recent years been the source of much furore they had done in Israel. Jehoiada is a priest of the temple of
(see Biran and Naveh 1993; 1995; Dietrich 1997) can be dated Jerusalem. Since the time of Solomon, there had been syn-
from this time. In Tel Dan on the northern border of Israel cretistic, but also strictly YHWH-worshipping tendencies
fragments of a stele were found, on which an Aramean ru- there (cf. e.g. i Kings 15:13; 2 Kings 18:4, 22). Both are prob-
ler—most probably Hazael—boasts of comprehensive vic- able: the Omride influence strengthened the former, this
tories over Israel and Judah, also naming, according to in turn strengthening the opposition by reaction. In this
plausible textual additions, the names of the kings Joram of sense, the news in v. i8a of an outbreak of anti-Baal
Israel and Ahaziah of Judah. Did the Aramean make himself sentiment is plausible. Levin (1982) attributes this passage
I AND 2 K I N G S 256

to a late-Deuteronomistic reworking of the text, beyond which their money into the collection box themselves.) These priests
he also discerns the influence of early chroniclers (especially were also in a position of trust, since no accounts were
in v. 10) and a priest's reworking (especially in w. 7, 9, 15), demanded from them (v. 15). 2 Kings 22:3—7 is closely related
leaving a sober and purely secular report of Athaliah's fall to this section: Josiah acts according to the order introduced by
stemming from the annals (w. i-6a, 8a, 11-14, Z 6> 17. Joash with extremely far-reaching consequences. It is deba-
19—20). In its present form, 2 Kings n looks like a counterpart table whether 2 Kings 22 is the model for 2 Kings 12 (as
to 2 Kings 9—10 (cf Barre 1988, who even claims that Jehoia- suggested by Levin 1990) or vice versa (see Dietrich 1977). If
da's deeds were meant to be seen as exemplary compared to the latter is true, later analytical additions would have to be
those of Jehu). Both perish together, the queen and her fa- conceded, such as the introductory w. 4-5 which attempts to
voured god. Baal naturally had many lives, whilst Athaliah's describe the situation before Joash's reforms, or the detailed
only one was mercilessly extinguished. Piety was reserved for descriptions in w. 13-14 and 16. In general, the passage gives
the temple alone, so that the execution took place in the the impression that Joash loyally attended to the house of God
nearby palace grounds. In this way, the political change forced to avoid its gradual decay and to honour God (and naturally
by Jehu in Israel took effect six years later in Judah. The the king and priests).
biblical authors are convinced that this was right and neces-
(12:17—21) Joash's Reign Judging by the order of the following
sary in order to prevent God's people from losing their souls to
texts, Joash was not rewarded for doing 'what was right in the
Baal, the 'possessor' (this is the meaning of his name!) and
sight of the LORD'. The books of Kings are not influenced by
god of possessors.
clumsy rules of causality, by which good people are granted
Joash of Judah (12:1-21) happiness. Hazael, the ruler in Damascus (cf. i Kings 19:15—
17; 2 Kings 8:7—15), placed both the northern kingdom of Jehu
(12:1-16) The Temple Renovation Fund Created by Joash
(cf. 2 Kings 10:32-3) and the kingdom of Judah under severe
Joash is given a relatively positive rating by the editors. This
pressure. The way in which he is paid to keep away from
is first because he succeeds the irregular reign of queen
Jerusalem is lamentable. Various predecessors of Joash are
Athaliah, even being helped by the priest Jehoiada, and sec-
credited with pious bequests made to the temple, no matter
ondly due to his care of the temple of YHWH. The editors
whether they are positively or negatively judged by the Bible.
found a note on this in the annals or in a temple-source.
Similarly, Joash's murder (v. 20) cannot be ascribed to simple
According to these notes, temple renovation was no longer
cause and effect. The biblical authors speculate neither on
solely directed by the priests, but was decreed by the palace.
political nor on religious grounds for his death. Or is Hazael's
Donations for this project were placed in a collection box,
humiliation of Joash such a reason? We can no longer verify
counted communally at intervals, and then paid out to a
the scene of the murder. Concerning Millo, see i KINGS 9:24-
kind of building administration (w. 6—12, 15). Across the
7. 'Silla' appears only here and could be based on a textual
whole of the Near East, kings were responsible for maintain-
error. The names of the king's murderers are noted exactly:
ing state holy sites. This was an expensive task. The temple of
probably an attempt to maintain their disgrace throughout
Jerusalem seems to have had a building administration
history. It is also notable that Joash's career began and ended
merely to accomplish construction projects (w. 11—12). It is
under the same circumstances: a plot against the king and his
plausible to assume that financial provision came from pious
murder.
donations rather than the state coffers. Such donors brought
gifts and duties to the holy site. Animal and vegetable sacri-
fices were reserved for God and his priests (as is expressed in The Last Kings of the Jehu Era (13:1-15:12)
v. 17, probably a later addition). Some gifts, however, such as (13:1—9) Jehoahaz of Israel During Joash's long reign, Jehu's
those honouring a vow or those exempting people from sacri- son Jehoahaz comes to the throne in Israel. This is the begin-
fices that would otherwise have been demanded, could be ning of a relatively long dynasty, though internal stability
made by paying in silver. (Though minted coins only existed contrasted starkly with problems from abroad. After the great
from Persian times onwards, so that the term 'money' as used power change in 845, Aram-Damascus increasingly domin-
in the NRSV is misleading.) The somewhat lower caste of ated Syria-Palestine as its regional superpower, bringing
'priests who guarded the threshold' received the donated bitter consequences for Israel. The power relationship de-
silver, deposited it in the designated chest and guarded its scribed in v. 7 speaks for itself. The original author of the
contents. (This honourable duty was no longer theirs by the Deuteronomistic books of Kings regarded Israel's humiliation
time of exile: according to 2 Chr 24:10, the believers threw as similar to the oppression under the judges: the superiority

TABLE 13.4 Dates of the rtigns of the kings duringthejehu dynasty, 845-742 BCE

Judah Israel Aram Assyria

Ahaziah 845 Jehu 845-817 Hazael 845-800 Shalmaneser III 859-824
Athaliah 845-839 Shamshi-added V 824-810
Joash 839-800 Jehoahaz 817-801 Adadnirari III 810-782
Amaziah 800-786 Jehoash 801-786 Ben-hadad 800-?
Azariah (Uzziah) 786-736 Jeroboam II 786-746
Jotham 756-742 Zechariah 746
 257 I AND 2 K I N G S

of Hazael and his son Ben-hadad (who probably came to however, mention Aramean pressure. The ailing Elisha's le-
power only after the time of Jehoahaz) is a consequence of gend offered an explanation for this. Jehoash, as v. 25 explicitly
God's anger, Israel's faithlessness, and more specifically, 'the states, is exactly as successful as Elisha had announced. God
sins of Jeroboam' (cf w. 2-3 with Judg 2:13-14; 3:7-8, 11-12; gave such aid to Israel despite its faithlessness because he still
4:1-2, etc.). A later editor expands the parallel in w. 4-6: like wished to honour his covenants with Abraham, Isaac, and
Israel at the time of the judges, Jehoahaz appeals to God for Jacob (v. 23). If Israel still falls, it is not the fault of God!
help which arrives in the form of a 'saviour'. The editor does
(14:1—22) Amaziah of Judah and Joash of Israel We learn a
not know who this saviour is. God's patience runs out, how-
number of remarkable things about the Judean king Amaziah
ever, when Israel continues to adhere to 'the sins of Jeroboam'
which, apart from the framing information, no doubt stem
and even worships Asherah in Samaria. This note probably
exclusively from the Judean annals. He took revenge for his
has two thoughts behind it: first that the glory of Jehu's
father's murder (v. 5, cf. 2 Kings 12:20—1; w. 6—7 are an
struggle against Baal should also benefit his son and succes-
educated scribe's addition according to Deut 24:16, cf. also
sor; secondly, that God's anger should not appear quite so
Ezek 18) only to fall victim to murder himself (w. 19-20). The
inexorable and uncompromising.
background to such uncharacteristic unrest in Jerusalem's
royal house is no longer discernible. Amaziah also defeated
(13:10-25) Jehoash of Israel and Elisha's Death The passage
the Edomites in the Arabah (v. 7, cf. also v. 22). There seems to
regarding Jehoash of Israel (his name is spelt 'Joash' in v. 12,
have been a bitter struggle between Edom and Judah at the
'Joahaz' in 2 Kings 14:1) is unusually structured, v. 10 contains
time, cf. i Kings 22:48; 2 Kings 16:6. Finally, the most detail is
the introductory formula, v. n gives his rating, and v. 12 is an
reserved for the way in which Amaziah waged a war with
early concluding formula. The following passage still con-
Israel which he ultimately lost (w. 8—14). The cause of their
cerns Jehoash and the concluding formula is repeated in
enmity is unclear. According to tradition, it began with a
14:15—16. This distortion could be the result of the secondary
challenging message from the Judean; the Israelite reply is
insertion of two Elisha legends in w. 14—19 and 20—1, which
flowery in style and proudly threatening in content. The mili-
were grafted onto the narrative context by means of w. 12-13
tary sparring takes place on Judean territory. Did Judah finally
and 22-5. The second short legend tells the story of an in-
wish to free itself from subservience to Israel? Was it encour-
credible occurrence caused by an attack by the Moabites. It
aged by the pressure exerted by Assyria upon Syria and Israel?
seems that the northern kingdom was weakened to such an
Adadnirari III claims a successful westward campaign in
extent after Jehu's coup that not only the Arameans, but other
806, in which he defeated, amongst others, 'Omri-Land' (as
neighbours also took advantage of the situation. The hasty
Israel was ironically still called in Assyria) and also Edom
burial of a body in Elisha's grave (a burial cave?) results in a
(ANET 281-2). Perhaps this explains Amaziah's success
resurrection. There is no need to research the secret. Specula-
against Edom and his boldness regarding Israel. He complete-
tion, for example that the body only seemed dead, is entirely
ly miscalculates, however. His army is defeated, he himself is
incorrect. The story glorifies Elisha's miraculous powers
captured, his palace and temple are plundered and a 200 m.
which could defy death even beyond his own grave, as it had
breach in the particularly sensitive northern wall of Jerusalem
done during his lifetime (2 Kings 4:18—37). The other legend
is struck, allowing the Israelites virtually unhindered access to
contains Elisha's meeting with the king of Israel (the editors
the city. Surprisingly, Amaziah actually outlives this devastat-
identify him as Jehoash) shortly before the prophet's death.
ing defeat by at least fifteen years. Nevertheless, his violent
Once more, Elisha acts as military support against the Ara-
death probably relates back to these events. Before this is
means (as at 2 Kings 6—7). His honorary title, 'chariots of
reported, however, the chronology of events is kept by the
Israel and its horsemen', first used for Elijah in 2 Kings 2:12,
insertion of the concluding information about Joash of Israel
originates from here. Elisha performs two magical deeds, or
and the accession of Jeroboam II (w. 15-16). The choice of
rather lets the king do so, due to his own weakness. The king
Amaziah's successor is made by 'the people of Judah' (v. 21),
does not know what he is doing, and is only enlightened by an
probably meaning 'the people of the land', the united free
explanation after the deed. The arrow shot to the east is an
citizens of the Judean provinces who had played an increas-
indication of future victory against Aram. It is significant that
ingly influential role in Judean politics since Athaliah's dis-
this shot is not to the north, showing us how far south the
placement.
Arameans had advanced (cf. 2 Kings 10:32—3) and the point
from where they are to be driven back. Striking upon the (14:23-9) Jeroboam II of Israel Although Joash achieved im-
ground symbolizes the successful strikes against Aram. Un- pressive success in a number of ways, Jeroboam's reign out-
fortunately the king does not strike the ground often enough shines him as the northern kingdom enjoys a glorious period.
(perhaps a limitation of the first symbol's comprehensive The blood and tears that flowed during the great political
claim). Here we learn that prophecy is not only a verbal swing seem finally to have been rewarded. Aram-Damascus
phenomenon, but also has a material quality. Prophecies was ensnared between Israel and Assyria (cf. the comment on
anticipate the future in words and deeds. Thus they do not the war with Damascus in v. 28). Apparently, Jeroboam finally
only speak, but also use obscure sign language (cf. e.g. Isa 8:1— controlled the territories (on the Bekaa plain?) northwards to
4; 20; Jer27~8; Ezek4~5; 12, amongst others). Inw. 22-5, the Hamath on the Orontes, and also to the east and south as far
editor discloses the reason for attributing the legend to Je- as the Dead Sea (v. 25). This would imply that he had a firm
hoash: It would not fit Jehoahaz, since he, according to 13:3, grip on Judah, or at least the Jordan valley and the regions east
was under lifelong pressure from Hazael and Ben-hadad. The of the Jordan, Gilead and Gad. Amos's prophecy granted
passage concerning Jehoash (13:10-12; 14:15-16) does not, further highlights to Israel's momentary political success:
I AND 2 K I N G S 258

they were proud of the land they gained (Am 6:13), the higher TAB LE 13.5 Dates of the reigns of the kings until the downfall of
classes at least enjoyed the incoming wealth (Am 6:4—6), the Israel
people believed they were God's favourites (Am 6:1). Amos
prophesied that this happiness would not last long. The ori- Judah Israel Assyria
ginal author of the Deuteronomistic books of Kings passes Azariah 786-736[?] Menahem 746-736 Tiglath-pileser 745-727
over Jeroboam almost as quickly as he does over other, far less (Uzziah) III
successful predecessors and successors. Later Deuteronom- Jotham 756-742
ists see Israel's temporary prosperity as an opportunity to Ahaz 742-725 Pekahiah 736-734
reflect (w. 25-7): they obviously know of the prophet Jonah Pekah 734-732 Shalmaneser 727-722
ben Amittai who was active in Israel at the time and had V
forecast Jeroboam's successes. Thus these were not coinciden- Hoshea 732-723 S argon II 722-705
tal, but God's will, occurring, like so many previous political Hezekiah 725-696 Sennacherib 705-681
events, 'according to the word of the LORD, which he spoke by
the hand of...' (cf the underlying rule in Deut 18:21—2 and
being slain by Menahem. The latter reigns for ten years before
the examples in i Kings 15:29; 16:12; 22:38; 2 Kings 10:17). But
being succeeded by his son Pekahiah, but the young dynasty is
why did God want Israel to prosper at this time? Because it
again broken by another royal murder. The usurper Pekah is
had suffered so much in the past, thereby arousing God's pity!
himself killed by Hoshea two years later (not twenty, as erro-
This thought is closely connected to 13:5—6, 23—5. Such sug-
neously stated in 15:27). The Deuteronomistic historiogra-
gestions show how much the fate of the sister-state to the
phers report on the bloody events with laconic brevity.
north still meant to the Judean historiographers. Jonah ben
Presumably they interpret them as the cruelties of civil war
Amittai's brief appearance here also serves to lend the much
(v. 16) and the Assyrian invasions (w. 19-20, 29) as the
later author of Jonah a historical basis for his claim that God's
destructive consequences of the 'sins of Jeroboam' burdening
pity extended not only to Israel, but also to other peoples, even
the state of Israel from the beginning. The political climate
including Assyria.
was, of course, especially unstable at the time. The Assyrian
(15:1—12) Azariah/Uzziah of Judah and Zechariah of Israel empire constantly pushed further into Syria-Palestine, whilst
Azariah, also called Uzziah in Isa 6:1 and 2 Kings 15:13, was Egypt also tried to retain a share of influence there. The great
brought to the throne as a youth by the 'people of Judah', powers naturally wished to take advantage of the tensions and
(14:21, cf. the analogous case in 2 Kings n). When he later rivalries with Israel. This is why the prophet Hosea, who lived
became incapable of ruling, the crown prince Jotham not only through these events, criticized not only the many coups (Hos
led the palace, but also explicitly 'govern[ed] the people of the 8:4), but also the constantly switching alliances with Assyria
land' (v. 5), indicating that this political group remained and Egypt (Hos 7:11). Long-term political tendencies underlay
dominant. It is unclear how long the co-regency lasted. God these alliances. The Omrides joined the Arameans against
is explicitly named as the source of Azariah's disease—further Assyria, whilst Jehu and his entire dynasty did the opposite.
proof that direct causality did not apply, since the king had just Shallum's coup was probably an attempt—perhaps using
received a positive judgement on his reign (w. 3-4). Zechar- Egyptian aid—to turn the tide back the other way (the editors
iah, the last ruler of the Jehu dynasty, is granted only half a are particularly interested in the fact that this fulfils a divine
year's reign before being killed in a coup (v. 8), in spite of his promise, cf. v. 12 with 2 Kings 10:30). The next ruler, Mena-
strong and successful father. Even so, the Deuteronomistic hem, secured the throne by paying the Assyrians a large
author knows that Zechariah 'did what was evil in the sight of amount of silver (15:19). He does indeed appear on Tiglath-
the LORD'. The continuing presence of the state holy sites in pileser's tribute list as an Assyrian vassal (ANET 283); 15:20
Bethel and Dan suffices for such an assessment. Above all, it is states that he collected the tribute 'from all the wealthy'—
important that the Jehu dynasty's fall is not seen as a coin- presumably to the relief and applause of poorer people. Per-
cidental event in history, but as the result of divine guidance. haps the coup against his son was the consequence. Thus
Lacking an appropriate prophet for the statement, the editor social contrasts which Amos criticized so sharply (eg. Am
known to us from 13:5—6, 23—5; 14:25—7 lets God himself make 2:6-7; 5:10-12), and which were greatly increased by pressure
the relevant announcement to the founder of the dynasty (2 exerted by the great powers, become visible. As expected,
Kings 10:30) and confirms it in v. 12. Here the editor implies Pekah's foreign policy was, like that of the Omrides, anti-
that nothing, either good or bad, occurs or has occurred in the Assyrian and pro-Aramean (cf. 15:29, 37; 16:5). But the power
history of the people of God against his will. History cannot be balance had meanwhile shifted. Lost territories are listed
understood on the basis of internal causality or powerful in 15:29, following the Syro-Ephraimite war (see 2 KINGS
rulers, but only by concentrating on God's will. 16:6—9), leaving Israel as a rump state upon the mountains of
In the next major section, 2 Kings 15:13—20:21, Israel falls Ephraim. This bitter defeat led to a plot by the (pro-Assyrian)
and Judah is spared. opposition. Pekahiah was overthrown, whilst Tiglath-pileser
claims to have personally installed his successor Hoshea
The Last Kings of Israel and Jotham of Judah (15:13-3^ (ANHT284). Though the Bible states that he came to power by
(15:13-31) The Last Kings of Israel The northern kingdom's his own actions (15:30), this need not be a contradiction.
downfall is preceded by a spate of insurrections. The king's (15:32—8) Jotham of Judah Like his father Azariah before him
murderer, Shallum, who brought an end to the Jehu dynasty (15:3), Jotham is given a surprisingly good assessment by the
(15:10), can only enjoy his success for a month before himself editors—notwithstanding that both failed to abolish the 'high
 259 I AND 2 K I N G S

places' (this was done only by Hezekiah and Josiah, 18:4; certain ben Tabeel, a man with an Aramean or Phoenician
23:8), both had to endure adversity (15:5,37) which could easily name (cf. Isa 7:6). Ahaz does not know what to do other than
be ascribed to God's anger, nor is either king reported to have to appeal (against the advice of Isaiah, cf. Isa 7:3—9) to the
performed great political deeds. The short note, 'He built the Assyrian king for help, to become his vassal (T am your
upper gate of the house of the LORD' (v. 35) hardly merits the servant and your son'), but first of all to pay him a heavy tribute
judgement, 'He did what was right in the sight of the LORD' (v. 8; he accordingly appears in the list of Tiglath-pileser's
(v. 34). Here we see that the Deuteronomistic theologians tributes in 733, ANET 282). The 'Annals' seem to consider
advocated a kind of collective, rather than individual causality Ahaz's move to be decisive in bringing about war (v. 9). In fact
(unlike the later Chroniclers). All Judean kings were doubly (and according to Isa 8:1-4) me Assyrians would probably
lucky: they were David's heirs and therefore heirs to the have attacked such a dangerous alliance in any case. The
Davidic covenant (2 Sam 7:11—16), and they resided in Jerusa- kingdom of Aram was already defeated by 732, its capital
lem, in the immediate vicinity of the house of YHWH. In Damascus conquered and destroyed, whilst Israel was heavily
most cases, this suffices to secure YHWH's favour. But it is punished and decimated (2 Kings 15:29). Judah, having vo-
important to remember that this double blessing is a gift luntarily placed itself in Assyrian hands, was now in danger of
and not a reward. After all, the Deuteronomists thought in being crushed by them.
terms of God's grace and mercy rather than of implacable
demands. (16:10—20) Ahaz Paganizes the Temple Ahaz wishes or is
forced to give his oath of allegiance to his master personally,
Ahaz ofjudah (16:1-20) in Damascus, where Tiglath-pileser has set up headquarters.
(16:1-9) Ahaz and the Syro-Ephraimite War Ahaz—a king Here he sees an altar which he uses as a model for a new altar
who enjoyed the support of the prophet Isaiah (Isa 7)—is in the temple at Jerusalem. He himself later consecrates it and
sharply criticized by the editors. In contrast to positive judge- orders the required sacrificial rite (w. 12—150). This was not
ments given, this seems to require extensive explanation. In sacrilegious in itself—the altar was dedicated to YHWH
other words, God's favour may often be unmerited, but his and the offerings were quite regular (cf. Num 29:39). The
anger is always deserved. The statement that Ahaz 'walked in problem was the bronze altar which had previously stood at its
the way of the kings of Israel' (v. 3) is not meant politically place and had been commissioned (or perhaps taken over,
(where the opposite is the case, see below), but religiously: i Kings 8:64) by Solomon. The mere fact that it had to
Ahaz has the same pagan tendencies as the kings of Israel. make way for a stone altar would have been sacrilegious to
Not only does he allow the people to worship at the 'high conservatives. Worse still, Ahaz orders that the revered old
places' outside Jerusalem (as Azariah and Jotham had also altar 'shall be for me to inquire by' (v. i$b), i.e. it should
done, 15:4, 35), but himself makes sacrifices there (v. 4). The subsequently serve the purpose of divining omens from the
phrase 'on the hills and under every green tree' implies that inspection of entrails and liver, as was common practice in
these were Canaanite fertility rites (cf i Kings 14:23-4; Jer 3:6, Assyrian religion. Thus sacrifice was made to YHWH at the
13). Sacrifices of children are particularly foreign to YHWH- new altar in front of the temple whilst Assyrian rites were
worship (cf. Deuti8:io with v. 3 and 2 Kings 17:17; 21:6; 23:10). performed at the old YHWH-altar behind the temple. In this
It is highly unlikely that the Deuteronomistic author could way Ahaz tried to balance out the expectations of his new
refer back to sources for all these allegations. He did, however, master with the sensitivities of his own population (cf. Spieck-
have information concerning Ahaz's construction of a non- ermanni982: 368). The note in v. lyf. shows what little regard
YHWH altar in the temple of YHWH (see 2 KINGS 16:10-20 the Assyrians took for the religious feelings of their vassals.
below). The rest of the claims are added from the standard The heavy bronze instruments once installed by Solomon in
Deuteronomic/Deuteronomistic repertoire, thus characteriz- the temple court (cf. i Kings 7:27—39) were probably dis-
ing Ahaz as a quasi-heathen king sitting upon David's throne. mantled as part of the tribute demanded, along with other
The author is more interested in his type than his deeds. It is structural changes to the temple, made 'because of the king of
simply convenient that the 'Annals' offered a number of un- Assyria'.
favourable political developments during this king's reign. In
Israel's Downfall (17:1-41)
taking Elath from Judah, the Edomites took their Judean
opponent's access to the Red Sea and thereby their control (17:1—6) The Military Collapse Assyrian pressure hit Judah's
of the King's Highway through east Jordan to northern Arabia sister-state far harder. It existed only as a rump state from 732,
and Syria (v. 6). For the time being the shifting struggle its northern, western, and eastern territories having been
between these two nations ends here, with Judah finally draw- placed directly under Assyrian administration (15:29). Des-
ing the shorter straw (cf. i Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8, 3; i Kings pite, or perhaps because of, this, anti-Assyrian resistance,
11:14-22, 25/7; 22:48; 2 Kings 3:8; 8:20-2). Later, during the naturally instigated by Egypt, soon arose (v. 4). The Assyrians
time of exile, when the Deuteronomistic History is written, struck back mercilessly: after resisting bitterly, the capital
Judah will suffer greatly under Edom (Ob 8-15). Even more Samaria was conquered and part of the population (not all of
severe are the consequences of the Syro-Ephraimite war (w. 5, Israel, v. 6, probably the upper class) was deported. They were
7-9). Around 734, Aram-Damascus and northern Israel form not displaced en bloc, as the Jews were later to Babylon, but
a powerful alliance with the background support of the were shifted decentrally to north-east Syria. This method of
Phoenician and Philistine city-states and Egypt in order to destroying races resulted in the exiled northern Israelite
resist the advance of the Assyrians. Ahaz apparently refused people leaving few traces in history and tradition, unlike
to join this alliance and was therefore to be replaced by a the Jews. The last Israelite king, Hoshea, is given a relatively
I AND 2 K I N G S 260

mild judgement by the Deuteronomists (v. 2), though not peared, but united with others syncretistically (w. 32—4, 41).
out of compassion, but to stress that the catastrophe had The episode reported in w. 25—8 offers an explanation for this
deeper roots than the unfortunate or mistaken policy of a phenomenon. It is unrealistic not only because of the plague
single king. of lions caused by religious problems. It also states that the
foreigners had been imported without any prior instruction in
(17:7-23) Theological Causes of the Catastrophe The Deuter-
how to worship YHWH. Another orthodox addition rigidly
onomistic theologians make explicit statements at decisive
asserts that this colourful mixture of religions amongst the
moments in history: in Josh i: 23—4; Judg 1—2; i Sam 7—8; 12;
Samarians goes against the Torah (w. 35-40). This is the
2 Sam 7; i Kings 8, and also at this point. We must clearly
beginning of the Jewish—Samaritan split. The line of theology
understand the meaning of events. It seems that several
and history leading up to the HB does indeed run via Judah
hands were responsible for this reflection, w. 21-3 certainly
and no longer via Israel. But the influence of Israelite tradition
differ from the previous verses, recapitulating the kingdom's
and faith had long been absorbed and would continue to be.
division, 'the sin of Jeroboam' tainting northern Israel's sub-
The originally northern Israelite traditions of, for instance,
sequent history and the woeful announcements of the pro-
Jacob, Joseph, the Exodus, the conquest of the land of Benja-
phets. The conclusion is that it had to end this way. The state
min, the deliverers, Saul, Elijah and Elisha, Jehu, Hosea, and
cult in Bethel steered the state onto a collision course which
many others eventually found their way into the Bible through
no northern dynasty turned away from. Thus all the prophets
southward-fleeing refugees of the time or by other means.
could do was to predict the fall of every house (i Kings 14:7—11;
Also, conversely, the Judeans and Jews never forgot their
16:1-4; 21:21-4; 2 Kings 9:7-10). By contrast to this stereo-
Israelite brothers and sisters. This can be seen not only in
typical Deuteronomistic view of woeful prophecy, v. 13 shows
surviving Israelite tradition, but also in Judean reflections
another of the prophets' roles, namely to state the Torah. The
such as Jer 30-1 and i Chr 7.
entire passage (w. 12—19) expresses an underlying tone of
strict laws: YHWH forbade a number of things, but Israel
did them anyway (w. 12, 15). He also ordered a number of Hezekiah of Judah and the Prophet Isaiah (18:1-20:21)
things which Israel did not do (w. 13, 15). Israel is accused of (18:1—12) Hezekiah's Reign This king receives exceptional
all manner of syncretism and paganism (w. 9—10, 15—17), praise: he and Josiah (2 Kings 22:2) alone are comparable to
interestingly including actions which are only attributed to David. There are various reasons for this: during Hezekiah's
Judah in the Deuteronomistic History (cf w. 9-10 with i reign, Jerusalem was in mortal danger from the Assyrians,
Kings 14:23—4, w. 16—17 with 2 Kings 16:3; 21:3—6, as well as but, unlike Samaria, it did not fall. The prophet Isaiah is said
Judah's explicit mention in v. 19). This implies that Judah will to have supported him during this crisis, giving rise to a
experience the same fate for the same reasons as Israel some number of detailed stories. Furthermore, Hezekiah, like his
time in the future. There is perhaps a further (and older) successor Josiah, is said to have carried out religious reform.
textual layer in w. 7—8, 20, in which Israel is accused of being Reports of this (v. 4), however, are extremely brief and cannot
influenced by other cultures although YHWH expelled all be regarded as undoubted historical fact. Only the destruction
foreign peoples from Israel before its land was taken—a of the Nehushtan, a snake-shaped cultic image traced back to
perspective also found in the original edition of the Deuter- none other than Moses (cf. Num 21:9), can really be attributed
onomistic book of Joshua. Whatever the case, the to Hezekiah, though details can no longer be discerned. Be-
Deuteronomists all agree that the state of Israel was con- sides his piety (w. 6—7), Hezekiah's foreign political activity is
demned to fall for breaking the first commandment. One highlighted: he frees the land from Assyrian subservience and
should not consider this too narrow-mindedly religious. The conducts successful campaigns against the Philistines (w. 7-
first commandment underlies all the other commandments. 8). We know from an Assyrian source that Hezekiah was
Those who disregard God also disregard his laws and there- indeed the leader of an anti-Assyrian coalition from 705 BCE
fore the rights of their fellows and of all mankind. Recent onwards, arresting the pro-Assyrian king of Ekron in this
history is full of examples of this. capacity. The editors—perhaps on a late textual level—repeat
(17:24-41) The Immigrants from the East and their Cults True the description of the northern sister-state's defeat at the
to their principle of destroying races in newly conquered terri- hands of the Assyrians (cf. w. 9—11 with 2 Kings 17:3—6), not
tories, the Assyrians not only displaced Israelites eastwards, without naming the entire population's lack of loyalty to
but also—probably over a longer period of time—deported the Torah as its cause (v. 12). How will Judah fare by com-
people from other areas of the empire to Israel. The cities parison?
listed in w. 24, 29—31 are partly in Mesopotamia and partly in (18:13—16) The Assyrians Attack and Force Tribute Pay-
Syria. Ethnic mixing was carried out in order to avoid the ment The Assyrians also stormed Judah. Soon the entire
development of cores of resistance, and to paralyse the regions country was occupied and Jerusalem besieged. King Senna-
using the tension between peoples. The Deuteronomistic cherib depicted his victory over the strong fortress Lachish in a
historiographers are primarily interested in the religious con- stone relief in his palace at Nineveh (now in the British
sequences of this policy: inevitably, religion in the province of Museum) and showed Hezekiah's desperate situation on a
Samaria became mixed. The gods and ritual traditions of victory monument: 'As to Hezekiah, the Jew, he did not sub-
various peoples are listed academically. The authors observed mit to my yoke, I laid siege to 46 of his strong cities...
with a certain amazement how such religions established Himself I made a prisoner in Jerusalem, his royal residence,
themselves so close to Judah. But they were also surprised like a bird in a cage. I surrounded him with earthwork in order
by the fact that the religion of YHWH by no means disap- to molest those who were leaving his city's gate' (ANET 288).
 26l I AND 2 K I N G S

The Bible text admits that Hezekiah could only free himself Perhaps this was indeed true, or perhaps exaggerated, or
from Assyrian pressure by conceding defeat and paying a maybe he received news of an insurrection in the Baylonian
heavy tribute. This also conforms with Sennacherib's report: heartlands, or merely retreated after accepting Hezekiah's
'Hezekiah... did send me, later, to Nineveh, my lordly city, surrender and payment of the tribute.
together with 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of silver, precious (19:9-19) Sennacherib's Letter and Hezekiah's Prayer All
stones ... [and] all kinds of valuable treasures, his [own] con- this, however, has still to happen. The Assyrians were still in
cubines, male and female musicians' (ibid.). This happened Syria-Palestine. According to the text, Sennacherib tried to
in 701 BCE. There is hardly a doubt that the biblical text, intimidate Hezekiah a second time. There is strong evidence
presumably stemming from Judean annals, reports on the that this is a second, more recent version of the story of
same incidents. Thus it is all the more surprising that we are Jerusalem's miraculous rescue, inserted by later Deuteronom-
told of further Assyrian pressure after these events. So from istic historians (Camp 1990, whereby editorial emendments
18:17 onwards another source seems to have been used, i.e. to assimilate v. 13 with 18:34 an(^ v- IJ with 18:30 seem to have
the legends of Isaiah which are inserted here by the editors. been carried out). In his letter, Sennacherib is even bolder
They give the impression that the Assyrians break their word than Rabshakeh in his comparison of YHWH with the
after receiving the tribute and put further pressure on Jerusa- useless gods of other defeated nations. Hezekiah also appears
lem (cf the equivalent chain of events in i Kings 20:1-7). They even more pious than in 19:1—4. His prayer has the unmistak-
are given a clear response! able tone of YHWH-monotheism as expressed by Deutero-
(18:17-37) Rabshakeh's Speeches The Assyrian king sends a Isaiah. Hezekiah and the reader understand that YHWH, as
delegation of leaders from his camp in Lachish under the opposed to all other gods, can help since he is the only one that
leadership of Rabshakeh (which means 'chief cup-bearer') exists!
with the intention of forcing Jerusalem to capitulate. The (19:20-37) Isaiah's Second Oracle and Jerusalem's Libera-
Assyrians did indeed use such psychological warfare. The tion Isaiah's second response is much more detailed than
envoy delivers two speeches: one to King Hezekiah and the first. A separate song of scorn is inserted in w. 21-8,
his negotiators (w. 19—25) and one to the (warring) people probably composed later for this specific context. YHWH
on the city walls (w. 27—35). His arguments are well thought himself throws down the gauntlet to the king of Assyria
out: Hezekiah cannot expect help from anywhere, not (and Babylon and Persia): you boast about your power
from Egypt (v. 21), nor from his own army (w. 23-4), nor (w. 22-4—cf. already Isa 10:7-10)—although it was I who
even from YHWH (w. 25 and 22—this is probably an editorial granted it to you (w. 25—7). Now I shall take it away from you
cross-reference to 18:4). The people should not rely on false (v. 28—the metaphor of a world leader being led away like an
promises made by their king (w. 29-30), nor on the help of ox with a hook in his nose is defiantly comical!). The very late
YHWH (w. 33-5), but should accept the Assyrian king's peace addition in w. 29—31 draws attention to the blessed activity in
proposals and surrender (w. 31—2). The Assyrian's speech, the Jewish exiled community. The oracle actually continues in
written by a Jewish narrator, is full of bitter sarcasm: exile w. 32—3 (v. 34 is a late-Deuteronomistic inclusion, cf. i Kings
seen as temptation (w. 31-2), YHWH placed on the same level 11:12-13). The speech has an ABCBA structure. After the
as any other city god (w. 34-5), Rabshakeh in the role of a introductory and before the concluding formula ('thus says
prophet of woe (v. 25). The key to placing this text historically the LORD—says the LORD') is the double assurance that the
may lie here. The deceptive language of the Assyrian ambas- enemy 'shall not come into this city' surrounding the central
sador is similar to that of Jeremiah, who advised capitulation statement: the enemy's weapons cannot harm Jerusalem and
when the Babylonians besieged Jerusalem in 589-587 (cf. he shall retreat in failure. This prophecy immediately takes
Jer 37—8). It is possible that the core of the Isaiah legends effect: a plague-bringing angel kills scores of soldiers in the
was conceived to support the last Jewish king Zedekiah Assyrian camp (v. 35), upon which Sennacherib retreats
shortly before Judah's fall (Hardmeier 1990, exactly dating (v. 360). Attempts to make such a miracle historically plausi-
the event at 588). In any case the caricature of the imperial ble—by stating that Herodotus once mentioned a plague of
demagogue underlines a faith in YHWH's allegiance to his mice in the Assyrian army and that mice are known to be
people and his holy city. Those who take no account of this carriers of disease—misunderstand the story's actual inten-
miscalculate. tion. It is a call to acknowledge the unlimited power of God
(19:1-8) Isaiah's First Oracle Rabshakeh's arguments do not and the strictly limited power of man.
go unnoticed. Hezekiah is aware of his serious predicament (20:1-11) Hezekiah's Illness is Cured by Isaiah The following
and sends a delegation to the prophet Isaiah for advice and passage contains two individual episodes from Hezekiah's
encouragement. His answer is clear: 'Do not be afraid', a life. The first tells how Hezekiah received Isaiah's help during
classic opening to a positive oracle. YHWH will send a 'spirit' a severe illness. It is probable that the story originally depicted
to the Assyrian king (cf. i Kings 22:21-2) who will retreat to the prophet as a miracle healer: he goes to the king (v. ia),
Assyria in panic after merely hearing a rumour. On returning promises him a further fifteen years of life (v. 6a) and orders a
home, he will be murdered. Each part of this oracle is men- fig paste to be spread on the diseased part of his body, 'so that
tioned as fulfilled in 19:8, ga, 36-7. According to the text, an he may recover' (v. 7—according to the original version in Isa
Egyptian army appears and forces Sennacherib to retreat. The 38:21). The king asks for a sign that he really will get better
Assyrian king also mentions the advance of an Egyptian army (v. 8a), upon which the prophet uses his miraculous powers to
in his inscription, though he claims to have defeated them at reverse the movement of the shadow on the sundial put up by
Eltekeh (ANET287, near the Philistine border, cf. Josh 19:44). Hezekiah's father, Ahaz: a symbol that Hezekiah's life-clock
I AND 2 K I N G S 262

has also been turned back (w. 9-11). The recovery itself is not outside the city walls, namely to the west instead of the east of
reported on further, though it must have occurred. A late the old city of David, one wall had to be built, stretching far
editor picked up this story and converted it into a didactic further westwards. Remains of such fortifications have indeed
narrative regarding an exemplary king: Isaiah initially makes a been found. The newly created city district seems primarily to
prophecy of woe (v. ib, cf. 2 Kings 1:16), upon which Hezekiah have been inhabited by refugees from the fallen kingdom of
complains to God, referring to his piety (w. 2—3). God merci- Israel.
fully sends Isaiah back to the king with a positive prophecy: he
will recover—significantly in order soon to return to the tem- The final major section, 2 Kings 21:1—25:30, documents the
ple (w. 4-5). During his remaining lifetime, he witnesses last kings of Judah and the downfall of the kingdom.
Jerusalem's liberation from the Assyrians (v. 6b, close parallel
to 19:34). The way this story is inserted leads to a strange Manasseh and Amon (2 Kings 21:1-26)
chronology of events: Hezekiah did not reign a further 15 years Manasseh's 55-year reign is the longest of all the kings of
after 701 (up to 686). This leads to the suggestion that the Judah—and in the eyes of the author of Kings, he is the worst.
number 15 belonged to the core of the formerly independent He is the Judean image of the Israelite arch-rogue Ahab.
story and also that the story should be placed chronologically Like Ahab in Samaria, Manasseh introduces the worship
before 2 Kings 18-19 (see Ruprecht 1990). of Baal and Asherah to Jerusalem (cf. w. 3, 7 with i Kings
(20:12-21) The Babylonian Envoys and Isaiah's Attitude to- 16:32-3). He too sheds innocent blood, in fact excessively
wards them This episode, containing Hezekiah's negoti- (cf. v. 16 with i Kings 18:4; 19:10; 21). Just as Ahab's enemy
ations with envoys sent by the Babylonian leader Merodach- was Elijah, so is Manasseh strongly opposed by prophets
Baladan, would also be more plausible if it took place before (w. 10—15). Manasseh is also a sinister reflection of the glor-
701: the anti-Assyrian coalition would have thus extended ious king Josiah, who must abolish all the deities reintroduced
beyond Egypt to Syria. Marduk-apla-iddina (as he was cor- by his predecessor (cf. 2 Kings 23). In brief: the extensive list
rectly called) was chief of the Aramean tribe Bit Jakini and of sins in w. 2—9 must rather be the editors' nightmare than a
troubled both Sargon and Sennacherib with his claim to the record of reality. There are, however, elements that fit exactly
Babylonian throne in the late eighth century. It seems that into the time and situation. Manasseh was Assyria's vassal,
Hezekiah wanted to win him over as an ally and thus tried to one could even say servant. Assyrian sources mention him
impress his envoys by putting his military might and his war- as a bringer of tribute and as a military follower. There is not
funds on display (he might have even passed some of this on the slightest indication that he resisted his masters. This is
to Babylon). According to the narrative, this caused the proph- precisely the reason for the length of his reign. Manasseh
et Isaiah to turn against him. This conforms with the 'real' represented and reproduced Assyrian violence (v. 16). If
Isaiah's strong criticism of Hezekiah's alliance policy in Isa he knew how to adapt to the political power, why not do the
30—1. It is unlikely that Isaiah explicitly forecast the cata- same in the field of religion (see Spieckermann 1982 and van
strophe of 587 (see w. 17-18). By placing this episode at the Keulen 1996, contra McKay 1973)? w. 3 and 5 mention the
end of the Isaiah-Hezekiah narrative, the late editor could worship of the 'host of heaven', astral deities of Mesopotamian
refer forwards to Jerusalem's fate despite its miraculous res- origin. Baal and Asherah (v. 3) could be the conventional
cue in 701. Hezekiah's flirtation with Judah's later deadly names for the highest god and goddess in the Assyrian
enemy and his feather-headed reaction to Isaiah's warning pantheon, Asshur and Ishtar. Prophetic resistance to Mana-
(v. 19) do not show the king in a good light. Perhaps the editor sseh's policy is indeed probable and is made tangible for us
of this passage was particularly critical of the kings (Camp through figures such as Nahum and Habakkuk (Dietrich
1990). The concluding comments on Hezekiah (v. 2of.) stress 1994). The summarizing prophetic speech in w. 10—15 was
the king's energy and stem from the original author of Kings. composed by Deuteronomistic authors, however, looking spe-
Here he quotes from the Annals of the Kings of Judah, which cifically forward to Jerusalem's first siege and defeat (a refer-
also mention the construction of the conduit to Siloam which ence back to this speech is made in the passage concerning the
carried water from Gihon, Jerusalem's main well, under the siege in 2 Kings 24:2, see Dietrich, 1972). The editors worsen
city of David to the Pool of Siloam and was a technical master- Manasseh's historically bad reputation in other ways also
piece of its time. So that the new source of water was not (especially in w. 30, 4, 6-9). The entire section concerning

TABLE 13.6 Dates of the reigns of the last kings of Judah and Assyria,
and kings of Babylon

Judah Assyria Babylon

Manasseh 696-641 Sennacherib 705-681
Esar-haddon 681-669
Amon 641-639 Assurbanipal 669-631
Josiah 639-609 Nabopolassar 626-604
Jehoahaz 608 Assur-uballit 611-606
Jehoiakim 608-598 Nebuchadnezzar 604-562
Jehoiachin 598[-562]
Zedeldah 598-587 Evil-Merodach 562-560
 263 I AND 2 K I N G S

his reign, encompassing more than half a century of Judean ant' play a significant role in Deuteronomy. The ensuing
history, does not contain a single positive word for him. One reforms cover three areas. The temple of Jerusalem which
feels the apprehension that Judah is heading swiftly towards was to be cleansed of non-YHWH influences was given the
an abyss. This impression is strengthened when one learns designated central role (w. 4-7, 11-12). The cult sites in the
that Amon, Manasseh's son and successor, 'walked in the way Judean provinces which were regarded as paganized (w. 8—10,
which his father walked' (v. 21). Unlike his father, he soon 13—14) and cult sites on the land of the former northern king-
meets his fate. But then something surprisingly hopeful dom, above all the altar of Bethel upon which lay 'the sin of
happens: 'The people of the land'—the same political group Jeroboam' (w. 12-20), were to be eradicated. The third area
who brought about the downfall of the 'evil' queen Athaliah, introduced the communal passover feast in accordance with
enabling the 'good' king Joash to come to power (2 Kings 11:18, the newly introduced covenant (w. 21—3, cf. Deut 16:5—6). The
20)—intervene to punish the king's murderers and place a historical question of whether Josiah actually took all the
certain Josiah on the throne. The struggle between loyalty and measures listed here is not easily answered. It depends
disloyalty to YHWH, and thus between the existence and on the perspective of the text's source: are the reform meas-
destruction of the kingdom of Judah, has taken an unexpected ures of 'good' kings (as well as the cultic deviations of 'bad'
turn. kings) simply part of an inner-Deuteronomistic reference
system, and therefore theological rather than historical phe-
Josiah (2 Kings 22:1-23:30) nomena (Hoffmann 1980; Wurthwein 1984)? Or do the re-
(22:1—20) The Book of the Law is Discovered Josiah comes to ports in 2 Kings 22—3 stem from a relatively extensive, older
the throne as a child. 'The people of the land' guide and source which was close to the events (Dietrich 1977; Spieck-
support him. Even the great reforms introduced eighteen ermann 1982)? Similarly to the list of Manasseh's sins (21:3-
years later accord with their views. In 621, Assyria's fortune 9), there are passages in the report on Josiah's reforms which
is in deep decline. In 612 Nineveh was to be defeated by fit exactly with the state of affairs in the last years of the
Babylon, having achieved independence under Nabopolassar Assyrian empire: he sets aside astral worship (23:5), horses
in 625. It is high time to leave the sinking ship of Assyria. and chariots of the sun (v. n), roof-top altars (for sacrifices to
Judean reformers held in opposition by Manasseh urged in- the astral gods, v. 12), perhaps also the worship of Asshur and
ternal change, including religious reforms. Whether they Ishtar in the form of Baal and Asherah (w. 4, 6—7—here, the
smuggled the ominous 'book of the law' into the temple and hardly inventable reference to chosen women weaving robes
ensured that the high priest 'found' it during routine renova- for 'Asherah'; cf. also the extremely exact naming and placing
tions (cf. 2 Kings 12), or whether the book had indeed been of cult sites in v. 8fc). There are also notes which stem from
there for a longer time, will always remain a secret. A recently Deuteronomistic ideology, however (e.g. w. 10,13—14,19—20,
published ostracon (see Bordreuil, Israel, and Pardee 1998) 24). The Bethel-scene's core (w. 15—18) could be historically
seems to strengthen the evidence for a temple renovation just correct—Bethel lies 20 km. north of Jerusalem—but has
during the reign of Josiah. Critical research is united in believ- clear editorial references to i Kings 13. Closing down cultic
ing that the discovered book was Deuteronomy or its core sites outside Jerusalem accords with Deuteronomic thought
(Deut Sab—28). It takes the form of a speech made by Moses (Deut 12), whilst displacing and degrading the resident
shortly before taking the land of Israel and could thus have priests to the rank of dcrus minor is definitely not demanded
been considered to be very old. It does include older material, there (cf. the role ofthe Levites, for instance, in Deut 14:27-9).
but cannot have been compiled before the seventh century. Thus both policies seem plausible. On the whole, one could
Apart from the closing admonitions (Deut 28), it is the strict say that Josiah's reforms significantly changed conditions
demand for the exclusive worship of YHWH (Deut 6:5!) and within his sphere of influence. Judah was beginning to
the cultic veneration of YHWH alone in the central holy site of free itself from the cultural and political influence of its
Jerusalem (Deut 12) which seem to impress Josiah especially. neighbours in order to concentrate on its essential qualities:
One can be certain that other rules such as the social laws of faith in YHWH and a corresponding religious and social
Deuteronomy (e.g. Deut 15; 24) became state law under Josiah lifestyle.
(cf. Criisemann 1992; Albertz 1992; Kessler 1992). All of this
(23:25—30) Josiah's End and Judgement The editors give
represents a pro-YHWH reform movement with allies in the
Josiah the highest praise for his religious reforms (v. 25).
highest circles of the court and the temple as well as the king
Jeremiah also describes him as a popular ruler who was
himself. The prophetess Huldah, to whom Josiah appeals for
modest and socially just (Jer 22:15—16). Thus it is all the
an oracle, also supports the reforms. She encourages the king
more painful and inexplicable that God should surrender
to make a great new beginning—even if the original wording
his chosen people and the holy city to their enemies. The
of her prophecy was later overwritten by Deuteronomistic
phrases used in w. 26-7 show how threatening the demise
phrases pointing out the continued inevitability of the end of
ofthe state of Judah was to the Jewish people and the religion
the kingdom of Judah (Dietrich 1972). What is being stated
of YHWH. Nor does Josiah's personal fall encourage faith.
clearly is that Josiah and his reforms are not to blame for
He confronts Pharaoh Necho (609-593) wh° was on a cam-
Judah's fate!
paign northwards to protect the ailing Assyrians from the
(23:1—24) Implementation of Religious Reforms First of all, Babylonians. This action displays Josiah's principally anti-
in an almost democratic manner, Josiah makes sure he has a Assyrian attitude, whilst his presence in Megiddo shows that
broad basis of support for his reform plans: 'All the people he was free to move about on Israelite territory. But the
joined in the covenant' (v. 4); the terms 'people' and 'coven- Pharaoh 'met him' and 'killed him' (v. 29), which makes it
I AND 2 K I N G S 264

sound as if victory was easily accomplished. Were the Judeans Zedekiah and the Final Conquest of Jerusalem (2 Kings
simply too weak or did Josiah perhaps lack the support of the 24:18-25:21)
entire army? 'The people of the land' were at any rate loyal to Judah's last king is a real brother of Jehoahaz (cf. 24:21 with
him even beyond his death, ensuring a decent funeral and 23:31) and therefore an uncle of the previously deported
making his son Jehoahaz his successor. It was obviously a Jehoiachin (24:17), though he is in fact not much older.
conscious choice, since Jehoahaz had an elder brother, as the Thus Nebuchadnezzar reverts back to the old line of Josiah
comparison between 23:31 and 36 shows. This fact shortly in placing Mattaniah upon the throne and giving him the
proved to be disastrous. throne-name Zedekiah. From him one could expect a policy
which would be acceptable to both 'the people of the land' and
Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Jerusalem's First Babylon. Thus Jeremiah is shown to have been his confidant
Capture (2 Kings 23:31-24:1/J (Jer 37:17—21; 38:14—28). Zedekiah, however, goes against the
prophet's advice in choosing to turn his back on Babylon (cf. 2
Jehoahaz presumably follows Josiah's policies (even if the
Kings 24:20 and Ezek 17). Exiled opposition spreading nation-
editors give him a negative assessment—perhaps due to a
alistic propaganda obviously manages to win him over (Jer
lack of detailed information and in order to explain his sorry
27—8). The editors do not concern themselves too much with
end). Jeremiah at least uses no words of anger concerning
such political matters and are satisfied with a brief and nega-
him, only grief (Jer 22:10-12). Yet only a few months after his
tive statement regarding Zedekiah (24:19). Greater attention
accession, Necho, returning from his northern campaign,
is given to Jerusalem's defeat. The siege lasts nineteen months
orders Jehoahaz to Syria, takes him prisoner, and deports
(25:1, 8). 'The people of the land' seem to resist bitterly before
him to Egypt where he dies. Necho places his older brother
being overcome by hunger (v. 3, Lam 2:11—12; 4:4—5, 9—10).
Eliakim upon the throne, giving him the throne-name Jehoia-
When the besiegers manage to breach the city walls, Zedekiah
kim and thereby underlining his subservience. Tribute is also
undertakes a sortie, is captured and horrifically punished
collected. Is this recompense for the Egyptian's intervention
(w. 4—7). What follows is a detailed and brutally sober de-
in favour of Eliakim? It is no coincidence that the tribute is
scription of the horrors which accompany defeat: destruction,
collected from 'the people of the land' (23:35). The reform
burning, plundering, deportation, executions (w. 8-2ia).
party who had the upper hand under Josiah is thus power-
Not only the people's woe, but also the fate of the temple—
less—with the consequence that Judah, having just been freed
after all the place of which YHWH said 'My name shall be
of Assyrian influence, is now firmly in Egyptian hands. When
there' (23:27)—is the subject of the narrator's pity (25:13—17).
Babylon's new and powerful ruler Nebuchadnezzar II defeats
The concluding statement in 25:21/7, 'So Judah went into
Egypt in 604 BCE at Carchemish on the Euphrates, however,
exile out of its land' is clearly too general. As 25:12 indicates
Jehoiakim slips into the role of Babylonian vassal, only to
(though also too hesitantly!) the second wave of deportations
return under Egypt's wing a little later (24:1). Jehoiakim is
still left the majority of the population in the country. Are
cunning and mean as well as antisocial and brutal (Jer 22:13-
we here dealing with an exile-oriented perspective of the
19; 36). The editors are relatively mild in their judgement
events?
(23:37), referring back to the sins of Manasseh and the ensu-
ing prophecies to explain Nebuchadnezzar's measures
against Judah's resistance (24:2-4). Jehoiakim dies of natural The Jews under Babylonian Rule (2 Kings 25:22-30)
causes—just before Nebuchadnezzar arrives in Jerusalem (25:22—6) Gedaliah's Governorship The books of Kings and
with a large army (24:6). His poor son Jehoiachin has to pay the Deuteronomistic History do not close with the horrific
for his father's deeds. Nebuchadnezzar besieges Jerusalem, news of Jerusalem's defeat, but with reports of tentative new
completely unhindered by Judah's protector, Egypt (24:7). beginnings following the end. The first of these, however,
Jehoiachin capitulates to the superior enemy without resis- ends in disaster despite commencing so promisingly: the
tance (24:12). According to Jer 13:18—19, the southern parts of Babylonians try to consolidate their position in the country,
the kingdom of Judah were partitioned and placed under placing the more or less pro-Babylonian agrarian population
foreign administration. What led Jehoiachin to accept all under a Judean governor. The choice of Gedaliah shows in-
these measures? Was it wisdom or fear, or even inadequate timate knowledge of Judean internal politics, since he
support from his own people? Or was it perhaps relatively stemmed from the famous Shaphan family who had always
generous conditions granted by Nebuchadnezzar on receiv- supported the political aims of Josiah's line (cf. 2 Kings 22:8-
ing Jerusalem? Hard as the tributes and deportations were, 12; Jer 36:10). It is not coincidental that Jeremiah decides to
they were not fatal, not even to those hit hardest, the elite remain amongst the people of the land, rather than joining
'ten thousand', and certainly not to the simple farmers, 'the the upper class in Babylon (Jer 40). Gedaliah significantly
poorest people of the land' (24:14). The latter were per- resides in Mizpah, a rural town lokm. north-west of Jerusa-
haps even glad to see the back of Jehoiachin's upper class, lem. The old royal residence has served its time (and in any
whilst the Babylonians cleverly took advantage of such inter- case lies in ruins). Soon, however—perhaps only a few weeks
nal tensions (Dietrich 1997^. On the other hand, the exiles later, as v. 25 seems to suggest if compared to v. 8, perhaps
could expect a relatively bearable lifestyle in Babylonia and after a number of years—hope of a fresh start under Babylon-
maintain the hope of soon returning home (cf. Jer 29). This ian rule is rudely crushed. Ishmael, probably a representative
hope was soon to be dashed as the first deportation was of the Manasseh—Jehoiakim line within the royal family, car-
quickly followed by a second. Death had knocked on Judah's ries out a terrorist attack against Gedaliah and his closest
door. supporters. A large number of refugees flee to Egypt (expect-
 265 I AND 2 K I N G S

ing reprisals from Babylon), a land enjoying the sympathy of Cross, F. M. (1973), "The Themes of the Book of Kings and the
important political circles in Judah and already the residence Structure of the Deuteronomistic History', in id., Canaanite Myth
of a large Jewish community in exile. This text passage is and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press),
274-89.
probably an excerpt from the more detailed description in
Criisemann, F. (1992), Die Tora: Theologie und Sozialgeschichte des
Jer 40-1. alttestamentlichen Gesetzes (Munich: Kaiser).
(25:27-30) Jehoiachin's Pardon The author of Kings shifts Dearman, J. A. (1989) (ed.), Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab,
Archaeology and Biblical Studies 2 (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
his view from the land of Judah and from the community
Dever, W G. (1982), 'Monumental Architecture in Ancient Israel in
in Egypt to that in Babylonia. Here, King Jehoiachin has the Period of the United Monarchy', in T. Ishida (ed.), Studies in the
been kept prisoner since his capture in 598 BCE. Clay tablets Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays (Winona Lake: Eisen-
from 592 report on regular provisions from his Babylonian brauns), 269-306.
administrators. He himself becomes a symbol of the exiles' (1990), Recent Archeological Discoveries and Biblical Research
enduring hope for freedom, a return to the homeland, and (Seattle: University of Washington Press), 85—117.
the restoration of the Davidic kingdom. The prophecies of Dietrich, W. (1972), Prophetic und Geschichte: Eine redaktionsgeschicht-
Ezekiel, who was also in exile, are dated according to Jehoia- liche Untersuchung zum deuteronomistischen GeschichtsweA,
FRLANT 108 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
chin's 'years °f rule> (e-g- Ezek 29:17; 31:1). He has sons
(1977), 'Josia und das Gesetzbuch (2 Reg XXII)', VT27:13-35.
and grandchildren (i Chr 3:17—19), one of whom, Zerub-
(1979), Israelund Kanaan: VomRingenzweierGesellschaftssysteme,
babel, would become a hopeful political figure following SBS 94 (Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk).
Babylon's decline (Ezra 2:2; Hag 2:20-3). Th£ final report of (1986), 'Das harte Joch (i. Kon 12, 4): Fronarbeit in der Salomo-
Jehoiachin's pardon and even special honour is especi- Uberlieferung', BN"34: 7-16.
ally revealing: the author of the Deuteronomistic History (1992), David, Saul und die Propheten: Das Verhdltnis von Religion
must have composed his work shortly after this event. He und Politik nach den prophetischen Uberlieferungen vom fruhesten
correctly wished to stress that the history of Judean royalty Konigtum in Israel, 2nd edn., BWANT122 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer).
did not end with the fate of Zedekiah and his sons (25:7). (1994), 'Der Eine Gott als Symbol politischen Widerstands:
Above all, however, he wished to end the book with a sign Religion und Politik im Juda des 7. Jahrhunderts', in W. Dietrich
and M. A. Klopfenstein, Ein Gott allein?, OBO 139 (Fribourg: Uni-
of hope. Even if YHWH has repeatedly to punish his
versitats-Verlag Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht), 463-90.
people (most severely at the end), he still regards them with (19960), 'The "Ban" in the Age of the Early Kings', in V. Fritz and
steadfast love. P. R. Davies (eds.), The Origins of the Ancient Israelite States,
JSOTSup 228 (Sheffield: Academic Press), 196-210.
(1996!?), 'Histoire et Loi: Historiographie deuteronomiste et Loi
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Ackerman, S. (1993), 'The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel construit son histoire (Geneva: Labor et Fides), 297—323.
Israel', JBL 112: 385-401. (1997), 'Wem das Land gehort: Ein Beitrag zur Sozialgeschichte
Albertz, R. (1992), Rdiglonsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit (2 Israels im 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr', Ihr Volker alle, klatscht in die
vols.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). Hdnde, FS E. S. Gerstenberger (Miinster: Lit), 350—76.
(1997), 'Wer waren die Deuteronomisten? Das historische Ratsel (1998), 'Samuel und Konigsbiicher', TRE^o:
einer literarischen Hypothese', EvT 57: 319-38. Ehrlich, E. L. (1953), Der Traum im Alten Testament, BZAW 73 (Berlin:
Alt, A. (1959), 'Menschen ohne Nameri, in id., Kleins Schriften zur de Gruyter).
Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Munich: Beck), iii. 198—213. Evans, D. G. (1966), 'Rehoboam's Advisors at Shechem, and Political
(19640), 'Israels Gaue unter Salomo', in id., Kleine Schriften zur Institutions in Israel and Sumer', JNES 25: 273-9.
Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Munich: Beck), ii. 76—89. Frisch, A. (1991), 'Structure and its Significance: The Narrative of
(1964!?), 'Das Gottesurteil auf dem Karmel', in id., Kleine Schrif- Solomon's Reign', JSOT 51: 3—14.
ten zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Munich: Beck), ii. 135-49. Gordon, R. P. (1975), 'The Second Septuagint Account of Jeroboam:
Bartlett, J. R. (1976), 'An Adversary against Solomon, Hadad the History or Midrash?', VT 25: 368-93.
Edomite', ZAW88: 205-26. Gorg, M. (1991), 'Jachin und Boas: Namen und Funktion der beiden
Barre, L. M. (1988), The Rhetoric of Political Persuasion: The Narrative Tempelsaulen', in id., Aegyptiaca-BMica: Notizen und Beitrdgezu den
Artistry and Political Intentions of II Kings 9—11, CBQMS 20 (Wa- Beziehungen zwischen Agypten und Israel, Agypten und Altes Testa-
shington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America). ment ii (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz), 79—98.
Biran, A., and Naveh, J. (1993), 'An Aramaic Stele Fragment from Tel Gray, J. (1977), I elII Kings, OTL, 3rd edn. (Philadelphia: Westminster).
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1-18. Gunneweg, A. H. J. (1972), Geschichte Israels bis Bar Kochba (Stuttgart:
Bloch-Smith, E. M. (1994), '"Who is the King of Glory": Solomon's Katholisches Bibelwerk).
Temple and its Symbolism', in Scripture and Other Artefacts: FS P.J. Hardmeier, C. (1990), 'Umrisse eines vordeuteronomistischen
King (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox), 18-31. Annalenwerkes in der Zidkijazeit', VT40:165—84.
Bordreuil, P., Israel, P., and Pardee, D. (1998), 'King's Command and Hauser, A. J., and Gregory, R. (1990), From Carmel to Horeb: Elijah in
Widow's Plea: Two New Hebrew Ostraca of the Biblical Period', Crisis, JSOTSup 85 (Sheffield: JSOT).
Near Eastern Archaeology (formerly BA), 61: 2-13. Hentschel, G. (1984—5), i Konige, 2 Konige, EB (Wiirzburg: Echter).
Busink, T A. (1970), Der Tempel von Jerusalem von Salomo bis Herodes I Hoffmann, H.-D. (1980), Reform und Reformen, ATANT 66 (Zurich:
(Leiden: Brill), i. Theologischer Verlag).
Camp, L. (1990), Hiskija und Hiskijabild: Analyse und Interpretation Holder, J. (1988), 'The Presuppositions, Accusations, and Threats of i
von 2 Kon 18-20 (Altenberge: Telos Verlag). Kings 14:1-18', JBL 107: 27-38.
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Hurowitz, V. (1992), I Have Built You an Exalted House: Temple Build- (1991), The Deuteronomistic History, JSOTSup 15 (Sheffield: Aca-
ing in the Bible in Light of Mesopotamian and Northwest Semitic demic Press). German original, 1943.
Writings, JSOTSup 115 (Sheffield: JSOT). Parker, K. I. (1988), 'Repetition as a Structuring Device in i Kings
Kaiser, O. (1962), DiemythischeBedeutungdesMeeresinAgypten, Ugarit i-n', JSOT 42:19-27.
und Israel, 2nd edn. BZAW 78 (Berlin: de Gruyter). Pritchard, J. (1974) (ed.), Solomon 6[ Sheba (London: Phaidon).
(1984), 'Den Erstgeborenen deiner Sohne sollst du mir geberi, in Rad, G. von (1961), 'Die deuteronomistische Geschichtstheologie in
id., Von der Gegenwartsbedeutung des Alten Testaments (Gottingen: den Konigsbuchern', in id., Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testa-
Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht), 142—66. ment, TBii 8 (Munich: Kaiser), 189—204.
Keel, O. (1977), Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst: Eine neue Deutung der Ruprecht, E. (1990), 'Die urspriingliche Komposition der Hiskia-
Majestdtsschilderungen in Jes 6, Ez i und 10 und Sach 4, SBS 84/85 Jesaja-Erzahlungen und ihre Umstrukturierung durch den
(Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk). Verfasser des deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerkes', ZTK 87:
and Uehlinger, C. (1992), Gottinnen, Cotter und Gottessymbole: 33-66.
Neue EAenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels auf- Sarkio, P. (1994), Die Weisheit und Macht Salomes in der israelitischen
grund bislang unerschlossener Quellen, QD 134 (Fribourg: Herder). Historiographie: Eine traditions- und redaktionskritische Untersuchung
(1994), 'Jahwe und die Sonnengottheit von Jerusalem', in uber i.Kon. 3—5 und 9—11, Schriffen der finnischen exegetischen
W. Dietrich and M. A. Klopfenstein, Bin Gott alkin?, OBO 139 Gesellschaft 60 (Helsinki: Finnische exegetische Gesellschaft; Got-
(Fribourg: Universitate Verlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ru- tingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht).
precht) . Schmitt, H.-C. (1972), Elisa: Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen
Kessler, R. (1992), Staat und Gesellschaft im vorexilischen Juda: Vom 8. zur voMassischen nordisraelitischen Prophetic (Giitersloh: Gerd
Jahrhundert bis zum Exil, VTSup 47 (Leiden: Brill). Mohn).
Keulen, P. S. F. van (1996), Manasseh through the Eyes of the Deuter- Seebass, H. (1967), 'Zur Konigserhebung Jeroboams I', VTij: 325—33.
onomists: The Manasseh Account (2 Kings 21:1-18) and the Final Smend, R. (1970), Jahweh War and Tribal Confederation: Reflections on
Chapters of the Deuteronomistic History, OTS 38 (Leiden: Brill). Israel's Earliest History (Nashville: Westminster/John Knox).
Klopfenstein, M. A. (1996), 'i Konige 13', in id., Leben aus dem Wort: (1987), 'Derbiblische und derhistorische Elia', in id., Zurdltesten
Beitrdge zum Alten Testament, Beitrage zur Erforschung des Alten Geschichte Israels, BEvT 100 (Munich: Kaiser), 229-43.
Testaments und des antiken Judentums 40 (Frankfurt am Main: (1989), Die Entstehung des Alten Testaments, 4th edn. (Stuttgart:
Lang), 75-116. Kohlhammer).
Knauf E. A. (1991), 'King Solomon's Copper Supply', in E. Lipinski Spieckermann, H. (1982), Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit,
(ed.), Phoenicia and the Bible (Leuven: Peelers), 167-86. FRLANT 129 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Levin, C. (1982), Der Sturz der Konigin Atalja: Ein Kapitelzur Geschichte Steck, O. H. (1968), Uberlieferung und Zeitgeschichte in den Elia-Erzdh-
Judas im 9. Jahrhundert v. Chr., SBS 105 (Stuttgart: Katholisches lungen, WMANT26 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
Bibelwerk). Talstra, E. (1993), Solomon's Prayer: Synchrony and Diachrony in the
(1994), Die Entstehung der Rechabiter: FS O. Kaiser (Gottingen: Composition ofi Kings 8,14—61 (Kampen: KokPharos).
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht), 301-17. Timm, S. (1982), Die Dynastic Omri: Quellen und Untersuchungen zur
McKay, J. W. (1973), Religion injudah under the Assyrians 732-609 B.C., Geschichte Israels im 9. Jahrhundert vor Christus, FRLANT 124 (Got-
Studies in Biblical Theology, second series 26 (London: SCM tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Press). Veijola, T. (1982), Verheissung in der Krise: Studien zur Literatur und
McKenzie, S.L. (1987), The Source for Jeroboam's Role at Shechem (i Theologie der Exilszeit anhand des 8g. Psalms, Suomalaisen Tiedaka-
Kgs 11:43-12:3, 12, 2o)',JBL 106: 297-300. temian toimituksia ser. B 220 (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakate-
Malamat, A. (1965), 'Organs of Statecraft in the Israelite Monarchy', mia).
BA 28/2:34-65. Walchli, S. (1999), Derweise KonigSalomo: Eine Studiezuden Erzdllun-
Minokami, Y. (1989), Die Revolution des Jehu, GTA 38 (Gottingen: gen von der Weisheit Salomos in ihrem alt-testamentlichen und altor-
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). icutalischen Kontext, BWANT 141 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer).
Mulder, M. J. (1998), i Kings, i. i Kings 1-11, Historical Commentary on Weippert, H. (1983), 'Die Atiologie des Nordreiches und seines K6-
the Old Testament (Leuven: Peeters). nigshauses (I Reg. 11,29—40)', ZAW95: 344—75.
Nelson, R. (1981), The Double Redaction of the Deuteronomistic History, (1992), 'Die Kesselwagen Salomos', ZDPVioS: 8-41.
JSOTSup 18 (Sheffield: Academic Press). Weippert, M. (1971), Edom: Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der
Niemann, H. M. (1993), Herrschaft, Konigtum und Staat: Skizzenzur Edomiter aufGrund schriftlicher und archdologischer Quellen, Diss. ev.
soziokulturellen Entwiddung im monarchischen Israel, FAT 6 (Tubin- theol., Berne.
gen: Mohr). Wilrthwein, E. (1984), Die Bucher die Konige, ATD 11/1-2 (Gottingen:
Noth, M. (1968), Konige I. Teilband, BKAT 9/1 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Neukirchener Verlag). (1994), 'Naboth-Novelle und Elia-Wort', in id., Studien zum deu-
(1971), 'Die Wege der Pharaonenheere in Palastina und Syrien', teronomistischen Geschichtswerk, BZAW 227 (Berlin: de Gruyter),
in id., Aufsdtze zur biblischen Landes- und Al/tertumskunde (Neu- '55-77-
kirchen-Venyn: Neukirchener Verlag), ii. 3—118. Zohary, N. (1983), Pflanzen der Bibel (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer).
 14. i and 2 Chronicles
H. P. MATHYS (tr. BENJAMIN LIEBELT)

INTRODUCTION Unity. As far as the text's unity is concerned, Galling (1954:

10—17) suggests two Chroniclers with close theological ties
Name. 1. The Latin Father St Jerome (347/8-420 CE) gave the
who wrote around 300 and 200 BCE respectively, the second
text the name of Chronicles (Chronicon totius divinae histor-
author being especially responsible for the material in Chron-
iae, Chronicle of the Whole of Sacred History), whilst it was
icles which is unique in the OT This and similar theories have
still known as Paraleipomena (the things omitted from earlier
had little support. The majority of researchers presume one
historical texts) in the Septuagint. In the Vulgate and HB
underlying text which was added to at length (large parts of i
editions, it has almost identical titles (Verba dierum and dibre
Chr 1-9, 23-7, as well as other passages relevant to the Levites)
hayyamim). Chronicles contains a new version of events from
or emended slightly to underline certain interests (such as the
Genesis to 2 Kings and continues its story up to Cyrus's edict,
cult or priesthood).
which it takes from Ezra 1:1-3.
2. According to a long-standing but now contested theory, Date. Chronicles is authorial rather than traditional litera-
the similarity between 2 Chr 36:22—3 and Ezra 1:1—3 indicates ture. It possibly stems from the late Persian period or more
that the books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah originally probably early Ptolemaic times. Cross's (1975) extremely early
all had the same author or were two works by the same person, dating of a first edition (520 BCE) is unlikely since this pre-
and were separated only on their inclusion in the canon. But sumes a very brief period between the sources used and the
even in the sections where the texts concur, their language and text itself. Placing it in the Maccabean period is difficult
content differ significantly. The Chronicler was interested in because of a probable reference by the Greek historian
all Israel (rather than merely in Judah) and did not object to Eupolemos to the LXX edition of Chronicles. 'Paraleipomena'
mixed marriage with foreigners. The books of Ezra and contains no dating criteria. The daric coin mentioned in i Chr
Nehemiah contain contrary opinions, however, showing little 29:7 was not introduced before 515 BCE and remained in use
interest in the house of David, prophets, or the dogma of until Hellenistic times. The list of David's descendants (i Chr
retribution, whilst displaying an anti-Samaritan perspective. 3:19-24)—the number of generations it contains is unclear—
Such differences cannot simply be explained by the varying leads roughly up to 460 or 320 BCE; it is not of much help.
subject matter of i and 2 Chronicles and Ezra/Nehemiah. The
latter two books were probably written as a sequel to the Theology. 1. The underlying presumption of this commen-
unsatisfactory ending to the books of Kings (Knauf 1995: tary is that Chronicles can be seen as a counter to Manetho,
16-17). Hekataios, and Berossos, whilst providing an alternative to
3. Chronicles contains the entire history of the Davidic the predominant Hellenistic values of the time. It ascribes
monarchy within the context of the genealogical development well-received Hellenistic improvements (in agriculture, fort-
of the history of mankind and continues up to Cyrus's edict. At ress construction, army organization, and warfare technol-
the turn of the 4th and 3rd centuries BCE, the Ptolomaic and ogy) to Israel, but virtually ignores or implicitly combats
Seleucid historiographers Manetho, Hekataios, and Berossos Greek culture and theology.
claimed that the origins of civilization lay in Egypt and Baby- This thesis has been partially anticipated by Welten (1973).
lon respectively—i.e. the places where they themselves wrote. According to him the war reports which are unique material
Civilization subsequently spread from those areas. The in Chronicles reflect the constant threat to which Judah was
Chronicler countered this with the theological argument exposed during the 3rd century through the conflicts of the
that God's actions began with all mankind, before focusing Seleucids (in Babylonia) and the Ptolemeans (in Egypt). The
his narrative on Israel (i Chr. 2-9), the reign of David (i Chr unique material in Chronicles, in addition to war reports,
10-29) and the history of the Judean monarchy (2 Chr 1-36), encompasses information on the army's composition, build-
and concluding with (the almost unmentioned exile and) ing activities of the kings, speeches, prayers, and cultic mater-
Cyrus's edict (2 Chr 36:22—3). LXX's division of Chronicles ial. It seldom contains valuable source material which was
into two books is logical since David's reign was one of the overlooked by the books of Kings.
greatest events in his people's history, even if it is closely 2. Despite attempting to be historical literature, Chronicles
linked with Solomon's rule. is surprisingly unhistorical in its portrayal. Once the Davidic
4. Another factor, which was just as important in Chron- monarchy has been installed, the temple constructed, and the
icles as the rule of God through the Davidic kings, was the cult accommodated, nothing more of fundamental import-
temple and its music, both introduced and controlled by ance occurs. The Chronicler only briefly refers to such im-
David. This has prompted many to suggest that the Chron- portant events in Israelite history as the Exodus, the taking of
icler was a Levite, especially in view of his distanced attitude the Land, and the judges period. As an author he viewed the
towards the priests. The unusually high degree of scriptural history of Israel up to Cyrus's edict in its entirety. One example
learning in his text suggests that it could have been conceived of this can be seen in his anticipation of the deportation of
by a well-read author for an educated readership. Transjordanian tribes to Assyria in i Chr 5:6.
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 268

3. It is of special significance that the Chronicler almost viduals: those who act correctly are rewarded, whilst crimes
entirely ignored the Exodus. Those who see Chronicles as part against YHWH are punished. In other words, a long and
of an anti-Samaritan historical text can easily explain this: wealthy reign is proof of good behaviour, although a fall
Chronicles only deals with controversial subjects, whilst the from grace is possible at any time. This dogma, which
Exodus had already been documented in the Pentateuch, a strongly distinguishes Chronicles from its (Deuteronomist)
text common to Samaritans and Jews. Japhet (1997) argues source in the books of Kings, forces the author to rewrite
that the Chronicler's relative silence regarding the Exodus Israel's history, as the example of Manasseh clearly shows:
expresses Israel's conviction of being native in the land since his fifty-five-year reign shows him to be a God-fearing king,
the beginning of time. This may at least be partly true, since though reports from source texts suggest the opposite. The
Israel's exile in Babylon is also treated with extreme brevity. Chronicler elegantly solves this problem: as punishment for
Beyond this the Chronicler regarded the temple and not the his godlessness, Manasseh is deported to Babylon by the
Exodus as the way to salvation and, after all, was mainly Assyrians, where he repents. This allows him to return to
concerned with the history of the Davidic monarchy. Jerusalem and reign for a further 30 years. This strict dogma
4. The text's major sources are Genesis to 2 Kings and Ezra of retribution, which Albertz (1992: 622) cautiously inter-
1:1—3, whilst a large number of other OT texts are incorp- prets as a reaction to Greek Moira (or rather Tyche as I think)
orated. One can regard Chronicles (though not quite as exclu- faith, can be seen as a plea by the Chronicler for responsible
sively as Willi (1972) suggests) as textual interpretation, conduct. According to this Greek conception man is not the
particularly in passages where the Chronicler interprets master of his own destiny.
events using the Pentateuch and other parts of the canon as It is recommended that two Bibles be used by readers of this
his source, instead of the more frequently used books of commentary, the second for comparison of the relevant
Samuel and Kings (the wording of 2 Chr 7:18, e.g., contains Chronicles chapter with parallel texts. Parallels are noted in
elements taken from i Kings 9:5 and Mic 5:1 (ruler over good (academic) editions of the Bible.
Israel)). The Chronicler's reworking of sources can more or
less be described as a midrash, Targum, or 'the rewritten
Bible'. Exegetic techniques systematically developed and ap-
COMMENTARY
plied more strictly by the rabbis, among others, stem from
Chronicles. The text has often been criticized for its lack of i Chronicles
care and its poor language, although (with a few exceptions) it
actually reveals thoughtful conception and an awareness of The 'Genealogical Forecourt' (i Chr 2:2-9:44)
style and form. Genealogies have different functions: legal (e.g. inheritance),
5. The Chronicler omitted much from the source materials political (e.g. legitimizing rule), sociological (necessary pre-
he used, such as the story of David and Bathsheba. This is not conditions for positions of rank and profession), and psycho-
an attempt to show David in a better light, since the author logical (personal identity and self-justification). Some of these
presumed that the reader already knew the source text. The aspects are relevant to Chronicles' genealogies and can per-
Chronicler was interested merely in the public side of David's haps be proved by interpreting individual cases in chs. 1—9.
reign. Another factor relevant to these nine chapters as a whole is
6. The Chronicler's theology is impressive in its encom- that genealogies form an important part of historical litera-
passing, strict, and even rational nature. God, who is never ture. Ephoros of Kyme (4th cent. BCE), the first universal
mentioned using his old names or any reference to place, is historian, used them, along with geographical data, when
distant, but still keeps in touch with mankind. Intermediary relating early history. The Chronicler used a similar method
bodies play no part in Paraleipomena. All the kings' actions for his period, but writing a national history, focused upon
derived directly from YHWH. YHWH imposed his monarchy, Israel from i Chr 2 onwards. The people of Israel formed
the kings sat upon his throne. This does not mean that the the core of the world's population, whilst Jerusalem (and its
kings were simply puppets; the Chronicler depicted good temple) formed its geographical centre. Within this people,
kings as active and dynamic. Judah, Benjamin, and Levi stand at its heart. The Davidic
7. There was only one legitimate monarchy, namely the genealogies extend beyond their exile, revealing a continued
Davidides in Jerusalem. The kings of the northern kingdom interest in them. In contrast with Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra
were regarded as usurpers. Similarly, there was only one 2:59—63; Neh 7:61—5), narrow individual interests do not
people, to whom the inhabitants of the north belonged if appear. The Chronicler's reluctance to extend the genealogies
they acknowledged Jerusalem's exclusive rights of representa- to his own period might have been a method of concealing
tion and accepted the cult performed there as uniquely legit- his own situation. As well as genealogies, chs. 1—9 also con-
imate. (This claim is underlined by the southern kingdom's tain a number of references to areas where groups set-
rightto use the name Israel.) Since the northern kingdom was tled, struggles between groups and professions, etc. Where
illegitimate, its history is not described by the Chronicler. the author did not use biblical source material, he mainly
Nevertheless he often mentions the northern kingdom used contemporary knowledge and attitudes. His docu-
when it comes into contact with the south. Chronicles con- mentation forms an important source of the history of his
tains hardly any anti-Samaritan arguments, distinguishing it time, although the inclusion of invented material is also
from Ezra/Nehemiah. possible.
8. One of the most important and prevalent characteristics Strictly theological matters also unfold in the 'genealogical
of Chronicles is the dogma of retribution applied to indi- forecourt'.
 269 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

From Adam to Israel (i Chr 1-2:2) middle (Levi), and the end (Benjamin) ofthe relevant passage.
Taking material exclusively from Genesis and reducing it to a It is not entirely clear by what criteria the Chronicler ordered
skeletal framework, the Chronicler portrayed the regularly his material as a whole. He takes both geographical and
changing family trees and genealogical lists of human history. historical perspectives into account, as well as following the
He omitted only a few names, those of people whose lines guidelines in Num 26.
ended with their deaths, such as Cain and the brothers of The chapters (2—4) concerning Judah are split into three
Abraham. A comparison of names with the source (Genesis) parts: chs. 2 and 4 deal with the tribes of Judah and Judah/
shows that some were incorrectly copied. Simeon respectively, whilst ch. 3 lists the sons of David.
The structure of this section is: w. 1-4: Adam to Noah; w. 3-5, the sources for this information are chiefly Gen 38,
Noah's three sons Shem, Ham, and Japheth; w. 5-7: Ja- and also Gen 46:12 and Num 26:19—22 (for v. 5, cf also Ruth
phethites; w. 8—23: Hamites; w. 24—7: Semites; w. 28—340: 4:18). Only a small part ofthe narrative in Gen 38 was used,
the sons of Abraham; 34/7—2:2 the sons of Isaac and Israel. The v. 3, it is not clear why the Chronicler mentioned the death of
descendants of Noah's three sons were listed in inverse order Er but ignored Onan's demise. A certain loss due to incom-
so that the (major) line of Israel could be continued directly. plete texts should be taken into account. God's name, YHWH,
This system of recording the major line last was repeated in is first mentioned here. v. 7, Achar, the troubler of Israel: a
subsequent passages. reference to the story reported in Josh 7:25. The Chronicler
Apparent contradictions and imbalances, which have often renamed the man called Achan in Joshua, thereby continuing
been used as evidence for certain critical approaches, can be the play on words in the original story, in which he brings
readily explained by the Chronicler's intentions. The chapter trouble (achar) upon Israel. He has to be called Achar: nomen
primarily portrays the human world (areas of settlement are cst omen. w. 10-12 contain the line from Ram to Jesse, whose
not mentioned), thus inviting the reader to read horizontally. seven sons are listed in w. 13-17. The last of these is David,
Historical elements, however (see v. 43), are not entirely lack- creating the climax ofthe chapter. The source for these verses
ing. The chapter underlines the unity of mankind, whilst (as well as v. 9) is, amongst others, Ruth 4:19—22 (see also i
Genesis emphasizes individual differences. According to Sam 16:6-10; 17:13). (It is less likely that Chronicles served as
Tarn (1941: 74), the idea of universal humanity was only a source for Ruth.) v. 15, David as the seventh son: i Sam
possible after the reign of Alexander the Great. Did the 16:10—n; 17:12 assumes eight sons of Jesse. Nethaneel, Rad-
Chronicler apply such Hellenistic ideas to his text, influenced dai, and Ozem do not exist in other texts, w. 16—17, me fac^
by the mood of the time, or did he develop them himself? that David's sisters are mentioned (cf. 2 Sam 17:25) shows that
Such a question can hardly be answered. Similarly, is the despite the great respect he commanded as a king, David was
unquestionable universalism of ch. i an autonomous idea or still no more than a human being, w. 34—5, the Chronicler's
does it serve as a background against which Israel's central attitude towards foreigners is particularly clear here: since
position can be highlighted? The list comprises seventy-one Sheshan had no sons, his line could continue through his
names and almost exactly forms a world of seventy peoples (if daughters and an Egyptian servant.
we omit Nimrod). (3:1-24) The Davidides This chapter contains the (almost
v. 4, the reader can know that Shem, Ham, and Japhet are purely) genealogical profile of David's line from his own
sons of Noah, and not successive generations only if he has time right up to the post-exilic period. At the extreme, this
read Gen 5. Chronicles frequently assumes knowledge of the could mean that the Davidic line remained unbroken during
reworked source models and is incomprehensible without it. the exile period, making the reinstatement of the Davidic
w. 32—40, believed by many to be secondary since the source monarchy in Jerusalem with its rightful heir a possibility,
model seems to have been more extensively reworked than should circumstances allow. In this sense, the chapter would
usual and given a different order. Going by the source, these be almost messianic and eschatological. Depending on
verses belong to v. 28. w. 43-54, Edom and Judah were neigh- whether v. 21 contains six sons of one generation or six suc-
bours and had the closest ties through the best and worst of cessive generations, the list of Davidides (calculating 25 years
times. This explains the disproportionately extensive rework- for each generation) lasts until 460 or 320 BCE. This would
ing of the source material in Gen 36. 2:1, the third founding present us with a date for Chronicles' conception. The chap-
father in Chronicles is exclusively called Israel (not Jacob), ter, however, can also be regarded as a secondary addition
except for the citation of Ps 105 at i Chr 16:17. He was the (strengthening the messianic tone ofthe passage), since its
father of the people of Israel, which was still significant (if original position should have been after 2:17. Rudolf (1955: n,
physically changed) during the Chronicler's lifetime. 26) suggests that there is evidence for this in chs. 3—4, since
parts of ch. 14:4-7 are repeated, some kings have different
Israel (i Chr 2:3-9:44J names from the rest of Chronicles (e.g. Azariah instead of
(2:2-55) Judah Chs. 2-9 describe Israel's identity using the Uzziah), and Zerubbabel's father is called Pedaiah, and not
genealogy of individual tribes, geographical information re- Shealtiel, as in Ezra 3:2, 8. None of these arguments is con-
garding settlements, and historical notes. The Chronicler clusive. The chapter is divided into three parts: (i) the sons of
mentions every tribe with the exception of Zebulun and David (born in Hebron, w. 1-4; born in Jerusalem, w. 5-9); (2)
Dan, whose omission cannot be explained. The three domin- those who ruled as kings in Jerusalem (apart from the usurper
ant tribes throughout Chronicles also dominate the 'genealo- Queen Athaliah, w. 10—16); (3) the Davidides during and after
gical fore-court', because of both the greater proportion of text the exile period, w. 17-24. (i) is based on exactly copied
given to them and their position at the beginning (Judah), the or heavily reworked material from 2 Sam: w. 1-40 = 2 Sam
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 270

3:2-5; ¥.4/7 = 2 Sam 5:5 (reworked); w. 5-8 (2 Sam 5:14-16 = i (4:1—43) The Southern Tribes The first part of this chapter
Chr 14:4—7), v. 9 = 2 Sam 5:13; 13:1, are a selection. (2) is deals with the sons of Judah (w. 1—23), whilst the second
probably the Chronicler's own collection (and does not stem concentrates on Simeon (w. 24-43), a tribe which had con-
from any reworked lists). (3) contains few names which are stant close ties with Judah (cf. for instance Josh 19:1, 9; Judg
also documented in other OT texts. 1:3—4: historically Simeon was quickly engulfed by Judah).
w. 1—40, sons born in Hebron: this list is copied almost The second part has a clear structure, whereas the first shows
word for word from 2 Sam 3:2—5. v. 4, according to i Chr n: no obvious pattern, w. 1—23 fragment into many small, seem-
3-4, David moved to Jerusalem with all Israel shortly after his ingly unrelated pieces. Lack of textual clarity also makes it
crowning in Hebron. In contrast with the source material and difficult to interpret. The chapter is potentially a valuable
i Chr 3:4, there is no (explicit) mention of an initial seven-year historical source, although one cannot say for which period:
reign in Hebron, cf, however, i Chr 29:27 too. Despite this the time of its conception, the period described, or an even
contradiction, there is no reason to presume a different earlier era. The following notes discuss only clear or especially
source, since Chronicles is not free from discrepancies. important aspects of the text. The lists partly refer back to ch.
Furthermore, the Chronicler also concealed the source mater- 2. w. 9—10, this is a passage typical ofthe Chronicler in several
ial's note that David ruled Judah alone from Hebron, taking ways: it highlights the Chronicler's respect for wealth and
power in Israel only on his move to Jerusalem. property as well as his belief in the effectiveness of prayer;
w. 5-9, sons born in Jerusalem: v. 5, the Chronicler ignored there is another example ofthe Chronicler's frequent use of
the note in 2 Sam 5:13 that David took even more concubines meaningful names: Jabez was thus named because his
and wives in Jerusalem, making Bathsheba the mother of mother bore him with sorrow (bfozeb). He himself prays that
David's first four children—though Solomon was the eldest no sorrow ('ozbi) fall upon him.
according to the source model. This indirectly frees Solomon w. 24—43, Simeon's genealogy (w. 24—7) is followed by a list
from the stigma of being an illegitimate child, as the books of ofthetribe's settlement territories (w. 28—33), then a list of the
Kings suggest. Bathsheba is called Bathshua in Chronicles. Simeonite leaders (w. 34-8) plus two episodes in their history
Shua is the name of the first (Canaanite) wife of Judah (Gen (w. 39-43). v. 31, 'until David became king': the Chronicler
38:2), David's own ancestor. Does this similarity of names hereby stresses that the tribe of Simeon was engulfed by Judah
express the idea that the Davidic monarchy began in the during David's reign (if not before).
same way as the history of the tribe of Judah, namely with a (5:1—26) The Transjordanian Tribes Genealogical aspects are
mixed marriage? w. 6-8, in addition to the four oldest sons, not so prominent in the description of the Transjordanian
source material names a further seven born to David, whilst tribes. Gad and Manasseh are not presented in the same way
the Chronicler mentions nine. Since he mentions the number as other tribes. The two and a half tribes are shown as one
explicitly, it is likely that he found one source stating this entity, bound together by similar living conditions and a
number. Nogah and the first Eliphelet are occasionally deleted common history. The structure ofthe passage is confusing:
as secondary. descriptions of Reuben (w. i-io) and Gad (w. 11-17) are
w. 10—16, a list of the kings of Judah up to the period of followed by an account ofthe war against the Hagrites. Only
exile. Up to Josiah, it monotonously names kings according to then is the half-tribe of Manasseh introduced (w. 23—4). Fi-
the formula: his son was X. The situation becomes more nally, the passage explains why the Transjordanian tribes were
complicated after Josiah, since sons did not always succeed driven into exile (w. 25-6). Although this is clearly an antici-
their fathers, leading the Chronicler to change his listing pation of later events, the Exile belongs here since the history
method, w. 15—16, the number and names of kings (and their of the northern kingdom is not discussed elsewhere in the
sons) in Chronicles differ from the source, as do their periods text. It is typical for the chapter that it also refers to other, later
of rule. The two perspectives can be seen in Japhet 1993: 98. historical events.
The source model representation is more reliable than Whereas ch. 4 closes with the southernmost west-Jordan-
Chronicles. The Chronicler tried to organize seemingly in- ian tribe, ch. 5 begins with the southernmost Transjordanian
congruous information from 2 Kings 22-4 and Jeremiah tribe, whilst Gad and the half tribe of Manasseh are also
(where the alternative name of Joahaz is Shallum, Jer 22:11) ordered geographically.
so that the two versions should conform better with each w. 1—3, Reuben's genealogy (cf. Gen 46:8/7—9; Ex 6:14; Num
other. 26:5—9). m v- J me Chronicler begins to present it, going on
w. 17-24 give David's descendants during the Exile and then to explain, in a kind of midrash, why Reuben did not
post-exilic periods. The authenticity of this list is unques- receive the rights of a firstborn son. His four sons are only
tioned, v. 18, it is unclear whether Shenazar is identical to named in v. 4. Reuben lost his rights as firstborn son for
Sheshbazzar in Ezra 1:8,11; 5:14,16. v. 19, Zerubbabel, in Ezra, sleeping with Bilhah, his father's concubine (Gen 35:22; cf.
Nehemiah, and Haggai, is known as 'son of Shealtiel'. He is 49:3-4). His rights were passed on to the sons of Joseph (the
the son of Pedaiah in Chronicles. Attempts to harmonize the ancestors ofthe later state of Israel). The strength of Judah
two names (such as the idea of a levirate marriage) are not underlined in v. 2 is reflected in the lists of tribes themselves.
convincing. Shelomith: other women mentioned in these lists The fact that one prince of Judah need not be named due to the
are well-known figures. Thus, Shelomith must have been context points to his importance—he is, of course, David.
prominent in post-exilic times, though not necessarily iden- v. 6, Tilgath-pilneser: Chronicles always uses this spelling
tical to the woman on a seal from the same period (Avigad of Tiglath-pileser, who was active further north, v. 10 speaks of
1976: n). This might represent a relative end to the list, since wars against the Hagrites (descendants of Hagar) under Saul;
women's names do sometimes appear in this position. cf. also w. 19-20; and Ps 83:7 (where they are mentioned
 271 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

along with Edom, Ishmael, and Moab). The struggle was over to the Aaronite high priests. Miriam's name stands out in this
pastureland (possibly mirroring conflicts during the Chron- list, which has parallels in the OT (cf. for instance Ex 6:16—25).
icler's lifetime; cf. w. 18—22). The war depicted in w. 18—22 The Chronicler mentioned this woman (!) because of her
gives the impression of being an elaboration of the conflict importance for the people's history. A number of names we
mentioned here. v. 16 'Sharon', is not the identically named know from other passages (even Jehoiada, cf. 2 Chr 22:11—
plain south of Carmel, but a Transjordanian region (men- 24:17) are omitted from this list, which also contains errors. It
tioned on the inscription of Mesha, king of Moab (line 13) is obviously not a historical document, but a construct and
which can be dated around 830-810 BCE). Its precise position thus comparable with Mt i: it contains twelve high priests
is unsure, w. 18-22 again mention war against the Hagrites (slight doubts regarding their counting cannot be discussed
and their allies. This multilayered account is typical of Chron- here) from their beginnings up to the temple's construction,
icles' many war reports, mixing spiritual with military and and eleven up to Jehozadak, under whom Judah was deported.
economic factors. Here, local conflicts (in the Transjordanian Going by this historical time-scale, the period from Aaron to
north) during the Chronicler's own lifetime seem to have the construction of Solomon's temple is just as long as the
been greatly exaggerated, interpreted theologically, and pro- time until its destruction. The list plays a legitimizing role: the
jected back into the past. v. 20 is again typical of the Chron- high priests in office at the Chronicler's time could genea-
icler's war theology: those who trust in God and call upon him logically refer back to Zadok and even further to Aaron. This
will be heard and receive help. v. 22, although God's active claim is historically unfounded, nor is the idea that the Zadok-
participation in the war is self-evident to the Chronicler, he ites were the descendants of Aaron universally accepted in
still mentions it. the OT. v. 15, most explicit mention of Judah's exile (cf. i Chr
w. 25-6, the deportation of the Transjordanian tribes: the 9:1; 2 Chr 36 only refers to Jerusalem). The Chronicler regards
Chronicler turns the two phases of the northern kingdom's the Exile—like many other events—as caused by YHWH (due
deportation (2 Kings 15:29 and 2 Kings 17:6; 18:11) into a to human sin—not mentioned here, but self-evident).
single period by copying only the information he finds useful w. 16—30 set out the Levites' genealogy (source: Num 3:17—
(taking the name of the king from the first, whilst using the 35; cf. Ex 6:16-25). w- 16-19 contain a complete genealogy of
deportation place-names of the second). In historical terms, the sons of Levi (up to his grandchildren), while w. 20-30
the Chronicler thereby ignores the fact that Tiglath-pileser present the lines of his sons Gershom, Kohath, and Merari,
conquered only Gilead in the east. The language of this pas- starting with their eldest sons and continuing vertically for
sage is typical for Chronicles (transgression against God, seven generations. This principle is interrupted by Kohath.
'prostitution', stress on 'the God of their ancestors', stirring Japhet (1993:154) shows how w. 16-30 can be correctly under-
up the spirits of aggressors). In 2 Kings 15:19, 29, the Assyrian stood.
king is called Pul (as in late-Babylonian sources) and Tiglath- 6:31—47 sets out the genealogy ofthe temple singers He-
pileser (see i CHR 5:6 forthe form ofname). Itis difficult to see man, Asaph, and Ethan. As explained extensively in i Chr 15-
how he thinks the two names are related. 16, the bearers ofthe ark were given an additional role once it
Having described the Transjordanian tribes' exile, the had been transferred to Jerusalem: that of singers. Until the
Chronicler then makes no mention of the same fate awaiting construction ofthe temple, they performed their duty before
the rest of the northern kingdom. He may have had contem- the tent of meeting. David appoints them (v. 31)—there was no
porary motives for this. Did such a diplomatic silence leave the relevant law of Moses—and from Solomon's time onwards
door open for the Samaritans' conversion? This was impos- they sang in their definitive workplace, the temple. Consecu-
sible for the Transjordanians, since they were still in exile. tive mention of David and Solomon (w. 31, 32) is not coin-
(6:1—81) Levi The Chronicler's special love forthe Levites (the cidental.
tribe of Levi) can mainly be seen in the great scope of relevant w. 48-53, the activities ofthe Levites are briefly described in
material he inserted (this is also true for Judah and Benja- general (v. 48). The Chronicler is more elaborate and detailed
min). The list in this chapter differs from others in its striking in his description ofthe priests' tasks. It includes the interest-
uniformity. The tribe's priestly nature, giving little occasion for ing and (for this passage) surprising statement that sacrifices
historical comment, partly explains this characteristic. About fulfil the role of atoning for Israel. (This is not their only
half the material stems from other parts of the OT, the rest is function, but in later times the most important one.) Just as
unique material. Whether the chapter as it stands today is the the singers are said to have been appointed by David, v. 49
work ofthe Chronicler orthe product of successive accretions is points out that the priests held their office according to Moses'
still a subject of debate. The structure is clear, however: the line instructions.
ofthe high priests (w. 1-15); the three lines ofthe families 6:54—81 sets out living and grazing areas for the Levites.
Gershom, Kohath, and Merari (w. 16—30); the lines ofthe This list corresponds to that in Josh 21:9—42, though with
singers (w. 31—47); duties of Levites and priests (w. 48—9); some differences in the arrangement of its elements. Each list
list of high priests (w. 50-3); the Aaronites' and Levites' set- has a different purpose in its present context: Josh 21 desig-
tlements (w. 54-81). The Chronicler reveals his particular nates the areas the Levites are to settle in, this one the areas in
affinity towards the musicians and the settlements (i.e. to- which they already live.
wards historical geography) in this passage. (7:1—40) The Northern Tribes This chapter consists of a num-
w. 1-15, the line ofthe high priests. The list first names Levi, ber of diversely structured lists with information concerning
then his three sons, and subsequently three generations ofthe the remaining tribes. The principles behind their order and
Kohathites, always continuing with only the branches leading form is unclear. The tribe of Naphtali is dealt with entirely
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 272

within one verse (v. 13). Dan and Zebulon are omitted com- individual parts are sometimes more logical if placed at the
pletely, whilst Benjamin appears here as well as in ch. 8 (if time of Nehemiah.
viewed from a somewhat different perspective). The reasons v. 28, from this point the passage runs parallel to 9:35—44.
for such irregularities can only be speculated upon. Occasion- Jerusalem lay on the border between Judah and Benjamin and
ally, loss of textual material could have been a factor. The could be attributed to both tribes, cf. for instance Josh 15:63
missing or scarcely described tribes were all in the north and with Judg 1:21. It is more than likely that this particular
therefore played no important role after their deportation by passage regarded the city as part of Judah, thus supposing
Tiglath-pileser. The tribes of Issachar, Benjamin, and Asher an expansion and/or a resettlement of Benjaminite elements,
are all treated differently from the sons of Joseph (a story is w. 29—40, Saul's family: it is generally presumed that the
even told about the Ephraimites in w. 21—3). entire section deals with Saul's family. Rudolph (1955: 80—i)
v. 5, the term 'reckoned' is used for the first time here. The amongst others disputes this, pointing out how late w. 29-32
fact that this word appears only in Ezra, Nehemiah, and were conceived: the names Kish and Ner remind him of the
Chronicles suggests that the list in its present form is rela- family of the first king of Israel. It is for their sake that his
tively late. w. 6—12 (n), Benjamin: his genealogy has been genealogy begins only with these names and not earlier.
passed down in many, strongly varying versions in Chronicles Rudolph also claims that the Saulite folk dwelt in Gibea,
and the entire OT, representing different developments (or rather than Gibeon. Other exegetes disagree, pointing out
programmes and claims). The only uniting element is that that w. 29-40 alternate between horizontal and vertical ele-
Bela is the firstborn son (cf. Gen 46:21; Num 26:38; i Chr 8:1). ments in their portrayal of the family, v. 33, Eshbaal (Man of
The present list has a regular structure: Bela and Becher are Baal): the original name of this son of Saul was probably
followed for a further generation and Jediael for another two. corrected and disfigured in 2 Sam 2:8 (etc.) into Ishbosheth
w. 14-19, Manasseh: this section is difficult to understand, (Man of Shame) in order to conceal the baal component
since the text is probably corrupt in places. It differs in a (which can be interpreted as the name of the god Baal). Since
number of respects from its source (Num 26:29—34). the books of Samuel were more frequently used, they were
w. 20-7, Ephraim's passage comprises three parts: a list of 'cleansed' more thoroughly than Chronicles. In i Sam 14:49,
his descendants, a story, and Joshua's genealogy, which is he is known as Ishvi.
often regarded as a direct continuation of v. 2ia. v. 22, this (9:1—44) Jerusalem and its Inhabitants, Saul's Family Follow-
verse reminds us of the opening of the story of Job (Job 2:11) ing the lineage of Benjamin (cf. v. ia) is a list of Jerusalem's
and it is quite possible that the Chronicler wished to draw a residents in the post-exilic period (w. 1^-34). The chapters
parallel between the two figures, w. 25-7, Joshua's genealogy close with an almost literal repetition of the list of Gibeonites
here resembles that of David (2:10—15) an(^ somewhat artifi- of 8:29—38 (w. 35—44). Such an arrangement of the chapter
cially reworks information from the Pentateuch. The Chron- has a dual purpose: it underlines the fact that the post-exilic
icler is scarcely interested in Joshua elsewhere, contributing period in Judah/Jerusalem immediately followed the pre-
to the suspicion that he wished to portray Joshua as a resident, exilic period. The list of Gibeonites, to whom Saul also be-
rather than as a man who conquered the land. longed, leads us suitably to his downfall. The list need not be
w. 30—40, Asher: the first verse (with Asher's sons) goes secondary to chs. 8 or 9. The Chronicler could easily have used
back to Gen 46:17 (cf. also Num. 26:44-7). There is no other it twice for different ends. w. 2—17 are also copied (and
source in the OT for the rest of this very complicated list, adapted), probably from Neh 11:3-19. It is very likely that the
which contains far more non-Hebrew names than most Chronicler found this list, which he simplified at certain
such texts. points, in that book and nowhere else. The list of Jerusalem's
(8:1—40) Benjamin and Jerusalem In Chronicles, Benjamin residents follows the order of Judeans, Benjaminites, priests,
and Judah distinguish themselves from the other ten tribes of and Levites. The clear distinction between laymen and clerics
the Israelite kingdom in forming the 'true Israel'. Thus Ben- is typical of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, but not of
jamin has a central place in the tribes' presentation. This is Chronicles. These historically important lists paint an espe-
underlined by the fact that the entire description of tribes cially representative picture of Israel and Judah.
begins with Judah and returns to its centre at the end, giving v. i, 'Book of the Kings of Israel' reoccurs at 2 Chr 20:34 (cf-
Benjamin (along with Judah and Levi) the most extensive 33:18). 2 Chr 27:7 and 36:8 use the expression 'Book of the
presentation in the 'genealogical forecourt' (cf. 7:6—12). This Kings of Israel and Judah'. These expressions are factually
chapter, which has often been regarded as a later addition to identical.
the Chronicler's original (although there are some common 'And Judah was taken into exile in Babylon because of their
interests), shows no compelling structure. It documents unfaithfulness': the Chronicler takes less than a verse to dis-
family trees of individual Benjaminite families (without giv- cuss Judah's (or rather Jerusalem's) exile in 2 Chr 36:20 before
ing a complete genealogy of the tribe), their dwelling-places moving straight on to the Persian rule and Cyrus's permission
and historical notes, w. 33-40 contain a family tree of the to return. The Exile is dealt with with equal brevity here. There
Saulites. The first part falls into four sections which are not is no reason to regard this passage as a post-Chronicles
divided by any strict method, as can be seen by their abrupt addition. The Chronicler is simply as brief with the Exile as
endings (w. 7, 12, 28, marking the end of the first three he can be. In doing so, he underlines that the residents of
sections; cf. Rudolph 1955: 75, 77). The emphasis of each Jerusalem mentioned in v. 3-34 belong to the post-exilic
section always lies upon the last generation of each family. period. 'Because of their unfaithfulness': typical of the
Although dated to the time of Josiah by some, the chapter's Chronicler, this phrase is also used to characterize Saul's
 273 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

crimes (a king who prefigured the Exile) in the following a theological interpretation of events, strongly highlighting
chapter (10:13). Saul's culpable behaviour.
v. 2, the source for this is Neh 11:3. The Chronicler deletes v. 6, the Chronicler replaces the words, 'his armour-bearer
'the province' from this source, probably because the phrase and all his men' in the source (i Sam 31:6) with 'and all his
recalled too strongly that Judah had long been a province of house'. This underlines the fact that the Saulites were wiped
the Achaemenide empire. Generally (cf v. I's ending), 'the out. The episode containing Ishbaal's brief rule in 2 Sam 2—4
first' should be understood as referring to after the return is irrelevant to the Chronicler, though this does not deter him
from exile. Other translations are also possible: 'the main, from occasionally mentioning Saul's descendants (8:33-40;
most important residents', 'the first inhabitants from old'. 9:39-40). v. 7, the source's 'men of Israel' becomes 'all the
The latter translation is plausible if one (such as Japhet men of Israel' in Chronicles. The precise positioning, 'on the
1993: 206) considers the reference to the Exile in v. ib to be other side of the valley [Jezreel] and... beyond the Jordan' is
perhaps a gloss, especially since nothing else in this text refers also changed into the vaguer 'in the valley'. This turns a
to a return. The phrase in the source, Neh 11:3, 'And the specifically located defeat into a general, comprehensive, 'pri-
descendants of Solomon's servants', is omitted by the Chron- meval' failure, providing us with a first reference to the analo-
icler. gous situation of the Babylonian Exile.
v. 3, 'some of the people of... Ephraim, and Manasseh' is an w. 9-10, the source model (i Sam 31:9) reports that the
addition by the Chronicler that goes beyond the source model. Philistines decapitated Saul, while the Chronicler omits this
Residents of the northern kingdom who were loyal to YHWH fact. He does, however, note that Saul's armour was placed in
are repeatedly called upon to find asylum in Judah/Jerusalem the temple of their gods and that his head was fixed in the
on religious grounds; this passage indirectly implies that temple of Dagon. According to the source model Saul's ar-
these calls were also repeatedly heeded, w. 17-26, the Chron- mour was placed in the temple of Astarte and his body fas-
icler goes to great lengths lovingly to portray the gatekeepers. tened to the walls of Beth-shan. These discrepanices are easily
Whilst they are not yet Levites in Neh 11:19, mis is precisely explained: Saul's descration cannot take place in Israel (Beth-
what is stated in this paragraph, w. 18—19 'gatekeepers' ('por- shan). Naming 'the temple of Dagon' reminds readers know-
ters', AV), 'thresholds of the tent': according to the Chronicler, ledgeable of the Bible that the same deity lost his head and
the gatekeepers' duty, which was above all to guard entrances, hands at that very place after the Philistines carried YHWH's
had its roots in the desert-dwelling period and had not been ark there (i Sam 5:4). This is Dagon's moment of power. Here
changed since that time. This is what lent it such special references to the Exile in Babylon cannot be missed: Israel's
dignity and distinguished it from that of the singers, who (dead) king is in a foreign land, in exile. Saul's fate also
had only held their office since their job as bearers of the ark reminds us of Goliath, v. 10, as elsewhere (with the exception
became unnecessary (cf. 6:13). of 2 Chr 15:16), the Chronicler deletes any mention of a god-
w. 35—44, the section 1:1—9:34 leads from Adam up to the dess, replacing 'Astarte' with 'their god'. It is impossible to
temple community of the post-exilic period; the chapters are a fight her since she cannot even be named.
kind of population assessment. These verses, the end of the w. 13—14, the Chronicler gives no less than four reasons for
first review, provide an ideal lead into the second review, Saul's rejection, which is explicitly ascribed to the Lord, (i) His
comprising the period from David until the restoration after transgression (NRSV, 'unfaithfulness'): using this typical
the Exile. This period and the events portrayed within it are term, which does not appear in the source model, the Chron-
regarded as the history of the kingdom of YHWH, as mani- icler describes religious crimes as the way to defeat and exile.
fested by the Davidides. The verses differ only in detail from (2) For not keeping the word of God. This is a general judge-
their source model. ment of Saul's behaviour (as declared in Deuteronomy and Ps
119, for instance). It may also refer to crimes committed by
David's Rule (i Chr 10:2-29:3°) Saul as reported in i Sam 13 and 15. He takes the term 'kept'
from the first chapter (i Sam 13:13—14) and '[YHWH's] word'
Saul's Downfall and Rejection (i Chr 10:1-14) (NRSV, 'commandment') from the second (i Sam 15, passim).
In this chapter Chronicles changes its form from a list-based In using this construction, the Chronicler underlines his own
presentation to a more narrative portrayal (in which lists are knowledge of the Scriptures and makes clear what he expects
inserted). From now on, the Chronicler bases his work on the from the reader. (3) For consulting a medium. This accus-
books of Samuel and of Kings, using their information on the ation, which contains a pun (Saul and 'enquire' (NRSV, 'con-
sole legitimate Davidic kingdom, whilst also adding his own sulted') are made up of the same consonants in Hebrew),
material. He begins with Saul's downfall. This chapter is not refers to his visit to the witch of Endor (i Sam 28). (4) Because
merely a necessary introduction to David's reign, making it he did not seek the Lord: this phrase emphasizes the Chron-
more legitimate and comprehensible. Nor is it simply an evil icler's positive (and internalized) attitude towards God in as
backdrop to make David's rule shine all the brighter. It is there general a way as possible.
in its own right, portraying the monarchy in its negative form.
The Chronicler makes slight, but theologically significant David's Rule until the Preparations for the Temple's
changes to his sources, linking Saul's defeat with the Baby- Construction (i Chr 11:1-22:1)
lonian Exile. The source models portray Saul's defeat as a (11:1-47) The Installation of David as King, Conquest of Jeru-
purely earthly event, depicting Saul almost as a tragic figure— salem, David's Heroes ch. n begins the most extensive part
elements which are entirely absent from Chronicles. The of Chronicles and deals with David. Beyond the material he
author adds to his source materials in w. 13—14 by including took from his sources (chs. 11—21), the Chronicler includes
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 274

unique material in chs. 22-9. This structure is also mirrored in Hebron. Both parts stem from detailed information from
in chs. ii—12, which contain David's installation as King of all various sources and are not rigidly structured. Both contain
Israel. The reports concerning David's crowning in Hebron, few, yet significant, theological statements. One subject binds
the conquest of Jerusalem, and David's heroes can all be the whole chapter together (using catchwords amongst other
found in the books of Samuel, though in a different order. methods), namely help for David from his supporters and
The subsequent list of people (soldiers) (ch. 12; unique mater- God. The Chronicler does not discuss Saul's kingdom, espe-
ial in Chronicles) who joined David underlines the fact that all cially ignoring his conflict with David. That period is pre-
Israel supported David, whilst at the same time recapping the sented only covertly here. Since the information in this
omitted story of David's past (together with Saul). The two chapter is concerned with aspects regarded as untypical for
chapters are artfully structured, as short key statements show the Chronicler (aside from certain high numbers), it is often
(cf e.g. 12:18). seen as in part old and dependable, and in part consisting of
w. 4-9, the conquest of Jerusalem. The source's report of newer additions from a later period than the Chronicler's
this event (2 Sam 5:6-10) is rather obscure and may have own. On the other hand, one can regard this passage as largely
seemed unclear to the Chronicler. He uses the narrative frame- stemming from the Chronicler, who refers strongly back to
work, but fills it out by making Joab the main protagonist of biblical source material (especially i Samuel) and expresses
Jerusalem's capture (and repairer of some of the buildings). his admiration for strength and power in a literary manner.
It is possible that the source model's unclear term sinnor (2 The first part divides into four sections: w. 1-8, the Benjamin-
Sam 5:8; NRSV: water shaft, left out by the Chronicler) re- ites come to David in Ziklag; w. 9—16, the Gadites come to
minded him of Joab's mother Seruiah and incited him to David's mountain stronghold; w. 17-19, the same occurs to
mention her name in his version, v. 4, it is historically likely Benjamin and Judah; w. 20-2, the people of Manasseh come
that David captured Jerusalem with his private army (if it was to David in Ziklag. The section, which clearly shows a struc-
not handed over peacefully). The Chronicler cannot allow this ture despite large individual differences, concludes with a
for theological reasons, making the conquest a pan-Israelite summary in v. 22: David received much support. Only four
issue, v. 9, this sentence is an almost identical copy of the tribes are mentioned, perhaps because they play a particularly
source (2 Sam 5:10), but strongly supports the Chronicler's important role in the Chronicler's sources.
theology (the LORD ... was with him). This is also true of the w. 23—40 cover David's coronation in Hebron, w. 23, 38—40
seldom-used phrase 'the LORD of hosts', where the source has only briefly describe the accession itself, whilst portraying the
'the LORD, the God of hosts'. subsequent feast at much greater length. In the middle of the
w. 10-47 list David's men. Apart from w. 42-7, which are passage, a kind of military census is inserted, v. 23, the king-
the Chronicler's own material, the passage conforms with 2 dom of Saul is passed on to David in Hebron (cf. 10:14—11:3)—
Sam 23:8—39. Since the original list is torn from its historical peacefully, v. 38, David is accepted as king by everyone and
context, it is difficult to know whether it refers to the period with all their hearts. Unanimity and acts of conviction enjoy
before or after David's accession to the throne. In the source, it the Chronicler's highest regard, as the entire text shows,
is made up of three parts: (i) The three men (whom nobody w. 39—40, after David's crowning, a great secular feast takes
could match); one act of heroism is mentioned in respect of place that is unrivalled in the OT—the Chronicler cannot be
each of them. (2) Two other heroes, again with their acts of challenged on this point. The joy of feasts also characterizes
heroism. (3) The thirty heroes. The Chronicler keeps this his work (cf. e.g. 29:22; 2 Chr 30:21-6).
structure, which is not totally consistent, deleting the name (13:1-14) An Unsuccessful Attempt to Bring Back the Ark of
of the third hero, Shammah, as well as the act of heroism the Covenant Once David has been anointed king in Hebron,
ascribed to Eleazar, the second hero, who consequently inher- Jerusalem has been conquered, and his followers have been
its Shammah's deed. v. 10, the Chronicler strongly diverges named, Chronicles' David immediately thinks of bringing the
from the source material here, in order to domesticate David's ark of the covenant to Jerusalem, rather than making war
heroes and their actions, i.e. to insert them into David's (and against the Philistines. The Chronicler changes the order of
YHWH's) kingdom. Pushed linguistically, the Chronicler un- events given in the source material, driven by the theological
derlines that this is David's kingdom, pertaining to and en- idea of the cult's primacy. He regards the ark as the origin and
compassing all Israel, whilst referring back to YHWH's word the centre of Jerusalem's holy site. The source model hardly
(and pledge) to Israel—though this promise is never directly concerns itself with the first, unsuccessful attempt to trans-
described, w. 11-41 (47), many details of the list differ from port the ark. Chronicles, however, portrays it as motivating
the source material, including the names of heroes. In many David to wage a war against the Philistines, to behave in a
cases it is difficult to distinguish whether this is due to scribal God-fearing manner (and later to take precautionary meas-
errors or the Chronicler's own perspective. The source already ures), thereby fulfilling the preconditions for the success of
contains many textual problems, v. 23, 'five cubits tall... like a the second transportation attempt. The source model depicts
weaver's beam': these two details, which are not from the the first attempt as a personal task primarily carried out by
source model, draw parallels with the story of David and David, whilst Chronicles makes it an issue for all Israel. This
Goliath, though what exactly the Chronicler is referring to is underlines the Chronicler's consistently held opinion that im-
difficult to judge. portant events (especially of cultic nature) were carried out not
(12:1-40) David's Supporters This chapter divides into two merely by the monarch. He begins with an original passage
parts: w. 1-22 contain a list of people who joined David before concerning plans for the project; then follows a report which he
his coronation, whilst w. 23—40 name those who came to him draws from his source (2 Sam 6:1—n), having to omit v. 12.
 275 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

w. 1-4 detail preparations for the project. Consistent with technical measures. Just as YHWH 'burst out against Uzzah'
the previous chapters, David initially consults his military (13:11), he 'has burst out against' the place where the Philis-
leaders (i.e. he makes a suggestion), though this rapidly trans- tines will be conquered (14:11). This chapter has close parallels
forms into a (cultic) congregation (v. 2). It is a classic example with ch. 10, as the interreferential language underlines. David
of the Chronicler's three-way division of society between the succeeds where Saul failed. The Chronicler makes small but
king, the notables, and the people/congregation, v. 2, there are significant changes to the source model, in both style and
two conditions for the project's execution: the willingness of content.
those present and God's acceptance of the plan. As is revealed w. 1-2, in the source, these statements follow the conquest
later on, the second condition has not yet been fulfilled. This of Jerusalem rather than the successful transportation of the
verse also emphasizes that the plan is impossible without the ark. It is the ark that gives David's reign its greatness for the
collaboration of the priests and Levites. Some regard 'who sake of Israel, as the Chronicler emphasizes more strongly
remain in all the land(s) of Israel' as a neutral phrase, refer- than the source model, w. 8-16, the Chronicler copies two
ring to the different regions of the land (cf. also 12:39/7). similarly structured battle reports from the source (the ad-
Others see it as a reflection of Israel's diaspora situation. vance of the Philistines, an enquiry to God with a positive
'[L]et us send abroad' is a double-worded phrase in Hebrew. response and the Philistines' defeat). He changes the geog-
Its first component (to break out, pcrcz) is not only repeated in raphy, however, along with the place-names (w. 8, n, 16),
this chapter (Perez-uzzah), but also plays a central role else- since he saw the battles from the perspective of Isa 28:21,
where in i Chronicles (13:11; 14:11; 15:13). v. 3, the ark suddenly where the Gibeon valley as well as Mount Perazim are men-
appears and represents Israel's fate. 'Because Saul neglected tioned (resulting in the replacement of Geba with Gibeon in
it' (i.e. did not look for it—a favourite phrase of the Chroni- v. 16). v. 16, Isa 28:21 refers to battles described in Josh 10 and
cler) makes an indirect, though transparent, allusion to 10:14. 2 Sam 5 to illustrate the strange acts God is about to perform.
At that time the people experienced hardship. So pay heed! In its Chronicles form ch. 14 is itself interpreted using the
w. 5—14, the Chronicler followed his source more closely interpretation of 2 Sam 5 in Isaiah. Thus the source of the
from this point onwards, v. 5, Chronicles goes beyond the comparison becomes its target, v. 17, David's geographically
source in naming the borders of Israel. Instead of the usual limited military successes have an astonishing effect: his
boundaries, from Beersheba to Dan, the Shihor river in Egypt fame (name) spreads world-wide and he is feared everywhere.
(probably the Nile) and Lebo-hamath are used to increase the This sentence stems from the Chronicler's own material and
size of Israel, which achieved such proportions only after can only be correctly understood in view of Jerusalem's status
David's spectacular victories (cf. Josh 13:3, 5 as source; Joshua at the time it was written. David drove fear into the hearts of
was not able to conquer these regions), v. 6, the Chronicler people round the world, so Jerusalem, a small temple state
makes the source model more 'Israelite' by explicitly mention- within an enormous empire, need not be meek.
ing that the people who were with him stemmed from 'all (15:1—29) Taking the Ark to Jerusalem; Cultic Regula-
Israel'. The identification of Baalah as Kiriath-jearim is a tions This chapter can be regarded as an artfully conceived
logical deduction from Josh 15:9; the source (i Sam 7:1—2) unity or as one which has had its relatively small original
only mentions Kiriath-jearim. element more than doubled using the insertion of two exten-
v. 9, the owner of the threshing-floor is called Nachon sive lists (w. 4—10 and w. 16—24) an(^ °ther methods. Whether
rather than Chidon, in the source model. 'Uzzah reached these lists belong to the basic element is matter for debate, as
out his hand to the ark of God and took hold of it' (2 Sam is also their age, i.e. the cultic organization they reflect. The
6:6); here, 'Uzzah put out his hand to hold the ark'. Does the lists are either not entirely uniform or cannot be reconciled
Chronicler's emendation imply that the mere attempt to with others, leaving the question of their interpretation open:
touch the ark, not just the deed, was sacrilegious? Or perhaps it is precisely these elements that reflect shifts within the cult
the Chronicler is expressing the same idea as his source and power structure, especially amongst the Levites, as will
model using more contemporary Hebrew, v. 13, Obed-edom briefly be discussed below. In assessing the literary unity of
the Gittite: he is a Philistine. In 15:25 the Chronicler deletes this chapter, one question is dominant: was only such mater-
the word 'Gittite'. v. 14, the Chronicler will use the three ial included originally as was directly relevant to the transpor-
months of the ark's stay with Obed-edom to insert David's tation of the ark and the introduction of cultic music, or did
victories over the Philistines (ch. 14). In the source model, the chapter already contain at least elements of everything
David is so overjoyed about the blessing of the ark's presence pertaining to the cult in its original form? If the first case is
in Obed-edom's home that he arranges for its onward trans- true, some later additions were made. If the second is true,
portation (2 Sam 6:12). one can regard the chapter as relatively unified. The second
(14:1—17) David Increases in Power; Victories over the Philis- theory is preferable, based on the assumption that the Chron-
tines The three months during which the ark remains with icler found it easier to accept contradictions in his text than to
Obed-edom facilitate the insertion of 2 Sam 5:11-25 at this ignore material.
point, but they do not explain it, especially since the two wars w. 1-3, preparations are made for the ark's transportation.
against the Philistines would have been better placed in the In keeping with his habitual tendency, the Chronicler portrays
context of chs. 18—20. The Chronicler chooses this position for the project as one which involves all Israel (v. 3). He takes
their insertion in order to underline the blessing bestowed advantage of the opportunity to highlight the role of the
upon David. His efforts to transport the ark pay off and are Levites. Only they have the right to carry the ark. v. 2, since
rewarded. The (initial) failure of the project is due to clumsy David has been bestowed with blessing, as ch. 14 shows, the
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 276

failure of the first attempt to transport the ark can only be due (16:1—43) The Festive Psalm of David, the Religious Ceremon-
to its irregular execution. It is hoped that this error can be ies in Jerusalem and Gibeon The source (2 Sam 6:17—19; the
corrected by allowing only the Levites to bear the ark, as the Chronicler omits the dispute with Michal in w. 20-3) de-
Law prescribes (Deut 10:8; 31:25). The Chronicler is referring scribes the last act of transporting the ark to Jerusalem and
to these passages here. It is not possible to discern whether the the dismissal of the people. In Chronicles, this act is part of a
Chronicler's primary concern is that David fulfilled these great religious festival, in which the sacrifices play only a part.
requirements or that the laws of Moses have been adhered David takes the opportunity to determine the musical service
to. w. 4-10, this absolutely even list has often been regarded as for all time (w. 4-6,37) and also to carry it out for the first time
a later addition that parallels and expands v. n. It is more (v. 7). He lays down the rules for the service at the tabernacle of
probable that the Chronicler inserted a list known to him here, Gibeon here. The Chronicler's own material (w. 4—42) is
forcing him to make v. n similar to v. 4 (resumptive repeti- situated at the centre of the chapter. The psalm sung by the
tion). As well as the three traditional priest families, Gershom, Levites (w. 8-36) is occasionally attributed to later editors,
Kohath, and Merari, listed in a different order here, the list though its close adherence to the Chronicler's own theology
contains also Hebron and Uzziel, Kohath's sons according to contradicts this.
Ex 6:18, and Elizaphan. w. 11—15, in a speech typical of Chron- w. 1-3, the wording of these verses closely resembles the
icles, David announces his intentions, calling upon the priests source, but fulfils a different purpose: they are not the con-
and Levites to sanctify themselves, referring back to the failed clusion, but the beginning of the final act. It would have been
first attempt. They immediately follow these instructions and difficult for the Chronicler to imagine that God was not
take up the ark. v. 12, what exactly is meant by sanctification praised and thanked (cf. for instance 2 Chr 20:26, 28;
can be deduced from Ex 19:14-15: washing their clothes and 29:30; 30:21, 27). v. 6, trumpets are the instruments reserved
sexual abstinence, w. 16-24 expand upon the Levitical duties. for the priests (but cf. v. 42). The Shofar (horn) was used in
This complicated passage, which cannot be entirely under- earlier times. There must be two trumpet-playing priests,
stood in all its points and which probably contains informa- since according to Num 10:2, YHWH ordered Moses to pro-
tion from different periods, interrupts the contextual flow. duce two silver trumpets, v. 7, David has Asaph and his broth-
This does not necessarily mean that it is a secondary addition. ers deliver a psalm for the first time (as emphasized, more are
It seems important to the Chronicler that the relevant instruc- to follow), w. 8—36, David's festive psalm is made up of three
tions were carried out and put into practice immediately after smaller psalms: Ps 105:1—15; 96; 106:1, 47—8. The Chronicler
the ark's arrival. If taken to its furthest degree, it can be slightly changes their form and greatly alters some of their
claimed that the introduction of cultic music in this passage content, adapting them to the context and his own theology.
is indirectly based upon 2 Sam 6:12—15. His reworking of the psalms is similar to his reworking of
w. 25—9, the transportation of the ark. v. 25, unlike in the other sources. The Chronicler could not have expressed his
source model, David is not informed that the house of Obed- concerns better than by the psalms he chooses. In order to
edom is blessed because of the presence of the ark. His remain convincing, he had to choose well-known psalms that
reasons for transporting the ark are therefore less egoistic. were used by the cult, rather than produce his own psalms.
In Chronicles the project is more democratic since it is carried Nor could he portray them in any other order: his composition
out by David together with the elders of Israel and the captains initially looks back at the history of events up to that point (Ps
over thousands, v. 26, the Chronicler replaces the neutral 105:1-15)—interrupting them in line with his consistent ten-
word 'bearers' with 'the Levites', who are, as he emphasizes, dency to ignore the Exodus and the conquest of the land—
helped by God. The number of sacrifices, which differs from before praising YHWH (Ps 96), and finally asking him for
the source model, corresponds with later practice (see e.g. deliverance from enemies (Ps 106:1, 47-8). The Chronicler's
Num 23:1; Ezek 45:23; Job 42:8). v. 27, 'David danced' (2 composite psalm contains a hidden political message: in its
Sam 6:14): the Chronicler changes two consonants in his first section Ps 105 speaks of Israel as 'few in number'—as
source so that 'danced' becomes 'wore' (NRSV, 'was clothed was the case at the time of the Chronicler. Of the nine pas-
with'). This is typical of the Chronicler's emendments. sages mentioning foreign peoples in the sources, the Chroni-
He then digresses from his source model by adding that cler copies seven (w. 8, 20, 24, 26, 28, 31, 35, cf. also 'all the
David's gown was of fine linen—as were those of all the earth', v. 30). The foreign nations are above all shown the
cult personnel who were present, before returning to the greatness of YHWH (in contrast to the gods). They are obliged
source model ('and David was girded with a linen ephod'). to recognize him. Finally, a prayer is made for independence
Due to this change and the mention of several Levites, David, from the power of other nations. The two sections of Ps 96
in a way, appears as a member of the 'normal' cult personnel, which could be interpreted as YHWH'S mighty acts towards
v. 28, 'all Israel': this democratizes the source material ('David other nations (w. 10, 13), are ignored by the Chronicler. The
and all the house of Israel'). The ark's transportation is also small and (religiously) self-confident nation of Israel, hoping
accompanied by more music in Chronicles, v. 29, Michal, who for political independence, is identical to the Israel at the time
is never declared as David's wife in Chronicles, (indirectly) of the Chronicler! The theological profile of the psalm also
shows contempt for the ark, thereby taking on the same conforms to his own religious priorities: the composite psalm
attitude as the Saulides (13:3), whose last remaining member is filled with calls to praise and thank God: a central theme of
she represents. According to the source model David is leap- Chronicles, as are the greatness and awesomeness of God.
ing and dancing before the Lord; in the Chronicler's version Such ideas are highlighted by the psalms.
he only dances, but not before the Lord, though it is unclear v. 22, 'anointed ones' (especially kings) and 'prophets' are
why. central figures in Chronicles. This title fits the patriarchs in
 277 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

the source model, however, as it does in Chronicles. The Deuteronomistic History. Indeed this increases in Chron-
patriarchs have therefore been robed in the prophet's mantle icles. This second section is less theologically deviant from
and given the king's sceptre in this passage, v. 35, 'Save its source model, apart from the name used for God.
us ... and gather and rescue us from among the nations' (Ps (18:1-17) David's Wars against Neighbouring Peoples: A List
106:47: 'Save us, O LORD our God, and gather us from among of David's Executive The Chronicler uses almost all the re-
the nations'). The plea in the source refers to the Exile. The ports of David's wars from his source model (2 Sam 8:1—18),
Chronicler erases this reference. He does so in a way to com- although he summarizes them. This creates a single section
ment on the situation of his own time: some Jews were with a unified content. Only 18:15-17 (the list of his officers),
dispersed about (but no longer in exile), whilst the temple which also follows the war reports in the source, falls out of
state of Jerusalem is not politically independent (against this this mould. This underlines the Chronicler's interest in war,
background the request 'deliver us from the heathen' can be politics, and economy, especially since he deletes the disorder
read as a sort of political manifesto). regarding David's successor from the chapters he used. (He
w. 39-42 describe procedures for the ceremony at God's ignores it because he is not interested in the private affairs of
residence in Gibeon. No other OT book mentions a regular individuals and because he regards Solomon as the only
(sacrificial) cult in Gibeon. Its historical authenticity is some- possible successor. After all, the unpleasant affair was well
times supported by the argument that i Kings 3:3 confirms its known to readers of Samuel and Kings.) By concentrating
existence and speaks out against it. It is more likely, however, David's three wars within one chapter, the Chronicler gives
that these four verses were conceived by the Chronicler the reader the impression that David is a warrior, which is
(although this passage has even occasionally been ascribed precisely the desired effect: David is a warrior and thus denied
to later priestly writers). The Chronicler is at pains to portray the task of building the temple, since this requires peace (cf.
an uninterrupted and legitimate (sacrificial) cult spanning the e.g. Deut 12). This idea is highlighted by the deliberate sand-
entire period from the desert era (with its tabernacle), includ- wiching of chs. 18—20 between two passages concerning the
ing the Lord's residence at Gibeon, right up to Solomon's temple's construction. The Chronicler did not need to create
establishment of the temple in Jerusalem. Aside from the this effect artificially, since it can be found in his source model
presence of the tabernacle, Gibeon's importance is underlined (2 Sam 7: Nathan's prophesy; 2 Sam 8: war reports). An
by its priests, musicians, and gatekeepers. interpretation of the war reports belongs in a commentary
(17:1-27) Nathan's Covenant and David's Prayer The Chron- on Samuel. Only the significant changes made by Chronicles
icler stays close to his source model in 2 Sam 7 for this are discussed here.
passage. Striking variations are made only in v. i (to suit the v. 4, Chronicles has: 1,000 chariots, 7,000 horsemen,
context and ch. 18), v. 13 (partial omission), and v. 17 (divergent 20,000 foot-soldiers; the source has: 1,700 horsemen,
version of an unclear source). He also makes a number of 20,000 foot-soldiers. The original source probably read as
theologically motivated corrections to the source material. follows: 1,000 chariots, 700 horsemen. The number was
v. i, 'and the Lord had given him rest from all his enemies probably multiplied by ten by the Chronicler (cf. 19:18).
around him' (2 Sam 7:1) is omitted by the Chronicler, since w. 15—17, the list of David's highest officers is appropriately
David's wars have yet to take place (chs. 18-20). It is important placed after David's wars, since military ranks play a central
to the Chronicler that David first thinks of finding a residence role in it. v. 17, the Chronicler allows David and Solomon to
for the ark. v. 13, the Chronicler deletes the following sentence perform priest's tasks, although in general Chronicles distin-
from 2 Sam 7:14: 'when he commits iniquity, I will punish guishes itself from earlier texts in its tendency to put greater
him with a rod such as mortals use, with blows inflicted by distance between the roles of the king and the priests. This
human beings'. This deletion has been explained in various leads to David's sons becoming 'chief officials in the service of
ways: (i) The Chronicler portrays Solomon as free of guilt. (2) the king', rather than priests, a vague term allowing several
Unlike the source model, in which the entire dynasty is in- different interpretations.
cluded, this oracle refers only to the combined reign of David (19:1-20:3) War against the Ammonites (and Arameans)
and Solomon, making the comment irrelevant. (3) The prom- This passage corresponds with 2 Sam 10:1—11:1; 12:26—31. It
ise made to David is irrespective of his son's behaviour. '[A]s I is a relatively close representation of the text, with the excep-
took it from him who was before you': the source mentions tions of the omitted Bathsheba episode and 2 Sam 12:27-9.
Saul by his name. In remaining unnamed, his status as The Chronicler only slightly reworks the source model's the-
persona non grata is emphasized. ology and content. Details, however, do differ in almost every
v. 14, the Chronicler makes two changes of emphasis which verse. This could be due to both the complicated history of the
strengthen his theological perspective, especially his idea of text and stylistic improvements made by the Chronicler. 19:6-
the king's role, and are of central significance. The promise is 8 and its source model have a parallel in the Qumran text
directed at Solomon and not at (the house of) David. He also (4QSama), which stands between them and demonstrates
underlines a subsequently repeated theme: the Davidides that the relationship between Samuel and Chronicles was
including Solomon are not rulers of their own kingdom, but not one of unilateral or unambiguous independence. 19:6,
of YHWH's (cf. e.g. 28:5; 29:11, 23; 2 Chr 9:8; 13:8). This the Chronicler omits Tob from the source model's list of
divine rule (over/in Israel) extends beyond the Davidic dy- kingdoms, also replacing Aram Beth-rehob with Aram-nahar-
nasty, w. 16—27, David's prayer forms a reply to the promise aim (Mesopotamia). Perhaps Beth-rehob no longer existed
given by means of Nathan. Prayers and speeches play a con- at the Chronicler's time. In any case the scale of the war
siderable role in interpreting past or future events in the is increased by the change. The extremely high price paid
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 278

by the Ammonites (1,000 talents of silver, cf 2 Chr 25:6) figure mentioned in Job i and Zech 3. The Chronicler reinter-
is mentioned only by the Chronicler who is highly in- prets unacceptable elements of the source model, taking the
terested in monetary matters. 19:18, Chronicles and its perspective of Job i. Nothing explicit in the text explains the
source model again vary in the stated weaponry and the sinful nature of a census. Joab resists David's plan more
size of the army David defeats. The Chronicler multiplies strongly here than in the source model, actually using
the number of chariots by ten (cf. 18:4). Whatever the the word 'trespass' (v. 3; NRSV, 'guilt') and thereby increasing
original text stated, 40,000 foot-soldiers (Chronicles), David's responsibility. The Chronicler omits the individual
even if grossly exaggerated, are more convincing than stages of the census (due to its insignificance or incompre-
40,000 horsemen (source). hensibility), merely documenting the result: 1,100,000 men
20:1, which corresponds to 2 Sam 11:1 and contradicts it to of the united kingdom of Israel and Judah, of whom 470,000
some extent, implies that Joab devastated the Ammonites' are Judeans (source model: 500,000; have 30,000 Benjamin-
land and besieged Kabbah without any foreign help. This ites been omitted? cf. 2 Sam 24:9). This is 200,000 fewer
version of events, which has often been regarded as historic- than in the source. Levi and Benjamin have not been counted,
ally correct, contradicts the Chronicler's ideology since he is as the Chronicler states in v. 6 (unique material). According to
keen to increase David's role and to allow all Israel to par- Num 1:49, it is forbidden to carry out a military census in Levi,
ticipate in the conflict. King David is suddenly in Kabbah whilst Benjamin was probably omitted since the tabernacle
in v. 2, leading some to believe that the verses in 2 Sam resided upon its territory, v. 6 thus contains a key to under-
12:27—9 were deliberately omitted here. This interpretation standing this chapter.
is possible, though it is also feasible that the Chronicler 21:7, since Satan persuaded David, YHWH's disapproval,
presumed knowledge of the relevant passage. rather than David's remorse, is portrayed here (unlike 2 Sam
(20:4-8) The Wars Fought by David's Heroes The source (2 24). '[A]nd he struck Israel': this summary forecasts the events
Sam 21:15-22) reports four battles (against the Philistines) reported in v. 14. 21:16, the Chronicler describes the angel
involving David's heroes. In the first, Ishbi-benob attempts hanging in the air more extensively than his source model
to slay David. But Abishai, the son of Zeruiah, hurries to his (cf. Qumran); cf. also the descriptions in Num 22:31 and Josh
aid and slays Ishbi-benob. From this point, David is no longer 5:13-15 upon which the verses are probably based (cf. also
permitted to enter into battle alongside his men: the light of v. 18); furthermore cf. Dan 8:15; 12:6. 21:18, in the source,
Israel must not be quenched. This first battle episode is the order to erect an altar upon the threshing-floor of Oman
omitted by the Chronicler, probably because the idea that a (the later name for Araunah) is made solely by Gad, who in
Philistine could even endanger David was unpleasant to him. Chronicles is sent by an angel. Does this angel play the
He consequently deletes the number 'four' from his source same mediating role as in Zechariah, or is it more comparable
model in v. 8. By slightly changing a consonant in the source, to Num 22:35? 21:21—5, the purchase of Oman's threshing-
the Chronicler turns Rapha's descendants into Rephaites, i.e. floor is modelled on Abraham's purchase of Machpelah's cave
legendary giants also mentioned in Deut 2:11, 20-1; 3:11-13. (Gen 23), even repeating specific details, the most important
This increases the significance of the battles noted here. This of which is David's insistence on paying the full price
allusion does not appear as such in the English translation, (an expression used only in Gen 23:9 and w. 22, 24). The
v. 5, according to 2 Sam 21:19, Elhanan, the son of Jaare- 600 silver shekels David pays is more than Abraham's 400
oregim of Bethlehem, slew Goliath. This report is transferred silver shekels for Machpelah's cave. The site of the temple is
to David and greatly extended (i Sam 17). The Chronicler more valuable than Sarah's burial site (600 is also a multiple
presumes this story to be well known, thus omitting it. He of 12, an important number in various ways within Chron-
resolves the contradiction by slightly changing the Hebrew icles).
text in 2 Sam 21:19 to make Elhanan slay Goliath's brother 21:28-30, the grammar and content of 22:1 would be more
Lahmi. Thus, according to Chronicles, David slew Goliath, suitable as a continuation of v. 28, hence some have suggested
whilst Elhanan killed his brother Lahmi. that w. 29—30 are a later gloss. They can, however, also be
regarded as a parenthesis. They explain why David made
(21:1-22:1) David's Census and Purchase of a Site for the sacrifices upon Oman's threshing-floor, rather than at the
Temple The Chronicler reports less extensively on the census high place at Gibeon (because an angel obstructed his way).
than his source model, concentrating more on events at Or- This underscores the idea that only one place can be legit-
nan's threshing-floor. It is here that the temple will be built, imately used at any time as a site for sacrifice made by the cult
the unspoken central theme of the chapter: the rest of i of God's people.
Chronicles concerns preparations for its construction. Certain 22:1, in the section's climax, the site is gloriously an-
passages resemble the Qumran version of 2 Sam 24,4QSam a nounced as the future site of YHWH's temple and place for
more closely than the canonized Hebrew text. Thus the sacrifices. It becomes 'synonymous' with the desert taber-
Chronicler must have had a different source from the version nacle, the high place at Gibeon (and Oman's threshing-place);
of 2 Sam 24 printed in Hebrew Bibles today; one which would all legitimate cultic sites and buildings that play an important
explain the numerous discrepancies between ch. 21 and 2 part in Israel's history, have now been enumerated. The lan-
Sam 24. guage of this verse is very similar to Gen 28:17, which con-
21:1-16, it is not God's newly rekindled anger that leads cerns the construction of the holy site at Bethel. This is
David to carry out a census (as in the source model), but Satan. occasionally interpreted to imply that neither Bethel nor any
Japhet (1997: 145—8) presumes this to be an anonymous hu- other Samaritan holy place is a legitimate sacrificial site for
man persuader. It is more likely, however, that this is the same YHWH.
 279 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

Preparations for the Temple's Construction (i Chr 22:2- (23:1—32) The Departments and Duties of the Levites Once
2 the preparations for the temple's construction have been
9'-3°)
(22:2—19) Material and Spiritual Preparations This chapter completed (ch. 22), one would expect a building order to
introduces the long section stretching up to ch. 29 which has follow (ch. 28). Yet between these two chapters lies a large
no parallel in 2 Samuel. The whole of its contents—including section (chs. 23—7) dealing with the Levites and priests as well
the lists!—serve the sole purpose of the following eight chap- as with David's secular officials. Many exegetes regard these
ters: the construction of the temple, David and Solomon's chapters as secondary—and partly unified. According to one
joint project, one conceiving it and the other executing it. argument, their strongly cultic theme (cf. also chs. 15-16) does
The reigns of David and Solomon appear almost to form a not correspond with the Chronicler's main interests and even
single entity, especially in this chapter. Many commentaries contradicts his views on certain points. It is also stated that
have regarded chs. 23—7 as a supplementary gloss to the 28:1 refers back to 23:2 in an example of resumptive repeti-
Chronicler's work. If this were true, the Chronicler would tion. None of these arguments has remained undisputed. For
have accentuated the theme of a Davidic-Solomonic joint instance, it has also been pointed out that the Chronicler
kingship even more strongly. The chapter, which contains shows great interest in the Levites (whilst dealing more briefly
much speech and little narrative, divides into three parts: with the priests), that his specific theological profile can still
w. 2—5, David's (own) preparations for the temple's construc- be discerned in this section, and that contradictions should
tion; w. 6-16, his speech to Solomon; w. 17-19, a speech to not be overestimated, in view of the large amount of (not
Israel's rulers. always mutually compatible) material he reworked. The par-
allels between 23:2 and 28:1 are clear, though their differences
v. 4, mention of the Sidonians and Tyrians, who bring cedar are also apparent. Furthermore, 13:5 and 15:3 demonstrate that
wood, is reminiscent of King Hiram (14:1). The Chronicler repetitions need not always be 'resumptive', nor necessarily
probably took literary guidance from Ezra 3:7, where Sido- lead to the presumption that the text between them is second-
nians and Tyrians are also responsible for providing timber ary. Williamson (1987:157—8) suggests an original comprom-
(cedar wood) for the second temple, v. 5, David introduces ise solution: 23:3-60 contains the plan for what follows:
his son Solomon in a similar manner to his self-introduction everything pertaining to it stems from the Chronicler's hand
whilst in prayer at Gibeon (i Kings 3:7). Solomon's youth (23:6/7—130,15—24; 25:1—6; 26:1—3, 9"IJ> J 9J 26:20—32), whilst
and inexperience, a literary theme and not a pointer to his the rest is part of a pro-priestly reworking of the text which can
actual age, is made with reference not to his ability to rule the also be recognized in chs. 15-16. Wide-reaching personnel
country, but to his ability to build the temple. David takes restructuring measures were carried out in the temple be-
responsible measures in the light of Solomon's inexperience tween the conception of the two editions, possibly as a result
and the size of the task at hand. of notable Jerusalem figures moving over to Samaritan society
w. 6-16, the Chronicler uses David's final decrees as por- during the late post-exilic period. Whatever the case, the
trayed in i Kings 2 for David's speech to Solomon in his own chapters in their present form declare that David set all the
work. Ignoring the confusion surrounding the accession, significant religious and secular institutions in place. For
however, he copies only David's call to abide by the law and readers of Chronicles, this means that David's introduction
act courageously (i Kings 2:2-3). The relationship between of these institutions and their officers demands their respect.
David and Solomon in Chronicles is similar to that of w. 3-5, the Levites' census is not a contradiction of 21:6,
Moses and Joshua (cf also w. 11—13). v- 6, me direct order to since it is not a general population census and merely deals
build the temple comes from David, v. 8, Nathan's prophecy (2 with dividing up the duties ascribed to them. The high num-
Sam 7) contains no explanation as to why David cannot bers of Levites (cf. Num 4:48: 8,580) is evidence of the Chron-
construct the temple. One is included at i Kings 5:17: because icler's esteem for them. The size of the numbers concerning
of the wars forced upon David, he is impeded from carrying individual groups reflects the relative significance attributed
out the plan. The Chronicler takes this theme up, trans- to them. The Levites are not recorded according to their family
forming it, however, into a greater principle: because David trees here, but according to their functions: officers and
is a warrior who has shed much blood, he is forbidden to judges, gatekeepers, musicians. They are listed in inverse
build the temple. This is neither pacifist nor does it refer to order in 25—6. A further list, ch. 24, is inserted between chs.
individual actions such as Uriah's murder: it simply and 23 and 25, including, amongst others, names of Aaronite
objectively excludes the blemish of bloodshed from the tem- priests, v. 3, the minimum age for holding office varies: 30
ple's construction, v. 9, through the use of a pun, Solomon is in Num 4:3, 23, 30, as here; 25 in Num 8:24; 20 in Ezra 3:8; i
depicted as a man of peace and the calm atmosphere is Chr 23:24—7; 2 Chr 31:17. Perhaps the age was reduced at
strengthened. According to Deut 12, sacrificial cult can take times when there were fewer Levites.
place from the moment when Israel has peace from its en- w. 6-24, genealogical registers of the three great Levite
emies. This precondition is hereby fulfilled, w. 11-13, David clans: depending on the counting method used, 24 (Japhet
encourages Solomon, refers to the forthcoming work, fore- (1993: 43): Gershon 10, Kohath 9, Merari 5) or 22 (Rudolph
casts his success (if he follows God) and confirms God's (1955: 155): Gershon 9, Kohath 9, Merari 4) families existed.
presence. All these elements can also be found in Josh i These lists reflect the shifts in the relative size and power of
(Joshua's succession to Moses). The Chronicler is drawing the clans (cf. e.g. w. n, 17). w. 25-32 cover the Levites' duties
deliberate parallels in this chapter, at the same time using (partly repeating those mentioned in ch. 9). w. 25—6, 28—32,
terms which are very important to him: 'the LORD be with you', YHWH grants his people peace (cf. Deut 12:8—12; by contrast i
'success'. Chr 22:9), forcing changes to be made to the cult. In other
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 280

words, since the Levites no longer need to carry the tabernacle, (i Mace 2:1) and is the first to be named in ch. 24, it has
they are free to perform other cultic duties which are not occasionally been suggested that the list (at least in its present
stipulated in the Pentateuch, as described in w. 28—32: they form) stems from Maccabean times. This theory is based on
must assist the priests. The descriptions in w. 28 and 32 are two disputed assumptions: (i) The list in ch. 24 names the
held together by the phrase 'work for the service of the house priest clans in order of their importance. (2) Mattahias's clan
of the LORD', v. 32, duties at the tabernacle and the sanctuary: was the most important of his time.
this describes both the Levites' duties in the desert and their w. 20—30, the list of Levites is certainly incomplete—the
tasks in the (future) temple of Jerusalem, thus closely binding most important Gershonites should have been included. The
the two sites and their sacred buildings, v. 27 is a gloss inter- text has also been damaged here. Although it is very similar to
rupting the clear continuity of w. 26 and 28. It is probably a the list in ch. 23, it differs in significant points, reflecting the
crude attempt to explain the contradiction between w. 3 and shifts in power between individual groups, which thus
24: David made an earlier and a later order regarding the shrink or expand accordingly. New groups appear and existing
Levites' minimum age in office. ones disappear. The list is a kind of update on its equivalent
(24:1-31) The Classes of Priests This chapter divides into in ch. 23. Some branches include an extra generation com-
three parts: the first (w. 1—19) deals with the priests, their pared to ch. 23. v. 31, the Levites use the same system of
organization, and their departments. The second contains a drawing lots as the priests, using almost the same witnesses.
list of non-priestly Levites (w. 20-31). Since they are already This makes clear that the Levites are (almost) as important as
listed in the previous chapter, and because v. 31 follows on well the priests.
from 2ob, Japhet (1993: 423) and other researchers have (25:1—31) The Musicians and their Duties The list of temple
suggested this list to be a secondary insertion. They claim musicians logically follows on from that of the Levites, to
that the original text contained only w. 2oa and 31, which by whom they strictly belong (23:30-1; cf. 15:16-24; 16:4-6).
analogy apply the priests' method of drawing lots to the Le- The chapter divides into two parts: the first names the three
vites. The inserted list (which omits some names at its begin- musician families (Asaph, Jeduthun, and Heman), whilst the
ning) is seen as an attempt to correct and add to the previous second deals with the drawing of lots to allocate individual
list in 23:6-23. members' duties. Whether the Chronicler is the author of all
w. 1-19, the priests' organization as portrayed here is more or any of the chapter, and whether the two parts were even
advanced and systematic than anywhere else in the OTand is written by the same hand, is a matter of debate. Whatever the
rigidly adhered to in the sequel. It is perhaps a result of the case may be regarding the first question, it is clear that the lists
surplus of priests during post-exilic times. The system of are entirely artificial, written to create the impression that
departments allowed job-sharing and is applied to Levites sacrifice and music are closely intertwined (cf. 23:29—30):
and gatekeepers (of whom there were initially only a few, as since the 24 different temple duties have been individually
one can see in Ezra and Nehemiah) by later writers. Despite assigned to the priests, the musicians are also allocated 24
their undisputed place at the top of the cultic hierarchy, the different duties, which are not, however, specified as such.
priests, a branch of the Levites, are dealt with only briefly in The lists' artificiality is underlined by the fact that none of
Chronicles, w. 2—3, all priests were descendants of Aaron's those named in them are proved to have existed in other texts.
two sons, Eleazar and Ithamar. Eleazar is often mentioned in Whilst the first and second parts of the chapter are basically in
the Pentateuch and elsewhere. According to this passage, he is harmony, they differ in some details. Williamson (1987: 165-
the ancestor of Zadok, the priest active during David and 6) suggests that this is evidence of their literary independence
Solomon's time. This is merely a theoretical proposition, as from each other. The musicians' families (Chronicler) have
is the much less frequently mentioned relationship between been transformed into types of duties (post-Chronicles), with-
Ithamar and Ahimelech: if Zadok is Eleazar's descendant, out entirely losing their significance.
Ahimelech must stem from Ithamar! David is assisted by The organization of the musicians greatly changed with
Zadok and Ahimelech in organizing the priests, w. 4—5, no time, whilst individual family influences grew and dimin-
doubt there were power struggles between the unevenly ished respectively. Interpretations differ as to whether these
matched groups of priests. Rudolph (1955: 159, 161) even developments can be retraced in this passage, or whether it is
assumes that the (stronger) descendants of Eleazar claimed used to harmonize contradictions within the text. Occasion-
both (honorary) titles of 'holy princes' and 'princes of God', ally all musicians are regarded as descendants of Asaph (Ezra
whose meanings remain unclear. The Chronicler stresses 2:41; 3:10; Neh 7:44). Neh 11:17 and i Chr 9:15-16 mention
the equal treatment of the two groups in the passage both Asaph and Jeduthun. A third tradition speaks of three
(cf 24:31; 26:13). Naturally the larger faction is represented musicians' guilds, referring back to Asaph, Heman, and
by a relatively larger number of priests in the departments, v. 5, Ethan (see i CHR 6:44; 15:17,19 for Ethan). The identification
the procedure of drawing lots, in i Chronicles (24:31; 25:8; of Jeduthun and Ethan has been facilitated by the similar way
26:13) as elsewhere (see e.g. Neh 10:35), emphasizes God's in which the names are written. It is difficult to reconstruct a
hand in the distribution of the priests, though the practical history of the temple musicians from the diverse material in
reasons for such distribution are not known. It is also unclear the OT, which is only briefly summarized here. The order of
whether lots were drawn alternately (i.e. one to Eleazar, one to the three families is Asaph, Jeduthun, Heman. This probably
Ithamar), thus leaving the last eight lots to Eleazar, or whether reflects the earlier hierarchy. In fact the tone of the passage
they were drawn in rotation in a two (Eleazar) to one (Ithamar) lets Heman's family emerge as the largest ('according to the
ratio, v. 7, since Mattathias is a descendant of Jehoiarib's clan promise of God to exalt him', v. 5).
 28l I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

w. 1-7 show a clear attempt to legitimize the musicians. the verses concerning Obed-edom (w. 4—8) are almost uni-
They are introduced only with their duties (in the case of the versally regarded as a gloss: they interrupt the connection
singers) and instruments. One of their duties is also prophecy between w. 3 and 9. Japhet (1993: 451), however, contests
(w. 1-3; a marginal interpretation even regards them as this. Although the gatekeepers' duties are not based on Da-
prophets). It is unlikely, however, that this duty makes them vid's orders, the following passage is an attempt to legitimize
the heirs to (great) classical prophecy. Moreover they probably their existence, v. 15, in monarchical times, the southern gate
do not form part of the continuum of traditional pre-exilic cult did not require guards since the south wall formed part of the
prophets. Their singing/playing—and thus the content of royal palace. This is the clearest, though not the sole, indica-
their music, the psalms they conceived—can be seen as a tion that the Chronicler envisaged the second, post-exilic
kind of prophecy, particularly in view of the fact that i Sam temple, which he knew from his own experience, when writ-
10:5 and 2 Kings 3:15 emphasize the close relationship be- ing this passage.
tween music and prophecy. The Chronicler may even have w. 20-8, this list of treasury officers is linked to w. 29-31 in
been thinking of these two passages (especially the first) in as far as the Izharites and the Hebronites (v. 23) are mentioned
connecting prophecy with the musicians. 2 Chr 29:25 refers in both passages. It has occasionally been presumed that
to the order given by David and supported by two prophets w. 20-32 were once an independent document containing
(Gad and Nathan) confirming the Levites' (permanent!) office levitical ranks and their officers. A number of those listed here
as temple musicians, v. i, 'the officers of the army' does not are also mentioned in 23:6-23. The section distinguishes
actually refer to the army. The Hebrew word 'army' upon between the treasuries of the house of God (w. 20, 22) and
which this is based is an expression for the Levites' rank—as the treasuries for the dedicated things (w. 20,26). Shebuel of
in Num 4, e.g. The Chronicler adopted the term from that Amram's clan, whose Kohathite origin is not explicitly men-
chapter; 15:16 uses the term 'chiefs of the Levites', who select tioned (and who also appears in 23:16; 24:20), seems to carry
the musicians for their office. The term 'set apart' often general responsibility for both treasuries. He is mentioned
differentiates the holy from the profane and is used here to only in v. 24. Gershonites are responsible for the treasuries of
denote appointment for a special duty. The 'list' is an appro- the house of God, whilst the Kohathite family administers the
priate translation for a term usually meaning 'number'. Some treasuries for the dedicated things, w. 26-8, the treasuries of
commentaries see this word as evidence that w. 2—6 are an the dedicated things, which are described in detail (unlike
insertion, since one would expect the word to be followed by a those of the house of God), include spoils of war provided by
number, which does not appear until v. 7, after a list of names, different important persons in a 'democratic' manner typical
v. 5, Heman is the (king's) seer. Asaph (2 Chr 29:30) and of Chronicles. The Chronicler probably used Num 31:48, 52,
Jeduthun (2 Chr 35:15; perhaps together with Asaph and He- 54 as a literary source for this 'democratic' behaviour. Accord-
man here) are also given this title. This stresses their depend- ing to Chronicles, these wars had always served the purpose of
ence upon the king and their prophetic role. building a temple. The wars fought by David and Saul are well
The last nine sons of Heman have artificial names which known. Samuel's wars probably refer to i Sam 7:7-14, whilst
form the following (rather awkward) Psalm if read one after Abner and Joab's conflicts probably stem from 2 Sam 2—4.
the other: 'Be gracious to me YHWH, be gracious to me, my At this point, part of the story is implicitly incorporated
God art thou; I have magnified, and I will exalt my helper (thy without being explicitly described by the Chronicler. The
help); sitting in adversity I said, "Clear signs give plenti- reader must know the texts at which the Chronicler is hinting.
fully" '. This is probably another example of the Chronicler's Mention of Saul, despite receiving a negative judgement by
love of meaningful names. Alternatively, musician families of the Chronicler, is not a reflection of popular tradition, nor
the period may have been given names corresponding to does it suffice to prove that the Chronicler was not the author
incipits of individual psalms, although this theory cannot of this passage.
explain why these names form an entire psalm. w. 29—32, in pre-exilic times, the Levites can hardly have
v. 7, each of the twenty-four musical families has twelve performed the administrative tasks ascribed to them in add-
members (24 x 12 = 288). The Chronicler explicitly mentions ition to their religious roles here (cf also 23:4 and 2 Chr 19:11).
their skilful ability, since he greatly valued hard work. w. 8-31, These must have developed in post-exilic times, though it is
lots are drawn to assign offices. naturally impossible to ascertain to what extent. They seem to
have been especially important during the Maccabean period.
(26:1-32) The Gatekeepers; Further Duties of the Levites The The structure described here resembles an ideal draft: the
unifying factor in this chapter is that it deals only with Levites: Levites are responsible both for the business of the Lord and
gatekeepers in w. 1—19, the temple treasurers in w. 20—8, and for the service of the king (a duplication typical of Chronicles).
the Levite officials in w. 29-32. This structure is logical since Their office incorporated both west-Jordan and Transjordan-
gatekeepers tend to be linked to the musicians, whilst ch. 27 ian territory (the latter being stressed by the style of its
deals with civil administration. There are strongly differing presentation). This order is based on David's plans. It was
arguments regarding the text's unity and sources. partly carried out in post-exilic times (and not during Josiah's
w. 1-12 contain a list of gatekeepers, whereas w. 13-19 reign, as often presumed). It reflects a time in which spiritual
describe the work ascribed to them by lot, with w. 12—13 and secular elements were closely intertwined and the reli-
perhaps serving as a transition passage between the two sec- gious and political claim to Transjordanian territories had not
tions. The gatekeepers in Ezra 2:42-3 (i.e. during the period of been relinquished. It was important for the Chronicler that it
return from exile) were not of levitical rank but gradually encompassed the entire region (cf. 2 Chr 19; similar phenom-
achieved this status in the course of time. In the list in w. i—n, enon).
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 282

(27:1-34) The Organization and Administration of the King- than 20. The Chronicler's justification for this way of proceed-
dom This chapter comprises five parts, of which four deal ing 'for the LORD had promised to make Israel as numerous as
with the secular organization of David's kingdom and the fifth the stars of heaven' (cf. e.g. Gen 15:5), is nevertheless inap-
contains a comment on his census, w. 1-15: the military propriate here. If this were true, the significance of those over
divisions and their commanders; w. 16-22: the leaders of 20 would be lost. The passage, to a certain extent, remains a
the tribes; w. 23—4: a comment on the census; w. 25—31: mystery.
David's civil officers; w. 32—4: David's advisers. Some com- w. 25—31, David's treasurers: this section contains detailed
mentaries regard this chapter to be secondary. Whilst Wil- information about David's fortune, the geographical dispersal
liamson (1987: 174) also believes this passage to be post- of his estates, and his highest-ranking administrative officers.
Chronicles, his evidence is its incompatibility with the list of The list is often regarded as a reliable historical document that
contents in 23:3—60. Others claim its authenticity by pointing correctly reflects David's treasury. Its historical authenticity is
to some elements which are typical of the Chronicler (cf esp. i supported by a number of impressive arguments: the admin-
CHR 27:25-31). Whatever the case, the question whether the istration is even simpler than during Solomon's reign and
passage uses older, historically reliable sources regarding nothing contradicts the list's authenticity. The use of foreign-
David's (or a later king's) reign must also be answered. It ers (Bedouin) as David's administrators would have been
follows on well from ch. 26, which is concerned with the concealed in post-Davidic times. These were chosen for their
Levites' secular tasks. Seen in their entirety, the previous and skill at keeping camels and smaller livestock. The round
present chapters give us an impression of perfect administra- number of twelve senior administrators, which has often
tion and organization—and this is, no doubt, intentional. been seen as a coincidence, is unsettling. So is the extensive
w. 1-15, the commanders of the divisions: according to this discussion of agriculture, which seems to correspond with the
representation, the military forces consist of 12 divisions of economically obsessed Zeitgeist of the Chronicler (see Uz-
24,000 men, each subdivided into thousands and hundreds. ziah's love of agriculture in 2 Chr 26:10).
Each division serves for one month a year. The divisions' w. 32-4, David's closest officials: his kitchen cabinet. These
commanders are all mentioned in the list of David's heroes verses are not a parallel to 18:15-17, in which David's state
(11:10-47), though they are not the first twelve names stated. officials are listed. The historical information is given as an
The total army is enormous (288,000 men) and is only de- aside, showing that they do not form an official list.
ployed as a militia in times of war. Its organization somewhat
resembles the ranks of officers amongst the priests and Le- (28:1-21) The Order to Build the Temple Together with ch.
vites, whilst the one-month spell of duty reminds one of 29, this chapter follows on from ch. 23:1-2. David (who in
Solomon's system of twelve royal officers in charge of supply- contrast to his portrayal in i Kings 1—2 is still in full possession
ing the royal court (i Kings 4:7). Although this army cannot of his powers) addresses all the officials of Israel at an im-
have existed in this form, some incongruities with ch. n as portant assembly (w. 2-8). He then turns to Solomon (w. 9-
well as certain other details (such as two commanders of some 10, 20-1), handing him plans for the temple's construction.
departments) suggest that this passage is based on real cir- The central themes of this chapter are (David and) Solomon's
cumstances. The question is, what circumstances? In this rule and their keeping of the law, in which the people and the
context, one should note that by contrast to ch. n, the army construction of the temple also play an important part. The
commanders' origins are named here: they all come from the Chronicler repeats certain points which he has already intro-
centre of David's kingdom. duced, varying them significantly, whilst other material is
w. 16—22 (24). The list of army leaders (and their depart- entirely new.
ments) is followed by the (political) leaders of the tribes, w. 1-2, David addresses all of his people in v. 2, but his first
though their role is not revealed. Presuming w. 23-4 are an comments in v. i are addressed to the leading ranks of his
integral part of the passage, it is easy to suspect that they were state, which are listed here more comprehensively than any-
involved in carrying out the census reported in v. 23. where else in the OT. Thus the Chronicler manages to em-
The twelve tribes are not listed according to a consistent phasize both the special responsibility laid upon his officers
system in the OT, nor does it always use the same names. and the presence of the entire population in a way that would
Different lists reflect different historical realities. This list is not have been possible if David had addressed both at the
most similar to its equivalent in Num i (which also involves a same time. w. 2—8 report David's speech to his people. The
census), though the two are not identical. The omission of Chronicler repeats Nathan's promise (2 Chr 17), varying it in a
Gad and Asher and the claim that the Aaronites were an familiarly individual way. w. 4-5, the choice of David and
independent tribe apart from Levi are particularly notable in Solomon here is in a sense compared to the system of drawing
the present list. Why is the latter, if named at all, not named lots. The resulting impression is stronger than in the source
first? The names of some tribal chiefs can only be found in model: YHWH is the active force in creating a kingdom which
Chronicles, w. 23-4 are an extremely artistic attempt at twist- (as the Chronicler stresses) will be eternal (cf. w. 7-8). Solo-
ing the story of the census (ch. 21) to grant David forgiveness mon does not accede to the throne after terrible human tur-
for his deed. According to this chapter David forces Joab to moil. The Chronicler merely refers to such events with the
carry out the census. Joab, however, fearing the Lord's word, seemingly innocuous words 'And of all my sons, for the Lord
does not include Benjamin and Levi. This passage contains no has given me many...'. w. 9-10, having given a lengthy
explicit incrimination of Joab, but (implicitly) exonerates sermon to all the officials of Israel, containing many refer-
David by making him follow the rules laid down for censuses ences to YHWH, David addresses Solomon more briefly. In
in Num i (w. 2-4). He counts only those men who were older the slightly (but significantly) adapted tone of a Deuteronom-
 283 I AND 2 CHRONICLES
istic theologoumenon, David calls upon his son to serve construction materials they used refers back to many other
YHWH with an undivided mind and a willing heart (a phrase biblical texts.
characteristic of the Chronicler). The relationship between w. 10—29, like prayers in Chronicles, this one serves
this statement and the subsequent explanation that YHWH to emphasize central theological thoughts close to the author's
can search all the hearts of men and understand all men's heart at an important turning-point in the narrative. This
thoughts is not wholly clear. It is certainly motivating, perhaps technique, which is also significant in the Deuteronomistic
stirring up a deeper obedience to the law. History becomes increasingly important in Chronicles and
w. 11-19, David now gives his orders for the temple's con- intertestamental scriptures. The prayer begins with a doxology
struction, its contents, and all matters pertaining to it. They which does not directly refer to the context, continues with an
are based upon God's plans, which David possesses in writing interpretation of the voluntary donations and concludes with a
and declares to Solomon. This is probably the best way to double wish, referring backwards and forwards in the text—
understand v. 19. According to Ex 25-31, YHWH first in- one calling for these thoughts never to be forgotten by the
structed Moses to build a tabernacle before this was carried people, the other addressing the future rule of King Solomon.
out. Great weight is given to the fact that it occurred following w. 10—20, the form of this praise of God is unusual, being
divine orders. This is also true (though in a different way) of in the second rather than the third person. Everything belongs
the new temple's construction, which Ezekiel sees in a vision to God (the tenfold repetition of the key word 'thine' cannot be
(Ezek 40-4). The Chronicler uses these texts, thus clearly a coincidence). In his hand is power and might. The Chron-
diverging from i Kings, where Solomon builds the temple icler develops these thoughts more elaborately than anywhere
without referring back to divine instructions. This also em- else. The same idea is contained in the Chronicler's repeated
phasizes how closely the tabernacle and the temple are con- claim that Israel's kingdom belongs to and is granted by
nected in Chronicles: the temple is a kind of completion of the YHWH. In an extension of these general ideas, the Chronicler
preceding tabernacle. Perhaps this passage is an accurate continues by claiming that the voluntary gifts made by the
impression of the second temple's actual condition, or at least people ultimately stem from the hand of God. The people own
gives an idea of its ideal form. One peculiarity here is the lack nothing but the sincere convictions with which they make the
of concrete instructions. The Chronicler only states that they donations (v. 17). There is a combination of absolute humility
have been given. In a general way they cover all aspects of the and profound pride here. An indirectly motivated passage
cult, including the buildings, their rooms, personnel, (cultic) concerning the fragile human condition, which the Chron-
services, equipment, and the temple's treasury, v. 18 contains icler has taken from a variety of source material, is inserted
three objects: the incense altar made of particularly valuable into this second part of the chapter.
gold, the golden chariot, and the cherubim which spread their w. 26—30, summaries of the rule of individual kings are
wings to protect the Lord's ark of the covenant. standard practice in the books of Kings. David's rule differs
w. 29-31, David calls upon Solomon to be strong and greatly from the usual pattern and is integrated more
courageous and to be persistent until all the work has been smoothly into the narrative context (i Kings 2:10-12). Chron-
completed. He encourages his son, reminding him of God's icles' version is closer to the other kings' concluding formulae
presence (a common phrase (theologoumenon) in Chron- in the books of Kings, though it differs in significant ways.
icles) and the willing support of the priests, the Levites, and Like its source model, Chronicles distinguishes between Da-
the entire population, providing him with the ideal conditions vid's reign in Hebron and in Jerusalem. Unlike Kings and
for the project's implementation. their Deuteronomistic prototype, Chronicles does not men-
(29:1—30) Donations for Construction of Temple, David's tion David's funeral. This is not due to lost text, since the
Prayer, Solomon's Accession to the Throne, Conclusion of positive judgement that can accompany a burial note is pre-
Story of David This chapter, which concludes the story of sent in the indirect comparison with Abraham (Gen 25:8),
David, divides into four parts: w. 1-9: the voluntary gifts; (Isaac 35:29), Gideon (Judg 8:32), and Job (Job 42:17), all of
w. 10—20: David's prayer and the people's reply; w. 21—5: whom died in old age. The Chronicler bestows more riches
Solomon's accession to the throne; w. 26—30: concluding and honour upon David than upon any of these men.
praise of David's rule. In stating his sources, the Chronicler refers back to the
w. 1-9 concern the voluntary gifts. The youth and inexperi- three prophets (with their differing titles) who appeared in
ence of Solomon, David's chosen successor (according to the his text during David's reign. At this point, David's rule is
story of succession), leads the outgoing king to draw the indirectly portrayed as having influence across the entire
necessary conclusions and take some prudent measures. known world (beyond merely the neighbouring countries).
There are clear parallels here with reports concerning the This is clearly an allusion to the Persian empire (and Alex-
tabernacle. Moses' call upon the Israelites for voluntary gifts ander's realm).
was in fact rather imperative; David prefers to promote his
cause. This principle of freedom shows David contributing to 2 Chronicles
the costs of the temple's construction both as a king (as in i Solomon's Rule over the United Kingdom
Kings) and as an ordinary believer. His people's leading (2 Chr 1:1-01:31)
classes respond to his call and the people rejoice at the 'will-
ing' (a key word in this chapter) nature of their deeds. Free- The Beginnings of Solomon's Reign (2 Chr 1:1-17)
dom and joy are closely connected. The people give far more The Chronicler ignores the confusion surrounding David's
than David's private donation. The passage concerning the successor, beginning this chapter, after an introductory note
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 284

in v. i, with the sacrifice made by Solomon and God's appear- to his source model. Narrative elements almost entirely give
ance to him at Gibeon. He simultaneously extends and short- way to speech and letters, w. 2—9, in Solomon's message to
ens his source model material. As is his habit, he organizes Hiram he makes the initial move and keeps the initiative. This
the procession to Gibeon democratically. At the same time he skilfully structured passage actually contains temple and tem-
creates a close link between the tabernacle and the temple in ple-cult theology. The temple clearly appears to be the second
Jerusalem, which does not exist in i Kings 3. The extended tabernacle, v. 3, Solomon names everything pertaining to the
scene at Gibeon in this chapter is a shortened version of the temple cult here, ordered on the basis of the Pentateuch: see
source model which has then been enriched with the Chron- amongst others Ex 30:1-8; Lev 24:5-9; Num 28-9. w. 4-5, the
icler's own theology, w. 3-13 contain a 'theology of the sanc- Chronicler uses an adapted argument from the dedicatory
tuary' in a nutshell. prayer in 6:18. He is less concerned with God's transcendence
In the source model, God's appearance at Gibeon is fol- than with his own subjective inability to build a house for God.
lowed by the story of Solomon's judgement. It allows Solomon He must do this, however, in order to make sacrifices to God.
to display the wisdom that has just been bestowed upon him. v. 6, the man sent by Hiram should—unlike in the source
As with all pieces in the source concerning Solomon's wis- material—not only be skilled in carpentry, but also under-
dom, the Chronicler omits this episode. While some exegetes stand other crafts and be able to work with various materials
claim thatthe passage taken from i Kings 10:26-9 describing (note e.g. the curtain in 3:14 which does not appear in the
Solomon's wealth (w. 14-17) is used to stress Solomon's wis- source). He is the equivalent of Bezalel and his assistant
dom, others argue that this insertion serves the purpose of Oholiab, who constructed the tabernacle (cf. Ex 31:1—8). The
proving that Solomon had the necessary wealth to construct Chronicler creates another parallel with David here: just as he
the temple. (David had, however, already supplied the neces- worked together with the Phoenicians (i Chr 22:4) so does his
sary materials.) The passage is repeated in an only slightly son Solomon here. It is, however, made clear that foreign
altered form in 9:25—8, at the end of Solomon's rule. This craftsmen do not build the temple alone. They work under
repetition underlines the importance the Chronicler attached the auspices of masters stemming from Judah and Jerusalem
to wealth (and thus power) as signs of God's blessing. (the two names are often employed for the post-exilic temple
(1:1-13) Solomon's Sacrifice and Prayer at Gibeon w. 3-5, the community), w. 10-15, letters as part of historic works are
Chronicler attempts to unite all legitimate cultic sites and the known from Greek (and Roman) historiography. The Chron-
most important cultic objects. Solomon begins his reign by icler is perhaps orientating his text by them. v. 14, 'my lord':
concerning himself with the cult once he has secured his this statement completely endorses Solomon's supremacy
accession—just as David did. The priestly theology of the over Hiram, v. 15, Joppa is an important post-exilic Israelite
Pentateuch concentrates on the tabernacle bearing the ark at port (if not the most important, Jon 1:3; Ezra 3:7). Ezra 3:7,
its centre, whilst the historical texts focus entirely on the ark. which also concerns trading relations with the Phoenicians
The Chronicler combines both perspectives, underlining the (Sidon and Tyre), is probably the source for this passage.
presence of the tabernacle as the temple's precursor. It is Above all it explicitly mentions Lebanese wood being trans-
stressed that Moses created the tabernacle in the desert. The ported across the sea to Joppa. v. 16, the possible interpret-
tabernacle which is mentioned earlier in i Chr 16:39; 2I:2 9 ation of i Kings 9:22 (cf. 5:29), by which no Israelites were
must be distinguished from the tent for the ark that David employed as forced labourers, becomes a certainty here. In
erects in Jerusalem, v. 9, the Chronicler no doubt deliberately keeping with the general tendency of Chronicles, the foreign-
turns 'a great people, so numerous they cannot be numbered ers are no longer regarded as such, since they have such a
or counted' (i Kings 3:8) into 'a people as numerous as the close relationship with the people of Israel. Again the Chron-
dust of the earth': the same address is made to Jacob (i.e. icler stresses that Solomon acts like his father (i Chr 22:2).
Israel), the most important founding father in Chronicles (3:1—17) Construction of the Temple: Measurements, Holy of
(Gen 28:14). Despite shortening his source material, the Holies, Interior Decoration However much the Chronicler
Chronicler adds a new element here, namely the reference wished to legitimize the temple as a place of worship, he
to a promise of an eternal dynasty made to his father (let your comments much more briefly on its construction and interior
promise to my father David now be fulfilled'; cf. i Chr 17:11- decoration than his source text, though keeping its structure.
12). This reflection back to David can also be found in v. i, The report in i Kings 6 was greatly reworked, resulting in a
where Solomon is pointedly introduced as David's son. rather poor piece of literature. This may have been one reason
(1:14—17) Solomon's Wealth w. 14—17, Solomon's riches here for the Chronicler's alterations. Another reason could be his
are almost identical with the source model (i Kings 10:26—9). lack of interest in God's dwelling as a building. It is impossible
to say by what criteria he shortens this passage. He occasion-
Construction of the Temple (2 Chr 1:18-7:22) ally concentrates on the central theme, whilst noting details
(1:18—2:17) Solomon's Contract with Hiram of Tyre Solomon (which he perhaps knew from the second temple) elsewhere.
eagerly engages in his father's (and not the Phoenician king's) The Chronicler often draws parallels between the temple and
construction project. Unlike the author of his source material, the desert tabernacle. This chapter even links it with Abra-
the Chronicler takes every step to diminish the Tyrian's con- ham. Many parts of this text are unclear or even spoilt, espe-
tribution to the temple's construction. Above all he states that cially concerning the measurements. This commentary only
Solomon is stronger and more important than Hiram. The touches upon such a technically complicated subject.
temple he erects is both a sacrificial site and God's residence. w. 1-2, the author of the books of Kings calculates dates not
This explains the strong emendations the Chronicler makes only from the year of Solomon's accession, but also by the
 285 I AND 2 CHRONICLES
Exodus, which is important to Deuteronomistic historio- from 2 Chronicles; i Kings 7:38 corresponds to 2 Chr 4:6; i
graphers. This emphasis is greatly reduced in Chronicles. Kings 7:38—90 is reworked at 2 Chr 4:600, but w. 60/7—9 have
The Chronicler is not as interested in the exact date of the no origin in Kings, and i Kings 7:39^—51 corresponds to 2 Chr
temple's construction (omitting the month Ziv as recorded in 4:10-5:1.
i Kings 6:1), as in its exact position and its authentication: This gives the literary action in ch. 4 a clear unity. The
YHWH appeared to David on Mount Moriah, and the king attempt at a solution cannot, however, explain why the
fixed its place which was confirmed by YHWH who sent fire Chronicler was prepared to take so many contradictions into
from heaven on the altar of burnt offering. The name of account (though this is also the case elsewhere). It is notable
Mount Moriah appears elsewhere only in the story of Isaac's that the Chronicler omits the (lengthy) passage concerning
sacrifice (Gen 22:2), which clearly contains hidden references the stands for the basins, though they reappear in v. 14.
to the temple of Jerusalem. Moriah can be interpreted in folk Perhaps the figures upon them seemed too heathen for the
etymology as 'appearance of the Lord'. Since YHWH has Chronicler! His insertion of w. 7-10 disturbs the more con-
already appeared to David, the Chronicler can use this elem- vincing order of his source text. He seems keen to add some
ent to develop a motif which has its roots in Gen 22. (The golden implements at this point of the text.
Samaritans identify their holy Mount Gerizim as the moun- v. i, the bronze altar appears only later in the source model
tain upon which Isaac was to be sacrificed, although only (i Kings 8:64; 2 Kings 16:14-15). The style of the description
much later; however, v. 3 does not contain any polemic content here (including mention of measures) is more typical of i
directed against the Samaritans.) Kings. This leads to the suggestion that this section was lost
w. 6—7, perhaps there was a mosaic made with precious from i Kings 7 over the course of time. The altar, probably
stones on the floor (cf i Chr 29:2). made of wood and covered with bronze, was an impressive
From v. 8 onwards, the parallels between the temple and the size. The measures mentioned probably refer to the base. v. 6,
tabernacle become stronger, as the repeated phrase 'he made', the basins' original function is unclear: they seem to have
which characterizes the report in Exodus, emphasizes, v. 9, been related to cosmological symbolism and were thus
'nails ... of gold': fifty shekels of gold is far too much for one heathen in the eyes of the Chronicler. He claims them to be
nail and too little for all of them. This is probably a symbolic Israelite in order to allow him to refer back to Ex 30:17-21,
number (cf. 2 Sam 24:24). The fact that such small objects as where a copper basin is used for ceremonial washing, thus
nails are mentioned at all could suggest that a relatively small integrating them into the sacrificial cult.
amount of gold was used for the second temple. These golden w. 7-9, the Chronicler uses the list of golden materials in i
nails have certain parallels with the (differently named) Kings 7:48-50 (cf. w. 19-22) earlier than his source model,
golden nails in Ex 26:32, 37. v. 10, unlike his source, the presenting them in the order of his own (original) list in i Chr
Chronicler does not mention the height of the cherubim, 28:15—18. v. 7, the tabernacle was equipped with only one
instead stressing the art with which they were constructed lampstand (Ex 25:31), an interesting similarity to 13:11. v. 8,
and the gold used to cover them. He values quality above all. in both the tabernacle (Ex 25:23-30) and Solomon's temple (i
w. 11—13, again> unlike the source, this text gives a more exact Kings 7:48) the number of tables was not ten, but one. By
impression of the cherubims' position. This addition may contrast to the one table (Ex 25; i Kings 7) and the Chronicler's
have been due to the Chronicler's desire to be precise, v. 14, shewbread tables (i Chr 28:16), these are not explicitly char-
the source does not mention a curtain in Solomon's temple. acterized as covered in gold—a surprise, given the Chron-
Was it originally mentioned in i Kings 6:2ib and later lost? icler's love of the material, v. 9, i Kings 6:36 mentions the
According to Josephus (J.W. 5.5.5) a curtain certainly existed inner courtyard only briefly. In keeping with the values of the
in the second temple. In any case the curtain reminds us time, the Chronicler distinguishes clearly between the priests'
strongly of the tabernacle (Ex 26:31). court and the precinct for laymen.
(4:1-5:1) Further Interior Decoration By contrast to his re- (5:2-6:2) The Ark's Installation The Chronicler made exten-
working of previous passages, the Chronicler followed his sive cuts to his report on the temple's construction, as a
source model in i Kings 7:39—50 closely to produce 4:10—22, comparison with his source model shows. Apart from i Kings
which has led some commentators to suggest that this pas- 8:53-61, he does, however, use everything in Kings relating to
sage is a later insertion intended to bring Chronicles closer to its consecration, even adding his own material. Whilst i Kings
Kings and to add omitted material. This is supported by 8—9 consists almost entirely of speeches, there are more
several contradictions to ch. 3 in this section (cf. e.g. 3:16 narrative elements in its equivalent passage in Chronicles.
with 4:12). (The Chronicler's description of the temple's con- Ch. 5 follows its source in Kings quite closely, though it
struction omits references to gates (i Kings 6:31-5), probably includes a festive ceremony celebrating the ark's placement
because the curtain replaced them; they reappear in 4:22 (i in the temple. YHWH then takes (provisional) possession of
Kings 7:50).) The theory is flawed for two reasons, however: the temple and his magnificence is hailed.
such an insertion or gloss would also have been necessary 5:4, the Chronicler replaces the ark-bearing priests with
elsewhere and there is no specific reason for changing this Levites, thereby conforming with Moses' instructions in
section alone. Japhet (1993: 562) takes a different line, point- Deut 10:8; 31:25 and David's orders in i Chr 15:2 (leaving the
ing out that the Chronicler adhered strictly to his source priests with the more important sacrificial duties). As v. 7 and
model for orientation—even using its order of events—whilst 29:16 show, Levites are forbidden to enter the most holy place.
omitting some parts and making other additions: i Kings 5:11-13, the Chronicler cannot imagine that the final act of
7:23—6 corresponds to 2 Chr 4:2—5; i Kings 7:27—37 is omitted placing the ark in the most holy place was not accompanied by
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 286

a ceremony. He therefore creates one himself. Itlacks nothing theology by highlighting the importance of the ark and the
that he values and is uplifting. All participants are sanctified anointed. Peace and calm under Solomon's reign are the
(cf i Chr 15:14) and all three musician families are present, prerequisites for the temple's construction. Only Solomon
singing and playing. Their cries, 'For he is good, for his (not David) can supply them. Once the temple has been con-
steadfast love endures for ever' (cf. i Chr 16:41), are especially structed God can be at rest. The psalm passage also refers to
close to the Chronicler's heart. Everything occurs unani- the priests who play a central role in the (Chronicler's) temple
mously (resembling the support for David in i Chr 12:39). cult. It includes the terms 'salvation' (source model: 'right-
5:13, only once music has begun does a cloud fill the house— eousness'), rejoice (source model: 'shout for joy'), goodness,
one which must have reminded the Chronicler of the cloud all of which are central themes for the Chronicler, though he
which came down on the tent of meeting in the desert (e.g. only touches on them here.
Num 12:5). 6:i, the Chronicler simplifies the scarcely compre- (7:1—22) Conclusion of the Ceremony and God's Covenant for
hensible text in his source model, keeping only the idea that the Temple By a series of omissions and additions, the
God wished to dwell in darkness. The Hebrew expression for Chronicler changes his source material (i Kings 8-9) to give
this links it with God's manifestation on Mt. Sinai (Ex 20:21; the narrative a more flowing and logical structure. He deletes i
Deut 4:11; 5:22), which must have suited the Chronicler. God Kings 8:54—61, much of which is a paraenetic warning
now appears at his eternal cultic residence. conforming with the Chronicler's own principles. In v. 55,
(6:3-42) Consecration of the Temple; King's Speech; Dedica- Solomon blesses his people, a privilege reserved for priests
tory Prayer After a doxology, the first part of this chapter deals in post-exilic society. The main reason for the omission of this
with the choice of Jerusalem and David and the temple's relatively long passage lies in the Chronicler's wish to report
construction. The promises given by YHWH regarding on God's positive response to the plea expressed in 6:41, most
them have been fulfilled. The second part of the chapter importantly his acceptance of the temple as his own. He thus
contains a lengthy prayer, or rather a prayer-formula (and a describes God's descent upon the temple in the Chronicler's
prayer-theory) that refers particularly to the perilous situation own material in w. 1—3. The Chronicler subsequently returns
of the individual and the people (w. 32—3 are concerned with to his source model for orientation, though he cannot resist
foreigners). Only the chapter's conclusion and its final plea mentioning the musical duties of the Levites in connection
differ greatly from its source model. The Chronicler follows i with the sacrifices performed (v. 6). w. 13—15 form a third
Kings 8 so closely because the subject-matter is also central to substantial addition to the source text, in which YHWH does
his own theological perspective (David's dynasty and the tem- not summarize his response (as in Kings), but actually uses
ple). Furthermore, the perilous situations described in the some of the dedicatory prayer's language in his reply.
prayer-formula are both timeless and also may have been a w. 1—3 legitimize the sacrifices, the altar, and the temple.
contemporary problem (to some extent) for the Chronicler. This section applies Lev 9:122)23—4 to the temple. (The
w. 24—39, According to Williamson (1987: 219) w. 24—5, people's blessing as performed by Moses and Aaron in v. 23
34-5, 36-9 could be a reference to the revolution against the is omitted, however.) The tabernacle and the temple are two
Persians led by Tennes the Sidonian, which resulted in deport- forms of the same holy place. YHWH's glory took provisional
ation to Hyrcania, Babylon, and elsewhere, w. 32—3, in the possession of the temple in 5:13—14 and was described in
time between the conception of Kings and the Chronicler's similar terms. Here, there is the added element of an endors-
own lifetime, the significance of foreigners to the people of ing fire which falls from the heavens. These events are
Israel had increased; this led to a changed theological perspec- witnessed not only by the religious elite, but also by all the
tive on God's attitude towards them. They are clearly given the Israelites, since God's glory does not only fill the temple, but is
opportunity of turning to God here. w. 34—9, the theme of also above it (cf. also Ex4o:34 for v. 2). Williamson (1987: 222)
imprisonment plays a central role in this passage. The author goes against the general consensus by claiming that this
of the source model in i Kings 8 had the (Babylonian) Exile in report does refer back to 5:13-14, and that v. 2 ought to be
mind, which had developed into a diaspora (in Babylon and translated as an adverbial sentence in English: 'and during all
Egypt) by the Chronicler's time. This changed situation is this time the glory of YHWH still filled the temple'.
reflected in the unspecific nature of the Chronicler's call to w. 8-10, in i Kings 8:66, the celebration surrounding the
help those still living abroad, i Kings 8:50 ('and grant them temple's dedication and the Feast of Tabernacles, lasting
compassion in the sight of their captors, so that they may have seven days, seem to be simultaneous. This impression is cor-
compassion on them') can be seen as a call for them to return rected at the end of the previous verse ('seven days and seven
to the holy land. Such a return is not appropriate for the days, even fourteen days'—there were two separate feasts) and
diaspora of the Chronicler's time. He also omits mention of the Chronicler removes any remaining doubt on this. Accord-
the Exodus here and in Solomon's concluding plea. Interest- ing to his version the temple dedication and the Feast of
ingly, however, i Kings 8:50 is taken up again in the letter Tabernacles cannot possibly take place simultaneously: the
written by Hezekiah to the rest of the northern kingdom temple dedication takes place from the 8th to the I4th of
(30:9). v. 40, the Chronicler keeps only a bare skeleton of the the seventh month, whilst the Feast of Tabernacles lasts
source model's plea, deleting the reference to the Exodus and from the I5th until the 2ist of the same month. The conclud-
therefore to Moses. ing feast (as in Lev 23:36, 39) is on the 22nd, so that Solomon
w. 41-2, by contrast to the source model, Solomon's prayer can dismiss the festive community on the 23rd, as stated in
ends positively. Here, the Chronicler takes Ps 132:8-10 and v. 10. The Chronicler's Solomon adheres strictly to the festal
greatly changes it to enhance the central themes of his own calendar according to the Pentateuch, Moses' law. v. n grandly
 287 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

concludes the section in Chronicles, whilst the parallel text in to marry his daughter to Solomon). He rewrites the informa-
its source model opens the following section. It is an oppor- tion given in the source. Solomon's wife is not to come into
tunity to deliver one of the Chronicler's favourite messages: close contact with holy matters, not because she is a foreigner,
since Solomon behaves in an exemplary manner, his every but because she is a woman. Thus a house is built out of
undertaking succeeds. necessity, rather than in a gesture of high regard.
v. 14, there are four ways in which the Israelites could move w. 12—16, the cult: the source model reports that Solomon
YHWH to action: humility, prayer, seeking his face, and turn- made burnt-offerings and peace-offerings including incense
ing from wicked ways. These become repeated themes in the three times a year (i.e. at pilgrim festivals) at the altar. The
following chapters, w. 17-22, a form of theodicy: it explains Chronicler greatly extends this passage, v. 13, the order of
the Davidic monarchy's collapse and the temple's destruction, sacrifice is derived from Moses' instructions and conforms
v. 18. In an important alteration from the source model, the with the Pentateuch (cf. however, v. 14). The three annual
Chronicler turns 'a successor on the throne of Israel' (i Kings festivals are named here, along with the daily sacrifices, which
9:5) into 'a successor to rule over Israel'. Should this phrase are sorely missed by the Chronicler in his source model. The
(which is taken from Mic 5:1) imply messianic undertones? if sabbath and the new moons are also mentioned here. This
it does, could it be that the Chronicler did not necessarily systematized description aims at being complete, v. 14, the
require the Messiah to be a king? This would mean that an regulations regarding the temple personnel cannot be as
exemplary high priest could have taken this position at the easily derived from Moses as the Pentateuch's sacrifices, lead-
time of the Chronicler, v. 18 contradicts this theory, since the ing the Chronicler to refer them back to David. Does this
Chronicler deletes the phrase 'over Israel for ever' from his signify a lesser dignity ascribed to them than the sacrificial
source. In v. 19, he omits the phrase 'or your children', thereby rules?
invoking the responsibilities of the present generation.
Various Reports on Solomon (2 Chr 8:1-18) The Queen ofSheba, Solomon's Wealth, and his Death
(2 Chr 9:1-31)
The source text of this passage (i Kings 9:10-28) is not
homogeneous in its content; however, the Chronicler regards (9:1-12) The Queen of Sheba's Visit The story of the Queen of
the events described in it as a unity. They are placed in the Sheba's visit to Jerusalem, along with other reports regarding
period of the temple's foundation up to the project's conclu- Solomon's wisdom, are probably among the latest pieces in
sion. The successful expedition to Ezion-geber takes place at the books of Kings. The Chronicler makes an almost identical
the same time (cf. w. 16, 17). As Williamson (1987: 233) has copy of this story, since it fits extremely well in his political and
nicely demonstrated, it represents a reward for the temple's theological plan, particularly in his striving for international
construction. The Chronicler employs his usual methods in recognition of Judah's rulers (cf. e.g. i Chr 14:17). The Chron-
reworking his source material in this passage: he deletes (i icler makes a few stylistic changes to his source model (i
Kings 9:14-170), he inserts (3, 4^-5, nfc, 13-160), and he Kings 10:1-13) as W£U as tw0 important theological alterations
emends (v. 2). in v. 8, whilst strengthening Solomon's position in his rela-
w. i—6, according to Willi (1972: 76), the source model the tionship with the Queen of Sheba at certain points.
Chronicler used was damaged, which would explain many of v. 8, the monarchy and the throne belong to God, as the
the discrepancies between the two texts. It is difficult to regard Chronicler never tires of declaring. Thus he replaces 'set you
the Chronicler's usual editing methods as the cause of some on the throne of Israel' with 'set you on his [i.e. God's] throne'.
of these, w. 1—2, in the source text, Solomon is forced to cede Going beyond his source model, the Chronicler also empha-
twenty cities to Hiram, king of Tyre, the quality of which sizes that God established Israel forever—a logical statement
Hiram complains about. The Chronicler probably inverts since the kingdom belongs to God.
this unwelcome information and drastically reduces its (9:13—28) Solomon's Wealth The section contains substantial
length. Another theory suggests that both versions could be information regarding Solomon's splendour and power, fol-
applicable: Hiram and Solomon cede cities to each other (in lowing on well from the story of the Queen of Sheba's visit. Its
an exchange?). Willi shows how easily the manuscript (see, content partly overlaps with the descriptions in 1:14-17. Solo-
amongst others, LXX) could be misinterpreted as to who gave mon's power and wealth frame the description of Solomon's
what to whom. The source model's text does not presume that reign; in v. 26 the Chronicler includes i Kings 5:1. This inser-
Hiram had to pay for the cities. The 120 talents of gold men- tion and other alterations distinguish the episode in Chron-
tioned there do not appear in Chronicles and are more prob- icles from its source model in i Kings 10.
ably a gift or tribute, both of which are historically more v. 18, the Hebrew source model (wrongly) vocalizes 'round
unlikely than the cession of cities to Hiram. The idea that head' instead of'bull head'. The Chronicler reads 'bull head',
Solomon sent Israelites to settle there is unique and strange seeing it as a reference to heathen deities, unacceptable to
(cf. the Assyrian policy towards the defeated northern king- him. Thus he replaces the phrase with 'a footstool of gold',
dom in 2 Kings 17:24-8). adding more gold to the already richly decorated passage, v. 21,
w. 7—10, the remaining population of other peoples were the expression 'ships of Tarshish' (i Kings 10:22) roughly
broughtup as slave workers by Solomon. Israelites, who acted means 'large, seaworthy vessels'. The Chronicler misunder-
as guards, were exempted, v. n, Solomon, proud at having the stands the phrase and lets the ships sail to Spain (Tarshish).
Pharaoh's daughter as his bride, builds her a house. This Solomon and Hiram undertake a combined expedition in the
motif is unknown to the Chronicler (if he had taken it over, source model. The Chronicler does not accept this, sending
he would have asserted that the Pharaoh was proud to be able the king's ship to sea with no more than Hiram's men.
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 288

w. 25-8, in this passage v. 250 corresponds with i Kings 5:6 democratic inclinations, the Chronicler cannot compromise
(though the source modelcontains4O,ooo, insteadof4,ooo— the high position of the king.
a transcription error?), v. 25/7 with i Kings 10:26/7, and w. 27—8
with i Kings 10:27-8. Some of the omitted parts of i Kings 10 Rehoboam (2 Chr 11:1-12:16)
can be found in i: 14-17. It is difficult to discover the individual (11:1-23) The Beginning of Rehoboam's Reign Rehoboam's
reasons for this complicated reorganization of the text. reign clearly falls into two phases: he is rewarded for his
(9:29—31) Solomon's Death v. 29, the Chronicler makes three adherence to the way of God by constructing fortresses, in-
changes to the source text's concluding acknowledgement of creasing the number of priests, Levites, and laymen from the
Solomon: 'from first to last' replaces 'all that he did (i Kings north, and bringing up a large family. His increased power
11:41), a common correction made by the Chronicler. He also makes him arrogant, however, leading to his godless phase.
deletes Solomon's wisdom from the source model. The king is From now on, the Chronicler ignores everything that ex-
wise also in Chronicles, but this is not his most significant clusively concerns the northern kingdom, concentrating on
quality. For the same reason, the Chronicler deletes other Judah (and its relations with the northern kingdom!). The
passages referring to his wisdom. '[I]n the Book of the Acts Chronicler compensates for the loss of the report on Jeroboam
of Solomon' (source model) is replaced by 'in the history by dealing with all important matters within the report in-
of the prophet Nathan, and in the prophecy of Ahijah the versely: building (i Kings 12:25: Jeroboam's motives in build-
Shilonite, and in the visions of the seer Iddo concerning ing a fortress are to reunify the kingdom of Israel), religious
Jeroboam son of Nebat'. Like David (i Chr 29:29), Solomon life (i Kings 12:26-33: the king makes two golden calves and
is given three prophetic sources which the Chronicler sets them up in Bethel and Dan, and he appoints new priests;
claims to have reworked (they are of course none other than these measures are judged negatively), the family (i Kings
i Kings i-n): Nathan was active at the beginning of Solomon's 14:1-18: Jeroboam loses a son). Conclusion: wherever Jero-
reign (i Kings i), whilst Ahijah appears at its end (i Kings boam acts wrongly or is unlucky, Rehoboam behaves correctly
11:29). Iddo is mentioned again as a source for the books and is fortunate.
of Kings in 12:15 (Rehoboam) and 13:22 (Abijah). He is not w. 1—4, Rehoboam refrains from waging war against Jero-
mentioned at all in i Kings, though the Chronicler may have boam due to prophetic intervention. This is an example of the
recognized Iddo in the anonymous prophet of i Kings 13:1-10. obedience for which he is rewarded. Here the Chronicler
keeps closely to the source text (although he naturally omits
The History of Judah from the Division of the the report on Jeroboam's coronation, since this affects the
United Kingdom to its Collapse, and to Cyrus's Edict northern kingdom alone), w. 5-12, God-fearing kings may
(2 Chr 10:1-36:23) build, and especially may erect fortresses. This is part of the
Chronicler's dogma of retribution for which the enormous
The Loss of the Ten Northern Tribes (2 Chr 10:1-19) buildings of Alexander and the Diadochian kingdoms during
The kingdom's division presents the Chronicler with a diffi- the Chronicler's time must have served as an impressive
cult problem. According to Deuteronomistic literature, it is example, w. 6-10 are a list of the cities that were transformed
caused above all by Solomon's falling away from God. It is into fortresses. Apart from Adoraim, all cities are mentioned
YHWH's will that the northern tribes should be ruled by elsewhere in the OT. They lie east, south, and west of Judah,
Jeroboam, as his prophet Ahijah the Shilonite proclaims (i but are not listed in any strict order, although the first four lie
Kings n). The Chronicler ignores Solomon's falling away and to the east. It is especially surprising that Arad is omitted and
sin, regarding the northern kingdom as illegitimate. Whilst Hebron is mentioned last. The north is not protected by
he cannot even out all the contradictions resulting from this fortresses, inferring that Rehoboam did not wish to endanger
clash between the source model and his own ideology, the the reunification they hoped for.
Chronicler attempts to conceal some of them: the omission of w. 13-17 describe the consequences in Judah of Jeroboam's
i Kings ii increases Rehoboam's responsibility, even if this is cult 'reforms'. According to the source model, Jeroboam
immediately revoked by the reference to his tender age and placed two golden calves in Bethel and Dan and recruited
the cowardly men around him at 13:7. Jeroboam appears in the new non-Levite priests who pledged allegiance to him. The
same chapter, not as the upright man of i Kings n, but as a Chronicler combines these two reports in one and adds to
rebel against Solomon rising up against the legitimate mon- them (v. 15). He then states the essential consequences this
archy. The Chronicler's reinterpretation of i Kings 12 is a had upon Judah. v. 14, 'they left their common lands and their
central theme in ch. 13 but only a side issue in ch. 10. Clearly, holdings': a remark typical of the Chronicler, who was inter-
the Chronicler conforms with the source model's interpret- ested in possessions above all. The remark is not essential to
ation that the kingdom's division was God's will, thereby the present context. 'Jeroboam and his sons': this expression
implying a reference to Ahijah's prophecy (omitted by the makes a cryptic reference to the religious nature of future
Chronicler) and thus to Solomon's guilt. The Chronicler's conflicts between the northern and southern kingdoms,
omission of Jeroboam's accession to the throne is self- v. 16, the reaction: laymen from the northern kingdom come
explanatory. to Jerusalem in an attempt to take part in the only legitimate
v. 7, the Chronicler weakens the source model, by which sacrificial rite. Whether they are merely pilgrims or wish to
Rehoboam should be a servant to his people, listen to settle in Judah is not entirely clear. Precisely what Jeroboam
them... only a friendly attitude towards the people, kindness, wished to avoid with his religious policy actually takes place:
and good words are expected of him in Chronicles. Despite his people pour out of the northern kingdom into Jerusalem.
 289 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

w. 18-21, according to the Chronicler, as is evident in the describes the composition of the army according to the sol-
'genealogical forecourt', a large family and numerous chil- diers' place of origin and weaponry. Lybians and Ethiopians:
dren are an indication of God's blessing. The Chronicler also in Nah 3:9; Dan 11:43 (perhaps taken from here); 2 Chr
does not report on Solomon's large family, perhaps because 16:8. The Sukkites appear only here. Does this structure
it is combined with the idea of idolatry. His work contains perhaps indirectly mirror the Chronicler's contemporary
numerous other references to large families (which do not situation? The army is rather large, but not enormous in
appear in his sources—see e.g. i Chr 3:1—9). w. 18—20, the comparison to other armies against which Judah must fight.
statements concerning Rehoboam's two wives cannot be Those who regard this as documentation of a historic source
made compatible with others mentioned elsewhere (or only readily assume that the 60,000 horsemen were actually
by using extremely audacious constructions). What appears 6,000.
important is that (at least) the reader notices that Mahalath v. 4, according to the inscription upon which Shishak de-
and Maachah are both closely related to David's family. scribes his campaign, he seems mainly to have conquered
(unfortified) settlements in the Negeb. Aijalon is the only city
(12:1—16) Rehoboam's Established Rule and his Falling away fortified by Rehoboam that is mentioned on the inscription.
from God The Chronicler typically reworks i Kings 14:21-31, The Chronicler cannot allow the Pharaoh to conquer these
using deletions and insertions, amongst other editing meth- cities without giving theological reasons. Thus, Rehoboam
ods. The source text begins with a general description of must be punished where he is strongest and where it hurts
Rehoboam's rule, portraying the Judahites as terrible sinners, most. w. 5—8, the prophet Shemaiah's intervention is an ex-
before continuing with Shishak's military campaign and end- ample of regular interventions made by prophets at times
ing with the concluding judgement passed upon all kings in when the king and his kingdom are in danger (cf. e.g.
the books of Kings. In Chronicles, Rehoboam has already ch. 20). Shemaiah addresses the king and the princes of Judah.
been active as king (11:5—23). Thus the text contains merely a Judah is a political term while Israel is meant religiously,
programmatic reference to his kingdom's increase in power implying Judah's claim to be the sole legitimate monarchy
and the king's violation of the law, before leading directly on to instituted by YHWH. Shemaiah's speech is filled with theolo-
Shishak's campaign. As elsewhere in Chronicles, a prophet goumena which are typical for the Chronicler, their order and
(Shemaiah) intervenes with words of reprimand. These have the inclusion of elements found only here giving the text its
the desired effect, as Rehoboam becomes more God-fearing unmistakable character, v. 5, 'You abandoned me, so I have
and therefore more powerful. From this point on, the Chron- abandoned you': the Chronicler uses such repetitions of the
icler follows his source model more closely, with the paradox- same (Heb.) words in his constructions. This also linguistic-
ical result of having to let Rehoboam sin once more to ally emphasizes the dogma of retribution expressed here.
conform with it. The passage closes with references to the w. 6—8, the kings and princes act immediately and correctly
sources and a note on the king's burial. Thus the Chronicler as a consequence of this criticism. They humble themselves,
transforms a three-part structure in his source model (Reho- which leads, also immediately, to God's leniency in response:
boam's rule, Shishak's campaign, Rehoboam's rule) into two Jerusalem is not conquered, but its people must experience
parts: Shishak's campaign, Rehoboam's rule. being ruled by foreign powers instead of the Lord. The He-
The chapter is closely related to the story of the siege of brew root of 'servant/service' is highlighted here and used
Jerusalem by the Assyrian Sennacherib (ch. 32), i.e. the three times, v. 12, things also went well in Judah: this either
Chronicler creates this parallel by his restructuring of the means that Judah itself behaved correctly, or that it did not
text. In both cases a foreign ruler captures almost all of Judah, suffer too much. For the Chronicler, these two sentences go
leaving Jerusalem untouched, having been saved by the cor- together like two sides of a coin. Thus the uncertainty sur-
rect actions of the relevant ruler (Rehoboam and Hezekiah rounding its correct translation is not important, w. 13-14
respectively). Why is this story so important to the Chronicler describe a further phase of Rehoboam's rule. As soon as he
that he should tell it twice, once with Rehoboam and once with has recovered, Rehoboam immediately apostasizes again (cf.
Hezekiah? Because both ch. 12 and ch. 32 also shed light upon v. i). Once more he is criticized only in general terms: 'He did
post-exilic Jewish life: Israel is punished, realizes what it is not set his heart to seek the LORD' (typical terminology).
like to be ruled by a foreign kingdom (v. 8), but is not entirely w. 15—16, concluding remarks: by contrast to the source
destroyed (v. 12). Its life is restricted to Jerusalem, as was model text, the Chronicler clearly distinguishes between the
actually the case in post-exilic Jerusalem. These references earlier and later acts of Rehoboam. Which periods he separ-
are not immediately recognizable today, but would have been ates thus is not, however, entirely clear. It is also unclear
clear to the Chronicler's contemporary reader. whether the records of Shemaiah and Iddo are a single text
w. i—2, at the moment of Rehoboam's height of power— or two separate sources (cf. e.g. i Chr 29:29; 2 Chr 9:29). Cf.
'establishment' becomes a central keyword in his reign—he also 11:2 (i Kings 12:22) (different spelling) regarding She-
(and his people alike) forsake God. Uzziah behaves similarly maiah, and 13:22 regarding Iddo (probably identical with the
in 26:16. The decline is described in rather colourless terms one named here).
that are typical of the Chronicler—as in v. 2, where his favour-
ite phrase, 'transgressed against the LORD', appears. The Abijah (2 Chr 13:1-23)
source model is more explicit in its description of Rehoboam's Both i Kings 15 and ch. 13 deviate from their usual descriptive
crime. The Chronicler wishes to portray Rehoboam in a more practices when they turn to reporting on King Abijah. The
positive light since he does not fail and receives an honourable source text contains only one piece of historical information
burial, v. 3, going beyond the source model, the Chronicler that goes beyond the biographical notice (v. 7: 'And there was
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 290

war between Abijah and Jeroboam'). It also includes a negative this imply that the northern priesthood could be bribed? For
judgement on Abijah's religious behaviour. Indeed, interest- the phrase, 'no gods', cf Hos 8:6. v. n, here the people of the
ingly, it contains more information about David than about northern kingdom are also indirectly accused of failing to
Abijah. The Chronicler does not use all of this information for perform the cultic rites correctly (though, of course, by defini-
his work; most surprisingly he deletes the negative judgement tion there can be no legitimate cult in the north). The correct
even though it was almost predetermined given that the king temple service is described at some points (cf. e.g. 8:12—15).
ruled Judah for only three years (short periods of rule were Whilst i Kings 7:49 (cf. 2 Chr. 4:7) describes Solomon order-
interpreted as an expression of a lack of divine blessing and ing ten lampstands, there is only one here. It may be that there
thus insufficient God-fearing qualities). He offers no judge- was only one lampstand in the post-exilic temple, or that the
ment on Abijah at all—treatment which is otherwise given Chronicler was inspired by Ex 25:31, which describes the
only to Jehoahaz (36:1—4)! This is probably because the tabernacle with only one golden lampstand.
Chronicler did not wish to contradict his source model in v. 12, 'the LORD, the God of your ancestors', YHWH cannot
Kings. There may be justification for his implied positive be taken from the Israelites! God, the priests, the war trum-
judgement in his reference to the state of war between the pets and the battle sound (in that order) form the Judeans'
northern and southern kingdoms: the Chronicler under- 'arsenal' for holy war. This indeed subsequently takes place,
stands the only information taken from the source text to its elements naturally appearing in a spiritual form. w. 13-15,
mean that Abijah (only) once defeated Jeroboam in battle. the battle and the way it is carried out show a mixture of
He regards Abijah (rather than Rehoboam) as Solomon's elements of holy warfare—especially on the Judean side—
worthy successor, as can be seen in some of his allusions. and tactics, as pursued by the Israelites, who prepare an
His war report is also an addition to his source material, the ambush which proves unsuccessful. Judah itself must take
battle being preceded by a sermon on the mount which forms the initiative and cry to the Lord, who alone brings Jeroboam
the core of the chapter, once again portraying the basic rela- and all of Israel to its knees, w. 16—17, only once YHWH has
tionship between the northern and southern kingdoms. triumphed can the Judeans become active in (pursuing and)
w. 3-20, this passage is composed of preparations for war, a defeating the Israelites, destroying more than half its army.
lengthy speech, and the description of an actual battle, w. 3-4, The Chronicler emphasizes with a note of regret that these
Abijah makes the initial impetus for war. His large army were chosen men. v. 18, he who is God-fearing and seeks the
(400,000 men) is still only half the size of Jeroboam's Lord will be heard and supported—this is a central declaration
(800,000—a figure originating from 2 Sam 24:9 and refer- of the Chronicler's theology, v. 19, the precise references
ring to David's census). Abijah's 'valiant warriors ... picked (along with the place-name in v. 4) have been interpreted by
men', are faced by Jeroboam's 'picked mighty warriors'. Both some exegetes as evidence underlining the plausibility of the
these differences suggest that on human terms, Jeroboam/ reported battle. More probably, however, this reflects post-
Israel should be victorious, w. 5-12, Abijah's stylistically and exilic Judean territorial claims.
rhetorically artistic speech concerns the legitimate rule of the v. 20, the phrasing suggests that Rehoboam died an unna-
Davidides (YHWH's rule), the legitimate office of priesthood tural death (cf. 21:18; i Sam 25:38), though no mention of this
in Jerusalem, and the legitimate (and pure) performance of is made elsewhere in the tradition. Contrary to the Chron-
ritual cult in the temple of Jerusalem. The northern kingdom icler's statement (which is perhaps meant only theologically),
has broken faith with all these principles. But Abijah's speech Jeroboam outlives Abijah by several years. It is also possible
does not attempt to prove this fact, instead calling upon the that the Chronicler inverted information he possessed to
people of the northern kingdom to return (to the Davidides create this version of events (cf. 2 CHR 8:2). v. 21, as is so often
and therefore to God). Mention of the legitimate priesthood the case, Abijah's blessing consists of increased power and a
(and the correct performance of rites) here clearly points to large number of wives and children, v. 22, in this passage the
post-exilic times, perhaps even indicating a conflict with the Chronicler mentions a different source, that is, the midrash
Samaritans, w. 6—7, 'Jeroboam, son of Nebat, a servant of ('story') of the prophet Iddo, from those of his own source
Solomon son of David': naming the fathers of Jeroboam and model. 'Midrash' must be understood in the ancient sense
Solomon serves to prove the illegitimacy of Jeroboam's claim to (the term is repeated only once in the entire OT, at 24:27),
the throne. An explicit judgement on Jeroboam's errancy ap- rather than in the technical sense of 'interpretation'. Both
pears only here in Chronicles: he rose up and rebelled against 9:29 and 12:15 refgr to the prophet Iddo. v. 23 (cf. 14:1), the
Solomon; Rehoboam is partly excused by his youth and inex- Chronicler emends his model slightly, adding (amongst other
perience (though he was 41 years old when he acceded to the changes) that the land had rest for ten years. This suggests
throne: 12:13). Th£ judgement has a theological nature. Who that the king behaved in a God-fearing manner (cf. next sec-
exactly the vain men that gathered around Jeroboam were tion).
remains unclear—possibly mercenaries, though more prob-
ably the young men who advised Rehoboam poorly (10:10). Asa (2 Chr 14:1-16:14)
v. 9, it is important for the Chronicler that the priesthood (14:1-7) Asa's Rule until the War against the Cushites This
comprises the sons of Aaron (actual priests) and the Levites. section deals with three themes: (i) Asa's cultic reforms (w. i—
The accusation made here refers to 2 Chr 11:14. The northern 5); (2) his building projects (w. 6—7); and (3) his reinforcement
kingdom appoints its own men as priests, bringing forward a of the army (v. 8).
young bullock and seven rams (two were prescribed by the law v. i, Tn his days the land had rest for ten years': this sentence
for the anointing of priests—this may be an exaggeration has often been seen as a reference to the reign of Asa's
rather than an alternative interpretation of the law). Does predecessor Abijah (especially due to its position). Here the
 291 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

Chronicler probably uses it to highlight Asa's religious re- permitted to go into action. The booty plundered from the
forms, w. 2—4, in view of such ideal rule, these reforms enemy is a rich reward. The Chronicler emphasizes these
seem unnecessary, at least for the period reported. But the aspects by his detailed description, v. 14, 'the fear of the
Chronicler respects his source model which reported the LORD was on them': elements of a holy war which seem
measures, and such reforms often characterized kings judged incongruous with the contextual descriptions of pillage but
positively in Chronicles. He also makes some changes to his which suit the Chronicler's theology well. v. 14, 'the cities
source material, which, for instance, mentions abolition of the around Gerar': in the gth century this area was under the
hierodules (male prostitutes) and all edifices (i Kings 15:12- influence of the Philistines, v. 15, 'tents ... sheep... goats ...
13). The situation Asa is confronted with at the beginning of camels': this clearly confirms that the defeated enemy was an
his reign in Chronicles is not as serious as in the source Arab-Edomite tribe.
model, though bad enough for the Chronicler, v. 3, the aboli- (15:1—19) Prophetic Words and the Renewal of the Coven-
tion of the high places contradicts i Kings 15:14. v. 4 is a ant The contents of this passage do not seem to fit into the
description of desired positive action using key terminology present context, since there is no reason for a warning after a
('seek the LORD') and Deuteronomistic ideas of the law and the war had been won because of dependence on God, and it has
commandments, w. 6—7, the information regarding Asa's therefore occasionally been attributed to a different author.
building projects (which also characterize kings who are According to G. von Rad (1958: 261-2), the passage is a Levite
judged positively) can hardly be based upon non-biblical address, while other OT commentaries see its source in post-
sources, since it is too general. exilic synagogue ceremonies. Such theories overlook the fact
v. 8, one of the most controversial debates on Chronicles that Azariah's speech forms a carefully crafted theological
concerns its possible use of non-biblical sources to report on commentary whilst simultaneously looking to the future
the structure of the Jewish (and Benjaminite) army. Junge with a particular call not to sit around doing nothing. The
(1937) suggests references to such sources using the argu- Chronicler does not restrict himself to commenting on indi-
ment that the information given is precise and free from any vidual events in his speeches and prayers, often at least hint-
religious bias or a Chronicles-based perspective. It is based on ing at theological principles and sometimes discussing them
the army levy, though the figures given portray the situation at extensively. This particularly applies to v. 2. Azariah's speech,
the time of Josiah rather than Asa. Welten (1973: 100—7) also which has a strongly anthological style, can be divided into
points out the probability that the difference between the three parts following its introduction: (i) principles; (2) a
heavily armed Judeans and the lightly armed Benjaminites historical retrospect (without concrete historical informa-
stems from the existing Hellenistic armies at the time of the tion); (3) consequences for the future.
Chronicler. The same influence also results in the Chron- v. i, Azariah is a common name in the OT, though a prophet
icler's evident interest in economics, power, and the military: Azariah is unknown elsewhere. Like so many other figures, he
he is a child of his own time. is probably the Chronicler's own invention. 'The spirit of God
(14:9-15) Asa's War against Zerah the Ethiopian The Chron- came upon...': as Japhet (1993: 717) demonstrates, this
icler takes the opportunity of the newly established army to phrase is used in Chronicles in connection with prophets
prove its—and therefore YHWH's—effectiveness. He de- who are lesser known elsewhere in the OT. Their endowment
scribes a (holy) war in which human strength is nothing in with the Spirit is also their initiation: cf i Chr 12:18; 2 Chr
comparison to divine intervention. Such portrayals are com- 20:14; 24:20. v. 2, the speech's introduction addresses a not-
mon in Chronicles, the most prominent of which can be ably broad audience: Asa, Judah, and Benjamin (the Israelites
found in ch. 20. The Chronicler probably expands both these from the northern kingdom cannot be mentioned here). The
local conflicts into all-out wars which leave Judah victorious Chronicler states his general case three times using some of
and richly rewarded, having called upon the help of God. The his favourite vocabulary, in keeping with his dogma of retri-
report is unlikely to portray a conflict during Asa's rule, but bution: God's attitude towards his people corresponds with
should be regarded as a reflection of contemporary Jewish their attitude towards him. Only part of the vocabulary of the
conflicts with their neighbours rather than as mere fiction. previous passage is used here.
v. 9, neither the Pharaoh Osorkon I nor Egyptian mercen- w. 3-6, his historical perspective clearly refers to the judges
aries from a settlement in Gerar can be meant by the Cushite period (cf. e.g. Judg 2:11-14; I 7 : ^)- It is interesting as a time of
(NRSV, Ethiopian) here. They are probably Edomite-Arab political and religious unrest during which the highest prior-
nomads (and contemporaries of the Chronicler) searching ity corresponded with the Chronicler's attitude towards his
for slaves and booty. Zerah is an Edomite name in the OT, own time, namely the need for (religious) order and security,
whilst Gush is connected with Midian in Hab 3:7 and does not v. 3 is a midrash-like reworking of Hos 3:4. But whilst the
refer exclusively to Egypt/Ethiopia. Mareshah, one of the source model uses three pairs of political and cultic images to
cities that Rehoboam is said to have fortified, was a centre illustrate the anarchy at this stage, the Chronicler limits
for Edomite (Idumean) slave trade according to the Zenon himself to religious/theological aspects. He probably used
papyri (261-252 BCE). Cf also i Chr 4:39-43; 5:10. w. 11-12, Hosea here due to his affinity for pithy expressions, v. 6,
are a carefully structured theological interpretation of the whilst w. 4—5 can be understood in the context of the judges
battle events. Asa calls upon YHWH, the only hope for the period, this cannot be applied to v. 6. Is this a reflection of the
greatly outnumbered Judeans against the advancing enemy. problems facing the Chronicler's own time, which he wishes
The Lord acts, leaving the Israelites as onlookers, w. 13-15, to portray as solvable by inserting hidden references to the
once the battle has ended successfully, the Judean army is judges period into other verses? v. 7, typically for Chronicles,
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 292

Azariah's speech ends with a call for courageous deeds. Here v. 12, are God and the people or the king and the people
the Chronicler explicitly claims what he elsewhere indirectly partners of this one-sided covenant aimed at seeking God with
hints at, clearly using Jer 31:16 as a model: 'Foryour work shall heart and soul? Azariah's sermon (including the Chronicler's
be rewarded'. The idea of reward was important to the con- important theologoumenon, Tf you seek him...') is success-
temporary period since the Jews' actual room for manoeuvre ful (cf. v. 13). v. 13, punishment for breaking the covenant is
was very limited. If they did not make full use of it they might draconian. The death penalty is used only for serious religious
disappear. But for them it was worthwhile to use all their crimes (cf. e.g. Deut 13). It underlines that seeking YHWH is
strength only when they were sure that their work would be not regarded as a casual duty. The text explicitly emphasizes
rewarded. that this applies not only to grown men, but also to the young
Asa reacts immediately to Azariah's sermon, carries out and the old, and to men and women, w. 14—15, the surprising
cultic reforms, and subsequently initiates a great assembly oath made during this festival has a simple reason: in Hebrew
(modelled on 2 Kings 23), during which the people enter into a the term for 'swear' has the same consonants as 'week' and
covenant. The sacrificial ceremony is characterized by great 'seven'. The Chronicler uses an almost plethoric vocabulary in
joy and enthusiasm, two emotions close to the Chronicler's describing the joy, enthusiasm, and commitment felt by the
heart. The passage closes with events also described in the people, w. 16-18 detail cultic (and political) measures also
source model (Maacah the queen mother is removed, the high described in i Kings 15:13-15. v. 16, Asa destroys and burns his
places remain, dedicated silver and gold is handed over to the mother's idol in the Kings source. The Chronicler adds to this
temple). There are close linguistic parallels with Azariah's a third action, 'crushed it', which draws parallels between Asa
sermon here (especially as regards the vocabulary). and Josiah, who is shown to have acted likewise towards
v. 8, the reform and the festival are not only characterized by Asherah in 2 Kings 23:6. v. 17 contradicts 14:2, so it has
generalizations, but also by concrete reform measures which occasionally been suggested that the author meant only the
are not described elsewhere. '[Ajbominable idols' is an expres- high places in the northern kingdom of Israel. (This place-
sion found only here in Chronicles, although the author came name is not found in the source model.) Other commentaries
across the term several times in his source text. '[A]nd from assume that the Chronicler originally omitted the verse in the
the towns that he had taken in the hill country of Ephraim': is source model, but later transcripts accidentally included it.
the Chronicler referring to Geba and Mizpah here—cities Asa v. 19 leads into the next, negative phase of Asa's reign.
built (!) after his war with Baasha? These are only roughly in (16:1—14) Asa's Dark Period and Death In the second brief
the vicinity of the mountains of Ephraim (16:6). Perhaps he is phase of Asa's reign (the ist—36th years were positive; up to
referring to his father Abijah's conquest (13:19), since the the 4ist year was negative) the king behaves badly and is
reigns of both kings are regarded almost in unison. The accordingly punished. Whilst he proves himself in battle in
statement could also stem from the Chronicler's assumption the first period, he fails in war in the second. Once, he listens
that the northern kingdom repeatedly lost land to Judean to Azariah, later he ignores Hanani's sermon. But since his
kings after the kingdom's division right up to the time of reign is judged positively when viewed in its entirety, Asa is
Josiah. '[Rjepair the altar of the LORD': this seems to be a given an honourable, indeed exceptional, burial. Besides the
normal measure (cf. Ezra 3:2—3) which perhaps marks the seer Hanani, three other (unnamed) prophets dominate the
resumption of ordered cultic life. chapter: Isaiah's proclamation (v. 7), the words of Zechariah
v. 9, besides Judah and Benjamin, the general assembly (v. 9), and Jeremiah's suffering (v. 10).
includes people from the northern kingdom who are under- v. i, in his report on Baasha's war with Asa, the Chronicler
standably regarded as 'strangers' from the Chronicler's per- keeps to his source model (i Kings 15:16—22) aside from a few
spective. Not only do they come from Ephraim and Manasseh, stylistic, geographical, and theological alterations. Seen in its
but also from Simeon (cf. 34:6). This (southern!) tribe had entirety, the Chronicler shows little interest in the course of
historically disappeared much earlier. The Chronicler was events, v. 2, this is illustrated by his omission here of Ben-
perhaps thinking biblically, referring to the Simeon who hadad's more detailed presentation as the 'son of Tabrimmon
settled near Shechem (Gen 34:25). It is important for the son of Hezion'. w. 7-9, Hanani's speech is short and strongly
author that there were always reasonable northern people prophetic, v. 7, the Chronicler knew Hanani the prophet (from
seeking reunion with the only legitimate cult and the legit- i Kings 16:1, 7) as the father of another seer, Jehu. Since he
imate Davidic monarchy, v. 10, 'fifteenth year': probably a needed a 'contemporary' prophet/seer, he uses him here, cf.
round number. The war with the northern kingdom must also 19:2. The Chronicler makes a central statement in
have taken place during that year. 'Third month': the date of Isaiah's message his own. In dangerous military circum-
the Sinai theophany and the Feast of Weeks. The connection stances, it is important to trust in the Lord rather than a
between the Sinai theophany—including the law—and the coalition with a foreign army; cf. Isa 7:9; 10:20; 31:1. v. 8 is a
Feast of Weeks stems from an idea from the Christian era reference to the first, God-fearing period of Asa's reign and his
(2nd cent. CE) and probably was not thought ofby him or athis successful application of faith in battle. Chariots and horse-
time. He was probably thinking only of the Feast of Weeks, men do not win the war, but God does, a truth enshrined in
though he does not mention it specifically, v. n, this feast, many classic statements of the OT, cf. Isa 31:1. v. 9, the word-
probably more ideal than real, begins rather than ends, un- ing of'you have done foolishly' is a reference to i Sam 13:13
usually, with sacrifices. '[Sjeven hundred... and seven thou- (Saul's first rejection). The first part is a clear parallel to Zech
sand' are rounded, ideal numbers with seven as their root, 4:10. 'The eyes of the LORD viewing all the lands' underlines
linking them with the term for the Feast of Weeks. his omnipresence and his ability to help Asa should he wish to
 293 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

do so. '[Fjrom now on you will have wars': since Asa took foreign and military policy. The third part reports on teaching
Azariah's sermon to heart during the positive period of his the law to the people (17:7—9).
reign, the Lord granted him 'rest all around' (15:15). There is, 17:1—7, the language and subject of these verses are typical
however, no further mention of war, so does this refer to of Chronicles, v. i, 'strengthened himself over Israel' (i.e. the
Jehoshaphat, despite its contradiction of the Chronicler's southern kingdom) is a more probable translation than
theology (cf 2 CHR 16:11—14)? v- IO > Hanani suffers a similar 'strengthened himself against Israel' (i.e. the northern king-
fate as Jeremiah (Jer 20:2—3) a tthe hands of an angry Asa. The dom), in view of the content and context of 1:1. At the time of
people Asa is said to have repressed are perhaps followers of Jehoshaphat/Ahab there were no conflicts between the two
Hanani. kingdoms. The Chronicler perhaps phrased this sentence in a
w. 11—14,me concluding acknowledgement of Asa's reign is manner similar to 1:1 in order to draw a parallel between
much more extensive than the source model. The unusual Jehoshaphat and Solomon, v. 5, Judah gives presents to Je-
placing of words of appreciation before the description of his hoshaphat, i.e. pays tribute to him—something which was
burial is perhaps due to the fact that his son Jehoshaphat had usually reserved for those who have forced subservience upon
already taken on the business of government since Asa's ill- others (butcf. i Sam 10:27): such is the reward for God-fearing
ness rendered him unable to rule. v. 12, Asa becomes ill due to behaviour, making Jehoshaphat a very wealthy man. The term
his shameful behaviour towards the seer Hanani. The Chron- usually translated as 'honour' should here be translated as
icler may have chosen sickness as punishment since the 'wealth', v. 6, despite his wealth, Jehoshaphat remains hum-
king's name can be interpreted as 'YHWH heals'. An alter- ble and behaves in a God-fearing manner: he removes the
native theory is suggested in the comment on v. 14. It is high places and Asherah poles from Judah—though this con-
impossible to say whether Asa died of gout, dropsy, gangrene, tradicts 20:33.
venereal disease ('feet' being a euphemism for sexual organs), 17:7-9, all Judah is informed by the royal officers, Levites,
or another disease, v. 14, the extensive and positive description and priests (in that order!) on the book of the law of the Lord
of Asa's burial clearly shows that on the whole he was judged (probably the five books of Moses). This is surprisingly under-
favourably (though the king had already prepared for his taken on the king's initiative (Japhet (1993: 749) suggests that
own burial). There is hardly any reliable historical evidence this relates to normal practice during the Persian period: Ezra
on this matter. The Chronicler takes the reference to the 7:25). In pre-exilic times, this was the task of the priests.
funeral pyre from Jer 34:5 (cf. also 2 Chr 21:19), whilst the According to the OT, it was only in post-exilic times that
incense and the delicate spices probably accord with contem- Levites were also included. The Deuteronomistic demand
porary practices. Asa's name is occasionally interpreted as that the people should know the law is put into practice here
stemming from the Aramaic word for 'myrrh'. The Chronicler in a democratic manner appropriate for the Chronicler: the
consequently allowed Asa to be buried in a way that accorded ruling classes play the role of educators to the advantage of the
with his name (see comment on v. 12 for an alternative inter- entire population. To what extent post-exilic custom (cf. Ezra's
pretation). reading of the law in Jerusalem) has been revised to conform
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17:1-20:37) with pre-exilic practices is difficult to discern.
17:10—19 is a second summarizing description of Jehosha-
This reign is reported with relative brevity in i Kings 22:41—51, phat's reign, v. 10, the Chronicler clearly emphasizes that all
though everything portrayed is positive with the exception of the lands around Judah (and therefore Judah itself by implica-
the still-remaining high places, where sacrifices and incense tion) were struck by fear of the Lord. This thought must have
offerings continue to take place, v. 46 refers to successes and been a consolation to members of the tiny temple state in the
wars fought by the king as documented in the 'Book of the middle of an almighty Alexandrian or Ptolemaic kingdom,
Annals of the Kings of Judah'. The Chronicler frames his v. ii documents the tribute paid by other peoples. See also
description of events with this material (w. 41, 42-51) adding 27:5. Mention of the Arabians makes it unlikely that the
to them his description of the war against Aram which was Chronicler used a (historically reliable) independent source
fought together with Ahab (i Kings 22:1—38). He also inserts a here. w. 14—19, these statements on the army's composition
large amount of information: a general description of the are closely linked with those concerning the construction of
king's reign (ch. 17), a report on judicial reform (ch. 19), and forts. Their language shows that they are later additions, since
finally the story of his successful military campaign against a expressions such as 'the muster of them according to ances-
coalition of Trans Jordanian peoples (ch. 20). The Chronicler tral houses' clearly point to exilic and post-exilic times. If the
probably did not find this original material in any sources, but Chronicler had copied a list here, it would have been more
inferred it from i Kings 22:46 and the king's unusually long rigidly structured (Welten 1973: 84). As elsewhere, he differ-
period of reign, as well as the positive judgement on him. entiates between army divisions from Judah and Benjamin,
There is a simple reason why the source model does not praise also mentioning the Benjaminites' (light) armour, that is,
the king so extensively. Ahab is the dominant figure in the text bows and shields. The numbers of individual army divisions
and is particularly interesting due to his confrontations with are strongly exaggerated (going beyond all contemporary es-
prophets faithful to YHWH. timates of Judah's population), especially since these figures
(17:1—18:1) Jehoshaphat's Peaceful Period This chapter di- do not include the soldiers already deployed in the forts. The
vides into three parts: two general judgements on Jehosha- Chronicler does at least respect the fact that Judah is larger
phat's rule (17:1-6, 10-19), me nrst concerning itself more than Benjamin, v. 16, voluntary service is one of the Chron-
with domestic politics and religion, the second dealing with icler's favourite attitudes.
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 294

(18:1-19:3) Jehoshaphat's Support of Ahab's Campaign Fo- possibility has been shown in a large number of general and
cusing more on prophecy than on the campaign against Ra- specific arguments, of which only some can be mentioned
moth-gilead, the Chronicler uses i Kings 22 as material for here: Japhet (1993: 772—4) points out that such reforms would
this chapter, whilst giving it a different introduction and con- have been necessary following the division of the Davidic/
clusion. The motivation behind following this source might Solomonite double monarchy, and that Jehoshaphat's skilful
be to show that true YHWH-prophecy also existed in the handling of domestic and foreign politics indicates that he
northern kingdom, or perhaps to underline that Jehoshaphat was capable of reforming his system of government. Certain
is somewhat better than Ahab, for it is on his initiative that the details do not correspond with Deuteronomic specifications.
four hundred prophets are consulted, followed by Micaiah. Ordering the Levites before the priests (v. 8) is not regarded as
But these are at best secondary issues. Japhet (1997:311) refers the Chronicler's work, whilst the rank of 'governor of the
to the most important reason: although the Chronicler house of Judah' (nagid, v. n) was only necessary during the
ignores the history of the northern kingdom, he follows parts monarchical period. According to Wellhausen (1886: 96-7)
of the books of Kings in which Israel and Judah interact with and many commentaries following him, the report is a com-
each other. plete fabrication by the Chronicler, who developed a 'midrash'
The Chronicler makes only few changes to his source from Jehoshaphat's name (which means 'YHWH judges');
model. Nevertheless, the story's two versions carry different w. 5-11 reflect the legal system during the Chronicler's life-
weights: in i Kings 22, it forms part of the conflicts between time. We accept this theory, whilst suggesting that the Chron-
the northern kingdom and Aram. It concentrates particularly icler also inserted some ideas on an ideal legal system.
on how Ahab dies (which is greatly shortened in Chronicles). v. 5, the appointment of judges in the fortress cities, city
The later version neglects the historical background, turning a by city. The Chronicler was particularly interested in the for-
story about Ahab into one about Jehoshaphat (nor is the tress cities, taking pains to deal with each equally and fairly
Israelite king's death interpreted as fulfilment of prophecy). (city by city, cf e.g. 17:7—9). For this reason he digresses from
18:1—3 does not follow the source model closely, v. i, refer- his source model, Deut 16:18, where judges are appointed in
ring back to 17:5, the Chronicler points out that Jehoshaphat is all cities and all tribes, v. 6, two significant factors emerge in
a wealthy man, whilst his comment that Jehoshaphat's son the first of the Chronicler's two sermons: he values the deeds
Joram married one of Ahab's daughters stems from 2 Kings ofthose addressed, therefore often using the verb 'to do', as he
8:18, 27. This marriage was probably driven by mutual pol- does here. Furthermore it is important that everything occurs
itical interests. Mentioning Jehoshaphat's wealth underlines in the service of YHWH and in his name.
that it was not necessary for his family to marry into Ahab's '[H]e is with you': a theologoumenon typical of the Chron-
house, since he was regarded as an apostate. The statement icler, which he probably drew from Ex 18:19, a passage also
could also imply that Jehoshaphat's wealth made him im- dealing with legal reforms. The Chronicler is probably at-
mune to blackmail. From v. 4, the text follows i Kings 22 tempting to draw parallels between Moses and Jehoshaphat
closely. here. v. 7, attributes of YHWH here are directly demanded
19:1—3, unlike Ahab, Jehoshaphat returns home peacefully, from the judges in Deut 16:19 (though cf. Deut 10:17). Th£
thereby literally fulfilling Micaiah's demands (18:16), though judges must behave as the Lord does. This, though indirectly
not complying with the spirit of his plea. v. 2, Jehu, Hanani's expressed, is a more weighty responsibility than the demands
son (see 16:7), confronts Jehoshaphat. 'Love' and 'hate' are not made in Deut 16:19. v- n > me many names and functions give
emotional terms here, but are used as part of a political the impression of concrete, historical reliability and are espe-
vocabulary. Here, 'to love' means virtually to form a coalition. cially representative of the Chronicler. The names Amariah
God's anger at Jehoshaphat does not materialize, unless the and Zebadiah appear only in Chronicles. On the Levites'
attack made by the Transjordanian alliance described in ch. 20 description as officers cf. i Chr 26:29 (23:4) and 2 Chr 34:13.
is seen in this light, v. 3, without going back on the accusations The term is probably used here because it appears in the
made in v. 2, the Chronicler places them in relation to the source model, Deut 16:18.
good things/deeds (singular expression) Jehoshaphat did. He It is difficult to determine what exactly is meant by the
removed the Asherahs from the land and, going beyond this 'matters of the LORD' and the 'king's matters'. Because he
concrete action, showed a positive attitude towards the Lord by makes this distinction, the Chronicler must name a 'governor
setting his heart to seek God (one of the Chronicler's favourite of the house of Judah', who is responsible for the matters of
expressions). the king, to stand by the high priest, who obviously deals with
(19:4-11) Jehoshaphat's Legal Reforms The Chronicler's re- religious matters. The Hebrew term for him (nagid) is rather
port can be divided into two parallel sections: w. 5-7: judges in neutral, but the Chronicler did not have a better word at his
the fortress cities, and w. 8—n: judges in Jerusalem, each disposal.
consisting of their appointment (w. 5, 8), and Jehoshaphat's (20:1—21:1) Jehoshaphat's War against a Transjordanian Coali-
speeches (w. 6-7, 9-11). tion and other Reports This lengthy battle report is unique to
The historical reliability of the legal reforms, which scho- the Chronicler and serves as a replacement for 2 Kings 3. The
lars have occasionally ascribed to Josiah, is the subject of action on the field is kept to a minimum, since the battle is
strong debate. Whilst there is consensus regarding the tone exclusively YHWH's affair (v. 15) and the enemies destroy
of the sermon, which is heavily influenced by the Chronicler's themselves. Israel only gains the spoils of war and, more
opinions, the question of whether reliable historical informa- importantly, speaks, prays, sings, and plays music (in unison),
tion lies behind the speech is unclear. Evidence for such a thereby giving the battle an entirely spiritualized atmosphere.
 295 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

The exact place-names, not all of which can be identified (the the Judeans. Jahaziel speaks in v. 17 as Moses does in Ex 14:13—
region of En-gedi, the Dead Sea, Judean desert, Tekoa, Beth- 14. Geographical points have also been inserted in v. 16. The
lehem, Jerusalem), point to a limited area and therefore to religious speech dominates the section, insisting that it repre-
local skirmishes rather than a great battle. It is unlikely that sents an answer to the concrete Transjordanian threat, w. 18-
Jehoshaphat's conflict with his Transjordanian neighbours 19, Jehoshaphat, all Judeans and the citizens of Jerusalem
forms the core of this report. It probably reflects hostilities worship YHWH in joyful reaction to the oracle's promise of
between the temple state and groups of its eastern neighbours salvation. They are followed by the Levites, who also praise
during or shortly before the Chronicler's lifetime. The Chron- God even before he has saved them.
icler shifts these minor conflicts into the past and inflates w. 20—8, following Jehoshaphat's orders, the Israelites be-
them to almost cosmic proportions. So long as God is at its have in battle as if they were holding a religious service.
side, even a small community need not be afraid. This is the Jehoshaphat makes a further speech, calling upon his people
consoling message the Chronicler is attempting to pass on to to have faith in God and his prophets (a reference to Isaiah's
the reader. Tf you do not stand firm in faith, you shall not stand at all', Isa
v. i, the Transjordanian armies advance to face Jehoshaphat 7:9. Cf also the same logic in sentences such as Ex 14:31). If
in battle: they comprise Moabites, Ammonites, and Meunites they take these thoughts to heart, success is assured. After
(as named in the Septuagint, replacing the already mentioned these brief words of encouragement, the king consults the
Ammonites). Noth (1944-5: 58-60) believes them to be Na- people to develop a liturgical battle order. In keeping with
bateans, whilst Welten (1973: 142—5) and others regard them Chronicles' continuous theme, 'His steadfast love endures
as Idumeans. w. 2—4, Jehoshaphat is informed about the for ever' (cf. e.g. 5:13; 7:3, 6), Israel draws its enemy nearer
opposition and vast size of the enemy army. 'Edom' instead so that YHWH can act at the moment of greatest faith. He sets
of'Aram' would be more geographically fitting here. Jehosha- (either heavenly or worldly) ambushes amongst the three
phat is afraid, not because he is timid by nature, but because advancing armies so that they destroy each other. Both motifs
the enemy army is huge. He seeks YHWH (one of the Chron- (ambush and self-destruction) exist elsewhere in the OT and
icler's favourite phrases) and proclaims a fast (as was particu- are therefore part of a tradition. The entire action in v. 20 takes
larly popular in post-exilic times) in reaction to the crisis. The place early in the morning, i.e. the time at which God usually
ensuing success is great and their efforts are impressive. acted.
w. 6—12, Jehoshaphat's prayer, which has often been called w. 24—5, the spiritual battle is interrupted. The Chronicler
a 'national lament', refers to their present crisis, but also uses all his skill to portray the size of the spoils, the largest in
contains an element of dogmatism. YHWH is addressed the entire OT: the list of booty is long, many objects are
here with one of the Chronicler's favoured expressions, qualified by adjectives, the spoils take three days to be col-
namely, 'O LORD, God of our ancestors'. He is described as lected and can hardly be carried. This enormous prize and the
the ruler of all peoples who gave the Israelites their land, thus fact that not a single member of the enemy armies survives,
being simultaneously the God of the whole world and the God underline the momentous nature of the victory. In holy wars,
of a specific people. He can aid his people against all the the spoils must be left to YHWH. The Chronicler, however,
enemies in the world. The recapitulation of salvation history has good reason to break with this tradition. King and country
by the Chronicler is limited to vague references to the Con- are to be rewarded for their exemplary behaviour. The dogma
quest. Its beginning is linked with the name of Abraham, v. 9 of retribution is a little stronger than the rules of YHWH's
is a traditional list of possible calamities and can also be found wars. w. 26—8, the war ends where it began, in Jerusalem, in
in ch. 6 (and elsewhere). (The specific situations in which one the temple, and (typically for Chronicles) with music, w. 29—
can call upon God are not restricted to moments of crisis in 30, cf. 17:10. By contrast to that passage, fear of YHWH
this chapter.) w. 10-12, YHWH's might and his gift of land spreads not only across all Judah's neighbouring kingdoms,
strongly contrast with the Transjordanian military power- but beyond this, to all the kingdoms in the region. Only now is
structures which are swiftly shown to be no match. Israel Judah safe from all its enemies—a reward for the country's
had refrained from attacking their Transjordanian neigh- exemplary behaviour.
bours on YHWH's orders (Deut 2). Now, however, Jehosha- v. 33, 'yet the high places remained': this contradicts 17:6
phat draws attention to their threat by appealing to YHWH's and, like other incongruencies in Chronicles, cannot be ex-
own interests: they must be expelled from his land. Jehosha- plained. 'The people had not yet set their hearts on the God of
phat closes his prayer with a plea for help, using the language their ancestors' represents the Chronicler's characteristic in-
of psalms in his emphasis upon human weakness. terpretation of his source model. He gives the reason for the
v. 13, in another example of the Chronicler's democratic acts mentioned in the source model. He is interested in the
tendencies, this verse stresses that all Judah—even women basic attitude underlying them. ('The people still sacrificed
and children—assembled in such a time of need. w. 14-16, a and offered incense', i Kings 22:43.) Chronicles asserts the
characteristic, salvatory oracle takes centre-stage in the por- same basic attitude towards Jehoshaphat as expressed in its
trayal of YHWH's war. God's spirit does not fall upon a source model, v. 34, as so often, the Chronicler names a
prophet, but (appropriately for the temple setting) a Levite prophetic source for his portrayal of Jehoshaphat's reign;
whose long lineage links him with Asaph, the original temple one, however, which was also used in the book of the Kings
musician at the time of David. Jahaziel, who addresses Judah, of Israel. For Jehu, see 19:2. w. 35-7, in Kings, Jehoshaphat
Jerusalem, and the king (in that order!), calls upon them twice acts alone in building up the fleet that is destroyed at Ezion-
not to be afraid and repeats two of the Chronicler's most geber, before declining Ahaziah's offer of support. Chronicles,
important theologoumena: the war is YHWH's; he is with however, portrays both kings acting together and consequently
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 296

failing together. Failure implies a sin in the Chronicler's icler subtly changes the text (or perhaps used a different
eyes. In this case, it is the result of the otherwise good King source), thereby clarifying events. He does not mention the
Jehoshaphat's alliance with the northern king. The Chron- people's flight into their tents and writes 'and his chariot
icler justifies such a reinterpretation of the story by inter- commanders' instead of 'to Zair' (two phrases which sound
preting 'Then said Ahaziah' (i Kings 22: 49) as 'Ahaziah had similar in Hebrew). Is this a reading or writing error, or the
said'. So Ahaziah's offer referred not only to the journey but version considered most appropriate by the Chronicler?
also to the building of the fleet. Jehoshaphat accepted this w. 10—n, Jehoram ought to have understood the loss of
offer. Edom and Libnah as a warning, but instead he continues to
v. 37, as customary for Chronicles, a warning is made by commit sin. At this point, the Chronicler's unique material
means of a prophet. Jehoshaphat is given the opportunity to begins. The high places are cultic sites respected above all
cancel his godless plans; he does not take this chance and is others by the people. A king's continuing tolerance of such
therefore condemned to failure. His concluding judgement, places is not regarded as a particular crime. Jehoram, however,
however, is not particularly affected by his final act of god- is accused here of the grave crime of establishing (rather than
lessness. tolerating) them as well as encouraging Jerusalem and Judah
to worship idols.
Jehoram (2 Chr 21:2-20) w. 12-15 document Elijah's letter. It is impossible to estab-
Asa and Jehoshaphat, two kings with relatively positive judge- lish from biblical accounts whether Elijah, who is largely
ments, are followed by Jehoram, who receives very poor ver- ignored in Chronicles since he was active in the northern
dicts in Kings and (consequently) in Chronicles. Since 2 Kings kingdom, could have lived during Jehoram's reign (cf e.g. 2
8 does not report much about him, the Chronicler is forced to Kings 1:17). In any case the Chronicler was not particularly
expand substantially on his model, thereby omitting one interested in questions of chronology. The idea that a prophet
source reference (v. 23). He reports extensively on the king's could make a written declaration probably stems from a (post-
brothers—something which occurs nowhere else in Kings or exilic) time in which the transcription of oral prophecy en-
Chronicles with the exception of David. Ch. 21 is thus unique. joyed increased importance, w. 12-13, in me nrst Part of the
It is also special since not a single prophet appears in flesh and letter, Elijah accuses Jehoram of the crimes already described,
blood, since Elijah only sends a letter containing a threat of keeping close to the text of the previous verses. Jehoram is
punishment (rather than a warning). Jehoram is not granted directly and indirectly compared with various other kings:
an opportunity to convert—another unusual factor in Chron- David, Jehoshaphat, Asa, and Ahab. The theme of the Davidic
icles. The passage following the letter contains a description dynasty strongly influences this chapter, w. 14-15 list Elijah's
of the punishments threatened by Elijah. threats of punishment, all of which are fulfilled (w. 16—19).
The relationship between the source model and its inter- w. 14—15, 16—19, use very similar language. Jehoram must be
pretation is one of doubling: the source model describes one punished, along with his people, his family, his property,
sin and one punishment, whilst Chronicles portrays several and (representing the only details mentioned by Elijah) his
sins and consequently double punishment. The chapter is body.
dominated by the ubiquitous theme of the Davidic dynasty, w. 16—19, maybe these verses reflect contemporary events,
influencing events even beyond the source model. i.e. skirmishes of the temple state with its south-western
w. 2-4 concern Jehoram and his brothers. One would ex- neighbours. '[T]he Arabs who are near the Ethiopians': cf. 2
pect v. 5 (describing Jehoram's reign) to be placed before this CHR 14:9. Keeping the focus of his attention on the Davidic
passage. The Chronicler, however, refrains from using this dynasty, the Chronicler only briefly describes the plague
sensible order so that he can insert the text from the source which strikes the people (cf. v. 14), whilst portraying the
material in a single block. Jehoram's brothers, who are twice deportation of the king's property, wives, and sons in greater
notably described as the sons of Jehoshaphat, are given tasks detail. Only the youngest son survives. Jehoram's crimes lead
in the fortified cities. Although this passage contains no con- almost to the disappearance of the Davidic monarchy, w. 18—
crete references other than names, commentaries are surpris- 19, the Chronicler describes Jehoram's final punishment
ingly unanimous in regarding this assertion as historically most extensively, namely his painful, incurable, yet indefin-
reliable, v. 2, Jehoshaphat is called 'King of Israel' (though this able sickness. Suggestions include diarrhoea or a stomach
has erroneously been corrected to read 'King of Judah' in ulcer leading to a chronic rectal prolapse.
certain Bible translations, including NRSV). 'Israel' must be v. 20 is a continuation of the statement on Jehoram in v. 5.
regarded here as the ideal Israel, comprising both the south- As a consequence of his godless life, Jehoram does not receive
ern kingdom of Judah and the northern kingdom of Israel, a an honourable funeral. Nobody mourns for him (unsure
title the Chronicler consistently clung to. v. 4, both good and translation). The Chronicler knew from his study of the Elijah
bad deeds often occur in Chronicles immediately after the tradition that idol-worshipping led to the destruction of
relevant king's accession to the throne. Thus Jehoram has Ahab's dynasty and applied this logic to the (almost eradi-
hardly come to power before he brutally murders all his cated) Davidic line.
brothers and several notables. No reason is given for these
murders (perhaps because they were known to the reader). He Ahaziah's Year-Long Reign (2 Chr 22:1-9)
was probably driven by a lust for power or the fear of losing it. The source model for this chapter portrays events during the
w. 8-n, it is unclear in the source whether Jehoram actually king's reign in the context of the revolutionary crisis develop-
defeated the Edomites. It may be that they defeated him, ing in the politically more significant northern kingdom.
forcing the king to escape through enemy lines. The Chron- Ahaziah's death is integrated into the story of Jehu's revolu-
 297 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

tion and plays only a minor role. In Chronicles, however, temple and the cult). King Joash is saved by a secret plot and
events in the northern kingdom are mentioned only if they later placed upon the throne. The Chronicler characteristically
are required to explain Athaliah's fate. The following sources turns this plot into a popular enterprise. The fact that, had the
are used: w. 1-6 correspond with 2 Kings 8:24/7-9 (although people been involved, Athaliah would have discovered the
the Chronicler made some changes and, above all, additions), plan and crushed it does not concern the author. He turns a
w. 7—9 are the Chronicler's extremely brief summary of 2 political act in the source text into one of religious politics, in
Kings 9:1—28 and 10:12—14. Only here does he use such a which the priests and Levites play the leading roles. The high
literary technique. The main message of his reworking sum- priest Jehoiada, somehow the guardian of the young king
mary of these verses in Kings is that religious and political co- (24:3), is more prominent in the Chronicler's version than
operation with the breakaway, godless northern kingdom in the source model. What is his exact position? Some com-
must lead to downfall. mentaries see him as unifying in some way the offices of king
v. i, in an emendment to his source model, the Chronicler and high priest, as was practised during the Chronicler's life-
stresses that the people of Jerusalem made Ahaziah king. time. Williamson (1987: 113-14) and some others, however,
There is no parallel with this in the entire OT: reports think that the portrayal of Jehoiada by the Chronicler contains
concerning the co-operation of larger classes at the royal implicit criticism of the lust of contemporary high priests for
installation refer to the 'people of the land'. The verse refers political power; Jehoida is just not striving for it. The king's
back to 21:17 and clarifies why of all Jehoram's sons, daughter Jehoshabeath is also given a more conspicuous role
the youngest should become king. v. 2, 'forty-two years old': in Chronicles (v. n). A large number of commentaries regard
cannot be correct, since it would mean that on the day the statement that she is the high priest's wife to be historic-
of Ahaziah's accession to the throne he was older than his ally reliable despite the lack of evidence to support this from
father. (The source states twenty-two years, whilst LXX states elsewhere. It would at least explain why she had such easy
twenty.) access to the temple grounds (cf, however, 8:11). It is more
w. 7—9, from this point, the Chronicler writes quite inde- likely that the Chronicler joined them together on the logical
pendently. The passage is framed by two sentences in which basis that since both played key roles in the same project, they
the authorial voice is particularly clear. This digression from must be husband and wife.
the source model's narrative flow can be explained by the
Chronicler's theologically motivated interest in placing Aha- (23:1—21) w. 1—3 are analogous with 2 Kings 11:4. The Chron-
ziah in the centre of his account. He does not use an old source icler turns Jehoiada's secretplot, involving onlythe captains of
for this. v. 8, according to Chronicles, it is the sons of Aha- the royal guard, into a major campaign including the Levites
ziah's brothers that are murdered, and not his own brothers, and the entire community, v. i, going beyond the source
as in 2 Kings 10:12—14. There is a simple explanation for this: model, the Chronicler characterizes and judges Jehoiada's
Ahaziah's brothers have been deported (and perhaps mur- actions: he 'took courage'. All those involved in the plot are
dered, 2 Chr 21:17). The two texts should not be assimilated named, lending it a degree of tangibility. With the exception of
by interpreting 'brothers' in terms of 'relatives'. Chronicles Elishaphat, all the names appear in the lists of priests and
also describes the murder of several princes. Are these a Levites in Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, w. 4—50, neither
replacement for the Israelite notables murdered by Jehu in 2 these orders nor those in the source are entirely clear, since
Kings 10:11? v. 9, the source model describes events differ- routine tasks that the author of Kings (and presumably the
ently: Ahaziah is wounded while fleeing near Ibleam, but gets reader) knew well enough are not reported. The Chronicler
as far as Megiddo, where he dies. He is subsequently trans- follows certain guidelines laid down by Kings, describing the
ported to Jerusalem and buried alongside his fathers. The guards and the division offerees into three parts. The rest of
Chronicler omits many of these details, perhaps because he the content is completely altered, so that the royal guards,
presumed knowledge of these events, leaving Ahaziah to die whose duty it is to protect the king, are replaced by priests,
in Samaria, the evil capital. The Chronicler does not explicitly Levites, and the people. Here, they serve the added purpose of
confirm that he is also buried there. Ahaziah receives a burial keeping others from entering the temple. It is difficult to
here only because of his ancestor, Jehoshaphat, who is re- interpret the significance of the different localities men-
garded as having been God-fearing his whole life. This some- tioned, v. 7, the royal guard can only be composed of Levites
what undermines the dogma of retribution. 'And the house of since they alone have the right to enter the temple precinct.
Ahaziah had no one able to rule the kingdom': the Hebrew '[A]nd whoever enters the house' is a religious adaptation of
term for 'be able' is one of the Chronicler's favourite expres- the more militarily orientated 'whoever approaches the ranks'
sions, since he admired strength and power and repeatedly in the source (2 Kings 11:8). The Levites are also required to
wrote about such values. prevent the king from entering the temple.
v. 8, 'for the priest Jehoiada did not dismiss the divisions':
Athaliah the Usurper Queen and the Enthronement of the way the Chronicler conceives the temple personnel's
Joash (2 Chr 22:10-23:21) organization (see also i Chr 23—6) clearly serves as a back-
Once Ahaziah and the Judean princes have been murdered, ground for this reference, v. 13, 'standing by his pillar at the
the kingdom finds itself in a similar situation to that at the end entrance' should perhaps be corrected to read, 'at his place at
of Saul's career (as portrayed in i Chr 10), giving meaning to the entrance'. The source reads: 'standing by the pillar, as was
the reference to David (see e.g. 23:3). Indeed the Chronicler's the custom'. The Chronicler clearly wishes to emphasize that
description of the early phase of Joash's reign shows similar- even the king could not enter the temple. Unlike the source,
ities with that king (especially the theme of concern for the Chronicles does not have just trumpets announcing the joyful
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 298

occasion, but adds various other musical instruments. This (Ex 30:13; 38:26). In a certain way it replaces the still more
also strengthens the religious atmosphere of the celebrations, difficult expression in 2 Kings 12:5. Since the tax should be
w. 16—21, the source reports on two covenants: (i) Between equally high for everyone, the laymen's generosity cannot be
the king, the people, and God. (2) Between the king and the mentioned here. The joy with which they make their contri-
people. Since the Chronicler has already introduced the sec- butions is emphasized instead (v. 10). v. 8, by changing the
ond in v. 3, he limits his description to the first (according to source model, the Chronicler secures the chest's position in a
the Hebrew text) between Jehoiada, the people, and the king place to which laymen have access, v. 13, in characteristic
(although the people are mentioned first, unlike the source). fashion, the Chronicler underlines the craftsmen's good
God is not a reciprocal partner in the covenant; the human work, pointing out that the temple will look as it did at the
partner alone has obligations—towards God (cf. 15:12). w. 18— time of its original construction. Thus continuity is guaran-
19 describe positive cultic reforms. In Chronicles, these occur teed, v. 14, unlike the source model, the unused money is used
at times when the legitimate temple service has entirely col- to produce cultic objects so that proper sacrificial burnt-
lapsed. Jehoiada organizes the offices (priests and Levites) and offerings can be carried out. This occurs as long as Jehoiada
their cultic duties (sacrifices and music), referring back to the is alive, w. 15—16, only Jehoiada, who lives longer than Aaron
law of Moses and David's orders (since Moses made no law (Num 33:39) and dies as an aged man 'full of days' (like
concerning cultic music). patriarchs and others), is buried 'among the kings'. This is
the clearest expression of his standing as a truly regal priest.
Joash's Reign (2 Chr 24:1-27)
(24:17—22) Joash's Falling Away v. 18, the Chronicler uses
As with Asa, this description is divided into two phases, typical vocabulary to describe Joash's fall: e.g. 'abandoned
namely a God-fearing and an apostate period. The second the house of the LORD', 'sacred poles', and 'idols'. To clarify
phase hangs not on a rather implausible criticism of 2 Kings the connection between his deeds and his fate, the Chronicler
12:3, but on the king's violent death indicating previous fail- already mentions the result of his religious crimes, although
ings. This leads to a radical reinterpretation of the source the idea is only brought to its conclusion in w. 23—5, after the
model, and especially to striking additions such as the lengthy theological/historical exposition in v. 19 and Zechariah's ap-
passage concerning the appearance of prophets and Zechar- pearance in v. 20. v. 19, the Chronicler expresses one of his
iah, the son of the priest Jehoiada (w. 17—22). The Chronicler most important theological statements here: the Lord gives
can hardly have used his own independent sources for this sinners the opportunity to return to his way by sending pro-
section (cf. 2 CHR 24:26, however). phets to them. These occasionally manage to convert their
(24:1-3) The Chronicle v. 2, 'all the days of the priest Jehoiada' addressees. Unfortunately this is not the case here. v. 20, the
(source: 'all his days, because the priest Jehoiada instructed principle is followed by its application. The prophet Zechar-
him'): this slight emendment makes it easier for the Chron- iah, who is not mentioned elsewhere, wishes to convert the
icler, who is unique in describing Jehoiada's death (v. 15), to people. He does not use this term, however, merely pointing
divide Joash's reign into two periods. The source model judges out that God-fearing behaviour leads to success (one of the
the king positively, since 2 Kings 12:3 is only a minor com- Chronicler's favourite themes). 'Because you have forsaken
ment. The result is that the Deuteronomist generally judges the LORD, he has also forsaken you': a precise expression of the
the king positively (v. 3, which deals with sacrifices and in- dogma of retribution, v. 21, the reaction to this mild, well-
cense-burning by the people at the high places, had to be intended call to repent is shocking: the king orders Zechariah
omitted by the Chronicler since it occurred during Joash's to be stoned to death, in the forecourt of the temple. (A legal
positive period). stoning must take place in a public place, cf. Deut 17:2—7.)
(24:4—16) The Restoration of the Temple and Collection of v. 22, showing no gratitude to Jehoiada, the king kills his son
Money This passage sticks as closely to its source model in Zechariah. His dying words are slightly emended lines from
some ways as it diverges from it in others. Only the main Ex 5:21, expressing the king's inability to escape his fate.
variations are mentioned here. According to the source, (24:23-7) The Syrians' Victory and Joash's Death The Chron-
priests can claim a certain amount of money for the temple, icler uses no source of his own here, radically rewriting 2
but have the responsibility of using such money to restore the Kings 12:17-18 to emphasize his theological priorities: the
temple. Since they have neglected this duty for a long time source text describes Joash being spared by the invading
the king relieves them of it, and with it the right to oversee the King Hazael upon payment of an enormous tribute from the
temple contributions. These are collected in a chest and passed temple and palace treasuries. In Chronicles, the Arameans
on to craftsmen as payment for their work in good faith. This take action (though their king does not appear). Although they
becomes a long-term system. The Chronicler converts it into a are greatly outnumbered by the Judeans, they defeat them.
single payment (though to be repeated, v. 5) which primarily Thus the Chronicler's favoured theme of a small Judean force
involves the Levites (Levite priests), deletes the source's criti- defeating powerful armies with the help of God is reintro-
cism of the priests (w. 4—8), and interprets the laymen's con- duced and inverted, w. 25—6, although the king's burial takes
tributions as a form oftaxation, similar to the tax collected in the place in the city of David (due to his earlier good behaviour) he
desert in connection with the tabernacle. Furthermore, in an- is not buried amongst the kings (as a result of his sins), v. 26,
other divergence from the source, he allows the unspent con- the Chronicler changes the names of the conspirators (there is
tributions to be used to buy cultic material. probably no damage to the text). This gives them similar
v. 6, this is a relatively awkward definition of the tax im- names (since they carry out their plan together), turns their
posed upon the Israelites by Moses to pay for the tabernacle fathers into mothers, perhaps because Shimeath's '-ath' end-
 299 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

ing was mistakenly interpreted as female, and declares them foolishly and godlessly. The great powers of the Near East
to be foreigners, for which there is no evidence in the source often took the gods of defeated nations back home with
model. Does this imply that nothing better can be expected them in order to win their new subjects' favour. This does
from sons of foreigners? The Chronicler's positive attitude not occur here. To worship the gods of defeated powers is seen
towards mixed marriage would contradict this. His attitude as particularly futile. In keeping with the Chronicler's habit,
towards the plot itself is also unclear, v. 27, 'Story' is the right the king is warned about this matter by another anonymous
rendering of'midrash' here: cf 2 CHR 13:22, which is the only prophet. Yet the king dismisses the prophet and even threat-
other passage in the OT containing the word. ens to execute him. The passage is cleverly interwoven with
several keywords: according to v. 10, the mercenaries' anger is
Amaziah (2 Chr 25:1-28) kindled against Judah, whilst the Lord's wrath is kindled
The Chronicler takes all his material concerning Amaziah against Amaziah in v. 15. The king accuses the prophet of
from 2 Kings 14, reworking it according to his narrative and being an unwanted counsellor, whilst the latter reminds him
theological principles. He greatly extends 2 Kings 14:7, which of God's own forgotten counsel (v. 16). The same Hebrew
describes the victorious battle against Edom, by portraying the root—meaning 'take counsel' also occurs in v. 17.
troops' selection, the appearance of a man of God before the w. 17-24, having reworked and extended his source model
battle, and of a prophet after its conclusion, w. 7-10 are often up to this point, the Chronicler has created the conditions to
regarded as having stemmed from an independent source use the source's subsequent description of Amaziah's defeat
available to the Chronicler, since they do not conform with without significant changes. The king must fail since he
his theology. In the source model, King Amaziah is judged sought the Edomite deities (w. 15, 20). His foolish behaviour
positively except for one small criticism. Since he falls victim is contrasted with that of his sensible Israelite counterpart.
to a conspiracy, the Chronicler's logic dictates that he must This is another example of the Chronicler's subtly diversified
somehow have offended God: he is thus accused of worship- attitude towards the northern kingdom, v. 20, 'it was God's
ping Edomite gods, although this seems to contradict his doing' is the most important addition made by the Chronicler
honourable burial (cf. 2 CHR 25:28, however). in this section, since it explains Judah's subsequent defeat:
w. 1-4, apart from minor, yet characteristic emendments, they sought the Edomite gods. The vocabulary here is typical
the Chronicler keeps close to his source model, v. 2, he repeats for the Chronicler: cf. 10:15; 22:7-
the source's positive judgement on Amaziah, though radically v. 28, 'in the city of Judah' (Heb. text): the source writes: 'in
shortening the criticism it contains, adding one of his favour- Jerusalem ... in the city of David' (probably 'in Jerusalem'
ite phrases as replacement: 'yet not with a true heart'. This because he died in Lachish). Perhaps the text should be cor-
serves as a precursor to his later fall whilst at the same time rected to conform with the source. Perhaps the Chronicler
being relatively mild. w. 5—6 describe the selection of troops changed it, however, so that this not-so-glorious king did not
and the recruitment of mercenaries. The notes regarding this receive too splendid a funeral.
army differ from comparable passages connected with mili-
tary campaigns (and are not used to assess the king). Despite Uzziah (2 Chr 26:1-23)
the traditional mention of both Judah and Benjamin, only Uzziah's fifty-two year reign is surpassed in length only by
Judah's weaponry is listed, leading Welten (1973: 92) to sug- that of Manasseh. Beyond the customary information, the
gest that the inclusion of Benjamin is a secondary gloss. books of Kings (2 Kings 14:21-2; 15:1-7) report only on the
Recruiting Israelites is not only a godless act (v. 7), but is fortification and conquest of Elath and the king's illness. The
also unnecessary given the size of the Judean army (cf. 14:7; Chronicler adopts this meagre frame, deletes its mention of
17:14-19, however). the people's continued sacrifices carried out atthe high places,
w. 7-10, a man of God appears. Like the prophet in w. 15- and inserts details concerning wars, construction projects,
16, but contrary to the Chronicler's more common practice, agriculture, military organization, and the army's weaponry
he remainsunnamed. This, however, need not indicate a source (w. 6—15). In keeping with the Chronicler's dogma, Uzziah's
which the Chronicler did not dare to emend, since the passage long reign and successes are regarded as a result of seeking
contains the Chronicler's usual theology: a battle is not decided God. The same logic dictates that Uzziah's illness was caused
by armies (and their strength), but by YHWH alone, v. 7, 'the by a previous failing as described in w. 16-21. Thus, like some
LORD is not with Israel': this is not a principle, but is due to kings before him, Uzziah's reign falls into two periods: one
their faithless attitude, v. 8, the Hebrew text may be damaged positive and one negative.
here and may require correction to clarify the point that the v. 5, Uzziah's positive attitude towards YHWH is expressed
king is mistaken if he believes he can achieve victory by by the favoured term, 'to seek God', which is coupled with the
strengthening his forces with mercenaries, and will fall. resulting, 'God made him prosper'. Zechariah, who is given
w. 11-13, ^e Chronicler takes the report of a victorious no title here, teaches the king to seek God (maybe the Heb.
battle against the Edomites in 2 Kings 14:7 and develops it text should be emended—as in NRSV: 'in the fear of God'). He
further to create a midrash. Although he does not mention the appears at this point because Uzziah is named in the book of
name of the battleground (Sela is Joktheel), he uses the mean- Zechariah (Zech 14:5; unless this is a reference to the Zechar-
ings of these two names. He probably understood Sela to be iah mentioned in Isa 8:2). As long as Zechariah lives, Uzziah
the contemporary Petra (i.e. 'rock', sda' in Heb.). This name behaves well, thus linking him with Joash, who falls away only
and Joktheel (God destroys) probably gave him the idea of the after the death of the priest Jehoiada.
Edomites' cruel treatment. It also allows him to omit the w. 6—15, the historical reliability of these statements is
conquest of the city of Sela. w. 14-16, the king behaves both the subject of debate. Some exegetes regard its precise,
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 300

informative style and the exact place-names as evidence of its various kinds of fortresses on Judean territory, as well as the
plausibility, and even as archaeological fact. This is contra- upper gate of the house of the Lord and on the wall of Ophel.
dicted by the existence of nearly all the Chronicler's most (2) He defeats the Ammonites, who do not have a common
valued themes and the possibility that the details described border with Judah at the time of Jotham's reign. This note is
could reflect events that occurred shortly before or during the made slightly more historically plausible (though by no
Chronicler's own lifetime. If sources were used here, they means convincing) by suggestions that he is referring to the
were radically reworked, v. 7, the existence of Arabs in the Meunites here. (3) Jotham receives an extremely high tribute
Judean sphere of influence is anachronistic. Exegetes view from the Ammonites for the period of three years. The
them as Bedouin, and consequently regard v. 7 as being based Chronicler probably had contemporary circumstances in
on contemporary sources. See comment on 2 CHR 20:1 re- mind when writing these three statements.
garding Meunites. v. 8, the Chronicler always describes 'Am-
monites' (in Heb.), as 'sons of Ammon' elsewhere. This may Ahaz (2 Chr 28:1-27)
be another spelling mistake for Meunites (v. 7). v. 10, the From a historical perspective, Ahaz's reign is dominated by
description of Uzziah's building projects in the south is sup- the Syro-Ephraimite war, during which the kingdoms of Israel
ported by archaeological evidence that could, however, stem and Judah were in conflict with each other. The Chronicler,
from the time of Jehoshaphat or another king! It is written in who takes every opportunity to expand on the errant nature of
the tone of Ptolomaic times, emphasizing economic factors the northern kingdom, does just that here. He wishes to
which had already gained importance during the Persian emphasize that reunification is almost possible at this point
period and were further developed by the Ptolemeans. The in time. But whereas Israel was responsible for the original
claim that Uzziah loved agricultural matters should be re- partition of the kingdom, it is Judah that prevents a reunion
garded in this light, v. 15, the artfully designed machines are here. Ahaz is godless and does not regard punishment as an
probably catapults which were invented around 400 BCE in opportunity to convert, indeed even worsening his behaviour
Syracuse, according to Didorus Siculus' literary documenta- following each form of punishment. After its victory over
tion. Jews must first have encountered catapults (and similar Judah, Israel is humane towards the vanquished, heeding
hurling implements) during the siege of Tyre in 332 BCE. The YHWH's word. This chapter is a mirror image of ch. 13, in
Chronicler transforms them into defensive weapons, accredit- which Judah and Israel have exchanged their roles. This main
ing their invention to a Judean king. Other interpretations of goal explains almost all of the (sometimes surprising)
these machines are too artificial. changes the Chronicler makes to his source model, including
w. 16-23, at ^e zenith of his power, Uzziah grows proud those statements whose meanings he inverts.
and commits a sin. His fall, which is described using typical v. 3, whilst the source model reports that Ahaz let his 'son
terminology, is caused by his entrance into the temple. This pass through fire', the Chronicler has his 'sons'. He thus turns
would have been permitted in pre-exilic times, but post-exilic a unique act into a cultic rite known to have been performed
values forbid such an action. His attempts to burn incense are, more than once by Ahaz. He even specifies the site of the
however, entirely unacceptable. The priests warn the king, ritual (cf amongst others Jer 7:31—2), simultaneously using it
thus serving the same purpose as prophets: according to the as the place at which Ahaz carries out his (obviously illegitim-
Chronicler's logic, every sinner is given the opportunity to ate) sacrifices. These elements do not exist in the source
turn away from his godless behaviour and be reassured of model, w. 5-8 concern the war against Syria and the Ephraim-
YHWH's good intentions. Uzziah becomes angry, opposes ites. Whereas the source model describes Israel and Aram's
the priests, and is immediately smitten with leprosy. From campaign against Judah as a minor success and draws no
this moment on, he must live in a separate house, euphemis- causal links with the southern kingdom's apostasy, the
tically described as the house of freedom. His son rules as Chronicler transforms this into a series of painful blows to
regent. This episode, which contrasts with the Chronicler's Judah under Ahaz. He does not use an unknown report on the
usually calm and schematic style, shows signs of OT sources Syrian-Ephraimite war or any other conflict as a source here.
which inspire his own imaginative narration: one such source He also separates previously coherent factors in order to allow
may have been i Kings 13, in which the fallen King Jeroboam for his description of the lengthy conflict between Israel and
burns incense at the altar in Bethel. Judah (w. 5/7—15), whilst the war against Aram takes up merely
half a verse (50). w. 5/7—8, in a battle which is not clearly
Jotham (2 Chr 27:1-9 J described, Israel crushes Judah, the number of victims per-
The Chronicler is unlimited in his praise for Jotham. This haps being an implicit comment on the kingdom's original
explains the changes he makes to his source model. Rezin and unity (120,000 = 12 tribes). The Chronicler's explanation for
Pekah cannot threaten Judah as early as Jotham's reign since this defeat is stereotypical—because they had forsaken 'the
he commits no sin. The positive judgement on Uzziah (25:2), LORD, the God of their ancestors'.
which is repeated in the chapter on Jotham (v. 2), is weakened w. 9-15: the Good Samaritans. The following report is, as
by the Chronicler, using a positive statement on the latter: its title suggests, the main source used by Luke for his well-
'only he did not invade the temple of the LORD'. The statement known story (Lk 10:25—37), as a number of identical details
is linguistically linked to the source model's, 'Nevertheless the underline. It was conceived exclusively by the Chronicler.
high places were not removed' (2 Kings 15:35), which it re- Suggestions that this is not the Chronicler's own narrative,
places. Jotham receives threefold reward for the exemplary due to its pro-Israelite tone, are not plausible. The Chronicler
behaviour described in the Chronicler's unique material in has nothing against the (all too rare!) YHWH-faithful Israel-
w. 3—6: (i) He builds more than in the source model, namely ites, even rejoicing at their existence. Furthermore, his praise
 301 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

for their exemplary behaviour is facilitated by the absence of reign according to v. 17, symbolizes his resolute attempt to
the king's name, as if the northern kingdom had already been restore order. Since the temple is still unclean, Hezekiah is
destroyed by the Syrians. (The entire chapter makes allusions forced to hold the meeting with his priests and Levites else-
to the Babylonian Exile: cf. e.g. w. 5, 8.) w. 9-11, Oded's where, at the square on the east. w. 5-11, the frame of the
sermon is typical for Chronicles, declaring to his people that speech (w. 5, n) calls upon the Levites (and priests) to become
YHWH's wrath, rather than they themselves, was responsible active. The middle section (w. 6—10) concerns sins (w. 6—7),
for the defeat of the Judeans. Should they continue to live in their effects (w. 8—9), and the consequences the king draws
such an godless fashion, YHWH's wrath would also befall from them. The vocabulary used to describe Judah's situation
them. Using a keyword for this chapter, Oded describes them warns of the forthcoming exile, clearly drawing parallels with
as 'brothers' (NRSV, kindred) thereby using the strongest the terminology used in Jeremiah.
term to describe the political and religious connection be- w. 12—19 describe the cleansing of the temple, w. 12—14,me
tween the Israelites and the Judeans. w. 14-15, the prisoners Levites immediately begin their work. Two sons of each of the
receive clothes, food, water, and medical attention—evidence seven families are named. The number seven is a keyword in
of their humane treatment. The Chronicler may have been this chapter (cf. e.g. w. 17, 21) and can be regarded as an
inspired by the description of the Israelites' exemplary behav- aesthetic concept. The last three sons named (Asaph, Heman,
iour in 2 Kings 6:22 and applied itto Oded's sermon, v. 15, the and Jeduthun) are the singers ascribed to the Levites. Cf. i Chr
parallels with Lk 10 are strongest here. Why are the prisoners 15:5-7 regarding the first three names. The Kohathites are
taken to Jericho of all places? Is it merely because Jericho lies probably priests (who are required for the temple's cleansing,
on the border between Judah and Israel? since they alone are permitted to enter). Elizaphan is men-
w. 16-21, the source model describes how Ahaz is forced to tioned elsewhere only in i Chr 15:8; maybe he serves to make
seek Tiglath-pileser's support and thus pay him a tribute from up the number, w. 15-17, having sanctified themselves (an act
the temple and the palace. Tiglath-pileser accepts the offer, that is not described further), the Levites and priests go
defeats Damascus and deports its citizens, and kills king straight to work. The king's order is in accordance with
Rezin. The Chronicler changes the chronology of events, by YHWH's law as applied by Hezekiah. The tasks are divided
placing the statement that Rezin had returned Elath to Edom- in the only way possible: the priests remove unholy material
ite hands, forcing the Judeans out of the city, before Tiglath- from the temple whilst the Levites carry it from the forecourt
pileser's campaign. He also radically rewrites the passage: he into the Kidron valley, v. 17, the chronological statements here
describes the Edomites waging war against Judah (deporting do not conform with the information in v. 3. It is, however, an
further captives—an allusion to the Exile, v. 17), also allows the important point that sanctification of the temple was com-
Philistines to attack Judah (v. 18), all because of Ahaz's godless pleted on the sixteenth day, forcing a delay in the Passover
behaviour (v. 19). This is the reason for Ahaz's appeal to the feast. This could be regarded as early muted criticism of the
Assyrian king (v. 16). w. 20-1, contrary to the source model's priests as a precursor to a more overt reproach later on (30:3).
description (and historical fact), Tiglath-pileser does not come w. 18-19, ^e report to Hezekiah indirectly underlines his
to his aid, he even attacks him. The Chronicler's logic dictates leading role in the project. For the first time in this chapter,
such circumstances, since those who are in difficulties should Ahaz is explicitly mentioned. It is no doubt deliberate that the
not appeal to foreign powers, but to the Lord. Ahaz calls upon temple equipment is the centre of attention here. The utensils
the Assyrian king for hdp (v. i6),butisnotfie!|iedbyhim (v. 20; guaranteed continuity with Solomon's temple in post-exilic
another verb in Heb.), nor does it help to offer him a tribute times for the construction of the second temple; they were
(v. 21). The play on 'help' is obvious. Unlike the source model, returned by the Persians to those who resettled Jerusalem.
the tribute does not stem only from the temple and the palace, w. 20-36, a great cultic feast, without parallel in the OT,
but is also financed by the princes—a further, somewhat takes place once the consecration of the temple has been
curious example of the Chronicler's democratic tendencies. completed. It probably represents a mixture of cultic rituals
w. 22—5 document the cultic sins of the king. According to during the Chronicler's lifetime and sacrificial laws laid down
the source model, Ahaz orders the construction of a copy of in the OT. Besides Leviticus, Ezek 43-5, the procedure for
the altar he saw in Damascus, giving the priest Uriah com- sanctifying altars (Num 7:88), and the report concerning the
prehensive instructions concerning it. The Chronicler trans- consecration of the second temple (Ezra 6:17; 8:35) all play an
forms the altar into a place of worship for the gods of important role. These similarities mainly apply to the sacrifi-
Damascus, thereby increasing Ahaz's sin. cial animals. The feast has three parts: preparations, sacrifices
made by the princes (and carried out to purify the temple and
Hezekiah (2 Chr 29:1-32:33 J free it from sin, along with great musical accompaniment),
(29:1—36) Cultic Reform and the Temple's Consecration The and the sacrifices made by the people, which are made volun-
Chronicler wrote more extensively about Hezekiah than any tarily and joyfully, v. 24, it is perhaps a measure of the festive
other king who ruled Judah alone. He used 2 Kings 18:9-12 as occasion that the priests themselves and not the laymen per-
a source model, greatly reworking its middle sections and form the slaughter. The verse is a further indication of the
adding material on the cult. Hezekiah the politician in Kings king's initiative, w. 25—6, the Chronicler emphasizes how
(only 2 Kings 18:4 concerns the cult) is thereby transformed Hezekiah reorders the cult (making him almost comparable
into Hezekiah the reformer of cult in Chronicles. to David). This new order is secured as rigidly as possible: it
w. 3-11 report the king's speech, w. 3-4, immediately after refers back not only to David, but also to Gad and Nathan, who
his accession, i.e. without delay, the king opens the doors of lived during his reign. The order of music, however, is from
the temple: this act, which takes place on the eighth day of his the Lord through his prophets, w. 31-5, once the temple has
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 302

been made worthy for ordinary worship by sacrifices, the vocabulary). This reaction conforms with the usual pattern in
second part of the feast takes place. Hezekiah then calls Chronicles; only the Judeans react in an exemplary manner,
upon the congregation to make further burnt offerings, to acting with 'one heart' (v. 12—also typical terminology), v. 12,
which it responds positively. The Chronicler first mentions as much as the Chronicler emphasizes the importance of
the people's voluntary offerings here—they are not men- individual responsibility, he does occasionally point out
tioned elsewhere in his book. that correct behaviour ultimately stems from God's actions
(30:1—27) The Passover The measures described in the pre- (cf. i CHR 29). He does not regard this double causality as a
vious chapter are closely linked to the Passover feast. It is contradiction, v. 13, it is surprising that the 'very large assem-
important for the Chronicler that Hezekiah should carry out bly' (one of the Chronicler's favourite phrases) gather to cele-
all the significant measures in the first year of his reign. His brate the festival of Unleavened Bread. Passover and
accession comes at a time when the northern kingdom may Unleavened Bread were originally two independent festivals
already have fallen. The Chronicler cannot imagine that there that grew together in the course of time, as this verse demon-
would be anything Hezekiah would not have undertaken to strates more clearly than any other OT text. v. 14, oncethetemple
achieve reunification. Since this is impossible by political has been cleansed (ch. 29), the city is also freed from all foreign
means, due to the Assyrian threat, he portrays the king mak- influence: only thus can legitimate rituals take place.
ing a final attempt to restore the unity of the cult. This de- w. 15-20 report the celebration of Passover. A number of
scription is often considered to contain historically reliable aspects are unclear. As may have been the case during the
elements, especially since negative aspects are also reported Chronicler's lifetime, many pilgrims have not prepared them-
on. But these are limited and probably reflect contemporary selves for the Passover since they have not cleansed
problems. themselves as stipulated by the law. But good religious inten-
Ch. 30 contains the first description of a complete pilgrim- tions make up for the lack of cultic correctness. Hezekiah calls
age in the OT, perhaps mirroring one as it took place during upon YHWH to pardon the people who have not cleansed
the Chronicler's time. The first part of the chapter (w. 1—13) themselves and is heard. The Chronicler may deliberately
describes preparations for the Passover feast, whilst the sec- have created a precedent to follow in the future here. The cult
ond, slightly longer section deals with its celebration. It sur- officials, the priests and the Levites, also fall short of the usual
prisingly coincides with the festival of Unleavened Bread, as standards. But they are trying hard to show their change of
does the subsequent festivity. heart, and that is what seems most important to the Chronicler,
w. 1—7, in keeping with the Chronicler's democratic convic- v. 17, according to the law, the person making the sacrifice, i.e.
tions, the king, the princes and the people decide to celebrate a layman, is responsible for its slaughter. But since the people
Passover. Due to the lack of preparation for such a feast (v. 3), have not been cleansed properly, the Levites assume this role.
they decide to delay it until the second month. This strictly w. 2i—2, this summary again refers to the festival of Un-
speaking grave aberration from the cultic calendar is not leavened Bread rather than the Passover. It is a typically unan-
criticized by the Chronicler since he values the basic change imous and joyful festival (involving priests, Levites, and lay-
in attitudes here and also tacitly refers to a previous occasion men), a very important factor for a feast in Chronicles, w. 23—7,
when this occurred (Num 9:6—13). According to Deuteronom- voluntary action is another important theme in Chronicles. It
istic teachings, the Passover was a family celebration until is underlined here by the fact that the whole assembly re-
King Josiah centralized it in Jerusalem. This is of no interest to mains for a further seven days in celebration. A great sense
the Chronicler, who refers directly to the duties laid down by of unity, joy, and generosity is prevalent amongst the king and
the law, describing them comprehensively, though rather un- the notables, and many animals are sacrificed, v. 26, the
conventionally. Following this successful, indeed unanimous Chronicler's statement that such scenes had not been seen
assembly, the king sends messengers all around the country since the days of Solomon refers to the manner of the celebra-
and particularly to the northern kingdom, v. i, in an example tion alone and is a logical reference: after Solomon, the king-
of his narrative skill, the Chronicler begins the chapter with dom fell apart, but the present festivities give the impression
calling his readers' attention to this point before mentioning that reunification may be possible. Such scenes are repeated
the assembly. only during Josiah's reign. Thus, the Chronicler mentions the
w. 6-9, the messengers spread across the country and kings with whom Hezekiah is to be compared: Solomon and
recite a sermon to the audience. Its central message is ex- Josiah. v. 27, at this point it is clear that the Chronicler wrote in
pressed using a play on words: return to YHWH, he will post-exilic times: during the monarchical period it was the
return to you. The largely unreported demise of the northern privilege of the kings, rather than the priests to bless the
kingdom has led to difficult circumstances for those who people, though the Chronicler does not entirely remove this
remain on the land and those who have been deported. If element from his source (cf. 2 Sam 6:18; i Kings 8:14, 54—6; 2
the Israelites turn back to the Lord and express this through Chr 6:3). The Levite priests bless the people, a concept the
a pilgrimage, perhaps even those who have been deported Chronicler derived from Josh 8:33 amongst others.
may find the Lord's mercy. Repentance is always possible, (31:1-21) Cultic Reform and the Reorganization of the Temple
v. 6, does such use of messengers and letters to inform the Service The Chronicler uses 2 Kings 18:4, 5—7 as a source
people of royal decisions mirror similar practices in Persia? model for this chapter, including the single-versed summary
w. 10-13, reactions to the invitation are varied. Most inhabi- of Hezekiah's reforming measures (v. 4) and the assessment
tants of the northern kingdom react with derision and scorn, of their effectiveness (w. 5-7). Both of these elements are
though some accept the offer by humbling themselves (typical strongly emended by the Chronicler to suit his purposes.
 303 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

Within this frame, he inserts detailed descriptions of the support. They are registered according to their lineage and
temple tithes and their distribution (w. 2—19). must have a purely priestly 'pedigree'. Distribution is made on
v. i details the destruction of the cultic images. The brief the basis of the number of priests. Payment of Levites is made
mention of Hezekiah's reforming measures in the source on the basis of the size of the family, whereby the eligible age
model becomes a small part of the Chronicler's report on is 30 years (see i CHR 23:3). (Levites rather than the priests are
Hezekiah's reorganization here. Furthermore, the snake Ne- referred to in v. 18.) Distribution occurs both in Jerusalem and
hushtan is ignored in Chronicles, perhaps because the idea in the other cities. The main gatekeeper at the eastern gate and
that it derived from Moses was unpleasant to the Chronicler. his six subordinates are responsible for it. v. 18, 'they were
Otherwise, the source model is greatly extended upon. The faithful in keeping themselves holy': one of the many state-
destruction of local cults by the entire population is unique in ments praising the Levites which characterize Chronicles.
the OT and extends into the territory of the fallen northern w. 20—i, the verdict on Hezekiah: the source model upon
kingdom, though this may be a reflection of events during the which the Chronicler partly bases this chapter has more
Chronicler's lifetime. praise for Hezekiah than for any other king. The Chronicler's
w. 2—10, once the king has reinstalled the temple service, in version seems weak by comparison, even though his praise is
which priests and Levites are mentioned in connection with also great. This is, however, made good by his extensive de-
their main duties (cf 8:14; 23:18-19), he prepares orders scription of Hezekiah's reign and the implicit praise within it.
regarding the tithes. These partly conform with the regula- '[gjood and right and faithful before the LORD': Hezekiah
tions found in the Pentateuch, though they no doubt reflect alone is given this threefold praise, and he alone is described
contemporary practice (or the Chronicler's ideal conception). as someone who was faithful.
The king is responsible for the sacrifices, whilst laymen
undertake to support the priests and Levites financially. It is (32:1-33) Jerusalem Saved from Sennacherib; Testing of He-
impossible to determine to what extent this really was the case zekiah What is true in many parts of Chronicles is particu-
during the monarchical period. The king after all carried the larly true in ch. 32: this chapter cannot be understood without
main responsibility for maintaining the cult. Reports from knowledge of its source model (and of Isaiah's statements on
Persian times, which might have inspired the Chronicler, Judah's behaviour whilst under threat from Sennacherib).
contradict each other. Whilst Darius states that the cult is The Chronicler uses his source texts as a framework for all
financed by the state coffers, the book of Nehemiah (10:32— important components of the story, but rewrites them to a
3) mentions a temple tithe for this purpose which is paid by great extent. He also makes severe cuts, especially regarding
everyone. The Chronicler spreads responsibility amongst the concrete information such as figures. According to the Chron-
king and his people, thereby conforming with his own ideals, icler, Sennacherib does not conquer the towns of Judah, nor
w. 5—6, the king's word spreads with extreme speed and the does he besiege Jerusalem, but remains in Lachish. Moreover,
first tithes are paid in abundance, i.e. correctly. This is another Hezekiah, who, unlike the source model, has no fear, does not
example of what the Chronicler might regard as lacking in his have to pay a tribute to the Assyrian king. The Chronicler even
own society and what he expected from it. v. 7, the third month converts the two advances made by Rabshakeh and Senna-
is the month of the grain harvest and at the same time the cherib into a single event. It is notable that Hezekiah's prayer,
month of the harvest festival (Feast of weeks) whereas the in which the king underlines YHWH's exclusive existence, is
Feast of Ingathering is celebrated in the seventh month which also omitted. Beyond this, the Chronicler shortens the text
is the period of vine and fruit harvesting, w. 9—10, the gener- further by almost entirely ignoring Isaiah, the protagonist of
osity also causes problems: the king approaches the priests the source model and of the book named after him. He merely
and Levites and asks them to explain the great piles of dona- portrays Isaiah praying with Hezekiah and cites him in his list
tions (though the wording is vague). They repeat the message of sources at the end of the chapter.
of v. 8 using different terms: generosity is rewarded by wealth Whilst the source model portrays a political Hezekiah, the
and the Lord's blessing. Azariah: the chief priest under Solo- Chronicler's king is a religious figure. In this sense it is
mon is also called Azariah. This may be the reason why the surprising that he diverges from the source model to add
present chief priest has this name. Although David (and extensive details concerning the defensive measures taken
Solomon) are not explicitly mentioned in this chapter, it is in w. 2-6,30 (though he does give military details elsewhere).
clear that Hezekiah is portrayed in a similar light to them. He may have reinterpreted information given in Isa 22:8—11 in
w. 11-19,me tithes are stored and duties allocated, w. 11-13, a curious way to come up with this information, though the
the king orders chambers either to be built or renovated in critical consensus believes that he used his own sources to do
order to store the tithes. It is difficult to determine which of so. w. 23, 27-9 (especially concerning the economy), w. 7-8 (a
these two options is the case. Two Levites administer the speech by Hezekiah), and w. 25—6, 31/7 (theological com-
tithes, offerings, and dedicated things (terms stemming ments), are the Chronicler's original material.
from priestly literature and used slightly differently by the v. i is transitional. 'After these things and these acts of
Chronicler here). They command ten men, leading to the faithfulness': owing to his exemplary behaviour in connection
round sum of twelve (which may be an organizational for- with the cultic reforms, Hezekiah must immediately be re-
mula), w. 14-19 describe the distribution of the offerings warded—in the form of deliverance from Sennacherib—and
amongst the priests and Levites. Priests and Levites have the not have to wait until the fourteenth year of his reign, as in the
right to financial support, as carried out here. Several points in source model. Unlike in the earlier text, Sennacherib does not
this text are difficult to comprehend, but the basic guidelines manage to conquer the fenced cities in Judah, but only in-
are clear: from the age of 3, all priests have the right to tends to do so. w. 2-6, defensive measures are taken. Since
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 304

Hezekiah has proved his God-fearing behaviour through his only mentions this visit in v. 31, without describing Hezekiah's
cultic reforms, he does not need to pray to YHWH, as would behaviour. Despite knowing of Hezekiah's illness, the Chron-
have normally been the case under such threatening circum- icler knew of no sin he had committed. Is this the reason for
stances. Instead he can concentrate his efforts on military describing his failing (arrogance and ingratitude) so briefly
defence measures. The Chronicler knew from his sources and vaguely? Hezekiah also behaves correctly by praying to his
roughly what kind of measures these were (see 2 Kings Lord and humbling himself. Such explanations can only be
20:20 and particularly Isa 22:8—11). This is not contradicted vague speculation. See comment on v. 31 regarding his mi-
by the fact that he describes and interprets them differently, raculous recovery, w. 27-9, God-fearing kings are wealthy and
especially by comparison with Isaiah (v. n: 'But you did not economically active, as the Chronicler confirms once more
look to him who did it'). Hezekiah concentrates on the water here. Such unspecific descriptions cannot stem from any non-
supply, carries out the necessary building works, acquires the biblical sources, but are his own invention.
weaponry required, and organizes his army. The general na- v. 31, 2 Kings 20:12 specifically reports that the Babylonian
ture of his statements also suggests the absence of additional delegation came to Jerusalem because they had heard of
sources, w. 6b—8, Hezekiah's encouraging speech is a patch- Hezekiah's illness. The Chronicler probably assumes know-
work of biblical expressions and statements, even using Isaiah ledge of this fact. 'The sign that had been done in the land':
to contradict Isaiah, v. 9, unlike the source model, Jerusalem does he mean the reverse movement of the sundial (2 Kings
is not besieged. This statement is an extreme and hardly 20:8-11) or the king's recovery? Perhaps the two events should
justifiable interpretation of 2 Kings 19:32: 'He shall not not be separated too strictly. Since the Babylonians were fam-
come into this city'. ous for their astrology, the reader at least initially would have
w. 10-17, mis sPeech by Sennacherib's servants sum- thought of the sundial's reversal. The nature of Hezekiah's
marizes the speeches made by Rabshakeh and the Assyrian temptation is stated explicitly ('God left him to himself; in
king in the source model, whilst emphasizing different as- order to... know all that was in his heart') and is taken from
pects, v. 10, unlike 2 Kings 18:21, the Assyrians are not even Deut 8:2. Is Hezekiah's humility (v. 26) being tested here? The
permitted to claim that Judah is reliant upon Egypt. It is verse does not state the outcome, though it is obvious.
almost as if they had heard Hezekiah's speech and respected w. 32-3 are the concluding verdict on the king. v. 32, instead
it. Ironically, they phrase the most important question cor- of 'all his power' (source text) that Hezekiah is reported to
rectly: 'On what are you relying... ?' v. 12, 'Before one altar': a have obtained, the Chronicler describes his 'good deeds', a
clarification and strengthening of the source model ('before term used elsewhere only to describe Josiah (35:26). Accord-
this altar'). Just as there can be only one God, there can also be ing to the Hebrew text (and unlike some translations), the
only one altar. If God wants to help, king Hezekiah has History of the Prophet Isaiah forms part of the Book of
destroyed his altars! This is the logic used by Rabshakeh in 2 the Kings of Judah and Israel. The author is therefore the
Kings 18:22. By making a slight change in the text, the Chron- most important prophet of that period. It is impossible to
icler changes its emphasis: Can Hezekiah be trusted? determine whether the Hebrew text is meant to refer to
v. 18, even Rabshakeh's speech threatening Hezekiah and Hezekiah's burial-site (Galling: 1954: 166: the upper level of
his people is alluded to: cf. 2 Kings 18:28, 27 (in that order), a double-layered royal burial site situated on a hill to the
v. 19, this verse curiously breaks with the source model, south-west) or whether it serves to emphasize the special
following a very complicated line of interpretation. Unlike honour his funeral received. Whatever is the case, Hezekiah
the source text, the conflict is based on nothing other than receives one of the most impressive burials given to kings in
theological principles. The Assyrians speak of the God of Chronicles.
Jerusalem as they do of all foreign deities (since they assume
that Jerusalem will be conquered in a similar manner). They Manasseh and Amon (2 Chr 33.'1-25 J
do not realize, however, that the deities of the peoples of the (33:1-20) Manasseh Manasseh, who is historically regarded
world are merely human creations. The Assyrians' speech and as having been an exceptionally skilful ruler, remained on
the Chronicler's comments on it are also summarized here. v. David's throne longer than any other king, for 55 years. The
20, unlike the account in the book of Isaiah, the prophet and books of Kings portray him as the most godless king of all and
King Hezekiah are not opponents here, but pray together side describe at great length his disgraceful behaviour which leads
by side. This must be so since Hezekiah is a God-fearing man to the downfall of Judah (2 Kings 21:1—18). The Chronicler
and therefore (like all prophets) on the right side. v. 21, cf. 2 changes none of the account's factual content, but rewrites
Kings 19:35-7. 'And the LORD sent an angel': the source model Manasseh's biography to conform with his implicit principle
makes the angel the active party, but this is not possible in the that a long reign is a result of God-fearing behaviour. He
eyes of the Chronicler. He also omits the number of men therefore causes Manasseh to repent during his deportation
killed and shortens the report on the unrest within the Baby- to Babylon. On his return to Jerusalem, he removes all foreign
lonian royal family, mentioning no names, w. 22-3, the images and carries out the usual construction measures. The
Chronicler uses these two verses to interpret events, naturally story of Manasseh is a spectacular indication of the strict
emphasizing that Hezekiah's and Jerusalem's (aid and) salva- dogma of retribution applied in Chronicles, combined with
tion is due to YHWH. the constant opportunity to repent. It serves as an image with
w. 24-6, according to the Chronicler, Hezekiah's illness which to comment on the forthcoming theme of exile and
must have been caused by a previous failing on his part. This return, stressing that the Judeans will always have the chance
sin may be his boastful behaviour during the Babylonian to return to their homeland. The chapter also contains a
delegation's visit (2 Kings 20:12-15). The Chronicler, however, hidden reference to the Babylonian Exile. This theory is sup-
 3°5 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

ported by the fact that Manasseh is deported to Babylon, delay would constitute a sin. His reforms must also be differ-
instead of the historically more plausible Assyrian capital. ent from those in the source model, since in Chronicles,
The historical reliability of Manasseh's deportation to Baby- Manasseh had already taken similar measures and his son
lon has occasionally been claimed on the basis of the following Amon had not resumed all of Manasseh's old, godless rituals.
points: Manasseh was encouraged by the unrest led by Ashur- Since the Chronicler did not wish to change the date at which
banipal's brother Shamash-shum-ukin in 652—648 and be- the book is found (it is the entire Pentateuch, rather than
came unruly himself. He was thereupon deported to Babylon simply Deuteronomy here), he weakens the significance of
before being allowed to return as ruler. Some commentaries the discovery by making Josiah's reforms pre-empt it. It is
have referred to the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, who was de- thus not a case of coincidence, but the king's God-fearing will
ported by Ashurbanipal and later returned to his homeland. that brings improvement. This explains the changes to the
This assumption is contradicted by the fact that the Assyrian source text undertaken by the Chronicler. Many points are
annals describe Manasseh as a consistently loyal vassal, and summarized descriptions of the source model, in which de-
that his journey to Babylon would certainly have been men- tails are omitted, whilst other areas are expanded to accom-
tioned in Kings if it had any historical basis. However convin- modate some of his favourite theologoumena and opinions,
cing the story seems, it is therefore more probably an i.e. the Levites, the inclusion of the north, etc. At first sight, his
invention inspired by the Babylonian Exile and biblical ma- somewhat weaker praise for Josiah may be surprising, since
terial. he is one of his favourite kings. But Josiah died on the battle-
w. 1—9, the Chronicler closely follows his source model field and therefore must have committed some previous sin.
here, with a few minor changes, v. 10, at this point in the The Chronicler's description of the process of reforms is more
source model (2 Kings 21:10—15) there is a lengthy prophetic historically reliable than his source. All alterations are dictated
speech to Manasseh predicting Judah's downfall. It is followed by the Chronicler's own specific profile.
by a comment that Manasseh shed innocent blood in abun- w. 3—7 detail cultic reforms. Since Manasseh had already
dance. The Chronicler omits the last comment completely cleansed the temple (33:15) and Amon had hardly changed
and replaces the speech (which he cannot include due to its this, the present king must concentrate on cleansing the
content) with a comment that Manasseh and the people did country, first Judah and Jerusalem (w. 3-5), and later also
not heed God's warning. the north (w. 6—7). Unlike the source model, Chronicles
w. 11—13, me advancing Assyrians' treatment of Manasseh merely summarizes this report, v. 3, although still young (16
is based on the similar treatment of Jehoiachin (Ezek 19:9; 2 years old), Josiah already begins to seek God (one of the
Chr 36:10). The Chronicler probably also used 2 Kings 19:28 Chronicler's favourite phrases). Since he is not yet of age, he
as a literary source: the Assyrian king is called upon to wear a does not undertake any public measures. These are carried
ring through his nose so that he could be dragged back up the out in the twelfth year of his reign, i.e. in adulthood, w. 6—7,
road down which he was advancing, w. 12—13, Manasseh does the inclusion of the north in his reform of the legitimate
exactly what is expected of a sinful king. He humbles himself kingdom plays a central role in Chronicles here (cf. w. 9, 21,
and prays to God, as instructed by the temple-consecration 33) and later in 35:17—18. v. 7, 'he returned to Jerusalem': with
prayer (cf. 6:36—9; 7:14). The reaction is swift: the Lord (and this statement, which relates to 2 Kings 23:20, the Chronicler
not the Assyrian king!) allows the king to return to Jerusalem. underlines that the king is personally responsible for the
named undertaking.
w. 14—17 relate Manasseh's actions after his return to the
w. 8—13 describe donations for the temple's improvement.
throne. Like many God-fearing kings, Manasseh is shown
The Chronicler extends a relatively brief order to collect
God's blessing by being allowed to carry out construction
money to pay for the necessary improvements to the temple,
projects and build fortresses in Jerusalem and Judah. It is
transforming it into an extensive report, v. 9, in his descrip-
unlikely that this report is based on historically reliable
tion of the collection of tithes (from the entire population)—
sources, although it would not be surprising if he strength-
cf. 24:5—9 and David's approach in connection with the tem-
ened his fortification following Sennacherib's campaigns in
ple's construction (i Chr 29), the Chronicler emphasizes the
Judah.
co-operation of all the people more strongly than does
(33:21—5) Amon The description of Amon's rule is also brief in the source text, listing those involved (including people
the source model. The Chronicler makes slight changes to from the north), w. 12—13,me workmen work honestly (source
make it conform with his depiction of Manasseh, as a godless model: deal honestly). The Chronicler highly esteems good
king. work. Going beyond his source model, the Chronicler names
those responsible. They are naturally Levites who have similar
Josiah (2 Chr 34:1-35:27)
duties to those in i Chr 26, though they perform these tasks
(34:1—33) Renewal of the Cult; Reinstatement of the Law; for Josiah only in Chronicles. One would expect from 29:12
Confirmation of the Covenant 2 Kings 22-3 describes how that Gershonites were among them. Perhaps the singers
in the eighteenth year of his reign, Josiah coincidentally dis- mentioned here dictated the rhythm of their work with their
covers a book (which can easily be identified as Deuteron- music.
omy), upon which he undertakes a comprehensive reform of w. 14-33, document the discovery of the book of the law, its
the cult, combined with its centralization in Jerusalem. The study, and the renewal of the covenant. Apart from some
Chronicler could not use this version without changing it, for minor details, the Chronicler follows his source text here.
several reasons. Josiah, who is judged positively, cannot begin v. 14, first the money for the temple, then the book: this
his reforms as late as his eighteenth year of reign, since the amendment to the source model once again underlines the
I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S 306

Chronicler's outlook. The book is found because Josiah and result of textual damage, w. 4, 6, cf. comments on David (i
his people behave in an exemplary manner. It is not clear Chr 23—7) and Solomon (2 Chr 8:14) concerning the ancestral
where the book of the law, which was written by Moses houses and their order. Moses did not lay down a law regard-
(though only in the Chronicles version), was discovered. Since ing this aspect, unlike the Passover procedure itself, to which
not only Deuteronomy, but the entire Pentateuch is discov- the last verse exclusively refers (cf. v. 13). w. 7—9, as with the
ered in Chronicles, it is not surprising that Shaphan reads temple construction and King Hezekiah's Passover feast, King
'from' it (in Heb. text; source model: read it) rather than all of Josiah and his officials (in this case the princes and the notable
it, before the king (cf. v. 18). v. 24 has 'all the curses that are Levites—but not priests) are characterized by their generosity.
written in the book', instead of the source model's 'all the One of the Chronicler's keywords, 'willingly', is repeated here.
words of the book'. Perhaps the Chronicler was thinking of w. 10—15,once the king's instructions have been carried out,
Lev 26; Deut 27—9 here. v. 30, 'the Levites' (source model: 'the the actual sacrifice takes place. Here the priests are limited to
prophets'): this slight change displays the Chronicler's their central role of performing the blood ritual and offering
conviction that the Levites have 'replaced' the prophets to the sacrifice, whilst the Levites make all the necessary prep-
some extent by his own lifetime and fulfil their role of an- arations (a role reserved for laymen according to Leviticus).
nouncing God's word. This replacement does not, however, This included slaughtering the animals, skinning them, re-
represent a demotion of the prophets, who still have their ceiving the roasted/boiled meat, and distributing it amongst
place of honour in Chronicles, v. 33 is an extremely shortened themselves and the musicians so that they can continue their
summary of 2 Kings 23:4—20 and seems to contradict w. 3—7, own duties. The Levites are therefore presented as an essential
which already mention the cult's cleansing. The two passages part of the ritual, v. 13, 'they boiled in the fire' (literal transla-
use different terms, however, so it is possible that the Chron- tion from the Heb.); the Chronicler uses this unusual phrase
icler is describing two different forms of cleansing. to combine the two contradictory instructions in Ex 12:8-9
and Deut 16:7. '[Qjuickly' emphasizes the Levites' good work
(35:1-27) The Passover and Josiah's Death This chapter can whilst simultaneously referring to Exodus' instructions to
be divided into three parts: the extensive description of the consume the Passover quickly (Ex 12:11). v. 15, the musicians
Passover feast, which Josiah feels obliged to celebrate after his are first called the 'descendants of Asaph' after their most
reforms, the report on Josiah's death, and the concluding important ancestor and are then listed according to their
verdict upon him. The Chronicler uses his source model for families.
all three parts of the chapter, but greatly changes and extends w. 16-17 actually summarize the re-establishment of a
the material in the first two parts in order to apply his cultic religious service which was probably also attended by people
and theological priorities to the king he loved so much. It is from the northern kingdom. The Feast of Unleavened Bread
unlikely that these additions (regarding the Passover feast) follows immediately after the Passover, though, unlike in
and alterations (in connection with Josiah's death) are based Hezekiah's account, is not dealt with in detail.
on older sources not present in the OT w. 18-19, ^e unique nature of this Passover feast in Kings
w. 1-19, the special features of the Passover feast carried out is due to its central celebration in Jerusalem. This is not the
by Josiah can be explained almost entirely by the following case in Chronicles since Hezekiah's Passover had also been
factors: (i) The OT contains contradictory instructions regard- performed in the capital. The unique aspect here is its place in
ing the Passover. Whilst it is a feast celebrated within the cultic history, since Hezekiah's feast was not correctly pre-
family in Ex 12, during which sacrificial animals are roasted, pared for. v. 18, 'since the days of the prophet Samuel' replaces
Deut 16 describes it as a ritual performed in the central holy 'since the days of the judges' in the source model. The Chron-
place (in Jerusalem) at which the sacrificial animals are icler hardly mentions the judges period in general. Since
boiled. (2) The main difference between the Passover feasts Samuel is regarded as the final judge of the period, the
of Hezekiah and Josiah is that Josiah's is not celebrated with Chronicler is relatively correct in his statement, but is able to
such great haste. Its liturgy is also described more extensively. simultaneously mention one of the prophets he likes so
To a certain extent, Josiah represents a solid, legal version of much.
what Hezekiah put into place. This is emphasized by the w. 20-7, the Chronicler takes the brief note concerning
Chronicler's lengthy explanation of the 'legal' basis of the Josiah's death in his source, whilst altering and greatly extend-
feast (Moses, David/Solomon, Josiah). This order is probably ing it. Some commentaries have regarded this report as his-
both the Chronicler's concept of an ideal procedure and torically more reliable than the source text, although most of
common practice during his lifetime, though it is difficult to its inconsistencies can be explained by the Chronicler's per-
determine which factor is decisive. (3) The Chronicler firmly sonal perspective. The source model incorrectly states that the
places his beloved Levites (and musicians) into the Passover Egyptian pharaoh led a campaign against the Assyrians. In
procedures. (4) He links well-being offerings with the Pass- fact the pharaoh advanced in support of the Assyrian king, a
over procedures in an obscure way. (5) As so often, he uses fact that the Chronicler does not explicitly state. The reference
speeches to express his own theological convictions. to Carchemish on the Euphrates (v. 20) probably stems from
w. 1—9 (10) detail the preparations, v. i, as implicitly sug- Jer 46:2, since the wording is similar to this passage. How-
gested in Deut 16, the feast takes place in Jerusalem on the ever, another interpretation has been suggested: the Assyrian
appointed day. v. 3. 'Put the holy ark in the house ...': does this King Ashuruballit founded his new capital city in 610 BCE.
appeal suggest that the ark had been removed from the tem- The Egyptians supported the Assyrians at this time, as can be
ple, perhaps during Manasseh's reign, or is it a literary tech- seen from the counter-offensive against the Babylonians in
nique to mark the renewal of the cult? It could even be the 609. Ch. 35 must therefore be regarded in the light of these
 3°7 I AND 2 C H R O N I C L E S

events. We suggest, however, that the entire section must be allowing the Chronicler to close his work with an image of the
understood from the perspective of Josiah's violent death. temple.
According to the Chronicler's logic, it is an indication of the (36:1—4) Jehoahaz The Chronicler's description of Jehoahaz
king's previous sin. Since there is no mention of such a sin in is extremely brief and omits details concerning his journey to
the source model, the Chronicler is forced to invent one. He the land of Hamath. The concluding judgement upon him is
has great affection for the king, however, so he places his fall completely ignored (as is the case with Abijah, the only other
from grace as late as possible, upon the battlefield. Thus he king to receive such treatment). Is this the result ofhis short
creates the rather unconvincing literary construction by reign, a damaged text, or perhaps the fact that Jeremiah gives
which Josiah rejects the word of God. (The heathen Neco is him a positive verdict (Jer 22:15-16)?
naturally not permitted to use his name and thus uses the
(36:5-8) Jehoiakim This section contains the usual omis-
word 'God' instead.) Josiah, who is expected to believe the
sions from the source model. The advance of an alliance of
heathen king's claims (!), insists on meeting him in battle (of
Chaldeans, Arameans, Moabites, and Ammonites (which
which there is no description in the source model) and is
God had incited!—2 Kings 24:2) is replaced in Chronicles by
killed. His armour, his wounding, and his order to be taken
the claim that Nebuchadnezzar attacked the king, placed him
to Jerusalem are not an indication of supplementary informa-
in fetters and deported him to Babylon. The Chronicler prob-
tion, since the description is based on Ahab's fate. He too
ably extracted this information from Dan 1:1—2 and it can
dressed for battle, defied God's warning, was wounded, and
hardly be regarded as historically reliable. The last kings of
ordered his men to withdraw (i Kings 22:30, 34). The aston-
Judah were all deported. Here, Jehoiakim receives the same
ishing comparison between Josiah and the godless Ahab is
treatment as Manasseh, though it is unclear whether he is
probably due to the fact that he was the closest comparable
actually deported or whether the Babylonians merely intend
figure who committed a sin on the battlefield.
to do so, since the Hebrew text allows both interpretations, v. 7,
w. 24/7—25, ultimately, the Chronicler regards Josiah's
the Chronicler is most interested in the fate of the temple and
(only!) sin as not sufficiently grave to deny him an honourable
its equipment (see also w. 10, 18—19) an(^ uses Dan 1:2 as a
funeral, although this contradicts his own logic. Indeed all
source for his description.
Judah and Jerusalem mourn for him, a unique description in
Chronicles. Jeremiah even composes a lament to commem- (36:9—10) Jehoiachin The source model portrays a compre-
orate him which is still included in all laments 'to this day'. hensive deportation (597 BCE) which does not differ complete-
Thus the song must be included in all future laments. This ly from the second transportation. The Chronicler, however,
may be the biblical parallel to the tradition maintained in the reduces Jehoiachin's description to an absolute minimum,
Talmud ascribing Lamentations to Jeremiah. Perhaps the concentrating on the king's deportation and the (valuable—
Chronicler is referring to Zech 12:9—14 here, since it also note the emphasis compared to v. 7) temple equipment.
seems to refer to Josiah's death. (36:11-16) Zedekiah The Chronicler applies the same editing
principles for Zedekiah as he used for the previous three
The Last Kings of Judah, the Fall of Judah, and Cyrus's kings, describing events as briefly as possible. He does, how-
Edict (2 Chr36:1-23) ever, introduce new emphases compared with the previous
The Chronicler further reduces his source's rather brief de- kings. He does not directly report Zedekiah's deportation (cf.
scription of the history of Judah's final four kings (to less than the three previous kings), which disappears in the mass of
half its original length), although he not only deletes material, deportations carried out. This is probably an attempt to pro-
but also adds a small amount ofhis own. Above all, he omits the tect the Davidic monarchy, to which he still clings. Nor is his
details concerning Jerusalem's destruction, the names of the description of the pillage of the cultic vessels extensive (cf. v. 18
queen mothers, part of the verdicts on the kings, even certain and 2 Kings 25:13-17), since the central issue of importance to
death announcements (because the relevant kings died in a the Chronicler is the mere fact of the deportation, rather than
foreign land), and further Deuteronomistic interpretations of individual details. He is of course more extensive in his de-
Jerusalem's destruction (as due to Manasseh's sins, 2 Kings scription of Zedekiah and the people democratically bound to
24:3; cf v. 20). Thus the kings are shifted closely together— him than in the description of the three previous kings, but
forming a kind of indistinguishable massa perditionis—giving there is one reason for this: since each generation and every
the story greater unity than its source model. The Chronicler's king is responsible for their own fate, the sins committed by
additions refer to the temple, whose fate is important to the Zedekiah, his notables, and the people must have been great.
author. His descriptions of the people's responsibility (and The source model has little to report here (since the Exile is
their forthcoming downfall) are characterized not so much by seen as the result of Manasseh's sin): 'He did what was evil in
colourful details as by strong theological argument. the sight of the LORD, just as Jehoiakim had done' (2 Kings
The deportation of the survivors of Judah is described in 24:19). The Chronicler uses this reference to Jehoiakim to
one verse (v. 20) which also contains mention of the Persian make further additions. He (explicitly) points out Zedekiah's
successors to Babylon. Only v. 21 contains an interpretation disobedience towards Jeremiah (who plays a central role in the
(and not a description) of the Exile ('until the land had made background of the entire chapter) and the king's lack of will-
up for its sabbaths') and part of the edict of Cyrus as described ingness to repent. Furthermore he makes general criticisms,
in the book of Ezra, which allowed deported Jews to return to such as that the princes and people were disobedient towards
Jerusalem and rebuild the temple. This description has the the prophets. This section contains many references to bib-
effect of concealing the Exile whilst not denying its existence, lical texts, which cannot all be listed here. One reason for this
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 308

plethora is the notion that what the prophets predicted, based may encourage the reader to refer to the events described in
on the law, has come about. Ezra and Nehemiah, but can also be regarded as a reference to
v. 14 underlines the fact that the people and the people's the future in general.
leading ranks (perhaps with the exception of the Levites, who
remain unnamed) are responsible for their own exile. The
accusations are extremely harsh since active spoiling of the
REFERENCES
temple—consecrated by God—is described only here. w. 15—
16, apart from Jeremiah, other (unnamed) prophets are men- Albertz, R. (1992), Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit,
tioned, whose mission is not described by the Chronicler Grundrisse zum Alten Testament 8 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
(perhaps because it would in any case have been unsuccess- Ruprecht).
ful), but can only be to bring the king and his people to Avigad, N. (1976), Bullae and Seals from a Post-Exilic Judaen Archive,
repentance. The motive behind God's invitation to repent is Qedem 4 (Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University
of Jerusalem).
stated, however: compassion for both the people and the
Cross, F. M. (1975): 'A Reconstruction of the Judean Restoration', JBL
temple. It is significant that the people and the temple have 94:4-18.
the same status here. The language is once again strongly Galling, K. (1954), Die Bucher der Chronik, Esra, Nehemia, Das Alte-
influenced by the book of Jeremiah. Testament Deutsch 12 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
(36:17-21) The End of Judah v. 18, the plundering of the Japhet, S. (1993), I el II Chronicles: A Commentary, OTL (London:
temple reaches a climax: 'All the vessels of the house of SCM).
God'. In addition, the king's and princes' private treasures (1997), Th£ Ideology of the Book of Chronicles and Its Place in
Biblical Thought, 2nd edn. BEAT 9 (Frankfurt a.M.).
are taken, v. 19, Jerusalem's actual destruction is portrayed in a Junge, E. (1937), Der Wiederaufbau des Heerwesens des Reiches Juda
few words. Thus the Chronicler's mention of the 'palaces' is unterjosia, Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testa-
even more striking, v. 20, the Chronicler intentionally omits ment 75 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer).
the source model's mention of vineyard and field workers who Knauf E. A. (1995), 'Zum Verhaltnis von Esra i, i ZU2 Chronik 36,20—
remained on the land, concentrating his description of this 23', Biblische Notizen, 78:16—17.
last phase on Jerusalem, leaving the question of those who Noth, M. (1944-5), 'Eine palastinische Lokaluberlieferung in 2. Chr.
remained unanswered. The experience of the Exile is not 20', Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, 67: 45-71.
described at all. v. 21, this sentence combines Jeremiah's Rad, G. von (1958), 'Die levitische Predigt in den Buchern der
announcement of 70 years of exile (Jer 25:11—12) with the Chronik' in Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament, Theologische
Biicherei 8 (Munich: Christian Kaiser), 248-61.
warning made in Lev 26, in which the land spits out disobedi-
Rudolph, W. (1955), Chronikbiicher, HAT 21 (Tubingen: Mohr [Sie-
ent dwellers, to restore peace and enable the long-abused beck]).
sabbath to be observed. Tarn, W. W. (1941), Hellenistic Civilisation, 2nd edn. (London: Edward
(36:22—3) Cyrus's Edict w. 22—3, after the extremely brief Arnold).
treatment of the Exile, the Chronicler moves directly on to Wellhausen, J. (1886), Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, 3rd edn.
the Persian King Cyrus's order enabling a return, a central (Berlin: Georg Reimer).
Welten, P. (1973), Geschichte und Geschichtsdarstellung in den Chro-
theme of which is his permission to rebuild the temple. The
nikbuchern, WMANT42 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: NeukirchenerVerlag).
Chronicler bases his text on Ezra here, even quoting it occa- Willi, T. (1972), Die Chronik als Auslegung: Untersuchungen zur litera-
sionally (cf Ezra 1:1—3). This is nevertheless no proof that rischen Gestaltung der historischen Uberlieferungen Israels, FRLANT
Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah form a Chronicler's history 106 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
and were only separated at a later date. The Paraleipomena Williamson, H. G. M. (1987), i and 2 Chronicles, NCB (Grand Rapids:
have an open ending, with the appeal, 'Let him go up'. This Eerdmans).

15. Ezra-Nehemiah D A N I E L L.S M I T H - C H R I S T O P H E R

INTRODUCTION 4:2-6 in Heb.; 4:9-11; 5:17-6:5 in Aramaic). The text occa-

sionally reflects Old Persian vocabulary (for a list: Fensham
A. Text and Language. 1. Originally one work (b. B. Bat. 14!)-
1982: 22), but there is little significant influence from Greek.
153); Eusebius, Hist. ecd. 4.26.14), the books of Ezra and
Nehemiah share themes, and even specific texts (the most 2. There are two translations in Greek, known as Esdras
obvious being what is called the Golah List, Ezra 2 | Neh 7, alpha (i Esdras) and Esdras beta. Esdras beta is quite close to
gold meaning 'exile'). In addition, the main character changes the canonical work, but i Esdras is an independent work
from Ezra, then to Nehemiah, and then back to Ezra, etc. The which reproduces only the Ezra materials (including the read-
short books are composed largely in late biblical Hebrew, but ing ofthe law which appears in MT Neh 7:72—8:13 (i Esd 9:37—
contain significant sections (Ezra 4:8-6:18; 7:12-26) written 55; see the helpful discussion in Myers 1974: 1-19)). i Esdras
in what is often referred to as imperial or official Aramaic includes a charming court tale of Zerubbabel very much in the
(Rosenthal 1974). By general consensus, the texts are well Daniel tradition. Certain readings in i Esdras can be used to
preserved (Rudolph 1949: p. xix). There are fragments of correct difficulties in the MT (note list in Rudolph, 1949: p.
Ezra among the Dead Sea scrolls (4QEzra) which are quite xvi) but in general it is considered a later text featuring a free
close to the Hebrew and Aramaic sections of the MT (only rendering into Greek.
 3°9 EZRA-NEHEMIAH

B. Subject-Matter and Literary Genre. Contemporary scholar- unstable era in the Persian empire (Dandamaev 1989: 351-4).
ship has formed an uneasy consensus around the notion that Despite this, the memoirs surely arose within a short time of
Ezra and Nehemiah had their origin in two separate 'mem- the work of both Ezra and Nehemiah, and the correspondence
oirs' from the two historical figures in £.460-440 BCE. But between local and imperial Persian officials in Ezra 1-6 may
why were they written? Some have suggested comparisons well date from the time of the Persian emperors named. Thus,
with official reports written to the Persian monarch (Blen- the events mentioned give us an earliest possible date for the
kinsopp 1988: 262), while others have suggested that, at least traditions, beginning with the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus
in the case of the Nehemiah memoirs, they were originally in 539 BCE. The last clear reference, Neh 12:22-3, is to Jaddua,
written as a defence against accusations of sedition. Others high priest at the time of Alexander the Great, according to
have suggested biblical precedents such as psalms of lament Josephus, and dated to roughly 323 (Clines 1984: 222; Blen-
or defence (so Kellermann 1967). To these memoirs were kinsopp 1988: 340), but this reference is almost universally
joined two sorts of supporting materials. First, older corres- considered to be an insertion by a very late hand, in order to
pondence and documents involving both local and imperial bring the list down to the editor's time. It would therefore be
Persian authorities provided the material for Ezra chs. i—6. hazardous to use this as an indication of the completion of
Secondly, a series of lists was added (the dates are debated), most of the book, which was undoubtedly in more or less
most prominently the Golah List of Ezra ch. 2 Neh ch. 7. The present form by the late fifth century (430-400 BCE).
many lists form one of the most perplexing features of the
work. E. Literary and Historical Problems. 1. Among the more vexed
problems of Ezra-Nehemiah scholarship is the problem of
C. The Religious Teaching. The main issue in Ezra and Nehe- determining the historical relationship of the presumed his-
miah is the restoration of the post-exilic Judean community. torical figures of Ezra and Nehemiah: Who came first? Did
There is a contrast established between the 'official' methods their time in Judah overlap? Another problem has been the
and attitudes of Nehemiah, whatever his title or authority may possible relationship to the writings of the Chronicler. We can
have actually been, and the more theologically based authority only briefly review these questions here, beginning with the
of the priest/scribe Ezra. Nehemiah's focus is on the physical latter question on the relationship to Chronicles.
infrastructure—particularly the city wall around Jerusalem. 2. Chronicles ends with the same phrases with which Ezra
Ezra, on the other hand, is intent on the restoration of the begins—the suggestion has often been made that they are
Mosaic law as the spiritual centre of the post-exilic commu- originally intended to be parts of one work. Among modern
nity. Otherwise, both are Jewish officials or leaders (Ezra 7:1— commentators, Blenkinsopp (1988: 47—54) defends this unity
10; Neh 2:1—2) who become concerned about the state of on both lexical and thematic grounds (David as founder of
affairs amongst the Jews in Jerusalem; both seek permission temple, interest in the details of temple construction and
from the Persian monarch to carry out their mission (Ezra, worship, etc.). But as Williamson (1985: pp. xx-xxii), in agree-
implied in 7:6; Neh 2:1—4); both preside over a number of ment with the arguments of Japhet (1968), concludes, there
significant reforms in the Jewish communities in Jerusalem; are good historical grounds for considering Ezra—Nehemiah
both write of their experiences in the first person. Noting this, as a single work that predates the creation of i Esdras, and
Eskenazi (1988) points out that the editorial tendency is to- therefore i Esdras cannot be used as an argument that Ezra-
wards a preference for Ezra: 'The Omniscient narrator... cor- Nehemiah were originally the ending of a large work that
roborates Ezra's assessment of reality by repeated references included Chronicles. These arguments tend towards surveys
to divine support for Ezra' (ibid. 134). The contrast between of lexical comparisons between the two works, including
the two figures can, however, be taken in other directions. stylistic features. Williamson further argues that Ezra-
Kapelrud (1944) based his doubts about the very existence of a Nehemiah was completed in three stages: (i) the writing of
historical Ezra on this same literary parallelism. Smitten the primary memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah, close to their
(1973: 88; echoing the earlier work of Torrey (1970)) agrees, actual lifetimes; (2) a combination of materials that resulted
considering Ezra a pious fiction created from priestly imagin- in Ezra 7~Neh 13 (with some parts added later); and (3)
ation in order to contrast proper religious conduct against that the final addition of Ezra 1-6. Although admittedly without
of Nehemiah (objections include Williamson 1985: 115—16, great confidence, the presumption of this commentary
and Blenkinsopp 1988: 216). on Ezra—Nehemiah tends towards reading it separately
D. Date and Place of Composition. 1. Despite the fact that many from Chronicles, except for some thematic and historical
of the scenes of the Ezra and Nehemiah story take place in the similarities which need not depend on common authorship,
eastern diaspora in the Persian empire (so reminiscent of but simply common historical and sociological circum-
court stories such as Daniel and Esther), the movement of stances.
the narratives is clearly towards the resettled community in 3. The problem of when Ezra and Nehemiah arrived in
Judah. The narrative ends rather suddenly after the rededica- Jerusalem is also complex, and made more so by the number
tion of the temple in Neh 11-12, followed by some after- of rulers named Artaxerxes, and the popularity of similar
thoughts in ch. 13. We do not know the fate of either Ezra or Jewish names among the exilic communities! In short, the
Nehemiah. same name cannot always be taken to be the same person. For
2. Although we know of important events in the Persian example, the seventh year of Artaxerxes I would be the tradi-
period from Greek sources (pre-eminently Herodotus, Hist.), tional date for Ezra of 458 BCE, before the date of Nehemiah's
none of these is explicitly referred to in Ezra or Nehemiah. opening memoirs, which would be 446 BCE (there is little
This is particularly problematic given that this was a notably debate that Nehemiah served under Artaxerxes I). But if it is
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 3 IO

Artaxerxes II, then the major alternative argument suggests example of a standard element of Hebrew diaspora legend, so
that Ezra arrived in Jerusalem years after Nehemiah, in 398 reminiscent of the tales of Daniel, Joseph, and Esther. Cook
BCE. Arguments between these options are not decisive, but (1983:132) reports that 'The King lived largely in seclusion; he
more recent trends have accepted that Nehemiah's actions is said by Xenophon to have prided himself on being inacces-
make more sense following the precedent of Ezra's legal re- sible'. Georges (1994: 49) discusses that fact that the Persian
forms, rather than preceding them. Nehemiah's reforms on court fascinated the Greeks—mainly because of the mystery
mixed marriage, for example, seem more focused than Ezra's of court life—the Persians in general remained a 'tabula rasa
general actions, and tend towards heightening the severity of upon which the Greeks drew a portrait in their own idiom'.
Nehemiah's judgement against local authorities who still did Persians kept aloof from their subjects 'by the gorgeous and
not comply with what the local population had already dealt impermeable carapace of formal protocol'. When the few
with! Williamson (1985: p. xliv), too, notes that Nehemiah's Greeks that did attend court were there, they were 'buffered
actions did not raise the local controversies that Ezra's actions by courtiers and interpreters' to maintain the remove of the
did, suggesting that by Nehemiah's time these were not gen- emperor surrounded by the symbols of power and control
erally perceived as controversial actions. Still, Ezra 9:9 raises over his slaves or bondsmen (as all subjects were considered:
questions about whether a wall had already been built. Again, Cook 1983: 132, 249 n. 3). Indeed, Xenophon (Cyro. 8.2.7)
risking a position on shifting sands, this commentary will admired such power, 'Who else but the King has ever had the
presume that Ezra arrived before Nehemiah, and both en- power to punish enemies at many months distance?' Georges
gaged in their work (or, to be more precise, the text represents comments that even Ctesias, who supposedly had close con-
their work) during the reign of Artaxerxes I Longimanus nections to the emperor as a court physician, probably reads
(465-424 BCE) as opposed to the later Artaxerxes II Arsakes like so much harem gossip precisely because his contact with
(405-359 BCE). the court (even if authentic) was not so direct as we may
imagine (Georges 51). Finally, Dandamaev (1989: 12) raises
F. The Sociology of Reading Ezra and Nehemiah. 1. Recent
the prospect of court tales being concocted within the Persian
work on Ezra and Nehemiah has focused on the presumed
court itself to discredit former royal lines or figures in order to
relationship between the post-exilic returning Golah commu-
justify changes in administration or policy. One is left with the
nity, and the Persian administration. Nehemiah's mission
impression of a Jewish lower official, whose actual relation-
was part of Persian attempts to shore up their western flank
ship to the emperor (if any of the court tale is historical) has
in the face of growing Greek involvement in Egyptian rebel-
become at the very least highly exaggerated in ancient Hebrew
lions (Hoglund 1992). Berquist (1995) goes further in arguing
imagination—and thus we are more alert to the more negative
that the Jewish officials were enthusiastic supporters of Per-
elements of this story, such as Nehemiah's fear before the
sian goals, and that the court of Darius may have been the
emperor, and the reference to God's protection when he stood
workroom for the Torah itself as a civil code for the Jewish
before 'this man'.
subjects. Related to this, Richards (forthcoming) argues for a
recognition of'the ideological collusion of the Ezra-Nehemiah
H. The Walls of Jerusalem. 1. Discussions about the possible
text with Persian colonial ideology'. To a greater or lesser
royal associations of Nehemiah often overlook the fact that
degree, these recent statements share an assumption of com-
wall-building is seen as royal responsibility par excellence
plicity with Persian imperial policy in both Ezra and Nehe-
in the late historical work of the Chronicler (2 Chr 8:5; 11:11;
miah. But it is possible to read Ezra, particularly, in a different
14:6; 17:2; 26:9; 27:3—4; 32:4—5; 33:14, 34; cf Ps 51:18 and
light.
i Mace 4:60—1; 12:38; 14:32—4). Further, breaches in the
2. If one reads from an assumption of the social realities of
walls of Jerusalem are causes for painful reflection (2 Kings
occupied Judah under Persian imperial power, then one ought
25:4; Ps 144:14; Lam 2:8, 18). Visions of peace speak of
to read with attention to the vastly underestimated varieties of
Jerusalem without walls, or with doors always open (Ezek
ways in which subordinated peoples resist a militarily super-
38:11; Zech 2:5; less certainly Isa 60:11). In his classic
ior force other than open confrontation (cf Scott 1985). Read-
study, Mumford (1961) writes of the significance of the wall
ing Ezra's prayer (Neh 9) surely gives one pause ('Here we are,
as part of social and political symbolism: 'what we now call
slaves in our own land!'). Further, the only occasion in Ezra—
"monumental architecture" is first of all the expression of
Nehemiah that actually gives us a reason for drawing up a list
power... the purpose of this art was to produce respectful
of personal names is Ezra 5:4, where the situation is of a
terror'.
Persian official wanting to report specific names because he
2. A great deal of effort has been expended on the geo-
suspects them of rebellious activity. When read in the context
graphical references in Nehemiah, but Avigad (1983: 62)
of minority strategies of resistance and circumstances of co-
concludes: 'no generally accepted solution for the problem
lonialism (see also Fanon 1963; Raboteau 1978; White 1983;
of Nehemiah's wall has emerged'. The importance of wall-
Lanternari 1963, and Memmi 1965), Ezra and Nehemiah can
building for city defence is reviewed in the classic work of
be understood quite differently, and it is precisely this post-
Yadin (1963: 19, 70-1, 313-28). Notably, city gates were the
colonial sociology of resistance that informs the critical read-
most vulnerable section of the wall, not only because of the
ing of Ezra and Nehemiah that is presumed in this commen-
weakness of the fortification, but also because battering-rams
tary.
could cross hostile terrain without siege ramps. Nehemiah's
G. Nehemiah and the Persian Court. Neh 1:1-2:8, normally later attention to the gates, therefore, was a necessary precau-
read as part of the 'Memoirs' of Nehemiah, is surely fanciful tion (Neh 7:3). Their vulnerability may also explain why gates
legend. Nehemiah's relationship with the emperor is another change location and name frequently (which is a difficulty of
 311 EZRA-NEHEMIAH
precisely locating Nehemiah's geographic references around Isa 41:2; 45:13). This is also clear in the use of the term p-q-d.
the wall). That God 'entrusts/charges' the Emperor can be seen as some
kind of endorsement of Cyrus, but it can also be a somewhat
I. Outline
subversive statement about who is, in fact, in charge despite
Events Following Persian Conquest of Babylon (Ezra 1-6) appearances (note also Neh 7:1; 12:44).
The Edict of Cyrus and Preparations to Return (ch. i) The use of'God of heaven' has been taken by some to be a
The 'Golah List' (ch. 2) Persian equivalent of the concept of Ahura-Mazda, the central
The Beginning of the Temple Reconstruction under deity in Zoroastrianism, although it is controversial whether
Zerubbabel (ch. 3) Cyrus was already Zoroastrian (Boyce 1975-82). The phrase
History of Opposition to the Temple (ch. 4) 'God of heaven' is only used in Persian contexts in the Bible,
Clarification of Persian Permission to Rebuild (ch. 5) thus affirming a possible parallel in the Persian mind between
Search of Archives, and Completion of the Temple (ch. 6) the two deities. Finally, the mention of the tribes of Judah and
Description of Events in Career of Ezra the Priest (chs. j-io) Benjamin is probably based only on the fact that they are the
Ezra Given Permission to Return to Jerusalem (ch. 7) majority group here.
The Journey to Jerusalem, Delivery of Royal Funds (ch. 8) v. 4, on the possibilities of s-'-r as a technical term see Hasel
Ezra Discovers the Problem of Mixed Marriage: The Prayer (1972). nadab \ nedabd is a reference to freewill-offerings of
of Confession (ch. 9) the temple (Ex 35:29; 36:3; 2 Chr 31:14; Ezra 8:28, and nega-
The Mass Divorce of Foreign Wives by Group Covenant tively in Am 4:5). Japhet (1993: 503—5) notes the emphasis on
(ch. 10) these freewill-offerings in the Chronicler (i Chr 29:5,6,9,14,
Nehemiah's Memoirs (Neh 1-8) 17) as part of the Chronicler's emphasis on the whole-heart-
The Court Narrative of Nehemiah (1:1-2:9) edness of the community.
Reconnaissance and Opposition (2:10—20) It is widely accepted that Ezra i represents an oral form of
Rebuilding the Walls of Jerusalem (3:1—32) the edict of Cyrus, which appears in written form in ch. 6. The
Militarizing the Wall Building (ch. 4) latter is the more historically reliable text, ch. i being a sum-
Nehemiah's Reforms (ch. 5) mary (Bickermann 1976; Smitten 1972-4: 171).
Continued Opposition, Internal and External (ch. 6) v. 5, interest in the temple had significant economic impli-
The Golah List (ch. 7 1 1 Ezra 2) cations (Weinberg 1992). v. 6, segigtm (lit. the ones around)
Displaced Ezra Sections means 'foreign peoples' (Ps 50:3; 76:12; 97:2; Jer 48:17; Lam
The Study of the Law (ch. 8) 1:17; Ezek 16:57; 28:24; Dan 9:16). This is part of the 'despoil-
Ezra's Confessional Prayer; Mixed Marriage Crisis (ch. 9) ing Egyptians/new Exodus' motif of Ezra i—6 (Williamson
Crisis Resolved; People's Covenant (ch. 10) 1985: 16; Blenkinsopp 1988: 135—9). An awareness of the
Repopulating Jerusalem (ch. n) watchful eyes of the surrounding peoples is prominent in
Processional Dedication of the Wall (ch. 12) exilic and post-exilic writings. This awareness of wider society,
Nehemiah's Second Visit: Further Reforms (ch. 13) of the presence of others who may laugh or ridicule, is a
significant aspect of colonized societies who are sensitive to
all aspects of their humiliation (Fanon 1963; Memmi 1965).
COMMENTARY v. 7, the humiliation theme continues with the mention of
Nebuchadnezzar's placing of the vessels 'in the house of his
Ezra gods', suggesting that even the gods of the defeated peoples
The Edict of Cyrus and Preparations to Return (Ezra i) are subservient to Marduk (2 Chr 36:10, 18 suggested that all
the temple vessels were taken).
(1:1—12) w. 1—3, the opening scene of the book of Ezra con-
v. 8, Cyrus releases the vessels to a certain Mithredath
nects clearly to the end of 2 Chronicles (36:22), which is taken
(Persian) who is called gizbar (treasurer? from the Persian
by many (Rudolph 1949: 2-3) to be another indication of the
ganzabara (Fensham 1982: 46)). There are problems with
original unity between the books of Chronicles and Ezra/
interpreting the inventory. References to gold and silver
Nehemiah (contra Japhet). The emphasis of this introduction
basins and bowls are followed by 'knives')?)—a difficult trans-
is on the_/irstyear of the reign of Cyrus of Persia (b. 590/589, d.
lation. The total does not match the enumerated items. The
530). However, this must certainly refer to the first year of his
numbers are corrected in i Esd 2:2-11. Here is the first men-
rule of the Babylonian territory, thus 539. The reference to the
tion of Sheshbazzar, who remains the somewhat enigmatic
predictions of Jeremiah is an indication of the beginnings of a
leader of the first group of returnees soon after Cyrus's con-
textual canon, and its interpretation. The term 'to fulfil/ac-
quest of Babylon. Most scholars reject the equation of Shesh-
complish' can refer to completed time (Gen 41:53, Jer 8:20; Isa
2 :I bazzar with Zerubbabel, simply considering Sheshbazzar to
10:25; 4 3J Ruth 2:23; 2 Chr 29:28) or to finished work (i
be the leader of the earliest, and unsuccessful, mission back to
Kings 6:38; i Chr 28:20; 2 Chr 8:16. Note especially Dan 11:36,
Judah (but see Galling 1961). Sheshbazzar is called here nasi',
'period of wrath is completed'). Williamson (1985) argues that
which is not necessarily a royal figure (but cf Ezek 40—8).
the fulfilment of the word refers not to Jeremiah's 'seventy
Moreover, it is probable that many different journeys have
years' but rather to DeuteroTsaiah's prediction of a victor from
been collapsed into one Exodus-type return in chs. 1-2.
the east (13341:2, 25; 45:13). God's 'stirring'of Cyrus ought not
to be taken as sympathetic to Persian rule—rather it repre- (2:1-70) The Golah List v. i, the term s-b-h (take captive) and
sents God's control of what appears to be human events (see sebi (captivity) are used in combination with gold (exile) also
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 312
elsewhere (Nah 3:10, Ezek 12:11). The LXX is sometimes con- Would women make up the difference? If so, does this par-
fused as to pointing of the term sebi which can be either 'exiles' tially explain the mixed marriage crisis? Rudolph (1949: 25)
or 'elders' in the Aramaic sections. In this context, the mean- suggests that few women travelled with the returning com-
ing is clearly a reference to exiles, but in other cases it is not so munity, leading some of the exiles to seek marriage partners
clear, since the leaders of the community are also referred to. among the people left in the land.
The reference to hammedind has provoked a continued debate Two different forms of authority and power are contrasted
with regard to the nature of the geographical/political entity in in the early chapters of Ezra. The political leaders are the
question. Was this a province of the Persian empire, or were Persians and those delegated by them ('governors', tirshata,
the Jews administratively under the province of the much etc.), who represent the military elite, but of greater import-
larger land-area of Samaria (Abernahara, 'Across the River')? ance for the returned community of exiles is charismatic
Was 'Yehud' officially designated? authority—the divinatory authority of the Urim and Thum-
w. 3-58, the list of the leaders of the community is ar- mim, and the prophets (on magic and myths among occupied
ranged differently in Neh 7:7. There are suggestions thatthere people, see Fanon 1963: 55)
was an intention to list leaders in parallel columns, as if to w. 64—7 note the relative value of the animals that are
indicate the two leaders of various time periods, e.g. Zerubba- listed, when divided amongst the total people counted in
bel (political leader) with Jeshua (priestly leader), and Nehe- this list: 736 horses represents one for every 57 community
miah (political leader) with Seraiah (Ezra?), but such a plan members; 245 mules, one for every 172; 435 camels, one for
breaks down because of our lack of knowledge of other periods every 97; 6,720 donkeys, one for every 6. Mules are associated
of time. Who, for example, are 'Reelaiah | Ramiah' or 'Mor- with royalty in the Bible, and are the prized and rare posses-
decai | | Nahumiah'? Alternatively, i Esd 5:8 understands the sion among the community members (2 Sam 13:29; 18:9; Isa
names following Zerubbabel and Jeshua to be proegoumenon 66:20; Zech 14:15; i Kings 10:25 I 2 Chr 9 :2 4» mules among
(those who go before) (in Deut 20:9 they are officials who gifts to Solomon). Horses, interestingly, are most frequently
address troops). This is a term used in later Christian litera- associated with warfare (pulling chariots only, stirrups were
ture of exemplary individuals. not used in the ancient Near East), so the number of horses
When we get into the list of bef dbot (lit. house of the would be of obvious interest to Persian officials. Most of the
Fathers) itself, there is further confusion between the parallel community members could not afford the long-distance trade
accounts in Ezra, Nehemiah, and i Esdras. The total numbers animal, the camel (Firmage 1992: vi. 1136—7). Donkeys are
are problematic as well. The grand total of the laity alone is clearly the common person's pack animal of choice.
24,141 in Ezra, 25,406 in Nehemiah, 'not unreasonable' for a w. 68-9, the enumeration of financial gifts to the temple is
population of the province of Yehud (Blenkinsopp 1988: 85). intended to repeat the attitude of freewill-offerings noted
Galling (1964: 89—108) had earlier argued that this list repre- already in ch. i. It is often claimed that this amount of money
sented many groups of returnees. Carter (1991) has proposed indicates a wealthy community who had possibly benefited
a small population for Yehud at 17,000. The Golah List, in from financial success in the Persian heartland. However,
such a case, must represent not only a succession of time there is reason to question this. These verses tell us that the
periods added together, in Carter's estimation, but also popu- community managed to donate 61,000 darics of gold, and
lation from outside the confines of his proposed 'Yehud'. 5,000 minas of silver to the work of rebuilding the temple. Is
Note, however, that precise numbers may not be as important the mention of 'dark' anachronistic? Dandamaev believes
as the mere fact of counting, as a significant concern in itself. that 'it is completely possible' that Cyrus issued coins
Galling, noting the struggle with those who sought to assist (Dandamaev and Lukonin 1989: 196; and cf Davies 1994).
the returning community, wants to add elements of racial Working with weights and measures in the HB is a vexed
consciousness, or racial continuity with the past, on the part problem (see Betylon 1992: vi. 1076-89; Zograph 1977; Mor-
of the the returning community ('the purified community', so kholm 1991), but we can generalize to get the following
Galling 1951). picture. Basing our calculations on a Persian gold daric at
w. 59-63, the words 'and these' clearly mark this section as 8.4 g., and a mina as 50 shekels of silver (but 60 in the
separate from the list as a whole. It is possible that further Babylonian standard), we can convert to metric weights:
reflection on this episode may help to determine the original 512,400 g. of gold and 1,337,500 g. (Babylonian standard,
meaning of the list. For whom are such lists of significance? i,6o5,ooog.) of silver. This results in an average of 8.04 to
'Counting' is administrative, suggesting responsibility to 9.64 silver shekels per person, and 1.96 darics of gold per
higher officials—occupied peoples are familiar with the ubi- person (the relative value of gold to silver would have been
quity of forms, numbers, rolls, registrations, etc. The terms 13.3 : i). Is this a great amount of wealth? Zech 11:12 refers to
used to describe these people in addition to those related to 30 shekels paid to a shepherd, presumably for an entire
priestly families, are all place-names. The terms Tel-melah, season of work, and Jeremiah bought the field in Anathoth
Tel-harsha, Cherub, Addan occur only here. Immer refers for 17 shekels (Jer 32:9). Hosea bought his wife (presumably
elsewhere to a priestly family (Jer 20:1; Neh 3:29; Ezra Gomer) for 15 shekels of silver. As late as i Mace 10:42, there is
10:20). The presence ofthose claiming priestly descent would a reference to a 5,000 shekel tax on the temple (which would
be an unusual claim if it were not authentic (2 Sam 17:27; be a significant percentage of the total given in Ezra 2). The
19:31-4,39; 21:8; i Kings 2:7). The final decision awaits the re- donations, when calculated per person, are rather meagre. A
establishment of the high priest. question remains, however, whether we are to consider these
It is often pointed out that the numbers do not tally (totals figures as donations to the work of the temple, or intended for
are: 31,351 in Ezra 2; 31,089 in Neh 7; and 30,142 in i Esdras). the wider economic life of the community.
 313 EZRA-NEHEMIAH
The dimensions of the inner sanctum (Holy of Holies) were seen in the context of the fear of their enemies, the dedication
20 x 20 x 20 cubits (i Kings 6). A cubit is generally held to be of the temple was thus an act of spiritual warfare—they are
approx. 50 cm., and thus, in order to even begin to reproduce shouts to God their Divine Warrior—and the shouts were
Solomon's temple, they needed sufficient gold to gild 500 sq. heard 'far away' (as the Philistines heard the shouts around
m. of wall space in the inner sanctum alone. Both Ezra 6 the ark, i Sam 4:5—6). Such a theme of deliverance from
(Darius's instructions) and i Kings 6 (Solomon's temple) enemies fits with the predominant use ofhesed, the delivering
suggest that the stone walls were first lined with wood and love of God.
then gilded. Gold, with a basic weight of 18.88 g. per cu. cm., Although it is not expressly stated, it is widely assumed that
could be applied to a thickness of .001 cm. (based on Egyptian some elders wept at the sight of the new temple because of
art; thanks to Dr David Scott, Getty Museum, Los Angeles, for great disappointment (cf. Hag 2:3; Zech 4:9—10). Sociologists
figures on gilding). A square metre of gilt, therefore, requires haved noted the phenomenon of exiles whose memory of
at least 188.9 g- of gold. Just the inner sanctum would min- home becomes quite stylized over the years, with streets paved
imally require 94,450 g.—about one-fifth—of the 512,400 g. with gold, and valleys perpetually green and inviting (Bas-
available. However, are we to believe that this community had kauskas 1981). The return home is inevitably a disappoint-
over a ton of gold available to it (about i-cu. m. of gold) ment—and we know that the temple was definitely a subject
besides Persian gifts? The disparity between silver and gold of exilic imagination and longing (Ezek 40-8).
resources in this list, given their relative values, would other- (4:1-24) History of Opposition to the Temple w. 2-3, other
wise seem hard to explain. people approach Zerubbabel and Jeshua and say that they,
We obviously cannot be confident about the historicity of also, 'seek' (d-r-s) God. Their reference to a deportation during
these figures, but the general indications of both the amounts the time of Esar-haddon may be credible (Williamson 1985:
and the tasks required indicate a relatively modest budget 49; Fensham 1982: 66; cf. Oded 1979). But the leaders make
with which to try and reproduce Solomon's great achieve- claim to the exclusive right to build the temple. The 'adver-
ment. Clearly, we are not dealing with a tremendously wealthy saries' appeal on the basis of religion, and the Israelites re-
group of returning exiles, and probably must think in terms of spond on the basis of permission. In any case, we must reject
a smaller percentage of those able to give larger amounts to the identification of these people as 'the Samaritans', a much
achieve the per-capita average that we have indicated. later Jewish sect who do not emerge until the Hellenistic
(3:1—13) The Beginning of the Temple Reconstruction under period (and would be noted for their conservatism, and inter-
Zerubbabel Some scholars have suggested that ch. 3 is an est in an alternative temple site!). Blenkinsopp (1988: 105)
independent account of the reconstruction of the temple argues that an emphasis in Ezra on external problems may
(combined with 6:19-22? Blenkinsopp 1988: 96). The work effectively avoid mentioning the internal struggles that are
establishes the altar, the sacrificial system, and then the shrine noted elsewhere (Hag 1:2—4; ^ sa 58:4; Zech 8:10; Isa 66:1—2).
that housed it, in that order. The writer wishes to emphasize w. 4—5, the response of the surrounding peoples was to
continuity with what had gone on before. Clines (1984) even discourage the Jews from building their temple, particularly
writes of the community described here as 'reactionaries' and through bribery to 'frustrate/break' (p-r-r) the work (2 Sam
'conservatives'. Surely this comes close to blaming the vic- 15:4; 17:14; Ps 33:10; Isa 14:27). The means used by the opposi-
tims! The obsession with rules and regulations may reflect a tion is more explicit here than in i Esdras, which gives a
certain conservatism bordering on reactionary attitudes, but it somewhat more startling series of terms that appears to in-
more probably reflects the fear of taking an unauthorized tensify the conflict: epiboulas (plots); episustasds (insurrec-
step. The unity of the people is represented by acting 'as tions); demagogias (lit. leading crowds/mobs of people). This
one' or 'as one person' (as the Heb.; also at Judg 20:11; Neh suggests far more social instability surrounding the activities
8:1). The indication 'seventh month' maybe left over from the of the Jewish community than does the MT of Ezra. Fensham
Golah List (ch. 2) being originally from the Nehemiah mater- (1982: 68) thinks that the text is speaking of Persian-
ials, and transposed to its present location in Ezra. v. 3, related appointed officials who were bribed, and we know that bribery
to the community's sense of urgency is the theme of fear of was a significant Persian tactic (Darius boasted that, T will
foreigners—'dread' ('etna) of the neighbours—enemies conquer Greece with my archers', an ironic reference to the
(gc'cba) (see Gen 15:121; Ex 15:16; Isa 33:18; Josh 2:9; Prov archers appearing on gold darics and silver sigloi (Davies
20:2; Ps 55:5); but 'neighbours' can mean 'enemies' as the 1994: 66)). v. 6, Xerxes, we know, moved large numbers of
LXX adds: 'for all the peoples of the land were hostile to them, troops through Judah to quell a major revolt in Egypt in 485.
and were stronger than they' (i Esd 5:50). v. 7, there are echoes v. 7, from i Esd 2:16, we read Ecdtccmos (NRSV: Beltethmus),
of Solomon's project here, particularly in the specific mention from Aramaic 'one who issues decrees', as a signatory of the
of dealings with Sidonians and Tyrians (cf Solomon and letter. At this point the book of Ezra switches to the imperial
Hiram of Tyre, i Kings 5). language of the Persian empire, Aramaic, and continues until
w. 11-13, ^e throngs give a great shout (teru'dgedold). This 6:18. This section deals largely with correspondence between
exact phrase occurs at the battle of Jericho (Josh 6:5, 20). local officials in Judah and the royal court, w. 8-10, Rehum is
Although it can be read as shouts of joy in connection with called VI s'm (NRSV: royal deputy; from Akkadian, 'official in
the movements of the ark (i Sam 4:5, 6 and 2 Sam 6:15), the charge'), an office which turns up regularly in Persian period
ark as war palladium would render these passages much biblical literature (Ezr 5:5; 6:14; 7:23; Dan 3:10 and 6:3), per-
closer to the more frequent reference to such great shouts as haps a civilian leader or chancellor (Blenkinsopp 1988: 112).
acts of warfare (Am 1:14; 2:2; Zeph 1:16; Ps 27:6; 47:6). When The word used for 'letter' is 'igrd, a term used only in Ezra. The
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 314

list of peoples involved in sending the letter is difficult. The ing up a list of names. Perhaps commentators have missed
first term, for example, 'aparsatkaye', is taken to be 'Persians' this clue for the presence of lists running throughout Ezra—
or 'generals/envoys'. The ending y' in Aramaic came to be Nehemiah. Lists serve the occupying power by keeping con-
understood as Gentilic, instead of referring to officials, which stant record of every move, and reveal an atmosphere of
in the first three cases is more likely (e.g. generals, envoys, control and caution, particularly where there are threats of
secretaries, then Erechians, as well as Babylonians, Susians, punishment and warnings that orders must be carried out
Elamites). The impression given is of a large number of 'diligently'. They also give a sense of unity and cohesion, of
peoples arrayed in opposition to the returning Jewish exiles, pedigree and authenticity, to the people themselves.
perhaps even implying the threat of insurrection or instability v. 5, the 'eye of... God' was on the exiled community. Wil-
in the region. The list of various officials could also be a typical liamson (1985) trenchantly suggests that the eye of God is to
Persian-period guarantee against subversion by having all be contrasted to the famous Persian spies throughout the
witnesses indicate their presence and agreement and confirm empire known as 'the king's eyes' (cf. 'eye of God' in Ps
the contents. 33:16-18; Ps 34; Job 36:7). Some classical scholars argue that
w. 12—13, Jerusalem, this 'wicked' and 'rebellious' city, is the 'king's eye' existed only in Greek imagination, although
resurrecting itself! If it is completed, the worry is that the that does not prevent Israelites from having a similar imagin-
empire will lose their collections of'tribute, custom, and toll' ation (Hirsch 1985: 101-31). w. 8-10, Tattenai refers only to
(v. 13; all Akkadian loanwords, mandattu, biltu, ilku—three elders, which led Zucker (1936: 20) to state that Zerubbabel
types of tax: Fensham 1982: 74), thus 'the royal revenue will must not have been appointed governor as yet. The leaders of
be reduced' and the king will suffer loss (cf. Dan 6:3/7). The the apparent insurrection in Jerusalem were questioned. The
term n-z-q means 'loss-making', or 'unprofitable' (NRSV: empire would be interested in removing the apparent cause of
hurtful) (v. 15). The greatest treachery in the eyes of imperial- the trouble, i.e. the leaders. As with empires everywhere, it is
ism is always loss of profit; despite flowery rhetoric about assumed that the leaders are responsible for inciting the
national interests. Scholars debate whether a precise rebellion otherwise obedient and peaceful masses, apparently incap-
is being alluded to here, but the general historical circum- able of comprehending a people's movement based on prin-
stances, including the Inaros Rebellion in Egypt in 460 BCE, ciples other than hierarchy, w. 11-12, in response to this
and the later rebellions of the satrap Megabyzus in 448, make challenge, the exiles respond with their understanding of
the accusations all the more dangerous, v. 14, the reference to power—'We are the servants of the God of heaven and earth'.
eating the salt of the palace is taken by Williamson (1985: 56) The political question is given a theological answer. The
to mean, 'in the pay of the court'. Perhaps it relates to an oath phrase 'God of heaven and eartH is telling when one recalls a
of office (Num 18:19; 2 Chr I3:5)- common claim of ancient Near Eastern emperors to be 'Kings
w. 15—16, the accusations against Jerusalem continue—this of the four corners of the earth', of'all the lands', etc. Thus, the
time including a Persian loanword estaddur (Rosenthal 1974: Persian officials are taught a lesson in religious and Jewish
59) which refers to a 'breach of the peace'. Because of these history—in effect, 'we were taken away because of our sin, and
troublesome activities, the city was 'laid waste' (h-r-b). The not because of the powers of this world'.
appeal to the Persian authorities is based on royal interests; w. 13—17, only now do we arrive at the issue that the local
historical precedent (note v. 16, 'rebuilt', i.e. built as before); governors are truly interested in—permission, documents,
common interest in maintaining authority and order, w. 19- and authority. A probable impatience with religious notions
20, the suspicions about Jerusalem are confirmed. It was once gives way to attention when Cyrus and an exchange of com-
a rebellious and powerful city—the centre of a regime; for the modities is mentioned. The real issue, for the Persian officials,
Persians the implication is clear: it is a dangerous threat. Note is whether Cyrus wrote such a document or not. A search
the particularly incriminating evidence (v. 20): they once must be made. This is a matter of the 'pleasure' (cf. Kraeling
collected taxes for themselves, w. 21—4, the work stoppage is (1953), AP 27:21, 22; 30:23) of the king. Like St Paul (Acts
backed up by military force. The chronology is confused here. 22:25—6) finally appealing to his Roman citizenship, official
Williamson (1985: 57) argues that v. 24 is a resumption of the wheels are set in motion with this claim.
narrative that was interrupted by w. 6-23. The passage in- The disappearance of Zerubbabel without explanation is
serted was intended to justify the harsh treatment of the often grounds for speculation. Was Zerubbabel the centre of
foreigners by pointing out that the Jews did, in fact, have an attempt to restore a Davidic leader to the Jewish commu-
some justification in being worried about them. The argu- nity, and eventually deposed in disgrace by the Persians?
ment, however, would be strange, justifying their earlier ac- (Waterman 1954: 73-8; Galling 1961: 80-4; Sauer 1967;
tion by what actually happened much later. Fensham 1982: 78). Others deny a conspiracy, and speak
(5:1—17) Clarification of Persian Permission to Rebuild v. 3, a only of a mystery surrounding Zerubbabel's fate (Williamson
certain Tattenai is consideredpahat (governor), and supported 1985: 76). The speculation is heightened by the confusing
by another official, Setar Bozenai (NRSV: Shethar-bozenai). language in Zech 6:9-14, which seems to imply the crowning
The questions appear to be directed at the use of timber rather of a king, although the high priest Jeshua has replaced Zer-
than religious matters: structures, money, and authority, and ubbabel (a move possibly aimed at hiding the messianic spec-
ultimately the threat of a competitive power centre, v. 4, the ulation of the original passage).
officials' request for the names implies a threat. Indeed, when (6:1-22) Search of the Archives and Completion of the Tem-
Tattenai asks for the names of the people, this is the only ple w. 1-4, Darius makes the search (cf. the legendary Per-
occasion in Ezra—Nehemiah when a reason is given for draw- sian obsession with unchangeable law: Dan 3:28; 6:8,15) and
 315 EZRA-NEHEMIAH
the document is found. Xenophon noted that Cyrus wintered w. 19—21, the text reverts to Hebrew at this point, and we
in Babylon, spent the spring in Susa, and summered in find the reference to the 'sons of the exile' (bene-hagola)
Ecbatana (Cyr. 8.6.22). Many scholars now insist, on the ex- (NRSV: returned exiles) for the first time here (see Smith
ample of Elephantine letters (Kraeling 1953: AP 30) that the 1989: 197). The emphasis on the rededication of the temple
Persians would have been interested in exact details (Blenkin- now shifts to a celebration of the main Exodus event—the
sopp 1988:124; Williamson 1985: 80—i, especially citing Hal- Passover rites, v. 21 specifically notes that some from the
lock (1960) where payments are carefully noted; Fensham surrounding peoples separated themselves from the 'pollu-
1982: 87-9). v. 6, the local officials are told, 'keep away'. tions of the nations of the land (goye-ha'ares)' (the use of goy is
Although Williamson (1985: 81) protests that local officials somewhat less typical than that of'am, 'people'), and joined
must surely have retained rights of inspection, the authoritar- with the returned exiles. That there were proselytes among
ian nature of this order is certainly in keeping with Persian the exiles may mitigate harsh judgements about their xeno-
style (Olmstead 1933:159-60) and seems in the same spirit as phobia (Fensham 1982: 96; Blenkinsopp, 1988: 133),
the language of threat in the rest of this communique, v. 8, the although they may simply have been Jews who had 'joined
response was surely a humiliating reversal for the local offi- them', v. 22, the festival of Unleavened Bread is celebrated in
cials, whose initiative stopped this work in the first place. Now the context of God's 'turn[ing] the heart' of the king of Assyria.
they appear to be insubordinate to the authority of Cyrus The MT lacks an explicit air of friendliness here—God was
himself! Furthermore, these 'insurrectionist Jews' are even acting in the interests of the Jews. Many scholars have noted
to be supported from the tax coffers. the Chronicler's arrangement of important celebrations of
w. 9—10, the provisions emphasize 'whatever ... the priests Passover to mark deliverance from threat (2 Chr 30, 35, in
... require... given day by day without fail'. One reason for the context of deliverance from Assyrian threat).
the Persian interest in the religious life of the subordinate
peoples is clear: they insist on 'pleasing [soothing] sacrifices' (7:1—28) Ezra Given Permission to Return to Jerusalem
to accompany prayers offered for the Persian royal family w. 1/7-5, me story of Ezra begins with a geneaology, in the
(contrast this with the behaviour of Cambyses with regard to classic Priestly tradition. Part of the significance is the asso-
the Apis Bull: see Depuydt (1995), who concludes that Cam- ciation of Ezra with Moses. Note that Ezra is from Babylonia, a
byses did kill the Apis Bull, as Herodotus suggested). William- different source community from Nehemiah. We are left to
son (1985: 82), citing Jer 29:7 and AP 30 (Kraeling 1953), speculate about the precise nature of Ezra's role vis-a-vis the
claims that the Jews would not have been 'averse to complying Persian authorities. Fensham argues that spr is an official
with such a request'. And Blenkinsopp (1988:129) adds, 'The Persian title (Fensham 1982: 99; Williamson 1985: 100 sees
author... accepts the possibility of a genuine religious life the phrase 'Scribe of the Law of God in Heaven', from v. 12 as
under foreign rule'. Both statements, however, are con- the title); while Blenkinsopp (1988) is cautious, suggesting on
structed out of a telling silence in the text on this matter. If the basis of Herodotus 3.128 (dealing with officials under the
the Jews were so sanguine about such prayers, where are they Persian authorities) and AP 17 (Kraeling 1953), that Ezra may
in the biblical tradition? have occupied an office in the Babylonian satrapal court. It is
v. n, the benevolence of Persian rulers is ironically backed going too far, however, to argue with Fensham (1982: 98) that
by the threat of powerful military response if the Persian the fact that 'Ezra was entrusted with such an important
ruling is disobeyed. Now we recognize the rhetoric of mission indicates that the Jews prospered in Babylon and
power—anyone who transgresses this law will have a beam were well educated'. It can be argued, on the contrary, that
pulled from his home, and he will be impaled on it, and his Ezra's relationship with the Persian authorities is left vague
house becomes a refuse heap. v. 12, the message is not subtle, precisely to contrast his authority with that of Nehemiah, who
the warning is not merely to individuals. The second part was an insider, w. 6-8, Ezra is described as mahir (skilled).
seems cleverly aimed at preventing the Jews themselves Note that this is from the root m-h-r (hasten) (cfPs45:i (HB 2);
from having any independent ambitions, as well as at other Prov 22:29). Ezra is 'skilled in the law of Moses'. Since the
political entities in the area. To whom is it directed? Foreign 'hand of... God was upon him' (a phrase that typically ex-
kings? Usurpers? Keep in mind that the Persian authorities presses good fortune in relation to the occupying powers) he
have not necessarily forgotten that Jeruselem was 'that was granted what he sought from the Persian authorities, i
rebellious and wicked city', and that all around them is the Esd 8:4, typically, goes further by stating that Ezra was held in
threat of rebellion, v. 13, the king's orders are carried out 'honour' and 'favour'. The third-person account states thatthe
'with all diligence'. The term 'osparna (exactly, perfectly: king granted all that Ezra asked for, although there is no
Rosenthal 1974: 58) is the language of obedience, translated narrative account of Ezra appearing before the Persian mon-
variously as 'without delay', 'in full', 'with all diligence'—the arch (as in Nehemiah). The seventh year of Artaxerxes would
message is clear—a powerful authority has spoken (Ezra 5:8; be c. 458 if we presume this to be Artaxerxes I. The occasional
6:8, 12, 13; 7:17, 21, 26; cf Deut4:6; 5:1; 6:3). w. 14-15, if the suggestion of 398 (thus a later Artaxerxes) raises more ques-
temple was completed in 515, as is widely argued, then it was tions than it answers.
completed some 70 years after its destruction in 587—6, and w. 10—13, n°te 'statutes and ordinances' as a way of refer-
thus perhaps comes close to Jeremiah's predicted seventy ring to the laws of Moses (Ex 15:25; Josh 24:25; Deut4:i, 5, 8,
years of exile, v. 17, the impressive array of sacrifices is sup- 14; 5:1; i Chr 7:17). Ezra's pre-eminent concern with Mosaic
plied by Persian order, at Persian expense, and thus should law, not Persian backing, is the source of his authority. Note,
moderate hasty conclusions about the alleged wealth of the in v. 13, the implications of power in the ironic terms used to
exiled community. describe the composition of Ezra's travelling part+y: Jews are
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 3 i6

authorized to 'freely offer' by the ones who command! v. 14, Zadokite priest such as Ezra. Two of the leaders (Joiarib and
Artaxerxes' authority is vested in the 'seven counsellors'. The Elnathan) are selected, according to the LXX, as 'men of
reference here is to the seven aristocratic ruling families or understanding' (almost always used of Levites, so Blenkin-
houses of the Achaemenid period that supported Darius's rise sopp 1988: 165). There is considerable speculation on the
to power (Berquist 1995: 51-2; however, we note in Xen. An. nature of 'the place' at Casiphia. Scholars widely assume
1.6.4—5 mat Cyrus also had seven counsellors), w. 15—16, silver that some form of institution for worship, or perhaps religious
and gold are found in Babylon for the express purpose of the instruction, must have existed there. In Deuteronomic
temple in Jerusalem. In addition to the 'despoiling the Egyp- thought, the 'place' (maqom) often refers to the temple.
tians' theme, perhaps operating here, is a sense of compensa- w. 21—4, Ezra is clearly contrasted with Nehemiah, who
tion. After all, Babylon's gold consisted in part of the gold and accepted an armed guard. Ezra proclaims God's protection
silver stolen by Nebuchadnezzar from Jerusalem in 586, and (cf. 2 Kings 6:17; Mt 26:53). Contemporary scholarly attempts
provided for by tax payments ever since (according to Hero- to belittle Ezra's faith at this point ('embarrassing', 'humiliat-
dotus 3.90-1, the annual tax for the entire satrapy of Aber- ing', 'he made a mistake', and similar) miss the context of
nahara is 350 talents of silver)—a matter hardly to be missed divine warfare of the type indicated in Ex 14:14 and illustrated
by writers of the post-exilic community, w. 17—21, the em- in Judg 7 (Lind 1980). v. 21, the fast (som) was proclaimed in
phasis on the temple and temple rites is further elaborated order to call on God, an action frequently associated with
in the instructions to provide sacrificial materials, 'bulls, preparations for warfare or preparing to face crises (i Chr
rams, lambs ... grain-offerings and drink-offerings' which 16:11; 2 Chr 11:16; 15:4; 20:3—4; PS 4O:I6 1 1 Ps 70:5; Jer 29:13;
are to be offerred to 'your God in Jerusalem'. The apparent 50:4; Jon 3:5; Zech8:2i, 22). God will provide 'a straight path'
nonchalance about the remaining funds is clarified by w. 19- (NRSV: safe journey), a term associated with second Exodus
20—any withdrawal from the king's treasury would obviously themes of the return from exile (Isa 26:7-19; 40:3; Jer 31:9; Ps
have required careful accounting. 107:6-7).
With v. 22, we are back to the detailed accounting, although v. 22, who are the ones who 'forsake' God? In Judg 10:10 it
the constant use of'one hundred' probably intends merely to refers to apostasy—by those who serve Baal (cf. Deut 28:20;
convey large amounts (100 talents of silver is a massive 31:16; Jer 1:16; 2:19; 5:19; 17:13; 22:9). The formulaic saying is
amount, greater by far than the amount mentioned in the intended to mean, in paraphrase, Tf we call on God, God will
Golah List). Williamson (1985: 103), considering this to be protect us, but if we forsake him, his anger will be on us (by
about a two-year supply, wonders if that was the original means of enemies, ambushes, etc.)'. Given the association of
length of Ezra's mission, while Blenkinsopp (1988: 149) con- so many of these terms with YHWH war language, it is clear
siders the mention of wheat, wine, and oil to be 'clear indica- that what we have here is another element in spiritual war-
tion of a Jewish redaction' in the light of Num 15:1—16. v. 24, fare—i.e. the necessity to believe in the protection of God.
included in this purchase of the loyalty of religious leaders is a Ezra's fast was part of his belief in God's miraculous fighting
release of taxation on the major parties involved in the temple. on the side of those who trust in God's protection, as opposed
This would support Weinberg's (1992) arguments about the to the faithlessness of depending on actual armaments (see
economic centrality of the temple in the community, v. 26, if Smith-Christopher 1993: 269—92). w. 23—30, the actual
Ezra's authority is rooted in scholarship of the religious lit- amounts given in w. 26-7 are dramatically higher than the
erary tradition, the Persian's basis for authority is the threat of: amounts of silver and gold in the Golah List: 650 talents of
death; banishment (Zeros, uprooting); confiscation of property silver and 100 talents of gold. The reality of these figures can
(note Nebuchadnezzar's confiscation: cf. Wiseman (1956: 35); be questioned when they are translated into contemporary
ANET 546; cf. i Kings 21:13-15); and imprisonment ('esurin) weights and measures—the amount of gold mentioned in
(on imprisonment as a late form of punishment in the ancient the Golah List was already nearly a ton—1| of a cubic metre
Near East, usually associated with debt, cf. Smith 1989: 171— of metal. Either there is corruption in the amounts given here,
4). w. 28—9, lest one be overly sanguine about what has or they are totally fanciful. In any case, these are Persian
occurred in v. 27, w. 28-9 add a darker colour—Ezra was resources, not Jewish. Dandamaev and Lukonin (1989: 205)
protected by God's hesed before the king, counsellors, and note that, at the time of the fall of the Achaemenid state,
the 'mighty officers'. The suggestion here is clearly the con- Alexander seized no less than 7,000,000 kg. of gold and silver
trast of apparent Persian power, and God's actual power. hoarded in the official treasuries, w. 30—4, the travel is re-
(8:1—36) The Journey to Jerusalem, Delivery of Royal ported carefully, as well as the distribution of the financial
Funds w. 1-14, in this list, we are intended to see a parallel assets of the mission, with proper notification that all has been
with the famous Golah List of Ezra 2 | Neh 7. Note the pre- written down. It is hard to escape the strong sense of Persian
dominance of priestly associations before any Davidic identi- officials looking over the shoulders of the Jewish officials, v. 35,
fication. The mention of Hattush as a Davidide makes any the twelve sets of animals are symbolically offered 'for all
other date than 458 difficult (he would be the fourth gener- Israel', i.e. representing the twelve tribes (bulls and goats; cf.
ation after Zerubbabel, cf. Blenkinsopp 1988: 162). v. 15, the 2 Chr 29:20-4). v. 36, the satrap was the highest official of the
gathering camped by the River Ahava. The camp (associated province. More likely some lower officials, perhaps 'govern-
with the Exodus in Ex 13:20; 14:2; Num 9:18—20) is also used ors' is intended here.
in connection with military campaigns (Josh 10:5; 2 Kings (9:1—15) Ezra Discovers the Problem of Mixed Marriage: The
25:1). w. 16-17, ^e absence of Levites is a matter of concern— Prayer of Confession w. 1-2, it is likely that Neh 8 originally
a note revealing an interesting openness on the part of a appeared between Ezra 8 and 9. The actions and reactions in
 317 EZRA-NEHEMIAH
ch. 9 oughtto follow a reading ofthe law, as in Neh 8 (William- w. 8—9, the Jewish community are called 'slaves' (Deut 6:21;
son 1985: 127; Fensham 1982: 123). Esth 7:4; i Sam 8:17; Add Esth 7:4/14:8). This starkly negative
No sooner had Ezra cleared his royal obligations, than he term represents one of the most forthright judgements on
faces a crisis. The complaint here is that the people have not Persian rule that we have in post-exilic literature (except Neh
'separated themselves' (b-d-l) from the 'peoples ofthe lands'. 9:36). The 'little sustenance in our slavery' is surely ironic in
The term 'separation' is deeply significant to the heightened Ezra, although once again, the LXX transforms this into much
purity consciousness ofthe Holiness Code/Priestly redaction more positive language, speaking ofthe Persians 'giving us
ofthe Bible (Smith 1989: 139-51). The priesthood was com- food' (i Esdr 8:80). Finally, to refer to God not 'forsak[ing] us
mitted to separation of pure from impure, and the people in our slavery' clearly compares the Persian period to the
themselves are violating this passionate concern. Egyptian period before the Mosaic liberation. Fensham
The 'peoples ofthe lands', are associated with tofebot (abom- (1982:130) clarifies thatthe hesedis from God, not the Persian
inations), the most common cultic term for idolatrous prac- rulers. It is often objected that all Persians considered them-
tices, but also of objectionable actions and behaviour. Note, selves slaves to the emperor as a mere euphemism (the Gk.
however, the list of peoples: Canaanites, Hittites, Perizzites, sources use doulos: Cook 132, 249 n. 3) but the context of this
Jebusites, Ammonites, Moabites, Egyptians, Amorites. Por- use in Ezra 9 is clearly not encouraging us to read this as a
tions of this list are clearly anachronistic (Jebusites and Peri- neutral term.
zzites) and are intended to refer, with obvious revulsion, to the v. n, the language of impurity is reminiscent of Ezekiel
peoples traditionally driven out of the promised land by (18:6; 22:10; 36:17; cf. Lev 12:2; 15:19, 20, 24). As all of these
Joshua. The implication is that the planned second exodus is earlier Priestly references are to the impurity of women dur-
not being carried out with the same attention to purified ing menstruation, the sexual innuendo may foreshadow the
peoples as the original Exodus. An argument can be made issue of mixed marriages, v. 12, the prohibitions against mixed
that Ezra is referring as much to fellow Jews who are not part marriage are taken beyond their textual validity (Deut 7:2—3).
ofthe 'sons ofthe Golah' as any ethnic non-Hebrews at this In none ofthe older passages prohibiting mixed marriages is
point (Smith-Christopher 1994). Blenkinsopp (1988: 175-6) there the further command not even to seek the peace of these
comments that Ezra has combined ideas from Deut 7:1-5 with peoples. Do we have here an argument with the more open
regard to the seven nations, and Deut 23:4—8 with regard legacy of Jeremiah's letter to the exiles in Jer 29, where the
specifically to Ammonites and Moabites, although Egyptians exiles were instructed to 'seek the salom ofthe city'? A major
and Edomites are allowed after a minimum amount of time. concern with mixed marriage is the problems of inheritance
Williamson (1985: 130), too, protests that many heroes ofthe and the economic survival ofthe exclusive community (Eske-
faith contracted mixed marriages: Gen 16:3; 41:45; Ex 2:21; nazi and Judd 1994: 266—85). This event, so obviously dis-
Num 12:1; 2 Sam 3:3. To understand this action, we must think tasteful for modern commentators, must be read within the
in terms of minority consciousness of perceived threat and the context of sociologically informed suspicions about perceived
response to insulate themselves from threatening influences. advantages of'marrying up' into wealthier local families, and
Mai 2:10—16 even suggests that some ofthe Jewish women our further suspicions that the 'foreigners' may have been
were_/irst abandoned so that the men could take on the foreign Jews who were not part ofthe exilic community.
wives (presumably they were not economically wealthy en-
ough simply to take on a second wife), which has led some (10:1-44) The Mass Divorce of Foreign Wives by Group
modern feminist readers of this episode to note the interest- Covenant v. 2, sections of ch. 10 appear to have been dis-
ing silence ofthe Jewish women ofthe exiled community, who placed. Blenkinsopp (1988: 187) wonders why 10:1—5 would
may well have sided with Ezra! contain the oath ofthe assembly to act on Ezra's concerns, yet
v. 3, Ezra's attitude is thathe is 'appalled (s-m-m, desolated: a in w. 6-8 Ezra continues to complain. Williamson (1985:
strong term). Ezra's behaviour is to violate the carefully pre- 148), too, notes that the differences between the first-person
scribed decorum of priests, who must not, according to Lev and the third-person narratives suggest a later editor of the
10:6, unbind their hair or tear their clothing (cf Lev 21:10 and Ezra memoir material. The phrase 'broken faith' (been trea-
Ezek44:20; 2 Sam 13:19; 2 Kings 22:11). Ezra's abandonment cherous) has Priestly, and other late use (Lev 5:21; 26:40; Num
of proper behaviour, rather like Ezekiel's, is a measure of his 5:6; Josh 22:16; i Chr 10:13; 2 Chr 28:19; Ezek 17:20; 20:27;
reaction to the events at hand. His actions have been com- 39:26; Dan 9:7). Despite this, 'there is hope' (Ps 33, 119, esp.
pared to mourning for a death (Williamson 1985: 133; Blen- 147:11). v. 5, Ezra makes the leaders, priests, Levites, and all
kinsopp 1988: 177). w. 5-6, Ezra rose from fasting: the Israel 'swear' to abide by this covenantal agreement. Despite
position of praying on one's knees begins only in the exile the fact that Ezra has apparently been given Persian authority,
(Blenkinsopp ibid.). Ezra's great prayer of confession begins his actions reflect internal politics, unlike Nehemiah, whose
with his recognition of the 'iniquities' of the people (cf. Ps tendency is to command and order, v. 6, an interesting debate
38:4; 40:12; 79:8). The prayer of confession is reminiscent of in the secondary literature involves the person Eliashib
other famous prayers of confession known in Hebrew litera- named here. It is often argued by those who assign Ezra to a
ture—Ps 78, 106, Dan 9, and 4QDibHam. v. 7, reflecting later date (e.g. 398, following the missions of Nehemiah) that
Deuteronomic theology of blaming sins especially on the this is the Eliashib of Neh 3:1, and thus Ezra is in Judah when
leadership of monarchical Israel, Ezra refers to the kings this Eliashib's son, Jehohanan, is active. But Blenkinsopp
and priests ofthe past. Their sin led to the following threefold (1988: 190) points out that the Eliashib in Nehemiah is con-
punishment—the people given over to the sword; exile demned by Nehemiah for defiling the priesthood—and thus
and captivity; plunder (fc-z-z: to spoil, plunder, cf. Ezek 5:12). one wonders if Ezra would associate himself with a family
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 3 i8

with such a reputation. Williamson (1985), on the other hand, eyes of God, especially in time of exile, is further indication of
notes that Neh 13:4 seems carefully to identify the Eliashib awareness of other eyes of a more hostile nature. For a court-
related to Tobiah as a different person. Names are often ier, the 'agents of the secret police' (Dandamaev and Lukonin
repeated and can become fashionable in an era, and so it is 1989: in) would be all too familiar.
hazardous to assume that all occurrences of a person with the EIO-II, restoration from exile: see also Jer 31:11; Zech 10:8;
same name are, in fact, the same individual. Isa 35:10 = 51:11. The phrase 'this man' has engendered con-
v. 8, the threat to those who do not participate in the com- siderable discussion. Its disrespectful tone contradicts the
munity reformation is serious—they are to be banned h-r-m generally held assumption that Nehemiah's relationship
(using the strong term of total annihilation from the period of with Artaxerxes was something other than the conquered to
conquest) and forfeit their rekus (property). That the temple the conqueror. Given the realities of Persian rule, Nehemiah's
contingent can take such steps implies their economic power disdain is understandable and his fear is prudent. T was
in the community, w. 11-12, the community agrees to these cupbearer' (see also Gen 40:1; 41:9) gave rise, in the LXX, to
conditions en masse, butthen proceeds to ask for clarifications, a variant that suggests Nehemiah was a eunuch—cf. oinochoos
stipulations, and conditions. Some members ask for more of Alexandrinus to eunouchos found in Vaticanus, Sinaiticus,
time, better weather conditions, and patience with the pro- and Venetus—all strong texts. Most scholars reject the variant
blems created by the number of people involved, v. 15, we are tradition, and Williamson (1985: 174) further argues that
not privy to the basis of the objection by some who protested, being a eunuch would have created difficulties in exercising
and whether it was an objection to the process, or the entire authority in Jerusalem. Many scholars suggest that 'cup-
issue of breaking up the mixed marriages. As we have evi- bearer' meant one who tasted wine for poison (Xen. Cyr.
dence of more open-minded attitudes to foreigners elsewhere 1.3.9; see Yamauchi 1990: 259), and note that Ahiqar was
in the HB (Smith-Christopher 1996) it seems quite likely that also a cupbearer (Tob 1:22). It must be said, however, that
they opposed the entire action. On the other hand, Blenkin- the arguments against Nehemiah's physical mutilation tend
sopp (1988: 194) refers to these as 'rigorists', because they to be motivated, once again, by the myth of Persian benefi-
oppose the delay in taking action that the process agreed upon cence. Isa 56:4-5, for example, suggests that the notion
implies, i Esdr 9:14 transformed the opposition into a passage should not be dismissed lightly, and sociological studies
about those who carried out the work! lend further weight to the probable folklore elements involved
w. 25—43, the secondary literature carries on an extended in the Nehemiah court tale, including the tradition of his
discussion about attempts to work out the names in this list being a eunuch (see Balch 1985; Cozer 1972).
toward the expected twelve, v. 44, the foreign women are sent (2:1-2) The words of the emperor strike fear in Nehemiah.
away with the children. Children, of course, are the main threat He is worried about offending the king, despite what sounds
in the issue of inheritance, much more so than the women like comforting concern. The emperor asks why he appears
themselves. This ending of the book of Ezra appears to many this way. Fensham (1982:160), among others, comments that
commentators to be abrupt, leaving the reader with an un- this concern is a 'reflection of his humane character'. Hu-
comfortable sense of reading a book with missing pages. mane indeed! If Nehemiah is the official wine-taster, then the
emperor might well be worried if Nehemiah looks sick! 2:3—6,
Nehemiah
burial in Jerusalem is associated with kings (2 Kings 21:26;
Nehemiah's Memoirs (Neh. 1-8) 23:30; 2 Chr 16:14; 35:24)- Th£ association with tombs of
(1:1-2:9) The Court Narrative of Nehemiah 1:1, Ezra uses the ancestors and Jerusalem strongly suggests royalty, and Nehe-
nomenclature of the Torah—that is, numbered months, while miah's reference to 'the place of my ancestors' graves' further
Nehemiah uses Babylonian calendrical names (Demke supports the royal implications of Nehemiah's concern with
1996). 1:2, 'brothers' is to be taken figuratively, given the Jerusalem (Kellermann 1967: 156-9). In any case, the story
context of Nehemiah's presence in a foreign court, but Wil- seems less compatible with the idea of Nehemiah as governor
liamson (1985:171), noting Neh 7:2, takes this literally. 1:3, the of a province than a courtier being allowed to run an errand.
news of the state of Jerusalem is troubling to Nehemiah partly 2:8, the word translated 'king's forest' is 'paradise' (from
because of the 'shame' (herpd) of this circumstance (on taunts Persian), and would normally refer to royal woodland or a
of foreigners, Ps 69:20, 21; 71:13; 89:51; 119:22; Isa 51:7; Jer forest reserve. Dandamaev (1989:144-5) concludes that para-
51:51; Lam 3:61; Zeph 2:8). But what is the devastation that dises were parks with fruit trees, animals, and other agricul-
Nehemiah is reacting to? It seems unlikely that he would be tural resources that could belong to king or nobility. 2:9, in
shocked to hear about the destruction that remained from the stark contrast to Ezra, there is no description of the journey or
Babylonian conquest in 586, so perhaps he is hearing about elaborate preparations. Nehemiah has letters and a military
the results of the events described in Ezra 4:23. It is possible, escort consisting of officers (sare), army (hayil), and cavalry
on the other hand, that we should infer from Nehemiah's (parasim). That Persian soldiers were certainly present in
reaction that he is surprised that the walls are still down, Judah is proven by the presence of cist-type tombs otherwise
even after the temple has been rebuilt. 1:6, 'let your ear be found in Persian archaeological sites (Stern 1982).
attentive and your eyes open' (cf Ezra 5:5). Requests for God to (2:10-20) Reconnaissance and Opposition w. 10-12, the lo-
hear and see are common. There are appeals to the ear of God cal resentment recalls Ezra i—6. Sanballat is called 'the Hor-
at Ps 5:1; 17:1, 6; 31:2; 54:2; mention of the eye and ear in Isa onite'. Blenkinsopp (1988: 216) argues that this is
37:17; Lam 3:56, and note the special emphasis on the eyes of undoubtedly a reference to Beth-Horon (Josh 16:3, 5), north-
God in Ezek 5:11; 7:4, 9; 8:18; 20:17; Zech 12:4. Attention to the west of Jerusalem (not the Horonaim of Moab, Isa 15:5; Jer
 319 EZRA-NEHEMIAH

48:3), and that Sanballat would have considered himself a v. 7, the names of Gibeon and Mizpah, territories appar-
YHWH worshipper after a fashion (Blenkinsopp 1988: 216). ently outside the parcel of land-area granted to the exilic
There is considerable evidence for Tobiad connections to community, are mentioned as under the authority of the
Ammon. Perhaps this opposition explains Nehemiah's con- governor of Beyond the River. The term of authority is literally,
cern for secrecy, w. 13-15, there is an interesting amount of 'to the throne' (lekissif) (NRSV 'under jurisdiction'). Ch. 3
detail in the locations mentioned by Nehemiah, which invites presents us with six districts: Jerusalem, Beth-zur, Keilah,
attempts at close analysis. The Valley Gate would have led Beth-haccherem, Mizpah, which was the administrative
west (500 m. from the Dung Gate), and Nehemiah would centre of the area after the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylo-
then have turned south. The Dragon Gate is often associated nians, and obviously retained its importance to this time, and
with the Serpent Stone which is known also as Job's Well, Jericho. (Simons (1959: 392—3) warns that mentioning a
200 m. south of Ophel. The Fountain Gate would be the place-name need not imply actual residence, but merely the
south-east corner towards En-rogel, and the King's Pool could use of a location as a group identification.) v. 16, the 'house of
be a reference to the Pool of Shelah or the Lower Pool, warriors' (bet haggibborim) may be the Persian garrison.
although Williamson (1985) identifies the King's Pool with (4:1—23) Militarizing the Wall Building v. i, Sanballat was
the Pool of Solomon. In any case, the tour would have con- 'greatly enraged' and 'mocked the Jews' (cf Ps 44:14; Ezek
sisted largely of the south-east and south-west sections of the 23:32). 'What are these feeble Jews doing?' The adjective here
wall. Nehemiah is not able to traverse portions of the wall. is rare; cmclal is usually translated 'languish/ed': i Sam 2:5;
Are we to presume that he rode on the wall, and therefore Isa 16:8; 24:4; 33:9; Jer 15:9; Hos 4:3; Nah 1:4. v. 3, the lan-
could not go further? Nehemiah travels by night to complete guage about the fox on the wall has been troublesome. Some
his survey. With Nehemiah, however, the reader is also left see the term as a reference to a siege weapon, but Williamson
in the dark with regard to whether Jerusalem was in this (1985: 214) sees it as a sarcastic reference to a small animal
state from the devastation of 587/6—the Babylonian being able to break apart what the Jews are putting together.
destruction—or whether this is the result of a more recent w. 4—7, after asking God to 'hear' Nehemiah says that the Jews
difficulty. are being 'despised' (b-z-h); the focus moves to their 'taunt'
v. 19, the enemies now include Geshem the Arab. A bowl and reproach (cf. i Sam 17:26; Ps 69:20, 21; 71:13; 89:51;
from Ismailia mentions a Geshmu—King of Kedar (for Ke- 119:22; Prov 18:3; Isa 51:7; Ezek 21:33). They are to be given
darites see Gen 25:13; Isa 21:16—17; 42:I1; 60:7; a 'King of the over as 'plunder' (bizzd) in a land of captivity. In short, the
Arabs' is noted in Herodotus 3.4.88). Thus, Blenkinsopp curse calls for a reversal of fortune—God, do to them what
(1988: 225-6) notes that Nehemiah is surrounded by oppon- they did to us! The opposition includes traditional enemies.
ents: Samaria to the north, Tobiads to the east, and Kedarites w. 10—13, the fear, it appears, comes from the threat of
in the south. They 'mocked and ridiculed' (l-f-g, Ps 59:9; Isa guerrilla-type assassinations amongst the piles of rubble, not
37:22, and b-z-h, Ps 15:4; 119:141) but their tangible accusation from large-scale attacks. The murmurings get so serious
is that Nehemiah is inciting a revolution against Persian among the 'Jews who lived near them' (i.e. enemies), that
authority. Note the number of times that forms of the verb Nehemiah arms the population, w. 14—15, 'Do not be afraid'
m-r-d (to rebel) will appear in the discussions between Nehe- (al ttre'ii: fear not!). This is the great battle-cry of ancient
miah, Sanballat, and Tobiah (see NEH 6:4 and following), Israelite YHWH War (Deut 20; von Rad 1991; Lind 1980).
v. 20, the term 'share' (2 Sam 20:1; i Kings 12:16) refers to But as quickly as the crisis builds, it disappears in a single
political association, 'claim' suggests jurisdiction, or legal sentence, v. 16, more than mere hand weapons are referred to
rights, and 'historic right' (zikkdr) refers to a traditional claim here: there are shields and body armour ('Persian weapons',
resulting from participation in the cult (Williamson 1985: Blenkinsopp 1988: 252). w. 17—18, the concern for defence is
192). Although neither Sanballat nor Tobiah has asked to emphasized—one hand on a tool, one hand on a weapon.
participate in building, one notes the influence of the events Nehemiah also keeps the trumpeter close at hand so that he
in ch. 4. There is a significant suggestion, then, that Nehe- can rally the troops at a moment's notice, v. 20, with the
miah is finishing what Zerubbabel started—and both have blowing of the shofar, a YHWH War was declared—complete
messianic associations. with the belief that 'Our God will fight for us' (cf. Judg 3:27;
(3:1-32) v. i, Eliashib and the priests rebuild the Sheep Gate. 6:34; 7:18; i Sam 13:3). w. 21-3, there continues the great
Williamson (1985: 195; following Ehrlich 1914) reads not emphasis on preparation for war. The final phrase (lit. 'a
qidesiihu (they consecrated), but qiresiihu (they boarded it). man his weapon the water') is quite impossible. Ifhammayim
Commentators have noted that w. 1—15, working on the north (water) is emended to hayyamin (right hand), then it makes
and west sections, have names linked by 'next to', with loca- sense! 'each [man] kept his weapon in his right hand'.
tions given. But in w. 16-32, on the east and south sections of (5:1-19) Nehemiah's Reforms v. i, sa'aqdt hd'dm (outcry of the
the wall, the link is 'after him', and groups are given according people), the cry of oppression against their Jewish neigh-
to places in the city. Blenkinsopp (1988: 232) speculates that bours. The cry against Pharaoh, the cry against enemies, is
w. 16-32 focus on the more devastated part of the wall. here raised up against their own people (cf. Ex 14:10; 22:23,
Indeed, twenty-one work details were on the east side of the the cry to God for deliverance from injustice and abuse; Ps
wall, and workers on the Fish Gate 'built' rather than 're- 107:6, 19—20). Some have suggested (Neufeld (1953—4) that
paired' the wall. The north would have suffered the brunt of the time of the wall building was before the olive and grape
most attacks on Jerusalem, for those arriving from Mesopota- harvest, and thus hit local society at an economically weak
mia (famously, Jer 1:13-15). point. We also know that the imperial tax burden went up
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 320

during the time of Darius, and again in the time of Xerxes, in on the border (Fensham 1982: 200, Blenkinsopp 1988: 268),
order for the latter to pursue his military campaigns against or outside Judah altogether, although Williamson places it in
the Greeks (Blenkinsopp 1988: 257). But the bitterness here Judean territory (Williamson, 1985: 255). w. 4—7, a rebellion
seems directed towards fellow Jews. w. 2-3, 'With our sons must have a leader, and Sanballat writes that Nehemiah pro-
and daughters, we are many', and in 5:3 'We are having to poses to 'become their king'. Sanballat is well aware of the
pledge our fields, our vineyards, and our houses in order to get possibility that popular sentiment will stand behind a claim to
grain during the famine' (cf Gen 47:13—26). Besides the restore an independent Judah, and accuses Nehemiah of
obvious connection to the enslavement narratives of the Exo- sponsoring prophetic support (note the importance of pro-
dus, there is also close parallel in image to the laws of divine phetic authority in Ezra—Nehemiah). The reason for the open
warfare in Deut 20 where Israelites are exempt from warfare letter is now clear. Sanballat warns that the Persian monarch
if they have not yet enjoyed the fruits of peace: namely mar- will soon hear of these plans. We have seen that Nehemiah's
riage, gardens, and houses. The implication, then, is a protest activities mirror royal authority and activities to such a degree
against Nehemiah's militant enlistments for his building that Sanballat's accusation, to say the very least, is rational and
campaign: 'How can we carry on yourbattles, when we haven't well founded! v. 10, scholars have suggested that Shemaiah
even enjoyed the fruits of peace?' w. 4—5, now the accusation is proposes that Nehemiah openly proclaim his kingship by
directed at the emperor. The Persian tax requirements are also closing the doors of the temple (Ivry 1972: 35-45; cf 2 Chr
oppressive. The tax had to be paid in silver by the time of 23). The temple, it must be recalled, is the administrative
Darius (on the exploitative result of using silver for taxation, centre of the Judean settlement under the Persians. To close
see Kippenburg 1982). This suggests that the main danger is the doors of the temple is to declare oneself in charge over that
from fellow Jews who would exploit the condition of the institution, which would apparently declare open sedition
the new administration, w. 6-8, Nehemiah 'brought charges' against the Persian authorities. Yadin (1963: 95) also notes
(r-y-b 'disputes', suggests legal action; cf. Ex 23:2, 3, 6; Deut that the temple was often fortified as a final retreat after the
21:5; 25:1). On the theme of the 'sold ones', 'our Jewish walls of a city were broken. Others have argued that the temple
kindred... sold to other nations', (cf. Gen 37:27; Lev 25:47-55; was a site for asylum, and that Nehemiah was being warned of
Ps 105:17; Isa 50:1; 52:3; Jer 34). The accusation of Nehemiah a conspiracy. This would seem to square with his reply about
seems tantamount to saying, 'you are exiling your fellow being afraid. A certain Noadiah is also named as a female
Hebrews at precisely the time we are trying to ransom the prophet hired by Sanballat (this accusation, however, is
exiles back from foreign control', v. 10, Nehemiah points out doubted by Carroll 1992). Nehemiah, in his report to God
that these exploiters are even taking advantage of the fact that (rather like a report to the Persian monarch) names those who
they have been helped from his funds as a royal representative. sought to do him harm. v. 17, 'nobles' (horim) of the Jews
Fensham (1982: 194—5), on me other hand, sees this as a continued to correspond with Tobiah, apparently because
confession by Nehemiah that he, too, was involved in this they were actually intermarried with Tobiah's family. While
financial exploitation. Sanballat appears defeated by the completion of the wall,
v. 15, the previous governors took bread, wine, and 'forty Tobiah continues to be a threat, indicating that Tobiah is
shekels of silver'. This per-diem amount places Nehemiah in a more closely related to the people with whom Nehemiah
social category far above the per-capita holdings of silver of the must deal (see Neh 13).
average Israelite, if the numbers in Ezra ch. 2 are to be taken (Ch. 7) The Golah List v. 2, the joint appointments of Hanani
seriously at all. This passage has been taken to prove the and Hananiah over Jerusalem 'and the citadel (military garri-
existence of Judah before Nehemiah, with previous governors son?)' raises some questions. Is Nehemiah preparing to com-
before him (the case is hardly closed. See McEvenue 1981; plete his work and return to the Persian heartland? v. 3, the
Lapp and Lapp 1974: 81; Stern 1982; for an earlier Judah, verse is difficult. Many commentators cite the practice of the
Blenkinsopp 1988: 264; Williamson 1985: 243). v. 16, the siesta which is typical in warm climates. Thus, it would be a
work on the wall is implied to be of benefit to all the people, time for particular vigilance, v. 5, the second appearance of the
but this point can be questioned. Note that in Lev 25:29-31, Golah List is introduced by the idea that Nehemiah wanted to
the year of Jubilee and redemption does not apply to houses in register everyone by their lineage. The editor is clearly aware
walled cities! There, a person has only one year to redeem a of this secondary use by his introduction. Many scholars
house. The monied rights of the urban aristocracy defeated believe that the original purpose of the list is best tied to its
even the radical measures of the Jubilee redistribution of land location in Nehemiah rather than in Ezra chs. 1-6. In w. 43-5,
(Weinfeld 1995: 176). By rebuilding the wall, Nehemiah also gatekeepers and singers are enumerated with the Levites.
guarantees the financial rights of the wealthy class of Jerusa- This serves as one of a few reminders that not all difficulties
lem—in a sense creating economic opportunity zones within with the list are solved by dating it to 460—430 BCE.
the boundaries of the administrative city that he is trying to (8:1—18) The Study of the Law v. i, the presence of Ezra and
rebuild (as a royal figure?). Note the similar impact of Josiah's the virtual absence of Nehemiah support the argument that
reforms in 2 Kings 23 (see Nakasone 1993). w. 17—19, it is so ch. 8 is among the displaced chapters from the Ezra material.
with all the privileged in history—their over-indulgence is According to the date given, the 'seventh month', this episode
justified by their presumed self-importance, and further, the is often placed before the marriage crisis in the ninth month as
claim that their exploitative practices are for the good of all. noted in Ezra 9—10. Thus, the original place for ch. 8 would
(6:1-19) Continued Opposition, Internal and External w - 1 ~ 2 > logically have been between Ezra 8 and 9. The action of bring-
the suggested meeting-place, the plain of Ono, is surely either ing 'the book of the law of Moses' (Torah) (note 2 Chr 23:18;
 321 EZRA-NEHEMIAH

30:16; Ezra 3:2; 7:6; Dan 9:11, 13; Mai 3:22; Ps 119, 'Torah of v. 15, for hunger there was manna from heaven (Ex 16; Ps
YHWH') and reading from it reminds many contemporary 78; 2 Esd 1:19;) and for thirst, water from rock (Num 20; Ps78;
scholars of the later synagogue service, and suggests that 105; 114; 13348; Wis 11:4; 2 Esd 1:20; i Cor 10:4). By the end of
some aspects of the later service have their roots in a formal v. 15, Ezra has established that God was fully capable of
ceremony of reading and teaching Torah (on the presence of a delivering the people from physical, earthly rule, ordering
service format here see Blenkinsopp 1988: 285, and the vari- their daily lives, and providing their basic necessities. The
ant in Fensham 1982: 215; Clines 1984: 183 and Williamson obvious implication is, 'What do we need the Persians for?'
1985: 281 disagree), v. 2, the phrase 'hear with understanding' v. 16 turns the corner. The people reject God's care because
(lit. understood to hear) (Neh 10:28; Ps 119:10, 32, 34, 73) can they are 'determined to return to their slavery' (v. 17). It can
be compared to the teaching of the wise in Dan 10:12; 11:33— hardly mean anything other than the implication that their
the wise who give understanding to the many. v. 3, Ezra reads present circumstances are part of the slavery of rejecting
facing the square: Tn a society denned by ethnicity and na- God's good care in the past! The stubbornness of the people
tionality, the square concentrates a potentially diffuse, and is contrasted to the 'wonders' performed by YHWH (Ex 3:20;
therefore, difficult to control, population into a small Judg 6:13; i Chr 16:9; Jer 21:2; esp. Ps 9:1; 26:7; 105; 106; 107).
geographical space. From this place, the royal/governmental w. 22-3, Sihon and Og (i Kings 4:19; Neh 9:22; Ps 135:11;
power may keep its hegemony over the elite, while creating an 136:19—note that Ps 135, 136 are passionately nationalist)
ideology of participation and equality' (Wright 1990). Cf. represent kings that were defeated at the initial stages of the
Josiah's hearing of the law, 2 Kings 22—3. conquest of Canaan. Might we have a historical reference to
v. 6, there is an interesting series of actions described here, the territories of Sanballat and Tobiah here? The kings of
which reminded Rudolph (1949: 147) of Islamic prayer rites, Heshbon and Bashan are, at the very least, symbols of those
v. 8, yet another term is used here: 'the book, the law of God who resisted the Jewish conquest under God's leadership
('eldhim)'. The Levites read 'with interpretation' (cf Lev 24:12; (Deut 1:4; 29:7, and as a saying in current use, cf. Deut 31:4;
Num 15:34; Esth 4:7; 10:2; Ezek 34:12). They 'gave the sense' Ps 135, 136). v. 24, 'Doing... as they pleased' is royal preroga-
(cf. Dan 8:25 'cunning'!; i Chr 22:12; 2 Chr 2:11; Ps 111:10; Ezra tive in late biblical literature, often linked with Persian rulers
8:18). i Esd 9:55 has the people understanding the reading by (Esth 1:8; 9:5; Dan 8:4; 11:3, 16, 36). w. 32-4, 'hardship' or
using emphusiao (to infuse life into) (cf. LXX Gen 2:7; Wis weariness is telcfd (Ex 18:8; Num 20:14; of exile, Lam 3:5; Mai
15:11). v. 9—'The governor[tirsfiata]... said', MT adds Nehe- 1:13). The use of'Assyria' implies, even if not stated explicitly,
miah's name here, but the LXX omits it. Some scholars have 'that there was not much to choose between the Assyrians and
noted that the use of the singular verb, also at v. 10, indicates their imperial successors: the Babylonians and Persians'
that Ezra acted alone in the original account, w. 10—13, mis (Blenkinsopp 1988: 307). These events, including Persian
admonition to give to those who are poor may not be simply an rule, are seen as punishment, w. 36—7, the central point is
obligatory piety, but speak to actual conditions among the this: 'we are slaves' followed by 'the land'. The people and the
returning community (cf. Neh 5). As is the pattern, the com- land are in slavery. The rich yield (Lev 25:20; Prov 10:16; 14:4;
mand is followed by the description of its fulfilment, w. 17—18, 15:6; 16:8) goes to foreign kings. As one might expect in a
the reference to Joshua lends further nationalist overtones to prayer of confession, the central theology here is Deuteron-
the celebrations. omic 'God's punishment' theology. There is a possible word-
(9:1-38) Ezra's Confessional Prayer; Mixed Marriage Cri- play on rason, the king's 'pleasure', and the sard (difficulty) of
sis w. 1-3, the people stand and proclaim their sins and the Jews—in other words, their 'pleasure' is our 'pain'. Blen-
iniquities, and those of the fathers—as in v. 3—'making con- kinsopp (1988: 30) reminds us, 'One of the worst aspects of
fession' (see Lev 5:5; 16:21; 26:40; Num 5:7; 2 Chr 30:22; Ezra imperial policy under the Achaemenids was the draining
10:1; Neh 1:6; Dan 9:4, 20). w. 4-6, the general prayer of away of local resources from the provinces to finance the
confession follows set patterns established throughout the imperial court, the building of magnificent palaces, and the
late biblical material. The theme of God as Creator is a theme interminable succession of campaigns of pacification or con-
that is typical of post-exilic theological reflection (Isa 40—8; quest.'
although Amos 4:13; 5:8-9; 9:5-6, see Blenkinsopp 1988: (10:1-39) Crisis Resolved; People's Covenant w. 1-27, the list
3 03). God as Creator effectively trumps the claims of universal interrupts a narrative beginning with v. i, and continuing with
rule of the Persian emperors as well—note the same theme in w. 29—30. Note that Nehemiah is called 'tirshata'. Nehemiah
the face of Babylonian claims in Daniel (Dan 9; cf. Baruch may have carried such a title, v. 28, the people are referred to as
1:15-3:8; i Kings 8; Ezra 9: all post-exilic confessional prayers), 'the rest', or remnant, but this includes 'all who have separ-
v. 7, the historical events are certainly not chosen arbitrarily. ated themselves from the peoples of the lands'. Presumably
The Persians are presumed to be listening. God is identified these are people from the groups that did not go into exile, or
as Creator, who exercises the military-political tactic of name- from earlier returns, w. 29-31, the movement of females is
changing—the privilege of the conquerer. w. 8-n, note stressed here (lit. 'our daughters not to them; their daughters
that the beginning of this prayer makes these strong state- not to us'). Foreign daughters coming into the group may
ments: (i) The land is given outside Persian authority (i.e. result in inheritance passing out of the community on the
by God); (2) The claim is based on God's sanction, not death of the male. Both directions, however, are an economic
Persia's; (3) The claim is prior to Persian claims. Also, note threat.
the reference to sinking 'like a stone' (Ex 15:15)—God's defeat v. 33, the rows of shewbread are noted in Lev 24:5; i Chr
of Pharaoh. 9:32; 23:29; 2 Chr 2:4, n; 29:18. The regular burnt-offerings
EZRA-NEHEMIAH 322

for priests are noted in Num 15:1-10. The breakdown of the 372). v. 30, t-h-r (purify), predominately used in P (Lev 13:6,
following suggests the divisions of 'holy time': sabbaths 34, 58). Purification, of course, has been a central concern
(weekly); new moons (monthly); and festivals (annually), throughout the exile (Smith 1989: 49—65,139—51).
v. 35, the casting of lots is clearly to seek fair distribution (i v. 31, two or three people abreast could walk on top of
Chr 24:5,31; 25:8; 26:13, Z4; P S I25:3) of the wood-offering—by Jerusalem's walls, according to Kenyon's excavations (Avigad
ancestral houses. Cf. the emphasis on fair distribution in Ezek 1983: 23—63). v. 36, 'the scribe Ezra' is almost certainly a later
40—8 on land, weights, and finances, w. 39—40, the term addition to the text. w. 38—9, the places named are confusing:
'chambers' of 'storehouses' (NRSV: storerooms) is found in Tower of the Ovens; Broad Wall; Gate of Ephraim; Old Gate;
previous texts: i Chr 9:26, 33; 23:28; 28:11, 12; see also Deut Fish Gate; Tower of Hananel; Tower of the Hundred; Sheep
28:12; 2 Kings 20:13,15! 2 ^r 32:28; Job 38:22; Ps 33:7; 135:7; Gate; Gate of the Guard. The number of gates around Jerusa-
Jer 38:11; Mai 3:10. Fensham (1982: 241) suggests that we may lem has always been in flux, and named for either direction,
have a picture of Persian tax collecting policies, with the particular event, or destination of those who travel from that
temple at the centre. The people will not 'neglect' f-z-fc) the gate (e.g. Ephraim Gate—cf. the modern Damascus Gate). In
house of God, because God has not neglected them. the light of the weakness of gates (n.2) this variation in names
(11:1—36) Repopulating Jerusalem v. i, the military overtones and locations for gates and towers is rational, v. 43, of joy in
of this entire episode, surely resulting from Nehemiah's Per- Jerusalem, cf. 2 Chr 20:27; 3O:26; Esth 8:16, 17; Ps 35:37;
sian commission, have been noted in the literature (Keller- 105:43; Tob 13:10, 17; esp. Isa 65:18. The hearing of joyful
mann 1967; Wright 1990; Hoglund 1992). The unusual term celebration, especially at a distance by enemies, is an interest-
for Jerusalem this early (lit. holy city), is found in various ing theme (Isa 15:4; i Sam 4:6; Ruth 1:6; enemies hearing in
forms in 19 other places in the HB, and alluded to in the NT. Ezra 3:13; Neh 2:10,19; 4:1, 7,15; 6:16; and 9:9, 27, 28; of God
v. 12, volunteering to live in Jerusalem continues the military hearing, see Isa 66:19; Jer 40:11; 49:21; 50:46; i Mace 14).
theme (cf Judg 5:2, 9, and esp. i Chr 29:5-6). v. 4, 'Judahites (13:1—31) Nehemiah's Second Visit: Further Reforms It has
and... Benjaminites' become symbolic of the majority, often been observed that ch. 13 seems an afterthought—a
rather than exclusive of those from other tribal backgrounds, collection of issues that a later editor considered to be loose
w. 4/7-36, the sources of this list are usually considered early, ends that required tying up. The chapter easily breaks up into
given that gatekeepers and singers are not yet listed with separate episodes: w. 1—9, the presence of Tobiah in the
levitical status (so Williamson 1985: 347; Blenkinsopp 1988: temple; w. 10—14, levitical duties; w. 15—22, concerning trade
325—7). The listing of persons follows the order: (i) w. 4—6, and commercial activities on the sabbath ('In those days I
Judahites; (2) w. 7-9, Benjaminites; (3) w. 10-14, priests; (4) saw...'); w. 23-9, further concerns on mixed marriage issues
w. 15-18, Levites; (5) v. 19, gatekeepers; (6) w. 20-1, 'the rest of (Tn those days I saw...'); w. 30—1, summary of entire chapter.
Israel', those who live each on nahdlato 'his inheritance'. It is possible, furthermore, that w. 6—7 provide the reason—
Special mention is made ofnettnim (temple servants) (Wein- they seem to point to an addition from a second term of
berg 1992: 75-91). Nehemiah's responsibilities in Judah.
v. 25, there is an unusual combination of terms used here: v. i, the introduction to the reading of the books of Moses
'villages' and 'fields' (hdserim, bisedotam). Generally, William- leads to the emphasis on the Ammonites and Moabites (Gen
son (1985: 350) considers the role of villages to be a Utopian 19:38; Deut 23:3; Neh 4:7; Amos 1:13; Zeph 2:8; Jdt 6:5—a
view of post-exilic geography, although we have noted that this racial slur?). Note, however, that Ruth is a Moabite, and Isa
list is taken from Josh 15, and thus intended to mimic the 56:6—8 looked to an era when foreigners would be welcome in
conquest of the land (Simons 1959: 393; Blenkinsopp 1988: the 'house of prayer', v. 2, Balak and Balaam are recalled here
330). v. 36, the term used for 'divisions' is typical of the (Num 22—3; cf. Isa 15—16; Jer 48). The tradition becomes a
Chronicler (i Chr 23:6; 24:1; 26:1, 12, 19) and almost always code to speak of issues of contemporary economic and polit-
of priests and Levites (see, however, Josh 11:23; I2:7> 18:10). ical tension, v. 4, Tobiah was 'close' (qarob) in the sense of
(12:1-47) Processional Dedication of the Wall w. 1-21, the related by family ties (cf. Lev 21:2, 3; 25:25; 2 Sam 19:43). v. 5,
first half of this chapter consists of a record of priestly and Tobiah's storehouse was a base of operation. Commentators
levitical families, including a record of high priests that, compare the commercial problems in w. 15-22, concluding
although incomplete, takes us down to the time of Alexander that Tobiah was using a privileged position in the temple
the Great (Jaddua, v. 22; see Jos. Ant. 11.302). Nehemiah is economy to pursue advantageous business arrangements
mentioned as if the narrator is writing from beyond his time (Blenkinsopp 1988: 354; Williamson 1985: 386). v. 6, notably,
(note the two historical figures David and Nehemiah in v. 46). Nehemiah is not present, and Artaxerxes is called 'King... of
The chapter shows considerable editorial activity, in the late Babylon', w. 8-9, Nehemiah states that he threw out 'vessels
additions found in w. 6,19,2 2, and 2 3. v. 2 3, the importance of [NRSV: household furniture] of the house of Tobiah'. The
records read to the king further supports the view that the lists possibility of rendering the term 'vessels' suggests that Tobiah
throughout Ezra—Nehemiah are evidence of the constant had religious utensils in the temple. There are suggestions
watch of the authorities, v. 26, Joiakim could hardly be Jehoia- here of Josiah's (and Hezekiah's) cleansing of the temple
chim, king after 605 BCE in Judah. v. 27, the term hanukkd (again implying royal activities for Nehemiah). They 'cleansed
(dedication) is only late, of dedications in P and other later [t-h-r] the chambers' (for Holiness Code see Lev 15:13, 28; 22:4;
biblical books. All the instruments must have been carried 13:6). The implication is to make clean from idolatry (Jer 13:27;
during the procession, which may affect how we imagine the Ezek 24:13). v. 14, Nehemiah's phrase, 'Remember me, O my
size of the various specific instruments (Williamson 1985: God' is helpfully noted by Eskenazi (1988), who reminds us to
 323 EZRA-NEHEMIAH

contrast this first-person request to be honoured, with the Berquist, J. (1995), Judaism in Persia's Shadow: A Social and Historical
editor's third-person report that God, in fact, honoured Ezra. Approach (Minneapolis: Fortress).
v. 16, the Tyrians (Phoenicians), of course, were renowned Betylon, J. W. (1992), 'Weights and Measures', ABD vi: 897-908.
Bickermann, E. (1976), 'The Edict of Cyrus in Ezra i', Studies in Jewish
tradesmen in the ancient Near East. w. 17-18, regarding the
and Christian History, i (Leiden: Brill).
sabbath, economic activity is considered polluting in the ritual Blenkinsopp, J. (1988), Ezra-Nehemiah, OTL (London: SCM).
sense. There is an interesting interrelationship of ritual prof- Boyce, M. (1975—82), A History of Zoroastrianism, Handbuch der Or-
anation and economic social issues, here. We must guard ientalistik (Leiden: Brill), i, ii.
against the stereotype that priestly concerns are often 'empty Carroll, R. (1992), 'Coopting the Prophets: Nehemiah and Noadiah',
ritualism' without connection to justice issues, v. 21, Nehe- in J. Wright, R. Carroll, and P. Davies (eds.), Priests, Prophets and
miah's threat is to lay hands on' these sellers! (cf Esth 3:6; Scribes (FestschriftforJ. Blenkinsopp), JSOTSup 149 (Sheffield: Shef-
9:2; Add Esth 6:2; 12:2.) v. 22, Levites must purify themselves. field University Press).
Once again, terms of ritual, purity, 'purify' and 'holy' are used Carter, C. (1991), A Social and Demographic Study of Post-Exilic
Judah', diss., Duke University, NC.
in the arena of finance and economics, v. 23, there is consider-
Clines, D. (1984), Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther, NCB (Basingstoke:
able discussion about the relation of Josephus, Ant. 11:306—12, Marshall, Morgan, & Scott).
to these events. Some have suggested that Josephus is speak- Cook, J. M. (1983), The Persian Empire (New York: Schocken).
ing of another event entirely, or at the very least a garbled Cozer, L. (1972), The Alien as Servant of Power: Court Jews and
version of these events. It is now rare for modern commenta- Christian Renegades', American Sociological Review, 37: 574-81.
tors to argue that Neh 13 has garbled events of which Josephus Dandamaev, M. (1989), A Political History oftheAchaemenid Empire, tr.
has more accurately written. W. J. Vogel (Leiden: Brill).
v. 24, what was the language of Ashdod? Some have sug- and Lukonin, V. G. (1989), The Culture and Social Institutions of
gested that it simply means 'foreign language' and not a Ancient Iran, tr. P. L. Kohl (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press).
specific, known dialect at all, while others argue for an Ara-
Davies, G. (1994), A History of Money (Cardiff: University of Wales
maic or Philistine (orGk.?) dialect. Blenkinsopp (1988: 363) is Press).
surely correct, however, in stating that the real issue is the Demke, A. (1996), 'Who Returned First: Ezra or Nehemiah?', Bible
inability to speak Hebrew, not the specific language they did Review (Apr.), 28-33, 46-8.
speak! Political considerations seem predominant in Nehe- Depuydt, L. (1995), 'Murder in Memphis: The Story of Cambyses's
miah, giving the impression of treacherous power-grabbing Mortal Wounding of the Apis Bull', JNES 54/2:119-26.
in both temple and government through strategic marriages. Ehrlich, A. B. (1914), Randglossen zur hebrdischen Bibel (Leipzig: J. C.
The example that Nehemiah chooses to illustrate the prob- Hinrichs).
lems of foreign marriage is an example of political leadership: Eskenazi, T (1988), In an Age of Prose: A Literary Approach to Ezra-
Nehemiah, SBLMS 36 (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
Solomon. From Nehemiah, much more clearly than from
and Judd, E. (1994), 'Marriage to a Stranger in Ezra 9-10', in T.
Ezra, we gain the strong impression that the problem of Eskenazi and K. Richards (eds.), Temple and Community in the
foreign marriages is centrally a political problem, involving Persian Period, Second Temple Studies, 2 (Sheffield: Sheffield Uni-
the Jewish aristocracy and local governmental leadership. The versity Press), 266-85.
politics of associating with the descendants of Ammon and Fanon, F. (1963), The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove).
Moab is also much more explicitly a reference to local leader- Fensham, F. C. (1982), The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah (Grand
ship than is the case with Ezra, where the ethnic categories in Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans).
use seem more pejorative than informative. In the Nehemiah Firmage, E. (1992), 'Zoology of the Bible', ABD vi: 1109—67.
case, the guilty are males who are presumably attempting to Galling, K. (1951), The "Gola List" According to Ezra 2 Neh. 7', JBL 70.
'marry up' to exchange their low status of'exiles' for participa- (1961), 'Serubbabel und der Wiederaufbau des Tempels in
Jerusalem', Verbannung und Heimkehr: Beitrdge zur Geschichte und
tion in aristocratic society. Sociological inferences lead one to Theologie Israels im 6. und j. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Festschrift fur W.
conclude that the mixed marriages are built on the presuppos- Rudolph) (Tubingen: Mohr).
ition that the exile community was the relatively disadvan- (1964) Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter (Tu-
taged one of the two (or more) groups involved in the bingen: Mohr).
marriages (cf. Smith-Christopher 1994: 243-65). v. 31, the Georges, P. (1994), Barbarian Asia and the Greek Experience (Balti-
final word regards provisions for the temple's wood-offering more: Johns Hopkins University Press).
(cf. Gen 22; Lev i; 6:12; Jos 9:21-7; Ezek 39:10). With the final Hallock, R. T. (1960), A New Look at the Persepolis Tablets', JNES 19.
words, 'Remember me!', this additional word about wood Hasel, G. (1972), The Remnant (Berrian Springs: Andrews University
Press).
supplies must surely qualify as among the least conclusive
Hirsch, S. (1985), The Friendship of the Barbarians (London: Tufts
final sentences of the Bible. University Press).
Hoglund, K. (1992), Achaeminid Imperial Administration in Syria-Pa-
lestine and the Missions of Ezra and Nehemiah, SBLDS 125 (Atlanta:
REFERENCES Scholars Press).
Ivry, A. L. (1972), 'Nehemiah 6:10: Politics and the Temple', JSJ 3: 35-
Avigad, N. (1983), Discovering Jerusalem (Nashville: Nelson). 45-
Balch, S. (1985), The Neutered Civil Servant: Eunuchs, Celibates, Japhet, S. (1968), The Supposed Common Authorship of Chronicles
Abductees, and the Maintenance of Organizational Loyalty', Journal and Ezra-Nehemiah Investigated Anew', VTi8: 330-71.
of Social and Behavioural Structures, 8/4: 313—28. (1993), ^ an& II Chronicles (London: Westminster).
Baskauskas, L. (1981), 'The Lithuanian Refugee Experience and Kapelrud,A. S. (1944), The Question of Authorship in the Ezra Narrative:
Grief, International Migration Review, 15/1: 276-91. A Lexical Investigation (Oslo: Dybwad).
ESTHER 324
Kellermann, U. (1967), Nehemia: Quellen, Uberlieferung und Smith-Christopher, D. L. (1993), 'Hebrew Satyagraha: The Politics of
Geschichte, BZAW 102 (Berlin: Topelmann). Biblical Fasting in the Post-Exilic Period', Food and Foodways, 5/3:
Kippenburg, H. (1982), Religion und Klassenbildung im antikenjudaa 269-92.
(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). (1994), The Mixed Marriage Crisis in Ezra 9-10 and Nehemiah
Kraeling, E. G. (1953) (ed.), The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New 13: A Study ofthe Sociology ofthe Post-Exilic Judean Community',
Haven: Yale University Press). in T. Eskenazi and K. Richards (eds.), Temple and Community in the
Lanternari, Vittorio (1963), The Religions of the Oppressed, tr. L. Sergio Persian Period, Second Temple Studies, 2 (Sheffield: Sheffield Uni-
(New York: New American Library of World Literature). versity Press), 243—65.
Lapp, P. W, and Lapp, N. L. (1974), Discoveries in the Wadi el Daliyeh, (1996), 'Between Ezra and Isaiah: Exclusion, Transformation,
AASOR 41:81. and Inclusion ofthe "Foreigner" in Post-Exilic Biblical Theology', in
Lind, M. (1980), Yahweh is a Warrior (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald). M. Brett (ed.), Ethnicity and the Bible (Leiden: Brill), 117-42.
McEvenue, S. (1981), The Political Structure in Judah from Cyrus to Smitten, W. in der (1972—4), 'Historische Probleme zum Kyrosedikt
Nehemiah', 03(343/4: 353-64. und zum Jerusalemer Tempelbau von 515', Persica, 6: 171.
Memmi, A. (1965), The Colonizer and the Colonized (New York: (1973), Esra: QueUen, Uberlieferung und Geschichte, SSN 15 (Assen:
Beacon). Van Gorcum).
Morkholm, O. (1991), Early Hellenistic Coinage (Cambridge: Cam- Stern, E. (1982), Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the
bridge University Press). Persian Period 538—332 BC (Warminster: Aris & Phillips; Jerusalem:
Mumford, L. (1961), The City in History (New York: Harcourt Brace IBS).
Jovanovich). Torrey, C. C. (1970), Ezra Studies (New York: Ktav). Original edn. 1910.
Myers, J. M. (1974), I and II Esdras, AB 42 (New York: Doubleday). Waterman, L. (1954), The Camouflaged Purge of Three Messianic
Nakasone, S. (1993), Josiah's Passover: Sociology and the Liberating Bible Conspirators', JNES 13: 73—8.
(Maryknoll, NY: Orbis). Weinberg, J. (1992), The Citizen-Temple Community, JSOTSup 151
Neufeld, E. (1953-4), 'The Rate of Interest and the Text of Nehemiah (Sheffield: Sheffield University Press).
5.11', JQR NS 44:194—204. Weinfeld, M. (1995), Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient
Oded, B. (1979), Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Near East (Minneapolis: Fortress).
Empire (Weisbaden: Reichert). White, R. (1983), Roots of Dependency (Lincoln, Nebr.: University of
Olmstead, A. T. (1933), 'A Persian Letter in Thucydides', A/SI 49: Nebraska Press).
154-61. Williamson, H. G. M. (1985), Ezra, Nehemiah, WBC (Waco, Tex.:
Raboteau, A. (1978), Slave Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press). Word).
Rad, G. von (1991), Holy War in Ancient Israel, tr. M. Dawn (Grand Wiseman, D. J. (1956), Chronicles of Chaldean Kings (626—556 B.C.) in
Rapids: Eerdmans). the British Museum (London: British Museum).
Richards, R. (forthcoming), The Role ofthe Imperial Decrees in Ezra- Wright, J. (1990), 'A Tale of Three Cities: Urban Gates, Squares, and
Nehemiah', diss., University of Cape Town. Power in Iron Age II, Neo-Babylonian, and Achaemenid Israel',
Rosenthal, F. (1974), A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic (Wiesbaden: unpub. essay read at Society for Biblical Literature, Chicago.
Harrassowitz). Yadin, Y. (1963), The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands (New York:
Rudolph, W. (1949), Esra und Nehemia, HAT 20 (Tubingen: Mohr). McGraw Hill).
Sauer, G. (1967), 'Serubbabel in der Sicht Haggais und Sacharjas', Dos Yamauchi, E. (1990), Persia and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Baker Book
feme und nahe Wort, BZAW 105 (Berlin: Topelmann). House).
Scott, J. C. (1985), Weapons ofthe Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Zograph, A. N. (1977), Ancient Coinage, Br. Arch. Rep. Sup. Ser. 33/1
Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press). (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports).
Simons, J. (1959), The Geographical and Topographical Texts ofthe Old Zucker, H. (1936), Studien zur jiidischen Selbstvenvaltung im Altertum
Testament (Leiden: Brill). (New York: Schocken).
Smith, D. L. (1989), The Religion ofthe Landless: The Sociology ofthe
Babylonian Exile (Bloomington, Ind.: Meyer-Stone).

16. Esther CAROL M E Y E R S

INTRODUCTION

A. Overview. 1. The Book of Esther, or Scroll of Esther as it is people within a dominant majority culture. In this case, the
called in Jewish tradition, is part of the third major section, Jews are dispersed within the Persian empire and face almost
known as the Writings, of the Hebrew Bible (OT). One of the certain annihilation through the whim of a power-mongering
two books in Hebrew Scripture to bear the name of a woman, bureaucrat (Haman). Only through the courageous and cre-
its title is the name of the book's heroine. The name is not ative deeds of a Jewish woman, Esther, along with her mentor,
Hebrew, but its origin is uncertain. It may come from Persian Mordecai, do they escape harm and actually improve their
stara ('star'), Akkadian istar (the goddess of love), or even a status, though still remaining a subject people. The two
hypothetical Median word astra ('myrtle'). The last possibility names and identities of Esther—as both Jew and Persian—
is related to the fact that Esther also has a Hebrew name (see represent the political and ethnic problems facing people who
2:7), Hadassah, which means 'myrtle'. live simultaneously in two cultures.
2. That the leading character has two names is indicative of 3. The ostensible reason for the inclusion of this book in the
the cultural situation that determines the setting and the plot canon of the HB is that it purports to provide the historical
of this exciting and fast-moving tale. The book of Esther is origins for a festival known as Purim ('Lots'), a popular and
concerned with the often precarious situation of any minority raucous Jewish celebration held on the I4th and I5th of Adar
 325 ESTHER
(Mar.-Apr.). Yet the book's historicity, as well as its legitimacy status in early Judiasm; and the fact that the Western Fathers
as a part of both the Jewish and Christian canon, have been the merely mention it while the Eastern Church did not accept it
subject of serious disagreement since antiquity. as part of the canon until the eighth century CE is indicative of
its controversial nature in early Christianity. For both Jews
B. Ancient Versions. 1. The ancient concerns about the legit- and Christians, the most prominent reason for its disputed
imacy of what appears in the received Hebrew text of Esther status is its lack of explicit religiosity. God is never once
gave rise to a series of six midrashic supplements to the book mentioned, nor are basic biblical concepts such as covenant,
that appear in the Septuagint version of the late second or Torah, and temple. Also absent are standard elements of
early first century BCE. Those Greek Additions, lettered A to F, Jewish piety such as dietary laws, sacrifice, and prayer; and
are interspersed throughout the book (see ch. 42, Esther virtues such as mercy and forgiveness are not present. The
(Greek)). They were placed together at the end of the canon- reasons for such omissions are only speculative (see the sum-
ical book, however, in the fourth century CE by Jerome in his mary in Moore 1992: 636-7), but the fact that many of these
revision of the Old Latin translation. English translations today 'missing' elements appear prominently in the Additions to
place those Additions in the Apocrypha, although recent Ro- Esther demonstrates clearly how deficient the canonical
man Catholic editions integrate them with the Hebrew E sther. Esther seemed. Not only are its deficiencies troubling but so
2. The Septuagint text of Esther, with its additions as well as also are some of its features, such as the apparent vindictive-
its omission of the many repetitive words and phrases of the ness with which the Jews avenge those who would have
MT, is probably the final stage in a complex process of tradi- destroyed them, although that particular aspect may be part
tion formation in which two component tales (one about of the peripety (unexpected reversal of fortunes) that charac-
Mordecai, another about Esther) were gradually brought terizes the literary structure of the book.
together and elaborated in three successive stages of the
Hebrew text (the latest being virtually identical with the pre- 2. Controversy has also surrounded the value of Esther and
sent MT), and then the Septuagint stage. This last stage is her deeds as a female role model. Some biblical scholars have
faithful to the content of the Hebrew butless so to the wording downplayed her activities, making Mordecai into the true hero
(Moore 1971: Ixi—bdv; see also Clines 1984 and Fox 1990). of the tale (see Moore 1971: Hi) and questioning Esther's
Esther also exists in another ancient Greek version (the Lu- sexual ethics (as Paton 1908: 96). Some radical feminist
cianic recension, or A-text). The Vulgate and Syriac transla- critics would rather make Vashti the heroine (Gendler
tions are both based on the Hebrew and are quite close to it, 1976); they object to Esther's use of sexuality and food to
although Jerome's translation is a little freer than in most achieve her ends (as Fuchs 1982). Others writing with a
other parts of his work. Two Aramaic translations are quite feminist perspective (e.g. LaCocque 1990; White 1989;
expansive. 1992) are respectful of such tactics of indirection, which serve
as models for the powerless, whether individuals or commu-
C. Provenance and Date. 1. The tale's focus on the Jewish nities, who struggle to establish and maintain a semblance of
community in Persia, along with its intimate knowledge of agency in their lives. For those who view her positively, Esther
Persian customs and its total lack of interest in Judean life and becomes a sage in her own right: she dominates the action,
institutions, indicates that Esther was composed in the east- surpassing Mordecai and subordinating the king to her will
ern Diaspora. Jews who lived as a minority near the locus of (Hallo 1983: 24—5). The characterization of Esther in post-
power in the post-exilic period would have been the natural biblical Jewish tradition, such as the Additions (see Day
audience for this tale of Jewish accommodations and accom- 1995) and rabbinic literature (as Bronner 1994), is another
plishments in a foreign setting. aspect of feminist interest in this biblical book.
2. Extensive textual analysis in the last decade has estab- E. Genre and Purpose. 1. The blatant historical difficulties, the
lished that the final Hebrew stage of the book would have been internal inconsistencies, the pronounced symmetry of
formed by the second century BCE. That it lacks any Greek themes and events, the plenitude of quoted dialogue, and
words or evidence of Greek culture pushes it back to the pre- the gross exaggeration in the reporting of numbers (involving
Hellenistic period for most scholars, although that absence is time, money, and people) all point to Esther as a work of
possibly the result of deliberate archaizing (so Berg 1979: fiction, its vivid characters (except for Xerxes) being the pro-
170-1). The earliest date would be that of the only identifiable duct of the author's creative imagination. Recognizing that it
historical figure in the book, the Persian ruler Ahasuerus, or is not historical, although it reflects actual conditions and
Xerxes I (486—465 BCE). Some late fifth-century elements are problems of the post-exilic Jewish Diaspora, has allowed scho-
possible, but the story shows some distance from Xerxes and lars to appreciate many of its literary features and to compare
probably did not reach its present form until some time in the its thematic aspects with those of certain other canonical,
fourth century. In vocabulary and syntax, its Hebrew has deuterocanonical, and extracanonical pieces.
much in common with that of the Chronicler (£.400 BCE);
and its sense of Jews widely and comfortably—though not 2. Esther has long been called a 'Diaspora novella' (Mein-
necessarily securely—settled throughout the empire suits the hold 1969; 1975-6). Like the Joseph story in Genesis and
Persian II period (see Hoglund 1992). the book of Daniel, it is a fictional piece of prose writing
involving the interaction between foreigners and Hebrews/
D. Interpretative Problems and Canonicity. 1. Esther is the only Jews. In all these works, the Jews have low status, are threat-
book in the Hebrew canon for which no fragments have been ened, and at the end achieve success and a rise in status. The
discovered at Qumran. Its absence from the corpus of Dead plots of these tales depict only one series of events, all occur-
Sea scrolls attests to the difficulty it had in reaching canonical ring within a limited time period. Esther's similarity to Daniel
ESTHER 326

and to the Joseph tale, especially with many lexical connec- Persian ruler Ahasuerus (Xerxes), the only historical figure in
tions to the latter, may be the result of all three of these the book. The exaggerated vastness of the kingdom ('over one
novellas also being 'royal courtier tales' (see Humphreys hundred and twenty-seven provinces from India to Ethiopia',
1973). That such tales contain many elements of wisdom v. i) and of the initial banquet, which lasts for the improbably
literature is also a compelling consideration (Talmon 1963). long period of 180 days, emphasizes imperial power and thus
3. An important dimension to the wise-courtier aspect of prepares the way for the enormity of the reversal that will take
Esther and other biblical pieces is added by noting its folklor- place at the end of the book, when Persian political privilege
istic features (Niditch and Doran 1977). Recognizing the pres- becomes accessible to a subject people. The Hebrew root m-l-k
ence of certain elements that are known cross-culturally, ('to rule') appears for the first time in the first verse in desig-
outside biblical tradition, broadens the consideration of lit- nating the king's rule; except for the introductory term 'hap-
erary traits and genres to include awareness of the social pened', 'ruled' is the first verb in the book and establishes a
setting. The type of folk-tale exemplified by Esther involves major theme. The word appears in various noun and verbal
status difference as a critical element. The interplay and ten- forms some 250 times in Esther, thereby emphasizing the
sion between high- and low-status persons and/or groups, royalty of the governing power, a dominant motif in the book
with the lower-status character or community prevailing, con- (Berg 1979: 59-72).
stitute a kind of resistance literature (Smith 1989: 162-4). The initial use of the term 'banquet' also appears at the
The creation of such tales in many cultures uses similar beginning of the book (w. 3, 5, 9). That word (misteh) appears
themes and elements because those features, whereby a mi- 20 times in Esther but only 24 times in the entire rest of the
nority hero/heroine rises above and achieves some sort of HB. The importance of official feasts, of which there are eight
victory over the dominant power, allow the oppressed group altogether in Esther (three called by the king, one by Vashti,
to maintain identity, self-respect, and hope. Through her two by Esther, and two by the Jews), is thus introduced. The
cleverness and patience, Esther thwarts a superpower. The symmetry of the book, with feasts at the beginning, middle,
official culture's dominance is thereby contested, and traits and end, is also thereby established. The two feasts called by
(wisdom, piety, cleverness) available to even the powerless are the king at the outset, with the second one (w. 5-8) described
shown to have empowering value. in exceptionally lavish detail, are mirrored at the end by the
4. In the case of the Book of Esther, as in many other such two Jewish feasts. In the first instance the imperial power
folk-tales, the outcome does not mean that the dominant indulged its wealth; and in the second instance, after a series
power is toppled. Rather, the achievement of the hero/heroine of breathtaking reversals, the Jews in all 127 provinces cele-
is to establish the integrity of the minority group within the brate their survival.
larger culture. That is, Judaism cannot and thus will not Another important feature of Esther emerges in the lan-
overtly oppose its imperial masters; but it can maintain its guage ofthe first chapter. The importance oflaw and the related
core identity while subscribing to most of the Persian regula- issue of obedience versus disobedience is obvious from the re-
tions and structures. More broadly, Jews can be loyal to two peated use ofthe term dat (w. 13,15, etc.). This Persian word,
masters; they can live successfully in the Diaspora. meaning 'law' or 'decree', appears about 20 times in Esther
(elsewhere only twice in the H B). Other words for edicts, orders,
F. Outline. I.Asa well-constructed narrative tale, Esther has a customs, commands, and proclamations abound. The frequent
clearly demarcated beginning ('exposition', chs. 1-2), middle use of dat and other such terms introduces the problem
('complication', chs. 3—9), and end ('resolution', chs. 9—10), of Jews adhering to an external legal and cultural system while
with these three parts each having a number of discrete sec- remaining faithful to Jewish tradition. The recurrent vocabu-
tions (Clines 1988). lary of governance highlights the continual tension experi-
Introducing the Setting (1:1-2:23) enced by any subject group, with its own codes of behaviour,
The Vashti Incident (1:1-22) struggling to survive in a land not its own, in a culture with
Esther's Accession to the Throne (2:1-23) codes and procedures at variance with its own.
The Plot Unfolds (3:1-8:17) Although the king's royal power and palace munificence
Struggle between Haman and Mordecai (3:1—4:3) are important introductory themes of the first chapter, the
Esther Becomes Involved (4:5-5:8) book's plot is initiated by an incident involving the queen,
The Mordecai—Haman Problem Escalates (5:9—6:14) Vashti, who gave her own banquet at the same time as the
Haman is Overcome and Replaced (7:1—8:17) king's second one. The announcement (v. 9) ofthe queen's
The Crisis is Resolved (9:1—10:3) feast, which appears almost as an aside, establishes the legit-
Events of the I3th of Adar (9:1-19) imacy of official banquets being offered by the queen of the
Purim Becomes a Festival (9:20—32) realm and anticipates the meals to be hosted later by Esther at
Conclusion (10:1—3) a critical point in the tale. Certainly the fact of Vashti hosting a
banquet for women does not seem essential for the incident
that next occurs—except that it may indicate that Vashti was
too busy to respond to her husband's request that his beautiful
COMMENTARY queen be paraded before the king, his officials, and all the
people in attendance at the king's second banquet. She sur-
Exposition (1:1-2:23) vives her disobedience by losing only her position (v. 19). The
(1:1—22) The Vashti Incident The opening four verses provide calm assertion of autonomy by Vashti results in royal rage and
the setting for most of the book: the sumptuous court of the then a ridiculous royal decree—that all men should be master
 327 ESTHER
in their own homes—which adds a comic touch in that it The Plot Unfolds (3:1-8:17)
could hardly be enforced, and indicates that men were not (3:1-4:3) Struggle between Mordecai and Haman The only
actually dominant in their households. major character not yet on the scene appears in the first verse
(2:1-23) Esther's Accession to the Throne When Ahasuerus' of this section: Haman the Agagite, linked by his genealogy to
anger abates, he again takes action, authorizing the search for Israel's archetypal enemy and historical foe of King Saul, from
a new queen. The idea of his ire dissipating occurs once whose father, Kish, was descended Mordecai (see 2:5-6), who
more, using the same verb (s-fe-fe), in 7:10, when the king is will be his opponent and nemesis in this tale. The issue of
calmed after another royal order is carried out. In both cases obedience is immediately raised, this time in relation to Mor-
his wrath emerges from a spouse problem; in the first case the decai. Having elevated Haman to a lofty position in the court,
queen (Vashti) threatens his authority, whereas in the second the king has ordered everyone to bow down to him. Mordecai
case, his chief officer threatens the queen (Esther). The king refuses to do so (3:2). This act of defiance is not directly
apparently experiences intense anger only in matters of the explained, but the servants who witness it and who fail to
heart. convince Mordecai to honour Haman then inform Haman
In introducing Esther, the narrator informs us of her rela- of Mordecai's Jewish identity. Perhaps it is implied, as Jewish
tionship to Mordecai, her cousin, adoptive father, and mentor. commentaries from the rabbinical period onwards have sug-
Mordecai's name, which is probably a Hebraized form of a gested, that Jews would bow down only to their God (cf. Dan
Babylonian name with the theophoric element Marduk, con- 3). If so, the tension of binational loyalty, i.e. the problem of
tains an idolatrous element; but he may have had (as did diaspora Jewry, appears directly in the story, and a religious
Esther) a true Hebrew name as well (Moore 1971: 19). If his dimension is indirectly introduced.
name is suspect, his lineage is not. The genealogical informa- Even if Mordecai's Judaism is not the cause of his refusal to
tion in w. 5—6 puts him in the family of Saul, the first Israelite do obeisance, it becomes the reason for Haman's response: a
ruler. This brief genealogy accomplishes three things. First, it monumental overreaction to a snub. His revenge would be the
gives Mordecai a royal identity, fitting his eventual high posi- destruction not simply of Mordecai but of his entire people
tion in the Persian court (8:2, 8, 10, 15; 9:4). Yet, as a Saulide (3:8). The vastness of Haman's plan to relieve his malice
rather than a Davidide, his royal heritage poses no threat to towards Mordecai in some ways recapitulates the outrageous
Persian dominance; it is the Davidic line and not the Saulide scale of Ahasuerus' response to Vashti's snub, whereby he
one that is expected one day to regain power. Second, it sets up subordinates all women to their husbands. The parallel be-
the opposition between Mordecai and his nemesis Haman, tween Jews and women is clear. They both must be dealt with
the king's chief official. Haman is an Agagite (3:1), a descend- in their entirety to rectify the impropriety of one of them
ant of the Amalekite king who opposed King Saul (i Sam towards the royal power. Perhaps, too, both women and Jews
15:32). Mordecai and Haman thus echo the historic confronta- have greater potential power than their apparently subordin-
tion between Saul and Agag. Third, it gives a sense of Jewish ate status would indicate.
continuity in presenting Mordecai's family as having survived Haman then casts a lot, or pur—an act well-documented as
since the days of Saul. Saul the Benjaminite preceded David a tool of ancient imperial decision science (see Hallo 1983)—
the Judahite, and his descendant Mordecai now outlasts Da- to select the day for this genocide. This procedure is to become
vidic rule. the raison d'etre for the festival of Purim (9:24—6). That the
The beautiful Esther is chosen for the king's harem and date selected—the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, Adar
receives special food and seven serving maids. These two (3:7, 13)—involves the number 13 (thought to be unlucky
benefits anticipate an important reversal at the turning-point already in biblical antiquity) perhaps prefigures the fateful
of the story, when Esther and her maids fast for three days turn of events when that day finally arrives. Haman's plan is
(4:15). Obeying Mordecai's charge, though later she will dis- approved, at least in part because he makes a donation to the
obey even the king, Esther does not reveal her Jewish identity king's treasury of 10,000 talents of silver, a highly inflated
(w. 10, 20). It is not that her identity would have disqualified sum indicative of the fictive quality of the tale.
her from the harem; rather it would preclude the plot devel- Ahasuerus then acts in equally grandiose fashion, allowing
opment that will enable her to act on behalf of her people. The Haman to use his signet ring, the ultimate instrument of
king must not know her national or ethnic origins ('her people authority. Because of this preposterous if temporary transfer
or kindred'). of royal power to Haman, the ultimate death of the villain will
Esther's beauty wins the approval of the king, who crowns mean that the subject people will have overcome the 'ruler',
her queen (v. 17) even though she requests no special attire or who is not the actual ruler; and Ahasuerus, the somewhat
adornment (see w. 13, 15) when she first enters the king's bumbling good-hearted monarch, will maintain the respect
presence. Her role in saving the king's life in this opening and loyalty of his subjects. The Jews will reverse their sub-
section of the book is just as important as is her beauty in ordinate status by disposing of their oppressor while remain-
sealing her favoured position. Through her informant Mor- ing loyal subjects to the real king.
decai, she learns of a plan to assassinate the king and warns Now it is time for reactions to the evil decree. First the city of
him of it (w. 21-2). The would-be assassins die on the gallows, Susa itself is 'thrown into confusion' (3:15; cf. the reversal of
and the motif of the hanging of the king's enemies enters the this situation in 8:15). Then, upon hearing the news, Mordecai
narrative. All the elements necessary for the central problem and all the Jews throughout the empire go into mourning by
of the story are now in place, and the plot begins to unfold in donning 'sackcloth and ashes', by crying out, and by fasting
ch.3. (4:1-3). This last act, fasting, is mentioned twice more, when
ESTHER 328

Esther and her maids fast (4:16), and again in the proclama- becomes intensely distressed when Mordecai once more re-
tion of future fasts (9:31). The emphasis on abstention from fuses to do obeisance. At the bidding of his wife Zeresh, he
food as a reflection of and response to the impending death erects monumental gallows intended for Mordecai; only then
sentence provides a stark contrast to the joyous consumption can Haman feel relaxed enough to look forward to Esther's
of food at the various banquets and feasts that punctuate second banquet. Meanwhile, to pass the hours of a sleepless
the tale. At the same time, the appearance of fasting may be night, Ahasuerus makes the unlikely but fortuitous move of
the one possible example of Jewish religious observance in the having his court annals read aloud, thereby discovering that
entire, rather secular, book of Esther. Fasting together with he had failed to reward Mordecai for passing on the informa-
weeping has good biblical precedent as an individual inter- tion about the assassination plot. In a marvellously ironic
cessory attempt to plead with God and thus save a life; the scene (6:4—11), as the tale moves inexorably to its ultimate
story of David's actions on behalf of his first son by Bathsheba reversal, Haman appears on the scene and is asked what a
is notable in this regard (2 Sam 12:15-17). Also, as a commu- king should do to honour someone. With his arrogance and
nity-wide response to disaster, the events surrounding the egomania, Haman believes he is the one deserving such
sixth century BCE destruction of Jerusalem and the temple honour and constructs a reward—parading the honoured
apparently produced several fast days (see Zech 7:4; 8:19). man, on horseback and in royal garb, to the city square—
(4:5—5:9) Esther Becomes Involved The story at last turns that is then given to Mordecai. Haman must lead the horse
towards Esther's response, which will ultimately lead to a and proclaim the king's favour for Mordecai. Understandably
reversal. She sends the eunuch Hathach, who is one of her devastated, Haman is now the one who exhibits mourning
attendants, to Mordecai to find out about Haman's decree. behaviour. Once more his wife takes note, this time with the
Replying through this messenger, Mordecai charges her to pessimistic notion that Haman's intent to destroy Mordecai
approach Ahasuerus, in order 'to make supplication to him may end up with the opposite result. The reason for this?
and entreat him for her people' (4:8). Now we hear Esther's Mordecai is Jewish (6:13). Zeresh's response conveys a power-
voice directly for the first time (4:11—12). This first instance of ful notion underlying the book—that the Jews are ultimately
reported speech for her, followed soon by a second (4:16) as inviolable and will somehow survive.
she informs her cousin that no one can approach the king (7:1-8:17) Haman is Overcome and Replaced At the queen's
unbidden under threat of death, signals two important shifts. second banquet, when the king is determined to grant her any
First, Esther has her own voice and is now acting in her own request, Esther speaks to Ahasuerus in a way that signals her
right, no longer under her mentor's direction. Second, her readiness to take advantage of his goodwill. In 7:3 she ad-
words mark her explicit involvement in her people's dilemma dresses him for the first time in the second person, saying
and in the rescue she will orchestrate. Esther's two statements 'If I have won your favour', rather than using the third
in ch. 4 provide the turning point of the tale; they draw person, 'If I have won the king's favour', as in 5:8. She is
attention to her potential power evident in her astute reading now ready to be direct in her petitions as well as in her identity.
of the palace rules. In 7:4 she paraphrases Haman's edict, written in the name of
In learning of Esther's response, Mordecai presses her fur- Ahasuerus, to destroy the Jews (3:13). In so doing she identi-
ther: she will ultimately die anyway, and she must go to the king. fies herself for the first time as a member of the people to be
Mordecai's words suggest that help may come 'from another killed and then requests that the lives of all this group be
quarter'. The Hebrewterm here, maqom ('place'), is sometimes spared. Incredibly, the king seems ignorant of the decree.
a euphemism for the divine presence; if so, the word provides a Perhaps, because Esther mentions an alternative scenario—
hint of religiosity and of the salvific working of divine provi- that the order might have been to enslave the Jews rather than
dence. Similarly, the fact that E sther proclaims a fast for herself annihilate them—he had thought he was authorizing a servi-
bespeaks a supplicatory or prayerful attitude, perhaps an indi- tude plan. In any case, when Esther identifies Haman as the
cation of the queen's Jewish piety. In any case, Mordecai's im- perpetrator of the projected genocide, the king stomps out to
mediate obedience to Esther's command (4:17) is an explicit his garden in a rage but says nothing about reversing Haman's
reversal of her earlier acquiescence to his instructions. edict.
In accordance with the information she sent to Mordecai, Left alone with Esther, the terrified Haman falls upon the
Esther takes the courageous step of approaching the king couch where she is reclining to plead for mercy. At that mo-
unbidden at the end of the three-day fast. She disobeys royal ment the king returns and sees what appears to him to be a
law in appearing before him, yet her risky behaviour is richly sexual assault on his queen. This at last precipitates the cli-
rewarded, for he generously offers to give her whatever she mactic reversal of the tale. But it occurs on a personal level.
wants, 'even to the half of my kingdom' (5:3). But Esther Even with the knowledge that all the Jews were to be slaugh-
cleverly asks for nothing more than an opportunity to enter- tered, the king does not act until his own wife's sexuality is
tain her husband and his chief officer. They are both pleased at apparently threatened by Haman, just as his proclamation
her hospitality; and the king again offers her half the empire. that all men are to be masters in their homes (1:22) is the
This time she requests only a second banquet, thereby dem- result of the defiance of his own wife. Now his orders are first
onstrating to the king that her requests are easy and pleas- to hang Haman—with delicious irony, on the very gallows
ant to fulfil. Her strategy of making the king eager to agree to intended for Mordecai—rather than to reverse Haman's edict.
whatever she wishes is in place. The immediate threat to his wife having been removed, the
(5:9-6:14) The Mordecai-Haman Problem Escalates Happy king's anger is abated (7:10, as in 2:1 when he dealt with
as Haman was to have been entertained by the queen, he Vashti).
 329 ESTHER
Yet the ultimate reversal has still not been accomplished; Jewish female (cf. 2:17) in wearing the kind of royal headgear
Haman has been hanged, but his order to destroy the Jews has so coveted by Haman (6:7). This vivid reversal is accompanied
not been revoked. The next two acts of the king do nothing to by a similar sea-change in the response of the people. The
change this situation. He continues to respond on a personal citizens of Susa had been 'thrown into confusion' (3:15) by
level, awarding Haman's household to Esther and giving Haman's decree; in contrast they respond with great joy to
Mordecai Haman's signet ring. Mordecai and Esther thus Mordecai's edict (8:16). The Jews are similarly ecstatic and
together assume ownership of their enemy's holdings, a de- initiate festive activities. This whole turn of events, in which
velopment hardly satisfactory to Esther, now openly connect- certain Jewish annihilation has been replaced with greatly
ed with the Jew Mordecai (8:1). Consequently, Esther elevated Jewish status along with royal power placed in the
abandons all guile and falls to the king's feet in tears. Both hands of a Jewish official, leads to the astonishing statement
Esther and the honoured Mordecai are in the king's presence, that many of the peoples in the empire 'professed to be Jews,
but it is Esther who speaks out, reverting to the third person in because the fear of the Jews had fallen upon them' (8:17).
beseeching Ahasuerus to order Haman's decree invalid and in Whether or not this is to be taken as a description of the
asking that the calamity awaiting her 'people' and her conversion of some groups to Judaism, the statement does
'kindred' be averted (8:6). Her use of those two terms, in the convey the fact that people are inexorably drawn to the security
reverse order to that of ch. 2, finalizes the reversal. Her pre- of siding with those in power and that concepts of ethnicity are
viously concealed identity is asserted, changing the situation complicated by the dynamics of political privilege.
noted in 2:10, which states that Esther 'did not reveal her
people or kindred' when she entered the harem. The Crisis is Resolved (9:1-10:3)
Just as Ahasuerus had given Haman the authority to issue (9:1-19) Events of the Thirteenth of Adar The opening verse
an edict in the name of the king, he now provides for a of this section is explicit in describing the power reversal that
symmetrical ending by giving a parallel right to Esther and ensues. On the very day that the Jews' enemies were to have
Mordecai (8:7—8). In the language of formal royal activity, vanquished them, the opposite would happen: 'the Jews
which reflects that of 3:12 when Haman formulated the ter- would gain power over their foes' (9:1). That the fear of the
rible decree, the narrator tells us about a new irrevocable edict empowered Jews mentioned at the end of ch. 8 and repeated
to be sent out to all the Persian provinces. The multicultural in 9:2 (with an additional statement about Mordecai's high
nature of the empire was duly noted in the account of the standing in the court) was warranted became clear on the
earlier edict, which was sent to 'all the peoples, to every thirteenth of Adar, when the Jews struck down their en-
province in its own script and every people in its own lan- emies—75,000 in the provinces (9:16) and 500 in the citadel
guage' (3:12), a situation that accords with documented Per- of Susa (9:6)—defined as all who hated them (9:5). They
sian policy allowing peoples comprising the empire to refrained, however, from plundering. This point must be an
maintain a significant amount of political and economic important one, because it appears three times (9:10, 15, 16).
autonomy. In the reprise in ch. 8 of the stereotyped language Perhaps it resumes the parallel set up between Mordecai/Saul
of edict promulgation, however, the Jews are singled out; the and Haman/Agag. When Saul defeated the Agagites, he
new orders are of course sent to all those peoples in their own slaughtered men, women, and children but kept the best
scripts and languages 'and also to the Jews in their script and sheep and cattle as spoils. He earned divine disapproval for
their language' (8:9). the latter act, with God regretting the choice of Saul as king.
The new decree, interestingly enough, does not directly The echo in Esther of the i Sam 15 narrative clearly stops at the
revoke Haman's edict; royal edicts issued with the king's plunder issue. Mordecai and the Jews will refrain from taking
signet could not be overturned (8:8). Instead, it authorizes booty and, unlike Saul, maintain their favoured status (with
the Jews to annihilate those who, in trying to carry out the God?).
terms of Haman's decree, would attempt to slaughter them. The issue of restraint in the taking of plunder, therefore, is
In other words, the peculiarity of Persian law in this tale not so much an indication of noble character as it is a narrative
forces the Jews to survive by engaging in the very kind of intent to complete the Saul/Agag parallel with an improve-
deadly physical assault to which they are objecting. The ment over the i Samuel episode. Yet the vindictiveness of the
official statement, in which the Jews are instructed to assem- Jews again seems problematic in their treatment of the people
ble and to kill not only their attackers but also the families of Susa. A special additional edict is provided directly by the
of their attackers, is a troubling sanction for Jewish vio- king at Esther's behest, allowing the Jews to kill their 300
lence. But its context, an edict that must overpower an remaining enemies in the city of Susa (as opposed to its
unremovable earlier one, along with the absurdity of the citadel, which presumably contained the palace and govern-
presumably unarmed and militarily untrained Jews over- ment complex). They do this on the following day, the four-
whelming the imperial forces charged with their slaugh- teenth of Adar. At the same time, also in accord with the
ter, should ameliorate the horror of the retributive actions to additional royal edict Esther requested, they hang the bodies
take place at the appointed time. That moment, of course, is to of the ten sons of Haman on the gallows. This final gratuitous
be the thirteenth day of the twelfth month of Adar (8:12), the act may also be an echo of the Agag narrative, which ends with
very day earlier selected by lot for carrying out Haman's edict Agag himself being hacked to pieces, his lineage thus symbol-
(37)- ically destroyed (i Sam 15:33). Putting the bodies of Haman's
Accompanying the new edict is the garbing of Mordecai in sons, tantamount to pieces of his body, on the gallows has a
stunning royal apparel, with a 'great golden crown' (8:15). The similar effect. A literary purpose is achieved at the expense of
leading Jewish male in the kingdom now joins the leading the humanity of the Jews of Susa.
ESTHER 33 0

The fictive nature of the slaughter appears not only in the good cause to view ch. 10 as another, briefer addition. Ch. 9
account of Hainan's sons, but also in the specification of the ends with the accomplishments of Esther, and ch. 10 is an
huge numbers of Persians struck down by the Jews. Those encomium to Mordecai. But Mordecai's power is here set
incredibly large figures are hyperbole designed to emphasize alongside that of the king. That is, with a Jew as second in
the reversal of the Jews' expected fate and the fact that they command to a Gentile king, the interests of both groups—
have enormous power despite their second-class status. Simi- Persians and Jews—are well served. The ideal diaspora situa-
larly, the notion that the Jews had enemies everywhere flies in tion is achieved and serves as a model for all diaspora com-
the face of the details of the story, in which Haman alone is the munities.
foe. Assigning large numbers to the people slaughtered by the
Jews represents the paranoia of the powerless; everyone of
higher status has the potential to do them harm and thus de REFERENCES
facto is a foe. Berg, S. B. (1979), The Book of Esther: Motifs, Themes, and Structures,
The immediate consequence of the acts of the thirteenth SBLDS 44 (Missoula, Mont: Scholars Press).
and fourteenth of Adar is celebration. In the villages of the Bronner, L. L. (1994), From Eve to Esther: Rabbinic Reconstructions of
provinces, the Jews rest on the fourteenth day from the exer- Biblical Women, Gender and the Biblical Tradition, 4 (Louisville, Ky.:
tions of the previous day (9:17,19), whereas in Susa the Jews Westminster/John Knox).
do not celebrate until the fifteenth day because they were Clines, D. J. A. (1984), The Esther Scroll: The Story of the Story, JSOTSup
engaged in overthrowing enemies on the fourteenth as well 30 (Sheffield: JSOT).
(1988), 'Esther', HBC, 387-94.
as the thirteenth days (9:18). Regardless of the date, the day of
Crawford, S. A. W. (1989), 'Esther: A Feminine Model for the Jewish
rest is a day of joy and yet another occasion for feasting. This Diaspora', in Peggy L. Day (ed.), Gender and Difference (Philadel-
set of holidays held by Jews constitutes the final reversal of the phia: Fortress), 161-77.
tale; the pivotal fasts of 4:3 and 16 become feasts, echoing the (1992), 'Esther', in Carol A. Newsom and Sharon H. Ringe (eds.),
two royal banquets that initiate the tale. They not only recall The Women's Bible Commentary (Knoxville, Ten.: Westminster John
earlier banquets held by the king, as well as those of Vashti Knox).
and Esther, but also introduce a new element. In the celebra- Day, L. (1995), Three Faces of a Queen: Characterization in the Book of
tory banquet of 9:19 (cf 9:22), the Jews hold feasts and at the Esther, JSOTSup 186 (Sheffield: JSOT).
same time send food around to each other, intensifying the Fox, M. V. (1990), The Redaction of the Book of Esther (Atlanta: Scholars
Press).
notion of well-being for all.
Fuchs, E. (1982), 'Status and Role of Female Heroines in the Biblical
(9:20-32) Purim Becomes a Festival The momentous events Narrative', Mankind Quarterly, 23: 149—60.
of Adar certainly deserve commemoration by future genera- Gendler, M. (1976), "The Restoration of Vashti', in Elizabeth Koltun
tions, w. 20—32 provide for just that. Perhaps an addition to (ed.), The Jewish Woman: New Perspectives (New York: Schocken
the coherent narrative of 1:1 through 9:19, this section recap- Books), 241—47.
itulates the core reversals: relief from persecution, turning Hallo, W. W. (1983), The First Purim', BA46:19-29.
'sorrow into gladness' and 'mourning into a holiday' (9:22). Hoglund, K. (1992), Achaemenid Imperial Administration in Syria-
Palestine and the Missions of Ezra and Nehemiah, SBLDS 125 (Atlanta:
The rehearsal of the reason for the celebration takes us back to
Scholars Press).
Haman's casting of lots (purim), thereby providing an etymol- Humphreys, W. L. (1973), A Lifestyle for Diaspora: A Study of the
ogy for the festive days. The holiday is, of course, to be held for Tales of Esther and David', JBL 92: 211-23.
two days, in the light of the fact that the original feasting and LaCocque, A. (1990), The Feminine Unconventional: Four Subversive
rejoicing took place on the fourteenth of Adar in the provinces Figures in Israel's Tradition (Minneapolis: Fortress).
and a day later in Susa. Meinhold, A. (1969), Die Diasporanovelle—eine alttestamentliche
A touch of formality is lent to the newly instituted festival by Gattung, Th.D. diss., Ernst-Moritz-Arndt Universitat, Greifswald.
another set of letters, said to be sent to Jews in 'all the pro- (1975-6) 'Die Gattung der Josephsgeschichte und des Esther-
vinces' (v. 20; cf. v. 30) and thus using the same language as in buches: Diasporanovelle, I, IF, ZAWSy: 306-24; 88: 79-83.
Moore, C. A. (1971), Esther: A New Translation with Introduction and
the accounts of earlier royal edicts (1:22; 3:12—13; 8:9). Mor-
Commentary. AB 76.
decai writes these official letters enjoining Jews to celebrate (1992), 'Esther, Book of, ABD 2. 633-43.
Purim; and Esther writes them with him (w. 29, 31), perhaps Niditch, S. and Doran, R. (1977), 'The Success Story of the Wise
even writing a second letter (v. 29). Her royal authority in Courtier: A Formal Approach', JBL 92:179-93.
establishing Purim is reaffirmed at the end of this section, Paton, L. B. (1908), A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of
where she is the one said to have established the customs of Esther, ICC (Edinburgh: T. £T. Clark).
the holiday (v. 32). Smith, D. L. (1989), The Religion of the Landless: The Sociology of the
Babylonian Exile (Bloomington, Ind.: Meyer-Stone).
(10:1-3) Conclusion If there is reason to consider ch. 9 an Talmon, S. (1963), 'Wisdom in the Book of Esther', VT 13:419-55.
addendum meant to institute the festival of Purim, there is
 J
7- Job J A M E S L. C R E N S H A W

INTRODUCTION
A brief narrative informs the reader that the hero is subjected of Job for speaking truthfully about the deity suggests that the
to a divine test as a means of ascertaining whether or not he author of the epilogue had no inkling as to the nature of Job's
serves the deity without thinking about profiting from it. A speeches in the poetry. The youthful Elihu, whose expansive
poetic debate between Job and three friends follows, in which speeches delay the expected appearance of YHWH intermin-
they discuss Job's suffering and the broader issue of divine ably, is ignored both by YHWH and by the author of the
justice. This debate opens with Job's powerful lament; from epilogue. This angry young man alone addresses Job by
then on, a friend speaks and Job responds. This happens for name, frequently quoting his earlier speeches. At the same
three cycles of debate, except that Bildad's last speech is quite time, Elihu anticipates major themes in the divine speeches,
brief and Zophar's is missing. Job then remembers his happy in a sense stealing divine thunder.
past, contrasting it with his miserable present. A poetic inter- 4. A poem (ch. 28) also offers a premature answer to the
lude asks where wisdom can be found, and Job pronounces an question it poses: 'Where can wisdom be found?' Having
oath of innocence aimed at evoking a divine response. Instead celebrated human achievement in prospecting for and
of the anticipated deity, a youthful Elihu appears and criticizes mining precious gems, the poem denies access to wisdom,
the friends for failing to answer Job effectively and Job for the with the sole exception of God. Strangely, it concludes on a
nature of his complaints. God finally arrives in a tempest, traditional note: God grants wisdom to faithful worshippers.
rebukes Job, and praises the wonders of nature, both heavenly In addition, this poem interrupts Job's final speech, necessi-
and earthly. In the face of such majesty, Job relents—although tating a repetition of the formula in 27:1 ('Job again took up his
the text is ambiguous at this point. The book concludes with a discourse and said') in 29:1.
short narrative telling about Job's restoration. 5. This introductory formula differs from the usual one
A. Composition. 1. The book of Job receives high praise from ('Then Job answered'), suggesting that its initial occurrence
critics of every persuasion—literary, philosophical, psycho- in 27:1 resulted from textual dislocation, some of Bildad's final
logical, and religious—despite its flaws. One interpreter speech being attributed to Job and all of Zophar's speech
uses the phrase 'a blemished perfection' (Hoffman 1996), dropping out. It has been suggested that the author used
comparing the book to Venus dc Milo and August Rodin's Torso this subtle means of announcing that Job's friends have run
of a Woman. Another appreciative reader observes that 'Here, out of anything to say; but Elihu's failure to discern the point
in our view, is the most sublime monument in literature, not makes this view unlikely. Job's unexpected comments in ch.
only of written language, nor of philosophy and poetry, but the 27 could be explained as sarcasm or irony; textual dislocation
most sublime monument of the human soul. Here is the great is more probable.
eternal drama with three actors who embody everything: but 6. Even divine speeches indicate disjointedness. First, there
what actors! God, humankind, and Destiny' (Alphonse de are two divine speeches and two 'repentances' on Job's part,
Lamartine, cited in Hausen 1972: 145). giving the appearance of browbeating. Second, the references
2. Such accolades persist partly because of the book's ambi- to the ostrich and mighty war-horse differ markedly from the
guity, its capacity for ironic readings. A book at odds with previous celebrations of wild creatures. According to 40:5, Job
itself, the combination of prose and poetry leaves numerous vows to remain silent from this point, but 42:1—6 disregards
unanswered questions. The story depicts a blameless Job who this promise and has him speak once more.
patiently accepts grievous loss, persists in his integrity by 7. Various theories have been advanced to explain these
worshipping the one who gives and takes away, and in the phenomena, but no consensus exists. The assumption under-
end receives everything back—with new children. The poetic lying this commentary is that a poet used an existing popular
debate presents an entirely different hero, one who lacks story as the framework for exploring the possibility of dis-
patience and openly attacks the deity for injustice. This sec- interested righteousness and the different answers to the
tion of the book rejects the hypothesis of a universe operating problem of innocent suffering. Removing an original sec-
on a principle of reward and punishment, whereas the prose tion of the story that can only be implied now, that daring
implies that YHWH does act towards the friends and Job on poet wrote three cycles of debate, the last of which became
the basis of merit. Moreover, the names for deity differ in the dislocated, and concluded them with Job's address to God
prose, which uses YHWH, and the poetic debate, where the (chs. 29-31) and YHWH's response (chs. 38-41). At a later
more general names El, Eloah, and El Shaddai occur, with a time, someone added the poem in ch. 28 and the speeches of
single exception, itself a stereotypical expression ('hand of Elihu, along with the prose introduction to them (chs. 32-7).
YHWH', 12:9). Alternative readings cannot be ruled out: ch. 28 retards the
3. Other indications of disjointedness give the impression action and assuages human emotions; Elihu serves as an
of imperfection. An Adversary (hassatari) is featured in the ironic foil to the deity, and his citations constitute literary
prologue as the heavenly accuser of Job, but the epilogue foreshadowing and anticipation; stylistic variety is a mark of
proceeds without mentioning this character. YHWH's praise literary craft; the book abounds in irony; Job's first repentance
JOB 332
was incomplete, requiring further rebuke by God; the break- C. Historical Setting. 1. A second-century BCE Targum on the
down of the friends' speeches declares Job the victor; Job's bookofJobdiscoveredatQumranandthetranslationintoGreek
restoration was an act of grace entirely unrelated to his re- in the Septuagint require an earlier date forthe biblical text than
pentance. the third century. Linguistic evidence seems to pointto the sixth
century or later (Hurvitz 1974), and certain other features also
B. Structure. 1. The structure of the book depends on the indicatethe Persian period (539—332), for example the language
perspective from which it is viewed, whether on the basis of for administrative bureaucracy (3:14—15, kings, counsellors,
diction, or dramatic movement, or individual components in and princes), the probable allusion to the Behistun Rock, with
sequence. By eliminating brief prosaic introductions and ob- lead inlay depicting the achievements of Darius the Great
servations, the first approach yields two distinct sections, a (19:24), the reference to caravans from Teman and Sheba
narrative and a poetic debate. Stressing the prose introduc- (6:19), and the form of the title for the Adversary (the definite
tions, and in some instances conclusions, leads to three div- article with solan as in the sixth-century text of Zechariah and
isions within the book (1:1-2:10; 2:11-31:40; 32:1-42:17). unlike the later form in Chronicles).
Attention to content alone suggests a quite different arrange- 2. Several other factors may not settle the debate, but they fit
ment (1—2; 3—31; 32—7; 38:1—42:6; and 42:7—17). into this general period: the numerous Aramaisms, the simi-
2. A striking feature of the book is the use of a framing story larity with laments in the Psalter, as well as sections of Deu-
to enclose the poetic debate. Widely employed in the ancient tero-Isaiah and Jeremiah, the theological similarities with Ps
Near East, this practice enabled authors to provide essential 73, and the emerging monotheism and monogamy. Less con-
data for understanding philosophical reflections and for ap- vincing are the sociological conclusions of Criisemann (1980)
preciating proverbial sayings. Just as a simple frame enhances and Albertz (1981) that the oppressive conditions reflected in
a work of art, these brief narratives focus attention away from the book of Job point to the time of Nehemiah. Such abuse of
themselves and offer a perspective from which to view the power by the nouveaux riches may have occurred at various
poetic debate. Twice the narrator passes independent judge- periods in ancient Israel and Judah.
ment on the hero (1:22; 2:10), one confirmed by YHWH and
Job's wife, then withdraws to allow other voices to be heard in D. Ancient Near-Eastern Parallels. 1. The closest extant paral-
the poetry. A story begins, only to be interrupted by poetry that lels to the book of Job come from Mesopotamia. The Sumer-
fashions a story within a story, and then resumes so as to bring ian Man and his God (2nd millennium) tells about a sufferer
closure. The prologue evokes dialogue, and the epilogue ter- who complains to the gods, although conceding that none is
minates it, at the same time suppressing the voice within the born sinless. In the end he confesses his guilt and is restored
poetry that rejects the kind of optimism represented by Job's by the righteous shepherd. The Babylonian I Will Praise the
friends and by Proverbs. A story that opens in heaven con- Lord of Wisdom denies that anyone can discern the will of the
cludes on earth, where the principle of do ut des (T give in gods; nevertheless, this sufferer trusts in divine mercy, acts in
order to receive') is still alive and well. Viewpoints collide the proper cultic manner, and experiences restoration. This
everywhere, and the one source of a definitive answer dodges text concludes that the gods have a different system of values
the issue entirely, as YHWH drones on about meteorological from the human one. The Babylonian Theodicy (c.noo BCE),
phenomena and wild creatures, especially the two favourites, an acrostic, or alphabetic, poem of twenty-seven stanzas with
Behemoth and Leviathan. eleven lines each, comprises a debate between an innocent
3. The dramatic development suggested by the three prose sufferer and a friend. It accuses the gods of endowing human-
introductions in 1:1—5, 2:11—13, an(^ 32:I~5 points to distinct kind with lies. The two debaters maintain a polite tone, while
episodes of conflict: YHWH afflicts Job, Job challenges God, disagreeing with one another, and in the end the complainant
YHWH rebukes Job. Alternatively, one may speak of hidden prays that the shepherd will once again 'pasture his flock as a
conflict, conflict explored, and conflict resolved (Habel 1985). god should'. A fourth text, The Dialogue between a Master and
In this view, the fundamental category of the book is prose, his Slave, resembles Ecclesiastes more than the book of Job,
with poetry serving to retard the movement of the plot and although both texts reflect similar social turmoil that gener-
heightening the emotions. This understanding of the book ated acute personal misery. The master sees no reason to
encounters considerable difficulty: the narrator's comments follow any particular course of action, and the slave com-
mark two closures in the prologue (1:22 and 2:10); the third mends first one thing then its opposite, until the thought of
section has two 'endings'; Elihu's speeches do not resolve the suicide surfaces, followed by the threat of murdering the
conflict between Job and God; and that resolution occurs in slave, who seems to say that the master will not survive him
the poetic section. three days.
1. The obvious structure of the book consists of (i) a story 2. Texts from the Egyptian Twelfth Dynasty (1990—1785)
about Job's affliction, (2) a debate between him and three with a similar theme demonstrate the extent of intellectual
friends, (3) the speeches of Elihu, (4) divine speeches leading unease resulting from suffering that was perceived to be
to Job's submissions, and (5) a story about Job's restoration. unjust. The Admonitions oflpuwer conjectures that the divine
Rather than viewing the poetry as a retardation of the plot, one herdsman either loves death or has fallen asleep. Social tur-
may see it as a way of introducing multiple responses to the moil forces the author to reflect on the appropriateness of
problem of evil. Progress does occur, however, with Job grad- traditional teachings, for how can the gods possess authority,
ually moving away from welcoming death and closer towards knowledge, and truth when they permit such chaos in society?
imagining a judicial resolution, one made possible by a third The Dispute of a Man and his Ba consists of an attempt by a
power, variously understood as umpire, arbitrator, or redeemer. person, overwhelmed by life's misery, to persuade his soul to
 333 JOB
join him in suicide. The Eloquent Peasant depicts the suffering 2. The author of the EpistJe of James emphasizes Job's
inflicted on a peasant by a governmental figure. These latter patience, but 'Abot de Rabbi Nathan accuses Job of sinning
two texts abound in positive similes for death, e.g. death is like in his heart and Rashi faulted Job for excessive talking. Accord-
recovering from illness, like the fragrance of myrrh, like an ing to Glatzer (1969), later Jewish interpreters called Job a
infant's mouth reaching for milk. rebel (Ibn Ezra, Nachmanides), a dualist (Sforno), a pious
3. A text from Ugarit, the Epic ofKeret, tells about a hero who man searching for truth (Saadia Gaon), one who lacked love
loses his wife and children but eventually finds favour with (Maimonides), an Aristotelian denier of providence (Gerso-
the gods and receives a new wife and more children. The nides), one who confused God's work with Satan's (Simeon
Greek myth of 'Prometheus Bound' has been compared ben Semah Duran), a determinist (Joseph Albo), one who
with Job, but Prometheus, a Titan, brought down Zeus's failed to pacify Satan, a scapegoat, an isolationist (the Zohar),
wrath through a wilful act. An Indian tale of a divine discus- one who suffered as a sign of divine love (the Zohar, Moses
sion leading to a test of the hero, Harischandra, by the god ben Hayyim). A Jewish legend states that God turned Job over
Shiva that demonstrates his virtue shows how the problem of to Satan, called Samael, to keep him occupied while the Jews
evil pressed itself on thinkers far and near. escaped from Egypt; then God rescued Job from the enemy at
4. None of these texts provides an exact parallel to the the last moment.
book of Job, which adapts the traditional genre of debate and 3. The early church emphasized Job's suffering as a moral
framing narrative from the Babylonian Theodicy and I Will lesson and included readings from the book of Job in the
Praise the Lord of Wisdom respectively, adding more friends liturgy of the dead. Gregory the Great wrote thirty-five books
and enhancing the theophany by incorporating it into the of sermons on Job, and Augustine read the book as an ex-
debate. In addition, the biblical author uses extensive cata- ample of grace. Thomas Aquinas used the book as a starting-
logues, or lists, hymnic texts, a negative confession, and point for discussing the metaphysical problem of divine provi-
laments. In the end, the book of Job stands alone, like the dence (Damico and Yaffe 1989). Calvin wrote 159 sermons on
hero ofthe book. the book of Job, mostly polemical defences of providence
(Dekker 1952). In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
E. Canon and Text. 1. At least one Christian theologian, Theo-
the emphasis fell on Job as a rebel. Voltaire viewed Job as a
dore of Mopsuestia, questioned the authority of the book of
representative of the human condition (Hausen 1972).
Job, and Job's historicity was called into question in a rabbinic
4. Modern critics also tend to view the book in the light of
tractate (B. Bat. 153). The exact position ofthe book of Job in
prevailing intellectual or religious sentiment. Carl Jung (1954)
the canon was a matter of dispute. Jewish tradition designates
used psychology as the key to interpreting the book. In his
the two different views by acrostic abbreviations, 'mt (truth)
view, the marriage of the powerful but unreflective deity to
for Job ('iyyob), Proverbs (misle) and Psalms (tehillim) and I'm
hokmd (wisdom) resulted in the cross, an attempt to provide a
(twin) for the sequence Psalms, Job, and Proverbs.
more reasoned response to the problem of evil. Jack Kahn
2. The Greek text ofthe book of Job, much shorter than the
(1975) draws on psychiatry to trace the process of grief
Hebrew, often amounts to a paraphrase. It shows definite
through which Job passed. Goethe's Faust and Archibald
theological bias at a few places, e.g. the repointing of a nega-
MacLeish's J. B. (1956) approach the problem of evil from a
tive particle in 13:15 to affirm trust in God when confronted
literary perspective, whereas Girard (1987) stresses the uni-
with the prospect of death at the hand ofthe deity (Pope 1973:
versal desire to establish order through identifying and mur-
95—6). The Targum of Job from Qumran has the same disorder
dering a scapegoat, and Gutierrez (1987) identifies the
in chs. 24-7 as that in the MT. Surprisingly, the Targum seems
problem as that of speaking properly about God in the midst
to conclude the book at 42:11 instead of 42:17.
of poverty.
F. History of Interpretation. 1. The Testament of Job (ist cent. 5. A philosopher emphasizes Job's bitterness of spirit (Wil-
BCE?) is characterized by zeal against idols, extensive specula- cox 1989); artists depict Job's suffering in the light of Greek
tion about Satan, cosmological dualism, interest in women, mythology (William Blake) and the holocaust (Fronius 1980);
burial customs, magic, mysticism, angelic glossolalia, and and a Yiddish interpreter uses Goethe's Faust as a lens
patience. The author diverges from the biblical story in a through which to view Job positively (Zhitlowsky 1919). A
number of ways: (i) Job destroys Satan's idol and incurs his contemporary novelist and survivor of the Nazi concentration
wrath, but when Satan disguises himself to trick Job, an angel camps likens the Jewish fate under Hitler to Job's affliction
reveals his identity; (2) Job's possessions and virtuous deeds (Elie Wiesel) but is opposed by a humanist who contrasts Job's
are magnified in haggadic fashion (i.e. with sermonic or pious survival with the victims of Auschwitz and Dachau (Ruben-
exposition); (3) Job's wife, Sitis, demonstrates her loyalty by stein). Existentialists use Job as an example of the human
begging for bread and selling her hair to obtain food; (4) Satan situation (Camus, Kafka), and a Marxist philosopher sees
concedes defeat in the conflict with Job; (5) Bildad poses him as an exemplary rebel against theism and the abuse of
'difficult questions' and Zophar offers royal physicians to power by religious establishments (Ernst Bloch).
Job, who relies on the one who made physicians; (6) Sitis 6. Within the circles of biblical scholarship, interpreters
expresses concern for her children who have not received provide various literary readings of the book: a feminist, a
proper burial, and Job tells her that God took them; (7) God vegetarian, a materialist, a NT ideological critique (Clines
condemns the friends for not speaking the truth 'about Job'; 1989). An older reading ofthe book as drama has been revived
(8) Job's daughters inherit magical items and a gift of glosso- (Alonso-Schokel 1977), together with a shift to viewing it
lalia; and (9) Job is transported into heaven by means of as comedy. The modern silencing of ancient dissent in
chariots. the Roman Catholic liturgy (Rouillard 1983)—in which only
JOB 334
affirmative passages are read publicly—and interpretation Adversary accuses Job of serving God because it pays well to
(Tilley 1989) has evoked dismay. A contemporary poet has do so. To determine who has correctly seen into Job's heart,
provided a fresh translation, removing its sting by omitting the Adversary proposes to put him to a test by removing all
crucial verses (Mitchell 1987). In short, interpreters of the indications of divine favour, here understood as possessions
book of Job have used it as a convenient means of putting (including children). YHWH agrees to the test, turning Job's
forth their own understandings of reality. possessions over to the Adversary, with a single restriction,
that he not harm Job's person.
(1:13-22) The third scene begins on a happy note but quickly
COMMENTARY descends to the depths of human suffering. Successive mes-
sengers inform Job and the reader simultaneously of four
The Prologue (1:1-2:13) calamities, two of heavenly origin and two inflicted by human
In five scenes of elevated prose (1:1—5; 1:6—12; 1:13—22; 2:1—6; foes (note the symbolism, four for completion, heaven and
2:7—13 (3:1)) the narrative introduces the main characters in earth for the entirety of space). Repetition gives the awful
dramatic conflict and the theological issue that will be ex- news a stupefying effect. One by one the lone survivors tell
plored. Part of the problem is the heavenly backdrop of two Job of his losses: marauding Sabeans killed his oxen and
scenes, for this information is hidden from the hero and his donkeys, a heavenly fire consumed his sheep, Chaldeans stole
detractors. The Adversary poses the issue in a terse question: his camels, and a mighty wind demolished the house in which
Does Job serve God ('Udhim)for nothing? Its staccato rhythm his children were feasting, killing all of them. These messen-
expresses impudence, as does the laconic answer in 2:2 (Gor- gers mirror the heavenly ones reporting to YHWH; only the
dis 1978:15). A series of calamities puts Job to the test, and he fourth interjects a sign of emotional distress (hinneh). The
emerges as a faithful servant despite excruciating circum- Sabeans were probably northern Arabians rather than people
stances. The arrival of Job's three friends advances the conflict from the south or Africa. Chaldeans were semi-nomads, not
to a different level, one occasioned by poetic debate. the later Neo-Babylonians of the seventh and sixth centuries
(1:1-5) Th£ five scenes alternate between earth and heaven. BCE, who conquered Judah in 587 BCE and took many citizens
The story opens with a description of an exceptional man, Job, of Judah into exile. As this tale of woe unfolds, 'Satan lurks,
who had a full quota of children (seven sons, three daughters; waiting for the blasphemy' (Dhorme 1967: p. xxx).
both 7 and 3 are complete numbers) and possessions (7,000 Job responds to this litany of destruction in the manner of a
sheep, 3,000 camels, 500 each of oxen and she-asses; 7 and 3 faithful servant; he mourns according to custom and quotes a
again, equalling 10; 5 and 5 equals ten, a complete number). proverb, adding his resolve to bless YHWH. Job does not say
The description moves outward, from the most intimate to the he will return to his mother's womb—not even mother earth.
most distant (Newsom, 1996: 349). v. i, the reversal of normal The Hebrew word samma is a euphemism for Sheol, the land
order for the verb calls attention to the predicate, Job. A of the dead (cf Eccl 5:15; Sir 40:1). The proverb uses synonym-
complete (tarn has this meaning rather than 'perfection') ous and antithetic parallelism (naked/came from 11 naked/re-
man of integrity, he was also morally straight, religious, and turn to), while Job's addition limits itself to antithetic
ethical. A non-Israelite, his home was Transjordanian Uz, a parallelism (gave || took away), v. 22, the narrator intrudes
name probably chosen as an audial pun on the sages' word for long enough to pronounce judgement on Job, whom he de-
counsel, fesd (Weiss 1983: 23). v. 3, none surpassed him in the clares blameless.
East, just as no king rivalled Solomon in wisdom, according to (2:1—6) The fourth scene opens like the second, as if nothing
i Kings 4:30 [MT 5:10]. v. 4, 'in turn' (lit. each on his day) has intervened, although YHWH concludes with an indict-
probably refers to the several birthdays of the sons, not to ment of the Adversary. The word hinnam (tr. 'for no reason')
constant rounds of feasting. The brothers' inclusion of their repeats the word that the Adversary singled out as Job's flaw
sisters in these festivities is extraordinary for the ancient 'Does Job serve God for nothing [ for no reason] ?' v. 4, 'Skin for
culture; their unusual generosity is matched by their father skin' implies a culture characterized by barter rather than
in the epilogue (42:15). v. 5, the narrator views Job's offering of monetary exchange, but its meaning is unclear. It may sug-
sacrifices as another positive attribute. Job worries that the gest equal value, or the expression may refer to exchanging
children may have missed the mark and blessed Elohim with- one kind of skin for another kind. Job's possessions accord
out recognizing their guilt. Alternatively, the verb b-r-k is used with the (pre-)patriarchal setting, but his sons dwelt in
euphemistically, in place of g-l-l, hence 'cursed'. Ironically, houses, not tents. The Adversary incites YHWH to intensify
Job's goodness brings about his terrible misfortune, including the test by striking at Job's health. When referring to the deity,
the death of his children. the stretched-out hand signifies misfortune. This time, too,
(1:6-12) The idyllic setting, except for Job's unease about his YHWH limits the Adversary; Job's survival was essential to the
children, shifts, both in location and tenor. An Adversary story's dramatic unfolding.
(hassatan, a title rather than a proper name) joins the assem- (2:7-13) Smitten with a disease of the skin that cannot be
blage of divine beings and responds to the deity by means of a identified on the basis of the poetic allusions in the dialogue,
pun on his name (sut, to wander). This heavenly Adversary is a Job scrapes himself with a piece of broken pottery, either to
counterpart to Job, suspecting everyone just as Job suspected ease the itching or as a sign of self-mortification. In his isol-
his sons (Weiss 1983: 40). In a rhetorical question indicating ation, Job's wife repeats YHWH's affirmation of her husband
ongoing rivalry, YHWH brings up Job's name and vouches for but turns it into a question: 'Do you still persist in your
his integrity, using the same language as v. i, but the cynical integrity?' What she urges him to do is unclear. The verb barak
 335 JOB
may be undecipherable (Linafelt 1996). In favour of translat- identical. The poet echoes the myth of a chaos-dragon in the
ing it 'curse' is Job's harsh reply. He likens her to foolish or ancient Near East (Tiamat in Mesopotamia, Lotan and Yamm
vulgar women. The LXX attributes a longer speech to Job's at Ugarit), one that was also at home in several biblical texts,
wife, and the Testament of Job presents her in a much more where various names for the monster occur (Rahab, Le-
favourable light, giving her an actual name, Sitis (the Targum viathan, Tannin, cf. Isa 27:1; 51:9; Ps 74:14). Professional
at 2:9 calls Job's wife Dinah). Job reminds his wife that we cursers recall Balaam (Num 22—4; a non-biblical text from
receive both good and evil from God. He implies that if people Deir Alia mentions this prophet whose reputation became
receive good they cannot reject the bad. The narrator enters tarnished in biblical memory). In 3:12 Job alludes to a ritual
the story for a second time, changing the language ever so by which a parent acknowledged a newborn by holding it on
slightly. Later Jewish interpreters seized this opening to ac- the knees (cf. Sir 15:2). The threefold use ofsam ('there') in
cuse Job of sinning in his heart while outwardly uttering 3:17-19 recalls the euphemism for Sheol in 1:21. The image of
devout sentiments. The visit by Job's three friends (kings in grave-robbers informs 3:20-2, where Job ironically compares
the LXX) from Edom and Arabia provides a transition from their excitement in digging for treasure, buried along with the
prose to poetry, one appropriately characterized by profound dead, with his own fantasy of death. The word for 'fenced in'
silence. Their stated purpose in coming was pastoral—to (3:23) differs from that in 1:10 (suk and suk respectively).
bring consolation—and their long silence (only here does Tenses in Hebrew are notoriously difficult, making it impos-
the phrase 'seven nights' occur) as they sat with him on the sible to know whether or not Job's fear expressed in 3:24 was
ash heap confirms that positive intention. Their act of throw- habitual; if the verbs designate the past, they undercut Job's
ing dust heavenward may have been apotropaic, to frighten extraordinary piety (Good 1990: 208). Three parallel expres-
away evil powers. The name Eliphaz occurs in Gen 36:15; the sions (no ease, quiet, rest) contrast grammatically with the
names Bildad and Zophar are not found elsewhere in the fourth (dread) and the verb 'come' links this verse with
Bible. Teman was in Edom; the location of Shuah and Naa- the previous one. By this means the poet indicates that Job's
mah is uncertain. The final scene of this popular narrative character is more complex than the prose acknowledges.
appears in 42:7-17, which tells about Job's restoration. Job's lament combines a number of grotesque images: a
perpetually pregnant woman, Job's mother; a day robbed of its
The Poetic Debate (3:1-42:6) essence, light; two personified lovers, night and dawn, await-
ing one another and condemned to an absence of sexual
The familiar folk-tale about a virtuous man who loses every- ecstasy; former enemies, oppressors and the oppressed, at
thing for no apparent reason (cf. Ezek 14:14, 20 where Job is rest together; and an instance of divine mockery, the giving
mentioned along with Noah and Dan'el (of Ugaritic legend)) of light to the blind. YHWH's speeches from the tempest will
occasions a debate about the relationship between goodness return to this notion of divine largesse; there, too, the gift does
and suffering. A poem about wisdom follows; then Job con- not benefit the human population.
trasts his glorious past with his ignoble present and utters an
oath of innocence aimed at forcing God to respond (chs. 28— (4:1-5:27) Eliphaz Introduces the Parameters of the De-
31). Instead, Elihu answers (chs. 32-7) but evokes silence until bate The only one of Job's three friends whose character is
YHWH speaks from the whirlwind (38:1-42:6), reducing Job rounded, or fleshed out, Eliphaz sets forth the different argu-
to two brief responses (40:3—5; 42:1—6). The poetry is some of ments that will be explored in the course of the debate: you can
the most difficult in the Bible, due partly to the number of rare trust in God to restore you (here Eliphaz uses two words that
words but also to the distinctive syntax and grammar. Multiple earlier characterized Job, 'blameless' and a 'God-fearer', 1:1, 8;
readings are inherently necessary, both because of the rhet- 2:3); wickedness is punished; human beings are naturally
orical strategy and the poetic language. Perhaps also the culpable; the prosperity of the sinful will be cut short; the
emotional intensity contributes to unintelligibility at crucial best course is to seek God; suffering is an indication of divine
points (e.g. 19:25-7; 42:5-6). discipline; you will attain a ripe old age. Beginning on a
positive note (unless 4:10 cruelly refers to the death of Job's
(3:1—26) Job Curses his Birthday A lament is Job's way of
children through the metaphor of a lion), Eliphaz mildly
opening the debate; instead of cursing God he pronounces a
rebukes Job for impatience when personally victimized. The
curse on the day of his birth and the night of his conception
charge of duplicity weakens his positive affirmation of his
(the beginning and end of gestation), as if wishing it to be
friend, one who strengthened others in misery. The rich
obliterated from the calendar. The verb for curse (g-l-l) differs
vocabulary permits the poet to use five different words for
from that of the prologue, where b-r-k occurs. In 3:3-10 the
lion in 4:10—11 (cf. Joel 1:4 for similar richness). Convinced
curse encompasses the whole creation, seeking to reverse the
that a principle of reward and punishment governed the uni-
favourable conditions set into place by God in Gen 1:1—2:40. A
verse, Eliphaz is oblivious to the pain resulting from this
similar anticosmic description occurs in Jer 4:23-6, where the
dogma (4:7—9, where a divine wind brings destruction like
prophet seems to behold a reversal of conditions that rendered
the tempest that killed Job's children). According to Gen 2:7
life on earth possible, and a curse of one's birthday can be
the breath of YHWH animated the first human; now that
found in Jer 14:14—18 (with an allusion to the destruction of
wind wields devastation.
Sodom and Gomorrah). The reference to an infant as a geber
(elsewhere used of much older boys, even a soldier) contains a (4:12-5:8) The closest thing in wisdom literature to the man-
pun on the word for grave, geber. Poetic parallelism between tic wisdom of the book of Daniel, a type of wisdom widespread
Leviathan and Yam (the Sea) favours this reading over 'day'; in in Mesopotamia, this section resembles a theophany, particu-
an unpointed text the Hebrew words for 'day' and 'sea' are larly the divine manifestation to Elijah in the cave at Mt.
JOB 336

Horeb (i Kings 19:11-18) and to Abraham in Gen 15:12-17. 32:39; Ps 94:12; 107:42; Prov 3:11; Hos 6:1). A significant
Like Abraham, Eliphaz receives the divine visitation while in a metaphor for YHWH in the story of the Exodus, the healer
deep sleep (tardcma). An elusive word steals past, quiet like (Ex 15:26), informs Eliphaz's advice in v. 18. Here, as in
a whisper; the prophet Elijah experienced YHWH's word as a Exodus, this metaphor vies with its opposite, that of the
faint echo, in contrast to the spectacular phenomena of wind, warrior (Ex 15:3). Eliphaz understands both wounds and heal-
fire, and earthquake preceding it. Whereas Job felt dread as a ing as acts of the one deity. Both parental discipline and
result of the calamities that befell him, a sleeping Eliphaz teachers' punishment of students in Egypt and in Mesopota-
encountered it when a wind (ruah) glided past his face. It is mia included corporal punishment. Its purpose was to instil
not stated whether or not Abram saw the smoking fire-pot and reliable teaching in the minds of youth and thus to form
flaming torch that passed through the severed pieces and character. This motive behind harsh discipline explains Eli-
secured the covenant with a powerful promise, but Eliphaz phaz's 'macarism' (an expression, frequent in Psalms, that
is said to have been unable to make out the exact appearance begins with 'Happy', Heb. 'asre), 'Happy is the one whom
of the deity. He does grasp the brief word that follows an eerie God [Eloah] reproves', v. 19, numerical parallelism, rarely
silence: 'Can a mortal be more righteous than God (Eloah)?' found in Mesopotamian and Egyptian literature, occurs
This reading takes into consideration the broader context more often in the Bible and in Ugaritic texts. Biblical usage
where the issue becomes that of Job's claim to be pure at the varies, at some times referring to a total number symbolizing
same time as he indicts God for crimes against humanity. fullness (as in the Epic ofKeret from Ugarit) but at other times
Those translators who read 'Can a mortal be righteous before actually specifying the higher number of items, with em-
God?' emphasize the immediate context, which stresses phasis on the final number. The former occurs in Am 1:3-2:16
human vulnerability, as well as angelic fallibility. The irony ('For three... indeed for four...') and the latter is exempli-
of this reference to God's lack of trust in his servants is missed fied by numerous proverbial sayings (Prov 6:16-19; 30:15-16,
by Eliphaz, who does not know about the Adversary. Does 18—19, 2I~31)- Eliphaz uses the numerical saying for fullness:
Eliphaz also miss the irony of his own counsel? If humans 'he will deliver you from every trouble', v. 22, the allusion to
really die without ever attaining wisdom, what does he dis- destruction may conceal a play on the divine name Shaddai.
pense? Folly? Eliphaz appeals to consensus (4:7), expecting v. 23, elsewhere the Bible does not mention a covenant with
Job to concur in the common dogma of retribution; he also stones, but Isa 11:6—9 gives poetic form to the anticipated
appeals to individual experience (4:8, 'As I have seen'), to peaceful relationship between animals and humans, v. 25,
special revelation (4:12-21), to collective experience (5:270, the usual biblical similes for Israel's countless progeny, 'like
'See, we have searched this out; it is true'), and to the obvious the stars' or 'like the sands of the sea shore' (cf. Gen 15:5), give
insights encapsulated in proverbial sayings (4:8, 'those who way here to an appropriate image for a desert nomad: 'like
plough iniquity and sow trouble reap the same'; 5:2, 'Surely the grass ofthe earth', v. 26, Job does not share this comforting
vexation kills the fool, and jealousy slays the simple'). In 5:3-5 view of death, for in his miserable state he cannot imagine
Eliphaz's remarks border on cruelty, for Job had 'taken root' that he will reach old age. Eliphaz's prediction is precisely
only to have his dwelling cursed and to discover that his what happens in the epilogue. How differently the author of
children lacked safety. Does his precipitous fall mark Job as Ecclesiastes viewed old age and death (cf. Eccl 11:7—12:7).
a fool like those scorned by Eliphaz? It appears that Eliphaz
considers finitude a breeding-ground for trouble (5:7, where (6:1-7:21) Job's Response to Eliphaz Employs both Sarcasm
the Heb. words tr. 'sparks' are literally 'sons of Resheph'; in and Parody The participants in this debate seldom respond to
Canaanite mythology Resheph was the god of plague and the issues raised by the previous speaker, making it difficult
pestilence). There may be a clever pun between the Hebrew to track the development of ideas. Job excuses his bold lan-
words for ground ('adamd) and mortal ('adam) in 5:6-7 as in guage by appealing to the deep agony enveloping him at the
Gen 3:17. A striking feature of 5:8 is the initial aleph (the first moment. He thinks it would outweigh the heaviest thing he
letter of the Heb. alphabet) in eight of the nine words; the last can imagine: the sand of the sea. The image is striking;
word breaks the pattern. In this verse, too, the reader encoun- psychological and physical suffering in one side ofthe bal-
ters two general words for deity, 'el and 'elohim. ance, all the sand ofthe sea in the other half of the scale, v. 4,
no evidence of poison arrows has survived in the ancient Near
(5:9-13) Participles set this brief unit apart as a doxology, a
East, although the dipping of arrowheads in poison was
hymn extolling God whom Job is urged to seek. The language
known to Virgil (Aeneid, 9.773) and Ovid (Epist. ex Ponto,
is traditional. Beginning with a reference to innumerable
1.2.17-18). The expression may be Job's rhetorical manner of
wonders, the hymn then highlights an important specific
emphasizing the devastating effect ofthe divine arsenal. Job
action, the sending of rain, an oft-mentioned vital necessity
uses familiar imagery of a divine warrior; ancient peoples,
in the ancient Near East. It moves on to consider the activity
biblical and non-biblical, understood their deities as accom-
of God in exalting the lowly and bringing down wicked
plished fighters. The epithet, YHWH of hosts, probably al-
schemers, v. 13, this is the only passage from Job that is cited
ludes to heavenly hosts who did battle at YHWH's behest,
in the NT (cf i Cor 3:19).
later coming to mean also Israelite soldiers. Job uses the
(5:14-27) v. 17, two names for deity occur here, 'doah (Eloah) divine name Shaddai in this instance, w. 5-6, two 'difficult
and sadday (Shaddai). The meaning of the latter is often taken questions' emphasize the appropriateness of Job's complaint.
to be related to the Akkadian word for 'mountain' or to mean An animal does not bray when its mouth is full; Job would
'destroyer'. The ideas expressed in w. 17—18, that God discip- have no reason to complain if he were contented like well-fed
lines the ones he loves, are widespread in the Bible (cf. Deut oxen. Life has become for him like tasteless food; he has no
 337 JOB
more appetite for either food or life. v. 10, following a kind of w. 14—16, the usual time for resting from one's labour offers
imitation prayer, the best Job can muster at the moment, he no comfort to Job, whose nights are full of terrifying dreams.
identifies the deity as the Holy One (cf Isaiah, who often (The idea of psychological anxiety as punishment for sin is
called YHWH the Holy One of Israel). In 5:1 Eliphaz had developed further in Sirach and Wisdom of Solomon.) Does
asked Job which of the holy ones he would turn to; the reader Job refer to Eliphaz's allusion to a frightening nocturnal vis-
knows about one member of the divine assembly, the Adver- itor? Breath (hebel) as a metaphor for life goes beyond the
sary, who would be a poor choice indeed. image of wind in 7:7 (riiah). The author of Ecclesiastes uses
(6:14—21) Job imagines a wadi in the wilderness that has so hebel in this way thirty-eight times; its meaning is generally
much water that caravaneers have come to rely on it. To their 'futile' or 'absurd', occasionally 'ephemeral', w. 17—21, these
dismay, the stream-bed has dried up in the heat of summer, verses sound like a parody on Ps 8. In this psalm the author
precisely when they need water most. Sixth-century texts expresses wonder that the majestic creator thinks so highly of
mention traders from far-off Tema and Sheba, apparently humankind and watches over the vulnerable creatures with
travelling a lucrative trade route. The application of this image extraordinary solicitude. In contrast, Job views the divine
to Job's circumstances is obvious; he expected comfort from attention as entirely unwanted, a test rather than comfort.
friends, only to get a rebuke. A pun between similar Hebrew Such divine surveillance interferes with Job's need to swallow
words occurs in v. 21, rd'd ('to see') and ydre' ('to fear'). his spittle. In v. 20 he gives voice to wholly unconventional
theology: human sin does notaffect God. Moreover, the epithet,
(6:22—30) w. 22—3, the language derives from more than one 'watcher of humanity', contains an accusing tone, whereas
context. A gift implies that Job's deepest need is economic; traditionalists often spoke enthusiastically of YHWH's provi-
bribe suggests that he is facing a judicial trial; the reference to dential care, a shepherding of the people. In Job's view, the
saving him fits into a context of attack; ransom refers to a guardian has turned villainous. The last verse in this unit may
situation in which the opponents have taken Job hostage. contain an ironical allusion to an ancient worthy, Enoch, who is
By using these different ideas, he hopes to cover all possibil- said to have walked with God and 'was no more, because God
ities, v. 24, Job's appeal to be taught anticipates the divine took him' (Gen 5:24). Job has suggested that God's watchful
speeches, which succeed in silencing him. An Egyptian prov- eye cannot prevent his lapsing into death (7:8); now he thinks
erb states that 'There can be no instruction where love is of the deity searching for him after he has descended into
absent' (Papyrus Insinger, 8:24). The intent is ambiguous: Sheol.
love of the teacher, the student, the subject? In Job's case,
(8:1—22) Bildad Makes God's Character the Issue The funda-
the evidence persuades him that the friends do not love, for
mental premiss of Bildad's argument is stated in the form of a
they speak dishonestly, v. 26, the word for desperate (nd'ds)
rhetorical question: 'Does God ['el] pervert justice? Or does
may play on the word for humankind ('ends), w. 28-9, a
the Almighty [sadday] pervert the right?' (v. 3). Such distortion
rhetorical ploy aims at converting—turning around—the
is unthinkable to Bildad, who consequently deduces that Job's
friends. Alternatively, Job watches as they start to walk away;
children were terrible sinners and that their father's sins were
concerned that he could not be vindicated in their eyes unless
less serious, since he survived divine retribution. With this
they remain, he appeals to them to turn back.
cruel conclusion, Bildad actually states the central problem
(7:1-10) Job portrays human existence in an entirely negative that will exercise the imaginations of the four friends through-
manner, culminating in a graphic image of a weaver's shuttle out the debate: is God at fault? The reader knows that the
that speedily comes to an end without hope. The Mesopota- answer to this haunting question is a resounding 'yes'. A
mian myth of creation, Enuma Elish, states that the gods clearer answer can scarcely be found than the deity's conces-
created humankind to serve their makers. Job refers to sleep- sion that the Adversary had provoked him to afflict Job with-
less nights occasioned by bodily sores infested with worms. out cause (2:3). Lacking any knowledge of the heavenly
The Testament of Job uses this idea to illustrate Job's complete proceedings, Bildad relies on traditional belief that one's ex-
willingness to bear his suffering patiently. In this version, he ternal conditions accurately reflect inner states. Good people
picks up a worm that has dropped to the ground and places it prosper and wicked people do not; this axiom lies behind
on his sore from which it had fallen. He rejects Eliphaz's everything he says. v. 2, the Hebrew expression for 'great
optimistic view that hope remains for him (6:20); in doing wind' differs from that employed by the narrator in describing
so, Job creates a pun on the Hebrew words for hope and thread the death of Job's children (riiah kabbtr in v. 2, riiah gedold in
(tiqwd). v. 8, the one to whom Job directs these remarks is 2:19). v.3, the twin concepts, justice and righteousness (mispdt
unclear, but the following verses will reveal that he has turned and sedeq), are central to many biblical texts describing the
away from Eliphaz momentarily to address God. Job does not Lord's activity. The earth is established on these two prin-
expect to live long. ciples, as is God's throne (Ps 97:2). God requires these quali-
(7:11-21) Job's distress prompts him to utter bold concepts ties of Israel (Isa 5:7), and the covenant is grounded in justice
and even to parody traditional hymnody. v. 12, unlike the and righteousness (Hos 2:19). The prophet Amos singles out
monster in the myth of chaos, either Yam (the Sea) or Tannin, these two concepts as the Lord's requirement for Israel (Am
Job presents no threat to the deity. Why, then, does the deity 5:24). w. 4—7, Bildad's language implies that sinful deeds
find it necessary to set a guard over him? Both Yam and possess an inherent power to destroy those perpetrating
Tannin echo the Canaanite myth of chaotic forces that are them. Such language has led to the hypothesis that an auto-
ultimately defeated by Baal. The enemy is also called Mot; matic principle governed human lives, punishing the guilty
the Hebrew word for death is the same (mot, or mawet, 7:15). and rewarding the virtuous. YHWH's only role, according to
JOB 338

this theory, was to act as a kind of midwife assisting in the trustworthy men are rare and comparable women non-exist-
birth of disaster or its opposite (Koch 1955). Each of the first ent (Eccl 7:28), and with reference to childlessness, which
three verses in this unit begins with the same Hebrew particle, Ben Sira understands as preferable to having ungodly chil-
'im (if). In its first use, the hypothetical aspect is attenuated, dren (Sir 16:3). The phrase also occurs in Egyptian wisdom
giving the sense of'although', for Bildad has no doubt about literature.
the guilt of Job's children. Ironically, Bildad's speculations (9:5—11) Job employs a traditional hymn (w. 5—10) and gives
about Job correspond with reality. He does seek God, but not his own bewildered response to an invisible deity (v. n). In
in the manner intended by Bildad, and is restored. Bildad's 5:9-16 Eliphaz used hymnic material to emphasize the or-
description of Job's beginning as 'small' hardly accords with derly universe and the power of its creator. In Job's deft fingers
the narrative (1:1—3) or with Job's own account of his previous this imagery carries an opposite stamp, connoting the chaotic
fortune (29:1—25). Nevertheless, Bildad's assessment of aspects of reality: earthquakes, a sun that does not rise, stars
things is not far off, for Job's possessions are doubled in the that exhibit no light. The claim in v. 4 that El is wise finds no
end (cf 42:12). w. 8-10, Bildad appeals to ancient tradition, a support in the doxology that follows (w. 5-7). The next four
sure corrective to individual insight. The accumulation of verses of the unit do, however, reinforce the identification of El
knowledge over the years is reliable, he thinks, and offsets as powerful. Job alludes to the chaos myth in which Marduk
human ephemerality. Whereas several psalms emphasize conquers Tiamat, the linguistic equivalent of the biblical
life's brevity as a decisive difference between humankind tchom (great deep) in Gen 1:2. The expression, 'trampled the
and deity (Ps 90:5—6; 103:14—16), Bildad uses the contrast to waves of the sea' derives from military combat and signifies
call into question knowledge acquired by a single individual. victory over an enemy (Crenshaw 1972: 39—53). The sea is
The lengthening of a shadow as the sun slowly goes down personified as in Canaanite myth. v. 9, which refers to four
provides a vivid image of life itself, w. 11-15,two impossible constellations, resembles the doxological fragment in Am
questions (Crenshaw 1980) introduce the theme of this unit: 5:8—9, where two, possibly four, constellations are named,
just as one cannot expect papyrus to grow without marshy v. 10, Job uses conventional views to increase the shock-value
conditions or reeds to flourish away from water, so those who of his conclusion in w. 11-12. Yes, God's deeds defy under-
turn away from God cannot thrive. Initial promise quickly standing and cannot be counted, but this concession brings
fades, as hope proves to be no more substantial than a spider's little comfort. For Moses (Ex 33:18—23) and Elijah (i Kings
web. This difficult text is understood differently in the LXX, 19:11—12) God's passing by was revelatory. Job experiences El
where 'destiny' replaces 'paths'. Perhaps the author intended a as elusive and concludes that God is beyond challenge when
wordplay between 'orhotand 'ahmt ('path' and 'end, destiny'), seizing someone's possessions (v. 12).
w. 16—19, mis section can be understood in directly contrast-
(9:12-24) v. 13, Job despairs of facing an angry El who con-
ing ways. Unlike the flimsy web of a spider, plants with roots
quered the chaos-dragon, here called Rahab as in Ps 89:10
firmly penetrating the rocky ground can endure. Alternatively,
(MT n). v. 15, the universe is fundamentally twisted when an
such plants do not last because the roots lack adequate
innocent person is obliged to appeal for mercy, v. 16, Job
nourishment. It seems that Bildad returns to his earlier
does not subscribe to the traditional credo in Ex 34:6-7;
remark about Job's hope and a promising latter end, the
indeed, he does not believe he could obtain a hearing even if
word 'aher (behind) recalling 'ahmt (another plant arises),
he were successful in catching El's attention, v. 17, the rabbis
w. 20-2, Bildad does not know that God has declared Job to be
understood this verse as a foreshadowing of God's appearance
blameless. Ironically, Job will later reject (mcfas) something
to Job in a tempest (B. Bat. i6a). In the light of Job's addition of
unspecified in his second response to God (42:6). The last
the particle hinnam (without cause), which functions thema-
word of Bildad's speech and the last word in Job's previous
tically in the Prologue, some interpreters emend the Hebrew
speech are the same, except for the pronominal suffix (In-
word for a tempest (se'ard) to a similar word for hair (sa'ard)
ennu/'enenni). Bildad and his other two friends will become
and obtain a better parallel for hinnam. The meaning would
Job's enemies and will experience shame.
then be that El crushes Job for a trifle and multiplies wounds
(9:1—10:22) Job Wishes to Enter into a Lawsuit with God In gratuitously, v. 21, confident that he is blameless, although
9:2—4 Job either agrees with Bildad's concluding remarks or lacking any knowledge of higher confirmation of this fact
insists on the truth of the rhetorical question: 'how can a (God's, 1:8; 2:3; the narrator's, 1:1; Job's wife's, 2:9), Job does
mortal be just before God fe!]?' If the former, Job speaks not recognize himself. Therefore he rejects life itself (in con-
ironically; if the latter, he emphasizes the utter impossibility trast to 7:16, Job now supplies the object of his loathing), v. 22,
of being vindicated before God. The verb s-d-q carries two the logic of Job's reasoning leads him to reject the concept of
senses, 'to be just' and 'to be legally in the right'. The prophet individual retribution, the comforting belief that God rewards
Jeremiah also despaired of receiving a fair trial, because the virtuous and punishes the wicked. Job now believes that
YHWH acts as prosecuting attorney and judge (Jer 12:1). God makes no distinctions between the innocent and the
Eliphaz has asked, 'Can a mortal be more just than Eloah' guilty. The Mesopotamian Erra Epic, which deals with a simi-
(4:170, see NRSVmarg.), but Job uses different language ('im, lar collapse of the moral order, has the god of Pestilence
before). A decisive shift occurs in v. 3, one from morality to confess: 'The righteous and the wicked, I did not distinguish,
legality. Job introduces an entirely different metaphor, of the I felled.' w. 23—4, even worse, God has taken sides with the
heavenly Judge. He uses the technical word for a lawsuit (rib) wicked, gleefully mocking the innocent when they fall and
but quickly acknowledges the absurdity of such an idea. The blinding judges so that they cannot distinguish between
expression 'once in a thousand' occurs elsewhere to imply that guilt and innocence. Because Job subscribes to a modified
 339 JOB

monotheism, he must attribute both good and evil to the one for Job the decisive issue was moral rectitude, and that issue
deity. The question in v. 24 functions rhetorically: God alone applied to God as well as to him. Zophar sees things differ-
has done it. ently; he concentrates on ritual purity (cf. also v. 15 where he
(9:25-35) For the first time, Job addresses God directly. uses the word 'blemish'). His inaccurate quotation of Job's
Convinced that God would besmirch him even after his words puts the emphasis on external matters rather than
hands are washed, Job returns to the idea of a trial but im- moral integrity, w. 5—6, this expression of a wish that God
agines that he has an advocate (an arbitrator or umpire). The would answer Job is an example of literary foreshadowing,
odiousness of divine perversity has resulted in the ridiculous one filled with irony at Zophar's expense. God will indeed
notion of a neutral figure powerful enough to force God to answer Job, but in a tirade of words and without divulging
act fairly towards Job. Such an umpire does not exist for wisdom's hidden qualities. That topic will be addressed in a
Job, who must hope for God's partial relenting. Meanwhile, different fashion (ch. 28), and its meaning will be consider-
his days are swiftly running out; the three images in v. 25 ably less ambiguous than Zophar's comment about wisdom
from land, water, and air refer to movements of increasing (cf. Sir 6:22, 'For wisdom is like her name; she is not readily
swiftness. perceived by many'). Zophar takes offence at Job's certainty
that he is blameless; taking up his language of knowing,
(10:1—7) v- J > in 9:21 Job complained that he no longer under-
Zophar turns on him: 'Know then that God [Eloah] exacts of
stood himself and thus loathed his life; in 10:1 he returns to
youless than your guilt deserves.' Israel's sages were reluctant
the earlier conclusion, but he uses a different verb here (nqtor
to reckon with the notion of divine compassion, for it seemed
qut). Because he despises life, he will speak freely to God. v. 3,
to place in jeopardy their belief in a principle of moral retribu-
Job thinks of God's behaviour as cruel, irrational, and im-
tion. In this scheme, an individual received the appropriate
moral: cruel because God enjoys oppressive conduct, irra-
reward or punishment for conduct, and there was no place for
tional because God destroys what he has fashioned with
mercy. One's destiny lay in one's own hands. Historical cir-
care, immoral because he gives preferential treatment to the
cumstances eventually undermined such optimism and
wicked, w. 4—5, Job underscores the absurdity of God's behav-
prompted the sages to incorporate traditional teachings about
iour by implying that God has forgotten the fundamental
divine compassion (cf. the ancient creed in Ex 34:6-7, which
difference between ephemeral mortals and the eternal Cre-
occurs with some frequency in later liturgies, e.g. Neh 9:17,31;
ator. In v. 7 Job acknowledges that God's eyes have no fleshly
components that would make them fallible, so God knows Ps 86:15; Joel 2:iy> Jon 4 :2 > always in truncated form).
The struggle to keep both sides of the equation, justice and
that Job is innocent.
mercy, in tension required constant watchfulness (Fishbane
(10:8—22) Returning to the idea of humans as works of God's 1985: 335—50). w. 6—12, Zophar's attempt to match the
hands (v. 3), Job develops this theme in some detail. He earlier hymnic passages falls short. He does succeed in
employs three basic images (a potter, a cheesemaker, the force pointing to the mystery beyond human grasp, but the
behind gestation). According to the tradition in Gen 2:4/7— thoughts quickly descend to the mundane. Ironically, Zophar
3:24, the return to dust was a result of human choice, a refusal has just claimed to know the nature of Eloah: that God acts
to obey the divine command. Either Job understands the curse leniently towards Job. Now, however, Zophar implies that Job,
as unfair, or he thinks of premature death. According to v. 12, and presumably no one else, can discover the mystery that
the Creator bestowed life, compassionate love, and providen- God withholds (cf. Deut 29:29 (MT 28), 'The secret things
tial care on the finished product of the creative force (cf 2:6). belong to the Lord our God, but the revealed things belong to
v. 14, the thought of God keeping watch over newly formed us and to our children forever, to observe all the words of this
humans leads Job to object that in his case the scrutiny has law').
been oppressive, as he did at 7:20. v. 16, Job understands God The verb haqar means 'to probe deeply', and the noun heqer
in terms of ancient Near-Eastern concepts of royal sport. God, refers to the act of searching as well as the result, as here.
the King of Heaven, hunts the vulnerable lion, Job. w. 20-2, Having used this nominative form of the verb for intellectual
the dreary picture of Sheol as unrelenting gloom, chaos, and inquiry, Zophar seems at a loss for a suitable parallel to masa'
darkness concludes with an oxymoron ('light is like darkness') (to find), which he uses twice, v. 8, Ben Sira makes a similar
that is the mirror image of'That day, let there be darkness' in point ('The height of heaven, the breadth of the earth, the
3:412 (Good 1990: 229). abyss, and wisdom—who can search them out?', Sir 1:3). v. 10,
(11:1-20) Zophar Thinks that God is Lenient The link be- the language of theophany, already used by Eliphaz and Job,
tween excessive talk and sin was acknowledged in a biblical appeals to Zophar also, but he places it in the context of a
proverb: 'In a multitude of words, sin is not lacking' (Prov judicial trial, v. 12, a proverbial impossible saying, like Ovid's
10:19). m v- 2 Zophar describes Job as a 'man of lips' (NRSV remark, 'Then will the stag fly,' seems to accuse Job of stupid-
'one full of talk'), a person of superficial speech. Such an one, ity in addition to iniquity. An echo of Gen 16:12 may be
he thinks, can never be vindicated. He goes one step farther, detected; there Ishmael is described as a wild ass of a man.
accusing Job of mocking his friends. Clearly, Job's sarcasm As Zophar employs it, the proverb views ignorance rather
and parody have not escaped Zophar's attention. Such talk than morality as the dividing line between humanity and
falls under the category of senseless babble, Zophar believes, deity, v. 13, like Ps 73, which identifies the heart (mind) as
and deserves an answer. Although failing to recognize the real decisive in determining purity, Zophar understands Job's
reason for Job's extreme language, Zophar does possess the problem as a misdirected heart, which he can correct through
ability to see what is at stake, for he returns to the theme of prayer, v. 18, having repented and been cleansed of impurity
vindication that Job has brought into the discussion (v. 2). v. 4, (v. 15), Job will finally have hope and confidence (a recurring
JOB 340

theme thus far), v. 20, Job has longed for death; Zophar on a revelatory disclosure; Bildad appealed to ancestral tradi-
threatens him with loss of an escape route and the death of tion; Zophar deduced the facts from a preconceived notion
hope unless his guilt is removed. about divine knowledge, v. 3, frustrated over his friends' in-
(12:1—14:22) Job Reflects on the Nature of Wisdom and Life's ability to comprehend Job's viewpoint, he contemplates a bold
Brevity 12:2 reeks of sarcasm as Job suggests that the total alternative: he will argue his cause with Shaddai. The debate
accumulation of human wisdom is concentrated in his three will take a different turn as Job gradually moves away from
friends and will die along with them. 12:3, twice in this section addressing his friends and directs his words to God, but first
(cf. also 13:2) Job claims equality with his friends with respect he will express his contempt for the way they have treated
to knowledge. 12:4-6, before resuming the ideas expressed him.
in the first three verses, Job contrasts his own situation with (13:4—12) He accuses them of hypocrisy and ineptitude; they
the divinely protected life of marauders. Although he once have covered the real situation with an attractive facade and
enjoyed a special relationship with God, one characterized by offered him worthless medicine. These are strong accus-
prayer followed by divine response, Job has now become an ations, given the prophetic language about false prophets
object of scorn. In this setting Job once more characterizes who whitewash their lies and the dubious status of physicians
himself in the language of the narrator and God: a just and in a society that viewed sickness as divine punishment for sin
blameless man. The reference to a vital relationship with God (cf. Ben Sira's valiant effort to salvage the medical profession
stands in tension with Job's later confession that his previous in Sir 38:1-15). v. 5, in Egyptian wisdom silence was so im-
knowledge of God was derivative, information based on hear- portant that the expression 'Silent Person' came to signify
ing rather than sight (cf. 42:5), if that is what the later text anyone who embodied the virtues. Job's use of the verb haras
implies. The meaning of v. 6 is not entirely clear. Does it refer has a narrow sense ('stop talking'). Elsewhere the mere with-
to idolatry? Or should one understand the subject as God, who holding of one's tongue is seen for what it is, for it may be an
empowers egregious sinners? 12:7-9, Israel's sages believed indication of ignorance, v. 6, he who has been called 'a man of
that the movement of heavenly bodies, the activity of the lips' (11:2) proudly describes his appeal to the friends as
weather, and the actions of animals contained hidden know- 'pleadings of his lips'. In w. 7—11 Job's questions contain irony
ledge about ways of coping with life. By studying these phe- that will not become clear until the Epilogue, where the Lord
nomena, one discovered truth that, by analogy, applied to rebukes the friends for failing to speak the truth about the
human conduct. Job recognizes the significance of this av- deity.
enue to knowledge. His use of the plural form, behemot, (13:13—19) Once more Job asks his friends to keep silent, and
anticipates the description of the partly mythic creature in he begins to muster courage as he contemplates the conse-
40:15-24. Otherwise the singular behlmd would have sufficed quences of taking his life in his own hands. The ambiguity
(note the singular verb that follows). 12:9, Job's point is that of the text matches his own uncertainty. Is he essentially
such knowledge is readily accessible, not hidden beyond a Promethean rebel who shakes his fist in God's face or 'a
human grasp. In making this point, Job uses a cliche: 'For person wracked by the paradoxes of God' (Newsom 1996:
the hand of the LORD [YHWH] has done this'. Here alone in 435)? The body of the text has a negative in v. 15 (T have no
the poetic dialogue between Job and his three friends does the hope'), but a marginal note reads differently (T will hope in
divine name YHWH appear; in some MSS it also occurs in a him'). The verse can be read as determination: 'See, he may
familiar cliche in the poem about wisdom (28:28). 12:11 slay me; I cannot wait, for I must argue my ways to his face.'
emphasizes the importance of possessing powers of discrimi- v. 16, this verse focuses the dramatic action of the book: Job
nation. As the palate distinguishes between appetizing and argues that only a virtuous person can survive a face-to-face
unappetizing foods, so the ear discriminates between wisdom encounter with God. If Job can appear before God and live to
and folly. 12:12, the accepted view that only the aged possess tell it, he will have been vindicated. That is true regardless of
wisdom appears here in interrogative form; Job will deny its how 42:6 is understood. Job's use ofyesu'd (salvation) instead
accuracy shortly (v. 20). of the earlier tiqwd (hope) emphasizes the finished deed, a
(12:13-25) In royal ideology the king was thought to have reality as opposed to an anticipated event, w. 18—19, judicial
wisdom, strength, counsel, and understanding (cf. Isa 11:2, terminology abounds here: mispat, sedeq, and rib. Job imagines
where an additional dimension, religious devotion, occurs). that he will achieve vindication through litigation, acting in
Job attributes these four characteristics to God, who frustrates his own defence, and then he welcomes death.
human efforts at being wise. Kings, counsellors, priests, (13:20^7) Job makes an appeal to God lest divine majesty
judges, and elders—the entire ruling class of society—are overwhelm him but concludes that he is being treated like
mere pawns in a divine game aimed at exposing human an enemy. This allusion to an enemy may be a pun on Job's
stupidity. This game also involves whole nations, whose for- name ('oyeb, enemy; 'iyyob, Job), v. 20, the prayer attributed to
tunes depend on God's whim, and whose leaders are reduced the foreign sage Agur (Prov 30:7-9) has a request that two
to staggering in darkness like drunkards. things be granted: that deception be banished from him and
(13:1—3) w. i—2, having completed his parody of the friends' he be given neither poverty nor riches, v. 23, in the Prologue
claim to possess wisdom and of conventional hymnic Job fretted over the possibility that his children had uncon-
descriptions of divine power, Job now insists on his own sciously sinned; here he may wonder if he himself is unaware
ability to observe reality and draw accurate conclusions on of guilt that is obvious in God's eyes, or he challenges God to
the basis of experience. The difference between Job and his identify a single transgression, v. 26, God was believed to have
friends with respect to epistemology is striking. Eliphaz relied kept a ledger containing the names of virtuous people (Ex
 341 JOB
32:32). Does Job imply that God also keeps a record of one's traditional view changed radically (Crenshaw 1986). w. 14—16,
sins? Or that God jots down the punishments that will be this linking of purity and morality results in a low opinion of
directed against sinners? humankind, for Eliphaz assumes that everyone drinks ini-
(13:28-14:6) The simile (13:28-14:1) for the brevity of life fits quity like water. If he is right, Job's effort to obtain vindication
better with what follows than with what precedes it. Job does not stand a chance, w. 17—19, Eliphaz will give Job the
characterizes life as both short and miserable. Youthful vigour benefit of his own experience, coupled with ancestral tradi-
(a flower) soon fades, and disappears like a shadow. 14:4, tion. In v. 18 the Hebrew reads (nonsensically): 'which the
Eliphaz's low estimate of mortals seems to have found a wise have declared and have not concealed from their ances-
parallel in Job's ruminations about extracting something tors'. The gift of land and an absence of foreigners (v. 19)
clean from an unclean thing. The Sumerian parallel to Job, confirms the sages' wisdom and goodness, in Eliphaz's logic.
A Man and his God, states that no sinless person has been born The desire to dwell among kindred people arose from suspi-
of a woman. This expression has nothing to do with any cion of foreigners (cf. Joel4:17). FortheauthorofProvi-g.the
supposed taint involving the birth canal; instead, it merely strange, or foreign, woman represented the greatest threat
means 'everyone'. to youth, w. 20—35, Eliphaz uses a traditional topos about the
fate of sinners, including psychological anxiety. The primary
(14:7—17) Drawing on his knowledge of horticulture, Job con-
visual image is that of faded blossoms (cf. 8:12) and wilted
trasts the fate of trees and human beings. The trunk of a felled
plants, corresponding to human isolation (living in ruins). In
tree will sprout new growth if given adequate water, but
w. 31—2 a failed commercial transaction focuses the concept of
mortals die and cease forever—just as the water in a lake or
futility that underlies this entire unit.
river dries up. In Job's view, death is final. Not everyone in
ancient Israel shared his opinion, and gradually a belief in an
(16:1-17:16) Job Identifies God as his Attacker and Abandons
afterlife emerged (cf. Isa 26:19 (collective Israel), Dan 12:2,
all Hope Job accuses his friends of failing as comforters in the
and Ps 73:23-8). v. 13, Job fantasizes about a kindly deity who
same way they did not succeed as physicians. He claims that
would hide him in Sheol until his anger waned, a God who
he could do better than they, although in his present state
really longed for the work of his hands and who would not
speaking out brings no solace. He imagines that God has
monitor his actions in search of transgressions.
singled out Job as his personal target, coming against him
(14:18-22) The inevitability of death is foreshadowed by the with exceptional brutality. His archers hittheir mark, and God
effect of water on seemingly impenetrable rock. The mighty disembowels the fallen Job. At 16:15 J°b thinks of his mourn-
mountains waste away, and so do mortals. Job ascribes this ing as a permanent condition, for it seems as though he has
destructive activity to God: 'so [in like manner] you destroy the sewn sackcloth to his skin. Such material was worn during
hope of mortals' (v. 19). In Sheol the dead do not know the mourning and periods of grief associated with repentance and
events transpiring on earth; here Job reverses the customary calling upon God for deliverance. 16:17, Eliphaz's assumption
talk about remembering the dead. The isolation of the dying that everyone carries a taint (15:14) is not shared by Job, who
(v. 22) seems misplaced; perhaps Job uses this language to insists on the purity of his prayer. Not all who lifted their
emphasize the thin line between the dying and the dead. hands and voices in prayer could make such a claim, as
(15:1-35) Eliphaz Defends Conventional Wisdom Eliphaz various prophets recognized (cf. Isa 1:15). 16:18-19, according
now appears convinced that his friend is an inveterate sinner, to Gen 4:10, the blood of an innocent victim cried out to
for Job's speech confirms this conclusion. Arguing on the YHWH for revenge. Job addresses the earth and asks that it
basis of age and consensus, Eliphaz makes two points: Job leave his own blood exposed until vindication is assured. In
has sinned, and the punishment for sinners is certain, v. 2, v. 19 his imagination soars to new heights as Job envisions a
Eliphaz accuses Job of being full of hot air (which comes from heavenly vindicator—in 9:33 he had dismissed such hope as
the east), v. 4, this is the only instance in the debate of anyone wishful thinking. Beginning with 16:22, and ending in 17:16,
other than Job using this Hebrew word for meditation (sihd). Job concentrates on the grave and the present conditions
In Eliphaz's view there was no place for honest expression of that will hasten his arrival there. Surprisingly, he thinks
doubt, v. 7, Job was not the only one capable of sarcasm; in terms of years instead of days or weeks; but when referring
Eliphaz responds to his challenge that the friends consult to his broken spirit, he shortens the time span to days, as if to
earth's creatures in search of knowledge by asking if Job emphasize the grave's readiness to receive him. 17:3—4, the
were the firstborn of the human race. Rarely does the HB appeal seems to be directed to God, whom Job wants to
refer to the primal couple outside Genesis. A shift occurs in provide surety for him. Because he attributes the friends'
the early second century, for Ben Sira alludes to the story twice closed minds to divine intervention, he thinks God owes
(Sir 25:24; 49:16). v. 8, as illustrated by the Prologue, the him something. 17:10, again Job urges his friends to come
destiny of mortals was determined by a divine council. The back, although he believes that they will do him no good.
prophets Amos and Jeremiah claimed to have listened to 17:11-16, returning to the temporal language of 16:22 and
YHWH's council (Am 3:7; Jer 23:21—2; cf. also the story about 17:1, Job views his life as over. The description of Sheol as a
the prophet Micaiah ben Imlah preserved in i Kings 22:1—28). house gains force when one realizes that ossuaries were
v. 10, youth was generally understood as a period of immatur- shaped like houses. The other images are readily comprehen-
ity and rashness (cf. i Kings 12:1-6), whereas old age was sible; in death one appears to be sleeping, and the lifeless
viewed as a time of wisdom. Neither Job nor Elihu accepted body is soon inhabited by worms. Job's fertile imagination
this understanding of things, but Eliphaz and his two compa- portrays him as an intimate of the personified underworld
nions took it for granted. Under Hellenistic influence, this and its denizens, personified worms. In such circumstances,
JOB 342

he laments, hope has vanished. Hence the rhetorical things and imputed the guilt to him. The image of God
question in v. 15 with its repetition of the word 'hope'. The as a fowler hurling a net to capture prey occurs in ancient
obvious answer to the questions in v. 16 is 'no'. Hope will Near-Eastern political treaties as a deterrent against rebel-
not accompany Job into Sheol, the land from which no one lion, w. 7-12, Job's innocence contrasts with Eloah's guilt.
returns. He calls for help and God pays no attention (cf. Hab 1:2 and
Lam 3:8); instead Eloah's violent conduct towards Job esca-
(18:1-21) Bildad's Horrifying Description of the Fate of Sin-
lates. The elaborate preparations to attack his tent, more
ners The plural verbs in w. 2—3 may be an error for the second
appropriate for laying siege to a city, suggest the personal
person singular; it is much more likely that Bildad addresses
animus that Eloah has towards Job. The idea of a divine
Job rather than his two friends, v. 4, from Bildad's perspective,
enclosure in v. 8 differs greatly from Satan's understanding
Job's demands would require the suspension of the moral
of YHWH's protective fence around the prosperous Job. In
order of the universe, which guarantees that the wicked are
w. 9-10 he accuses God of stripping away his wealth and
punished. Job wishes to be an exception to this rule, Bildad
honour (the Heb. noun kabod has both senses), removing
argues, even if it means catastrophic changes on earth, w. 5-6,
his crown, and uprooting his hope. Unlike the earlier image
in the Bible light often serves as a metaphor for life, as in
of a tree-stump left in the ground and capable of regenera-
Othello's famous speech: 'Put out the light, and then put out
tion, the complete removal of the roots from the source of
the light' (cf the extended metaphors for death in Eccl 12:6—7,
nourishment rules out all hope. w. 13-22, this description
as well as the symbolic use of light in Prov 6:23—30, which
of social reversals resembles a literary topos from ancient
contrasts parental teaching with lust that burns within). w. 8-
Egypt and Mesopotamia. An individual complains that society
10, Bildad thinks that an intricate network of traps has been
has been turned upside down, with slaves riding horses and
laid out to capture the wicked who wander unsuspectingly
nobles walking. Friends have become enemies, and no one
into the snares like wild animals, v. 13, death was frequently
can be trusted. Job's servants consider him a foreigner (con-
personified in ancient Near-Eastern literature. No record of
trast 31:13-15); the irony in this conception may be lost on
Mot's firstborn has survived in Canaanite texts, but the Meso-
those who do not know that most slaves were foreigners
potamian god of plague, Namtar, seems to have been the
acquired through warfare or purchase. Job's loss of control
firstborn of Erishkigal, queen of the underworld. Bildad's
over his slaves means total humiliation within the intimacy of
meaning is unclear, but it should probably be translated
the home. Even his wife finds his breath unpleasant; the
'Death, the firstborn', v. 15, according to a practice mentioned
Hebrew can also mean: 'my spirit is alien to my wife'. The
by Homer (Odyssey, 22.480—1,492—4), sulphur was sprinkled
reference to 'children of my belly' (NRSV: 'my own family')
over a site to purge it from contamination by corpses. In the
in v. 17 presents difficulty, inasmuch as children would be
Bible salt and sulphur were spread over a location to make it
more appropriately designated as products of his wife's womb
unfit for habitation (Deut 29:23 (MT 22); cf. Judg 9:45 (salt
and, moreover, Job's children are dead, according to the
alone)). w. 16—20, a double merism occurs in v. 16 (above/
Prologue. Ancient sexist views may explain such language,
below; branches/roots). Bildad denies that the wicked enjoy
which would assume that ownership of a wife gave Job the
either of the two means of surviving death available in popular
right to claim her belly as his own (cf. the awful punishment
thought: survival in others' memory and permanence through
imagined for his wife if he were guilty of adultery, 31:10).
offspring. The author of Ecclesiastes extended the argument,
Alternatively, Job may refer to his brothers, 'my belly' imply-
making it universal with respect to memory and meaningless
ing the one from which he emerged, that is, his mother's
where descendants were concerned. The reference to inhab-
womb. The topsy-turvy world extends to Job's body; his bones
itants of west and east may be symbolic; if so, it signifies
cling to his skin and flesh, instead of the reverse (v. 20). Like
past and future generations, v. 21, this summary-appraisal
El, the friends pursue him relentlessly. The imitatio del is
expresses Bildad's certainty that the wicked will dwell in
here understood as an undesirable trait; God sets a bad ex-
darkness—precisely what Job has said characterizes his own
ample for them. The simile, 'like God ['el]', stands out in v. 22,
existence.
as does the negated verb, 'to satisfy'. Job has escaped with
(19:1-29) Job's Imagination Scales New Heights The convic- nothing ('by the skin of my teeth') and now his friends want
tion that he is being persecuted relentlessly by God leads Job more than his flesh, w. 23—7, Job gives voice to an impossible
to wish the impossible: either that a redeemer would avenge wish, that his words be inscribed as a perpetual testimony
his death on the basis of a permanent record or that he would to his innocence (cf. Isa 30:8). Precisely in what medium
actually live to behold his vindication. Here for the first time remains unclear. He may refer to three different forms of
Job concludes his speech with something other than a medi- preserving words, representing progressively more endur-
tation on death. In its place is a threat aimed athis friends, v. 3, ing media: a scroll, a lead tablet, and a stone with lead
thus far the friends have spoken only five times; the reference inlay, like the famous Behistun Rock on which the Persian
to ten times may be taken as a round number or it may king, Darius, boasts of his exploits. More probably, Job indi-
indicate Job's impression that his friends have talked exces- cates a single medium for displaying his words, a stone
sively (cf. Gen 31:7 and Num 14:22 for references to a full with lead inlay. Textual difficulties render it impossible to
quota of tests). The verb kalam (to humiliate, insult) indicates interpret w. 25-7 with any confidence, and familiarity
that Job thinks of his friends' words as insulting, w. 4-6, the with Handel's Messiah gives the impression that one already
conditional sentence does not implicate Job for sins of some understands the verses. The word go'el ('redeemer') derives
kind; he reasons that even if such were true, the consequences from family law. According to Num 35:19 and Deut 19:6
would settle on him. Instead, Job argues, Eloah has perverted this avenger of blood, the nearest male relative, would
 343 JOB
vindicate a wronged member of the family. The go'd also (21:1—34) Job's View of an Immoral Universe Job utters words
redeemed property (Ruth 4:4—6; Jer 32:6—7; cf Lev 25:25) that must surely have horrified his friends, for he denies the
that had been sold because of economic distress, recovered moral order of the universe, which they take for granted. In
stolen property (Num 5:8), bought back a family member his considered opinion, the wicked enjoy the pleasant life that
reduced to slavery (Lev 25:28), and married a childless widow Job's friends believed was reserved for good people. He real-
to perpetuate the dead husband's name. Job's use of this term izes how outrageous his remarks will sound; hence he anti-
indicates that he has given up on justice and begins to hope for cipates their mockery (v. 3). Indeed, he urges them to use a
revenge. The idea that a redeemer could call God to account gesture indicating shock; placing one's hand over one's
for his actions may derive from Mesopotamian religion, mouth could also express respectful speechlessness, but Job
where one's patron deity intercedes on behalf of a person in does not hope for this type of response from his erstwhile
distress, but Job seems to attribute more power to the figure of friends, w. 7-16, this picture of the prosperity of the wicked
the redeemer than intercession implies. Job's cry of assurance contrasts with Job's own misery and serves as self-justifica-
recalls a Ugaritic text in the Baal cycle: 'And I know that tion. The particularities of the account constitute a powerful
Aleyan Baal is alive', a confession of the god's revivification indictment of God, who fails to act even when the wicked
according to an agricultural calendar. What does Job imply? ignore him. They reach old age, their children thrive, their
Three possibilities present themselves: (i) a heavenly figure, cattle multiply, the wicked rejoice. The Babylonian Theodicy
like the witness (16:18-21), will champion Job's cause after his has the sufferer complain that he has not profited from ser-
death; (2) a heavenly figure will enable him to arise from the ving his personal god, whereas 'those who do not seek the god
dead, or as a disembodied shade Job will witness his vindica- go the way of prosperity while those who pray to the goddess
tion; and (3) w. 25-60 refer to vindication after Job's death, become destitute and impoverished', w. 17-18, the fourfold
but what he most desires (w. 26/7-27) is mat this event occur rhetorical question in the NRSV, 'How often?' is represented
prior to his demise. The threat to his existence has prompted by a single kammd with sequential verbs. Job asks his friends
speculation about heavenly intermediaries: an arbitrator to test the traditional theory that God punishes the wicked.
(9:33), a witness (16:18), and a vindicator (19:25), but none of How often have they witnessed it? w. 19-26, here Job ad-
these will accomplish what he truly desires, as expressed in dresses a possible response: that God punishes the children of
13:16. Only seeing God and surviving that experience will evildoers (cf. Jer 31:29 and Ezek 18:2). Job assumes that such
satisfy Job. From this point on (19:25), Job will not refer to scoundrels as he has been describing will lose no sleep over
heavenly mediators; instead, he will press his case for an their children's destiny, v. 22, beginning with a common
audience with God. cliche ('Will any teach God knowledge...?'), Job proceeds to
argue that God does not distinguish between good and evil
(20:1-29) Zophar's Confidence in the Moral Order This de-
people (w. 23—6). In life and in death God makes no distinc-
scription of the fate of the wicked corresponds to normal
tion, w. 27-34, J°b urges his friends to test his theory by
expectations in the psalter and in the book of Proverbs. A
consulting travellers who have observed things far and near.
similar optimism characterizes one of the oldest Egyptian
He is certain that they will confirm his conclusion that the
instructions, Ptahhotep, which observes that wickedness
wicked are spared when calamity strikes the innocent. The
never brings its goods into safe harbour. Zophar thinks of a
beginning and end of this section reveals Job's distrust of
principle established in the beginning of time, one that guar-
his friends. The semblance of dialogue has completely van-
anteed justice in the world. The wicked flourished only mo-
ished; insults have taken its place.
mentarily, whereas good people enjoyed lasting prosperity, v. 6
may contain an allusion to the story of the tower of Babel in (22:1—30) Eliphaz Accuses Job of Great Wickedness Job's ex-
Gen 11:1—9. The idea that the wicked are obliterated like a treme sufferings, coupled with his intemperate language and
dream also appears in Ps 73:20. The images that Zophar uses untraditional views, convince Eliphaz that his friend is guilty
suggest the extent to which the formerly rich have fallen: of the most heinous offences imaginable. Therefore, Eliphaz
like dung, unseen, begging from those who have nothing calls them to mind, after first insisting that God who sits above
themselves, dust. The popular idea that wickedness had a the human scene cannot be affected by either good or evil.
pleasanttaste (cf. Prov 9:17) has left an impression on Zophar, Eliphaz accuses Job of taking advantage of members of his
but he thinks God changes the food into poison. This whole family and of mistreating the naked, widows, and orphans,
section, w. 12-19, resembles futility curses. The mis- and (implicitly) of strengthening the hand of powerful op-
treatment of the poor was considered a serious offence pressors, w. 12-20, Eliphaz mocks the wicked who imagine
throughout the ancient Near East, and legislation aimed at that God cannot see through the thick clouds, a motif that is
protecting marginalized citizens is widespread. The image also found in Psalms (Ps 10:11; 73:11; cf. Isa 29:15; Jer 23:23—4;
of poison-induced vomiting and gastric illness continues in Ezek 8:12). In v. 15 the Hebrew word folam (ancient) can be
the concluding section of Zophar's speech, w. 20—9. Both pointed differently to indicate concealment, which continues
heaven and earth turn against the wicked; their legacy is fire, the thought of the previous verse. Like those who deceive
darkness, and utter deprivation. This picture contrasts themselves that God cannot see, will you also walk along
sharply with traditional understandings of the Lord or the hidden paths? In v. i8a Eliphaz concedes that God bestows
land as the heritage of the faithful. Like Am 5:19, flight good gifts on the wicked, but such an admission prompts him
from one danger leads to yet another form of death (v. 24, to reject their schemes as odious, and to cast his allegiance
where bronze bow functions as synecdoche for bow and with the righteous who laugh at the perishing wicked, w. 21—
arrow). 30, Eliphaz has not given up on his friend, whom he urges to
JOB 344
make peace with God. The Mesopotamian parallel text, I Will view, or they represent his wish that they be punished. Con-
Praise the Lord of Wisdom, recommends correct ritual and trasting images appear in v. 20, the womb symbolizing life
repentance as a means to restoration. Eliphaz's promising and the worm symbolizing death.
account of what will happen if Job repents comes close to (24:21—5) Job returns to his indictment of God for empower-
what actually occurs in the Epilogue, v. 24 is laden with word- ing the wicked to oppress the widow; he accuses God of watch-
plays: the Hebrew word for treasure resembles the word for ing over such criminals (v. 23). In Job's mind, providence has
like the stones' and that for 'dust' recalls the word for Ophir. turned lethal. Again he wishes that God would exact judge-
v. 27, neglecting to fulfil one's vows was considered a serious ment against such criminals (v. 24). Job concludes with an
offence (cf Eccl 5:4 and the Canaanite Epic of Keret). v. 30, open challenge to his friends: 'prove me wrong'.
Eliphaz cannot know the irony in this statement, for he—the
guilty one—will actually benefit from Job's intercessory (25:1-6) Bildad's Low Opinion of Humanity Several features
prayer (42:8). of chs. 25-7 indicate disarray: the brevity of Bildad's third
speech and the absence of Zophar's; the attribution of specific
(23:1-24:25) The Turmoil within Job's Soul Job may have material to Job that expresses views elsewhere rejected by him
abandoned belief in a moral order, but he cannot bring him- but articulated by the friends; and the presence of introduc-
self to give up on God completely. Somehow he still thinks tory formulas for speeches different from all previous ones
that the judge of all the earth would act fairly if only Job could ('Job again took up his discourse and said' (27:1; cf. 29:1) as
track him down. Mistakenly, Job believes God would not opposed to 'Then Job answered'). In addition, the isolated
argue on the basis of power. At this point he still thinks in nature of ch. 28 and the longer introductory formula in 29:1
terms of a lawsuit, despite his earlier insistence that God suggest either an editorial hand or an effort to set apart this
makes a mockery of justice. material for some unknown reason. It has been surmised that
(23:8—9) In Ps 139:7—12 the psalmist takes comfort in the the author never actually completed the third cycle of
knowledge that one cannot wander beyond God's watchful speeches but merely provided provisional notes for future
eye. That soothing feeling is not shared by Job, who despairs reference. Inasmuch as the narrator gives no clue that the
of finding God anywhere. He mentions all four directions; in friends have run out of anything to say, and nothing subse-
the Bible directions are indicated by picturing someone stand- quent to this section suggests a conversion on Job's part at this
ing and facing the rising sun. Forward is east, backward is stage, and arguments for an unfinished debate have little
west; to the left is north, and to the right is south. merit, the probable cause of the present disarray is textual
(23:10-17) v. 10, the understanding of suffering as a divine transposition. In all likelihood, the insertion of 26:5—14 has
test was widespread; Job briefly recalls this explanation for his brought about this dislocation, one accentuated by the addi-
misery and expresses confidence that he will emerge from the tion of ch. 28. In 25:1-4 Bildad stresses God's governance of
smelting process as pure gold. He has no idea how accurate the heavens, keeping that domain safe in the face of revolt (cf.
this assessment of things really is. Dread of God returns, i Enoch 6—ii and Dan 10; cf. also Isa 14:12—21). In Bildad's
along with a renewed wish to be hidden. Unlike the wicked, opinion, God's purity dwarfs everything, from moon and stars
he knows that one cannot hide from God. to those born of woman, here called maggots and worms.
(24:1—12) One can hardly imagine a more powerful indict- (26:1-27:23) Job's Integrity Compromised (?) The mixture of
ment of God's ways than this brief section. Job begins by untraditional views and orthodox sentiment seems to com-
asking why Shaddai does not adhere to times of judgement; promise Job despite his protests otherwise. Did his closing
he proceeds by giving specific examples of dereliction in the responses to Bildad and Zophar so anger readers that they
office of judge. In a word, the offences strike at the very replaced them with palatable views? What could he have said
foundation of society, its concern for the well-being of those that went beyond the stinging indictment of God in 24:1-12?
who were unable to fend for themselves. Crimes against Clearly, his anger has reached the boiling point here, and one
widows, orphans, and the needy do not move God to action. would expect even harsher observations to follow.
These unfortunates are forced to eke out a living and to sleep (26:1-4) As usual, Job comments on his friends' failure; the
without protection from the elements. Their clinging to a rock remarks contain bitter sarcasm and are addressed to Bildad
for shelter is Job's shattering blow against traditional belief alone. Furthermore, the syntax permits one to take the nega-
that the Lord was a protective rock. Job portrays God as totally tives as references to Bildad: 'How you have helped, without
oblivious to such misery. Job does not stop here but goes on to strength!... How you have counselled, without wisdom!' Job
describe the oppression of the poor and to finish with a even questions the divine source of such banalities, risking
rhetorical flourish (v. 12). The dying pray for help, but Eloah blasphemy.
ignores the groaning.
(26:5-14) This hymn has mythical elements (the reference to
(24:13-27) Whereas the author of Ps 104:20-3 rejoices over Abaddon, a name for the underworld probably derived from
the orderly creation in which nocturnal animals restrict their the verb '-b-d, 'to perish'; the name Zaphon, the mountain of
movements to the dark hours, Job describes human villains Baal in the north similar to Mt. Olympus in Greek mythology;
who use the darkness of night to conceal their criminal acts the chaos-monster, here identified as Sea and Rahab—cf. Isa
from others. The futility of such clandestine behaviour is 27:1 for a reference to the fleeing serpent, Leviathan). A naked
proclaimed in Prov 7:6—23. Sheol stands exposed before God, who proceeds to cover it
(24:18—20) The sentiments expressed here do not accord with the cosmic mountain and the earth. One expects it to be
with Job's attitude and must be a caricature of his friends' 'the heavens' that God stretches out (cf. 9:8; Ps 104:2; Isa
 345 JOB
40:22). The language in v. 7 echoes the myth of creation in partly because of ignorance about ancient mining techniques
Gen 1:2 (tohu, 'formless'; beli-md, for nothing; bohu, 'waste', and partly because of obscure language. Its central point can
'void'). The waters are envisioned as waterskins (v. 8), and the be captured in the expression, 'far from'. Whatever activity is
word for moon actually is pointed as 'throne', v. 14, an appro- described takes place in virtual isolation.
priate reminder that one can only comprehend a tiny portion The phrase in v. 8, 'children of pride', used in 41:26 in
of God's majesty concludes this hymn. Those who proclaim association with Leviathan, stands as a parallel to sahal, which
the remarkable story of a cosmogonic battle and an ordering occurs elsewhere in 4:10 in parallelism with 'aryeh (lion). Its
of the universe have succeeded in describing the 'outskirts' of meaning in 4:10 is indisputable, for it represents one of five
his way and have heard only a 'whisper'. different words for lion. The reference in v. n to probing the
(27:1-6) The new introductory formula in v. i uses the noun sources of the rivers echoes Canaanite myth, which locates
mesdld, usually translated 'proverb', 'likeness', 'analogy', and the abode of the god El 'at the sources of the two rivers, in the
occasionally 'parable'. Job swears by God, whom he has re- midst of the channels of the two seas'. Several phrases in this
jected, that he will not give up his integrity. The oath in the section suggest cosmic activity rivalling the achievements of
name of the deity who has demonstrated total disregard for deity: overturning mountains by their roots (9:5; cf. Hab 3:6),
justice, in Job's view, corresponds to Job's relentless seeking to opening channels in rocks (Hab 3:9; Ps 74:15), and exposing
face God in a trial, although convinced that the divine Judge hidden things to light (12:12; Dan 2:22).
twists the truth. Such inconsistency grows out of the enormity (28:12-19) v- I2 continues the thought of v. i by providing its
of Job's suffering and his reluctance to abandon the sole contrast; it does this by means of a sophisticated wordplay
possibility for vindication. Job therefore appears as a much between 'mine' (mdsd') and 'find' (mdsd'), while repeating the
more complex character than his friends. Contradictions are word 'place' (mdqdm). The Hebrew word for wisdom, hokmd,
part and parcel of daily existence. Thus Job thinks that God is a supernym indicating a quality of knowledge for which as
afflicts him on every side and pursues him relentlessly, but many as nine nouns stand in parallel cola (bind as here seems
Job also claims that he can find God nowhere. to be the preferred parallel). 'Wisdom' is the general term;
(27:7—12) If spoken by Job, this section begins with irony and bind is the more specific one for intellectual discernment.
ends in insult (his friends blow wind; the noun hebel in v. 12, as Nothing in w. 12-28 resembles the personification of hokmd
well as the verb from the same root, h-b-l, means 'breath', as depicted in Prov 8:22-31 and Sir 24:1-22, among other
hence lit. 'breathes a breath,' blows wind). Between these texts. Four different words for 'gold' and seven different
sharp barbs rest rhetorical questions that emphasize God's gems give this text a distinctive character, 'suggesting a con-
arbitrary power and complete indifference to sinners by God noisseur's familiarity with rarities among rarities' (Newsom
and to God by them. There, too, is a promise to instruct the 1996: 531). The negative particle Id' introduces w. 15-17,19; in
friends more fully about God's actions. v. 18 it appears as the third word. The four different words for
purchasing ('weighed out', 'given', 'be paid for', and 'valued')
(27:13-23) The opening verse, which repeats Zophar's con- in w. 15-17 contrast with the understatement, 'no mention', in
clusion in 20:29, signals the imitative quality of this unit. Job v. 18. The exceptional value placed on wisdom elevates it just
appears to say that he can make Zophar's speech more effect- as effectively as the author of Prov 8:22—31 does in quite a
ively than the Naamathite can. In the light of the reference to different way, by imagining her as pre-existent artisan or
the death of children by a sword and the allusion to a whirl- witness to the act of creation.
wind (w. 14, 20), this speech makes more sense when attrib-
uted to Zophar. v. 16, the parallelism of silver and clothing is (28:20-7) The opening verse repeats the question in v. 12,
striking, as one expects the pair 'silver' and 'gold', v. 19, the with one change (the verb 'come' replaces 'be found'). The
fleeting nature of wealth was a common topos in the ancient personification of Abaddon and Death in v. 22 provides
world; according to the Instruction of Amen-em-ope, it takes smooth transition to the emphatic 'God' in v. 23 ('He' is also
wings like geese and flies away (cf Prov 23:4—5); Hag 1:6 in the emphatic position). According to Isa 43:13, YHWH laid
mentions wages placed in a bag with holes, w. 20-3, the claim to the ancient epithet, hff ('He', 'That One'). The per-
recurring theme of a wind recalls the sharp attack on the sonal pronoun in v. 23 may echo this tradition rooted in stories
friends for producing empty wind (v. 12, hebd and the verb about divine self-manifestations that evoked an ecstatic shout,
hdbal, 'to become futile, ephemeral'). 'O He'. The emphasis shifts from spatial language (v. 24) to
temporal expressions in w. 25-7 ('when'... 'when'... 'then'),
(28:1—28) Where Can Wisdom be Found? This exquisite resembling ancient Near-Eastern stories about creation (cf.
poem functions as an intermezzo, an interlude that enables also Prov 8:24—300). The poem claims that Elohim recognized
readers to pause long enough to weigh the arguments on both wisdom during an act of creativity. Educational terms describe
sides of the debate and to prepare for what follows. The poem the deity's intellectual pursuit of wisdom: 'Then he saw it and
consists of two parts, w. i—n and 12—27, with a concluding declared it, he established it, and searched it out.' Observation led
statement in v. 28. This chapter resembles the divine speech to articulation of the facts as perceived; the positing of a theory
in ch. 38, particularly the cataloguing of facts lying beyond followed, with further probing of its accuracy or inaccuracy
human ken and the use of rhetorical questions (Geller 1987). (cf. Eccl 7:23-5; Sir 6:27). The conclusion of this majestic
(28:1-11) The author of this section marvels at human poem is something of a let-down. One expects a profound
achievement in searching for (prospecting) and extracting statement; instead, a cliche brings readers back to earth. Wis-
(mining) precious metals from remote depths. The exact dom is encountered in the mundane choices one makes,
meaning of v. 4 is more hidden than the gems being sought, specifically in religious devotion. (Using this criterion for
JOB 346

wisdom, Job already possessed it and more, according to 1:1 contrasting particle, 'but now', and the fourth with 'surely'.
and repeated citations of this fourfold description of his char- He demonstrates his remarkable skill at insulting others
acter.) Interpreters have expressed disdain for this formula- (youth insult me, whose fathers are not even good enough to
tion of things subsequent to the debate in chs. 3-27, which accompany my dogs; cowering in wadis, they bray like cattle).
surely undercuts such simple answers to complex issues, and Such contempt for the poor contrasts with the attitude ex-
have insisted that any resolution at this juncture is premature. pressed in 29:12—17 and 31:16—23, although Job's description
The unique appearance of the name Adonai in this verse is of their feeble attempts to survive in harsh economic condi-
noteworthy; in Jewish tradition this name was pronounced tions shows that he has internalized their needs. Job acknow-
instead of the sacred name, the Tetragrammaton YHWH. ledges the principle that religious people tend to identify those
This special name for God was left unuttered out of profound whom God has ostracized and to count them as their enemies
respect. too (v. n). In w. 16-19 J°b returns to his earlier suspicion that
(29:1—31:40) Job Challenges God In ch. 29 Job remembers an God personally attacks him. This unpleasant thought gives
idyllic past, contrasts it with his miserable present in ch. 30, way to direct address of God for the first time since ch. 16. He
and pronounces an oath of innocence in ch. 31. Much of the imagines that God ignores his cries for help and tosses him
material in this section comes from stock expressions in the about on the wind (w. 20-3). Job concludes this section with
ancient world, which explains its apparent lack of fit with Job's observations about his psychic distress. Together, chs. 29 and
circumstances in some instances. Reaching historical conclu- 30 effectively describe Job at the pinnacle of success and the
sions about Job's precise role in the community on the basis of nadir of his isolation from society. At one time the aged and
this material misconstrues its typical nature. Exaggeration nobles stood in awe of him; now children of a no-name mock
belongs to autobiography; so do self-exoneration and consid- him (cf. 30:8, 'senseless', lit. children of a fool, 'disreputable',
erable fabrication. Accordingly, Job understands himself in lit. children of a no-name). In previous days he presided over
royal categories. the judicial assembly; now he calls jackals and ostriches his
companions. Such ostracism is aptly symbolized in the words
(29:1-25) Job begins his nostalgic reminiscence on a level of that conclude the chapter, 'a sound of weeping'.
intimacy, then moves outwards from this family scene to his
role in society and its rewards. When contemplating his activ- (31:1—40) Job's final speech in the debate takes the form of a
ity as champion of the downtrodden, Job returns once more to negative confession reinforced by an oath. Similar oaths of
his most intimate thoughts (w. 18-20). The reference to innocence are known from ancient Mesopotamian and Egyp-
autumn days in v. 4 (tr. as 'my prime' in NRSV) strikes tian liturgical texts. Although the context of Job's oaths is a
Western readers as peculiar, but in the Near East the autum- lawsuit, the offences listed are not subject to legal remedy. Job
nal New Year signalled a time of regeneration after the uses two kinds of oath, the complete oath with the conse-
drought of summer. The picture of divine care while Job and quences specified, and an abbreviated oath that stops short
his entire family sat under his tent contrasts with the follow- of mentioning any punishment. Interpreters differ in estimat-
ing image of an urban dweller (v. 7). The desert sheik was ing the exact number of oaths and, in a few instances, their
content with cream and oil; the city-dweller takes the leading specific nature. The latter point applies to the opening refer-
role in judicial disputes at the gate. Job recalls that he silenced ence to looking on a virgin. On the basis of Canaanite myth-
everyone (young and old, prince and nobles) because he em- ology of the perpetual virgin goddess Anat, some scholars
bodied the values of the group as expressed in looking out for think Job denies having participated in idolatrous worship.
the interests of the weak. He overlooks none of them, for the To them, this offence seems more appropriate at the head of a
list of persons receiving his help includes the usual cate- list of wrongs, especially since lust and adultery are treated
gories—widows, orphans, poor, stranger—as well as the blind later (w. 9-12). The offence, lust (whatever its object, whether
and lame. According to royal ideology, kings were charged a foreign goddess or an ordinary virgin), marks this code of
with ensuring the well-being of these lowly members of so- ethics as special, going as it does beyond the actual act to the
ciety, and failure to abide by this rule was viewed as grounds prior intent as in Jesus' later formulation of the issue. The
for abdication of the throne in the Canaanite story of Aqhat. second and third oaths concern ethics generally—deceit and
w. 18—20, the Hebrew of v. 18 reads 'sand', which makes sense greed—while the fourth returns to sexual ethics (adultery).
in context and is not excluded by the earlier 'nest'. The mix- The oath in v. 7 refers to hands, feet, heart, and eyes, indicat-
ture of metaphors in this brief reflection argues against read- ing that Job's total being is devoid of fault (Habel 1985: 433).
ing 'phoenix', for Job thinks of a bird, sand, roots, dew, and a The first stated punishment in v. 8 resembles a futility curse
warrior's bow. These images may be placed alongside the ('let me sow and another eat'); unlike the next one (v. 10), it
more familiar prophetic scene of sitting peacefully under does not conceive of the punishment as an appropriate 'fit' to
one's vine and fig tree. With the exception of the initial meta- the crime. The prescribed punishment for adultery would fall
phor (dying in one's nest), all Job's images symbolize vitality; on Job's wife (others would turn her into a prostitute), but
the final one, a fresh warrior's bow, has sexual overtones in the that harsh treatment accorded with the ancient understand-
tale of Aqhat, where the goddess Anat covets the prince's bow ing of a wife as the husband's property. The anomaly is that
and offers her love in exchange for it. w. 21-5, unlike Job's sexual ethics could simultaneously generate the exalted view
miserable comforters, he insists that he actually brought in v. i and the reprehensible attitude of v. 10. The language
comfort to the needy. describing adultery and its punishment is rich in double
(30:1—31) Job's description of his present circumstances entendre, with 'door' representing the entrance to the womb
comprises four sections, the first three beginning with a and the paired verbs 'grind' and 'kneel', signifying the sex act.
 347 JOB

Thenextfour oaths consider thematterof social ethics (w. 13-15, book, and his disappearance without a trace after 37:24. He
slaves; w. 16—18, the poor; w. 19—20, the needy again; w. 21—3, alone addresses Job by name, and he quotes liberally from the
the orphan again). Job acknowledges that social distinc- book, even anticipating the divine speeches. He prefers the
tions between masters and slaves are human contrivances, for divine name El, the short form of the personal pronoun T'
God created both (cf Prov 22:2 and 29:13 for the same attitude ('am), and the word for knowledge (dla') missing elsewhere
with reference to rich and poor). In v. 22 the full form of the in the book. His vocabulary has more Aramaisms than used
oath occurs for the third time; in this instance the punishment by other characters, and he seems determined to tie up loose
fits the crime; aggression leads to further aggression, the ends in the arguments against Job. Interpreters generally
abusive fist to a broken and useless arm. The three oaths in view Elihu as an intruder, an attempt by a later Jewish author
w. 24—8 deal with various forms of idolatry (gold, wealth in to provide a more orthodox answer to the issues being ad-
general, worship of heavenly bodies) but lack a specific pun- dressed in the book. Elihu's youth may signal the lateness of
ishment. The gesture mentioned in v. 27, the mouth kissing this section (Zuckermann 1991: 148, 153). The similarities
the hand, may allude to a Babylonian expression for a gesture between Elihu's ideas and certain Hellenistic texts has also
of obeisance in which the hand touches the nose. The modern confirmed the lateness of these chapters for some critics
'blown kiss' involves a somewhat similar gesture. Two oaths (Wahl 1993:182—87). Others insist that both style and content
in w. 31-3 concern the obligation of providing hospitality to argue for the integrity of the unit and view its anomalous
strangers on a journey (cf. the stories about Abraham's hospi- features as artistic skill. While some interpreters consider
tality to the divine messengers in Gen 18:1—15 an(^ its sequel Elihu a buffoon, a self-destructing upstart, others see him as
about Lot in a similar role in 19:1—11, as well as the scandal a bearer of remarkable insight into the nature of suffering and
involving the Benjaminites living in the town of Gibeah as divine majesty.
told in Judg 19). The language ofv. 31 suggests homosexuality;
(32:1—5) The narrator provides a glimpse into the minds of the
Job denies that anyone in his tent ever abused strangers in
three friends who have given up on Job, convinced that he was
such a manner. At this point Job utters an aside (w. 35—7) in
deluding himself (cf. Prov 12:15; 26:5,12,16; 38:11; 30:12). The
which he expresses a wish to be heard and openly challenges
phrase, 'innocent in his own eyes', means that in a legal sense
Shaddai. He juxtaposes the thought of his own mark over
Job saw himself as not guilty; from the friends' perspective,
against a non-existent indictment written by his adversary.
that assessment of things had no firm basis in fact. The
The word for 'mark' is the last letter of the Hebrew alphabet,
narrator characterizes Elihu as angry, repeating the idea four
a taw resembling an x. In Ezek 9:4, 6, it signified persons to be
times in as many verses (w. 2—5). An ideal among the sages
spared God's judgement. Job imagines that he would wear the
was the control of the passions (lust, greed, anger, appetite),
indictment for all to see (cf. Hab 2:2 for a prophetic message
but the young Elihu remains very much in their grip. His
being publicly displayed). The image of a prince with an
anger flared at Job and his three friends—at Job because he
indictment for a crown corresponds to Job's ambiguous situa-
justified himself and at the friends for their inability to answer
tion itself. The final oath (w. 38-40) touches on his relation-
him successfully. The narrator explains Elihu's belated re-
ship with the land. The ancients viewed society and land
marks as required by ancient protocol: youth must wait for
reciprocally; crimes against one another affected the land
age to speak first. Would ancient readers have expected much
adversely. Furthermore, respect for the land required
from an angry young man? In v. 3 the Masoretes, guardians of
proper treatment, including a practice of periodic release
the ancient manuscript tradition, inserted a rare change in the
from cultivation. Job's oath seems to echo the story about
text; the original read 'declared God to be wrong'. Elihu's
unavenged blood crying out to God. The full form of the
perception of their responses does not instil confidence in
oath once again envisions an appropriate punishment,
his reading of things.
an unproductive field. The narrator enters for a brief moment
to observe that Job's words have come to an end (cf. Ps 72:20); (32:6—14) Not content with the introduction accorded him by
the verb tammu echoes the adjective describing his integrity, the narrator, Elihu provides further justification for his re-
tarn. marks. He does so by juxtaposing two fundamental prin-
ciples, the first, that age deserves precedence, and the second,
Elihu Attempts to Answer Job (32:1-37:24) that every person has direct access to the divine spirit. For
A youthful figure, previously unmentioned, comes forward him, the second principle took precedence over the first. He
and angrily rebukes all four of those engaged in debate. This dutifully awaited his turn to speak but became convinced that
individual is called Elihu, which means 'He is my God' (cf. Isa age does not necessarily imply wisdom. Elihu's ambiguous
41:4, T am He'); he alone is given an impressive Jewish remark about the breath of the Almighty seems to suggest
pedigree (cf. Gen 22:21, there Buz is identified as a son of special inspiration (v. 8, 'bestows understanding on them').
Nahor, Abraham's brother). The name of Elihu's father, Bar- Similar ambiguity surrounds this concept elsewhere in the
achel, means 'El has blessed', a significant appellation in the Bible (cf. Gen 2:7 where the breath of YHWH animates
light of the dispute within the prologue over whether or not humankind and Isa 11:2, where it suggests special knowledge
Job would barak God. Elihu's long address, uninterrupted by on the part of a chosen ruler). The author of Ps 119:99—100
responses from anyone, is divided into four parts by prose expresses the rare notion that meditation on the Torah and
introductions at 32:1-6; 34:1; 35:1; and 36:1. The speeches obedience to it endows youth with more wisdom than their
appear intrusive for several reasons: Elihu's sudden appear- teachers and elders possess. In v. 13 Elihu hints that he already
ance without previous mention, his Jewish ancestry, his dis- knows the development of the plot, for he attributes to the
tinctive style and language, his familiarity with the rest of the friends the idea that God will refute Job. Elihu's protestations
JOB 348

to originality do not dissuade interpreters from viewing his in turn prompts the sinner to confess and receive God's
contribution to the argument as minimal. forgiveness. To conclude this remarkable account of a
(32:15—22) The final section of Elihu's self-introduction uses compassionate God who warns sinners and responds favour-
the image of a wineskin about to burst from the pressure of ably to mediators, Elihu praises the divine generosity, insist-
fermentation. The sages were aware of a sense of urgency in ing that God acts this way repeatedly so that mortals may
speaking; they even made clever jokes about the desire to experience light rather than the darkness of Sheol.
spread gossip, insisting that the words would not explode (33:31—3) Again Elihu resorts to a teacher's appeal for an
within one's belly (Sir 19:10). Prophetic literature also recog- attentive audience; while inviting Job to respond, he states
nizes the necessity to express oneself (Jer 20:9). Elihu's lan- that his sole intention is to justify Job. In v. 33 Elihu promises
guage provides a pun on the narrator's description of him as to convey wisdom to Job (his choice of the verb 'alap provides a
angry ('ap 'ant, 'a\sol'/wayyihar'ap, hard 'ap, 32:10,17, 2,3, 5). pun on the earlier expression, 'one of a thousand' ('ehdd
A twofold irony underlies w. 21—2, for Elihu will certainly minni-'akp).
show partiality to God and, from the perspective of the plot (34:1-37) In some ways this chapter resembles the rhetorical
and its development, will cease to exist. conceit of the later Wisdom of Solomon, which also addresses
(33:1-13) Elihu offers further rationale for daring to speak, an imaginary audience and offers philosophical reflection on
addressing Job by name and citing him almost verbatim. By God's just governance of the universe. In Elihu's case, only
means of a teacher's summons to attention (v. i), Elihu shifts four persons are present, and he does not consider any of them
the focus from himself to Job momentarily, but quickly reverts wise. After a brief rhetorical appeal to the audience (w. 2-9),
to the earlier concentration on his own unique qualifications Elihu proceeds to defend God's justice on two counts, God's
to refute Job and his friends. No chasm exists between Elihu's absolute sovereignty and respect for justice (w. 10—20).
mind and words, for he is both upright and pure (v. 3, ydsdr Then Elihu shows how God effectively punishes the wicked
suggests moral integrity; barur connotes the lack of any blem- (w. 21-30), which makes Job's claim of innocence appear
ish). In v. 4 Elihu uses the ideas of God's spirit and Shaddai's ridiculous (w. 31—3), as intelligent people will undoubtedly
breath in a general sense; as such, they do not reinforce his recognize (w. 34—7). Elihu does not shrink from allowing his
unique claim. They do, however, function to assure Job thathe imaginary audience to join him in addressing Job by name.
faces an ordinary mortal in debate. Elihu's citation of Job's (34:1-9) Elihu quotes a popular proverb (v. 3) reflecting his
fourfold affirmation of innocence and fourfold charge against oral culture; the ear, not the eye, tests words. Ancient sages
God (w. 9—11) is inexact but reliably summarizes what Job has recognized the need to evaluate what was spoken in the same
said at some point (9:20—1; 27:4—6; 30:1—40; 33:24/7—270). To way one's palate discriminated between desirable and unde-
refute Job on all counts, Elihu voices a principle that will sirable food. Three of the six occurrences of the noun mispat
undergird everything he says: God is greater than any mortal (just, right) in the larger section (w. 12, 17, 23), mark the
(v. 12). Why then, Elihu asks, do you contend (ribdta) with significance of w. 4—6. Over against Job's charge that God
God? Mere mortals, he thinks, cannot enter into a lawsuit with has taken away his right, Elihu places the desired collective
Eloah. conclusion of his audience. They, not Job, have the responsi-
(33:14-30) An indusio connects v. 14 with v. 29 (one, two/ bility of choosing mispat, here used in poetic parallelism with
twice, three times); between these numerical expressions tdb ('good'). In w. 7—9 Elihu accuses Job of standing out above
Elihu's argument becomes expansive. He claims that God all others, but not in goodness (contrast 1:3). He drinks mock-
communicates by different means, sometimes through noc- ery like water (habitually), associates with sinners, and blas-
turnal visions and at other times through suffering. Both phemes, i.e. he denies the fundamental principle that the
types of communication come as warnings to stem the natural universe is moral. In Elihu's opinion, whoever delights in
emergence of pride. As a paragon of virtue, Job was particu- God receives an appropriate reward; Job's experience taught
larly subject to this form of sin, for morally good people tend him otherwise.
to recognize their superiority over the masses. Elihu admits (34:10-15) Elihu appeals to intelligent listeners, reminding
that the recipients of divine warnings by night seldom per- them of God's sovereignty. Such a one has no reason to pervert
ceive them for what they are (contrast Eliphaz's astute grasp justice, he argues; the unspoken contrast is the human judge
of his divine visitor's message in 4:12—21). The stated purpose whose greed renders him subject to a bribe and whose vulner-
of these warnings is to prevent an early departure into the ability before the powerful leaves him open to showing parti-
realm of the dead. Does Elihu envision death as crossing a ality, w. 14-15 allude to the ancient story of creation (Gen 2:7;
river like the Greek notion of crossing the river Styx? The 3:19).
second type of warning results in emaciated bodies that
elicit compassion from a mediating angel (melis). The term (34:16—20) Appealing to his listeners again, this time in the
denotes an interpreter (cf Gen 42:23) and a mediator (Job singular to designate them individually, Elihu points out that
16:19 (MT 20)). In later Jewish literature the heavenly media- God, who loves justice, chose to govern. It follows that God
tor becomes an intercessor for devout persons (i Enoch 9:3, cannot pervert justice; the same person cannot be both saddiq
15:2 and the T. 12 Pair.). The idiom 'one of a thousand' indi- and reset" (wicked). Does Elihu's understanding of God leave
cates rarity. The mediator does not offer any information room for the traditional belief that the poor occupied a special
about the nature of the 'ransom' that covers the sins of the place in God's affection?
person being spared the Pit. In Elihu's extraordinary scenario, (34:21—30) God's overthrow of the wicked is made possible by
the intercessor declares the guilty person innocent, and this keen sight, according to Elihu, for God sees everything they
 349 JOB

do. Despite Job's claims to the contrary, God punishes the its potency by Elihu's clever artifice. It has become obvious to
wicked and pays heed to the cries of the oppressed. Having Elihu that Job's talk lacks substance inasmuch as it consists of
accepted as a reality the orthodox belief about God's just many words devoid of knowledge. Here Elihu anticipates
governance of the world, Elihu concludes that divine silence YHWH's rebuke of Job in 38:2, which uses the same words.
does not make the deity culpable. Has the later author of Elihu's speeches found a way to
(34:31^7) The meaning of this brief section is obscure. Does authenticate his own views?
Elihu advise Job to repent in w. 31—2, or does he contrast Job's (36:1—37:24) Elihu's View of God The conclusion to Elihu's
obdurate conduct with one who repents when confronted speeches slowly moves away from Job's flaws to concentrate
with guilt? In v. 33 the verb reject (ma'as) lacks an object; a more fully on God's character and majesty. Accordingly, cit-
similar phenomenon occurs in Job's actual response to God's ations of Job's troubling view recede into the background as
second speech from the whirlwind (42:6). Elihu cannot know Elihu reinforces his own authority to speak correctly about
the conditions governing the Adversary's test of Job—unless God (36:1—4). Returning to earlier themes, Elihu emphasizes
he really is a later intruder—and his wish that Job be tested to God's power, justice, and salvific activity (36:5-15), but in the
the limit violates the stipulation that his life be spared. The process Elihu interprets the mystery of disciplinary suffering
accusation that Job speaks without knowledge anticipates as an occasion to warn Job (36:16—21). Beginning at 36:22, a
YHWH's words in 38:2. Here the Lord appears to corroborate decisive shift in the tenor of the speeches takes place, one that
Elihu's harsh assessment of Job. anticipates the divine disclosure in ch. 38. The similarities
(35:1-16) This entire chapter is structured around two of Job's between the two discourses suggest that Elihu intentionally
objections: that in his case it has not paid to serve God and that steals a major share of divine thunder. The speech opens with
God pays no attention to his cry for justice (w. 3, 14—15). an expansive introduction (36:22—33) divided into three dis-
(35:1—8) In the previous chapter Elihu invited rational people tinct sections by the exclamation 'see' (hen) in w. 22, 26, and
to judge for themselves; now he asks the embittered Job to 30. The topics of this unit (divine majesty, God's control over
reconsider his complaints against God. At issue is the justice rain and lightning) mark a transition (37:1—5) to the theme of a
of God as manifested to Job. Elihu thinks any sensible person thunderstorm (37:6—13). Elihu asks several rhetorical ques-
will conclude that God is just; Job, therefore, has lost his tions like those soon to be ascribed to YHWH (37:14-20)
capacity to reason when he says, T am more just (innocent) and ends with a flourish (36:1-4). Elihu's final self-presenta-
than God' (my tr.). Job's verdict is based on the failure of God tion indicates that he understands exactly what the issue is
to deliver appropriate rewards for faithful service. Job reckons from Job's perspective: divine justice or, more correctly, its
that he has been treated by God like one who has not rendered absence. Elihu differs, however, on whether or not it exists. He
loyal obedience. In short, religion does not pay. Elihu answers intends to bring his knowledge to bear on this matter, hoping
this charge by emphasizing the divine self-sufficiency, an thereby to refute Job's denial of God's justice. For Elihu, God is
approach that Job's friends have already taken. In Elihu's innocent and Job is guilty. Moreover, Elihu boasts, my know-
view, neither virtue nor vice affects God whatever, for God ledge is both accurate and sound (tamim).
dwells in the remote heavens. Human deeds, both good and (36:5—15) The twofold use of the adjective 'mighty' (kabbtr),
bad, relate solely to other mortals (v. 8). This answer does not together with another word for strength (koah), in v. 5 demon-
really address Job's complaint, for even a self-sufficient deity strates Elihu's theological starting-point. God is great! When
can reward goodness and punish evil for purely altruistic sovereignty and intelligence join hands, as here, one has truly
reasons. happened upon the best of all possible worlds. Elihu offers a
(35:9-16) How does Elihu's response to Job's other complaint subtle hint of another dimension, compassion, for he claims
fare? In this instance Elihu holds the citation from Job's that God does not reject (ma'as...). This verb has no object
speeches in abeyance until he has dealt generally with the and therefore it must be supplied by readers. Presumably,
problem it raises. Oppression among mortals compels the Elihu means that God has no predisposition to despise any-
less fortunate to raise a cry to the heavens, but they do not one, and by implication God's treatment of individuals is fully
cry out in prayer. That seems to be the meaning of w. 10-12. determined by human conduct. Pressing the point further by
Instead of searching for their Maker and expressing gratitude means of a proverbial saying (v. 6), Elihu affirms both sides of
for the gift of songs during the night (the Heb. word zcmirot the principle of reward and retribution. God destroys the
can mean either 'strength' or 'songs') and acknowledging that wicked and exacts justice for the afflicted. Among the sages
the divine teacher instructs by means of animals and birds, the usual pair of contrasting groups was righteous/wicked,
they swell with pride. Here Elihu mocks Job's earlier observa- but here rasa' is matched with faniyytm (wicked/afflicted) as
tion that God teaches through animals and birds; in addition, frequently in psalms of lament. The following verse brings the
Elihu implies that Job, like the unnamed evildoers, has sur- vocabulary more into line with customary sapiential speech,
rendered to the powerful temptation of pride. The antecedent for it refers to these afflicted ones as righteous (saddiq). The
of the phrase, 'because of pride', is unclear; it can be either the origin of the notion that the saddiq and the poor were identical
verb 'cry out' or 'does not answer'. If the former, it explains is difficult to trace, but it surfaced as early as the eighth
their reluctance to pray; if the latter, it states the reason for century (cf Am 2:6), becoming normal in later psalms, and
God's disregard. Now Elihu has prepared the way for yet evolving into a theological axiom in some post-biblical litera-
another onslaught against Job's character. Thus he cites Job ture. Indeed, the name of the earliest Christian movement,
again, this time indirectly and in general (w. 14—15). Job's firm Ebionites (the poor), reflects this understanding of the lowly
conviction that God ignores his just cause has been robbed of as God's special people. Elihu relates divine power to human
JOB 35°
decisions; the arrogant wicked are overthrown by it, and the but at least Elihu's understanding of divine activity has a
lowly afflicted are exalted. Against Job's claim that God looks moral dimension. That cannot be said for YHWH's speeches
away from the needy, Elihu boldly asserts the opposite (v. 7). about the interrelationship between Creator and creature. The
Moreover, he interprets affliction as God's discipline aimed at second rhetorical question also resembles a text from the book
restoring individuals. Their fate, he insists, lies in their own of Isaiah (40:12—14), which asks who has instructed the ma-
hands; if they heed divine instruction, they will be lifted up, jestic Creator or taught him the path of justice. The implied
but if they refuse to listen, they will perish. Here Elihu resorts answer to these rhetorical questions is 'no one'. Elihu's third
to a play on words between the verbs for serving God and question, like his second, underscores the absurdity—from
being destroyed ('dbad/'dbar). Elihu's virtual fixation with his perspective—of Job's onslaught against the sovereign
right thinking leads him to add 'without knowledge' (cf teacher. For him 'might' comes mightily close to representing
35:16, the same words YHWH will use with reference to Job 'right'.
in 38:2). In w. 13-14 Elihu describes the punishment of people (36:24—37:5) The proper response to God's grandeur, Elihu
like Job who become angry because of divine affliction rather urges Job, is hymnic praise. To reinforce his point, Elihu extols
than imploring God's mercy. Such stubborn sinners die while the awesome power unleashed in thunder and lightning,
young, ending up in the company of reprobates. The Hebrew with their accompanying rains that produce abundant
word for male prostitutes associated with the temple occurs in food for all living creatures. Not every image in this description
v. 14. Despite biblical references to this practice in ancient of heavenly fireworks is intelligible; for example, 'cd in v. 27
Israel, its scope and nature remain obscure. Apparently, both actually refers to a primordial underground stream, at least
men and women served as sacred prostitutes (qedesim), their in ancient mythology (cf. Gen 2:5—6), and the phrase 'covers the
earnings going into the temple treasury despite intense oppos- roots of the sea' in v. 30 seems strange. Perhaps it suggests that
ition in Deuteronomistic circles (Deut 23:17-18 (MT18-19); 2 bright flashes of light expose the roots. On the basis of similar-
Kings 23:7). In v. 15 Elihu sums up his teaching about the ities between this text and Ps 29, some interpreters emend the
positive use of discipline; by means of affliction, God opens verb 'cover' to a noun with a possessive pronoun ('his throne';
the ear of the afflicted. An Egyptian proverb states that the cf. Ps 29:10, 'The LORD sits enthroned over the flood; the LORD
teacher opened a student's ear by striking him on the back. It sits enthroned as king for ever'). The last verse of ch. 36 pre-
should be remembered that ancient educators made liberal sents greater difficulty; Gordis (1978: 424) revocalizes it to
use of corporal punishment. Curiously, Elihu uses the noun read: 'His thunderclap proclaims His presence; His mighty
'ani rather than musar, so prominent in Proverbs and Sirach; wrath, the storm'. In 37:1—5 the point of view shifts from God's
the verb 'and carries a harsher connotation than ydsar. electrifying display to the human response. The same shift
(36:16-21) Elihu begins this unit by harking back to God's takes place in Ps 29:9 ('all say, "Glory!"'). In v. 2 Elihu uses
initial kindness to Job; the three images picture a person at repetition to effect a breathtaking pause in the action ('Listen,
one with the world (wooed from distress, a wide space, a table listen') as he invites others to share his excitement. The point of
filled with rich staple foods). Two of these words recur in view in w. 2-5 begins and ends on the human level but soars to
w. 18-19 (s"*and 5»r» woe and distress). In other words, God the heavens in the interval. Elihu stands in awe of divine power,
has overcome Job's restrictive limitations and replaced them but he is not alone in failing to comprehend God's nipla'Stand
with wide streets and plenty of'fat', a delicacy in the ancient gedolot ('wondrous' and 'great' deeds).
world. God's generosity contrasts with Job's niggardliness, his (37:6—13) Turning to a less noisy but nevertheless spectacular
anger. Elihu seems to warn Job against being enticed by his display of a different kind, Elihu points to the formation of ice
distress to pointless fury and mocking. His near obsession and snow, inclement conditions that force animals to seek
with justice (din) will backfire, in Elihu's view. Ultimately, din shelter. The image of thick clouds and lightning prompts him
and mispdt will overwhelm him. By this he probably means to discern a moral in all this movement. In his view, such
'divine judgement'. The allusion to a great ransom (v. 18) phenomena convey divine intention, but one may choose
echoes the remark by the mediating angel in 33:24, T have among three possibilities: for correction, for his land, or for
found a ransom'. love. Although Andersen (1976: 266) emends land (eres) to
(36:22—37:24) The final section of Elihu's speech begins with acceptance (rasa), the broad focus in this section on people
a declaration of God's might and poses three rhetorical ques- and animals speaks against emending the text. Elihu views
tions for Job's consideration (w. 22-3). Each of the questions such grandeur as aimed at disciplining wayward humans,
functions to negate the answers: no one compares with God as nurturing all God's creatures, and as a general display of
teacher, or tells God what to do, or can accuse God of wrong. love. Here, too, Elihu's understanding of divine power is
The idea of God as teacher (cf. 33:14—22; 34:32; 35:11) reached more comforting than YHWH's own interpretation of the
beyond the sages such as Elihu to prophetic figures as well. In same phenomena. Strikingly, Elihu makes minimal use of
Isa 30:20-1 the themes of YHWH as afflicter and teacher mythical images in this description. By way of contrast,
come together in the same way they do in Elihu's discourse. YHWH will squeeze every ounce of mythic symbolism from
Moreover, both Isaiah and Elihu put forth these ideas as a the same activity.
response to concern that God is hiding. For the prophet, the (37:14-24) The speech of Elihu ends where it began, but the
moment a person starts to veer off course, YHWH speaks up rebuke of the four men has narrowed to one, providing a
and points out the way to be travelled. Elihu's assurance that smooth transition to YHWH's rebuke of Job. Just as Elihu's
the one who afflicts the sinner uses adversity to teach a moral earlier rhetorical questions and description of meteorological
lesson lacks the emotional depth of the related prophetic text, phenomena anticipate one type of YHWH's speeches, the
 351 JOB
kind of questions that make up w. 15-18 prefigure the other unresolved, for no answer would have sufficed, whether spo-
type of questions YHWH hurls at the beleaguered Job. These ken by YHWH or anyone else. This ambivalence suggests that
queries ('Do you know?', 'Can you?'), together with the sar- the dominant genre, disputation, served the poet well, for its
castic 'Teach us', may be understood over against the earlier strength lies in its ability to present alternative viewpoints.
concept of God as teacher. Elihu prepares Job to face a barrage
(38:1-40:5) The Divine Plan of the Universe YHWH's fesd
of questions from the heavenly instructor whose knowledge is
(plan, counsel) includes the cosmos and the realm of wild
perfect (tarn, cf. Elihu's similar claim about his own know-
animals. The initial speech focuses on these two topics, high-
ledge in 36:4). Mocking Job's wish to confront God (v. 20) as
lighting the argument with periodic questions directed at Job
an automatic death-wish, Elihu reminds Job that God is far
('Who? Where? On what? Have you? Can you? Where?').
brighter than the sun (cf. Sir 43:1—5), on which none can look
without harm. One would think that such brilliance could not (38:1-3) v. i derives from the narrator, who has framed the
be hidden from humankind, but just as the sun has its own discussion thus far and made important judgements about
hours of concealment, so Shaddai sometimes resides outside Job's character. That the name YHWH occurs here, as in the
human perception. God chooses when to be seen and moves prose framework (1:1—2:13; 42:7~I7)> comes as something of a
from the north, the mythic abode of the gods (v. 22). Elihu's surprise, for it has been avoided in the poetic discourses
parting moralism poses a problem. The first colon is clear: except for the cliche in 12:9. This name, together with the
'Therefore mortals fear him'. The second colon reads literally: information that YHWH speaks from a whirlwind (se'ara),
'He does not look on any person of intelligence'. Andersen reintroduces the additional problems posed by the interaction
(1976: 268) emends the verb 'see' to a similar verb, 'fear' (ra 'd between the Adversary and YHWH. Does disinterested piety
to yarl'), understands the negative lo' as fu ('surely'), and takes exist? Will anyone serve God gratuitously,_/br nothing? Further-
'every intelligent person' as the subject (cf. the LXX). This more, the destructive power of the whirlwind, its capacity to
attractive interpretation yields a sense equivalent to that in renew Job's gut-wrenching memory often dead children, does
28:28, and has Elihu concluding on a high note: 'Surely all not bode well for him. Biblical theophanies usually bring
wise of heart fear him.' solace along with the inevitable sense of awe; in this instance,
form and content clash (Crenshaw 1992). Job has his wish,
YHWH's Two Speeches and Job's Responses (38:1-42:6) but not on his own conditions, w. 2—3 make this fact painfully
The dramatic climax to the book of Job finally arrives, after an clear; YHWH rejects Job's reasoning as senseless, an obfusca-
interminable delay, at least from Job's perspective. In a sense, tion of the divine plan. YHWH has no intention of capitulat-
his eagerly awaited audience before the Creator contains no ing before human charges of injustice; instead, he will expect
surprise, for he expected to encounter power; still, the divine far more intellectual rigour from the accuser. The initial
speeches do not measure up to advanced billing. Instead of question, 'Who is this?' has the tone of'How dare you?' Job
resolving the matter of Job's innocence, they completely has demanded that God tell him the specific wrongs he has
ignore the problem that has exercised Job and his four de- committed (10:2; 13:23), promising an answer for each breach
tractors for so long. Nor do the divine speeches from the whirl- of trust (13:22). This stance quickly becomes meaningless in
wind throw any light on the suffering of innocent persons. the type of universe described by the divine speeches. YHWH
YHWH's entire discourse ignores humankind, except in does not encourage Job to hold on to his conviction that a
mocking questions addressed to Job. Instead, YHWH expres- moral principle governs the world. In the light of this radically
ses exhilaration over meteorological phenomena and animals different world-view, the situation has suddenly reversed. In-
that dwell outside the ordinary habitat of humans, with one stead ofYHWH being obligated to answer Job (13:2), Job must
notable exception, the warhorse. Most importantly, YHWH now come up with an appropriate response to new revelations
reserves pride of place for two partly mythological creatures, about the nature of the universe. The image, 'Gird up your
Behemoth and Leviathan. The two speeches (38:1—39:30; loins like a man', probably refers to tucking the ends of one's
40:1—41:34 (MT 26)) begin with narrative introductions robe into a belt to permit quick movement.
(38:1; 40:6), present direct challenges to Job (38:2—3; 40:7—
(38:4—7) The creation of the earth is described as if it were a
14), and examine specific themes already articulated in the
huge temple; YHWH designs and constructs the edifice, to
rebuke of Job (the divine plan, 38:4-39:30; mispat, 40:15-41:34
the jubilation of interested onlookers (cf. Prov 8:22-31, where
(MT 26)). Each speech has two distinct parts. The first speech
the emphasis falls on wisdom's presence and excited reac-
takes up cosmological and meteorological phenomena
tion). The allusion to heavenly singing echoes the liturgical
(38:4-38) and then discusses five pairs of animals (38:39-
dedication associated with the construction of an earthly tem-
39:30). The second speech is limited to two special creatures.
ple. The dedication of YHWH's temple evoked singing from
After each divine speech, Job responds (40:3—5—following a
the morning stars and divine beings. The final phrase of 38:5,
specific invitation from YHWH to answer in 40:1-2—and
'surely you know!', occurs elsewhere in the related sayings
42:1-6). The content of the divine speeches resembles the
attributed to the foreign sage, Agur (Prov 30:1—14, specifically
exquisite poetry of Isa 40:12-31 and Ps 104. Readers react
inv.4).
variously to the divine speeches; some consider them sublime
irrelevance, others think they succeed in forcing a self-centred (38:8-11) Once earth has been established, YHWH sets about
Job to take a less egocentric view of the universe, and still to contain the boisterous sea, which represented primeval
others discern an unpleasant fact beyond the playful)?) mock- chaos in ancient Near-Eastern myths. Acting as midwife,
ery: a world devoid of morality (Tsevat 1966: 73—106). Perhaps YHWH assists in its birth and cares for the newborn infant.
the poet chose the wisest course, to leave Job's problem At the same time he provided clothing for the sea (clouds and
JOB 35 2

darkness), YHWH determined its limits, here envisioned as constellations affected what transpired on earth, even influen-
doors imposed by divine command. The image is that of cing rainfall. The identity of the constellations mentioned
parental discipline, a prohibition aimed at the infant's well- here is not certain; a case has been made for the following:
being. Behind this language of bursting forth and contain- Pleiades, Orion, Sirius, and Aldebaran (de Wilde 1981:
ment lie numerous biblical and non-biblical stories about 366—7). He notes that the last three in this list appear when
primordial chaos, but that hostile power is here circumscribed Pleiades is 'bound,' i.e. hidden from sight.
(cf. Ps 74:13—14; 89:10—13 (MT 9—14); Isa 51:9—10; Enuma (38:34—8) The chapter concludes with questions about Job's
Elish). The allusion to proud waves points beyond itself to an ability to summon the rain and command lightning during a
important topos in the second speech (see 40:10-14). severe drought. YHWH asks Job if he possesses the requisite
(38:12-15) YHWH's description of dawn's power to renew skill to handle containers holding precious water, skins and
creation each day echoes Job's earlier curse (3:9) and com- jugs. Although the Hebrew of v. 36 is difficult, it may refer to
plaint about reversals of dawn and darkness (24:13—17). In the ibis and the cock; ancient Egyptians thought the ibis
YHWH's graphic image, a personified dawn takes hold of announced the Nile's rising and the cock predicted the
earth's corners like a bedsheet and shakes out the wicked approach of rain. Divine sarcasm in v. 35 stands out above
like bedbugs. Their natural fondness for darkness becomes the constant ridicule of the rhetorical questions; YHWH
a self-fulfilling curse, light being denied them and their imagines the ludicrous: lightning bolts address Job
strength being checked (38:15). In YHWH's world, the wicked obediently, 'Here we are.'
have a place just like the good, but dawn limits their destruc- (38:39-39:30) Beginning in v. 39, YHWH calls Job's attention
tiveness. to wild animals: lion and raven, mountain goat and deer, wild
(38:16-21) Turning to the remote regions of the universe, ass and ox, ostrich and horse, hawk and vulture. Scenes from
YHWH asks Job about the extent of his progress in reaching the ancient Near East depict kings hunting many of these wild
the deep recesses, whether above or below. The prophet Amos creatures. Such royal sport contains an element of control; as
mentions similar remote areas, along with hiding-places lord of all creatures, the King of the Universe subjects wild
closer to home and a little more distant (Am 9:1-4, Sheol, animals to his wishes. Two irreconcilable symbolic gestures
the depths of the sea, heaven, caves on Mt. Carmel, exile). rest behind these descriptions; YHWH protects his king-
Whereas Amos emphasizes YHWH's ease in following and dom from all threat posed by wild animals, and he rules over
punishing anyone who might flee his wrath, the divine speech the animals' well-being. The rhetorical questions continue
in Job 38:16—21 concentrates on Job's inability to make such a throughout these descriptions, with the exception of the
journey. Twice in this brief section YHWH mocks Job (w. 18, reference to the ostrich, where one also finds God mentioned
21). YHWH reminds him that his life span is but a speck on in the third person.
the eons of time. (38:39-41) For some unknown reason the lion is paired with
(38:22-4) At this point, YHWH shifts from cosmology to the raven. The terror inspired by lions prompted the prophet
meteorology. At least two, possibly three, of these items cause Amos to speak of the divine calling to prophesy as an inescap-
harm (hail, east wind, lightning (?)). The use of the Hebrew able summons, just as the roar of a lion brings terror (Am 3:8).
word 'or (light) instead of the usual word for lightning (but see YHWH asks Job if he can provide food for hungry lions and
37:11), and the reference to snow, suggest that the speech ravens when they cry out.
alludes to two positive and two negative phenomena. Only (39:1-4) In this section YHWH recalls an earlier stage, that of
in one instance does YHWH elaborate: hail is associated with gestation and birth. He asks whether or not Job could watch
warfare (cf. Ex 9:22—6; Josh 10:11). Late Jewish literature over these intimate moments in the lives of mountain goats
describes heavenly journeys during which angels disclose and deer.
esoteric knowledge to favoured individuals (cf. i Enoch 41:4;
(39:5-12) YHWH turns to discuss two wild animals with
60:11—12 for a journey to heavenly storehouses).
domesticated equivalents. The wild ass, or onager, lived in
(38:25-30) YHWH asks Job if he knows pertinent facts about the steppe or in salt flats; its preference for living away from
the rain, dew, hoarfrost, and ice. According to the ancient human presence gave rise to proverbial sayings (e.g. Tshmael
Israelite cosmogony, the firmament was thought to resemble is a wild ass of a man'). The strength of the wild ox, possibly
hard metal, hence the language of cutting channels for the the extinct aurochs, was an occasion for marvel. The questions
rain and making openings through which lightning could regarding this animal approach the ludicrous: will it serve
pass. YHWH goes to some lengths to emphasize the divine you, sleep in your crib, submit to your ropes, and plow a
prodigality where rain was involved (cf. Am 4:7-8). Twice straight furrow?
YHWH states that rain fell where no human being lived, in (39:13-18) Like the wild ass, which laughs at noisy cities
the desert waste, w. 28—9 use images of begetting and birth- (39:7), the ostrich laughs at the horse and its rider. YHWH
ing; rain and dew are referred to the male act of procreation, claims to have withheld wisdom from the ostrich, with un-
whereas ice and hoarfrost are associated with the womb. The fortunate consequences for its offspring. In perpetuating this
formation of ice is further described as water hiding on a rock misconception about ostriches, YHWH gives voice to popular
(cf. Sir 43:20, ice is viewed as a lake's breastplate). lore at the time of the author. In this matter, as in all others,
(38:31-3) Unlike the rest of the sections dealing with meteoro- the author faced enormous difficulty the moment he decided
logical phenomena, this one has nothing directly to say to allow YHWH to become one participant among several in a
about water. Perhaps it was thought that the movements of debate.
 353 JOB
:I 2 £
(39 9~ 5) Th horse is the only domesticated animal in this in Prov 9:1). The description of this animal suggests either
list often, but what a majestic creature! YHWH can hardly the hippopotamus or the water-buffalo. In Egyptian myth, the
contain the excitement over the warhorse. Completely devoid god Horus hunts Seth in the form of a hippopotamus (Keel
of fear, the mighty horse laughs as it charges into the heat of 1978:138-9). Ugaritic myth mentions bull-like creatures, and
battle. The language of a 'warrior god' serves to characterize the Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh records an incident in
this horse (might, thunder, majesty, terror; so Habel 1985: which Gilgamesh and Enkidu slay a 'Bull of Heaven'. The
547). The horse's desire for battle rivals the drive for water or comparison of Behemoth's zanab in v. 17 to a cedar derives
sex (Newsom 1996: 612). from the role of bulls in fertility religion; the word zanab (tail)
(39:26-30) The final pair of animals, hawk and vulture, is a euphemism for penis. This powerful creature is called 'the
watch from above as a grim scene unfolds on the battlefields first of the ways of God'; the same thing is said of Wisdom in
below. From their perspective, corpses provide food for them Prov 8:22. With slight repointing of the Hebrew consonants
and their young. This section reaches a conclusion by harking in v. 19 b, it may be translated 'made to dominate its compan-
back to the provision of food for the raven and its offspring. ions', in context preferable to 'its maker approaches it with his
Beginning with the description of the horse in battle, YHWH sword', for elsewhere the description of Behemoth has no
views the conflict of armies from the perspective of the horse suggestion of a struggle between gods and chaos.
and the vulture, rather than from war's effect on human (41:1-34 (MT 40:25-41:26)) In contrast to Behemoth, an
history. animal in repose, Leviathan stands before Job as a creature
of violence. YHWH begins the description by posing rhetoric-
(40:1-5) YHWH demands that Job respond. The former critic
al questions to Job that illustrate the absurdity of attempting to
acknowledges his lack of honour (social status) over against
control this terrifying creature, visualized as part crocodile
YHWH and gestures that he will be silent. The earlier boast
and part mythical monster (41:1-12) (MT 40:25-41:4). The
that he will approach God like a prince gives way now to a
images for hunting and fishing are not entirely clear, but the
numerical saying. The expected disputation has not materi-
practice of controlling captured slaves by inserting a cord
alized.
through the nose or cheek is mentioned in the Bible (e.g.
(40:6-42:6) The Mystery of Divine Governance The second 2 Kings 19:28; Isa 37:29). The idea of this powerful creature
divine speech resembles the earlier description of the war- begging for mercy, or submitting to girls' play, or even provid-
horse, only with considerably more detail. YHWH boasts ing meat for bartering tradesmen approaches the ridiculous.
about two powerful creatures, Behemoth and Leviathan. Even the gods dare not engage Leviathan in battle (41:9 (MT
Partly animal and partly a product of a mythical imagination, 41:1)). Although difficult, w. 10-12 (MT 2-4) may represent
these two liminal beasts cavort on land and in water. YHWH's God's indication that none can withstand Leviathan, the crea-
world makes room for such beasts, indeed he glories in their ture's arrogant boast, and God's decision not to silence such
freedom and strength. Although a threat to any mortal who boasting. Leviathan boasts only about his own domain, unlike
dared to challenge them, they, too, enjoy YHWH's protection. Job.
(40:6-14) The narrator repeats the introduction from 38:1 (41:13-24 (MT 41:5-16)) The description of Leviathan begins
and the command to Job from 38:3, while explicating the with its skin, resembling an impenetrable coat of mail, and
accusation of 38:2 (40:6-8). Finally, YHWH comes to the moves from this general panoramic view to a close-up of the
point of the debate as Job understands it. God is guilty, and face, neck, and chest. Power and beauty combine to make this
Job is innocent. Instead of accepting this view of things, creature godlike; it has eyes like the dawn which emit a beam
YHWH bristles at such impertinence. To silence Job, of light, and breathes fire like a dragon. The association of fire
YHWH challenges him to perform specific tasks that fall to and smoke with the gods (cf. Ps 18:8 (MT 9)) is a common
the deity. First, to manifest his splendour, then to overcome feature of ancient lore.
pride (ge 'eh), and vanquish the wicked. If Job can successfully (41:25-34 (MT 17-26)) Before this awesome creature the
perform these duties, YHWH will concede. Does the poet gods cower, especially when it surfaces so that its impene-
permit YHWH to indulge in a minor confession that even trable shield becomes visible. Weapons of war bounce off
the Creator finds these tasks something of a challenge? By like harmless straw (sword, spear, dart, javelin, arrows, iron
focusing on pride as the fundamental form of rebellion, and bronze clubs). Laughter links this powerful creature
YHWH shifts the issue from the realm of legality to that of with the wild ass, ostrich, and warhorse, but Leviathan's ability
inner attitude. The question is no longer guilt or innocence, to distance itself in raging water, disappearing in its white
whether Job's or YHWH's, but a correct assessment of one's wake, makes it king over all the proud. In 40:11/7 YHWH
place. In YHWH's view, Job's helplessness when confronted challenged Job to 'look on all who are proud and abase
with something as basic as pride renders his charges against them'; here Leviathan 'looks on all that are proud' (41:34
the Creator null and void. The divine judge, as it were, has (MT26)).
issued a verdict. YHWH, the accused, is innocent. (42:1—6) The exact meaning of Job's response to YHWH's
(40:15—24) The task of overcoming pride becomes concrete in discourse is unclear, perhaps intentionally so. He certainly
the two descriptions that follow. Both Behemoth and Le- acknowledges YHWH's power, but that is not new. Job also
viathan demonstrate what it means to encounter pride near quotes YHWH twice (42:30, 4) and responds to each citation;
at hand. The word Behemoth is a plural form of the usual he concedes that he has spoken without understanding, but
word for cattle; it may be a plural of majesty, representing his second concession is capable of several interpretations.
cattle par excellence (cf the plural form of wisdom, hokmot, In fact, even his statement in v. 5 is ambiguous. Does he say
JOB 354
that his previous knowledge of YHWH was second-hand REFERENCES
(obtained through a rumour) or that he has just now really Albertz, R. (1981), 'Der sozialgeschichtliche Hintergrund des Hiob-
listened, in obedience to the divine command to hear, so that buches und der "Babylonischen Theodizee" ', in J. Jeremias and L.
he is prepared to understand the meaning of the theophany, a Perlitt (eds.), Die Botschaft und die Boten: Festschrift fir H. W. Wolff
seeing also? The next verse has built-in problems. The verb (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neuldrchener Verlag), 349-72.
ma'as requires an object but has none, as has occurred earlier Alonso-Schokel, L. (1977), 'Toward a Dramatic Reading of the Book of
in the book; likewise, wenihamti fal may carry opposite mean- Job', Semeia, 7: 45—59.
ings. The range of interpretation includes, among others, the Andersen, F. (1976), Job: An Introduction and Commentary (Downers
following possibilities: (i) 'Therefore I despise myself and Grove, 111.: InterVarsity Press).
Clines, D.J.A. (1989), 'Job', in B. W. Anderson (ed.), The Books of the
repent upon dust and ashes'; (2) 'Therefore I retract my words
Bible, (New York: Scribners), 181-201.
and repent of dust and ashes'; (3) 'Therefore I reject and for- Crenshaw, J. L. (1972), 'Wedorek 'al bamote 'ares', CBQ34: 39—53.
swear dust and ashes'; (4) 'Therefore I retract my words and (1980), 'Impossible Questions, Sayings, and Tasks', in J. D.
have changed my mind concerning dust and ashes'; and (5) Crossan (ed.), Gnomic Wisdom (Chico, Calif: Scholars Press), 19-
'Therefore I retract my words and I am comforted concerning 34; repr. in Crenshaw (1995), 265—78.
dust and ashes'. The first translation implies humiliation; the (1986), 'Youth and Old Age in Qoheleth', HAR 10: 1-13; repr. in
second and third refer to symbols of mourning; and the fourth Crenshaw (1995), 535-45.
and fifth signify the human condition (Newsom 1996: 629). (1992), 'Job, Book of, ABD iii. 858-68; repr. Crenshaw (1995),
Some interpreters think the remark carries heavy irony; Job 426-68.
(1995), Urgent Advice and Probing Questions (Macon: Mercer
conceals his rebellion to the end. Others believe that he aban-
University Press).
dons his lawsuit, acknowledges his finitude, and finds com- Criisemann, F. (1980), 'Hiob und Kohelet: Fin Beitrag zum Verstand-
fort in the simple fact of having come before God and nis des Hiobbuches', in R. Albertz et al. (eds.), Werden und WiAen
survived, his own stated condition for full vindication (cf. des Alten Testaments: Festschrift fur Claus Westermann (Gottingen:
13:16). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht), 373-93.
Damico, A.,andYaffe,M.D. (eds.) (1989), Thomas Aquinas: The Literal
The Prose Epilogue (42:7-17) Exposition on Job (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
The conclusion consists of two parts: YHWH's rebuke of Job's Dekker, H. (ed.) (1952), Sermons from Job: John Calvin (Grand Rapids:
Baker Book House).
three friends (w. 7—9) and the restoration of Job (w. 10—17).
Dhorme, E. (1967), A Commentary on the Book of Job (London: Nelson).
Astonishingly YHWH commends Job for speaking correctly Fishbane, M. (1985), Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford:
about him. It is difficult to imagine Job's rebellious speeches Clarendon).
struck YHWH as truth, so interpreters assume a different Geller, S. A. (1987), 'Where is Wisdom? A Literary Study of Job 28 in
story, one that must have been removed to make room for Its Setting', in J. Neusner, B. Levine, and E. S. Frerichs (eds.}, Judaic
the poetic debates. Moreover, the restoration of Job comes as Perspectives on Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress), 155—88.
something entirely unexpected after the poetic debate, which Girard, R. (1987), Job: The Victim of his People (Stanford: Stanford
shattered the concept of a moral order. One could argue that University Press).
the truth behind Job's remarks was his honesty and that the Glatzer, N. N. (1969), The Dimensions of Job (New York: Schocken).
Good, E. M. (1988), 'Job', HBC407-32.
restoration is an act of grace, but significant problems remain.
(1990), In Turns of Tempest: A Reading of Job with a Translation
This suggests that irony lies at the heart of the book. The (Stanford: Stanford University Press).
happy ending uses the rare Hebrew word sib'and, which the Gordis, R. (1978/5738), The Book of Job (New York: Jewish Theological
LXX takes as a doubling, to specify the number of Job's sons. If Seminary of America).
this is correct, the narrative subtly indicts YHWH for criminal Gutierrez, G. (1987), On Job: God Talk and the Suffering of the Innocent
action, for which twofold restoration was mandated (cf. Ex (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books).
22:4,7, 9 (MT 3, 6, 8)). YHWH's treatment of Job's friends on Habel, N. C. (1985), The Book of Job (Philadelphia: Westminster).
the basis of the retributive principle adds further irony. How Hausen, A. (1972), Hiob in derfranzosischen Literatur (Berne: Herbert
can an arbitrary deity who treats Job in the manner described Lang).
Hoffman, Y. (1996), A Blemished Perfection (Sheffield: Sheffield Aca-
in the prose and poetry be the source of moral order? Further-
demic Press).
more, the happy ending confirms the truth of what Job's Hurvitz, A. (1974), 'The Date of the Prose Tale of Job Linguistically
friends predicted. Repentance brought restoration in the Reconsidered', HTR 67: 17-34.
end. Job completes his life surrounded by a wife, fourteen Jung, Carl (1954), Answer to Job (Cleveland: World).
(or seven) sons, three beautiful daughters, and plenty. In Kahn, J. H. (1975), Job's Illness: Loss, Grief and Integration (Oxford:
favour with God and people, he lives two additional lifespans Pergamon).
and sees four generations of descendants. Like the patriarchs, Keel, O. (1978), Jafowes Entgegnung an Ijob, FRLANT 121 (Gottingen:
he dies 'old and full of days'. A moral order is alive and well, at Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
least for the author of the prose. Or is it? Those who have read Koch, K. (1955), 'Gibt es ein Vergeltungsdogma im Alten Testament?'
ZTK 52: 1—42; ET in J. L. Crenshaw (ed.), Theodicy in the Old Testa-
the poetic debate can no longer be content with such a simple
ment (Philadelphia: Fortress), 57—87.
answer to life's deepest enigma. Divine mystery remains, Linafelt, T. (1996), The Undecipherability of BRK in the Prologue to
along with a human inability to comprehend the suffering Job and Beyond', Biblical Interpretation IV 154—72.
of innocents. Job has succeeded, however, in that the Deus MacLeish, A. (1956), J.B. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin).
absconditushas become the Deus revdatus (the hidden God has Newsom, C. (1996), 'Job', NIB (Nashville: Abingdon), iv. 319-637.
become manifest). Pope, M. E. (1973), Job, AB 15 (Garden City, Doubleday).
 355 PSALMS
Rouillard, P. (1983), The Figure of Job in the Liturgy: Indignation, Weiss, M. (1983), The Story ofJoVs Beginning (Jerusalem: Magnes).
Resignation, or Silence?', in D. Duquoc and C. Floristan (eds.), Job Wilcox, J. T. (1989), The Bitterness of Job: A Philosophical Reading (Ann
and the Silence of God, Concilium, 169 (New York: Seabury). Arbor: University of Michigan Press).
Tilley, T. W. (1989), 'God and the Silencing of Job', Modern Theology, Wilde, A. de (1981), Das Buck Hiob, OTS 22 (Leiden: Brill).
5: 257-70. Zhitlowsky, C. (1919), 'Job and Faust', in P. Matenko (ed.), Two Studies
Tsevat, M. (1966), The Meaning of the Book of Job', HUCA 37: in Yiddish Culture (Leiden: Brill), 75-162.
73-106. Zuckerman, B. (1991), Job the Silent: A Study in Historical Counterpoint
Wahl, H.-M. (1993), Der Gerechte Schopfer, BZAW 207 (Berlin: de (New York: Oxford University Press).
Gruyter).

18. Psalms C. S. R O O D

INTRODUCTION guide me on level ground', and GNB offers the paraphrase:

'Be good to me, and guide me on a safe path'.
A. Problems of Interpretation. 1. Interpretation of the Psalms 4. The meaning of some of the words which the poets use is
is not simple. This will surprise many people, for some occasionally uncertain. There are three aspects of this. First,
of the psalms are the best loved parts of the OT. Poetry in some words appear only once in the whole Hebrew Bible.
every language, however, is less easily understood than When this occurs it is not possible to compare different con-
prose. The formalized structure, the use of rare words, the texts in order to gain an insight into the exact meaning of the
many metaphors and other figures of speech, all contribute word, and recourse has to be had to such things as similar
to the difficulty. The problems are increased when the words in other related languages (Akkadian, Aramaic, Ugarit-
language is not one's mother tongue, and it is not possible ic, and Arabic are the main ones), how the ancient versions
to be immediately aware of overtones of emotion and fine understood the word, and the meaning in Jewish tradition. In
nuances of meaning in words and phrases. With the Psalms Ps 58:8 NRSVoffers 'snail'for a word that is found only here in
these difficulties become even more severe because of the the OT, but REB derives it differently as meaning 'an abortive
nature of the Hebrew language and the forms of Hebrew birth', which is certainly a better parallel to 'stillborn child' in
poetry. the second line. Secondly, there are a large number of homo-
2. If several English translations of the psalms are com- nyms in Hebrew (words in the same form but with different
pared, differences, sometimes quite startling, will quickly be meaning). Scholars are sometimes not sure which of two or
found, and the reader may well wonder how learned scholars more possible words was intended by the poet. Sometimes,
can arrive at such different interpretations of the meaning. indeed, a rare word may be the same in form and sound as a
NRSV translates Ps 12:4: 'our lips are our own—who is our fairly common word, and the common word has driven out
master?' (cf GNB: 'We will say what we wish, and no one can the rarer one. Only careful study of the related languages and
stop us'), and REB: 'With words as our ally, who can master the versions enables scholars to recover the lost meaning. The
us?', but NIV marg., rather startlingly offers: 'our lips are our word which NRSV translates 'company' in Ps 24:6 is the
ploughshares'. Instead of NRSV's version of Ps 58:7: 'like normal word for 'generation'. REB takes it to be a homonym
grass let them be trodden down and wither', REB provides: with the meaning 'fortune'. One reason why NEB contains so
'may he aim his arrows, may they perish by them', and NIV: many novel translations is that a large number of new mean-
'when they draw the bow, let their arrows be blunted'. In Ps ings of Hebrew words was adopted, many of them rejected by
77:4 NRSV reads: 'You keep my eyelids from closing (cf. REB. Thirdly, no word has exactly the same meaning in any
GNB's banal: 'You keep me awake all night'), while REB has two languages. At most there is only a large area of overlap.
'My eyelids are tightly closed'. This means that often a range of English words may be
3. Like English, Hebrew possesses no case endings. In needed to express what the poet intended, and it is impossible
prose the word order and a particle which marks the object to be absolutely certain that the correct one has been selected.
of the verb normally make the sense entirely clear. Hebrew When the poet uses the verb 'to judge', is the sense to pass a
poetry, on the other hand, is highly compressed. The poetic sentence on someone who is accused, or to vindicate him?
lines are short. The sign of the object is rarely used. Word NRSV translates it by 'vindicate' in three psalms (Ps 26:1;
order is varied. It means that often the three or four words in a 35:24; 43:1), and in Ps 72:4 has 'may he defend the cause of
line can be construed in more than one way. In Ps 143:10 the the poor', but elsewhere it sticks to 'judge', 'pass judgment', 'do
problem lies in knowing what is the relation between 'your justice' or 'try'. The other modern versions offer a somewhat
spirit' and 'good', and what is the subject of the verb 'leads wider range of translations. In each case the translators had to
me'. If the Hebrew accents are followed the meaning is prob- decide what the nuances of the verb were in each context, and
ably as RV: 'Thy spirit is good; lead me...'. To take the words as they may have been right or they may have been wrong.
'Your good spirit' involves unusual Hebrew syntax. The verb 'Righteousness' is even more difficult, since it is almost en-
can either be the third person, 'she will lead (she leads, may tirely a churchy word in modern English. Although NRSV
she lead) me', or second person, 'lead me'. Hence NRSV retains 'righteousness' in many places, REB prefers 'justice'
translates the phrase: 'Let your good spirit lead me on a level and NJB has a number of synonyms, including 'right' and
path' (following a few Heb. MSS in the last word rather than 'upright'. Sometimes, however, the Hebrew word has a bias in
the main MT tradition), REB has: 'by your gracious spirit favour of the helpless (Snaith 1944: 68-74; in post-biblical
PSALMS 35 6

Hebrew it came to mean 'almsgiving, benevolence'), and would profess to understand it completely. In prose the con-
translators have tried to capture this. Hence Ps 65:5: 'deliver- text makes the sense relatively clear. This is far from the case
ance' and 35:28: 'saving power', REB. Moreover, the meaning in poetry. One of the most striking differences between the
of the word also approached ideas of victory (cf Isa 41:2), and English translations of the Psalms is the way the verbs are
NRSV translates it in this way in Ps 48:10 (REB adds Ps 65:5; translated. Is Ps 63:9—10 an expression of the psalmist's con-
118:19; 119^123). Further the familiar 'sacrifices of righteous- fidence in future destruction of his enemies, or a prayer
ness' (Ps 4:5; 51:21) probably does not mean offering right- (contrast NRSV/NIV and REB/NJB)? Should the verbs in
eousness as a sacrifice and in place of an animal offering but 67:7 be past (NRSV/REB/NJB), future (NIV), or is the verse
sacrifices offered with the correct ritual or in the right spirit, or perhaps a prayer? Is Ps 120:1—2 a description of a prayer for
even such sacrifices as are YHWH's due, as most modern divine help in the past (so REB), or part of the present petition
translations recognize. And the overtones of goodness must (as NRSV/NIV)? On one view of the tenses Ps 8:5-6 should be
probably go from Ps 23:3: the 'paths of righteousness' are translated: 'But you have made him a little less than God, | and
simply 'right paths' by which the shepherd leads the flock to you will crown him with glory and honor | You will make him
pasture. master over the work of your hands; | you have set everything
5. The Psalms have been copied and recopied over the beneath his feet' (Craigie 1983: 105).
centuries, and although very great care was taken by the later This is possibly the most serious difficulty in interpreting
Jewish scribes (the Masoretes) to ensure the absolute accuracy the psalms. (For a brief account of the issues see ibid. 110-12.)
of the scrolls, errors had crept in earlier. Such textual corrup- 8. But no translation exists on its own. The translation is
tions sometimes make it impossible to determine the poet's linked inextricably with the way the translator understands
meaning, and occasionally the Hebrew defies translation. At the whole background of the psalm—when it was written,
one time scholars resorted to wide-scale emendation of the how and where it was sung, whether it formed part of a cultic
text. Today this is much rarer, and normally support from the activity or was the work of a solitary poet, who it is written for
ancient versions is demanded for any changes that are made. or about, and many other questions. There is never a transla-
Few would deny that some emendation is necessary, however, tion that is not at the same time an interpretation, and a large
but all such changes introduce some uncertainty as to the part of that interpretation depends upon the wider view of the
poet's meaning. A stock example is Ps 49:11, where all mod- place of the psalm in the life of ancient Israel. Indeed, transla-
ern translations present the sense of NRSV: 'Their graves are tion and understanding of the entire religious life of ancient
their homes for ever' (transposing two Heb. letters), instead of Israel are intertwined so intimately that they cannot be separ-
the AV 'Their inward thought is, that their houses shall con- ated.
tinue for ever' (the italics reveal how much had to be read into 9. One further feature of modern translations should be
that translation). Usually the Eng. versions inform the reader noted. Every translation loses part of the richness of the
that the text has been altered, and supply the support from the original, but increasingly modern translations have sloughed
ancient versions, but not always (cf. Ps 27:8, where NRSV off vital details. Hebrew verbs express gender as well as num-
makes several changes to produce: ' "Come," my heart says, ber and person. No English translation can represent this for
"seek his face" ', without any footnote; the Heb. appears to be the second person, since 'you' is used for both singular and
lit. 'To you (masc. sing.) my heart said, "Seek (masc. plur.) my plural, masculine and feminine, and this disguises important
face" '). Some passages are so corrupt that it is impossible to distinctions and changes of person in the Hebrew Psalms.
obtain any sense without emendation, and even then the Further, the attempts by NJB, NRSV, REB, and NIV Inclusive
meaning is doubtful. Language Edition to avoid sexist language have introduced a
6. Hebrew letters express only the consonants: the vowels wide range of paraphrases which remove the reader even
are represented by various signs placed round or in the letters, further from the original poet. Thus masculine singulars are
and these vowel signs came in fairly late in the history of the very frequently translated by plurals, and even by 'we' or even
text, although they express the traditional pronunciation. It is more extensive modifications. Sometimes it is of little mo-
not always certain that the vowels were those intended by the ment, as in Ps i where 'those' replaces 'the man', although it
poet, and alternative vowels can often produce a better sense. obscures the patriarchal society in which the psalm was writ-
NRSV frequently makes such changes without drawing atten- ten. Often, however, such rewriting distorts the original
tion in a footnote and GNB hardly ever tells the reader. psalm. Most people today accept that women are fully equal
7. An even greater difficulty in many of the psalms is the to men, and that language can reflect and reinforce a male
tense of the verbs. English possesses a very large number of domination. What is more contentious is whether the Scrip-
tenses, simple and compound, most of which indicate the tures should be rewritten in order to eliminate such language.
time when the action takes place, though some point to add- Ancient Israelite society was plainly patriarchal, despite the
itional features, such as whether the action occurs only once at presence of some forceful women. In this it was even more
a single point in time or is continuous. Even in English, extreme than some of the surrounding countries. For ex-
however, tenses do not always express the time or the aspect ample, all the other law codes from the ancient Middle East
of the action that they appear to. The verb in T am going to that have been discovered include arrangements for inheri-
Scotland on Wednesday' is present continuous, but means tance of the property by widows. In ancient Israel widows
something like, 'Next Wednesday I shall go to Scotland' (or could not inherit property from their husbands, and daugh-
even T intend to go'). Hebrew possesses only two main forms ters could only do so if there were no sons. Within the Psalter,
of the verb, which primarily express aspect rather than tense. in Ps 45 the king's bride is told that her husband is her master
The verbal system is highly complex, however, and no one and she must bow down to him. The masculine language
 357 PSALMS
found in all the psalms is a feature of that society. Sometimes, context. The historical interpretation came to the forefront of
of course, male terms are used to include both men and psalm study from the time of the Enlightenment, and much
women, as was common in English until recently, and in modern study has been devoted to determining the date and
such places modern English requires the removal of purely authorship of individual psalms. Conservative scholars pre-
masculine forms. On the other hand, most of the references to sented arguments for Davidic authorship, while liberal ones
men were intended to apply to men alone, and a proper proposed a wide range of datings, some as late as the second
understanding of the psalms in their original context requires century BCE.
the retention of male terms there (cf. Gerstenberger 1988: 32). 5. Form Criticism. It is now generally agreed that it is
The use of patriarchal texts in modern worship is a quite possible to determine the historical origin of very few of the
different issue, and cannot be discussed here, vitally import- psalms because of the lack of evidence—who, after all, would
ant though it is. be able to discover when and by whom a nineteenth-century
hymn was written simply from the hymn itself? A new ap-
B. History of Interpretation. 1. Over the centuries the way proach was needed, and a decisive step in the study of the
Christians have used, studied, and interpreted the Psalms psalms came with the work of Hermann Gunkel (Gunkel and
has changed. Begrich 1933), who is generally regarded as the father of form
2. Prophecy. The first Christians regarded the Psalms as criticism. First classifying the psalms according to their type
prophecy, and searched for phrases and verses which foretold or genre, he then looked for the ways the various types of
events in the life of Jesus. This can be seen in the NT itself. psalm were used in ancient Israel (see E below for the main
Indeed, some scholars have suggested that the passion narra- types of psalm). Gunkel argued that the original psalms were
tive has been moulded by reference particularly to Ps 22 and hymns that were sung in Israelite worship, although he re-
69. In the second century Justin Martyr argued for the truth of garded the psalms in the OT as written by poets in imitation of
the Christian faith on the grounds that the Messiah had been these earlier psalms. Later scholars have tended to limit their
foretold many centuries before the time of Jesus, and this inter- attention to the formal structure of the psalms, but Gunkel
pretation persisted up to modern times. It is reflected in the himself had a sensitive appreciation of Hebrew literature
description of several Psalms as'messianic'(e.g. Ps 2; 101; no). and paid attention to such features as mood and content as
3. Allegory and Typology. A somewhat modified form of well.
this view of the relation between the OTand the NT is found in 6. The Cult. The next important stage in the interpretation
allegorical interpretations and typology. Allegory need not be of the psalms was taken by Sigmund Mowinckel (1921-4),
totally uncontrolled, and rules were developed about the vari- who argued that the OTpsalms were in fact cultic hymns, and
ous levels of meaning of the text: literal, moral, allegorical, and on this basis set out to reconstruct the festivals at which they
anagogical (see PS 114). Often the Psalms retained their spir- were sung. But as with the earlier approaches, the evidence
itual value for those Christians who sang them because they has proved insufficient for this to be carried through convin-
were allegorized. Typology became another method for relat- cingly. It is highly probable that many, perhaps most, of the
ing the Testaments, and again, OT figures and ideas were psalms belong to Israelite worship rather than being compos-
perceived as types of later Christian characters and thought. itions of individual 'romantic' poets, but the rubrics are lack-
4. Historical Interpretation. These approaches existed ing, and the other books of the OT provide few glimpses of
alongside historical interpretations, and one of the 'senses' how they were used. The historical books might be thought to
which Scripture was believed to possess was the historical, favour a historical interpretation (see e.g. 2 Sam 22, where Ps
even when greater value was placed upon the other interpret- 18 has been inserted into the text, and the catena of psalm
ations. Attempts at providing historical occasions for the cre- quotations in i Chr 16). On this view the titles provide a
ation of the psalms, often in the life of David, can be seen in context within which the psalms can be read, while the psalms
the headings of many of them. It is probable that these are not offer personal responses by David that can be taken into the
original but were added later (the LXX contains headings narratives, somewhat like the speeches that Greek historians
which are absent from the Heb., or additions to headings, in inserted into their narratives.
some forty-four psalms: e.g. Ps 70 (MT 71): 'Of (by) David, of 7. Literary Approaches. In the light of the failure of these
the sons of Jonadab, and of the first who were taken captive', attempts to interpret the psalms within historical Israel, it is
and Ps 143 (MT 144): 'Of (by) David, concerning Goliath'). no surprise that some scholars today, influenced by move-
Some of the traditions found in these titles are echoed in the ments in general literary studies, have virtually abandoned
Mishnah (e.g. M. Tamid 7.4 sets out the seven psalms which the quest and have treated each individual psalm as a literary
'the levites used to sing in the Temple' on each of the days of artefact in its own right. The particular interpretation varies,
the week: Ps 24 (LXX 'A psalm of (by) David on the first day whether structuralism, rhetorical criticism, reader-response
of the week'); 48 (LXX 'on the second day of the week'); 82; 94 criticism, deconstruction, or other methods that have become
(LXX 'on the fourth day of the week'); 81 (the Old Latin has fashionable. Emphasis has been placed upon the structure
'fifth day of the week'); 93 (LXX 'on the day before the sabbath and wording of the psalms, and often little attention is paid to
when the earth was inhabited; praise of a song of David'); 92, the cultural context of ancient Israel. Jonathan Magonet
where the MThas 'A Song for the Sabbath Day', showing that (1994) has pointed out that such an approach has antecedents
they are genuinely Jewish and not peculiar to the Old Greek in rabbinic study. (For a study of Ps 18 which incorporates
version. When, according to Mark, Jesus quoted Ps no (Mk textual, form-critical, rhetorical, and reader-oriented ap-
12:36), both he and his hearers accepted that David had writ- proaches see Berry (1993); cf. Mays's similar exposition of Ps
ten the psalm and that its meaning was to be found in that 3 (Mays, Petersen, and Richards 1995: 147-56).)
PSALMS 358
8. Canonical Criticism. In stark contrast to the atomistic fully recognized that simply to repeat words in a different
approach of much literary analysis of the psalms, some historical situation (and twenty-first century Europe or North
scholars have emphasized that the only reason why the OT America is far removed from ancient Israel) is to say some-
has been preserved and is still read and studied is because it is thing vastly different from the psalmist's original meaning.
canonical Scripture. No interpretation, therefore, is valid The modern congregation comes to the Psalter with its own
which does not take this into account. The emphasis is placed presuppositions, attitudes, memories, and emotions, and the
upon the completed book of Psalms and their use in other psalm, sung to Anglican or Gregorian chant, in the Gelineau
parts of the Bible, including the NT. Indeed, the key to the version or as a metrical psalm, will resonate in very different
interpretation of any passage is found in this 'final form' of ways from those which the Israelite attending worship at the
the writing. Brevard S. Childs (1979: 504—23) stresses this. He Jerusalem temple experienced. Historical criticism, therefore,
argues that the placing of Ps i as the introduction to the is vital, not because it alone provides the key to the 'real'
Psalter leads to the psalms, which originally were human meaning of the text, but because it provides another way of
songs and prayers, being taken as God's word itself. The reading the psalms and enables modern readers to move to
compilation of psalms (e.g. in Ps 108) is a factor in their and fro between the world of ancient Israel and the culture of
movement from a cultic setting towards their apprehension today, expanding their vision of God.
as sacred Scripture. Similarly the fact that the royal psalms are 12. Modern Translations. Modern, and modernizing, trans-
scattered throughout the Psalter, with special prominence lations of the Psalms become a hindrance here, for they give
given to Ps 2, is a transformation of cultic psalms into mes- the impression to the reader that the words of the psalms are
sianic ones, and the increased eschatological emphasis in immediately related to present Western society. The removal
many of the psalms is another mark of this changing theology. of much masculine-oriented language from NRSV tends to
Most interestingly, he finds in the relating of thirteen psalms obscure the fact that ancient Israel was a patriarchal society,
to specific incidents in the life of David a shift of emphasis and the paraphrasing interpretation of GNB destroys much of
from the original cultic function to understanding the king as the poetic imagery. These translations may be more accessible
a human being who has the same troubles and joys as ordin- to the hearers, but they imprison them in a twenty-first-
ary people, thus enabling all kinds of people to relate to them. century world, when what the Psalms (and indeed all Scrip-
(For an assessment of Childs's work see Noble 1995.) ture) should be doing, among other things, is to open up
9. Each of these stages has importance for an appreciation spiritual and moral dimensions of life which the modern
of the psalms. world has crippled or destroyed.
10. Prophecy. While most Christians outside the conserva- 13. Literary Approaches. What then of literary criticism?
tive evangelical, pentecostal, and charismatic groups no The presence of eight acrostic psalms within the Psalter (1.14)
longer accept that the truth of their religion is confirmed by is an indication that some, perhaps all, of the psalms are self-
OT predictions of incidents in the life of Jesus, they acceptthat conscious poetic creations. Certainly an awareness of the skill
the God of the NT is the same God as that of the OT. It might of the poet will add to our appreciation of the psalms. There is,
be expected, therefore, that there will be a certain congruence nevertheless, a danger that modern conventions and fashions
between the Testaments. This is what lies behind typology. will misrepresent the intentions and art of the poet. Once
Moreover, whenever Christians spiritualize such features of again we are faced with the 'then' and the 'now', and every
the psalms as the condemnation of enemies or the calls for literary approach needs to be tempered with a sense of the
support in war, features which have now become morally historical.
unacceptable, this is akin to the earlier allegorizing, though 14. It will be seen that the demands made upon the com-
now no longer with an explicit raison d'etre. It might even be mentary writer are immense. Certainly it is quite impossible
argued that without such spiritualizing it would be impossible to include all the methods that have been outlined. No single
to continue to use the psalms within Christian worship. Many approach applied to all the psalms will be attempted here,
of the hymns of Watts and the Wesleys explicitly reinterpret although some emphasis will be placed upon genre and set-
the psalms in a Christian sense, as, for example, Charles ting, since only if we know what kind of text we are reading
Wesley's fine hymn based on Ps 45, 'My heart is full of Christ, can we grasp its meaning. In this commentary each psalm
and longs | Its glorious matter to declare'. will be discussed on its own, using whatever approach appears
11. Cultural Setting. Everyone today is strongly influenced to offer the greatest insight into its meaning, but always with
by the historical awareness which is one of the major gifts of an awareness that we are reading poetry written in a foreign
the Enlightenment. Today it is often claimed that the meaning language and coming from an alien culture and a distant
of a historical text cannot be limited to the meaning which its time.
author intended and some would go further and argue that
the author's intentions are both impossible to discover and C. The Titles of the Psalms and Sela. 1. Although the titles of
irrelevant to the meaning. While the author's meaning may the psalms are not part of the original poems, they are im-
seem central to the understanding of some kinds of literature, portant as revealing some of the earliest interpretations, and
with the psalms authorship is of less importance, and it is no NEB was mistaken in omitting them (REB has put them back;
devastating loss if we are unable to identify the writers. What GNB includes abbreviated, and misleading, forms of the titles
is important is that the cultural setting is recognized. Here as footnotes). The main details supplied by the titles are
historical criticism and form criticism meet. Both direct the names (David, Solomon, Moses, Asaph, the sons of Korah,
reader's attention to the original setting of the psalms, Heman the Ezrahite, Ethan the Ezrahite, and perhaps
although travelling to that point by different routes. It is now Jeduthun), situations in the life of David, descriptions of the
 359 PSALMS
type of psalm (psalm, song, prayer, song of ascents, maskil, in the temple and infer that this is where they were sung,
miktam), an expression of unknown meaning which NRSV although the Mishnah does not say that they were, and others
translates as 'To the leader', and a number of varied words and again take it to refer more generally to festal processions.
phrases which are usually thought to be the titles of the tunes 10. For the leader (lammenasseah) is the NRSV and REB
to which the psalms were sung (e.g. 'the Dove of the Dawn'), translation of a term of very uncertain meaning, found in
or the accompanying instruments (e.g. 'with stringed instru- the titles of fifty-five psalms and also in Hab 3:19. The LXX
ments', 'for the flutes') (Anderson 1972: 43—51, Mowinckel appears not to have known what it meant and rendered it 'To
1962: ch. 23, and Kraus 1988: i. 21-32 provide good surveys). (for) the end'. The Targum offers 'for praise'. Mowinckel
2. The titles probably have little historical value. The phrase (1962: ii. 212) proposed 'for the merciful disposition (of
translated 'of David' (ledawid) almost certainly intends author- YHWH)', 'to dispose YHWH for mercy', or even 'for homage
ship, despite claims that it means 'on behalf of or 'for' David (to YHWH)', linking the word with a verb in i Chr 15:21, but
(i.e. dedicated to the Davidic king at the time) or 'belonging to the meaning there is probably 'to make music'. Possibly the
the Davidic collection of songs'. (For the tradition of David as a meaning is 'for musical performance'. RSV has 'To the Choir-
musician and author of psalms see i Sam 16:15—16, 23; 2 Sam master', as does NJB, and NIV's 'For the director of music'
1:17-27; 3:33; 6:5; 23:1-7; i Chr 23:5; Am 6:5; Sir 47:8-10; 2 gives the same sense, all linking the word with a verb meaning
Sam 22 ascribes Ps 18 to David; in the Mishnah a casual 'to excel, lead, be at the head, direct' in i Chr 23:4 and 2 Chr
reference speaks of the 'Book of Psalms by David' (m. 'Abot 2:2. The meaning is really unknown.
6.9), and the same belief is reflected in Mk 12:36—7; Rom 4:6— 11. To (according to) Jeduthun (lidutun) (Ps 39; 62; 77).
7; 11:9—10. According to i Chr 6:39; 15:17; 16:5—6; 2 Chr 5:12 Jeduthun is the name of one of David's musicians in i Chr
Asaph was one of David's chief musicians, a further example 16:41, and while it may refer to him in the psalm titles it has
of the Davidic tradition.) Since, however, nothing is known also been proposed that the word signifies 'confession'.
about David outside the OT, there is no way of determining 12. For the memorial offering (lehazkir) (Ps 38 and 70).
whether he wrote any of the psalms, and, indeed, the date of Mowinckel (1962: ii. 212) thinks the psalm is to 'remind'
most of them is unknown. The editors of the Psalter appear to YHWH of the psalmist's distress, and it may be linked with
have searched the books of Samuel and Chronicles for suit- the memorial sacrifice (Lev 2:2; 5:12).
able occasions in which to place the psalms, and added such 13. With stringed instruments (binegindt) (Ps 4; 6; 54; 55; 61;
references to thirteen psalms (Ps 3; 7; 18; 34; 51; 52; 54; 56; 57; 67; 76) refers to accompaniment with harp and lyre, probably
59; 60; 63; 142: only one title (Ps 7) cannot be readily linked in contrast with other noisier instruments.
with the biblical narratives). 14. The Gittith (fal-haggittit) (Ps 8; 81; 84) is of unknown
3. Within the length of this commentary it is not possible to meaning. The LXX translated it 'for the wine-press'. Other
comment on all the terms found in the titles, but the following suggestions are 'a vintage melody', 'according to the Gittite
brief notes discuss some of them. Where a word or phrase melody', 'with the Gittite lyre', and even that it refers to Obed-
occurs only once it is noted in the commentary. edom, the Gittite (2 Sam 6:10-11), and hence is related to a
4. Psalm (mizmor), found in the titles of fifty-seven psalms, procession with the ark.
occurs only in the Psalter and probably denotes a religious 15. Do not destroy (al-tashet) (Ps 57—9; 75). Mowinckel
song accompanied by harp or other stringed instruments. The (1962: ii. 214) notes that all four psalms contain references
LXX translated it by psalmos, hence our word. to pagan oppressors and suggests that it may refer to some rite
5. Song (sir) (Ps 18; 30; 46; 48; 65-8; 75; 76; 83; 87; 88; 92; which the psalm accompanied. It is often supposed that it is
108) is the normal word for religious and secular songs. It the name of a tune (cf Isa 65:8).
occurs with 'psalm' in all but two psalms (Ps 18; 46), and the 16. Seld is found within the body of thirty-nine psalms,
difference between the two terms is unknown. seventy-one times in the MT and ninety-two in the LXX (de-
6. Prayer (tepilld) (Ps 17; 86; 90; 102; 142; in the rubric in Ps tails in Kraus 1988: 29). Outside the Psalter it is found in the
72:20, and in Hab 3:1) is the normal Hebrew word for prayer. psalm in Hab 3:3, 9,13. The meaning is totally unknown, but
It has been suggested that it denotes laments, although there various guesses have been made. Aquila, Jerome, and the
are far more laments in the Psalter than those with the title. Targum translated it 'always, for ever', and the LXX diapsalma
7. Miktam is found in Ps 16; 56—60. The meaning is un- (presumably, 'interlude'). If it comes from a verb meaning 'to
known. The LXX and Targum translated it by 'pillar inscrip- lift up', it might refer to 'lifting up' one's voice ('sing louder'),
tion'. Luther's 'golden jewel' linked it with the Hebrew word 'lifting up' one's eyes ('repeat the verse'), or 'lifting up' the
for gold. Mowinckel (1962: ii. 209) connected it with atone- music (with loud instruments or an instrumental interlude).
ment. An alternative derivation suggests that it indicated points
8. Maskil occurs in the titles of Ps 32; 42; 44; 45; 52—5; 74; when the congregation fell prostrate in worship. Kraus
78; 88; 89; 142, and Ps 47:7; 2 Chr 30:22). The Hebrew root (1988: 28) draws attention to the LXX translation of Ps 9:16,
from which this word comes is usually taken to mean 'to have 'song of diapsalma', which seems to suggest the 'singing' or
insight, to teach, to prosper', and hence 'efficacious song', 'di- 'sounding' of the 'interlude' and may point to a musical inter-
dactic song', 'meditation', 'artistic song' have been suggested. mezzo or a doxology.
9. A Song of Ascents (sir hamma'alot). This is usually held to
indicate a pilgrim psalm, but some think (improbably) that it D. The Development of the Psalter. 1. While the titles provide
refers to their 'step-like' structure, others connect the fifteen little historical information about the individual psalms, they
psalms with a reference in the Mishnah (m. Middot 2.5) to the are important evidence for the development of the Psalter as a
fifteen steps from the court of the women to the court of Israel collection.
PSALMS 360

2. The division into five books (Ps 1-41; 42-72; 73-89; 90- of smaller collections that may have existed independently
106; 107—50) could hardly have been made before the collec- at some stage, and there is a general movement from
tion was complete. If, however, Ps 41:13, 72:18—19, 89:52, and laments, which dominate the first two books, to praises at
106:48 are doxologies inserted when the arrangement was the end of the Psalter. Such ignorance is not unexpected, given
made, this must have been before the time of the Chronicler, the long period of use and reuse of the psalms and the wide
since i Chr 16:36 includes Ps 106:48 in the quotation of part range of situations in which they have been sung and
of that psalm. prayed.
3. Before this fivefold arrangement was made (possibly in
imitation of the five books of the Torah) some smaller collec- E. Classifying the Psalms. 1. Despite some scepticism as to the
tions of psalms were already in existence. The most obvious of value of classifying the psalms and then attempting to deter-
these is Ps 120—34 which all have the title 'A Song of Ascents'. mine the original situations in which the types of psalm were
4. Eleven psalms are attributed to 'the sons of Korah' (Ps 42; sung (cf. Rogerson and McKay 1977: 8), no study can neglect
44-9; 84-5; 87-8) and twelve to Asaph (Ps 50; 73-83), and this approach. The evidence is quite insufficient for us to
these were probably separate collections. Why some of the discover the original historical contexts (even such an appar-
psalms became separated in the completed Psalter is un- ently clear reference to the Exile as Ps 137 is not unambigu-
known. 'The prayers of David son of Jesse are ended' (Ps ous), and similarities in structure, content, and mood
72:20) seems to have stood at the end of a collection of Davidic between groups of psalms immediately suggests that classify-
psalms. In the present form of the Psalter the psalms ascribed ing by the type of psalm may be a valuable way of treating
to him are not so neatly arranged. 'Of David' is found in the them. This does not mean that there were any rigid structures
MT titles of Ps 3-9; 11-32; 34-41; 51-65; 68-70; 86; 101; 103; to which each type of psalm had to conform, and those text-
108-10; 122; 124; 131; 133; 138-45, and in a further fifteen books which set out the supposed forms are liable to mislead.
psalms in the LXX. It is commonly supposed that two main Few psalms manifest the ideal structure of the types which
collections of Davidic psalms consisted of Ps 3—41 (probably scholars have proposed. Gunkel was right to adopt a more
without 33), and 51-71 (possibly even including the Solomonic flexible approach than some later advocates of form criticism.
Ps 72). Whether all the Davidic psalms originally formed a Moreover the types are not rigidly distinct, and it is less than
single collection is uncertain, and the titles of these psalms helpful to suppose that any development from 'pure' forms to
after Ps 72 may be due to the tendency to ascribe ever more 'mixed' ones occurred. In this commentary the types will be
psalms to David. There seem to have been smaller collections treated very generally.
or groupings ofmaskil and miktam Davidic psalms in Ps 52-5; 2. Laments of an Individual. These form the largest class of
56—60. Cutting across these collections, however, are Ps 42— psalms. Similarities with the Laments of the Community (E.
83, the so-called Elohistic Psalter, in which YHWH is found 6) have led some scholars to group both types as Laments or
relatively seldom and the Hebrew word for God ('elohim) Complaints. The worshipper is in distress and calls on God for
much more frequently, almost certainly due to the work of deliverance. Usually the suffering is described in very general
an editor (cf. Ps 53 where 'God' has been substituted for the terms, and often different kinds of trouble are included in the
YHWH of Ps 14, and the curious T am God, your God' in Ps same psalm. Illness (e.g. Ps 6; 22; 38; 88) and attacks from
50:7, where the original would appear to have been 'YHWH, enemies (e.g. Ps 3; 5; 17; 109) are frequently mentioned. Who
your God'). the 'enemies' are is uncertain (see G.2). It has been suggested
5. Whether it is possible to discover the principles upon that some of these laments were prayers by those who had
which the Psalter was put together is doubtful. Delitzsch been unjustly accused of some offence, were appealing to a
(1887) suggested that catchwords (e.g. 'shall never (not) be higher court, perhaps the temple priesthood, or were awaiting
moved', Ps 15; 16), similarities of theme (Ps 50; 51 both think an ordeal to test their guilt (e.g. 7; 26; 27). In some of these
sacrifice of little value; Ps 12—14 are lamentations, general— psalms the tone changes dramatically towards the end, and
personal—general), psalm pairs (e.g. Ps 3—4, morning and the psalmist affirms his confidence that God has heard his
evening prayers), or the grouping of similar psalms, such as prayer (e.g. Ps 6:8—10; 13:5—6; 31:19—24). This has been inter-
the 'Hallelujah' psalms (Ps 111-13; J46-5o), could explain the preted in four ways: (i) it may be that a fragment from a
ordering, but this is a piecemeal approach. The psalms in different psalm has been attached to the lament; (2) it may
praise of the law (Ps i; 19; 119) have been seen as markers of be the prayer of the psalmist after his prayer has been an-
one stage in the growth of the Psalter. Wilson (1985) points to swered; (3) it may reflect the alternating moods of the sufferer;
the presence of royal psalms at the main divisions of the first or (4) between the two parts of the psalm the psalmist may
three books (Ps 2; 72; 89), and traces an overarching scheme have received a sign that his prayer had been heard, perhaps
ofYHWH's covenant with David (bks. 1-2), the failure of that through an oracle by a cult prophet, or some indication that
covenant (bk. 3), and the answer to this in the kingship of his sacrifice had been accepted by God. In some psalms the
YHWH (bk. 4), with book 5 as an answer to the plea for note of confidence is extended so greatly that the psalm may
restoration from exile in Ps 106:47. To combine form-critical really be a prayer of thanksgiving, in which the psalmist re-
criteria with ancient Israelite intentions appears rash. (For calls his suffering and his earlier prayer. Confidence domin-
details of other attempts to identify small collections within ates a few psalms (e.g. Ps n; 23; 62; 131), and here it hardly
the Psalter and to account for its growth see Day 1990: 109- seems correct to count them as laments: some treat them as a
22; Gillingham 1994: 232-55, McCann 1993/7.) separate type of psalm.
6. It must be concluded that it is impossible to trace the 3. Thanksgiving by an Individual. When the psalmist re-
development of the Psalter, although there is clear evidence ceived an answer from God or was delivered from his distress,
 361 PSALMS
he would offer thanksgiving, often accompanied by a sacrifice. ing the importance of the king in ancient Israelite society. On
Such psalms sometimes contain an account of the distress this understanding a large number of psalms are held to be
from which the psalmist has been saved, and it is often not certainly royal psalms, with others probably belonging to this
easy to determine to which of the two types a psalm belongs category. It is difficult to decide between these two positions.
(e.g. Ps 30; 32; 34; 66; 116). Not all of Eaton's arguments are equally convincing, such as
4. Hymns. These normally consist of a call to praise the claim that the enemies are always foreigners or Israelite
YHWH, followed by an account of the reasons for worship- rebels or that there was a distinctive royal style, and a decision
ping him, usually introduced by 'for' or 'because' (e.g. Ps 29; ultimately depends on whether the reader is convinced by the
33; 100; 103; 104; 117; 145-50). There seems no need to distin- reconstruction of the cultic worship into which the psalms are
guish between those psalms which describe YHWH's char- fitted. (See F for a discussion of the New Year Festival.)
acter (e.g. Ps 33:4—5) and those which relate his actions in 8. Smaller Classes of Psalms. Besides these main types of
creating the world or saving his people Israel (e.g. Ps 136:4- psalm a number of smaller classes have been posited.
25). The hymn often ends with a renewed call to offer praise. 9. Wisdom Psalms have similarities with the wisdom writ-
Some of these hymns have similarities with Canaanite reli- ings in the OT (Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Sirach) and those
gion (see PS 29) or Egyptian hymns (see PS 104). from Egypt and Babylon. The exact number of psalms to be
5. Within this general class two groups of psalms have been included in this category depends upon what criteria are used
singled out, and have led to striking proposals for reconstruct- to define wisdom. Many accept Ps i; 37; 49; 73; 112; 127; 128;
ing the worship of the Jerusalem temple: 133. Like the wisdom writings they fall into two main types,
a. Songs of Zion, where the main theme is YHWH's de- collections of proverbs, mainly optimistic and expressing a
liverance and protection of Jerusalem (Ps 46; 48; 76; 84; 87; philosophy that goodness will be rewarded and evil punished
122). Opinion is divided over whether these psalms belong to (e.g. Ps i; 112), and meditations on what may be termed the
the Jerusalem cult and express a faith in divine protection of problem of theodicy (cf. Job; Ps 49; 73. Ps 37 is more like the
the city, possibly as part of a cultic drama, or were occasioned first group but recognizes that life does not always work out
by a spectacular deliverance of the city, perhaps at the time of neatly).
Sennacherib's siege (2 Kings 18:13-19:36; Isa 36-7). 10. Torah Psalms. The great psalm in praise of the law is Ps
b. Enthronement Psalms which are characterized by a 119, an elaborate acrostic, each of its twenty-two stanzas con-
phrase which has been variously translated as 'The LORD is sists of eight lines, each line beginning with the appropriate
king', 'The LORD reigns', 'The LORD reigns (now)', and 'The letter of the alphabet. The law is referred to under eight
LORD has become king' (Ps 47; 93; 96-9). The different synonyms. Ps 19:7-11 (or 7-14), which may be a separate
translations reflect different interpretations. Some follow Mo- psalm or psalm fragment, also praises the law under a range
winckel in positing a great New Year Festival in the autumn as of expressions. Ps i is often placed in this category rather than
part of the Feast of Tabernacles (Ingathering) in which the among the wisdom psalms.
kingship of YHWH was celebrated and he was enthroned 11. Entrance Liturgies. The question and answer in Ps 15;
anew. Others question whether such a festival existed in 24:3—6 suggests that these two psalms may have been the
Israel, and argue that to assert that YHWH became king im- catechism of pilgrims as they approach the temple, whether
plies that he had ceased to be king, rather like the dying and on an ordinary occasion or, perhaps more probably, for one of
rising gods of other cultures in the ancient Middle East. But to the great annual festivals. Isa 33:13-16 has similarities with
say that his enthronement was celebrated annually need not these liturgies.
imply this, and the psalms certainly gain in vividness if some 12. Pilgrimage Psalms. It is commonly accepted that the
such annual celebration is imagined. title 'Song of Ascents' in Ps 120-34 indicates psalms which
6. Laments of the Community. When famine or defeat in pilgrims sang as they made their way to Jerusalem. Possibly
war threatened the nation, a fast would be called and the Ps 84 and 122 also belong to this type, although Ps 84 has
people would express their grief and call upon YHWH for some of the features of an entrance liturgy and a hymn of
help (cf i Kings 8:33-40). Ps 44; 74; 79; 80 are examples of Zion, and Ps 122 seems clearly related to the latter.
the prayers that would be offered. Whether these were general 13. History Psalms. Accounts of events in Israel's history
petitions or were evoked by specific historical events, such as play such a large part in Ps 78; 105; 106 that they are often
the fall of Jerusalem in 586, is impossible to determine. described as history psalms. Each, however, has its own
7. Royal Psalms. These are psalms of various forms which features. Ps 78 has some of the characteristics of wisdom, Ps
have the king as the central figure, either as the one for whom 105 is a hymn of praise, and the stress on the past sins of Israel
the prayer is offered or the one who makes the prayer. There is in Ps 106 makes it a corporate confession. There is consider-
intense debate about the number of such psalms. The abso- able debate as to whether these psalms (or any of them) are
lute minimum number is Gunkel's list of Ps 2; 18; 20; 21; 45; dependent on the narratives of the Pentateuch. In the past
72; 101; no; 132; 144:1-11, with doubts expressed about 89:47- they were regarded as examples of'salvation history' theology,
52 (Gunkel and Begrich 1933:140). Atthe other extreme Eaton but some scholars now question whether this is an adequate
(1986) argues that in principle all the Davidic psalms belong term, regarding it as ambiguous and meaning nothing
to this group, which are characterized by 'royal' language and more than that Israel survived when the historical circum-
motifs, are in first-person form (or use the third person rather stances made it unlikely. It is better to refer simply to Israel's
like the royal 'we'), and combine individual and corporate history.
features, indicating that the psalmist is in some way the 14. Acrostics. Eight psalms are acrostics, each line or verse
representative of the community. He supports this by stress- beginning with the letters of the Hebrew alphabet in correct
PSALMS 362

sequence (Ps 9-10; 25; 34; 37; in; 112; 119; 145). This is Zion to the temple, and YHWH entered his temple as victor
difficult to reproduce in translation, but NJB has followed over his foes (Ps 24; 47).
the letters of the English alphabet in the initial words of 5. Ritual Combat. At some unknown point in the festival
each verse of Ps 25, beginning with 'Adoration I offer, Yahweh' there was a ritual combat in which YHWH defeated his
and ending with the additional v. 22, 'Ransom Israel, O God'. enemies, pictured both as the cosmic forces of chaos and the
Of the most recent translations only NJB indicates the Heb- enemies of Israel (Ps 46:8—11; 48:8—9; 149:5—9).
rew letters in all eight, though NIV does so in Ps 119. The 6. YHWH as Lord of Morality. YHWH was also worshipped
purpose of the acrostic form is debated. It is unlikely that it as Lord of universal morality. This is presented in two ways: he
was an aid to the memory, or had magical significance. An saves his people only as they are loyal to his covenant, and at
attractive suggestion is that it expressed completeness, the A the festival they renew their vows (Ps 24:1—6; 95:7—11; 97).
to Z, as it were, of the theme. Alternatively it may simply be an 7. Defeat of the Gods. YHWH's victory over the kings of the
artistic device. Acrostics are found both in OT writings outside nations has its counterpart in heaven. The gods of the nations
the Psalter (e.g. in Lam 1-4 and Prov 31:10-31) and in Babylon have been guilty of rebellious misrule, but YHWH will sub-
(though these are not alphabetic since cuneiform is syllabic). due them and himself take over the rule over the world (Ps
Moreover, there is evidence of deliberate art in the construc- 82), leading to universal peace (Ps 46:8-10; 98).
tion of many of the other psalms. This, therefore, seems to be 8. The King. The Davidic king played a central part in this
the most likely explanation. celebration. The historical books portray the king, God's
anointed, as sacrosanct and the representative of the nation,
F. The Pre-exilic New Year Festival. 1. It is quite impossible to
the welfare of which depends upon his righteousness (i Sam
reconstruct the rites and liturgy of the worship in the pre-exilic
9:16; 10:1; 24:6; 26:9; 2 Sam 1:14; 21:1; 24; i Kings 18:18). The
temple. The Torah is largely limited to sacrificial practice and
covenant between YHWH and the Davidic monarchy (2 Sam
the broad outline of the main pilgrimage feasts, and the
23:5; Ps 89:28—37; 132:11—18) was described as 'everlasting',
psalms neither reveal whether they formed part of the wor-
and the king is sometimes referred to as the (adopted) son of
ship nor give sufficient details to enable that worship to be
God (Ps 2:7; 89:26-7), revealing the lofty place the king held
recovered. Nevertheless, the work of Mowinckel (1962), John-
in Israelite thought.
son (1967; 1979) and Eaton (1976/1986) has produced an
9. Humiliation and Rescue. Like the Babylonian king at the
attractive picture of a cultic drama involving the king and
Akitu festival, it has been suggested that the Israelite king was
celebrating the enthronement of YHWH, which may also
almost defeated by his 'enemies' and ritually humiliated,
have had an eschatological aspect within it, or alternatively
before being saved by YHWH on account of his loyalty and
have been essentially sacramental. The main difficulties with
faithfulness to the covenant (cf. Ps 89:38—51; 18; 118). After his
such reconstructions lie in the sparsity of corroborative evi-
vindication the king seems to have been proclaimed as the
dence outside the psalms themselves, and the circular argu-
adopted son of YHWH and enthroned supreme over his
ment of reconstructing the cultic drama from the psalms and
enemies to rule them as God's vicegerent (Ps 2; 21; no).
then fitting the psalms into that worship. On the other hand it
has to be admitted that the hypothesis has succeeded in bring- G. Concepts from a Different Culture. 1. If the culture of Is-
ing the psalms to life in a vivid way, which few other proposals raelite society and the meaning of some common terms used
have managed to do. (For an excellent discussion of the issues by the psalmists are not appreciated, there is a danger that the
see Day 1990: 67—108.) Here only the broadest outline of the psalms will be misread. Out of a large number of words and
rites and some of the evidence which has been drawn upon concepts which might be considered, three are of special
will be set out. importance: enemies, the poor, and life after death.
2. New Year Festival. It is clear from Ex 23:16; 34:22; Deut 2. Enemies. No reader of the psalms can fail to notice how
16:13; Lev 23:34—43; i Kings 8:2; 12:32 that the most important often the psalmists complain to God about their enemies.
feast at the time of the monarchy was Ingathering. It took Several different Hebrew words are used, as well as longer
place at the 'going out' (Ex 23:16) or the 'turn' (Ex 34:22) of the descriptions of their actions. A term found in thirteen
year, and these terms, plus the later links with the horn- psalms (Ps 5:5; 6:8; 14:4; 28:3; 36:12; 53:4; 59:2; 64:2; 92:7,
blowing of New Year (Lev 23:24—5; Num 29:1—6) suggest 9; 94:4, 16; 101:8; 125:5; 141:4, 9) was formerly translated
that part of the festival may have been the celebration of the 'workers of iniquity' but modern translations favour 'evil-
New Year. The late passage in Zech 14:16-17 links the coming doers'. Outside the Psalter it is limited to Isaiah, Hosea, Job,
of the autumn rains and the kingship of YHWH, and may and Proverbs. Mowinckel (1921; 1962) argued that it referred
provide some support for the connection of the enthronement to sorcerers, but few have followed him completely, although
psalms with the festival. several accept that in some of the psalms this may be the
3. YHWH as Lord of Nature. The main celebration appears connotation.
to have been the worship of YHWH as the Lord of nature, the 3. To understand why there should be so many references to
one who secured the autumn rains and hence prosperity for enemies and who these enemies are is difficult. A useful
the coming year. This is described in Ps 29; 93; and 95 in approach is to note where the terms occur.
terms of his victory over the cosmic sea and his being pro- 4. In hymns, laments, and other psalms of the community
claimed as king. the enemies are obviously foreign nations or kings (e.g. Ps
4. Procession with the Ark. A prominent feature in the 44:10; 74:3—8). In royal psalms the enemies are the king's
ceremonies seems to have been a procession in which the foes, either actual or ritual (e.g. Ps 2:1-3; 45:5; IIO:I » 5~6; some
ark, symbol of YHWH's presence, was carried up the hill of think that 21:8-10 is addressed to the king rather than to
 363 PSALMS
YHWH), and since the king is the representative of his people, the fatherless, and the resident alien (Ps 94:6, cf. 10:17—18),
his enemies are also the nation's. but the interpretation is complicated by two things: the poor
5. In some psalms the enemies are described as the en- are commonly regarded as 'righteous' (even in Am 2:6), and
emies of YHWH (e.g. 66:3; 83:2; 92:9), and are linked with there is evidence both in the OT and in the other countries of
mythological actions (e.g. 89:10; cf 74:12-17). the ancient Middle East that 'poor' possessed overtones of
6. The majority of references to enemies, however, are 'pious'. Thus an Egyptian votive stele describes the god
found in individual laments and thanksgivings, and this Amun as 'lord of the humble man' who listens to the voice
causes the greatest difficulty. Those who attribute many of of the 'poor', and a Hittite king prays to the god Telepinus as
the individual laments to the king naturally treat the enemies father and mother of the oppressed and the lowly.
as foreign nations or rebels within the king's own people. This 12. Certainly YHWH is expected to protect the poor and
is supported by the fact that in some psalms of the individual defend the oppressed (e.g. Ps 140:12), and the king, as his
(e.g. 3:6; 27:3; 55:18; 56:1; 59:3; 62:3) they are depicted as an vicegerent, does the same (e.g. Ps 72:2-4,12-14). But equally
attacking army, but this is not totally convincing for all the it has to be kept in mind that 'poor', and even 'oppressed' may
psalms that have been claimed as 'royal'. be part of the language of piety, without any implications that
7. If some of the psalms are prayers by men who believe the psalmist is destitute (e.g. Ps 37:14 places side by side the
themselves to be wrongly accused, the 'enemies' will be their 'poor and needy' and 'those who walk uprightly'; while Ps
accusers. 40:17; 86:1, and many other psalms use 'poor and needy'
8. A group of psalms remains, however, where sickness and much as in the Egyptian prayers). In ancient Israel the poor
enemies occur together. Here the enemies might be those would also be illiterate; it is surely doubtful whether those
whom the psalmist believes to have resorted to sorcery. Alter- who composed and wrote down the psalms intended them as
natively, or perhaps in different psalms, the enemies may be the prayers of those who were destitute. If many of the lam-
those who condemn the psalmist as a sinner and hold that his ents are the king's prayers the language is even more likely to
illness is God's punishment for his sin. Even so the vehe- refer to religious piety rather than economic poverty. On the
mence of the psalmist's reaction to his enemies seems ex- other hand, there are those who remain firmly confident that
treme, the way he describes them as actively attacking him the poor in the psalms are indeed the poor (Kraus 1988: 92-5).
rather than engaged in a whispering campaign, or refusing to 13. Life after Death. Despite the weakening of classical
consort with him, and many of the metaphors which are used culture upon modern society, most people today probably
to describe the actions of the enemies (laying snares, lying in think of human beings either as no different from the animals
wait, attacking him like dogs and wild animals, sharpening or as possessing a material body and a spiritual 'soul'. Ancient
their teeth) hardly seem suitable to apply to those who, after Israel was closer to the first than the second. Human beings
all, are only expressing the orthodox belief in the connection were seen as animated bodies, physical beings into whom
between sin and suffering. God breathed life (cf. Gen 2:7-8). At death the unit of life
9. Perhaps, therefore, these psalms are intended for use by was broken up and the individual became 'like water spilled
many different individuals, and the troubles from which they on the ground, which cannot be gathered up' (2 Sam 14:14).
seek God's deliverance are deliberately expressed in general Although a few scholars (Schofield 1951; Dahood 1966—70)
terms that can be applied to a variety of situations. Even so, the have argued otherwise, it seems almost certain that for most
wide extent of the references to enemies (they are absent from ofthe period ofthe OTno happy life after death was envisaged.
relatively few psalms), and the presence of illness and en- It was only with the Maccabean martyrs and the apocalypses
emies in many psalms, is curious. (DCH provides an analysis that hopes of a resurrection appeared (cf. Dan 12:2). Certainly
of 'dyeb and 'doers of iniquity'; Kraus 1988: 95-9 has a good within the Psalter the normal belief was that the shades ofthe
discussion of'enemies'.) dead went down to Sheol (corresponding to the Greek Hades,
10. The Poor. The psalmists frequently refer to themselves and Babylonian concepts ofthe 'land of no return', cf. Job 8:9—
as 'poor'. Several different Hebrew words are used for the 10; 10:21; 16:22). This was pictured as a cavern under the
poor, translated with various English synonyms (four of earth, or more exactly under the waters beneath the earth,
them occur in Ps 82:3-4: 'weak', 'lowly', 'destitute', and which stood upon pillars (Ps 18:4-5, 69:1-2,14-15; Jon 2:2-9;
'needy'; for 'lowly' REB substitutes 'afflicted', and NJB for the cosmology see Ps 24:2; 75:3; 136:6). There the dead
'wretched'; NIV has 'weak', 'poor', 'oppressed', and 'needy'). continued a weak existence in a region of darkness, dust,
The Hebrew word used most frequently in the Psalter silence, and forgetfulness, unable to praise God, and beyond
for 'poor' possesses active and passive forms, but whether his power (Ps 6:5; 88:3-6,10-12; 94:17; 115:17; Job 3:13-19. Ps
these signify any distinction between 'humble' and 'humbled, 139:8 does not necessarily contradict this view of Sheol, since
oppressed' is doubtful. Even if it does, the text is ambiguous it may be a figure of speech describing the power of YHWH
in many places, and sometimes the qere and ketib record the and his care for the psalmist.). Three other terms are found for
active and passive forms. this land ofthe dead, all translated in NRSV by 'the pit' (Ps
11. There has been much debate about the meaning of 28:1; 30:3; 40:2; 88:4, 6; 143:7; 16:10; 30:9; 55:23; and 69:15).
these terms. Outside the Psalter they normally refer to those This is the background to all the psalms. It is possible that
materially poor, who, in the same way as widows and the occasional leaps of faith in a future life are found in Ps 16:9-
fatherless, are likely to be oppressed by wealthy and more n; 49:15; 73:24, but these do not constitute an established
powerful members of the village society (cf. Am 2:6; 4:1; 8:4, belief and their interpretation is uncertain.
6). This may be the meaning in many of the psalms (e.g. Ps 14. This comes as a shock to many Christians, who have
112:9), especially when they are found together with widows, taken it for granted that the Bible teaches life after death. The
PSALMS 364

dominance of the resurrection of Jesus in the NT has often his God' is in the good man's heart and 'their [Hebrew 'his']
made it difficult to realize that Israelite worshippers of steps do not slip' (Ps 37:31; they 'never depart from it' GNB).
YHWH had a very different belief. The limitation of life to For 'nor have our steps departed from your way', GNB has 'we
this world was probably one reason for the importance of have not disobeyed your commands' (Ps 44:18; cf. also 56:6;
retribution being worked out before death and the devising 73:2). The vivid concrete metaphor of Ps 73: 'But as for me, my
of a satisfactory theodicy. Christian use of the psalms, of feet had almost stumbled, my steps had nearly slipped', is
course, has imposed Christian ideas upon them, so that be- replaced in GNB by abstract nouns: 'But I had nearly lost
side the messianic interpretations have come readings which confidence, my faith was almost gone'. The accusation against
see in many phrases beliefs in resurrection, immortality, and the wicked that 'their throats are open graves; they flatter with
life after death, while 'soul' came to be understood in the their tongues' is rendered 'Their words are flattering and
Graeco-Christian sense of that part of the human being which smooth, but full of deadly deceit' (Ps 5:9), and the picture of
survived death (cf Peter's quotation of Ps 16:8-11 in Acts God gathering the waters ofthe sea 'as in a bottle' becomes
2:24-32). 'into one place' (Ps 33:7).
15. Soul. As has been mentioned, alongside these beliefs 2. Animal Imagery. One of the delightful features of the
about life and death went a particular understanding of psalms is the very large number of references to animals. Not
human personality. The older translations, with their fre- only are they God's creatures, who offer to him their own
quent mention of'soul', give the impression that the Israelites praise (cf. Ps 104; 149), but they provide images for many
thought in terms of body and soul. This is plainly incorrect, as different human and divine characteristics and actions. God is
Gen 2:7 shows: when God breathed life into the little clay man pictured as a mother bird, sheltering his worshippers under
that he had made, the man 'became a living being (Heb. his wings (Ps 17:8; 36:7; 57:1; 61:4; 63:7; 91:4). The psalmist
nepes). Often 'soul' (nepes) is used for a person's inner being wishes he were a sparrow or swallow nesting within the
or vitality, virtually the equivalent of 'life' or 'individual'. temple (Ps 84:3). In his distress he likens himself to an owl
Commonly 'my soul' is a way of saying T myself. The Hebrew in the wilderness, and a lonely bird on the housetop (Ps
word nepes can also express emotions, such as greed, desire, 102:6-7), and longs for wings like a dove to escape (Ps 55:6-
and courage. In addition, many think that in a few places it 8). God's goodness and forgiveness renews his youth 'like the
carries the physical meaning of'neck, throat', as the cognate eagle's' (Ps 103:5). His longing for God is like the deer's long-
word does in Akkadian, and this has been adopted by most ing for flowing streams (Ps 42:1), and he urges his fellows to
modern translations in Ps 69:1; 105:18, and by REB in 7:2 (and walk in God's way, and not to be like horses and mules which
31:9 marg.) in addition. It may have this meaning in Ps 63:5; are restrained only with bit and bridle (Ps32:8-g). Someofthe
107:9, 18 and a few other places. (For a full discussion see most vivid similes are reserved for the psalmist's enemies.
Johnson 1964.) They attack him like lions (Ps 7:2; 10:9; 17:12; 22:13, 2I > 57-4)
16. NRSV often retains 'soul', especially when it is the and he asks God to tear out their fangs (Ps 58:6). They are like
subject of a verb or is in the vocative (cf. Ps 42:1-2; 103:1-2). bulls (Ps 22:12) and the wild ox (Ps 22:21), like snakes, venom-
REB has 'soul' in only seven psalms, presumably where the ous and deaf (Ps 58:4—5; 140:3) and dogs (Ps 22:16, 20; 59:6,
English would otherwise be awkward or synonyms for parallel 14), and he wishes that they would dissolve into slime like
words needed to be found (Ps 19:7; 42:4; 74:19; 103:1, 2, 22; snails (Ps 58:8, if that is the meaning). The king, if it be the
104:1, 35; 130:6,146:1). Various methods are adopted by mod- king, describes himself as surrounded by foreign nations as if
ern translations to avoid using 'soul'. The most common is to by bees (Ps 118:12). In an elaborate simile which compares
have the simple pronoun (e.g. Ps 3:2 'to me'; 124:7 'we have Israel to a vine, its attackers are compared to the wild boar (Ps
escaped'; the practice is much more common in REB than in 80:13). I na different image, the mountains skip like rams and
NRSV). Alternative concepts are sometimes adopted, such as lambs before YHWH's theophany (Ps 114:4).
life' (e.g. Ps 35:4; 38:12); 'heart' (Ps 10:3; 78:18); and 'will' (Ps 3. Hunting. A favourite way of depicting the enemies'
27:12, where REB has 'greed' and NIV 'desire'; 41:2). Short actions is hunting. In Sumerian the sign for the hunt signified
phrases sometimes represent the sense, again more often in an enclosed space and originally meant 'to surround'. Hunt-
REB (Ps 35:25 'we have got our wish' REB; 105:22 'at his ing in the OT was mainly practised with traps and snares.
pleasure'; 107:26 'courage'; 138:3 'bold and strong' REB). Frequently the psalmists speak of traps, nets, and pits (Ps
This is to return to the meanings which the psalms had in 9:15-16; 31:4; 35:7-8; 57:6; 64:5; 69:22; 141:9-10; 142:3). In
ancient Israel. Whether Christians are justified in retaining Ps 124:7 the Israelites describe their rescue from their en-
the 'soul' of AVand BCP in their use ofthe psalms in worship, emies who 'would have swallowed up us alive' in the image of
interpreting it as the immortal part ofthe individual, is an- a bird escaping from a broken snare. Keel (1978) illustrates
other question. many of these similes from reliefs from the ancient Middle
East.
H. Imagery in the Psalms. 1. As has been seen, poetry is always 4. Images of YHWH: Shepherd. YHWH is described under
seasick when it is ferried to another country. Translation a wide range of metaphors and similes. Despite the familiar
cannot convey the rhythms, overtones, resonances, sounds, 'The LORD is my shepherd', the image of a shepherd occurs
alliteration, and plays on words in the original. Metaphor and only in Ps 23 and 80:1, although his worshippers are referred
simile play a very large part in the appeal ofthe psalms, and to as sheep in a number of other places (Ps 74:1; 78:52; 79:13;
the ultimate horror ofthe ability of translation to destroy the 95:7; 100:3). Sheep also represent the weakness of the
poetry is seen in GNB. 'Steps' and 'path' are frequent meta- psalmists in face of their enemies (Ps 44:11, 22). The
phors for life and conduct. The psalmist says that the 'law of psalmist declares that he has gone astray 'like a lost sheep'
 365 PSALMS
(Ps 119:176), while in Ps 49:14 the shepherd is death, in grim 3. Secondly, and even more importantly, the psalms are the
contrast to Ps 23. poetry of prayer and praise, not the prose of dogma. The
5. Father, Rock, Fortress. Not unexpectedly YHWH is never attraction and power of the psalms lies in imagery and lan-
described as the mother of his people, but it is perhaps sur- guage, rather than in a set of theological ideas. They kindle
prising that he is only rarely called father (Ps 68:5; 89:26; religion rather than define it. It is possible to derive a theology
103:13), though the king is his adopted son (Ps 2:7). More from liturgy and worship, but a better way is to allow the
common metaphors are rock (Ps 18:2, 31, 46; 61:2; 71:3; psalms to inspire and express religious devotion. But they
89:26; 144:1-2), fortress, strong tower, or stronghold (Ps come from a distant age, and a few problems remain.
9:9; 18:2; 31:2; 61:3; 71:3; 91:2; 144:2), and shield (Ps 3:3;
J. Problem Features in the Psalter. 1. James Russell Lowell's
28:7; 33:20; 59:11; 115:9, 10, n; 144:2). YHWH is a warrior
comment that 'Time makes ancient good uncouth', applies as
(Ps 24:8; 78:65-6), who takes up his shield (Ps 35:2) and fights
much to truth as to goodness. One change of attitude in
for his people. Vivid imagery describes the theophany (Ps
modern times, the rejection of patriarchal society and lan-
18:7-15; 77:16-20; 97:2-5; 98:7-8). While not exactly a meta-
guage, has already been noted (A.g). So strong are feelings
phor, the title 'YHWH of hosts' (Ps 24:10; 46:7; 48:8; 69:6;
about this, that the psalms have been rewritten in all the most
84:3,12; cf. 'YHWH, God ofhosts', 59:5; 80:4,19; 84:8, 89:8),
recent translations in order that 'masculine-oriented lan-
is often linked with military language, although there is de-
guage should be eliminated as far as this can be done without
bate as to whether the 'hosts' are Israel's armies or the hea-
altering passages that reflect the historical situation of ancient
venly host (the stars). It seems to have been a special title given
patriarchal culture' (NRSV: xv). Two other features often cause
to YHWH in the Jerusalem cult.
distress to Christians today: attitudes towards enemies and
6. The Righteous and the Wicked. Other metaphors light up
assertions of innocence.
the character of the righteous and the wicked. The good man
2. Attitudes towards 'Enemies'. The most striking form of
is like a flourishing tree (Ps 1:3; 52:8; 92:12), and Israel is
the hostility and even outright cruelty towards enemies is
depicted as a vine (Ps 80:8—13), while the wicked are like chaff
found in Ps 137:7-9 and 139:19-22, where psalms which
which is blown away (Ps 1:4; 35:5; 83:13; two different Heb.
have great appeal are wrecked by calls for vengeance (cf. Ps
words are used). The shortness of human life is but 'a few
104:35, with its call for the destruction of the wicked). Ps 69
handbreadths' (Ps 39:5). The sick man shrivels as quickly as
and 109 contain long imprecations against the psalmist's
grass (Ps 90:5—6; 102:4; IO3:I5—I6); the image is used as a
enemies, Ps 35 and 52 are largely taken up with an appeal to
curse on the psalmist's enemies (Ps 129:6). The days of
God against an enemy, Ps 58 describes the wicked in violent
human beings drift away like smoke (Ps 102:3), and their
terms and seeks divine punishment that is even more violent,
life is poured out like water (Ps 22:14; 5^-7)- The wicked are
Ps 83 contains a long section seeking vengeance, and other
depicted as wearing their evil devices and dishonour like
psalms contain similar expressions. Several of these psalms
clothes (Ps 73:6; 109:18-19, 29).
also find pleasure in contemplating the punishments and
7. Wife and Sons. Finally in this selection of images, a
disasters that befall the wicked and the enemies (e.g. Ps
man's wife, like Israel, is pictured as a fruitful vine, his chil-
52:6-7; 58:10-11). Various devices have been adopted to deal
dren as olive shoots (Ps 128:3), while sons are like arrows in
with this.
the hand of a warrior (Ps 127:4-5; providing Anthony Trollope
3. Editing out. Frequently in worship the offending verses
with Mr Quiverful!).
(in the case of Ps 137 and 139) are deleted, or the psalm is never
I. The Theology of the Psalms. 1. Most commentaries include sung (in contrast to BCP, where the practice of singing
a discussion of the theology of the Psalter and whole books through the whole Psalter is followed). Modern hymn-books,
have been written on the subject (e.g. Gunn 1956; Ringgren such as the Methodist Hymns and Psalms, severely limit the
1963; Kraus 1986; McCann 19930). It is deliberately omitted number of psalms they include, and even edit these with
here for two reasons. deletions.
2. First, there is no unitary theology of the psalms. Rather 4. Quotations. Some modern translations try to alleviate the
what is found is a number of different theologies and series of difficulty by their punctuation. Thus NRSV, REB, and NJB
theologies. On the one hand, the theology of Ps i is very express the view that the curses in Ps 109:6—19, or some of
different from that of Ps 73 or 88; the universalism of some them, are those of the psalmist's enemies, not his own (the
of the hymns is different from the intense nationalism of first two even insert 'They say' at the beginning of v. 6).
others; even the three history psalms present differing views 5. The Nature of the Psalms. But these expedients are no
of God's activity in Israel's history and Israel's response to answer to the problem, which concerns the way in which
God. On the other hand, the interpretation of the psalms, and Scripture is understood and interpreted. Six general com-
hence their theological teaching, has changed over the ments about the nature of the psalms may be made first, (i)
centuries. It is doubtful whether we can recover the theology In some psalms the words may be the defence of those main-
of those who wrote the psalms, even if'theology' is the correct taining their innocence against criminal charges and thus be
term to describe their ideas about God, for practice and wor- part of the legal setting. (2) Even if'workers of iniquity' is not a
ship were probably more important than explicit beliefs, and technical term for sorcerers, sometimes the psalmist may feel
each stage in the editing and compilation of the Psalter intro- threatened by sorcery, and the curses may have the character
duced fresh theological ideas. Later, the psalms have been of counter-spells. (3) If some psalms were actually composed
used by Jews and Christians in different contexts and with by men who were seriously ill and not by priests for them, the
different meanings. mental strain of the illness must be taken into account. (4)
PSALMS 366

The easiest answer is to interpret most of the individual sung in its entirety as the centre of monastic prayer (Bradshaw
laments as the king's psalms, when his enemies will be the 1995}.
enemies of Israel and ultimately of God, so that the curses are
an expression of the psalmist's opposition to evil, and part of K. The Numbering of the Psalms. 1. The numbering of the
the cultic expression of Israel's faith. (5) In the absence of any psalms differs between the Protestant and Catholic/Orthodox
hope of a happy life after death, evil has to be defeated in the traditions. The reason is thatthe LXX combined Ps 9 and 10 as
present world if right is to be triumphant. Illness and mis- a single psalm, Ps 9 (probably correctly), joined 115 to 114
fortune are regarded as signs of the psalmist's sin, and only (as Ps 113), and divided Ps 116 into Ps 114 (= w. 1-9) and
restoration and the discomfiture of his 'enemies' will prove Ps 115 (= w. 10-19), and P S 147 into Ps 146 (= w. i-n) and Ps
his innocence and God's just rule over the world. (6) It is 147 (= w. 12—20). It inserts 'Alleluia' before Ps 116:10, and
sometimes also observed that the psalmists make no distinc- repeats its expanded form of the title to Ps 147 before v. 12.
tion between the sin and the sinner, whereas Christians are This means that for most of the Psalter the psalm numbers in
often taught to do so. (See Zenger 1996.) the LXX and the Vulgate, and hence the Catholic English
6. Morality and the Culture. Behind these comments lies a versions (Douai and Ronald Knox) are one behind those of
recognition that ethical decisions cannot be made without the Hebrew/Protestant text. JB and NJB, however, follow the
reference to the society in which the actors live. Morality is Hebrew numbering.
part of the overarching culture. This means that ethical ideas 2. In the Hebrew the titles of the psalms are treated as part
change over the years as societies change, and moral judge- of the text. This means that where the title is longer than a few
ments cannot be absolute. Even if complete relativity of mor- words it is counted as a separate verse (or even two verses in Ps
als is rejected, it can hardly be maintained that human ethical 51; 52; 54; 60). For many of the psalms, therefore, the Hebrew
standards at any one time are the immutable will of God. This verse numbers differ from the English translations. Some
means accepting that we too are children of our age; and our commentaries give both numbers, but in this commentary
consciences are also imperfect and moulded by the society in the English numbering is followed.
which we live. The psalmists belonged to their own age, and
part of the problem of Scripture lies in the fact that it is the
COMMENTARY
very human word of very frail and sinful human beings. No
longer is it possible to defend a view of biblical authority which Psalm i The first two psalms lack titles, which is unusual in
sees it as the infallible word of God, and attempts to do so lead Book i of the Psalter, and it is probable that they provide an
to grotesque apologetics (see Kaiser 1983: 292-7, with its introduction to the whole book of Psalms. Whether they
conclusion that 'neither Ps 137 nor any of the other seventeen originally formed a single psalm is very doubtful, however,
imprecatory psalms present a sub-Christian... ethic'). in spite of an ancient Jewish saying that the first psalm begins
7. Assertions of Innocence. An older and more morally and ends with a beatitude (v. i and 2:11). A few manuscripts of
sensitive age was troubled by the way in which many of the Acts 13:33 refer to Ps 2 as the 'first' psalm, which suggests that
psalmists claimed that they were righteous, and demanded among some Christians either the two psalms were combined
divine support on this ground (cf. Ps7:8; 17:1—5; 18:20—4; 2 ^)- or they knew of texts which began with the present Ps 2.
Now, in an age of advertising, self-assertion, and the ubiqui- Certainly it seems likely that Ps i was placed here after Book
tous curriculum vitae, perhaps this is viewed less harshly— i or the entire Psalter was completed.
indeed, it may even pass unnoticed. Yet it stands in stark It is similar to Ps 19:7—14 and 119 in its delight in the 'law',
contrast to the humility and recognition of human sinfulness and probably is post-exilic. Whether it is correctly termed a
that the NT and much of the OT teaches. 'wisdom' psalm, and whether it was intended for use in the
8. One answer lies along the lines of the previous section. In cult are both uncertain. Perhaps it is best understood as a
some psalms the plaintiff may be presenting a legal case that poem to encourage faithfulness to the religion of the Torah.
he is innocent of some particular charge, and the declarations Although often described as 'The Two Ways' (cf. v. 6) its tone is
of innocence are not to be taken as assertions of complete set by the initial, 'Happy are those . . . '. The poet is convinced
sinlessness. Or the king may be confessing his loyalty to the that the way of goodness is an attractive way, and it would be
covenant and seeking God's help in the ritual combat with his wrong to regard it as presenting a moralistic religion in which
(and God's) enemies. Moreover, the underlying belief that goodness is pursued for reward.
reward and punishment have to be worked out in this life The structure is clear: w. 1-3 describe the righteous, closing
increases the urgency of the plea. with the simile of a tree planted beside an irrigation canal, a
9. Confession and the Penitential Psalms. It has to be comparison found in ancient Egypt and in pictures from the
admitted that the psalms are rather short on confession. Of ancient Middle East. Although the phrases in v. i might
the church's seven 'penitential psalms', only two (Ps 32; 51) ascend to a climax ('walk', 'stand', 'sit'; 'wicked', 'sinners',
clearly express a sense of the psalmist's own sin, with brief 'scoffers') they may be simple poetic parallels. If the psalm
glimpses in Ps 130:3—4; and 143:2, and less certainly than is post-exilic, the reference to the 'law' may be to the written
NRSV suggests in Ps 38:18. They are mostly to do with the Pentateuch. The picture is of the pious reader speaking the
afflicted ones, rather than with those confessing their sins words of the law half aloud until they become part of his
(Snaith 1964: 12). All the psalmists are much more ready to being, rather than of silent and passive meditation. The point
impute evil to their enemies and to castigate 'the wicked'. That of the tree simile is that it flourishes, not that the fruit is a
we expect to find all the religious emotions in the Psalter is 'reward', despite the last line of v. 3, which speaks of the
perhaps an inheritance from an age when the Psalter was prosperity of the good man.
 367 PSALMS
The wicked are described more briefly in w. 4-5: the godly ancient world, the Israelite king was not regarded as des-
man is described in detail; the side glance at the wicked is but cended from God. In the Hebrew the emphasis is upon T
to light up the blessing of his life by contrast. The picture is of myself rather than 'this day' as Eng. versions.
winnowing the corn, throwing it up into the air after it has NRSV follows a common conjectural emendation in w. n-
been threshed by a flail or a threshing sledge, so that the wind 12. The Hebrew appears to mean literally: 'and rejoice with
will blow away the straw and the husks and allow the heavier trembling. Kiss a (the) son lest he should be angry and you
grains to fall to the ground, v. 5 is uncertain. Most translations perish with regard to the way' (i.e. the way you are behaving).
render the verbs as futures, although they do not differ from Apart from the word for 'son' being Aramaic (the Hebrew
the form of many of the verbs earlier in the psalm, implying word is used in v. 7) this makes tolerable sense, kissing the
that the judgement is a future judgement by God. Some early king being understood as an act of homage. Kissing the feet
Christian commentators saw a reference to the resurrection would be an even humbler grovelling, and accords with a
by translating the verb as 'rise up', perhaps influenced by the practice well known in the ancient world. The LXX had a
LXX. Since the general OT belief was that the dead went to different text: 'and rejoice for him in trembling. Take hold of
Sheol and remained there (see PS 0.13), this is unlikely unless instruction (or chastisement, correction) lest the Lord should
the psalm were very late indeed. The reference appears to be to ever become angry and you perish from a (the) righteous way.'
day-by-day judgements either by the elders in the gate, or Some of the ancient versions understood the word translated
possibly by God himself, and continues the description of 'son' to be a different word meaning 'pure' or 'purity', hence
the two types of people. This would form a better parallel to 'worship in purity'. The pronouns also present problems if
'nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous'. The verb 'kiss the son' is abandoned, for it becomes uncertain who the
translated 'watches over' in v. 6 is 'knows', with the sense of subject of the verbs in v. 12 is. NRSV apparently accepts the
'takes care of: other psalmists and the writer of Job will have very striking metaphor of kissing God's feet. Some adopt a
to question whether life is always as simple as this. change of reference: Serve YHWH, kiss (the king's) feet, lest
Psalm 2 The first Christians interpreted this psalm as mes- YHWH be angry. Probably the original text and meaning are
sianic prophecy and v. 7 is quoted in Acts 13:33 and Heb 1:5; 5:5 irrevocably lost and all that remains certain is that the rebel-
as referring to Jesus, reflected in the capital letters for 'An- lious kings are warned to submit to God and his representa-
ointed One', 'King', and 'Son' in NIV. The older critical tive, the Israelite king.
scholars connected it with an Israelite king who had recently Psalm 3 The psalm is a prayer to God for help against en-
ascended the throne, and discussed the claims of David, emies,with a strong expression of confidence in his protection
Solomon, or some other king. Form criticism classifies it as (w. 3-6). w. 1-2 describe the psalmist's situation, v. 7 is the call
a 'royal psalm', but there is no agreement as to the way in to God for help (probably the whole verse should be translated
which it may have been used in ancient Israel—at the Davidic as a plea, 'Rise u p . . . Deliver me... Strike all my enemies ...
king's enthronement, or at an annual celebration of his acces- break the teeth...', cf. NIV). The final verse widens the per-
sion, as the new king's first proclamation to his subjects, or spective to the whole congregation or nation. The introductory
spoken by a cultic prophet. Many set it within a cultic drama, verses are held together by a threefold 'many', and three words
in which the king is attacked by his (and God's) enemies and derived from the same Hebrew root, 'help', 'deliver', and 'de-
finally is delivered by God. Those more attracted to literary liverance' link the first and last sections of the psalm.
and canonical interpretations point to the concluding beati- So much is clear. Problems begin when we ask who the
tude which forms an indusio with that in Ps 1:1, and to the psalmist and the enemies might be. If the enemies are mili-
repetition of some words, such as 'meditate' (1:2) and 'plot' tary foes, it is natural to see the Israelite (Davidic) king as the
(2:1, the same Hebrew verb), and suggest that the two psalms one who is appealing to God. If the title is not allowed to
form a double introduction to the Psalter and represent two influence the reader, the psalmist may be an Israelite who
ways of understanding it, as teaching and as Davidic or mes- faces attacks by fellow Israelites, a man who has been (falsely)
sianic. Following the approach adopted in this commentary, accused of some crime (with the enemies as his accusers), or
the psalm will be interpreted as a poem in its own right. even a sufferer who regards his illness as owing to attacks by
The psalm falls into four sections: w. 1-3 describe the enemies, although the last interpretation is less likely. In any
rebellion of the 'kings of the earth' against YHWH and his case there is poetic exaggeration in the 'ten thousands of
anointed king; w. 4—6 depict God's mockery and support of people who have set themselves against me all around' (v.6).
his king with a bold anthropomorphism; in w. 7—9 the king Less certain is the situation. If the psalm is taken as a royal
sets out the divine proclamation which established him as psalm, it is still impossible to decide whether the psalm was
God's adopted son and promised him victory over his en- composed in (or perhaps more probably, for) an actual battle
emies; and w. 10—12 give a final warning to the hostile kings or whether the attacks are part of a ritual combat in a cultic
to submit to YHWH. The closing benediction stands apart drama. If it was originally a cultic prayer for those suffering
from the rest of the psalm and some have suggested that it is from hostility from other people, v. 5 might refer to spending
an addition, fitting the psalm into later worship. the night in a sanctuary in order to receive a divine oracle,
Two verses present difficulties of translation. The 'decree' in though the more natural way of taking the verse is as a mark of
v. 7 probably declares what YHWH is performing—the act of such total trust in God that the psalmist can sleep without fear.
making the king his son—and should be translated: T myself The early Christians found a reference to the resurrection of
beget you today' (cf REB, 'this day I become your father'). The Jesus in the sleep and awakening. Later liturgical use has
sonship is through adoption: unlike other monarchs in the treated it as a morning psalm.
PSALMS 368

The title probably comes from a scribe who has searched that YHWH has shown me his marvellous love' (cf. NEB).
through the books of Samuel for a suitable occasion in David's 'Right sacrifices' (v. 5, literally 'sacrifices of righteousness') are
life in which to place the psalm, and came up with his flight probably sacrifices offered with correct rites or in a right spirit,
from his son Absalom (see 2 Sam 15-17, esp. 15:12, 14). Cer- although some regard them as sacrifices which acknowledge
tainly there is much that fits the account in Samuel, and it YHWH's justice, and a very ancient Christian interpretation
might even be that the psalm was composed by a scribe as a thought of righteousness itself as a metaphorical sacrifice.
literary response to the narrative, although the general view is Psalm 5 Usually defined as an individual lament, this psalm
that the titles were added to existing psalms rather than is clearly a petition to God. Uncertainties about the status of
indicating the inspiration of them. Or it may have been writ- the psalmist, the nature of the enemies, and precisely what
ten for any of the kings of Judah. The date is less certain on the psalmist is presenting 'in the morning', make it difficult to
more general interpretations of the psalm. be certain about its origins and use in ancient Israel.
From a literary perspective attention may be drawn to the The title probably intends to ascribe it to David, and some
threefold reiteration of 'many' in w. 1-2, and the theme of scholars interpret it as a royal psalm, sung in a cultic rite.
'help', 'deliver', 'deliverance' (the same Heb. root) in w. 2, 7, 8. This is held to fit the identification of the enemies as
Psalm 4 At first sight this is a happy, confident little evening also rebels against God. Those who find no evidence of
psalm. The many small differences among the main transla- authorship or original usage in the titles of the psalms com-
tions and the wide range of interpretations offered by com- monly see it as the prayer of someone faced with false
mentators show that it is difficult to be certain about how it accusations, the enemies being the hostile and vindictive
should be read. It offers few clues as to the speaker, the accusers. The situation might then be either a prayer for a
persons addressed, and the occasion on which it was spoken just outcome to a forthcoming 'trial', or an appeal to God for a
or sung, and although there are not a great number of textual verdict (perhaps through a priestly oracle) at a hearing in the
problems, the exact meaning of several phrases is not clear. temple.
Some see it as a companion to Ps 3: a king's psalm, which The reference to the 'morning' in v. 3 has led to the psalm
the older scholars placed in the time of Absalom's rebellion being used as a morning hymn, While the references to the
and explained as expressing David's faith in YHWH and a morning are clear, it is uncertain what action is being per-
rallying call to his dispirited followers. There is little firm formed. The Hebrew has no object to the verb 'set in order,
evidence to support this. More recent royal interpretations arrange'. The older English versions (and NIV) supplied 'my
prefer a cultic interpretation, with YHWH's anointed king prayer', 'my requests', but this is unlikely since the verb is
and representative addressing his opponents and proclaiming never linked with prayer in the OT It is regularly used for
his glory over against those who worship false gods. The presenting a case in a lawsuit and for ordering a sacrifice,
reference to harvest fits this theme, since the faithfulness of hence NRSV's 'plead my case' and REB's 'prepare a morning
the king is linked with the prosperity of the land (cf Ps 72). sacrifice'.
Others, however, find little evidence to refer the psalm to the The mention of the temple in v. 7 is equally ambiguous. It
king, and suggest that it belongs to rulers in general, whether might refer to any of the local sanctuaries, but most probably
secular or priestly, and see the occasion as a time of drought or is the Jerusalem temple. This is partly supported by the psalm-
bad harvest. Yet others see in it confidence in the face of false ist's address to God as 'my King', which has been widely seen
accusations or the vicissitudes of life. Even form criticism is as a characteristic of the Jerusalem cult. Whether the psalmist
uncertain whether the dominant theme is lament or confi- is actually present at the morning worship or describes his
dence. Repetitions of words ('call', w. i, 3; 'right', w. i, 5; 'hear' intention to present his case or offer sacrifice there cannot be
w. i, 3; 'heart' w. 4 (NRSV 'ponder', lit. 'say in your heart'), 7; determined.
'bed'/'lie down' (related words in Heb.), w. 4, 8; 'trust'/'in The structure of the psalm may be analysed in several
safety' (verb and noun), w. 5, 8; and 'many'/'abound' (noun different ways. If NRSV is followed, w. 1-3 are the invocation
and verb), w. 6, 7) point to literary skill but are less helpful in to God and statement of the psalmist's intention, w. 4—6
revealing the structure of the psalm, w. 2—5 stand out as describe God's character, w. 7-8 express the psalmist's con-
addressed to an opposing group, while w. i, 6—8 are a prayer fident approach to God, w. 9-10 set out the wickedness of the
to God. Possibly, like many Christian hymns, the very ambi- enemies and call upon God to condemn and destroy them,
guity and lack of definite allusions make it more possible for and w. ii—12 form a concluding invitation to the righteous to
many different people to make its confident appeal to God rejoice. Possibly the final verse should be taken as a call to God
their own. to give his blessing and defend them.
In v. i the middle line either expresses the confidence upon In the title, 'for the flutes' is the most probable interpret-
which the two petitions are based (as most translations) or the ation of a phrase that is unique here, and presumably intends
Hebrew should be taken as a further petition ('give me relief the psalm to be accompanied by flutes. The Babylonians had a
from my distress', NIV). v. 2 appears to refer to the respect due special kind of lament called 'flute psalms of lamentation'.
to the psalmist within the community, although some take it The LXX referred it to a different Hebrew word and translates
to be a reference to God ('how long will you dishonour my 'concerning her that inherits'. It is possible, though unlikely,
glorious one', REB, cf. NIV marg.), who is dishonoured by that it was the name of a melody, 'To "Inheritance" '.
worship offered to other gods. The meaning of the Hebrew in Psalm 6 That the psalmist is gravely ill appears obvious. Less
v. 3» is very uncertain (cf. the variety of modern translations); certain is the relation of the illness to the 'enemies'. It has
perhaps it should be read, with a small emendation, 'Know been suggested that it was the enemies who brought about the
 369 PSALMS
psalmist's illness, perhaps through sorcery, but few accept Psalm 7 The title describes this psalm as a 'Shiggaion of
this explanation, partly because the usual Hebrew word for David' and links it with 'Gush, a Benjaminite'. The meaning
sorcery does not occur in any of the psalms, chiefly because of'Shiggaion', found only here and in a different form in Hab
the psalmists regularly, as here, see God as the cause of their 3:1, is unknown. Scholarly guesses as to its meaning include a
suffering. The suggestion that the term 'workers of evil' (v. 8) song of irregular form or varied mood, and a psalm of lamen-
refers to sorcerers has slight support. Usually, therefore, the tation. One suggestion is that the word is a corruption of
enemies are regarded as members of the psalmist's commu- 'Higgaion' (Ps 9:16; 92:3), perhaps 'melody' (as NRSV in Ps
nity who interpret his illness as divine punishment for wrong- 92:3) or 'meditation'. The LXX has simply 'a psalm'. The
doing, much as Job's friends did (e.g. Job n:6; 15:4-6; 22:5- author of the title seems to have linked it with the Cushite
n), and by their hostility increase his sufferings. Even so the of 2 Sam 18:19—33, or one °f David's Benjaminite enemies
psalmist's reaction in v. 10 strikes modern readers as extreme. such as Shimei (2 Sam 16:5-14; 19:16-23, i Kings 2:36-46).
Might it not be that, with the illogicality to which we are all This is the only reference in the psalm titles which cannot
prone, the psalmist accepts both that the illness has been be traced to the biblical narratives about David, but it
inflicted by God and also that the enemies are responsible seems unlikely that he drew upon lost traditions in just one
for it? psalm.
Two features in this psalm are notable. First, the psalmist The psalm belongs generally to the class of individual
fears that he is near to death. Sheol is the abode of the dead, laments. Greater precision depends upon the interpretation
who live on in a feeble and miserable existence in the land of placed upon three features, the references to enemies, who
no return, outside of the reach of God's love, a land of dust and are described with animal metaphors (w. 1-2, 5, 6), the oath of
darkness and silence (for other descriptions of Sheol see Ps innocence (w. 3-5), and the ascription of w. 12-16, which
30:9; 88:6-12; 94:17; 115:17; PS 0.13). It seems that in ancient NRSV divides between God (simply 'he' in the Hebrew) and
Israel all sickness was seen as a form of 'death', and the the wicked (shown by the use of the plural, although the
psalmist probably regarded himself as partly in Sheol al- Hebrew has singulars throughout). Those favouring royal
ready—hence his anguish. origins note the military references in w. 4, 10, 12-13, and
Second, there is a marked change of tone at v. 8. This has regard the enemies as national enemies of the Israelite king,
been called the 'certainty of hearing', and has been variously possibly being portrayed in the cult, while those who place
interpreted. Some suggest that w. 8—10 are the real heart of greatest emphasis upon the oath and the description of God as
the psalm, the earlier part recounting the suffering from judge (w. 6, n) interpret the psalm as the plea of someone
which the psalmist has been delivered and now expresses accused of some crime, possibly coming to the temple for a
his thanksgiving. The balance of the psalm hardly supports divine verdict through priestly decision, prophetic oracle, or
this. Others suppose that the psalmist's thanksgiving after he an ordeal, or as a court of appeal (cf. i Kings 8:31—2). Some
had been healed has been attached to the earlier petition, but think that v. i shows that he sought asylum there, but in the
there is no evidence for this. There is equally little evidence to biblical narratives asylum is sought only in cases of man-
support the claim that two separate psalm fragments have slaughter and this does not seem to be the accusation in the
been combined in the one psalm, although Ps 40 (w. 13—17 = psalm. Later use of the psalm will have separated it from the
Ps 70); Ps 108 (w. 1-5 = Ps 57:7-11; w. 6-n = Ps 60:5-12) temple and generalized it into a plea for help in time of
shows that this could occur. A popular theory is that a temple distress.
prophet or a priest uttered an oracle of assurance between the The structure is well set out in NRSV, apart from w. 12—16,
two parts of the psalm. Such oracles are found in Isa 40—55, where God has been gratuitously introduced, changing the
often beginning, 'Fear not...', and cf. Ps 12:5. Possibly the meaning—the whole section should probably be referred to
change in mood is produced by the prayer itself: having the psalmist's enemy or read as a general description of the
uttered his plea the psalmist becomes confident that God wicked. After a call to God for help (w. 1—2), the psalmist
has heard it and will answer his request. This would be the protests his innocence (w. 3—5; for the form of the oath cf.
most likely view if it is thought that the psalmist is too ill to go Job 31), repeats his call to God and seeks divine judgement,
to the temple to make his prayer to God. The answer has not (w. 6-8 and 9-11, perhaps to be taken as a single section with
yet been fulfilled, however, for the shaming of the enemies hymnic descriptions of God in w. 8 and gc—n), sets out his
lies still in the future. conviction that evil rebounds upon the wicked (w. 12—16), and
The psalm is one of the seven 'penitential psalms' of the concludes with thanksgiving (v. 17). Whetherthethanksgivingis
church (the others are 32, 38, 51, 102, 130, and 143; PS f.g), theresultofasuccessfulverdictorisavowtoofferpraisewhenhis
although there is no confession of sin but rather an appeal innocence is declared is impossible to determine.
from frailty and humility. The reliance upon God's 'steadfast
love' (v. 4) should be noted. Psalm 8 This well-known and greatly loved psalm presents
'According to The Sheminith' in the title is found only here several exegetical problems. It is usually classified as a hymn,
and in Ps 12 (cf. i Chr 15:21). The meaning is unknown. The but it is unusual in having no initial call to worship God and in
term is usually linked with the word for 'eight'. Some have containing features, such as the question, 'What are human
proposed that it refers to singing in octaves (but the octave beings that you are mindful of them?' which are akin to
does not seem to have been known in ancient Israel) or by wisdom teaching (cf. Job 7:17; 15:14, though some see the
male voices. Other suggestions are that it refers to some Job passages as a bitter parody of the psalm, and the book of
element in the ritual, perhaps an eighth stage, or to an instru- Job itself has close links with psalmic forms). The first person
ment with eight strings. passages are also unusual in hymns and are somewhat
PSALMS 37°
reminiscent of individual laments. It is difficult, however, not some of the missing letters, it seems likely that originally
to regard it as essentially a hymn that opens with the actual the acrostic was complete; but it cannot now be recovered.
praise of YHWH. Ps 9 is predominantly thanksgiving by an individual while
There is a textual difficulty in v. ic, which NRSV has solved Ps 10 is closer to individual laments. Possibly due to the
by emendation. An alternative suggestion is that the Hebrew acrostic form, there is no clear development of thought. Lead-
letters should be read as: T will serve [worship] your glory'. ing ideas are the call to thanksgiving, YHWH as judge of the
This problem is linked with the question of the correct sen- nations and of the wicked and defender of the oppressed, and
tence division. The NRSV apparently takes v. 2 to mean that pleas for deliverance from enemies and the wicked.
God is so powerful that the words of children are sufficient as The setting of the psalm is equally uncertain. Those who
a rampart of defence, but the meaning is not clear. Perhaps the hold that many of the psalms are to be linked with the Je-
difficult Hebrew verb should be taken as in REB, with differ- rusalem king see in the references to the 'nations' (Ps 9:5,15,
ent phrasing: 'Your majesty is praised as high as the heavens, 17,19, 20; 10:16), who appear as the psalmist's enemies (cf. Ps
from the mouths of babes and infants at the breast'. This has 9:3, 6), support for their interpretation. Other evidence for
the advantage of making sense of the reference to the 'bul- this view is the care of the orphan and the oppressed (Ps 9:18;
wark' (usually 'strength'), but at the cost of an uncertain 10:14, I ^)» a duty of the king as God's representative, and
rendering of the Hebrew verb as 'is praised'. The LXX trans- God's universal judgement (Ps 9:7-8, 12; 10:15, I7> I ^)»
lated v. 2: 'from the mouth of babes and sucklings you pre- claimed to be a feature of the Jerusalem cult. At the other
pared praise for yourself, hence the form of the quotation in extreme, the psalm has been linked to the post-exilic syna-
Mt2i:i6. gogue as the prayer of the oppressed congregation, but there
In v. 5 the LXX translated the Hebrew word 'elohim, which is little firm evidence for this, especially as the extent to which
means either 'God' or 'gods', as 'angels', possibly to avoid the the synagogue was a place of worship rather than teaching
idea that human beings are almost equal to almighty God. and meeting is contested (McKay 1994). Certain links with
Scholars are divided as to whether the Hebrew means 'God' or wisdom teaching on the retribution coming to the wicked,
'the gods' as members of his heavenly court. together with the acrostic form, may indicate that it is a late
The structure is transparent: The shout of praise, address- psalm, possibly written as an art form or for instruction.
ing God by his name, YHWH, envelops the psalm (w. i and One of the main words for 'the poor' in the Psalter occurs
9): w. ic—2 enlarge upon the majesty of God; and in w. 3—8 the here for the first time (Ps 9:12,18; 10:2, 9,12; PS G.10—12). The
psalmist expresses his wonder that creatures as insignificant psalmists join with the prophets in asserting that God
as human beings should have been given dominion over all will defend the poor, and this is one of the duties of the king
the rest of creation (cf Gen 1:26—8). (cf. Ps 72).
The quoting of verses from the psalm in the NT (Mt 21:16; i 'Muth-labben' means literally 'Death to [of] the son'. Most
Cor 15:27; Eph 1:22; Heb 2:6-8) reveals that it was interpreted regard it as the title of the melody to which the psalm was
as messianic, but this was hardly its original meaning. Some sung. The LXX, with a slight change in the text, has 'For the
have regarded it as a royal psalm, seeing the king beneath the secrets of the son', and it has been suggested that this might
references to 'man'. At the other extreme are those who find it refer to a royal ritual. Alternatively it might be a corruption of
difficult to relate the psalm to the worship of the Jerusalem 'According to Alamoth' (see PS 46).
temple, and see in it marks of scribes and rabbis in the post- Psalm ii This psalm is usually classified as a psalm of con-
exilic community. fidence. YHWH is not addressed in prayer but spoken of in
Psalms 9—10 These two psalms are combined as a single the third person, w. 1—3 set the scene, and w. 4—7 express the
psalm in the LXX and the Vulgate, which accounts for the psalmist's trust in God. It is not easy, however, to discover a
differences in the numbering from Ps 10 to Ps 148 between more precise setting.
the Protestant and Catholic/Orthodox traditions, the latter Those who try to link it with the life of David point to his
following the LXX. Despite some differences in the type and flight from Saul or the time of Absalom's rebellion. Others see
emphasis between the two parts of the psalm it was probably it as a royal psalm, noting the psalmist's sense of authority, his
originally a single psalm. This is supported by LXX, the claim to be 'righteous', and the threat of enemies, and either
acrostic form, the lack of title to Ps 10 (rare in Book i of the set it within the Jerusalem temple worship or find a reference
Psalter), the seld in 9:20, which never elsewhere comes at to a foreign invasion. Yet others describe it as the plea of one
the end of a psalm, and a number of unusual words common falsely accused, despite the lack of direct prayer, seeing the
to both psalms. A few Hebrew MSS also treat the psalms psalmist as seeking refuge in the temple (v. i) and trusting in
as a single poem. God to defend him. Confidence is largely restricted to the
The acrostic is incomplete. The main pattern is to start each second part of the psalm (w. 4—7) and this has suggested to
two verses with the appropriate letter of the Hebrew alphabet, some that a prophet or priest declared YHWH's acquittal of
but the d verse is missing, and the regular pattern is disturbed the psalmist at this point. The fact is, we simply do not know.
at the end of Ps 9 and the first eleven verses of Ps 10, being How the psalm is interpreted largely depends on the reader's
resumed only with q (Ps 10:12), when it continues perfectly view of the historical and social background into which the
until the end of the psalm. Strikingly each half line in 9:1—2 psalms are to be placed.
begins with the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet. Since Despite the surface clarity of NRSV there are some uncer-
difficulties in some verses show that textual corruption has tainties. Does the speech in v. i continue to the end of v. 3 (as
occurred, and small changes in the verse division restore most translations, regarding w. 2—3 as the reason the speakers
 371 PSALMS
give for flight), or is it limited to v. ib, with w. 2-3 as the For the change of tone from urgent petition to confident
psalmist's response as he rejects the call to flee, or does trust and rejoicing at v. 5 see PS 6. Was an oracle spoken by a
the speech consist of w. ib—2 (as REB)? Is the temple in v. 4 temple prophet at this point? Or has the outpouring of prayer
the Jerusalem temple, so that YHWH is depicted as present in itself led to a sense of calm joy?
with his people and also the transcendent God, or it is a The LXX has a different text at two points: inv. 2 itreads 'day
reference to heaven? Should we press the form of the Hebrew and night' (adopted by NEB), and adds at the end of the psalm:
verb in v. 5 and translate, 'May the LORD test the righteous', T will sing to the name of the Lord, the most high'.
thus introducing the element of prayer? And is the final clause
Psalm 14 This psalm must have been widely popular, for it
to be constructed as, 'He [lit. 'his face'] beholds the upright',
was included in the first Davidic collection (Ps 1-41) and the
i.e. accepts the upright with his favour, rather than being
Elohistic collection (Ps 42-83). The differences between the
taken as referring to the psalmist's experience of God?
two versions are relatively minor apart from 14:5—6/53:5. It is
NRSV has tacitly emended the text in v. 6, where the Hebrew
usually supposed that both go back to a single original and the
has 'snares, fire' (see RV) instead of'coals of fire'.
differences are due to textual corruption or editorial changes.
Psalm 12 Prayers both by an individual and the community If they spring from variant traditions, it may be that the
appear in this psalm, and it is uncertain which predominates. evildoers in Ps 14 are Israelites while those in Ps 53 are
The divine promise in v. 5 suggests that perhaps those are foreigners, v. 7 was commonly supposed to be post-exilic
right who call it a prophetic liturgy: opening with petition, when the phrase which is correctly rendered 'restores the
having at its centre the comforting words of the prophet, to fortunes' in NRSV was held to mean 'brings back the captivity
which the congregation responds with the note of certainty [captives]'; some still find it distinct in tone and theme and
in w. 6—7. If this is so it may have had its origin in some treat it as a liturgical addition.
temple rite. Beyond this it is impossible to go with any assur- Even if the psalm was well loved in ancient Israel, the
ance. Perhaps the emphasis upon words, both of human present-day reader finds great difficulty in knowing how it
beings (w. 2—4) and YHWH (w. 5—6), has led some to imagine should be read. It has been described variously as a prophetic
the psalmist as the target of malicious comments, possibly liturgy, a mixture of prophetic and wisdom literature, a wis-
even of threats and curses (which were thought to have dom psalm, communal instruction, perhaps even an early
their own power to effect the evil they declared). The psalm synagogue speech, and an individual lament. Medieval Jewish
may come from a time of moral decadence, when honesty interpreters saw it as reflecting Jewish national sufferings.
and truthfulness were no longer regarded as the basis of Certainly the first phrase is reminiscent of the wisdom writ-
social life. ings, where several different words for 'fool' occur, all refer-
The structure is fairly clear: appeal to God, with an account ring to moral depravity rather than intellectual feebleness or
of the evil from which the psalmist seeks deliverance (w. 1—2); folly, alongside 'any who are wise' (v. 2), a word commonly
plea for divine judgement on the speakers of lies and flattery used in this sense in Proverbs. On the other hand the predic-
(w. 3-4); divine oracle of salvation (v. 5, 'safety' is related tion of coming terror in v. 5 has the ring of a prophetic
etymologically to the verb 'help' in v. i); an expression of denunciation of those who oppress the poor. With such a
confidence in God's protection (v. 7); and a reiteration of the range of possible genres to choose from, it is little wonder
evil situation in which the psalmist is placed (v. 8), possibly set that there is no agreement on how it was used in ancient
as a foil to the protection God gives, unless v. 7 is to be taken as Israel. If it is instruction it fits naturally with Proverbs, but
a return to petition: 'Do thou, LORD, protect us and guard since there is no certainty about the existence of scribal
us . . . ' (NEB, cf. RSV). schools in Israel or the position and function of 'the wise',
Psalm 13 The fourfold 'How long?' is striking. A feature of this gives little help. Its presence in two collections of psalms,
both individual and communal laments (Ps 6:3; 74:10; 79:5; which presumably were connected with the temple, perhaps
80:4; 90:13; 94:3), it is also found in Babylonian prayers, such points to a cultic prophet uttering his oracle in some rite. If Ps
as a remarkably similar prayer to Ishtar: 'How long, O my 53 is a prophetic taunt song against foreigners it might have its
Lady, wilt thou be angered so that thy face is turned away? place during some hostile attack on Jerusalem, but it is by no
How long, O my Lady, wilt thou be infuriated so that thy spirit means certain that the two traditions are to be separated so
is enraged?' The psalmist appears to be ill (cf. v. 3 with its fear widely.
of death), but his main emotion is anguish because he feels The structure at least is clear, w. 1-3 describe the universal
abandoned by God. godlessness and wickedness, w. 4—6 present a threat of pun-
In spite of a Jewish tradition that the psalm describes ishment, and v. 7 is a wish for the restoration of the nation's
Israel's suffering at the hands of hostile neighbours, the prosperity.
intensely personal tone has convinced most commentators It is almost a commonplace to stress that the 'atheism' of
that it is the lament or prayer of an individual. The enemies the 'fool' is practical—he acts as if God did not exist—and not
will then not be national foes or the king's enemies, but fellow religious or philosophical, on the grounds that pure atheism
Israelites who see in the psalmist's illness divine punishment. would have been impossible in Israelite society, and that the
Probably the alternation between a singular 'enemy' and the psalmist stresses the moral faults of'fools'. But how different
plural 'foes' (w. 2, 4) is stylistic, though it has been suggested is 'practical atheism' from a denial of the existence of God?
that in v. 2 the enemy is death. The book of Job perhaps Paul quotes w. 1—3 in Rom 3:10—18 in an abbreviated form,
provides the best commentary on this psalm, with the psalm- followed by a series of quotations from other verses from the
ist's deep sense of loss in the face of God's silence. OT At some point these additions found their way into the
PSALMS 372
LXX and from there into the Vulgate. Curiously the catena is will protect the psalmist until his death at the end of a long
also found in two Hebrew MSS. life. Perhaps here is a leap of faith. The psalmist holds the
Psalm 15 This psalm is similar to Ps 24, and also 13333:14—16, bleak Sheol belief with his mind, but his delight in his fellow-
while listings of sins and virtues sre found in Jer 7:5-7, Ezek ship with God moves beyond this to the hope that such
18:5-9, and Mic 6:6-8. It may be that the words of the proph- intimacy cannot be ended by death.
ets were modelled on psalms such as this. To call it a 'torah Psalm 17 The structure of this psalm is relatively clear,
psalm', however, adds little to our understanding, and even if although the text is uncertain in a number of places, making
ten moral requirements are found in it, it is not closely similar the exact meaning doubtful, w. 1-2 are an appeal to YHWH;
to the Decalogue. It is commonly described as an 'entrance in 3-5 the psalmist protests his innocence; 6-12 is a further
liturgy', with the worshipper's question in v. i, followed by the prayer, especially referring to the psalmist's enemies, against
conditions for entering the sanctuary in w. 2—5/7 (presumably whom he seeks YHWH's help in 13—14; a final note of con-
spoken by a priest), and a closing promise in v. y. Elsewhere fidence is expressed in v. 15.
in the ancient Middle East temple inscriptions set out similar The way the enemies are described raises difficulties for a
demands, but the two OT psalms differ in that they include no more precise interpretation than the general ascription as a
ritual requirements. Another suggestion is that the psalm sets 'declaration of innocence'. The psalmist may be making an
out the conditions for those seeking asylum in the sanctuary, appeal to the supreme tribunal in the temple (cf. Deut 17:8-
but this seems unlikely in view of the apparent limitation of 13), or the background may be an ordeal (see ABD v. 40-2; the
asylum in the OT to unpremeditated homicide. only description of an ordeal is Num 5:11—31, however, and
The meaning is plain apart from two phrases in v. 4. Tn despite the widespread use of ordeals in the ancient Middle
whose eyes the wicked are despised', imports too strong a sense East, it is uncertain how far it was a normal practice in Israel).
into a word which means 'despised, rejected'. Possibly the On either view the enemies of the psalmist would be those
sense is 'the one rejected by God', but the Targum rendered who accuse him of some wrong—falsely, as he claims, w. 3
it: 'He is despised in his own eyes, and rejected', hence the and 15 possibly indicate that the psalmist spent the night in
Prayer Book's 'He that setteth not by himself, but is lowly in the sanctuary awaiting God's verdict. Christian tradition saw
his own eyes'. At the end of the verse the NRSV's 'who stand in the final verse a foreshadowing of the believer's resurrec-
by their oath even to their hurt' involves a forcing of the tion, the sleep being the sleep of death, but this was hardly the
Hebrew, which is literally: 'he swears to do evil and does not psalmist's own meaning.
change', a meaning that is hardly possible, despite Lev 5:4. It The severe punishments which are invoked against the
has been suggested that the Hebrew has a negative sense, 'he enemies appear extreme if they are simply those presenting
swears not to do evil', but this does not seem likely. The LXX a legal case against the psalmist, and it has been suggested
(apparently reading leharcf as leharecf) has: 'who swears to his that this, together with the heading, points to its being the
neighbour and does not set it aside', which is attractive. prayer of a king faced with a military invasion, possibly a
Psalm 16 This is a good example of the extreme difficulty in punitive expedition on the grounds of some accusation of
discovering the original use and meaning of many psalms, disloyalty or a wrong committed against another state.
w. 8-n in the LXX version are quoted by Peter in Acts 2:25-8, Psalm 18 The outline of this long psalm is relatively clear.
who interprets the psalm as messianic prophecy, fulfilled in w. 1—3: praise of YHWH; 4—6: the distress which has befallen
the resurrection of Jesus. Few today would accept this as the the psalmist; 7-19: a great theophany in which God comes to
psalmist's own intention, and most classify it as a psalm of save his servant; 20-4: the ground of this salvation, the 'right-
confidence, but then unanimity fails. Is it a royal psalm, eousness' of the psalmist; 25—30: a wisdom type generaliza-
expressing the Israelite king's confidence that God protects tion that God saves those who trust him; 31—45: God has saved
him? Or does the reference to the allotment of land in w. 5—6 (or will save) the psalmist from the attacks of his enemies who
point to the psalmist as a Levite of whom it was said that will be defeated; 46-50: concluding praise of YHWH. The
YHWH is their inheritance (Deut 10:9)? But it might be the explicit reference to the king, YHWH's anointed, in v. 50 has
whole land that is intended, and hence the psalm would convinced most commentators that this is a royal psalm, but
belong to the whole people of Israel. Or might it be the there agreement ends. Differences between the sections sug-
confession of an individual worshipper? Even the description gest to some that at least two psalms have been combined,
as a psalm of confidence is not quite certain, since the petition only w. 31-50 clearly referring to the king. Others suggest that
of the first verse is closer to laments. Is the psalmist looking the theophany may have been separate originally. The wisdom
back on a past deliverance, and praying for God's continuing features of w. 25-30 also mark this section off from the myth
protection, or is the danger still threatening? Interpretation is of the theophany and the defeat of the king's enemies. And as
not assisted by the chaotic state of the text in w. 2-4, and so often the tenses present a problem, as can be seen in the
occasionally later in the psalm, where emendation is inevit- past description of NRSV in w. 32—48, the present and past
able. So obscure are these verses that some have found traces tenses of NIV, the predominant presents of GNB, and the
of dialogue, or a quotation from the words of a fellow Israelite, presents and futures of NEB and REB.
who worships other gods as well as YHWH. The psalmist A cultic interpretation manages to include most of the
himself is utterly devoted to God. features of the psalm. The king is supposed to be the main
The meaning of w. 10—n is disputed. While some find a actor in a ritual drama, in which he is almost defeated, cries
reference to life after death, others believe that such a belief out to YHWH for help on the grounds of his faithfulness and
was alien to most of the OT, and see only confidence that God righteousness, and is both delivered and secures a crushing
 373 PSALMS
victory over his enemies. The mythic features are readily ist may be referring to those whose self-confidence might
accommodated into this pre-exilic worship, since the theo- shake his faith, but the switch to persons is rather abrupt.
phany is central to Israelite faith (cf Ex 19), while the ex- 'Redeemer' (v. 14) has special overtones for the Christian.
travagance of the triumph over the king's enemies fits more In Israel it referred to the next of kin who had the duty to
easily into a rite than as a reflection of some historical victory. protect any member of the family in trouble, avenging
The wisdom expressions of w. 25—30 fit less easily into this wrongs, giving support in time of poverty, and buying back
interpretation, but they can be viewed either as a reminder to the relative from slavery (see Lev 25:25,47—9; Num 35:19—28).
the listening people that the lesson is for them as well, or as a YHWH as redeemer is a favourite theme of Deutero-Isaiah
later transformation of a psalm that originally referred to the (see ISA A.I, n; Isa 41:14; 43:14; 44:6, 24; 47:4; 48:17).
king into a more general thanksgiving. There seems no need Psalm 20 The mention of'his anointed' and 'the king' (w. 6,
to regard the whole psalm as coming from the post-exilic 9) have convinced most commentators that this is a royal
synagogue, an expression of hope and encouragement, draw- psalm, and the references to victory (w. 5, 6; in Hebrew the
ing on past expressions of faith and worship. words are 'salvation' and 'save', but these often refer to victory
The complete psalm is found in 2 Sam 22, with only minor in war) suggest that it is a prayer that accompanied
textual differences, an indication of the way the psalms and sacrifice before battle. The only disagreement is whether it is
the life of David were linked by later editors, the psalms a real battle (see e.g. i Sam 7:9; 13:9-12; i Kings 8:44-5; 2 Chr
expressing the emotions of the king and the narrative provid- 20:1-19) or Part °f a cultic drama, and there appears to be no
ing a setting within which they could be interpreted. way of deciding between the two. Perhaps there is not so
much difference between them, since the offering of prayer
Psalm 19 Is this one psalm or two? The subject-matter, form,
would be within the setting of worship, while if the psalm was
and metre mark off w. 7—14 from i—6, and Ps 108 shows that
part of a cultic drama, that itself was performed in the expecta-
portions of psalms were joined together (108:1—5 = 57:7—II>
tion that God would save his anointed in actual war in the
108:6-13 = 60:5-12) in the Psalter. It may be that the first
same way that he was depicted as saving him in the ritual. The
section of the psalm is part of a hymn praising God as creator,
change to confidence in v. 6 is probably the result of some
and the second is a prayer to YHWH with wisdom features,
expression that God has heard the prayer, either through
centred on the law, which is referred to under six synonyms in
some symbol or the words of a cultic prophet (cf. PS 6).
w. 7-9. Support for this is found in the contrasting names for
God (El and YHWH) in the two parts of the psalm, and the Psalm 21 The references to the king in w. i and 7 lead most
possibility that the first part is very ancient while the second to treat this as a royal psalm, but the situation to which it refers
part may reflect post-exilic piety. (The sun was worshipped in is not clear. It may be before battle (as Ps 20, pointing to the
the ancient Middle East as a god, and even in Israel there are hope of future victories in w. 8-12), after victory (with em-
hints of this, see 2 Kings 23:5, n; Jer 8:2; Ezek 8:16, although phasis upon the confidence in w. 1—7), at the king's coronation
in this psalm its 'tent' has been set in the sky by God, who is (cf. v. 3), or at an annual celebration of his accession (noting
unambiguously the creator of the universe.) the reference to the king's trust in YHWH and the mention
On the other hand modern emphasis upon the completed of God's 'steadfast love', v. 7). Since the rites performed at
text of the Bible would suggest that even if the sections of the the Autumn Festival are unknown, it is impossible to deter-
psalm were originally independent, a unity has been imposed mine more precisely the way the psalm was used.
upon them. Nature and law are both needed for a full reve- To whom w. 8-12 are addressed is a major problem of
lation of God. Indeed, some believe that the psalm was a unity interpretation—is it God or the king? Possibly these are the
from the first, the psalmist adding his own prayer to a frag- words of a prophet who gives this promise to the king during
ment of an ancient hymn. Some find a link between the the liturgy. If YHWH is the subject, the reference may be
sections in the fact that the sun was regarded in the ancient to covenant curses directed against the king's (and Israel's)
world as the giver and sustainer of justice, thus pointing enemies.
forward to the law, but there is no hint of this in the text of The Hebrew word 'to save', which was translated as 'victory'
the psalm. It is strange that there is no call to praise, the psalm by NRSV in Ps 20 is here rendered 'help', but REB has 'victory'
opening immediately with a description of the praise uttered in both psalms. The salvation which God gives the king is
by the dome of the sky and by the day and the night. In the primarily the conquest of his enemies.
second part contemplation of the law leads the psalmist to The Aramaic version of the psalm rendered 'king' by 'king
confess his sins and pray that his words and meditation may Messiah', treating it as messianic prophecy, butthis is unlikely
be acceptable to God. (Some regard w. 12—14 as an independ- to have been its original meaning.
ent prayer.) Psalm 22 The many quotations from this psalm in the New
In v. 4 REB and NJB retain the uncertain Hebrew word Testament, especially within the passion narratives, show that
qawwam (which seems to mean lit. 'their string, line'), trans- the early church regarded it as messianic prophecy (see Mt
lating it as 'their sign' and 'the design'. NRSVand NIVadopt a 27:39 Mk 15:29 (v. 7); Mt 27:43 (v. 8); Mt 27:351 Mk
common emendation qolam, 'their voice', making a parallel to 15:24 Lk 23:34 | | Jn 19:24 (v. 18); Heb 2:12 (v. 22); Jesus
'their words' (see HALOT (1996), iii. 1081 for other propo- may have been quoting from this psalm in his cry from the
sals). The paradox of silent speech is unique in the OT cross, Mt 27:46 | Mk 15:34).
NRSV interprets v. 13 as a reference to 'the insolent' rather Jewish tradition read the psalm as a reflection of the experi-
than the familiar 'presumptuous sins' (cf. marg. 'from proud ence of Queen Esther, who is likened to the 'hind of the dawn'
thoughts')—the word elsewhere refers to people. The psalm- in the title, the Midrash suggesting that 'When the dawn
PSALMS 374
awakes the stars set, and so in the court of Ahasuerus, as be that the 'paths of righteousness' should be seen as proces-
Esther awakened the stars of Haman and his sons set' (though sions to the temple, 'table' as a symbol of the covenant, and
this might have been adopted to counter Christian use of the 'goodnessandmercy'as referringtothe qualities of God'sreign.
psalm, see Magonet 1994: in). Royal maximalists see the psalm as the prayer of the king,
Those who adopt a wide view of royal psalms ascribe pointing to the metaphor of God as shepherd which normally
the psalm to the king, usually in the setting of the rites of relates to the nation in the OT, and would be more appropriate
the annual festival, but others restricting such psalms to a in the mouth of the king as representative of the nation, and
minimum identify the psalmist as a sufferer who is ill and the royal implications of God's protecting his vassal against
near to death. A royal interpretation permits the scope to be his enemies. The psalm is thought to have been used either in
extended to include the Israelite people whose representative cultic ritual or in an act of worship reflecting the king's con-
the king is. fidence. But the evidence is far from clear, and it is not
There is a marked change of tone from petition to thanks- legitimate to see in the anointing in v. 5 an allusion to the
giving at v. 22 (or 2ib if the NRSV is followed—the Hebrew is anointing of the king, since a different word is used.
ambiguous and possibly corrupt). Have two psalms been Alternative interpretations range from regarding the psalm
combined? Does this represent the 'certainty of hearing', as the (non-cultic) prayer of a pious Jew to ascribing it to the
which perhaps followed a prophetic oracle or some symbolic nation in exile in Babylon. There are also differences of opin-
action, or even a direct divine revelation? Or is it the words of ion about the banquet, some regarding it as metaphorical,
the psalmist's vow? Verbal links and the many changes of others as a reference to a literal sacrificial meal. Even the
mood and style throughout the psalms are commonly seen as classification as a psalm of confidence has been challenged,
evidence that the psalm is a liturgy. and it has been interpreted as the psalmist's thanksgiving
As often we do not know how the psalm was originally used after he has been 'delivered' from his enemies or even ac-
or in what context, and therefore what its original meaning quitted from false accusations.
was. It is, however, the greatest of the laments within the In fact the original meaning and setting of the psalm are
Psalter, akin to the book of Job. More than most psalms the completely unknown, and we are left with hypotheses and the
sense of personal experience floods through it. Despair almost more certain later use by Jews and Christians.
drives out hope, yet two things support the psalmist: he Two translation difficulties may be noted. The traditional
remembers that God saved his people, and he looks back on 'valley of the shadow of death' assumes the existence of a
the way God cared for him from his birth. rather unusual Hebrew word. Many change the vowels and
The structure is relatively plain: in the first part prayer and produce 'valley of darkness' (cf NRSV). In v. 6 'and I shall
complaint alternate with expressions of confidence (w. 1—2,3— dwell' follows the LXX and Syriac versions. The Hebrew ap-
5, 6—8, 9—10, n—21), and in the second vows (w. 22, 25) mingle pears to mean 'and I shall return', possibly a vow or a hope that
with hymns of thanksgiving and praise. the psalmist will be able to keep on coming to the temple to
The animals in w. 12,16, 21 may be the psalmist's enemies worship rather than remaining there permanently for the rest
(if he is the king, the enemies of I srael), but some regard them of this life.
as demons, as in Babylon, where sickness is often attributed to Psalm 24 The structure of this psalm is beautifully clear.
demons pictured in the form of animals. The last line of v. 16 w. i—2 are hymnic, declaring that the world was created by
is difficult. The familiar 'They have pierced my hands and my God; w. 3-6 is an 'entrance liturgy', similar to Ps 15 and Isa
feet' (retained by NIV) comes from the LXX. The Hebrew is 33:14—16; and w. 7—10 contain a dialogue at the gates of the city
literally: 'like a lion my hands and my feet'. Instead of the or temple, repeated, as often in liturgies, and reaching a
NRSV's 'My hands and feet have shrivelled' REB reads 'they climax with the declaration of YHWH as 'YHWH of hosts',
have bound me hand and foot'. Curiously the verse, which 'the king of glory'. While some believe that the three parts
many see fitting the crucifixion of Jesus perfectly, is not were originally separate, the whole fits together easily into a
quoted in the New Testament. single liturgical movement.
The title may refer to the morning sacrifice, although the The LXX adds 'of [ for] the first day of the week' to the
LXX translated 'the hind of the morning' as 'the help [which title, reflecting later Jewish usage, which linked the psalm to
comes at] morning' (picking up 'help' in v. 19). But it may be the story of creation in Gen i. Those who try to set it within
the name of the melody to which it was sung. the life of David connect it with the bringing of the ark into
Psalm 23 The happy confidence of this psalm, coupled with Jerusalem (2 Sam 6). Within the worship of the pre-exilic
the comfort that it has given to those in 'the valley of the temple it may have been used during the annual Autumn
shadow of death' (v. 4, AV), have made it the best known and Festival, with the celebration of YHWH as creator, and as
best loved of all the psalms. Later usage has taken over from warrior who returns to his temple in triumph after the
the original meaning, which is clouded in uncertainty. defeat of the powers of chaos (possibly with the ark symbol-
The most obvious structure divides the psalm at v. 5, mak- izing his presence carried in a procession, although there is
ing the depiction of God as shepherd and host. The two ideas no explicit mention of the ark). If the psalm is post-exilic
do not easily sit side by side, however, and (unsuccessful) it may be a hymn which reflects features from earlier
attempts have been made to retain the pastoral metaphor rituals. Paul quotes v. i to defend the eating of meat that had
throughout the psalm, usually by emending 'table' (v. 5) into been sacrificed to idols (i Cor 10:26), and later Christian
some kind of weapon. Another proposal finds three meta- tradition linked the entrance of'the LORD of hosts' through
phors, with YHWH as guide of a wanderer in w. 3—4. It may the gates with the entrance of Christ into heaven at the ascen-
 375 PSALMS
sion. In such varied ways was this psalm reused and reinter- thirsty' (v. 9) is literally 'men of blood', i.e. murderers (cf. 2
preted. Sam 16:7-8).
v. 6 is textually difficult. On its own the Hebrew would be Psalm 27 This seemingly simple and confident psalm pre-
most naturally translated: 'those who seek thy face, Jacob', but sents the interpreter with three problems: is it a unity? who is
this seems impossible. The LXX apparently read: 'those who the speaker? and how are the Hebrew tenses to be translated?
seek the face of the God of Jacob', hence NRSV. w. i—6 speak about YHWH as if addressing an audience,
Psalm 25 The acrostic form of this psalm is well preserved, expressing confidence in his protection from future dangers,
although there are a few irregularities. In v. 2 NRSV follows or possibly thankfulness for past deliverance. In w. 7-12 the
the verse division of the Hebrew, but 'O my God' should be psalmist addresses YHWH directly with a plea not to reject
taken with v. i to enable v. 2 to begin with the letter b. The w him or abandon him to his enemies, but the psalm ends with a
verse is missing, but is easily restored by inserting 'and' before renewal of confidence (v. 13, the Heb. is difficult, however, and
'for you I wait' (v. 5; there may be a further corruption since the translation of NRSV involves either emendation or para-
w. 5 and 7 consist of three lines, while the restored w verse phrase) and a call to wait for God's deliverance in hope (v. 14).
would possess only one). There are two r verses (18 and 19); Those who accept that some psalms have been wrongly
perhaps the first originally began with a q word, but it is separated (cf. Ps 9—10 and 42—3) and others deliberately com-
possible now only to guess what it might have been. An bined (Ps 19,108: the LXX also combines 114 and 115) solve the
additional p verse stands at the end. There are two striking problems of the differences in tone and address by treating the
similarities with Ps 34, which also lacks a w verse and con- two parts independently, as a psalm of confident trust and
cludes with an extra p verse. Some suggest that both psalms a prayer for help. Those who prefer to keep to the present
come from the same writer. text explain the changes of tone and form as derived from
The acrostic form tends to isolate the individual verses, and liturgy: by expressing trust in God before offering his urgent
an overall structure is difficult to discern. Broadly, w. 1-7 are a prayer, the psalmist makes it more difficult for God to refuse
prayer for help, guidance, and forgiveness; w. 8—15 reflections his request.
on the character of God and the blessedness of those who Royal maximalists see the speaker as the king, pointing to
serve him; and w. 16-21 further prayers for deliverance, with the references to battle in w. 2-3, treating v. 10 as an allusion
v. 22 expanding the mainly individual lament into a prayer for to the king's adoption by God, and regarding the overall style
the nation. While some regard this verse as a late addition to fit as 'royal'. The setting will then be in worship, either as part of
the psalm for congregational worship, the similar feature in the ritual at a festival or in response to the attacks by national
Ps 34 suggests that it may well have been original. enemies. Others take the military allusions to be metaphoric-
Confession of sin is rare in the Psalter, and this makes the al, and interpret the psalm as spoken by an ordinary Israelite,
confession in w. 7 and n the more notable. possibly facing accusations (cf. v. 12) and seeing the action of
the psalmist's parents as their rejection of a son they hold to be
Psalm 26 The psalmist protests his innocence and asks God
guilty.
to examine his integrity. The precise occasion for reciting this
In a striking metaphor YHWH is described as 'my light'
psalm, however, is far from clear. A common view points to
(v. i), a phrase found only here in the OT, although in Isa 10:17
similarities with Ps 7 and 17, and posits an appeal to a temple
court or an ordeal. The doubts expressed in the notes on he is the 'light of Israel' and in Isa 60:19, 2O h£ is me <ever~
lasting light' of his people.
those psalms apply equally here. Those who link a majority
NRSV has adopted a common emendation in v. 8 without
of the psalms with the king, find here a royal psalm of con-
comment. The Hebrew seems to be literally: 'To thee my heart
fidence, but despite the stress upon 'steadfast love' and 'faith-
has said, "Seek [plural] my face" ', although it has been sug-
fulness', armed enemies are lacking and the general mood
gested that it could mean: 'From thee my heart conveys the
would seem more suited to an ordinary Israelite. The declara-
message "Seek my face"' (Eaton 1986: 176).
tion in w. 4—5 recalls Ps i, and it has been suggested that the
psalm stands closer to Ps 15 and 24 than to 7 and 17. To see it as Psalm 28 The psalm falls into three distinct sections. In
the worshipper's declaration as he seeks entry into the temple w. 1-5 the psalmist utters a passionate plea to God to hear
and faces the priest's questioning, may provide the best guide his prayer and not remain silent and unresponsive, but rather
to the spirit of the psalm, with praise and worship dominating punish the wicked. NRSV shifts to a future tense in v. yd, but
over legal declarations, and the hand-washing (cf Deut 21:6) the plea may continue: 'may he strike them down' as REB (the
and procession round the altar reflecting ritual actions (cf. Ps LXX has 'you (sing.) will pull them down and not build them
118:27). up'). The tone changes to 'certainty of hearing' (cf. PS 6), or
The themes of innocence, prayer, and confidence in God possibly thanksgiving at v. 6. w. 8—9 return to prayer, but now
are intertwined and it is not easy to analyse the psalm rigidly; for the king and the nation. While some regard the third part
none of the Eng. versions offers a convincing structure. as an addition to an original psalm by an individual, the whole
'Vindicate' (v. i) is perhaps too strong in the light of v. 2 and may be a liturgical unity, with petition followed by two re-
while 'judge' may not express the psalmist's confidence that sponses, as the psalmist both expresses his own confidence
when God examines him he will find that he is innocent, the and includes his people in his prayer.
psalmist's plea is for a hearing. NRSV takes 'faithfulness' in To define the setting more closely is difficult. Some hold
v. 3 to be that of the psalmist, but the parallel line suggests that the psalmist is the king, interpreting the enemies as
that REB represents the sense better by referring to God's rebels or even foreigners, and placing the psalm within the
faithfulness which sustains his worshippers. The 'blood- temple ritual. The reference to God's 'anointed' (v. 8, almost
PSALMS 376

certainly the king rather than the post-exilic high priest), With such a strong sense of individuality, it is strange to
however, does not require that this is a royal psalm, since the find 'a song of [at] the dedication ofthe house [temple]' in the
individual may well have included king and people together in title. Most probably it was added at a late date when the psalm
his final prayer. The distress of the psalmist is, as often, vague was linked with the rededication ofthe temple in December
and complex. Is the psalmist ill and near to death? Has plague 164, after it had been desecrated by the Greek king Antiochus
broken out, affecting both good and evil people, and he fears it Epiphanes (i Mace 4:42—59), and the festival of Hanukkah
may strike him? Or is his suffering largely caused by hostile ('dedication') was inaugurated. Alternative suggestions ofthe
and deceitful neighbours ? The suggestion that the 'workers of dedication of David's palace or the dedication ofthe rebuilt
evil' (v. 3) are sorcerers has been generally abandoned, but temple in the time of Haggai and Zechariah are less probable.
given the nature of small-scale societies the possibility that the The major difficulty lies in understanding how such an in-
psalmist fears that his illness is caused by sorcery should not dividualistic psalm could be applied to a public ceremony.
be completely ruled out. Perhaps the strong note of thanksgiving and the psalmist's
Psalm 29 This is a majestic hymn of praise to YHWH, the call to the congregation to join in praise led to its use.
God of the thunderstorm. After an initial call to the 'sons of In v. 3/7 the NRSV text and margin represent two Hebrew
gods', the lesser gods who are members of YHWH's court (w. traditional readings. The stress in v. 5 is upon the merciful
i—2, cf. Ps 82, Job 1:6; 2:1), the main body of the psalm echoes favour of God rather than the brevity of his anger. The Hebrew
with the voice of YHWH, repeated seven times, as he thun- is extremely terse, and REB's Tn his anger is distress, in his
ders against (rather than 'over') the primeval waters, breaks favour there is life' is a possible way of taking the words.
the cedars, makes the mountains quake, flashes flames of fire, Psalm 31 Although rich in isolated spiritual phrases, when
shakes the wilderness, and strips the forest bare (w. 3—9). The viewed as a whole this psalm presents grave difficulties. Ur-
conclusion probably describes his enthronement as king over gent prayer for deliverance from a variety of troubles, quiet
the flood, and as the protector of his people (w. 10-11). trust in YHWH, and glad thanksgiving mingle in what may be
Less certain are the date and original occasion of the psalm, a many-layered liturgy. On the other hand two, three, or even
and the precise meaning of the beginning and the end. four psalms may have been combined (w. i—8 and 9—24, or
Similarities with Ugaritic poems have led some to date the 19-24 may be divided off as a separate thanksgiving, or three
psalm very early in the history of Israel, possibly as an adapta- laments may be distinguished: w. 1-8, 9-12, and 13-18). The
tion of a hymn to Baal or Hadad, the storm god. At the other distress from which the psalmist seeks deliverance is equally
extreme, by taking the final verse as a petition on behalf of uncertain, and illness, unjust accusations, and the attacks of
Israel, it has been suggested that, at least in its present form, enemies have all been proposed. Since illness was commonly
the psalm is a congregational hymn, possibly quite late in seen in ancient Israel as divine punishment, it is possible that
Israel's history. The psalm may have been sung in the Au- this is the background to the whole psalm, explaining the
tumn Festival, as the LXX addition to the title, 'at the closing whispers and ostracism to which the psalmist is subjected
festival of tabernacles' indicates. Later Jewish tradition linked (w. 13-15) and even the 'lying lips' of v. 18. The address to the
it with the Feast of Weeks. If the Autumn Festival included the 'saints', those in a covenant relation with God, in w. 23-4
celebration of YHWH's enthronement, this may be reflected indicates that the prayer was offered publicly within an act of
in v. 10. worship, although not necessarily in the Jerusalem temple.
Tn holy splendour' (NRSV) or 'in holy attire', may seem a The striking change to confident thanksgiving at v. 19 may be
disappointment after the AV's 'in the beauty of holiness'. The a further example ofthe 'certainty of hearing' which followed
splendour is probably God's, the attire that of the worship- the giving of a favourable sign or prophetic oracle, but some
pers. But perhaps the Hebrew word is connected with a interpret the whole psalm as a thanksgiving, the apparent
Ugaritic word meaning 'vision' and hence a reference to the prayers for deliverance being descriptions of the dangers
'theophany'. The LXX has 'in his holy court', but there is little from which the psalmist has been saved. Those favouring
other evidence for this text. Sirion (v. 6) is Mount Hermon, to psychological interpretations see the wavering between peti-
the north of Israel. tion, complaint, and confidence as varying emotional moods.
The tenses in the last verse present a problem. NRSV takes In the MT the psalmist confesses his 'iniquity' in v. 10 (cf.
them as an invocation of blessing. The REB's futures make NRSV marg.), but since this is the only mention of sin in the
the verse an expression of confidence that the majestic God psalm and the LXX has 'destitution', most make the small
who is now enthroned as king will protect his people. NIV emendation adopted by NRSV.
continues the descriptive presenttenses ofthe previous verses. Those who posit a royal background to most of the indi-
It is difficult to decide between these three interpretations. vidual laments ascribe this psalm also to the king, pointing
Psalm 30 There is fairly general agreement that this is the to the psalmist's strong sense of privileged position before
thanksgiving of a man who has recovered from a serious God, the stress on the covenant relationship, the covenant
illness. The Israelites thought of illness as sinking into Sheol, virtues of faithfulness, righteousness, and 'steadfast love',
and this is the image behind v. 3. w. 6-10 are best seen as a and the designation of the psalmist as YHWH's 'servant'
flashback to the time ofthe psalmist's distress, rather than a (v. 16). T was beset as a city under siege' (v. 21), usually taken
present prayer, and the note of joyous thanksgiving sounds metaphorically, is treated as an actual attack by foreign en-
out clearly in the two final verses. Although some have at- emies.
tempted to draw this psalm into their group of royal psalms, According to Lk 23:46 (= v. 5), 'Into your hand I commit my
most find here words said by an individual Israelite. spirit' were the last words of Jesus on the cross, a further
 377 PSALMS
example of the way the psalms were linked with the passion to the 'renewal' of the covenant, or the 'new' creation cele-
narrative in Christian tradition. brated at the beginning of the year. Less probably it looks
Psalm 32 The structure and general sense of this psalm of forward to the future age when God works 'new things' (Isa
joyous thanksgiving for healing and sin forgiven are clear, 42:10). More generally the praises of the eternal God are
even though the text is in disarray in several places (cf timelessly new. The seer picked up the phrase in Rev 5:9.
NRSV marg. at w. 4, 6). The psalm opens with a twofold Psalm 34 This is another acrostic psalm. Two peculiarities
beatitude (w. 1—2), followed by a description of illness, seen link it with 25: both psalms lack a w verse and both end with an
as divine punishment (w. 3-4), and an account of the psalm- additional p verse. Despite the constraints of the acrostic, it
ist's confession (v. 5). In v. 6 the psalmist addresses the has a clear structure: w. 1-3 are a call to praise, w. 4-10 express
assembled congregation and in the following verse reverts to the psalmist's thanksgiving, and w. 11—21 are closer to wisdom
his own thanksgiving. It is not clear who the speaker in w. 8—9 instruction.
is: if it is not the psalmist, these verses may contain divine The heading presents problems. If the reference to the
teaching, perhaps through a prophet or, more in accord with incident in David's life recorded in i Sam 21:10-15 was added
the style, one of the 'wise' teachers. The final two verses by a later editor it is odd that the name of the Philistine king is
(perhaps to be taken with w. 8—9) express the common idea given as Abimelech and not Achish. Attempts at an explan-
of retribution, and call the righteous to rejoice in YHWH. ation include the unlikely suggestions that Abimelech was the
The date and original setting of the psalm are difficult to dynastic name, a royal title, or the Semitic name for Achish.
determine. The wisdom style in w. 1—2 and 8—9 may point to a The error is surely too blatant to be a simple scribal error,
post-exilic date, and it has been suggested that the whole though it is surprising that it was not corrected later. Content
psalm fits synagogue practice better than pre-exilic worship of the psalm has little connection with the Achish incident,
in the temple. But it is not impossible that the psalm was and some see the reason for the ascription in the occurrence of
intended to accompany the sin or guilt offering. two similar Hebrew words in i Sam 21:13 (HB 2i:i4)(ta t md
To be noted are the three words for sin in w. 1—2, etymo- 'behaviour') and the psalm (tcfamu, v. 8, 'taste').
logically derived from rebellion, missing the way, and crook- The central problem lies in the twin notes of thanksgiving
edness, combined with three words for forgiveness, lifting the and instruction, and decisions about its origin depend on
sin from the sinner, covering it up, and no longer accounting which is taken as dominant. If thanksgiving, then some litur-
the sinner as guilty. But etymologies are fascinatingly decep- gical setting is required, though whether the links with wis-
tive, and use is a better guide to the meaning of words than dom place it within synagogue worship may be questioned.
derivations. Above all the repetitions reveal the psalmist's On the other hand, if the wisdom element is stressed it may be
horror of his sin and underline his happiness. that a scribe took a thanksgiving psalm as the basis for his
In Christian tradition this is one of the seven penitential teaching.
psalms, though it is really thanksgiving for sin forgiven. It is easy to value the psalm lightly as expressing a super-
Psalm 33 Apart from Ps 10, this is the only psalm in the set of ficial view of retribution. If, however, stress is placed upon the
Davidic psalms 3-41 lacking a title. The LXX has 'To David', distress from which the psalmist has been delivered, it gives
and Qumran evidence suggests the longer, 'To David, a song, a the psalmist authority to utter his teaching about God's good-
psalm'. A few MSS join it to Ps 32, but the form of these two ness.
psalms makes it certain that they are separate poems, in spite Psalm 35 Three times the psalmist utters a prayer for help
of a few common features. (w. i-io, 11-18, 19-28), each time concluding with a vow to
This is a good example of the hymn form. w. 1-3 contain the praise God. While some find here three originally separate
call to praise; 'For' in v. 4 introduces the central section (w. 4— psalms, the changes may reflect liturgical movement, and
19), setting out the motivation for offering praise and declar- other analyses of the structure are possible. More difficult is
ing the greatness of God; and w. 20-2 express the response of to determine the occasion of the psalm and the identity of the
the congregation. The psalm contains the same number of 'enemies', and, as often, the presuppositions of the interpreter
verses as the letters of the Hebrew alphabet, and although it is determine the interpretation. Some point to the military
not an acrostic, this probably is more than chance (cf. Lam 5). phraseology in w. 1-3 and find here a king's prayer against
The kinship with acrostics is further seen in the great regu- his enemies, perhaps vassals who have supporters among the
larity in the length and metre of the verses of the psalm, and king's own people. Others note the allusions to witnesses,
the lack of clear structure, reflected in the considerable vari- defence, and judgement in w. n, 23—4, 27 and describe the
ation in the way it has been set out (contrast NRSV, REB, and psalm as the petition of the falsely accused. Others again
NIV). Instruction, exhortation, and beatitude mingle with the regard all such language as metaphorical, and prefer to take
descriptions of God as creator and defender of his people (cf. the psalm as a more general prayer to be used by any upon
w. 8,10—n, 12,16—17 with 4~7> 9> I3~I5> 18—19). God watches whom trouble has fallen, whether illness or more general
over those who trust in his love—the psalmist thinks of safety misfortune (it is difficult to be more precise). In this case the
from death and famine. As with most of the psalms, the enemies would be those within the village community who
original setting is uncertain. The pre-exilic New Year Festival, see the disasters that have befallen the psalmist as evidence
worship in the second temple, and late synagogue worship that he has been abandoned by God, and an occasion to mock
have all been suggested. and take advantage of him.
The 'new song' (v. 3, cf. 96:1; 98:1; 149:1) hardly means that Several features of the psalm are striking. T am your salva-
it was specially composed for this occasion. Perhaps it refers tion' (v. 3) might be the type of priestly or prophetic oracle that
PSALMS 3;
many believe was given to the sufferer when he came to the envying the prosperity of the wicked, certainty that the good
sanctuary to pray. The appeals to God to help (w. 1—3,17, 22—4) prosper and the wicked will soon suffer disaster, faith that God
are very forthright and strongly expressed, with bold, almost is active in his world, the conviction that goodness is valuable
irreverent, imperatives. And the promises to offer thanksgiv- in itself, and the practical aim of persuading the hearers to
ing and praise are both part of the appeal to God and an commit themselves to God. Especially striking are the fre-
expression of the psalmist's own confidence. quent imperatives (w. i, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 27, 34, 37). While v. 25
Psalm 36 The divisions into which this psalm falls are strik- might imply a superficial confidence in exactly proportioned
ingly clear: w. 1-4 are a wisdom-type description of the reward and punishment, the fact that the psalmist feels a need
wicked, w. 5-9 praise God in a hymn, and w. 10-12 are a to expound this teaching may point to the beginning of doubt,
prayer for help against evildoers. Some think that the sections such as appears more strongly in Ps 49 and 73.
are so distinct that three separate psalms have been com- Psalm 38 Illness, sin, divine punishment, and the hostility of
bined. Others, noting the reference to the wicked in the first enemies and former friends dominate this psalm, which is
and last sections (although the only common term for those one of the traditional penitential psalms of the Christian
who are evil is 'wicked') take the whole psalm to be an indi- church. Confession is neither as central as that tradition
vidual lament, with the hymnic section as part of the appeal to suggests nor as plain as the NRSV translation T am sorry for
God by stressing his faithfulness and righteousness. Those my sin' (v. 18) appears to say (the verb means T am anxious,
who link many of the psalms with the king, find here another troubled', cf. REB, NIV). Nevertheless, sickness and sin are
of the royal psalms, though with somewhat less confidence clearly related, as in the book of Job, and this sufferer accepts
than with many other psalms. The sparse use of the first that he has sinned and that his illness is divine punishment.
person singular (only in v. n; the Heb. has 'my heart' in v. i, The intensely personal tone has convinced many that this is
but most follow a few Heb. M S S and the Syriac to read 'his', cf. the prayer of an individual sufferer. Others set it within the
NRSV 'their') has led some to give the psalm a communal cult or some healing rite. If cultic the prayer may have been
reference, taking it as a national prayer, a view which links offered in the sanctuary by a friend or representative of the
easily with the king as representative of the nation. How the sufferer rather than in person; if a healing rite it may have
psalm originated and in what situation it was used is quite been performed at home, perhaps in the presence of some
uncertain. This, however, does not impair its religious value. religious expert.
The text in several sections is corrupt, v. i begins with the The psalmist's friends, companions, and neighbours who
noun ne'um that is frequently found at the end of oracles in distance themselves from him (v. n) probably see his suffer-
the books of the prophets, where it is conventionally trans- ing as a proof that he has sinned. Who those are who seek his
lated 'says the LORD' (e.g. Am 1:15). It is linked with transgres- life (v. 12) is not clear. Perhaps they are only those who de-
sion only here. (Is the idea that rebellion, personified, speaks mand that he should be punished for the wrong he has done
to the wicked as YHWH speaks to the prophets?) Hence the rather than 'enemies', although later the psalmist is more
emendation 'Transgression is pleasant to the wicked' has been bitter against them (w. 19-20; the emendation adopted by
proposed. The different translations of w. 3 and 6-7 among NRSV and REB is very plausible). Whether the psalmist's
the Eng. versions indicate the difficulty in interpreting the deafness and silence (w. 13—14) are his refusal to answer the
Hebrew words. NRSV has taken 'mountains of God' in v. 6 as accusations of his enemies or represent his humility before
'mighty mountains', but since 'the great deep' is the primeval God is uncertain.
ocean in Gen 7:11 the psalmist may be using mythological 'For the memorial offering' in the title is a possible inter-
ideas to stress the greatness of God's righteousness. pretation of the Hebrew which is more literally 'to call to
Psalm 37 The acrostic in this psalm has been preserved al- remembrance' and has been taken as 'to confess one's sins'.
most perfectly. In v. 28c the "ayiri verse is easily restored with The Targum supports the reference to an offering; the LXX
the help of the LXX as 'The unrighteous will perish for ever' adds '[for remembrance] concerning sabbath'.
(cf. REB; NRSV has inserted an interpretative 'the righteous' Psalm 39 To understand this poignant psalm it is necessary
absent from the Heb., contrast NIV). Since the pattern is two to remember the basic convictions of the psalmist. He believes
double-line (stick) verses to each letter of the alphabet, the that sickness is divine punishment for sin, and he has no hope
longer w. 14 and 20 are suspect, but there is no textual of any life beyond the grave.
evidence to support deleting a line. NRSV takes w. 1—3 as the psalmist's musings—he tries to
All agree that the psalm is related to wisdom teaching, some keep silent and avoid questioning God, but he finds no relief.
classifying it as a wisdom psalm which has no connection At v. 4 he begins his prayer. It is unusual in individual laments
with the cult, others rejecting that it is by an individual and to find wisdom-type references to the brevity of human life in
relating it in some way to liturgy, possibly, it has been sug- general; here the psalmist's pessimism approaches that of
gested, within the synagogue (although those who make this Qoheleth. In w. 7—10 he affirms his trust in God and reiterates
connection usually date the rise of synagogues earlier than is his refusal to question him before making his plea for healing.
often allowed now). The acrostic form tends to produce poems Then after a renewed acceptance of retribution, he utters a
without any obvious structure, and the lack of agreement further passionate prayer (w. 11—13).
about how it is to be divided (w. i—jct, jb—n, 12—15, 16—26, In v. 12 the psalmist describes himself as God's 'passing
27—33, 34—4°> and i—n> 12—20, 21—31, 32—40 are two pro- guest' and 'an alien' (NRSV). The translation carries false
posals) indicates how difficult it is to find any progression of overtones. The Hebrew word, rendered 'sojourner' by the
thought. Five themes may be singled out: a warning against older translations in many of the legal passages (e.g. Deut
 379 PSALMS
24:17-22), refers to the non-Israelite who has settled in the and lament have a large place, some classify it as the thanks-
land. Lacking the protection of the head of the family, he was giving of the individual, treating w. 4—10 as a description of
liable to be taken advantage of and oppressed. The laws single the illness from which the psalmist has been healed by
out the 'sojourner' as enjoying God's special protection, God. Others hold that it is a prayer for healing; the confidence
alongside other vulnerable persons, such as the fatherless in w. 1—3 expresses the psalmist's faith in wisdom-style lan-
and widows, and call upon the full members of the Israelite guage, and the concluding w. 11—12 the 'certainty of hearing'
community to love them as themselves, remembering that found in several laments (e.g. Ps 6:8—10).
they were 'sojourners' in Egypt (Lev 19:33-4; Deut 24:18, 22). The setting of the psalm is equally debated. Royal max-
The psalmist is putting himself under God's protection rather imalists ascribe it to the king. The care of the poor (v. i) is a
than stressing the brevity of his life. standard duty of the king, when the king is ill his enemies,
As with Ps 38, the intensely personal character of this psalm even courtiers ('who ate of my bread', v. 9), are likely to plot
has led some to regard a cultic setting as impossible. Those against him, and the revenge of v. 10 is the common sequel
who think all the psalms have liturgical use compare some- to the defeat of such plots. Care of the destitute and orphans
what similar laments in other countries of the ancient Middle and the accusation that those who ate the writer's food
East. Ultimately it has to be admitted that the origins of this raised up troops against him is found in the Egyptian In-
psalm are lost to us. struction of Amen-em-het. Others, however, see here family
Psalm 40 w. 13-17 ofthis psalm recur as Ps 70. This, together or village services in the home for those who are ill, the
with the sharp difference between the thanksgiving for deliv- enemies being those friends and neighbours who regard the
erance in the first part of the psalm (w. i—10) and the plea for psalmist's illness as divine punishment. In w. 7-8 there may
help in the second (w. 11—17) suggests to many that two even be a hint of sorcery and the belief that the psalmist is
psalms have been combined. Others, however, treat the psalm subject to a curse.
as a unity, the thanksgiving leading into the petition. In sup- It is very probable that v. 13 is the closing doxology to the
port of this they point out that there are links in vocabulary first book of the Psalter.
between the two parts (cf. 'steadfast love' and 'faithfulness' in Psalms 42—3 This was almost certainly a single psalm, des-
w. 10 and n), and that the division in Ps 40 does not coincide pite its division into two by both MTand LXX. Some Hebrew
with the beginning of Ps 70, which looks like a fragment ('Be M SS join them together, although a few others add the title 'Of
pleased', v. 13, is missing from the Heb. of Ps 70:1). David' to Ps 43, where the LXX has 'A psalm of David'. The
Royal maximalists include this psalm among the royal refrain (42:5, n; 43:5: NRSV has slightly modified the end of
psalms, interpreting the ethical stress in w. 6-8 as fitting an Ps 42:5 to agree with the later forms, probably rightly), and
annual festival or an enthronement ceremony. The lament similarities of thought and language across both psalms con-
following expressions of God's favour would equally well suit firm their original unity.
a royal prayer in time of national distress, perhaps the attack of Opinions on the nature of the psalm and the psalmist differ
an enemy. Even if the psalm is taken as the prayer of an widely. The intensely personal descriptions, mood, and peti-
individual Israelite, a cultic background seems assured from tions persuade some that it comes from an individual Israelite
the references to the 'great congregation' (w. 9—10), the tone of poet, expressing his inner thoughts and feelings. Ps 42:6 has
bearing witness to past help from God, and the more general often been taken to show that the psalmist was living in the
declaration of divine support for those who trust in YHWH, in north of Israel, perhaps in exile, perhaps at home but too far
the thanksgiving section. from Jerusalem to go frequently to the temple. The references
The early Christians understood the psalm as messianic to the psalmist leading the festal procession in the temple
prophecy, w. 6—8 are quoted in Heb 10:5—7 in the LXX version (42:4) suggest to others that it is a royal psalm, sung either
where the somewhat curious Hebrew 'ears you have dug for when the court was absent from Jerusalem, perhaps on a
me' (NRSV 'you have given me an open ear') is replaced by military campaign, or when the king was on the way to pay
'you have prepared a body for me', which was then taken to be tribute to his overlord. If the references in 42:7 are mythical
a reference to the incarnation. The origin of the LXX phrase is and the descent into Sheol figurative (the repetition of the
uncertain; it may have been internal Greek corruption (the Gk. exact phrase in Jon 2:3 points to this), the king may be ser-
words for 'ears' and 'body' are not too dissimilar, but could iously ill. Yet others place the psalm in the worship of post-
hardly have been confused except in a damaged M S) or a part exilic Israel, as the Jews, suffering in the midst of a pagan
of the body ('ears') may have been taken to represent the whole. empire, seek comfort and reassurance in a congregational
The apparent rejection of sacrifice in v. 6 is in line with liturgy. Whichever interpretation is adopted, the psalmist's
some prophetic words (cf. Am 5:21-4), but the intention is eager longing for God, expressed in the simile of a deer
probably to stress the greater importance of ethical obedience. searching for water in a barren desert (42:1—2), his memories
The identification of 'the scroll of the book' (v. 7) is uncertain of happier days in the past (42:4), and his delight in the temple
and suggestions are linked with the general view of the psalm worship (42:2,4; 43:4) are plain to see. Like other psalmists he
that is taken: the document of the covenant demands pre- is not afraid to accuse God of forgetting him (42:9) and
sented to the king at his enthronement, the Torah with its laws abandoning him (43:2). Yet hope remains and becomes the
that the individual accepts, and the heavenly record of the refrain. He prays that the day will come when he can once
psalmist's deeds have been proposed. again worship God in Jerusalem (43:3-4).
Psalm 41 Sickness and enemies lie behind this psalm. Be- Psalm 44 The kind of occasion on which this communal
yond this, interpretations vary widely. Although complaint lament may have been sung can be found in 2 Chr 20. Israel
PSALMS 380

has been defeated in battle. The people come to the temple in The psalm has been understood in four ways, (i) Historic-
great distress, unable to understand why God has not given ally, it has been linked with the failure of Sennacherib to
them victory and beseeching him to help them. capture Jerusalem in 701 BCE (2 Kings 18:9—19:36). (2) As
The first part of the prayer is almost a hymn (w. 1-8), cultic, it has been seen as part of the Jerusalem New Year
recalling the way God had defeated the Canaanites and given Festival (v. 8 may call the worshippers to see the ritual drama).
his people the land of I srael. The people proclaim their trust in (3) Eschatologically, it has been treated as prophecy, looking
God and not in their armies and their own weapons. The tone forward to God's final salvation of Israel. (4) Liturgically it has
changes completely at v. 9. God has allowed them to be been understood as part of the worship of post-exilic Judaism,
defeated, even to be killed and taken prisoner. Neighbouring the divine protection of Zion in past history or mythology
peoples scoff at their humiliation. They reiterate their trust in providing assurance in the present. Of these the second seems
God and deny that the defeat is punishment for any sin. With most likely. There is insufficient detail to link it with any
great boldness they call upon God to awake from sleep and historical event, and while Zech 14 points to the use of cultic
save them. mythology in prophetic vision, it is more natural to see in the
The occasional singular verses (4, 6, 15) may indicate that psalm the cult behind the prophecy rather than prophecy
this is another royal psalm, the king being the leader and itself. The psalm has provided reassurance to anxious wor-
representative of the nation. Some of the Church Fathers shippers in the period after the Exile and beyond (Luther's
took the psalm to be messianic prophecy, and v. 22 is quoted great Reformation hymn, 'A safe stronghold our God is still',
in Rom 8:36. is based upon it), but this does not determine its origin.
Psalm 45 Although some have interpreted this as a popular NRSV has retained the traditional 'a very present help in
wedding song in which the bridegroom and bride are ad- trouble' (v. i). The meaning is more probably, 'a well-proved
dressed as king and queen, and others treat it as referring to help'. In v. 9 'shields' involves a change in the Hebrew vowels,
YHWH's 'marriage' with Israel (cf Isa 62:4-5), it is most and is widely accepted. MT has 'carts, wagons', a word which
probably a psalm for a royal wedding. Because 'the daughter is never used of war-chariots.
of Tyre' in v. 12 was taken to refer to a Tyrian princess, some The meaning of 'To Alamoth' in the title is completely
have linked it with Ahab's marriage to Jezebel (i Kings 16:31) unknown. Aquila and Jerome took it as 'young women', hence
and seen it as a northern Israelite psalm, but the phrase may as sung by sopranos. The LXX has 'hidden things', i.e. reli-
refer to the 'people of Tyre', as NRSV. It may, therefore, have gious mysteries. Another suggestion is that it is the name of
been used regularly at royal weddings. Less likely is the sug- the tune to which it was sung. In i Chr 15:20 the harpists play
gestion that it is evidence for a 'sacred marriage' in the annual 'according to Alamoth'.
festivals at Jerusalem. Psalm 47 This is the first of the 'enthronement psalms' (47;
After an introduction (v. i), the poet addresses first the king 93; 96—9; see PS E.5b, F-4). Its interpretation depends upon
(w. 2—9) and then the princess (w. 10—15), finally promising to general conclusions about the existence of a New Year Festival
the king both sons who will become princely rulers, and at which YHWH was annually enthroned, the relation of this
world-wide fame (w. 16-17). group of psalms to Deutero-Isaiah, the precise translation of
From early times the psalm was regarded as messianic the phrase 'God is king', whether a procession carrying the
prophecy. The Targum paraphrased v. 2 as 'Thy beauty, O ark, symbol of YHWH, into the temple is implied by v. 5, the
King Messiah, exceeds that of the children of men', and the extent to which the allusion to the conquest of Canaan in w. 3-
writer to the Hebrews quotes w. 6-7 to show the superiority of 4 emphasizes the covenant and controls the meaning rather
Jesus over the angels (Heb 1:8—9). m Christian liturgical than ideas of YHWH's enthronement, and how far ideas of a
tradition it is sung on Christmas Day. future divine rule are pre sent. The dominant view today is that
The text is in disorder in a number of places, hence the the psalm celebrates God's kingship at the New Year Festival,
different renderings by modern Eng. versions. The meaning but there is less assurance that he was annually enthroned. In
of v. 6 has been hotly debated. The most natural way of taking Christian tradition the psalm was linked to the celebration of
the Hebrew is as NRSV, with the king addressed as God. the ascension, owing to v. 5 being taken as an ascent to heaven.
Because this would be unique in the OT (although the future The structure is not entirely clear. NRSV accepts the 'Sdd'
king of Isa 9:6 is called 'mighty god'), alternative ways of as marking a major break, and introduces another break at v. 7.
interpreting the Hebrew have been sought. The NRSV Alternatively the renewed call to praise in v. 6 may be the
marg. is one possibility, another is 'Your throne is everlasting beginning of the second section of the psalm.
like that of God'. The translation 'with a psalm' (v. 7) takes the word maskil to
Psalm 46 Three stanzas, each ending with a refrain (w. 7, n; be the same as that found in several psalm titles (e.g. Ps 32).
it seems to have fallen out after v. 3) and 'Sdd', give this psalm Alternatively it may be verbal: 'to him who deals wisely',
a clear structure. Each section is marked by mythological referring to God.
features: the shaking of the earth, the river (akin to the river Psalm 48 This is the second of the Zion psalms (PS 1.53)
of Eden), YHWH as warrior. The divine name 'the Most High', and forms a pair with 46, praising God for his defence of
probably rooted in Canaanite mythology (for the title 'the Jerusalem. The main interpretations take it either historically,
LORD of hosts', see PS H.5). There is no river in Jerusalem, as the thanksgiving after the lifting of a siege by Israel's
only the spring of Gihon, but the idea, expressing the life- enemies, or within the cult, most probably as part of the
giving presence of God, was picked up frequently in the OT New Year Festival. A few hold that it belongs to the worship
(cf. Isa 33:21; Ezek47; Zech 14:8). of post-exilic Judaism.
 381 PSALMS
w. 1-3 express the praises of God and of his city, Jerusalem. The meaning of v. 15 is uncertain. Possibly the psalmist
The assembly, attack, and flight of the hostile kings who have accepts the general OT belief that there is no life beyond
come to seize the city is described in w. 4—7. In w. 8—9 the death, and looks simply for God's protection from premature
worshippers recall the deliverance they have witnessed and death. The overall sense of the psalm, however, with its
God's 'steadfast love' which secured it. Praise is again taken contrast between the wealthy oppressors who are unable to
up in w. 10—n, followed by a call to take good note of Zion so 'ransom' their 'brother's' life, or perhaps their own (v. 7), and
that the divine deliverance may be reported to future gener- the divine 'ransom' suggests that here is a leap of faith: God
ations (w. 12-14). will 'receive' the psalmist, perhaps in the same way that he
Probably 'in the far north' (v. 2) is mythological (cf NIV 'took' (the same Heb. word) Enoch (Gen 5:24; cf. Elijah in 2
'Like the utmost heights of Zaphon'). At Ugarit saponwas the Kings 2).
sacred mountain, the dwelling-place of the gods. The word Psalm 50 The links with prophecy are clear (see the judge-
does mean 'north' in Hebrew, but it is difficult to extract a ment scene in Isa 1:2; Mic 1:2-4; 6:1-2; the teaching about
satisfactory sense from it, despite attempts to show that sacrifice in Isa 1:10-15; Am 5:21-5; Mic 6:6-8; and the de-
Jerusalem was most beautiful when viewed from the north, mands for righteousness in Isa 1:16—17, 2I~6; Hos 4:1—3; Am
that the psalm is really northern and does not refer to 2:6—16; 5:24), suggesting to some that this psalm should be
Jerusalem, or that it comes from the far south of Judah, termed a 'prophetic liturgy', coming from a prophet within
from where Jerusalem would be in the north. Possibly the the regular cultic worship. Others propose a setting within the
difficult closing words of the psalm express the same mytho- New Year Festival or posit a festival for the renewal of the
logical ideas. NRSV has altered the vowels of MT to produce covenant (cf. w. 5,16). Another view places the psalm in post-
'forever'. Others, with a small emendation, read 'According to exilic Israel and terms it a levitical sermon.
Alamoth' (see the title of Ps 46), and take it as part of the title The introduction depicts God coming in a majestic theo-
of Ps 49. With other vowels it may mean that YHWH is his phany, reminiscent of the appearance on Sinai (Ex 19:16—20),
people's leader and protector 'against Mot (death)', Baal's though now coming from the temple in Zion, and calling
enemy in Ugaritic myths. Such use of mythology, together heaven and earth as witnesses in his lawsuit against his
with what is apparently a religious procession in v. 12, and the people Israel (w. 1-6). The rest of the psalm falls into two
claim to have 'pondered' (perhaps 'pictured', 'seen portrayed') parts, w. 7—15 proclaim, with mocking irony, that God rejects
these events within the temple, support the cultic inter- sacrifice that is not offered in the right spirit. It is unlikely that
pretation of the psalm. No occasion when an enemy was ideas of sacrifice as food for the gods still survived openly in
defeated inside the city is known, and on a historical inter- Israel, but the psalmist recalls the people to more spiritual
pretation the procession would seem to be a tour of inspection ideas: the call in v. 14 is probably to offer a 'thanskgiving
after the enemy had retreated. The reference to the destruc- sacrifice', rather than to substitute thanksgiving for animal
tion of the 'ships of Tarshish' (probably Tartessus in Spain) offerings, w. 16—21 move on to a demand for righteousness.
may be a further indication that the ideas were taken over Stealing, adultery, and slander in w. 18-19 bring to mind the
from Ugarit. Ten Commandments, but the phrasing is different and it is
The LXX adds 'for the second day of the week' to the title, unlikely that they are a direct call to obey the Decalogue. The
presumably indicating its place in the worship of the Jews in two final verses are akin to the curses and blessings found e.g.
Egypt. in Deut 28. v. 23 must express the same sense as v. 14: 'He who
Psalm 49 This is usually described as a wisdom psalm, and sacrifices thank-offerings honours me', NIV.
there are similarities with the wisdom books both in theme Running right through the psalm is a sense of the majesty
and vocabulary. Nevertheless, it is included within the Psalter of God, from the initial piling up of 'The mighty one, God,
and may have been sung within the liturgy in post-exilic YHWH' (the Heb. could be equally well rendered 'YHWH,
times. The imagery, e.g. death the shepherd (v. 14), and the the greatest God'), through the imagery of the theophany and
contrast between the inability of humans to ransom their life God's power as creator and owner of the universe, to the final
and the divine ransom (w. 6—7,15), is striking. threat of punishment and promise of salvation.
The text is difficult and certainly corrupt in places (hence Psalm 51 The title links this, the greatest of the penitential
the many footnotes in all the Eng. versions), w. 12 and 20 look psalms of the church, with the David and Bathsheba story (2
like a refrain, but there are significant differences, retained Sam 11-12). Although some attempt to justify this ascription,
only in NIV among recent translations. NRSV assimilates and others think that it was composed with David's sin in
both to the form in v. 12, without a footnote, while REB mind, it is more probable that the editor was led to make the
emends both verses. The LXX reads both as: 'Man being in connection because he thought it was generally suitable and
honour does not understand; he is compared to senseless noted certain similarities of language. Proposed settings for
animals and is like them.' the psalm include penitential rites within the Jerusalem New
The poem consists of three parts: w. 1—4: introduction; Year Festival performed by the king as representative of the
w. 5-12: musing on universal death of rich as well as poor; nation, corporate confession by survivors of the destruction of
w. 13-20: confidence in divine 'ransom' from Sheol despite Jerusalem in 586 BCE, and early synagogue worship. The use
universal human mortality. If the differences between w. 12 of 'your holy spirit' and priestly sin and atonement language
and 20 are significant, the second part of the psalm becomes perhaps point to a date after the Exile.
yet more positive, distinguishing those with religious under- Appeals for divine forgiveness, cleansing, and renewal
standing from the impious rich. (w. i—2, 6—12) lead into confession (w. 3—5), joyful thanks-
PSALMS 3!
giving (v. 8, cf. v. 12), vows (w. 13-15), and the acknowledge- Psalm 53 This psalm appears to be a variant of Ps 14. The
ment that God desires contrition rather than sacrifice (w. 16— general interpretation is given there, but a few additional
17). w. 18—19, with their prayer to God to rebuild the walls of points need to be added.
Jerusalem and, in an apparent reversal of w. 16-17, declar- Two extra phrases appear in the title: 'A Maskil [of David]',
ation that God will then delight in animal sacrifices, are often found in the group of psalms 52—5 and 'according to Mahalath',
considered a later addition to the psalm. Some of those who which may refer to a flute accompaniment or a flute-playing
link it with the pre-exilic temple cult accept an original unity, ceremony, or be the name of a melody. Another suggestion is
treating the rebuilding of the walls as simply strengthening that it is a reference to illness. Mahalath occurs only here and
them and interpreting w. 16-17 as asserting no more than that in Ps 88 (as Mahalath Leannoth, perhaps meaning 'to humili-
God does not accept sacrifice without true penitence as suffi- ate', i.e. for penitence), and while illness is appropriate there,
cient in itself for atonement; once the people are penitent God it is not in Ps 53.
will again delight in their offerings. The differences in the text between the two psalms are
The psalm is notable for its deep understanding of sin and relatively small, apart from the substitution of 'Elohim' for
forgiveness. The psalmist realizes that all wrongdoing is sin YHWH (a feature of this group of Elohistic psalms), and v. 6,
against God and that the most serious consequence of sin is where Ps 14 reads: 'There they shall be in great terror, for
alienation from him, not any punishment that the sinner may God is with the company of the righteous. | You would con-
receive. He knows that repentance requires not only know- found the plans of the poor, | but God is their refuge.' The
ledge of wrongdoing but also knowledge of God's grace (v. i). attention is focused on the destruction of the wicked in Ps 53,
Then repentance will not be a gloomy thing but full of glad- but on God's protection of the poor in Ps 14. This suggests that
ness. the two traditions developed independently and that different
v. 5 has had a long, unhappy history of misunderstanding as factors influenced them. If the differences are purely textual,
providing evidence for original sin and the 'sinfulness' or the state of the Hebrew text in the Psalter is worse than is
impurity of sexual intercourse. Since ancient Israel rejoiced commonly supposed.
in marriage and the birth of children, this is hardly likely to be Psalm 54 Here, as with Ps 52, the close resemblance of the
the true meaning. Rather the psalmist acknowledges that he historical part of the title to i Sam 23:19—almost a direct
belongs to a sinful race, and confesses the depth of the sinful- quotation—points to an editor searching through the histor-
ness he feels. ical books for a suitable setting for the psalm.
Psalm 52 The genre and background of this psalm are un- Here, as always, the interpreter's presuppositions deter-
certain, and the text in w. 1-2,7, 9 is difficult. The title, with its mine the description of the psalm. Those who believe that a
reference to i Sam 22:9, is an example of the way the editor number of psalms were prayers against false accusations,
has searched the stories about David in the books of Samuel to perhaps linked with an ordeal, the taking of an oath, or an
discover suitable occasions for the composition of a number appeal to the 'higher court' of the temple, find support in v. i
of the Davidic psalms. The psalm fits the narrative badly, since with its 'vindicate me'. A royal perspective finds foreign en-
Doeg is an informer rather than a liar. emies or cultic opponents in the 'strangers' (v. 3; NRSV
w. 1-4 address the evildoer, v. 5 appears to express confi- emends to 'the insolent'), 'the ruthless' (v. 3), and 'enemies'
dence that God will punish him, though it can be read as a (v. 5), and supports this as the prayer of the king before battle
prayer, and this confidence is continued in w. 6—7. In w. 8—9 or in a cultic drama by the appeal to God as personal saviour,
the psalmist expresses his trust in God's steadfast love and and the covenant 'faithfulness' (v. 5). Others more generally
concludes with a vow. describe it as the lament, prayer, or complaint of an individual.
Those adopting a maximalist position on royal psalms From appeal (w. 1—2) the psalmist moves to description of
explain this psalm as the king's speech to a powerful enemy, the danger facing him (v. 3), and on to confidence in God
perhaps in the style of mockery before the actual combat. (w. 4-5). Finally the psalmist promises to sacrifice a free-will
The 'righteous' and 'faithful' in w. 6 and 9 may be the offering, the one sacrifice which expressed the voluntary
king's supporters. Others describe it as the prayer of a man gratitude of a thankful heart (w. 6-7, another example of
accused by a perjured witness, even as a curse uttered the 'certainty of hearing').
against the wicked man before he is expelled from the Psalm 55 Several unique words of uncertain meaning, textual
community. Yet others link it with wisdom teaching, and problems, doubt about the tenses in some verses, sudden
see it as communal instruction. The denunciation is similar changes of thought, and an alternation between a single
to that of the prophets (cf. Isa 22:15—19), and the psalm enemy and groups of oppressors (somewhat obscured in
may have come from one of the prophets employed in the NRSV) make this a difficult psalm to understand. It is com-
temple. If the main emphasis is placed upon w. 5-9 the psalm monly taken to be the prayer of an individual. Those attracted
may be taken as a thanksgiving after a slanderer has been to royal interpretations ascribe it to the king, beset by foreign
discovered and condemned. With such obscurity about its enemies and hostility within his own city, and with the head of
nature and origins, the psalm may belong to any period of a neighbouring state now become his adversary. The wider
Israelite history. corruption depicted in the psalm may indicate that it is a
The attitudes of the psalmist are hardly fitting for Christian prayer for the community, but the intense individuality found
worship, yet the psalm expresses divine judgement upon evil, especially in w. 4—8,12—14 makes this less likely.
bears witness against the sins of lying and slander, and is After an appeal to be heard (w. 1-2 a), the psalmist describes
suffused with trust in God. his anguish (w. 2/7—5; me verse division of NRSV is probably
 383 PSALMS
right). He has contemplated flight (w. 6-8), for the city is full case, cf. T will awake the dawn', v. 8). Others see it as a royal
of violence, and he utters a curse (w. 9—11: it may be that psalm, the shelter of God's 'wings' (v. i) and the divine title
poetically 'violence and strife' are depicted as going round 'elyon ('God Most High', v. 2) linking it with the Jerusalem
the walls, whether as watchmen or demons, but the subject temple, while 'steadfast love' and 'faithfulness' (w. 3, 10)
of the verb may revert to the evildoers). Even his close friend reflect God's covenant with the king. On this last view the
has turned against him (w. 12—14), an(^ the psalmist utters a reference to the king's 'glory' (v. 8; NRSV translates as 'my
renewed curse (v. 15). Taking up his complaint, this time with soul') perhaps indicates casting off his ritual humiliation.
greater confidence (w. 16-19), he once again reverts to the The title shows that the editor linked the psalm with the
treachery of his friend (w. 20-1). In v. 22 he may recall the stories in i Sam 22—4.
assurance of a temple prophet, and he closes the psalm with Psalm 58 This psalm does not easily fit into any of the main
fresh trust in God who will destroy his enemies (v. 23). categories. The dominant theme is confidence that YHWH's
Verses of great beauty (cf. 6-7, 16, 22) may appear to be justice will prevail over present evil. An obscure text, which is
immersed within desires for vindictive revenge, but the probably corrupt (all the modern translations introduce some
psalmist is concerned for righteousness and faithfulness, emendations) makes the details uncertain. A major difficulty
and it is this which determines the overall tone of the psalm. is a word in v. i which appears to mean 'silence' (cf. RV 'Do you
Psalm 56 This is another prayer for help against enemies. indeed in silence speak righteousness', apparently meaning
Beyond that little can be said for certain. There seems small that the judges or rulers fail to maintain justice). The LXX and
reason to class it with the prayers of those falsely accused, Jerome read it as 'but', hardly possible in the context. Most
though some have proposed this. Those who ascribe many change the vowels to read 'gods' (cf. Ps 82), either the lesser
psalms to royal rites interpret the 'peoples' of v. 7 as foreign gods charged by YHWH with maintaining justice in the
enemies, find references to national war in w. 1-2, 9, and world, or the rulers, who are acting wickedly instead of up-
regard the vows and thank-offerings (v. 12) as particularly holding the law. The psalm is commonly regarded as a com-
suitable for the king. They link the references to 'death' and munal lament, but it is unusual to begin with an address to
the 'light of life' (v. 13) to royal imagery, perhaps related to a those who are causing the evils to which the righteous are
cultic drama. Alternatively it has been suggested that the being subjected. The description of the wicked in w. 3-5 has
psalm comes from one of the Jews of the dispersion who suggested to some that it is instruction, perhaps given in the
had to face anti-Semitism. synagogue alongside the reading of the law, but there is little
The similarities between w. 4 and 10—n may point to a evidence for this. The calls for fierce punishment in w. 6—9
division into two stanzas, with a concluding section w. 12-13. (akin to the prophetic invective of Ps 52) and the rejoicing of
But the certainty of hearing seems to begin at v. 9, which cuts the righteous when they see vengeance being taken (w. 10—n)
across this scheme. strike the modern reader as brutal. Attempts to soften the
Special interest attaches to the title. The editor who linked harshness include stressing the social situation where evil
Davidic authorship with events recorded in the historical appears to call into question God's authority and justice, the
books related the psalm to David's flight to Gath in i Sam need in ancient Israel for justice to be vindicated in the pres-
21:10—15. NRSV's 'according to The Dove on Far-off Tere- ent world, the danger of divine punishment on the covenant
binths' involves a change in the vowels of MT, which appears community when the covenant laws are flagrantly broken,
to mean 'a dove of silence, distant ones'. The phrase is a and the use of curses as a protection and a way of affirming
reference to a melody, although it has been explained as a the covenant demands (see PS f.2-8).
reference to a dove sent into the distant desert, rather like the Psalm 59 This vigorous plea for the destruction of the psalm-
scapegoat of Lev 16:20—2. The LXX has 'for the people far off ist's enemies has been interpreted in several different ways.
from the holy places (or holy people)', while the Targum reads The least likely is that it is the prayer of the man who has been
'concerning the congregation of Israel, which is compared to a accused of some wrong, despite the protests of innocence in
silent dove at the time when they were far from their cities, w. 3-4. The clear references to foreign enemies (the word
and turned again and praised the Lord of the world'. Both of translated 'nations' in v. 5 is rarely used of Israel) and the
these show that in later tradition the psalm was treated as a general impression of hostile attacks in war possibly point to
national psalm spoken by the personified people. national prayer. This could be incorporated in a royal psalm,
Psalm 57 w. 7-11 recur in Ps 108:1-5, and this, together with where the king is the leader and representative of his people
the change of theme between w. i—6 (a prayer for deliverance and the one against whom the enemy's attacks are primarily
from enemies) and 7—11 (a confident thanksgiving which al- directed. Royal covenant ideas, such as steadfast love and
most turns into a hymn), has suggested to some that two fidelity (w. 10, 16, 17), are noted by those who champion this
psalms have been combined. Against this is the refrain in interpretation.
w. 5 and n, and the probability that Ps 108 is a liturgical The structure is not clear. What might appear as two re-
combination of psalmic pieces (108:6—rj/Ps 60:5—12). frains (w. 6—7, 14—15, and 9, 17) have differences in wording
Some interpret this psalm as an individual lament (with the that are hardly textual errors, and they do not divide up the
certainty of hearing having a more prominent place than psalm in any very obvious way, as an outline reveals: petition
usual), an individual thanksgiving (the first part describing (w. 1—2), description of the ambush (v. 3»fc), declaration of
the dangers from which the psalmist has been saved), or the innocence (w. y—^a), renewed appeal (w. 4^—5), comparison
prayer of a man falsely accused (who may have spent the night of the enemies as scavenging dogs (w. 6-7), declaration of
in the temple precincts while awaiting the decision on his confidence that God will give victory over the enemies whom
PSALMS 384

he holds in derision (w. 8-10), plea for the destruction of the entrance of Sheol. The references to God's 'tent' and the
enemies (w. 11—13, with some ambiguity as to whether the 'shelter of your wings' (v. 4) may refer to the Jerusalem temple.
enemies are to be totally destroyed or simply weakened), Psalm 62 Royal maximalists treat this as a king's psalm,
repeated refrain (w. 14-15), and a vow to offer praise or a pointing to the references to God as 'my rock', 'my salvation',
closing thanksgiving (w. 16-17). and 'my fortress' (w. 2,6), seeing in v. 3 a warning by the king,
The editor perhaps linked the psalm to the incident in i noting the exhortations to the people in w. 8—10, and finding
Sam 19:11—17 (part of v. n is quoted in the title) because the behind w. 11—12 a divine oracle given to him. Others classify it
psalmist says he is surrounded by enemies who lie in wait for as a psalm of confidence, even one of the clearest examples of
him. this genre, with trust in God expressed in w. 1-2, 5-8, 11-12;
Psalm 60 Although part of this psalm (w. 5-12) is repeated in they explain the remaining verses, which describe attacks by
Ps 108:6—13, there is no reason to suppose that it is not a unity. enemies and teach the insignificance of human power and
It is usually classed as a corporate lament. The Israelites have wealth, as a foil to this assured faith. The suggestion that the
been defeated in battle, and they express their complaint to psalmist has taken refuge from his enemies in the temple,
God and pray for future victory in w. 1-5. Then the divine which some infer from w. 2, 6, 7, seems rather precarious.
promise of conquests is expressed, perhaps by a prophet, a The almost exact repetition of w. 1—2 in 5—6 sounds like a
section notable for the listing of parts of Israel and neighbour- refrain. It has been suggested that it marks off the first, more
ing lands over which God is to be sovereign (w. 6-8). Com- personal, part of the psalm (w. 1-7); 'Sdd' would then be
plaint and petition are resumed in w. 9-11, and the psalm misplaced, and w. 8—12 would form the second part, which
ends with an expression of confidence that God will give his adopts a more direct teaching stance and contains language
people victory (v. 12). The belief that military defeat was due to and ideas that are akin to wisdom. This does not mean that
God's anger or rejection was common in the ancient world: two psalms have been combined, for the note of trust is
King Mesha of Moab expresses similar sentiments on the maintained throughout.
Moabite stone: 'Chemosh [the Moabite god] was angry with Psalm 63 Although confidence appears to dominate this
his land' and allowed Omri to oppress Moab. psalm, most class it as an individual lament, largely due to
The title links it with 2 Sam 8:3-14 (cf 10:6-14) but the the opening verses. Who the psalmist is and what called forth
details differ and since the account in 2 Samuel describes only his prayer are far from certain. The reference to the sanctuary
victories the ascription is hardly apt, unless a previous defeat (v. 2) and to the liars who seek his life (w. 9, n) may point to
is assumed. The places mentioned in w. 6—7 lie mainly, criminal accusations from which the psalmist seeks to clear
though not exclusively, in the area ofnorthern Israel (Ephraim himself by an appeal to the higher court, through an ordeal, by
and Manasseh were the chief tribes). Moab, Edom, and the uttering an oath of innocence, or by a divine oracle. The
Philistines (w. 8—9) were Israel's traditional enemies, who mention of the king in v. n does not necessarily make it a
had been defeated by David. Hostility towards Edom in- royal psalm, for the psalmist may include the king in his
creased after the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BCE, when the prayer (cf. Ps 61:6), but some features support this interpret-
Edomites encroached on Israelite territory, hence many place ation: the opening words may indicate the close covenant
the psalm after that date. 'Lily of the Covenant' (or 'Lily of relationship with God that the king enjoys, w. 9—10 perhaps
Testimony') is probably the name of the melody to which the refer to a battle with the slain left to be eaten by jackals, and the
psalm is to be sung, though it has been suggested that it refers confident language, including references to God's steadfast
to using lilies as a means of divination. love and protection, are thought by some to be more suitable
Psalm 61 Despite the explicit reference to the king in w. 6-7 in the mouth of a king than of an ordinary Israelite.
those who restrict the number of royal psalms to a minimum Tenses present some uncertainties, as variations between
regard this as the prayer of an individual Israelite, who in- the Eng. versions show. Are w. 9-10 an expression of what
cludes among his petitions a plea on behalf of the king, such will happen to the enemies or should they be taken as a prayer
as is found in some Babylonian prayers. (There is little reason (soREB)?
to suppose that the verses are a later interpolation.) Royal What incident in the life of David the editor had in mind is
maximalists describe it as the king's psalm, and explain the less clear than in some other psalms. 'When he was in the
reference to the king in the third person by pointing to similar Wilderness of Judah' may refer to David's flight from Absalom
changes from first to third persons in an inscription from (2 Sam 15-16), but the time when Saul was pursuing David
King Yehawmilk of Byblos, arguing that the manner of speech has also been suggested (i Sam 23:14; 24:2).
is a way of stressing the privileges granted to the king, here Psalm 64 Problems with the tenses in w. 7—9 make the
long life and perhaps continued prosperity for his dynasty ('to interpretation of this psalm difficult. The verbs would nor-
all generations'). mally be translated as a description of past events. If this is
Despite some difficulties in the Hebrew text, the general adopted, the whole of w. 2—9 is an account of the actions of the
sense is fairly clear. A plea to God for protection is linked with evildoers and the punishment which God has inflicted on
a promise to sing continual praise and pay daily vows. Un- them, and the psalm would be an individual thanksgiving,
usually there is little indication of the dangers from which the or a testimony to divine judgement, v. i, however, looks like
psalmist is seeking deliverance. 'From the end of the earth' the introduction to a lament. If the psalm is treated as such a
(v. 2) has been variously interpreted as showing that the prayer for deliverance from the enemies, it would be most
psalmist was an exile, that the king was on a distant campaign, natural to see w. 7—9 as an expression of confidence in the
or even that the writer of the psalm depicted himself as at the protection which God is going to give to the psalmist, and to
 385 PSALMS
translate the verbs as future (so NRSV; REB gives the same prefaced his own thanksgiving with hymns drawn from the
sense with presents and futures), either treating the tense as temple worship, or the first two parts come from a temple
'perfect of certainty' or making slight changes in the vowels. A festival within which the individual's thanksgiving was re-
third possibility is to regard the verbs as expressing a wish or cited. (3) The whole psalm is national, the T of the last part
prayer ('precative perfect'), in which case the petition of v. i is being Israel. (4) It is a royal psalm, in which the communal
picked up at the end of the psalm, after the description of the hymn and thanksgiving finds its focus in the king's thanks-
activities of the psalmist's enemies. giving. The last of these reconstructions has the advantage of
The metaphors in w. 2-5 appear to point to slander, false explaining the large number of sacrifices offered, which other-
accusations, or, possibly, curses or spells. They hardly refer to wise has to be regarded as poetic exaggeration (v. 15), as well as
foreign enemies, and it is unlikely that they are to be taken providing a setting for the whole psalm taken as a unity, but it
literally, as if the psalmist's enemies were planning to mug still leaves unresolved whether the psalm was originally sung
him. This does not make their attacks any less fearsome, at some festival commemorating the Exodus and Conquest,
however, since the ancient Israelites regarded words as pos- perhaps at Gilgal, was part of the annual New Year Festival, or
sessing their own power to achieve what was spoken (Isaac was a liturgy of thanksgiving after victory against foreign
could not recall or alter the blessings which he had mistakenly enemies.
pronounced upon Jacob, Gen 27). Psalm 67 The meaning of the Hebrew tenses presents
Psalm 65 This psalm is commonly associated with harvest great difficulties for the interpretation of this psalm, as a
thanksgiving, possibly due to the overtones which 'you crown glance at the ways the Eng. versions translate v. 6 shows.
the year' (v. n) has in English and the references to the flocks NRSV takes the first Hebrew verb in its natural sense: 'The
and grain in v. 13. It may have been a hymn of praise sung at earth has yielded its increase'. On this view the psalm is a
the Feast of Booths (Tabernacles), but the emphasis upon the thanksgiving for the harvest. The verb in the second line of the
rains (though a feature of the Autumn Festival) may indicate verse, however, would not normally be translated 'God has
that it belonged earlier in the agricultural year, perhaps at the blessed us' (NRSV), but rather as 'God will bless us' or 'may
beginning of the barley harvest (at the Feast of Unleavened God bless us'. Moreover, exactly the same verb is used in v. ja,
Bread), or simply looking forward to the promise of a future so that there is little justification for the NRSV's 'May God
plenty now that the rains have come. Others have suggested continue to bless us' there, and the verbs in the rest of the
that it was intended as thanksgiving after a time of drought psalm are most naturally taken as expressing prayers or
when the crops had begun to grow again (cf. i Kings 8:35—6; wishes.
the linking of lack of rain and sin may be reflected in v. 3). The refrain in w. 3 and 5 divides the psalm into three
The three sections of the psalm are clearly defined: w. 1-4, sections, the first two being broadly parallel, seeking God's
praise to God who answers prayer and forgives sin; w. 5—8, a favour and salvation, leading to joy among all the nations as
hymn to God, the mighty creator, which is rich in mytho- they see God's blessing—a universalism that is somewhat
logical ideas; and w. 9-13, containing references to the rains rare in the Psalter. It is against this background that the two
and the harvest. The verbs, especially in w. 11-13, present final verses have to be interpreted. It would produce consist-
difficulties. The Eng. versions use English present tenses, ency if the anomalous verb were taken as a petition, 'May the
describing the rains and the fruitfulness which God has given. earth yield its harvest', a possible sense for this tense. An
The LXX took many of the verbs as imperatives and others as alternative view is that it expresses a repeated experience,
futures, thus making the psalm a prayer for forgiveness and a represented by a present tense in English, 'The earth yields
good harvest. its increase', forming the basis for the petitions in w. 6b, ya,
There seems no reason to think that the sections form which should be taken as 'May God continue to bless us'. NIV
separate psalms, as some have supposed. Praise, forgiveness, treats all the verbs in w. 6, 7 as future, with 'has yielded' taken
creation, and present providence fit easily together, especially as a 'prophetic perfect' and expressing confidence that the
when it is remembered that in ancient Israel creation was prayer of the earlier sections of the psalm will be answered.
viewed as a recurring annual event, when God once again This is possibly best of all.
overcame the raging waters and secured the order of the world Psalm 68 This is the most difficult of the psalms and the
for another year. space available here is quite insufficient to offer a detailed
Psalm 66 This psalm divides into three sections: w. 1-7 are a discussion. The problems arise from the large number of
hymn of praise to God in which the crossing of the Red Sea words which are found only here in the OT, the difficulties
and the Jordan are referred to (v. 6; if'the river' is parallel to in determining the meaning of the tenses, probable textual
'the sea' the whole verse speaks of the Exodus deliverance); corruption in many verses, the lack of clear structure and
w. 8-12 are a national thanksgiving for some more recent sequence of thought, uncertainty as to the meaning of some
deliverance from foreign conquest; and w. 13—20 are in the phrases even where the words and surface translation are
form of the thanksgiving of an individual, coming to the fairly obvious, and ignorance of the way the psalm was used
temple with sacrifices in payment of vows he had made in ancient Israel. A comparison between the Eng. versions
when he was in distress. shows up the difficulty of understanding the meaning very
Several different interpretations have been offered, (i) It clearly.
may be that an editor has combined three originally separate The first words appear to be a quotation from Num 10:35,
psalms (or two, if w. 1-12 originally formed one hymn of though not exact, and some believe that the author of Num-
national thanksgiving). (2) An individual psalmist may have bers used cultic material such as is found in the psalm. Here
PSALMS 386

they can be translated in at least four ways: 'O that God would those accused of some crime, connected with an ordeal, an
arise and his enemies be scattered', 'God will arise...', 'God appeal to the higher court in the temple, or part of an oath
arises...', 'When God arises his enemies are [or will be] ceremony, but this does not seem to fit the overall mood of the
scattered'. The similarities with Num 10:35, together with psalm.
the vivid account of 'solemn processions' in w. 24-5, have It is impossible to explain the curses in w. 22—8 as a quota-
often been taken to show that the psalm accompanied a tion of the words of the psalmist's opponents, since they are
procession carrying the ark in the Autumn Festival. Other addressed to more than one person, and they have to be
possible settings are as a battle song, or a ritual at Gihon or accepted with their full force as what the psalmist wished
Mount Tabor. The disjointed nature of the psalm, however, upon his enemies (see PS f.2—8).
has led others to suppose that several different psalm frag- Psalm 70 This psalm repeats Ps 40:13—17, and most treat it
ments have been combined, even that it is a kind of index in simply as a doublet, the minor differences in the text being
which the opening verses of a large number of poems are due either to corruption or deliberate alteration. Opinion is
listed. Many of the ideas reflect the myths of other religions in divided between taking Ps 70 as the original, which has been
the ancient Middle East, such as the accounts of YHWH combined with another psalm to form a liturgy in Ps 40, and
riding on the clouds, as Baal did, the giving of rains, the defeat treating Ps 40 as the earlier psalm, possibly a royal psalm,
of 'Death', and battle scenes (at Ugarit the goddess Anat w. 13-17 here being offered as a short plea for the use of
waded in the blood of her defeated enemies). These are inter- ordinary Israelites. The lack of'Be pleased' in Ps 70:1 (NRSV
twined with themes derived from the historical traditions of adds it) perhaps favours the second view, but it is possible that
Israel: the Sinai theophany, the wilderness wanderings, vic- 'make haste' serves both halves of the verse (as REB and NIV,
tories over Israel's enemies, and the confederation of tribes despite their different renderings in the two parts, 'Make
(though only four are named in v. 27). haste'/'Hasten' and 'come quickly'). The LXX takes the first
If an attempt is made to treat the psalm as a unity, it may be line as part of the title, rendering it very literally, 'that the Lord
divided into eight sections: w. 1—3, God victorious over his may save me'.
enemies; w. 4-6 God, the protector of the needy; w. 7-14, As it stands, Ps 70 is a terse and urgent prayer for God's
God's victory (with reminiscences of the Song of Deborah in help to save the psalmist from enemies who wish to harm,
Judg 5); w. 15-18 (or 20), YHWH's choice of Zion as his even kill him.
dwelling; w. 19 (21)—23, God's victory brings salvation to his
Psalm 71 In the first two books of the Psalter there are four
people; w. 24-7, a description of the procession; w. 28-31, the
psalms which lack a title, this being one. Of the others the LXX
subject peoples bring gifts and submit to YHWH; w. 32-5, a
joins 9 and 10, which the acrostic confirms, and the refrain
triumphant hymn of praise to God.
links 42 and 43. Whether 70 and 71 were treated as one psalm
Psalm 69 This psalm has some similarities with Ps 22, and is uncertain. Some Hebrew MSS join the two psalms, but the
both are quoted frequently in the NT(cf Jn 15:25 (v. 4); ]n2:ij; LXX provides a title for Ps 71: 'By David, of the sons of Jonadab
Rom 15:3 (v.g); Jn 19:28-9 (v. 21); Rom 11:9-10 (w. 22-3); Acts and the first ones taken captive'.
1:20 (v. 25)). w. 1-29 are a plea for help, while w. 30-6 read w. 9, 17-18 suggest that the psalmist is an old man. The
like a hymn of thanksgiving and praise. The change of tone distress from which he seeks relief may be severe illness and
and form is often regarded as indicating the expression of a the approach of death (v. 20), and, as so often in the psalms,
favourable oracle or some other sign that God has heard the his 'enemies' assert that God has abandoned him (v. n). He
psalmist's prayer, but some see the final verses as an attempt speaks of the faith in God which has sustained him all his life
to fit an earlier psalm into the post-exilic situation. (w. 5—6, cf. 17), prays that God will not reject him (v. 9), and
The background to the psalm is uncertain. The reference to asks for renewed health (w. 20—1) and the discrediting of his
the waters reaching up to the psalmist's neck (v. i, cf. 14—15) enemies (v. 13, cf. v. 4). Then he will renew his praises (w. 14-
probably indicates severe illness in which he feels that he has 16, 22-4).
almost sunk down into Sheol. More prominent are the ac- Royal maximalists interpret it as the king's psalm, perhaps
counts of enemies (w. 4, 9—12, 14, 18, 19—21; even his family towards the end of his reign, when there are attempts to
are estranged, 8), followed by the psalmist's curses on them supplant him. They point to the close relationship with God
(w. 22-8). Perhaps they believe that he is being punished by that the psalmist affirms, and see royal declarations in his
God. It may be, therefore, that this is the prayer composed for witness to God's salvation (w. 15, 18) and his praises. Other
those who are sick, to be offered by the sufferer, or on his speculations are that the psalm is a call for protection from
behalf, in the temple. Those who believe that many of the impending danger, the prayer of one who has fled to the
psalms are to be ascribed to the king point to communal sanctuary (cf. w. 1-3), and a plea by faithful Israelites in the
aspects, the lofty position which the psalmist appears to post-exilic community. If, however, the references to old age
hold, and the psalmist's plea as that of the nation's repre- are given primary emphasis, the psalm appears to be much
sentative. The curses are felt to be appropriate to the royal more the work of an individual poet than a liturgical piece for
office. To regard restoring what he did not steal (v. 4) as a repeated use.
reference to the payment of reparations after military defeat A feature of the psalm is the frequent allusion to other
seems to be going beyond the natural sense of the verse: psalms, even almost direct quotation (e.g. w. i—3/Ps 31:1—3;
the enemies are more naturally taken as fellow Israelites, w. 5—6/Ps 22:9—10; v. ii (NRSV reverses the clauses)/Ps 22:1;
most probably members of the psalmist's own village or w. i2-i3/Ps 35:22; 38:21; 40:13-14; v. 24/Ps 35:4, 26; 40:14).
small town. Others include the psalm among the prayers of Might it be that the elderly psalmist strengthens his faith and
 387 PSALMS
expresses his petition through well-known and greatly loved an experience of God's presence, restored his faith. He real-
psalms? izes that evildoers will meet sudden divine judgement (w. 18—
Psalm 72 The obvious reference to the king secures agree- 20) and finds the blessing of knowing God (w. 21—6), and the
ment among the commentators that this is a royal psalm. psalm ends, as it began, with the supreme 'good' (v. 28).
Differences appear only when the original setting is consid- Some verses appear to be corrupt, and others are difficult to
ered. The marked idealism suggests to many that it is appro- interpret, reflected in the considerable variations between the
priate for the king's coronation or enthronement, though it Eng. versions. In v. i NRSV and REB divide the Hebrew letters
may have been sung at the annual celebration of his accession. differently to produce '[good] to the upright'. This provides a
Key themes are the just rule which the king will exert, espe- good parallel to 'pure in heart', but lacks any textual support,
cially in his care for the poor and oppressed (w. 1-2,4,12-14), and 'to Israel' should probably be retained. In v. 4 whether the
and the prosperity which his righteousness will bring to his wicked avoid suffering during their lifetime or at the moment
people (w. 3, 6—7,16), together with the submission offoreign of death in uncertain, v. 10 seems to be beyond recall. The
nations, who will bring tribute (w. 8-n, 15). meaning of the important v. 24 is uncertain not because of a
As with many psalms, the tenses prove troublesome. The corrupt text but because the meaning of several words is
LXX treats them all as future apart from w. 30,17a. NRSV and ambiguous. The issues are: (i) does 'afterwards' refer to the
REB regard w. 2—11,15—17 as prayers or wishes, with w. 12—14 psalmist's present troubles or to death? (2) what connotation
as descriptive and providing the grounds for the favour which should be given to 'glory'—'with honour' or the glory of God's
God shows to him and his people, and this may well be right. presence? and (3) does 'you will receive' relate to the experi-
NIV keeps futures apart from w. 15—170, perhaps from con- ence of Enoch and Elijah, who were 'received, takenup' by God,
servatism, since AV has future tenses throughout, but pos- presumably to be with him for ever, or is it divine acceptance
sibly because it takes the psalm as messianic prophecy. It was in this life? The general lack of any belief in an afterlife
treated as messianic in Jewish and early Christian tradition, throughout the OT except in the very latest writings makes it
the Targum paraphrasing v. i as 'O God, give the precepts of uncertain whether the psalmist envisages a happy life after
thy judgement to King Messiah, and thy righteousness to the death. But the hope seems so important in the thought of
son of king David', and v. 17 as 'His name shall be remem- the psalm that perhaps it should be seen as a leap of faith.
bered for ever; and before the sun existed his name was Psalm 74 Although it has been suggested that this psalm has
prepared; and all peoples shall be blessed in his merits'. It is no historical links but belongs to a ritual desecration of the
never quoted in the NT, however, though at an early period it temple in the cult, almost everyone agrees that it celebrates
was adopted as the special psalm for Epiphany. the destruction of the temple by the Babylonians in 586 BCE.
The ascription to Solomon in the title, found also in Ps 127, This is the only occasion when the temple was actually
may have been suggested to the editor by w. i, 10, 15 (cf i burned, and similarities with the poems in Lamentations
Kings 10:1—10, 22). In the LXX the form is different from the which commemorate the event provide support. Whether it
common 'Of David' normally expressed, and possibly 'for was composed soon after the events it describes or later,
Solomon' rather than 'by Solomon' was intended—a Davidic perhaps as part of an annual remembrance of the destruction,
psalm which he composed for Solomon. is less easy to decide. On the other hand the reference to the
It is generally agreed that w. 18—19 are a doxology at the end enemy having 'burned all the meeting places of God in the
of Book 2 of the Psalter and are not an integral part of the land' (v. 8) has sometimes been seen as a reference to syna-
psalm. For v. 20 see PS 0.4. gogues (so Aquila and Symmachus), and the psalm has been
Psalm 73 This psalm has some affinities with the wisdom interpreted as a reaction to the desecration of the temple by
writings, but its strongly personal tone and references to the Antiochus Epiphanes in 167 BCE. The Targum paraphrased
temple have led many to hesitate about classing it simply as a 'the impious' (v. 22) as 'this mad king', apparently thinking of
wisdom psalm. Possible genres range from an individual Antiochus Epiphanes, who was nicknamed by his enemies
lament or thanksgiving, a meditation or psalm of confidence, 'Epimanes', 'madman', which possibly indicates that the
to a royal psalm. While a case can be made out forthe last (Israel psalm was used later to commemorate the Greek desecration
is mentioned in v. i (NRSV emends), v. 15 seems to imply that of the temple. It may even be that it was modified at that time,
the speaker is someone in authority, the intimate trust in God is but the description in the psalm fits the Babylonian attack
suitable for a king, the evildoers, probably apostate Israelites, more closely than any other. It is very uncertain whether syna-
might just possibly be foreign oppressors, and the psalmist's gogues were built as early as the Maccabaean period, and the
loss of faith would fit the king's humiliation in the cult) most LXX reads 'Come, let us abolish the feasts of the Lord from the
think that its intensely individualistic stance, coupled with land' in v. 8, as do the Targum, Syriac, and Vulgate.
the wisdom elements, make it unlikely. Form-critical ap- The main structure of the psalm is clear: w. i-n and 18-23
proaches are less helpful than concentrating on its thought. are prayers to God to come to the people's aid, while w. 12—17
The psalmist declares that he almost lost his faith in God recall the power of God in creation in hymnic fashion, using
when he saw how prosperous the wicked were, and he won- mythical ideas similar to those in Ugarit and Babylon (some
dered whether his hard struggle to maintain his personal find a reference to the Exodus in this section, and the NRSV
integrity was worthwhile. His first bulwark against apostasy may intend to support this with its translations 'You divided
is the effect that such unbelief would have on others (w. 15— the sea' and 'creatures of the wilderness', but the whole pas-
16). But the turning-point in his experience was a visit to the sage more naturally refers to the divine battle that preceded
temple (v. 17). There an oracle, taking part in religious rites, or creation). It has been suggested that the verbs show that the
PSALMS 388
psalm has a more elaborate, chiastic form: w. 2-3 being the Creator (or perhaps as the God who saved Israel at the Red
matched by 18—23 (imperatives), 4—9 by 12—17 (perfects), and Sea (Ex 14:10—31) atthe time of the Exodus). Or is it a psalm of
10—ii (imperfects) forming the central section, with v. i as thanksgiving which also recounts the troubles from which the
an introduction. Other word-plays, matching words, and the psalmist has been delivered? The contrast between w. i-io
sevenfold repeated 'You' in w. 12-17 reveal the artistry behind and ii—20 has suggested to some that two psalms have been
the poetry. combined, a lament and a hymn of praise, the abrupt end in
Psalm 75 The rapid changes of speech and style make it v. 20 possibly indicating that the second part is only a frag-
difficult to fit this psalm into any of the main categories. It ment of the original hymn. Yet there are striking similarities
begins as a thanksgiving by the community (v. i). w. 2-5 in the of vocabulary between the two parts, and indeed it has been
first person have been described as a prophetic oracle or the suggested that there are deliberate parallels forming an indu-
words of the king, declaring divine judgement on the wicked. sio, e.g. 'voice' of lament in v. i ('aloud') and 'voice' of God's
God is the Creator who established the foundations of the thunder in v. 17, the 'hand' of the psalmist (v. 2), the 'hand' of
world and maintains justice. The next section (w. 6-8) de- Moses and Aaron (v. 20), and 'remember' in w. 3 ('think'), 5,
scribes the future judgement, of which the 'cup of foaming ii. However the psalm is understood, the urgent questions in
wine' is a symbol, perhaps taken from the old ordeal in which w. 7-9 lie at its heart.
the accused was made to drink a potion that would prove Taken as a unity, the psalm has been classified in many
poisonous only to the wicked (for the figure cf. Ps 11:6; Isa different ways: the prayer of an Israelite (possibly from the
51:17). In v. 9 the psalmist (individual, king, or the commu- northern kingdom, if any weight is to be placed on 'Jacob and
nity) vows to utter praise to God, and the psalm ends with a Joseph' in v. 15); a national lament; communal thanksgiving
renewed promise, in a divine oracle or the words of the king, for deliverance from some national distress; a royal psalm in
to destroy the power of the wicked (v. 10). which the king is representative of his people, bearing the
The psalm fits naturally into some cultic festival. Those nation's suffering, and offers his intercession for the nation,
who treat a maximum number of psalms as royal regard this with the final verse perhaps pointing to the king's office as
also as the king's psalm. Others note the oracles and describe shepherd of his people. It has even been suggested, rather
it as a prophetic liturgy. Whether it ever had a historical back- improbably, that this is another of the prayers by a man falsely
ground such as the failure of Sennacherib to capture Jerusa- accused of some wrong.
lem (2 Kings 18—19, cf- I9:35) is doubtful, as is the suggestion In the absence of much secure evidence, this is an excellent
that it looks forward to the last judgement. example of the way interpretation is controlled by the presup-
positions that are brought to the psalm.
Psalm 76 This psalm has similarities with Ps 46 and 48, and
like them has been interpreted as the celebration of some Psalm 78 This is the first of the three great history psalms (PS
Israelite victory over their enemies, as part of the New Year £.13). The writer begins like one of the wisdom teachers
Festival in Jerusalem, as a prophecy of God's future victory, ('teaching', 'parable', and 'dark sayings' are wisdom vocabu-
and more generally as post-exilic praise. The addition to the lary, and the emphasis on teaching the next generation re-
title in the LXX, 'to (concerning) the Assyrian' indicates that flects the aims of the wise men). But unlike Proverbs or Job,
the first of these was adopted in some Jewish traditions, and this writer chooses to express his teaching by recounting
the psalm related to Sennacherib's attack and defeat as de- incidents in Israel's history. The broad structure is clear. The
scribed in 2 Kings 18-19. REB adopts a common emendation history is worked over twice, first concentrating on events
of v. 10 ('Edom, for all his fury, will praise you | and the during the period of the wilderness wanderings (w. 12-41),
remnant left in Hamath will dance in worship'), finding in then pointing more directly to the Exodus (w. 42-53), but
the verse an allusion to David's victories, but some who accept continuing the history up to the time of David (w. 54—72).
the change of text reject a historical interpretation. Linking it The emphasis is upon God's continuing protection and for-
with the pre-exilic Jerusalem Autumn Festival is probably giveness of Israel, contrasted with Israel's constant rebellion
more likely, though its presence in the Psalter shows that it and lack of trust. Past failures are told in order to urge the
continued to be sung in later worship. people to remember God's goodness and obey him. How far
NRSV follows the usual division of the text: w. 1—3 praise the introduction extends is not obvious: a narrow view limits it
God who chose Zion as his dwelling and defended his city; to w. 1-4, but since the survey of history begins at v. 9 (or even
w. 4-6 describe that victory in more detail; w. 7-9 change the 12), it may extend to v. 8.
metaphor into that of judge who saves the humble; and the Whether it is profitable to attempt to fit the psalm into any
final section, w. 10—12, which is less of a unity, declares that of the major categories is doubtful. It is not obviously either a
human beings will worship YHWH, even those most hostile hymn or a confession, and the sharp differences which mark
to him, and calls on them to perform their vows. The 'Sdd' in it off from the wisdom books of the Old Testament make its
w. 3 and 9 adopts a threefold structure by treating the middle description as a wisdom psalm unsafe, though it is plainly
sections as a description of God. didactic.
Psalm 77 Difficulties in understanding the tenses in w. 1—12 Many attempts at dating the psalm have been made. The
make the interpretation of this psalm uncertain (contrast chief pieces of evidence that have been drawn upon are: the
NRSV's present tenses with the predominantly past tenses mention of the destruction of Shiloh, the ending of the history
of REB and NIV). Is itthe anguished prayer of an individual in with David, the criticisms of the northern kingdom without
distress that is made greater by his nation's suffering? On this any reference to its destruction in 722; the apparent existence
vieww. 11-20 sustain the psalmist by recalling God's power as of the Jerusalem temple, comparisons of the plagues with the
 389 PSALMS
lists in the 'sources' of the Pentateuch, and similarities with the Decalogue, Ex 20:2—5, together with the kind of teaching
the Deuteronomistic interpretation of history. Most argu- found in Deut 4:1; 5:1; 6:4; 9:1, and the reference to a seven-
ments are indecisive, and while very early dates have been yearly ceremony of covenant renewal in Deut 31:9-13).
suggested (the time of David or Solomon), and many are Whether such a ceremony was part of the New Year Festival
willing to concede a pre-exilic date, in a sense all the psalms has been questioned; the reference to the new moon and full
are post-exilic since this is the period in which they were moon in v. 3 and the blowing of the trumpet perhaps reflect
edited and collected. the celebration of New Year and Tabernacles. Although the
Whether the psalm was used in worship is equally uncer- teaching of w. 9-10 are similar to the Decalogue, the words
tain. Some have suggested that it was sung at the Autumn for 'strange' god and 'foreign' god are different from the 'other
Festival as an expression of salvation history that formed part gods' of Ex 20 and Deut 5, as is the verb 'brought [you] up', and
of the covenant renewal. Various speakers at such a celebra- the order of the phrases is reversed.
tion have been proposed: the king, a Levite, or a prophet. The The psalm begins like a hymn (w. i-$b), and this is followed
general didactic tone of the psalm, however, may mean that it by an oracle (w. 50-16). This is probably a feature of the liturgy
was never linked with worship. and does not indicate that two separate psalm fragments have
Psalm 79 Everyone agrees that this is a communal lament, been combined, although that may be how the liturgy was
and most accept the early Jewish tradition that it refers to the developed, w. 6-10 describe God's deliverance of his people
fall of Jerusalem in 586 and the destruction of the temple, from Egypt, while w. 11-16 remind them of their past disobed-
even though the language is so allusive that other historical ience and promise victory over their enemies if they obey him.
incidents might be suggested. It may well have been recited v. loc fits oddly and has often been transposed to follow v. y as
on the fast day that commemorated that event (cf Zech 7:3, 5; the announcement to the prophet of the oracle that God is
8:19, and Ps 74 for a similar lament). giving him. Some see in the changes between third and
Complaint at God's inaction, urgent prayer, confession, and second person (note NRSV marg. in v. 6) an indication of
imprecations on the enemies of Israel are interwoven so that it further disarrangement, the two oracles being w. 6,11-16 and
is difficult to produce a clear structure for the psalm, w. 1—4 7-10.
describe the disaster, and the petition of the worshippers Psalm 82 Jewish tradition, seen in the Targum and reflected
follows in w. 5-12, the psalm concluding with a vow to offer in Jn 10:34-6, interpreted this psalm as the condemnation of
thanksgiving and praise (v. 13). the human rulers of Israel, similar to Isa 3:13—15, but v. 7
If the prayers for vengeance offend modern sensitivities, we makes no sense on this interpretation and it is almost uni-
should perhaps be less ready to find relief in the (correct) versally accepted today that the picture is of YHWH's heav-
assertion of earlier scholars that the psalmists saw the defeat enly court (cf. i Kings 22:19-22; Job 1:6-12; 2:1-7), similar to
of his people as an insult to God himself, now that we are the pantheons of other nations, with YHWH presiding as
aware of the ease with which religion adds to the evils of war. Marduk or El did. The gods were apparently charged with
Psalm 80 This is another communal lament. It is unusual in maintaining justice in their client kingdoms, but they have
having a refrain (w. 3, 7,19), and having northern Israel as its shown partiality to the wicked and have not defended those
main concern. An addition to the title in the LXX referred it to who are exposed to oppression, orphans and the poor. w. 2—4,
the Assyrian attacks, and it has been suggested that this is 6—7 set out YHWH's judgement. His sentence is that the
correct and that the period towards the end of the northern gods will die like human beings, v. 5 may refer either to the
kingdom, perhaps in 733, is the subject of the plea to God. wicked or the gods. The verse stands out within the divine
Alternatively it may come from Judah (the cherubim (v. i) are judgement, and some have suggested that the psalm is in
usually associated with the Jerusalem temple) and there are chiastic form:
some links with Isaiah, who uses a similar image of a vineyard
whose wall God breaks down (Isa 5:1-7), while Jeremiah and
Ezekiel both refer to YHWH as shepherd, although the exact
phrase 'Shepherd of Israel' is unique here, and both show an
interest in the northern kingdom. It is impossible to be certain,
however, and it has been argued that the psalm is post-exilic
and has picked up earlier traditions in a renewed lament.
A refrain (w. 3, 7) marks off the first two sections of the
psalm: w. 1—2, a call to God for help; w. 4—6, an urgent plea The psalm ends with a prayer that YHWH will undertake
and complaint at God's treatment of his people. The rest of the universal rule and bring in universal righteousness. This
psalm then forms a final section, describing God's past care of has suggested to some that rather than a prophetic oracle or
Israel, referring in the figure of the vine to the Exodus and vision the psalm is really a lament, but it is possible to regard
conquest, and the present distress (w. 8—13, did the refrain the verse as an exclamation, as in Isa 21:5 and Mic 4:13.
originally follow v. 13 as well?). Petition is renewed in w. 14-17, Psalm 83 The extended list of enemies who have leagued
with a vow to return to God in v. 18, and a repetition of the themselves together against Israel (w. 6-8) has given rise to
refrain in the last verse. many attempts at dating. Theodore of Mopsuestia (350—427
Psalm 81 A reference to the renewal of the covenant has CE) suggested the time of the Maccabees (cf. i Mace 5). Other
often been found in this psalm (cf. v. yb, possibly an allusion dates range from pre-exilic times (the reign of Jehoshaphat, cf.
to Sinai, and the similarities of w. 9-10 with the beginning of 2 Chr 20) to after the Return (cf. Neh 4). The list contains ten
PSALMS 39 0

names, which perhaps indicates that it is symbolic and that ecy, or as petition, which turns the whole psalm into a lament,
the psalm is a cultic lament (cf. Ps 2:1—3; 46:6; 48:4—8). perhaps ending with the certainty of hearing.
After calling upon God to remain inactive no longer (v. i), Psalm 86 All agree that this is the prayer of an individual, and
the onslaught of the enemies is described (w. 2-8). The rest many describe it as almost a mosaic of quotations. The 'quota-
of the psalm is an appeal to God to destroy these enemies, and tions', however, may simply be traditional phrases which the
the victories of Deborah and Barak over the Canaanite leader psalmist is reusing. There is less unanimity about the identity
Sisera (Judg 4—5) and of Gideon over the Midianites Oreb and of the psalmist. The maximalists hold that it is a royal psalm,
Zeeb, and Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg 7:25; 8:13-21) are re- probably linked with the ritual humiliation of the king in the
called as examples. Those looking for literary patterns point to cult. They point to the extravagance of v. 9 which seems to go
the chiastic arrangement of w. 3—6, with the enemies of Israel beyond what could be expected from an ordinary Israelite, and
flanked by the enemies of God. note the attacks by the enemies, the association of divine
Psalm 84 This is usually termed a pilgrim psalm, and the power with the king as YHWH's servant, and the stress on
happiness which the godly Israelite finds as he makes his way God's faithfulness and his great name, ideas that are linked
to the temple for the Autumn Festival shines through. Other elsewhere with kingship. On the other hand, some include it
suggestions are that it is an entrance liturgy or simply a hymn among the pleas of those unjustly accused or seeking divine
of Zion. Several different types of prayer appear in it: expres- acquittal, but there seem to be few grounds for this proposal.
sions of joy and confidence that would fit a hymn of praise Perhaps it is a post-exilic psalm based on early traditional
(w. i, 10, 12), longing, rather in the style of a lament (2, cf. phrases, possibly taking over some features that previously
ioa), prayer for the king (w. 8—9; 'our shield' refers to the belonged to royal psalms. The psalmist says so little about the
king), and a description of the pilgrimage as the autumn rains distress from which he seeks God's rescue that it is difficult to
are falling (w. 5-7). The whole psalm is bound together by the determine what it is: enemies, false accusations, illness, even
first and last verses, both addressing 'YHWH of hosts' and sin, are all hinted at.
expressing delight and happiness. Most—even of those who The three-part structure is transparent: w. 1—7, a plea for
find a maximum number of royal psalms—draw back from help, based on the psalmist's piety (w. 1—4) and the character
ascribing this psalm to the king himself, preferring to think of of God (w. 5-7); w. 8-13, a hymn-like section, interrupted by a
a cultic soloist. call on God to teach the psalmist (v. n) and ending with
In v. 7 the MT seems to mean: 'he appears before God in thankful confidence that his prayer is answered, or a vow to
Zion' (cf. RV); NRSV follows the LXX. Behind the psalm may offer praise, perhaps even to sacrifice a thank-offering (w. 12—
be worship in which God was represented by an image which 13); w. 14-17, renewed prayer, ending with a request for a
the worshippers 'saw' in the temple. No image of YHWH 'sign', either some ritual or an oracle, or the salvation itself.
existed in Israel, but the phrase may have taken this over Frequent parallels and repetitions, such as an eightfold 'for'
conservatively in the liturgy. Later scribes, anxious about inw. i, 2, 3,4, 5, 7,10,13, the repeated 'Lord' (w. i, 3,4, 5, 6, 8,
orthodoxy and reverence, altered the verb into 'appear before'. 9, n, 12, 15, 17), and the description of the psalmist as
Psalm 85 The surface structure of this psalm is clearer than YHWH's 'servant' (w. 2, 4, 16), have led some to look for
its exact interpretation, w. 1-3 describe a past forgiveness and literary patterns. A chiastic structure, with v. n in the centre
salvation; w. 4—7 are in the form of a communal lament, a receiving the main stress, has been detected.
prayer for an end to God's anger and renewed deliverance; in
w. 8-13 a prophet tenses himself to hear God's word and
proclaims the promise of rich spiritual and material blessing.
Problems of the meaning of the Hebrew tenses, coupled
with uncertainty about the date of the psalm and hence its
historical or cultic background, make interpretation difficult.
There are three main ways of interpreting the psalm.
Some place it in the period after the Exile, perhaps later
than the time of Haggai and Zechariah. w. 1—3 express the
same sentiments as Isa 40-55, while the next section reflects
the hardships which the returned exiles experienced, so Psalm 87 This short psalm is one of the most difficult in the
different from their hopes. They still need the promise of Psalter. Short phrases and possible textual corruption, to-
w. 8—13. gether with lack of clear sequence of thought have led to
Others think that it belongs to the pre-exilic temple wor- widespread emendation and rearrangement of the verses (cf.
ship, the first section referring to the Exodus salvation, and NEB). The only safe approach, however, is to retain the MT
the emphasis on righteousness suiting their understanding (REB has reversed many of the changes in NEB), even if this is
of the thrust of the New Year Festival, or perhaps v. n contains not as the poet intended.
the hint of a bad harvest as the disaster from which God's help To classify it as one of the Songs of Zion takes the inter-
is sought. pretation only a small way. The date and original setting are
Rather differently, others, sensitive to the contrast between completely uncertain. The reference to dancing in v. 7 perhaps
the joyful account of an apparently past deliverance and the indicates that it was linked with a festal procession. The
following prayer, take the Hebrew tenses in w. 1-3 either as difficult middle section (w. 4-6) may be taken in many dif-
prophetic, the whole psalm then becoming confident proph- ferent ways: as looking to the future when Jerusalem would be
 391 PSALMS
the centre of universal worship; as listing some of the when hopes of the restoration of the Davidic monarchy were
nations from which Jewish proselytes have come to the festi- current (cf. Zech 4:6—14). On a cultic interpretation the psalm
val; as a reference to Jews who come from different countries would accompany the ritual humiliation of the king, some-
in the dispersion. The universal perspective may point to what similar to that known in Babylon. To see it as part of an
a post-exilic date, but it is impossible to be sure. The other annual covenant festival is less likely. If used in a ritual it must
countries might simply be a foil to YHWH's choice of Jeru- have been followed by the king's salvation by God.
salem. Christian tradition has linked it with Christmas, God's
'Rahab' (v. 4), the primeval monster quelled by YHWH in covenant promise being fulfilled in Jesus. Typology might
ancient story (cf Ps 89:10), represents Egypt. The 'springs' find parallels between the king's humiliation and Christ's
(v. 7) may symbolize divine blessing, or Zion may be thought humble birth, death, and final triumph.
of as the source of the streams of Paradise. v. 52 is the doxology at the end of Book 3 of the Psalter (PS
Psalm 88 This is the bleakest of all the individual laments. D.2).

The last word expresses its mood. The wonder is that the Psalm 90 This is the only psalm ascribed to Moses, and while
psalmist prays at all. no one today would accept that Moses was the author, possible
The full horror of Sheol is found here. After death there is reasons for the title can be discovered. There are certain
nothing but the land of darkness and forgetfulness, beyond similarities with the Song of Moses (Deut 32), and only Moses
God's care, outside the reach of his salvation, where the calls on God to 'repent' (the word translated 'have compassion
shades no longer offer praise (w. 5, 10—12, cf. Ps 6:5; 30:9: on' in v. 13; Ex 32:12).
115:17; Job 7:8—10; 10:21—2; see PS 0.13). The only spark of faith The psalm does not fit easily into any of the standard
which glimmers through the darkness is v. i: 'O LORD, God of categories. It is often classed as a communal lament, but
my salvation'. Three times he makes his plea to God (w. 1-2, this suits only w. 13-17. The teaching in w. 3-12 has many
9, 13), but always he is met with silence; the final line of the wisdom features, though the main wisdom writings, apart
psalm should perhaps be translated as REB, 'Darkness is now from Job, do not address God in this way, and at v. 7 features
my only companion.' We are reminded of Job. of a lament appear (God's anger, references to sin, and the
The structure of the psalm is not clear. The three appeals to call 'How long?'). The psalm opens like a hymn of praise
God mark some divisions. The descriptions of the psalmist's (w. 1—2). To divide it into two, or even three, separate psalms,
afflictions mark others: so ill that it seems he draws near to however, is a counsel of despair. While it is possible that a
Sheol (w. 3—7); rejected with horror by his friends (v. 8); an post-exilic scribe compiled the psalm, using some earlier
account of Sheol (w. 10-12); seriously ill from his youth he is psalmic fragments and other material, what was produced is
abandoned by God, subject to his wrath; and once again God a single poem which deserves to be treated as a whole. Like Ps
seems to have caused his friends to shun him (w. 15—18). And 73 it begins with a statement of faith—YHWH has proved
the psalm breaks off in darkness, the mystery of suffering himself the security and support of each generation, w. 3—12
unsolved, the silence of God unexplained. Traditionally the emphasize the brevity of human life, made more bitter by toil
psalm has been read on Good Friday. and grief. 'How long?' (v. 13) is the familiar cry of lament (cf.
Psalm 89 After an introduction (w. 1-4), this long psalm falls Ps 6:3; 74:10; 79:5; 80:4; 94:3); the only ground for prayer is
into three easily discerned sections, w. 5—18 are a hymn of God's unwavering love (w. 13—17). In this way the eternity of
praise to YHWH, proclaiming his greatness among the gods, God (v. 2) is contrasted with the fleeting life of human beings
his power as creator, and his righteous rule; happy are his (v. 10), and our sin (v. 8) is answered by divine love (w. 14,17).
covenant people. It ends with a reference to the Israelite king, Perhaps the scribe wished to compose a psalm that could be
the nation's 'horn' and 'shield', w. 19—37 tell of YHWH's used in services of prayer and penitence (cf. Jdt 4:9—12), or
covenant with David and appear to be related in some way to even for private devotion.
Nathan's prophecy in 2 Sam 7:1-17; most probably both go Psalm 91 Many and varied are the interpretations of this
back to traditions with a long history behind them and per- psalm. Royal maximalists find in the assurances given to the
haps influenced each other. The final section of the psalm psalmist decisive evidence: the king alone can be the recipient
(w. 38—51) is a lament. The king had been defeated and of such divine protection. Other suggestions range from a
humiliated: he may even have lost his life (cf. v. 45), although form of entrance liturgy spoken by the priest to the worship-
the plea in w. 46-8, if by the king himself, would imply that per at the temple, to part of the rites for a convert, who now
he was only gravely threatened. sets himself under the protection of YHWH. The LXX added a
With so many clear references to the king, it is strange that title ascribing the psalm to David, while the Targum found in
Gunkel (id. and Begrich 1933:140) is hesitant about including it a dialogue between David and Solomon. Similarities with
it among his ten royal psalms. He regarded the combination Job 5:19-24 have led to proposals to link the psalm with
of forms as pointing to a late date and reflecting the fall of the wisdom writings, but Job itself may have been influenced by
Davidic dynasty in 586. Some think it is a combination of psalm forms. Reading 'pestilence' (v. 3) as 'word' (i.e. spell,
separate psalms, but the overall unity seems assured, as is its rather than slander) and 'that wastes' (v. 6) as 'and a demon',
being a king's psalm. the LXX reflects the interpretation of the psalm at the time of
It is possible that it is related to some historical defeat, and the translators as a defence against spells and demons. If it is a
the death of Josiah (2 Kings 23:29—30) or the Exile and im- royal psalm it might have been recited before the king went
prisonment of Jehoiachin (2 Kings 24:8-17) have been pro- out to battle, unless it formed part of temple ritual. The
posed. Another suggestion places it after 520 BCE, at a time quotation of w. 11-12 in the temptations narrative (Mt 4:6;
PSALMS 39 2

Lk 4:10-11) may reflect messianic interpretations of the strike at the heart of the Israelite ethic of care for the poor and
psalm. oppressed; w. 8—n are akin to wisdom teaching, and use the
The structure of the psalm is more complicated than ap- wisdom vocabulary of 'fool', 'teach', and 'an empty breath';
pears from the NRSV's emendations and rewriting (see RV w. 12-15 are a blessing on the righteous; and w. 16-23 are
for a more literal translation). The main sections are w. 1-13, either an individual lament or the thanksgiving of an indi-
14—16, the latter being in the form of an oracle. Whether there vidual, according to how the tenses in w. 2 2—3 are understood.
is a dialogue in the first part is uncertain, but changes of This does not mean that fragments from different psalms
person and exclamations interrupt the flow of the narrative. have been combined, since it is possible to find an overall
Psalm 92 Although this psalm begins with thanksgiving, its unity in the theme of divine vengeance on the wicked, and
form is not entirely clear. Teaching, akin to that found in the there are similarities in vocabulary between the parts of the
wisdom writings (w. 6—7), and individual thanksgiving psalm (e.g. 'heritage', w. 5, 14; 'discipline' and 'teach', w. 10,
(w. 10—n) are also found. Royal maximalists ascribe it to the 12; 'turn back', w. 2 ('give'), 15 ('return'), 23 ('repay'), the same
king, pointing out that the psalmist's victory is also God's, that Heb. word). Maximalists include the psalm among the king's
he is anointed, and that the community flourishes alongside psalms, claiming that it reflects 'royal' language, and finding
the king. The title presents it as a sabbath psalm, and the the reference to the individual and the nation most suitable
Talmud states that it was sung at the offering of wine that for the king who is the representative of his people. It was the
accompanied the first sacrifice of a lamb (Num 28:9-10), king's duty to care for widows, the fatherless, and other op-
while the Targum renders the title: 'a psalm of praise and pressed members of society, including resident aliens (cf. Ps
song which the first man uttered upon the day of the Sabbath'. 72:2-4,12-14).
Those looking for literary patterns find an elaborate chi- The LXX adds the title: 'A psalm of David, for the fourth
asmus, with v. 8 at its centre: day of the week', a tradition which accords with the Mish-
nah's allocation of psalms for each day of the week (m. Tamid
7.4).
Its position in the Psalter is odd, since it appears to break a
sequence of enthronement psalms. Some have noted eight
terms common to Ps 93 and 94, suggesting close links be-
tween them, but some are very common words and others
(e.g. 'majesty' (Ps 93:i)/'proud' (Ps 94:2), and 'roaring' (Ps
93:3/'crush' (Ps 94:5), although the same roots, are not very
parts of which are more convincing than others. It requires convincing). It would, however, be less out of place if it were a
that the ignorance of the 'dullard' (v. 6; all the Eng. versions royal psalm.
fail to represent the overtones of evil that are part of the Psalm 95 The striking difference between w. i—yc and 7^—11
meaning of the Heb. word) refers backwards to v. 5, rather led some commentators to hold that two separate psalms have
than forwards to w. 7-8 or 7-9 (as Eng. versions apart from JB been combined. While this is not impossible, most today treat
and NJB). If this is rejected as too fanciful, a somewhat the psalm as a unified'prophetic liturgy' (cf. Ps 81). In the first
complicated structure may be seen as: a call to praise God in part a call to praise is sounded twice, first based on the king-
the form of a reflection on the way such praise is morally good ship of God as the great creator (w. 1-5), then as the shepherd
or fits the divine plan for human beings (w. 1-3); the grounds of his people Israel (w. 6~7c). Some have pointed to an add-
for this praise (w. 4—5); a wisdom-type section of teaching, itional call in v. 2, and have suggested three stages in a move-
with hymnic elements (w. 6—8); thanksgiving for deliverance ment of the worshippers into the temple. In the second part a
from enemies (w. 9-11); the blessedness of the righteous prophet speaks, uttering a warning from YHWH himself to
(w. 12-15). remember the disobedience of their ancestors (Ex 17:1-7;
Psalm 93 For a discussion of the enthronement psalms (47; Num 20:2—13; Meribah means 'strife', 'dispute', and Massah
93; 96—9) see PS E.5b. This psalm celebrates YHWH's king- 'testing') and to obey him 'today'. It may have been connected
ship, creation, his power over the primeval waters, and his with Tabernacles or the New Year Festival (note the themes of
ethical decrees (v. 5), which were probably related to the creation and the kingship of YHWH).
covenant (cf Ps 99:7; 132:12). In Jewish tradition the psalm was linked with sabbath wor-
There is no title in the MT, and some argue that this shows ship (b. Sabb. 1193). From early times it has been sung as an
thatthe editor linked it closely with Ps 92, and also with Ps 94. invitation to worship in the Christian church. Athanasius tells
Despite some common features, this appears unlikely. The of this practice in Constantinople, Benedict directed that the
LXX provides the title: 'For the day before the Sabbath, when whole monastery should sing it when they first arose from
the earth was inhabited; a psalm, a song of David'. This sleep, and it has been included in Anglican mattins since
tradition, with its allusion to Gen 1:24—31, is also found in 1549. The modern practice of omitting the second part re-
the Mishnah (m. Tamidj.^). moves God's moral demands and presents an inauthentic
Psalm 94 Although some divide this psalm into just two picture of God.
sections (w. 1-15, 16-23, or I~II> I2-23), holding the first to Psalm 96 For the 'enthronement psalms' (47; 93; 96-9) see
be a communal lament and the second the prayer of an PS E.5b. This psalm reiterates the central themes of this group
individual, it appears to be more complex than this. w. 1—7 of psalms, with special stress on YHWH's universal sover-
are a prayer for the punishment of the wicked, whose crimes eignty over the nations and his righteous judgement of the
 393 PSALMS
whole world, w. 1-3 sound the call to praise God. The reasons ing few similarities with Deutero-Isaiah, by calling on the
for offering praise are set out in w. 4—6, and this is followed by foreign nations to tremble before God instead of joining in
a renewed call to worship God in w. 7—10. In the final section his praise, and by directly naming Moses, Aaron, and Samuel,
of the psalm (w. 11-13) me whole of creation is summoned to the three great intercessors (cf. Ex 32:11-14, 31-4; Num 12:13;
rejoice before YHWH, who comes as righteous judge. 'Wor- 14:13—19; 16:44—8; i Sam 7:7—11).
ship the LORD in holy splendour' (v. 9) see PS 29:2; 'new song' The text may be corrupt in places and the structure is not
(v. i) see PS 33. clear, w. 5 and 9 form a kind of refrain, although the wording
The LXX's title, 'When the house was built after the exile; a is not exactly the same, but the threefold 'Holy' (w. 3, 5, 9), an
hymn of David', indicates the tradition that the psalm was outstanding feature of this psalm, may equally well mark the
written by David and used later to celebrate the rebuilding of intended divisions. God's 'footstool' (v. 5) reflects a feature of
the temple. It forms part of a composite psalm inserted into i ancient Middle-Eastern royalty; the ark (i Chr 28:2), the tem-
Chr 16 for the bringing of the ark into Jerusalem by David. A ple, Jerusalem (Lam 2:1), or the whole earth (Isa66:i) maybe
notable Christian gloss in the Old Latin translation produced intended by the term.
'The Lord has reigned from the tree' in v. 10, and many of the The LXX provides a title: 'A psalm of David'.
Church Fathers from the time of Tertullian and Justin Martyr Psalm 100 This hymn of praise is marked by its seven im-
regarded the psalm as a prophecy of the cross, an interpret- perative verbs ('make a joyful noise', 'worship', 'come', 'know',
ation reflected in the hymn Vexilla regis. 'enter', 'give thanks', 'bless'). Similar to Ps 95, it is often held to
Psalm 97 Many of the features common to the 'enthrone- have been sung at the entrance to the temple. The structure is
ment psalms' (Ps 47; 93; 96—9, PS E.5b) recur here, especially transparent: the call to offer praise to God is made twice (w. i—
YHWH's kingship as universal lord, upholder of'righteous- 2, 4), each time followed by the motivation, first because
ness', and saviour of his faithful followers. The most striking YHWH is creator and shepherd of his people, then because
feature is the theophany in w. 2-5, which may reflect the of his goodness, love, and faithfulness, the last two words
appearance of God on Sinai (Ex 19), although similar phe- having strong associations with the covenant (w. 3, 5).
nomena revealing his appearance are found elsewhere in the In v. 3/7 the text and margin of NRSV represent two trad-
OT, e.g. Hab3. It has been suggested that if the psalm was part itions retained in the MTand reflected in the ancient versions.
of the temple worship, features of the theophany may have The Hebrew words 'his' (lit. 'to him') and 'not' are identical in
been experienced in the smoke of incense and the sacrifices sound but differ in spelling. Aquila, the Targum, and Jerome
accompanied by the blowing of the ram's horn, but there is no have 'his', as do all the most recent English translations,
reason to treat the imagery so literally. while the LXX, Symmachus, and the Syriac follow the alter-
Many phrases in the psalm are found elsewhere in the native meaning, 'and not we ourselves', made familiar
Psalter and the prophetic books, leading some to see it as through the AV and BCP. A modern proposal is to take the
the work of a post-exilic poet who formed it from earlier word as a note of emphasis, producing: 'and we are indeed his
traditions, but there seems to be no need to deny that it could people'.
be earlier. The LXX title, 'By David, when his land was estab- Psalm 101 The declaration of the psalmist that he will destroy
lished' reflects the editor's view, though it has been inter- all evildoers from the land, and especially from YHWH's city
preted, like the title to Ps 96, as indicating two traditions, (v. 8), has convinced most commentators that this is a king's
that it goes back to David and that it was used after the Exile to psalm, even though there is no specific mention of the king in
celebrate the restoration of the Jews to their land. it. Beyond this, however, there is little consensus. Some re-
Psalm 98 This psalm begins and ends like Ps 96, and con- gard it as an expression of the king's vows at his enthrone-
tains many features common to the 'enthronement psalms' ment, a view supported by the translation of the verbs as
(47; 93; 96—9, PS E.5b). It has been suggested that this tre- future (as in NRSV). This would not exclude its repetition on
mendous hymn marked the climax of the festival, but nothing the annual celebration of his accession. Others point to the cry
is really known about its origins or use. A call to praise YHWH 'Oh when wilt thou come to me?' (v. 2 RSV; NRSV interprets
for his 'salvation' (w. 1—3, NRSV 'victory', see PS A.4) is fol- the phrase differently, against most modern translations), and
lowed by a second call to 'all the earth', first from the people the metre, which is often used in laments, arguing that the
and then from the primeval deep, the mountains, and all the psalm belonged to the New Year Festival in which, they be-
inhabitants of the world because he is coming to exert his just lieve, the king played a central part. He was ritually humili-
rule (w. 4—9). For 'a new song' see PS 33. ated, like the king in Babylon, and appealed to God for
It is the only psalm with just 'A psalm' as the title. The LXX deliverance on the basis of his righteousness and his just
adds 'of David', and the Syriac translation relates it to the rule. The Babylonian king also confessed his innocence and
deliverance from Egypt. In Anglican tradition it has been declared that he had removed evildoers from his land.
sung as an alternative to the Magnificat in Evensong, seeing Whether this was depicted in terms of a battle is doubtful:
Christ as the Lord who comes with salvation. there is no hint of such a conflict in this psalm. Even on this
Psalm 99 The last of the 'enthronement psalms' (47; 93:96- interpretation it is possible to see a future reference, the king
9; PS E.5b), begins with the familiar cry, 'YHWH is king'. It vowing to continue his past practice.
contains references to justice and righteousness (v. 4), and The structure of the psalm is not immediately apparent,
perhaps the covenant, with its moral demands (w. 4,7), and is although repetitions of words and phrases suggest that it
centred upon Zion (v. 2; cf. 'his holy mountain', v. 9), yet it was carefully crafted. The simplest outline is to divide the
stands somewhat apart from the others in this group by hav- psalm at v. 5, w. 2-4 setting out the king's own righteousness
PSALMS 394
and w. 5-8 his rule over his people, v. i (or possibly w. i-2a, if as the thanksgiving of an individual, possibly after recovery
the Heb. verb translated 'I will study' is really 'I will make my from some illness (cf. w. 3—4) unless this is simply part of a
theme' or 'I will sing a maskil psalm') forms the introduction. general description of God's goodness.
Phrases which may point to more elaborate structuring are The main divisions are w. 1-5, a self-exhortation by the
'within [in] my house' (w. 2,7, the same Heb. phrase), 'the way psalmist to praise YHWH, w. 6—18, a description of YHWH's
that is blameless' (w. 2, 6); 'before my eyes', 'in my presence' character and goodness, notable for the stress on divine for-
(w. 3, 7, identical Heb.), 'I will destroy' (w. 5, 8). Similar but giveness, compassion, and faithful love, and w. 19—22, a
not exact parallels are 'the faithful in the land' and 'the wicked renewed call to praise, now directed to the heavenly beings
in the land' (w. 6, 8), and 'integrity of heart', 'perverseness of and the whole of creation, (v. 19 may belong to the middle
heart', and'an arrogant heart' (w. 2,4, 5). Whether these form section, instead of providing the basis for the final call to
two sets of indusio, or some other pattern, is difficult to praise.) In the second part of the psalm the singular subject
determine. of the opening is replaced by the plural 'us', and the tone
Psalm 102 The urgent prayer of an individual, hymn, and becomes didactic and reminiscent of wisdom teaching,
prophecy intermingle in this psalm. Some have held that two although the characterization of YHWH has parallels in the
psalms have been combined, though there is some uncer- Torah and the prophets (cf. v. 8 with Ex 34:6; Num 14:18; Joel
tainty about the precise extent of each (perhaps w. i—n with 2:13; Jon 4:2; v. 5 with 13340:31; and v. n with Isa 55:9), as well
23-4 and 12-22 with 25-8). Less drastic is the view that an as in other psalms. Whether the psalm was sung within pre-
earlier lament was adapted into a community prayer, maybe exilic cultic worship, or comes from the time after the Exile
during the Exile. Royal maximalists wonder whether it might within a circle of the pious who 'fear God' (w. n, 13, 17) is
not be a king's psalm, the communal aspects showing the uncertain.
king as representative of the nation, and the hymnic features Those favouring a literary approach note several verbal
being part of the Autumn Festival. Others who retain the unity links: 'benefits'/'deal' (w. 2, 10, the same Heb. root), 'your/
of the psalm ascribe the communal features to the use of the our iniquity/iniquities' (w. 3,10), 'steadfast love' and 'mercy'
psalm within the temple worship or suppose that the psalmist (w. 4, 8, n, 13,17), but these form no clear pattern and may be
adopted elements of praise from the cult. The final section has unintentional repetitions.
been seen as an alternative to the common vow to offer praise Psalm 104 This great hymn praising the creator God is re-
that is a feature of many individual laments. markable for its similarities with Gen i and an Egyptian hymn
Those who look for patterns within the structure of the to Aten, the sun's disc, by the Pharaoh Akhenaten in the
psalms note examples of indusio and word plays: 'my days' fourteenth century BCE. The similarities with Gen i include
(w. 3, n), 'withered like grass' (w. 4, n), the collection of the general order of creation and vocabulary (with some un-
similes (w. 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, n) within w. 3—11; and, less convin- usual Heb. forms). Yet there are differences, the most notable
cingly, within w. 12—22 the sixfold repetition of YHWH plus of which is the lack of some of the psalm's mythological
one mention of YH (w. 12, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, and 18), 'name' features in Genesis, such as traces of YHWH's conflict with
(w. 12, 15, 21, although in v. 12 the word translated 'name' is the waters (w. 6-9), direct mention of the sun and moon (v. 19;
more literally 'memorial'), Zion (w. 13, 16, 21), 'servants' and they are 'lights' in Gen 1:14—18), and the naming of Leviathan
'to worship' (w. 14, 22, the same Hebrew verb), and 'gener- (v. 26; 'sea-monsters' in Gen 1:21). Moreover the psalm ranges
ation' (w. 12,18). The final sections of the psalm appear to be more widely in its description of the world. Examples of
linked to the two earlier parts by vocabulary: 'your years' similarities with the Egyptian hymn are lions roaming at
(w. 24, 27), 'long ago' and 'in your presence' (w. 25, 28, the night, the provision of pasture for the animals, ships sailing
same Heb. word, slightly modified), 'my days' (w. 23, 24 ('at up and down, and the god as creator, but again there are
the mid-point of my life', lit. 'in the half of my days', cf 3, n), differences: night is more sinister in the Aten hymn; several
'He has broken' (v. 23) is a homonym of'answer' (v. 2) in the features, such as care of the foetus in the womb and the
Hebrew; 'your servants' (w. 14, 28), 'heaven' (w. 19, 25), 'to/ chicken in the egg, are absent from the psalm; and above all
throughout all generations' (w. 12,24), and the similes inv. 26 it is YHWH who exercises providential care in the Israelite
recall those in w. 3-11. Some of these features are more poem, not the sun. Whether there has been direct contact
convincing than others, but they suggest that the psalm was between Ps 104 and either Gen i or the Aten hymn must be
carefully crafted as a unity. regarded as doubtful, though all three may have been influ-
The psalmist appears to be gravely ill (the suggestion that enced by common ideas and even traditions, and it is not
this is the prayer of one unjustly accused, which some pro- impossible that the writer of Gen i knew the psalm.
pose, appears unlikely), and the 'enemies' seem to be those The structure of the psalm can be set out as: w. 1-4, the
who regard his disease as punishment for sin. This is con- introductory self-exhortation of praise, beginning like Ps
firmed by the unusual title. Jewish tradition linked the psalm 103:1; w. 5-9, YHWH as creator; w. 10-18, YHWH's care of
with the days of fasting (m. Ta'an. 2.3), and in Christian all creatures; w. 19—23, moon and sun, and their influence;
tradition it is one of the seven penitential psalms, perhaps w. 24-30, a further account of God's providence, upon which
seeing in the reference to God's anger (v. 10) an implicit life itself depends; w. 31—5, a renewed call to praise, including
expression of penitence, for there is no open confession. a prayer for sinners to be destroyed, and ending with a repeti-
Psalm 103 Although this psalm is often described as a hymn tion of the opening exhortation. The call that sinners be con-
of praise, it differs from many other hymns in the intensely sumed offends many today, but it has been suggested that 'No
personal character of its opening, and it might well be treated one who has reckoned with the evil which man has wreaked
 395 PSALMS
on animals, trees and waters could think this prayer super- hymnic accounts of God's salvation, ending with a vow to
fluous'—it is indeed an essential part of the psalm that 'the offer praise (v. 47). v. 48 is usually regarded as the doxology
spoilers should be brought to the end of their existence as at the end of Book 4 ofthe Psalter, but it is included in the
spoilers' (Eaton 1995: 73). extracts from the psalm which the Chronicler quotes in i Chr
The verb 'to make' and the noun 'work' occur at strategic 16:34—6, and it is somewhat bold to claim that the Psalter was
places in the psalm (w. 4, 13, 19, 24, 31), and it may be that complete and divided into five books by that time. To relieve
beside the indusio of w. ia and 35c ('Hallelujah' in 35^ stands sharply contrasting forms within the psalm, it has been sug-
outside the psalm itself), there is a concentric structure of gested that w. 1-3 are the conclusion of Ps 105, but this is
w. 1-4, 5-13, 14-23, 24-30, 31-5, with w. 14-23 forming the unnecessary, given the style of many ofthe psalms, and Ps
centre. 105:45 forms a fully satisfactory end to that psalm.
The theme of the psalm may connect it with the Autumn It is widely accepted that w. 27 and 47 refer to the Exile and
New Year Festival, but there can be no certainty, as is shown by the dispersion, and provide a means for dating the psalm.
such diverse suggestions as that it originated at the dedication This would not preclude an early form, however, and some are
of Solomon's temple and that it is post-exilic. In the end the prepared to set it in the pre-exilic period, perhaps as part of a
origins matter little for an appreciation of the magnificent covenant renewal ceremony at New Year. It is intriguing that a
hymn. ceremony at the Feast of Weeks included recitations of the
Psalm 105 This is the second ofthe three greathistory psalms righteous acts of God by the priests and of Israel's sins by the
(PsyS; 105; 106; PS 1.13). The tone throughout is of praise, and Levites (iQS 1:21, 23). Perhaps more lies behind the juxtapos-
it is usually regarded as a hymn, but with such an extended ition of Ps 105 and 106 than simply the fact that they are
historical section form-critical considerations break down. history psalms.
Date and original setting are uncertain. The inclusion of Psalm 107 This appealing psalm is unique among the
w. 1-15 in the composite poem which the Chronicler has thanksgiving psalms. The central part (w. 4—32) consists of
inserted at i Chr 16:7 fixes the relative date for its completion four sections in which different groups of those who have
and may indicate an original cultic use, although it provides been rescued by YHWH are called upon to thank him. There
no evidence for linking the psalm with the time of David. are two refrains. The first in w. 6,13,19, 28, which has slight
The Chronicler was probably influenced by the liturgical variations, describes the way the unfortunates 'cried to'
practice of his own day or he may have introduced the YHWH, who then 'delivered' (v. 6) or 'saved' (w. 13, 19)
psalm for literary reasons. Some note the references to the them, or 'brought them out' (v. 28), while the second in w. 8,
covenant and suggest that the psalm was related to its renewal 15, 21, 31 urges them to offer thanks, the first two followed by
at an annual festival. Much depends upon the relation of different motivations suited to the trouble into which they had
the psalm to the Pentateuchal narratives. Some argue that fallen, the last two with extended exhortations (w. 22,32). The
the historical allusions are derived from the completed introductory call to give thanks (v. i) is followed by what
Pentateuch, and that the psalm is therefore post-exilic. If so appears to be a reference to the returning exiles (w. 2-3).
it might be non-cultic, possibly related to wisdom writings. w. 33—43 form a hymn praising God who controls nature
The psalm differs from Exodus, however, in several respects, and maintains justice among human beings, ending with a
particularly the number and order of the plagues, and the wisdom-style admonition.
omission of any reference to Sinai, leading others to claim Not unnaturally many suppose that two separate psalms
that similarities with the Old Testament narratives are due to have been combined, some also regarding w. 2-3 as a post-
both drawing on common traditions rather than to literary exilic adaptation of an earlier psalm (cf. Isa 43:5; 49:12). Since
borrowing. such composite psalms are found both in the Psalter (e.g. Ps
Most base their analysis ofthe structure ofthe psalm on the 108) and in the historical books (e.g. i Chr 16), this is not out of
historical sequence, with w. 7-41 set between an extended call the question. It is possible, however, to read the psalm as a
to praise (w. i—6) and a concluding section which expounds liturgy of thanksgiving, the final hymn summing up the
the covenant faith and calls for Israel's ethical response to congregation's praise.
election and deliverance (w. 42-5). The central section is often How the psalm might have been used is unknown. It has
divided into w. 7-11,12-15,J6-23, 24-36(38), 36(39)~4i, in a been suggested that it might have had its origin at a mass
sequence of historical allusions. Those looking for literary thanksgiving festival, and was picked up later and slightly
devices point to elaborate indusio (e.g. the covenant with modified by pilgrims from the Diaspora. There is also dis-
Abraham in w. 9, 42, and 'strangers'/'alien' in w. 12, 23) agreement about the nature of the dangers from which the
and chiasmus (e.g. in w. 2-5: 'wonderful works', 'seek', worshippers have been saved, some taking the language lit-
YHWH :YHWH, 'seek', 'wonderful works'). erally and seeing actual travellers, prisoners, sick persons, and
Psalm 106 The third ofthe great history psalms takes a very sailors, others treating the whole as allegorical ofthe nation,
different view of Israel's history from the other two psalms. freed from bondage in Egypt and Babylon, restored to new life
The stress now is upon Israel's faithlessness and disobedi- and health, and delivered from the 'stormy' attacks of foreign
ence, despite the persistent grace and forgiveness of YHWH. nations.
Form-critical classifications are uncertain. The opening Psalm 108 This psalm has been formed by combining 57:7—
verses read like a hymn of praise (w. 1—3), but swiftly turn ii and 60:6—12 with only very minor differences in the text.
into the style of an individual lament (w. 4-5), and then from But rather than simply referring to the comments on these
v. 6 corporate confession dominates, though mixed with two psalms, it is worth looking carefully at the new psalm
PSALMS 396

which has been created, for the thrust and mood have been assigned to the king's coronation (cf Ps 2). The first words of
radically altered. the psalm are found very often in the prophetic books, where
Ps 57 begins with urgent petition by an individual, and the they usually come at the end of an oracle and are commonly
section which has been taken up in Ps 108 is the concluding translated 'says the LORD'. They are found only here in the
expression of confidence that the prayer has been heard and Psalter (but cf. 'Transgression speaks', Ps 36:1). A further
self-exhortation to offer praise. Ps 60 also begins with a oracle is given in v. 4, where the king is also declared a priest.
complaint against God, because he has rejected his people, Melchizedek was the king-priest of Jebusite Jerusalem in Gen
but the editor of Ps 108 omits this part of the psalm, takes up 14:18-20, and it has been suggested that when David captured
the divine promise to give Israel victory over the surrounding the city he took over many features of the old Canaanite
nations, especially over Edom, the call for help, and the final religion. Although NRSV does not insert quotation marks,
note of certainty that God will enable the Israelites to defeat v. 2/7 may be a further divine promise.
their enemies. Thus the tone of Ps 108 is more assured and joy Unfortunately the text is difficult and almost certainly cor-
predominates. The combination of individual and communal rupt in several verses (cf. the varied translations of v. 3 in the
prayers presents the psalmist as the representative of the Eng. versions), possibly an indication of the great age of the
nation (royal maximalists suggest that this is a king's psalm). psalm, and its reuse in different situations across the centur-
If the sources are disregarded the structure of the psalm now ies. Some accept that it goes back to the time of David, others
appears as w. 1-4, a vow to praise God or the expression of that relate it to the New Year Festival, either at the beginning, when
praise; w. 5—9, prayers for help linked to the divine promise it is part of the king's preparation for the ritual battle with his
(perhaps a prophetic oracle); and w. 10—13, a further appeal, enemies, or after his humiliation and victory. The speaker
ending in an expression of trust or confidence that God will may have been a temple prophet. The mysterious v. 3 may
support his people. Throughout the emphasis is upon the refer to an enacted 'rebirth' within the ritual. Alternative
steadfast love, faithfulness, and promises of God. Whether it suggestions link it with Solomon's coronation, or the time of
reflects the experiences of the Exile and Return cannot be Josiah. Others take the military language literally and relate
determined, but it is a fine example of the way that past the psalm to actual battles.
liturgies continue to live on into a later age. Christian interpretation, going back to the first century
Psalm 109 This appeal to God is notable for the comprehen- and building on Jewish tradition, regarded it as messianic,
sive curse in w. 6—19. It is probably the prayer of an individual, and w. i and 4 are frequently quoted in the NT, where
who is perhaps a man who has been falsely accused, or who is they support the belief in the reign of Christ after the resur-
making an appeal to the temple authorities, or who is having rection and ascension (cf. Mk 12:36; Acts 2:34-5; Heb 1:13; 5:6;
to undergo an ordeal, although some find national overtones 7:17, 21).

and link it with the king's psalms. The psalmist makes his Psalm in This and Ps 112 form a pair of acrostics, each
plea in w. 1—5, and this is followed by the extensive impreca- having twenty-two short lines beginning with the letters of
tion (w. 6-19, concluded or summed up in v. 20). Pleading is the Hebrew alphabet. The present psalm has the features of a
renewed at v. 21, with appeals on the grounds of YHWH's hymn of praise or thanksgiving. Whether it was intended to be
steadfast love, the psalmist's misery, and the attacks and sung in worship (cf. v. i) or was a poetic meditation on such
curses of the enemies. The lament ends with the vow to offer worship is impossible to decide. The main themes relate to the
praise, so common in this type of psalm (w. 30-1). Exodus deliverance, possibly linked even more closely to Ex 34
NRSV and REB insert 'They say' in v. 6, taking the follow- (cf. v. 4/7 with Ex 34:6, and other similarities of vocabulary with
ing words as a quotation of the enemies' curse, while NJB Ex 34:5, 10, ii.
adopts the same interpretation by the use of quotation marks. How far the acrostic hinders logical development of the
NJB continues the quotation to the end of v. 15, and NRSV to ideas is much debated. Some find reiterated thoughts on the
v. ig.butREBholdsthatonlyv. 6 is the word of the enemy, the covenant God. Others detect two strophes, w. 2-712 fastening
rest of the imprecation being uttered by the psalmist against on YHWH's saving deeds, and w. 7/7—10 on covenant and law.
the perjured accuser put up by the enemies. NIV and GNB Whether more intricate word patterns are visible as some have
give no indication of any change of speaker in the text, claimed, seems doubtful. Certainly this is no drab exercise but
although NIV offers a marginal alternative similar to NRSV. a vibrant account of the saving God to whom Israel responds
Although there seem to be quotations in other psalms (e.g. with thanksgiving, reverence, and obedience, for the psalmist
Ps 52:7), the quotation of such a lengthy imprecation appears is confident that the everlasting graciousness of God will be
unlikely, since the psalmist utters a curse in v. 29, and would matched by everlasting praise.
surely have been fearful of repeating his enemies' curse in Psalm 112 This psalm is either by the same author as Ps in or
such detail. In support of the theory it is pointed out that was modelled on it, as the acrostic form and similarities of
outside these verses the enemies are spoken of in the plural vocabulary suggest, but here the poet speaks more like one of
(but the imprecation may be against their leader), that the the wise men, telling of the blessing which comes to the godly
psalmist states that they resorted to curses (v. 28), and that man, rather like Ps i, though with only a glance at the fate of
v. 21 may signal the return to the psalmist's own plea. It is the wicked in the final verse. The tightly compressed style
doubtful whether the psalm was ever part of normal worship, makes the translation of some verses uncertain, e.g. is the
although if it was a royal psalm it may have been. subject of v. 4 light, God, or the righteous man? All the words
Psalm no This is one of the irreducible minimum of royal are singular (the 'they' of NRSV is accommodation to inclu-
psalms and because of the divine oracle in v. i has often been sive language). LXX inserted 'the Lord' to make the meaning
 397 PSALMS
clear, cf. RS V, probably wrongly in view of the general tenor of Psalm 115 w. 4—11 recur as Ps 135:15—20, with some differ-
the psalm. ences in the text; many Hebrew M S S, including the Leningrad
A striking feature of this psalm is the way virtues ascribed codex, the LXX, Syriac, and Jerome join the psalm to Ps 114;
to YHWH in Ps in are transferred to the good man: like and many Hebrew MSS begin a new psalm at v. 12. This
YHWH he is gracious and compassionate and his righteous- confusion is increased by the inclusion of the psalm within
ness is of the same nature as God's. Although the psalm lacks the Hallel, for it begins like a lament rather than a hymn of
a logical structure, the psalmist pointing to many different praise. It will never be possible to trace its past history, and it is
ways in which goodness leads to prosperity, its attractiveness best to try to understand the meaning of the completed psalm
lies in its portrait of the righteous man, giving to the poor, on its own.
always ready to lend to the needy, governed by absolute integ- w. i—2 is a cry for deliverance, at a time when God appears
rity, and with a life based on trust in God, in whose law he to have deserted Israel and his people and foreigners ask
delights. for proof of his activity. The next section (w. 3-8) is a hymn,
Psalm 113 Ps 113-18 form the 'Hallel' ('Praise', cf. the fre- in which the power of YHWH is contrasted with the impo-
quent 'Hallelujah', 'Praise Yah') or the 'Egyptian Hallel' (cf. tence of idols. A threefold call to Israel, priests ('Aaron'), and
Ps 114:1) to distinguish it from the 'Great Hallel' (Ps 136, or those who 'fear the LORD' (possibly proselytes, but
120—36, or 135—6; the name was also given in Jewish tradition more probably a comprehensive term for all the faithful) to
to Ps 146-50). These six psalms were the only ones sung at the trust in YHWH follows (REB, hardly correctly, follows the
great festivals, according to the earliest sources. At Passover LXX, Syriac, and Jerome in taking the verbs as indicative).
Ps 113—14 were sung before the meal and 115—18 after it (m. At this point a prophet or priest confidently affirms that God
Pesah. 10:6, 7, cf. Mk 14:26). will bless his people (w. 12-13) and a priest gives a blessing
Ps 113 is a hymn of praise. It opens with a thrice-repeated (w. 14-15). The liturgy ends with a vow to praise YHWH
imperative, and this is followed by ascriptions of praise to (w. 16-18).
YHWH (w. 2—3) and further descriptions of his greatness Presumably the psalm was intended for worship, and if it
and goodness (w. 4—9). v. 9 may have been intended literally reflects the teaching of Deutero-Isaiah it belongs to the time of
of a childless woman; later Judaism found in it a reference to the second temple.
Zion (cf. Isa 54:1-8), and the Targum paraphrased the verse: Psalm 116 This psalm has often been seen as a textbook
'Who makes the congregation of Israel, which was like a example of the individual thanksgiving psalms, w. 1—2
barren woman mourning for the men of her household, to express the psalmist's love of God because he has saved him
be full of crowds, like a mother who rejoices over sons.' (other thanksgiving psalms begin with a call to give thanks);
Whether the psalm was sung antiphonally, a leader shouting a narrative follows (w. 3-11), in which the psalmist recounts
the call to praise and the congregation, or another choir, his past distress and describes how God delivered him; and
responding with w. 2—9, is conjecture. the psalm ends with the repayment of the vows which the
Psalm 114 Despite the narrative form, this psalm is usually psalmist made and the psalmist offers a thanksgiving sacrifice
classed as a hymn of praise, in stanzas of two verses, the inner (w. 12-19; unless this is a vow promising to do all these
two (w. 3-4, 5-6) matching each other. Incidents in the ac- things).
count of the Exodus and Conquest are referred to: God's The trouble from which the psalmist was saved was most
choice of Israel, crossing the Red Sea and Jordan, the provi- probably serious illness: he feels that he had almost entered
sion of water in the desert, and the Sinai law-giving (though into Sheol, its cords had gripped him and he felt he would be
some see either parallels to creation myths or a specific refer- swept away to destruction, v. n does not seem sufficient
ence to creation). Changes ofverbal forms have led NRSVand evidence for supposing that this is another psalm of one
NJB to introduce vivid present tenses in w. 5—6. The LXX falsely accused, and the 'cup of salvation' is more probably a
moves 'Praise the LORD' from the end of Ps 113 to the head libation accompanying the sacrifice than an ordeal (cf. Num
of this psalm, perhaps rightly, since it then provides an ante- 5:15—28). Royal maximalists take it as the king's psalm, hold-
cedent for 'his' (NRSV 'God's') in v. 2. ing that he would be the most likely person to offer sacrifices
In Dante's Divine Comedy the spirits sing this psalm as they in the temple and finding a parallel to the libation in a stele of
draw near to the island on which the mountain of purgatory Yehawmilk of Byblos on which the king is depicted standing
stands. In another place Dante explains the medieval method before the goddess Ba'alat, cup in hand, and uttering his
of exegesis: Tf we regard the letter alone, what is set before us is prayer. It is held to be especially appropriate for the king
the exodus of the Children of Israel from Egypt in the days of to call himself YHWH's servant (v. 16), and the occasional
Moses; if the allegory, our redemption wrought by Christ; if plurals may show that the royal psalmist is the nation's repre-
the moral sense, we are shown the conversion of the soul from sentative. Aramaisms in the language may point to a post-
the grief and wretchedness of sin to the state of grace; if the exilic date, however, and the psalm was perhaps intended for
anagogical, we are shown the departure of the holy soul from use by any Israelite who came to the sanctuary to offer his
the thraldom of this corruption to the liberty of eternal glory.' thanksgiving.
It was on such grounds that the psalm has been used both on The LXX begins a new psalm, with a fresh heading of
Easter Day and at the burial of the dead. While such inter- 'Alleluia', at v. 10, but there is no reason to suppose that two
pretations may appear far removed from the 'real' meaning of psalms have been combined. The tradition in this part of the
the psalm, modern literary theory warns against supposing Psalter appears to have been uncertain about the psalm
that meaning is limited to the author's intention. divisions generally.
PSALMS 398

Psalm 117 This tiny psalm expresses the perfect form of a ments', 'ordinances', 'decrees', 'precepts', but with
hymn of praise, with the call to praise (v. i), the motivation for occasionally different renderings), although GNB varies the
that praise, introduced by 'for' (v. 2ab), and a repeated call to translations of all the words apart from 'law' with a wanton
praise (v. 2c). The universalist invitation to the (foreign) na- promiscuity. It has been suggested that originally all eight
tions to worship YHWH, a couple of Aramaisms, and possibly words were included in each stanza, and some scholars have
the influence of DeuteroTsaiah, have suggested a post-exilic emended the text to secure this, but there is so little obvious
date. Paul quotes v. i in support of his belief that God's loving corruption that it is most unlikely that this is right. Most of the
purpose reaches out to the Gentiles (Rom 15:11). It is not words are found in all the stanzas but only four contain all
impossible, however, that the psalmist thought of the nations eight used once each (w. 57—64, 73—80, 81—8, 129—36).
as coming in subservience to Israel's God. Although the words have different connotations, differences
The uncertainty about the psalm divisions continues, many of meaning are hardly important in this psalm, where the
Hebrew MSS joining this psalm to Ps 116 (which royal max- psalmist ponders the divine teaching, eagerly looking for it to
imalists find appropriate as the conclusion of the king's mould his life. It was a happy chance that the word expressing
psalm), and other MSS taking it as the beginning of Ps 118. beatitude begins with the first letter of the alphabet: it is found
But Ps 116 is complete in itself, and Ps 118 opens in a different in the first two verses of the psalm.
style, so that the tradition of the LXX, and the majority of Each verse expresses an independent idea, although there is
Hebrew MSS, which treats it as a separate psalm is probably some grouping (e.g. w. 98-100) and features from different
correct. types of psalm appear within the poem: hymn of praise (e.g.
Psalm 118 The interchange between singular and plural, and w. 89-91, 172), thanksgiving (e.g. v. 7), lament (e.g. w. 107,
apparent dialogue, coupled with apparent references to the 153-60), references to enemies (e.g. w. 23, 51, 86-7, 95, 157),
temple gates and a procession, suggest that this is a liturgy. In confession and assertion of innocence (e.g. w. n, 30-2, 97-
w. 1-4 the community is called to offer thanksgiving. An 104,163), vow (v. 33), wisdom saying (e.g. w. 9,130). Although
individual appears at v. 5 and describes the way YHWH has it is difficult to imagine a setting in Israelite worship for this
saved him (w. 5—18). The call to open the gates (v. 19) with a amalgam, the psalmist is deeply versed in the hymns of the
response in v. 20 is similar to Ps 24:7-10, and has led some to temple, and other OT writings, especially Deuteronomy, Pro-
see in the psalm an 'entrance liturgy'. The final verses contain verbs, and Jeremiah.
varied elements: thanksgiving (v. 21), possibly in response to While it is often described as a Torah psalm, apart from
the opening of the gates, a proverbial statement (v. 22), praise w. 1-3 and 115 every verse is addressed to God. Perhaps it
of YHWH (w. 23-4), a plea for salvation (v. 25), a blessing, would be better to regard it as a meditation in the form of a
probably by a priest (v. 26), a call to join in the procession prayer to God (somewhat like Augustine's Confessions). If the
round the altar (v. 27), and a vow to praise God (v. 28). The beginning and end mark his intention, the psalmist wished to
psalm ends, as it began, with a call to thanksgiving (v. 28). stress the happiness that comes from following YHWH's
Interpretations vary. Many believe that it is a royal psalm, teaching and to 'walk in his ways', and, despite some asser-
either after actual victory in war, or as part of the temple ritual, tions of his own righteousness, he seeks the divine help which
when the king was attacked by his enemies and almost de- he knows is necessary if he is to obey God's law.
feated before being 'saved' by YHWH. Some argue that the Psalm 120 The tenses in v. i present the main difficulty in the
phrase 'house of Aaron' points to the time after the Exile when interpretation of this psalm. NRSV changes the pointing and
this was how the priesthood was known, while 'those who fear treats the verse as the opening of a prayer for deliverance. The
the LORD' were proselytes; they refer the psalm to a national MT should be translated as REB: T called to the LORD in my
leader, or even to the whole nation. Jewish tradition linked it distress, and he answered me'. If this is correct, the psalm
with the feast of Tabernacles, and the Mishnah (m. Sukk. 3:9; would appear to be a thanksgiving which includes the prayer
4:5) records that the lulab (bunch of palm, myrtle, and willow which the psalmist offered and the distress from which he has
branches) was shaken at the beginning and end of the recital been delivered. The psalm seems very fragmented, with v. 2 as
of the psalm, and that willow branches were set up over the the actual prayer, v. 3 a rhetorical question answered in v. 4,
altar. w. 5—7 an account of the enemies who refuse appeals for
The psalm was regarded as messianic in early Christian peace.
circles and is quoted extensively in the NT (Heb 13:6 (v. 6); Mk The dangers besetting the psalmist are uncertain. It might
12:10-11; Acts 4:11; i Pet 2:7 (w. 22-3); Mk 11:9 (v. 26)), but be the prayer of one falsely accused, making his appeal in the
whether this interpretation had Jewish antecedents is uncer- temple, the references to warfare being metaphorical.
tain. Royal maximalists treat it as the prayer of the king, attacked
Psalm 119 This great acrostic consists of twenty-two stanzas by enemies, and possibly the victim of the breaking of an
of eight lines, each line beginning with the appropriate letter alliance ('lying lips'). Meshech and Kedar refer to a country
of the Hebrew alphabet (cf Lam 3). While the stanzas are or people near the Black Sea and a tribe in the Syro-Arabian
separated in most English versions, only NIV and NJB mark desert, places so far apart that the names are often taken
the Hebrew letters as AV and RV did. GNB is misleading in metaphorically to represent bitter and implacable foes
suggesting that each stanza expresses a special theme. In rather than the actual exile of the psalmist. If'Song of Ascents'
addition to the alphabetic structure the writer uses eight is a reference to pilgrimage (see PS c.g, £.12), the names may
words to represent the law, visible in most modern transla- have been understood as areas from which the pilgrims have
tions (cf. NRSV: 'law', 'promise', 'word', 'statutes', 'command- come
 399 PSALMS
Psalm 121 This psalm is in the form of a dialogue. Unless 'my was on his people's side (w. 1-5). Had he not been they would
help' (v. 2) is arbitrarily emended to 'help' or 'your help', the have been overwhelmed by the danger, depicted as the attack
response to the question in v. i begins at v. 3. But then v. 2 of a savage animal or a devastating torrent. 'Let Israel now say'
rather hangs in the air, since it would imply that the ques- (v. ifc) is probably a call to the assembled people to take up the
tioner offered his own answer before receiving the assurance theme. In v. 2 the Hebrew word behind 'enemies' normally
of w. 3—8 (probably by a priest). It is just possible that v. 2 as it refers to humanity in general (e.g. the word is translated
stands is the beginning of the priest's assurance, expressing 'human beings' in Ps 8:4), but here it appears to be used to
his own experience. The AV followed Jerome and Luther in contrast the weakness of human enemies compared with the
wrongly taking 'from where' (v. i) as a relative. power of YHWH. w. 6-7 praise God who has delivered his
The situation in which the psalm may have been recited is people, and the final verse expresses confidence in YHWH,
uncertain. A cultic setting is more probable than that the the great creator.
psalmist converses with himself, or a father with his son. Certain peculiarities in the Hebrew may point to a late date,
Some have taken 'your going out and your coming in' (v. 8) but it is impossible to fasten upon any historical situation
as indicating the priest's blessing to pilgrims as they leave the which called forth the psalm.
temple after one of the festivals and look to their return for the
Psalm 125 Uncertainty about the verb 'will lead away' in v. 5
next, but the phrase is used of the ordinary activities of daily
partly affects the classification of this psalm. If it is to be
life (cf Deut 28:6; i Kings 3:7) and this seems to be its mean-
translated as a future (so NRSV, NIV) it reiterates the confi-
ing here. The reference to the Keeper of Israel in v. 4, has
dence of w. 1-3, and the psalm appears to be a national psalm
convinced others that the promise is given to the king as
of trust in YHWH. If, however, it is taken as expressing a wish
representative of Israel, who has YHWH at his right hand,
(cf. REB: 'may the LORD make them go the way of evildoers';
with the going out and coming in referring to his leadership in
NJB and GNB render with an imperative) the psalm looks
war (cf. Josh 14:11; i Sam 18:16).
much more like a national lament, the initial expressions of
Psalm 122 It is difficult to decide whether this pilgrim song, confidence leading up to urgent prayer for help. Most Eng.
which is related to the songs of Zion (Ps 46; 48; 76; 84; 87), versions smooth out v. 2, but NJB expresses the vigour of the
was sung when the pilgrims had just arrived in Jerusalem or Hebrew: 'Jerusalem! The mountains encircle her: so [Heb.
were preparing to leave after the festival. Whichever it was, the "and"] Yahweh encircles his people.'
psalmist expresses the great joy he had felt as he set out in the It appears that the Jews are oppressed in their own land by
company of others to come up to Jerusalem (w. 1—2; 'when foreigners (cf. v. 3) and most place it in the post-exilic period,
they said to me' involves a change in the vowels; NIV keeps during the Persian (or even Greek) empire.
closer to the MT: T rejoiced with those who said to me'). After
Psalm 126 Four uncertainties in meaning make this appar-
praising the holy city (w. 3—5), he prays for its welfare (w. 6—8;
ently simple little psalm one of the most difficult.
'peace' is more than just absence of war), and concludes the
1. The opening phrase is now usually translated as NRSV:
psalm with a vow (v. 9). There is probably a play on the name
'When the LORD restored the fortunes of Zion', rather than as
Jerusalem, the name of which probably means 'the founda-
the margin: 'brought back those who returned to Zion', and
tion of Salem', a god's name related to salom ('prosperity',
does not unambiguously refer to the return from exile. Its
'peace'; the word occurs three times in these verses).
relation to v. 4, however, remains uncertain. In v. 4 the verb is
'Of David' is added to 'A Song of Ascents' in the title of this
an imperative, opening up alternative possibilities for the
psalm, as also in Ps 124; 131. GNB marg. is misleading in
relation of this verse to v. i. Probably v. 4 is a prayer for a
making no reference to the title in Ps 120—34, aPart from
further deliverance (only NJB takes it as a release from captiv-
'HEBREW TITLE: By David' in these two psalms. 'Of David' is
ity, though NIV and GNB offer this as an alternative, both
omitted by two Hebrew M S S, LXX M S S, and the Targum. It is
reversing text and margin from v. i and presumably taking v. i
another example of the extension of Davidic psalms in later
as a reference to the return from exile and v. 4 as a later
editing.
deliverance), or w. 1-3 might be a meditation on the future.
Psalm 123 Despite the title and its position within the Psalter, 2. The tenses in w. 1—3 are uncertain, as is the meaning of
this is probably not a pilgrim psalm. Rather a group of perse- 'we were like those who dream'. If that phrase is interpreted in
cuted Jews plead for help. The singular of v. i may indicate a modern sense of being almost unbelievable (cf. GNB: 'it was
antiphonal chanting, with a representative of the community like a dream'), the whole section probably refers to the past (as
speaking first, w. 1—2 express confidence in God (some find a most Eng. versions). On the other hand, the verbs in v. 2 might
chiastic structure, a b b ' a'), while w. 3—4 are the prayer, refer to a hypothetical future, the sense being that when (al-
supported by a description of the contempt which is shown most 'if') God restores Jerusalem's fortunes, the people would
them. In v. 2 'hand' may represent the master's power, or the be filled with joy, but it is only a dream. On this view 'we are
sense may be that the servants watch their master's hand so like dreamers' is a parenthesis. The difficulty with this inter-
that they can obey every gesture. pretation, however, is that v. 3 appears to refer to YHWH's past
The last line has been taken to be either dittography or actions (unless the verbs are taken as 'prophetic' perfects or as
(following the qere, 'proudest oppressors' or even 'proudest a petition).
Greeks') a gloss from the Greek period. There seems no 3. But 'dreamers' may not be the correct meaning of the
reason for rejecting the ketib; the verse may have three lines. Hebrew. The LXX's 'we became as those comforted', the
Psalm 124 This communal or national thanksgiving opens Syriac 'as those who rejoice' and the Targum's 'like sick people
with strong emphasis upon the fact that it was YHWH who who are cured', point to a different tradition, probably sup-
PSALMS 400

ported by a Qumran text (cf REB: 'people renewed in health', enemies. It is possible that v. 4 belongs with the second part of
cf. NIVmarg.). the psalm, and that the verb should be taken as precative: 'may
4. The meaning of w. 5—6 is also uncertain. They look like he cut', but this is less likely, v. 8c may be an independent
proverbial statements, but may go back to ideas of a dying and blessing, this time invoked on 'those who pass by' or the
rising god, symbolized by the sowing of seed (his burial) and worshippers who recite the psalm.
its growth (his resurrection). Here they appear to be a promise Type and setting are quite uncertain, although it seems very
uttered by a prophet or a declaration of confidence (cf. Ps 85). probable that the psalm was used in the cult. Classifications
NRSV, however, regards v. 5 as a continuation of the petition in include communal psalm of confidence, communal thanks-
v. 4, and only v. 6 as expressing a note of confidence. giving, communal lament, or a mixture of forms: national
The psalm may belong to the Autumn Festival (cf. God's thanksgiving and psalm of revenge or judgement. Perhaps it
salvation, reference to rain, and sowing and reaping), and be a is best to admit that it does not fit easily into preconceived
prayer for blessing on the coming agricultural year. On the categories. The opening and much of the subject-matter link
other hand, it might have a historical setting, possibly during it with Ps 124.
the distress that followed the return from exile. Psalm 130 This is commonly regarded as a lament, although
Psalm 127 The wisdom features of this psalm are clear, and it the usual account of the distress of the supplicant is lacking,
is unlikely that it was related to the cult, although some have possibly replaced by the indirect confession of sin (w. 3—4).
associated it with the Feast of Tabernacles, the rededication of For this interpretation the verbs in w. i and 5 need to be
the temple, or the birth of a son (later Christian tradition used translated as present (as NRSV). They may, however, indicate
it in the service of thanksgiving for women after childbirth). the psalmist's actions in the past (T have called', REB), when
The different themes in w. 1—2 and 3—5 have led to the sugges- the psalm would more naturally be seen as a thanksgiving
tion that two separate psalm fragments have been combined, which looked back to the earlier distress and prayer. The call to
but a Sumerian poem also combines the gift of palace, city, Israel (w. 7-8) is perhaps odd in the petition of an individual.
and children. This makes it unnecessary to take 'house' (v. i) Some regard it as a later addition to adjust the psalm to the
as 'household, family'. Sons were important for building up community. Others propose that a priest at this point ad-
the power and prestige of the family, and v. 5 refers to their dressed the assembled worshippers, among whom the indi-
support in lawsuits which were judged in the city gate. Sons of vidual psalmist had come to the temple.
a man's youth (v. 4) would be in their prime when he came to The depths are the watery deeps, and probably indicate that
rely on their support. the psalmist is gravely ill and feels he has sunk into the
The meaning of'he gives sleep to his beloved' (v. 2) is very underworld of death (cf. PS 0.13); illness and sin go together,
uncertain. The NRSV marg. 'he provides for his beloved dur- as often in the OT The watchmen (v. 6) may be military
ing sleep' is doubtfully possible as a translation, since 'gives' sentinels, but the Targum identifies them as Levites who
requires an object, but neither is particularly suitable in a watch for the first moment of the dawn to offer the morning
wisdom context, with its warnings against sleep (cf. Prov sacrifice.
6:6-11; 20:13). Hence other meanings for the word have A few claim it as a royal psalm, but there is little to support
been sought, such as 'prosperity' or 'honour', but the ancient this. While most assume that it was sung within the cultic
versions support 'he gives sleep'. worship, this also is uncertain. Some view it as a personal
An editor searching for allusions in the historical books prayer, unconnected with the cult, but whether such poems
ascribed the psalm to Solomon in the title (absent from some were composed in ancient Israel, even after the Exile, is un-
LXX MSS), probably through taking the 'house' as the temple, known. It is one of the seven penitential psalms of the church,
relating 'beloved' with Solomon's other name, Jedidiah (2 and was an especial favourite of Luther, who called it one of
Sam 12:25), and maybe seeing in 'sleep' an allusion to Solo- the 'Pauline psalms' and based his great hymn 'Out of the
mon's dream (i Kings 3:10-15). depths I cry to Thee' on it.
Psalm 128 This happy psalm begins with a beatitude and Psalm 131 The brevity of this psalm makes interpretation
ends with a benediction. Usually classed as a wisdom psalm, difficult. It is usually regarded as a psalm of confidence by
from the language and sentiments, it is not impossible that it an individual, v. 3 being either an addition to fit it for corporate
was used in the worship, perhaps to welcome pilgrims or to worship (cf. Ps 130:7—8), or the widening of the psalmist's
bless them as they depart from the temple. The stress on devotion to include the community. Even maximalists shrink
fertility may point to the Autumn Festival. Even these are from suggesting that it is a royal psalm, despite 'Of David' in
guesses; still more precarious are suggestions that it is the the title (omitted by some LXX MSS), though this has been
blessing given to a host at the door of his house, and Luther's proposed, royal traits being found in the references to pride
description of a 'marriage song'. and similarities with Ps 62:1, 5. Other suggestions are that it
It is in two parts, but whether the division is after v. 3 or v. 4 was a form of entrance liturgy (cf. Ps 15; 24), that the speaker
is uncertain, v. 4 could round off the first part or introduce the was a teacher in the temple addressing an assembly of Israel,
second. Notable is the combining of prosperity for the pious even that it was sung by a woman pilgrim carrying her child.
man and the welfare of Jerusalem. The exact meaning of'weaned child' is not clear; possibly the
Psalm 129 The two parts of this psalm stand out fairly clearly. weaned child was less fretful than the child just before it was
In w. 1—4 Israel is called upon to affirm YHWH's continual weaned, when its mother's milk was drying up. Whatever the
protection against its enemies from the time of the Exodus precise meaning and origins, the psalm expresses a quiet
('my youth', cf. Hos 11:1). w. 5-8 are an imprecation on Israel's confidence in God.
 401 PSALMS
Psalm 132 This is among the essential group of royal psalms. omit the phrase (so NRSV, NJB), perhaps sensing its incon-
It falls into two clear sections: w. i—10 are a prayer for God's gruity. Some think it has been misplaced from Ps 132.
blessing on the Davidic king, w. n—18 an affirmation of God's Psalm 134 Ignorance about the worship in ancient Israel
promises to David and an assurance that YHWH will remain makes it difficult to reconstruct the way this psalm was
faithful to his covenant with David and grant blessings on sung. Are there two voices, or one? Are w. 1-2 addressed to
Jerusalem; David's descendants ('one of the sons of your the priests or the laity? Were they actually 'standing in the
body', 'a horn to sprout up', w. n, 17) will enjoy prosperity temple' at the time the psalm was sung, or are they 'attend-
and will triumph over their enemies. Vocabulary and ideas ants' in the temple? What were the night-time practices?
link the two parts closely together: e.g. 'turn away/back' (w. 10, (There appear to have been nocturnal rites at the Feast of
n); 'anointed one' (w. 10, 17); the clothing of the priests with Tabernacles.) The opening is curious: literally 'Behold, bless
righteousness/salvation (w. 9,16); Jerusalem as God's dwell- YHWH', a unique phrase in the OT—the 'Come' of NRSV,
ing-place (w. 7-8, 13, although the Heb. words are different); REB, and NJB is not a legitimate translation—and 'Behold'
the correspondence between David's oath and YHWH's (w. 2, may be wrongly repeated from Ps 133.
n); w. 13—16 form the response to w. 6—9. The psalm is While the details are obscure, the general sense is plain: a
commonly described as a liturgy in which king and prophet call to worship God is followed by a priestly blessing. Blessing,
take part. The linking of Zion (w. 5, 13-15), the ark (v. 8, and indeed, controls the psalm: 'Bless YHWH' opens and closes
probably v. 6: REB boldly identifies 'it' as the ark), and the the first part, and is picked up at the beginning of the last
Davidic dynasty would all be suitable to the New Year Festival. verse.
There is clearly some connection with the account of Da-
Psalm 135 Many allusions to other psalms and OT passages
vid's bringing ofthe ark into Jerusalem and Nathan's oracle in
(e.g. Ps 134 in w. 2, 21; Deut 32:36 in v. 14; Ex 19:5 and Deut 7:6
2 Sam 6-7. Some accept that the narrative in Samuel is
in v. 4), and a close similarity between w. 15-20 and Ps 115:4-
historical, and see in the psalm later cultic celebration. Others
n, suggest that the psalmist either drew his inspiration (and
regard the psalm and the accompanying cultic worship as
some phrases) from earlier liturgical pieces, or was deeply
primary, the writer ofthe history having filled out his narrative
attuned to living tradition. Perhaps because of this the struc-
from the ritual of his own day. This appears to have happened
ture is somewhat complex: w. 1-4 are hymnic, with calls to
in 2 Chr 6, where the writer concludes his version ofthe story
praise and motivations introduced with 'for'; w. 5-7 and 8-12
he has taken from Samuel with w. 8—10 of this psalm.
proclaim YHWH's greatness, first as Lord of nature, then as
Ephrathah (v. 6) probably refers to Bethlehem, where David
deliverer of Israel from Egypt and the one who gave the
came from. Unless 'fields of Jaar' is really 'fields ofthe forest,
promised land to Israel; w. 13-14 form another hymnic sec-
woodland', it is apparently a reference to Kiriath-jearim from
tion, first addressed to YHWH and then describing his protec-
where David brought the ark into Jerusalem (i Sam 7:1—2; 2
tion of Israel; w. 15—20, apparently drawn from Ps 115:4—11,
Sam 6:2), and it has been suggested (less probably) that
but with some differences, repudiate idols and call on Israel,
Ephrathah referred to the same area.
priests, Levites, and those who reverence YHWH to praise
Psalm 133 To most people the first line of this psalm is him; and the concluding verse, possibly a later addition,
appealing, but to some the second verse may seem gro- praises YHWH as the God whose earthly home is Jerusalem.
tesque—which shows how difficult it is to enter into the It is better to try to understand the completed psalm than to
culture and emotions of ancient Israel. worry about the sources from which it has been drawn. The
Three main interpretations are generally offered, (i) It is a changes of form and address possibly point to antiphonal
wisdom psalm concerned with family life, which has been singing, although it is not easy to determine which verses to
adapted to cultic use by the addition of references to Aaron ascribe to two or more voices. The tone throughout is of ardent
and Zion. (2) It has a historical setting and perhaps comes and confident praise. It is apparently post-exilic. Whether it
from a post-exilic time when attempts were being made to was intended for cultic singing is uncertain: Tabernacles and
unite the Jews in Judah. (3) It belongs to one ofthe festivals Passover have both been suggested as suitable occasions for
and sees in the worship of YHWH the true unity ofthe nation. its use.
None of these is particularly convincing, and we have to Psalm 136 The reiterated refrain sounds monotonous to us.
confess that the psalm is so foreign that we cannot guess at It probably points to antiphonal chanting, either between
its true meaning. soloist and choir, or priest and people. Possibly it was added
The dew of Hermon in Syria falling on Jerusalem is a to an original psalm which consisted only ofthe first line of
strange concept. Perhaps 'dew of Hermon' was a phrase for each verse (cf the additions made to Ps 145 in the Qumran
heavy dew. Some emend Zion to 'dry', but this is simply to MS).
rewrite the psalm. The oil is probably the sacred oil of con- The form is a hymn. w. 1-3 are a call to give thanks to
secration. It may be that it is not the oil which runs down on YHWH; w. 4-9 offer praise of YHWH as creator; w. 10-22
the collar but Aaron's long beard, which 'flows' down. praise YHWH as the one who delivered his people from Egypt
There are carefully crafted repetitions and plays on words in and gave them the promised land; w. 23-5 express a more
the Hebrew: 'running down' in w. 2 and 3 ('falls' is the same general praise for God's deliverance of his people, perhaps in
word); Zion and 'ordained' (w. 3, 4); and 'brothers (NRSV the present, and his care of all creation, introduced differently
'kindred') and 'life' (w. i, 3) have a similar sound. from the earlier part ofthe psalm; v. 26 is a renewed call to
MT has 'Of David' in the title (as REB, NIV), but one LXX praise YHWH. The psalm forms a companion to Ps 135, and
MS, the Coptic, and the Targum, as well as two Hebrew MSS although both are often described as history psalms, both are
PSALMS 402

really hymns (note especially w. 1-3, 23-5). 'O give thanks' is tions directly addressed to God, and it may be that the verbs
assumed before w. 4, 5, 6, 7,10,13,16,17. The dependence on should be taken as modal ('Let all the kings of the earth praise
Gen i (cf w. 7—9; Gen 1:14—18) makes a post-exilic date almost you', REB; NIValso takes the verbs as modal).
certain. All in all we are left with a somewhat elusive psalm of
Psalm 137 'The tender pathos of the opening verses enlists thanksgiving, which nevertheless expresses as attractive a
our sympathy: the crash of bitter denunciation in the closing joyful thanksgiving and trust as any in the Psalter.
stanza shocks and repels' (Kirkpatrick 1901: iii. 779). The date Psalm 139 The uncertain meaning and probable corruption
of the psalm is variously taken to be during the Exile, when the of several verses in this psalm, coupled with uncertainties
mockery of w. 1-3 were a present experience, or soon after the about its type, make interpretation very difficult. No space is
return from exile when the psalmist looked back on past available to discuss individual verses, but the wide differences
suffering. The key issue is whether v. 6 implies that Jerusalem between the chief modern translations, especially in w. n, 14,
is restored or faith is holding on to a ruin. Usually described as 16-18, 20 should be noted. The original text and meaning of
a communal lament or complaint, the emphasis on Zion is these verses is probably beyond recovery.
reminiscent of the Songs of Zion, and it may be that the The structure of the psalm as set out in NRSV is accepted by
psalmist is reusing features from those songs in a new way. many. In w. i—6 the psalmist recognizes God's intimate
Similarly he expresses his curse on Babylon in the form of a knowledge of all his actions and thoughts. He then confesses
beatitude. The structure is either as in NRSV (w. 1-3, 4-6, 7- God's omnipresence through rhetorical questions showing
9) or v. 4 belongs to the first stanza, and the rest of the psalm that nowhere could he escape from God's presence (w. 7—12,
divides into 5—6, 7, 8—9. contrast Jonah). The next section (w. 13—16) refers either to
History may help us to understand, if not to condone, the divine foreknowledge of the psalmist, even before he was
final curses. Edom was the traditional enemy of Israel, and at born, or draws on mythological ideas about the creation of
the time of the Exile the Edomites pressed into Judah, and the first man from the womb of the earth; w. 17—18 are a more
brought upon themselves the undying hatred of Israel (cf. Isa general sense of wonder at God's omniscience. The prayer
34; 63:1—6; Lam 4:21—2; Ezek 25:12—14; Ob). On one level it against the wicked and expression of the psalmist's hatred of
represents the ordinary features of ancient warfare; on an- those who oppose God in w. 19-22 strike a harsh and possibly
other, the Babylonians were accounted the enemies of YHWH alien note, but the opening call for God to examine his
and not just of Israel, for they had destroyed his city and his thoughts and actions is picked up in the two concluding
temple. verses.
The LXX gives 'Of David' as a title, and one LXX textual A decision about whether w. 19-24 (or 19-22) are part of a
tradition added 'through Jeremiah', possibly noting similar- separate psalm is not easy. The echo 'you have searched'—
ities with Jer 49:7—22; 50:1—51:58, and the verbs 'payback' and 'search me' (w. i, 23) is a strong pointer to unity, the sudden
'dash' (w. 8—9) in Jer 51:20—4. imprecation on the wicked and the difference between the
Psalm 138 The structure of this psalm is clearer than its type, types (they appear to be an individual thanksgiving, rather
w. 1-3 express thanksgiving for answered prayer, w. 4-6 call akin to a hymn, and a lament) speak for two separate psalms
on the kings to praise YHWH, and w. 7-8 conclude the psalm or parts of psalms.
with confidence in YHWH's steadfast love. Perhaps the most Royal maximalists, who regard this as a royal psalm, see
natural understanding is that this is an individual thanks- w. 19-24 as the goal of a prayer in which the king invites God
giving, but the universal reference in the middle section has to search his inner being and prays for the slaughter of his
convinced some that it is a royal psalm, offered by the king enemies. (Many readers wish that w. 19—22 were not there,
either when absent from Jerusalem or, more probably, from and it is important to remember that for the psalmist the
within the temple court and facing the temple itself. Others wicked were God's enemies and that for him God's honour
propose that it is corporate, the T being either a representa- was at stake; see PS f.2-8.) An alternative interpretation as-
tive of the nation or symbolizing it. Support can be found for cribes the psalm to a man who has been acquitted of the
each of these interpretations, but this only reinforces the charges made against him (God has already searched out his
uncertainty. For example, the call to the foreign kings fits a thoughts and deeds, w. 1-3), and offers his thanksgiving. This
royal psalm, but might equally be a late 'democratizing' of the is preferable to taking it as the prayer of one who has been
style when it was taken over by individuals. In the same way accused and awaits judgement, a view that involves seeing
'lowly' in v. 6 can be understood as a mark of an ordinary w. 1-18 as a kind of 'negative oath', akin to Job 31. All these
Jewish worshipper, but kings, both within Israel and in other interpretations assume that the psalm belongs to cultic wor-
countries of the ancient Middle East, described themselves as ship, but some think it is too personal for this, and, pointing to
poor and lowly. Moreover, while there are some resemblances wisdom features, regard it as a meditative poem.
to Deutero-Isaiah (e.g. cf. v. 6 with Isa 57:15) these are hardly The date of the psalm cannot be determined, but does not
close enough to prove dependence on the prophet, and both matter for an appreciation of the reverence before the mighty
may well have been calling upon traditional liturgical lan- God which shines out.
guage. Some LXX MSS add 'of Zechariah' to the title, perhaps Psalm 140 This appears to be the prayer of a man accused by
finding similarities between the message of this prophet and slanderers, whose attacks are described under a variety of
w. 4—6. Finally, the tenses in w. 4—5 present some difficulties. metaphors: war, snake poison, setting traps, and plots. The
NRSV takes the verbs as future, declaring the homage that the difficulties of knowing whether the situation is an appeal to a
kings will offer, but it is unusual to find such hymnic descrip- higher court, an ordeal, a counter-curse against sorcery, or a
 4°3 PSALMS
plea for direct divine aid and a right judgement are the same the English: 'prison' (YHWH 'put me [shut me up] into your
as in all similar psalms. A few attribute the psalm to the king hands'); 'righteous'; and 'deal bountifully' ('repaid').
(largely on the grounds of the references to war in w. 2, 7, Psalm 143 This psalm is clearly the prayer of an individual,
which most treat as part of the figurative language). The text is but who the psalmist might be is uncertain. Royal maximal-
almost certainly corrupt in w. 8-9, and the Eng. versions ists include it among the king's psalms, pointing to the title,
make various attempts to arrive at some sense. the language, references to enemies, including possibly death
The structure is not entirely clear, w. 6—7, 12—13 are some~ as the supreme enemy, and similarities with the previous
what parallel in expressing confidence in God, most obviously psalms, which are also regarded as royal. Others include it
in 12-13, which may be a response to a priestly or prophetic among the psalms of those falsely accused, pointing to its
assurance that the prayer has been heard. This leaves w. 1—5 as legal phraseology (e.g. w. 1—2), seeing in v. 3 a reference to
a prayer for help and w. 8—n as an imprecation against the imprisonment while awaiting a decision, and relating v. 8 to
enemies. the divine decision at dawn; the lack of the usual protestations
Psalm 141 w. 5-7 of this psalm are so corrupt that it seems of innocence perhaps counts against this interpretation. On
impossible to gain any certain sense (cf. the differences in the either view, it is more likely that v. 5 refers to YHWH's deliver-
Eng. versions). In the psalm as a whole the psalmist prays that ance of Israel rather than his past dealings with the psalmist.
he may be delivered from the enticements and the oppression As with many of these individual laments, most of the allu-
of the wicked, and seeks divine support to live a sinless life. sions are too general to make any reconstruction fully convin-
Royal maximalists take it to be the king's psalm, perhaps cing. One of the most striking characteristics of this psalm is
offered during a military campaign far away from Jerusalem the writer's eager longing for God himself and not just his
(v. 2 is taken to mean that he cannot offer sacrifice in the gifts (v. 6), and his prayer to be enabled to obey him (w. 8,10).
temple, while v. 7 is seen as a lament over battle losses). More The structure is not entirely clear because of the repetition
probably it is a prayer of an ordinary worshipper, even a prayer of some of the ideas. Most simply it can be divided into an
outside cultic worship altogether, although most question introduction (w. 1—2), a description of his troubles (w. 3—6),
whether v. 2 implies the substitution of prayer for sacrifice. and further petitions (w. 7-12), but within the second section
While w. 8-10 express the common plea for help against there are references to enemies, the psalmist's own depres-
enemies who are persecuting the psalmist, in terms similar sion, a memory of the past, and a longing for God, while in the
to Ps 140 (cf. 35:8), other parts of the psalm are closer to third death seems imminent, and the psalmist makes several
wisdom teaching, especially the request for help against requests for God's steadfast love and divine instruction, as
wrong speech (v. 3) and to be kept away from bad company well as deliverance from enemies, and their destruction.
(v. 4, cf. Ps i). The structure of the psalm is difficult to Within Christian tradition this is one of the seven peniten-
determine owing to uncertainties about the text. The NRSV tial psalms, Paul quoted v. 2 in Rom 3:20 to show universal
divisions are probably as good as any: an opening call to God sinfulness. The LXX's enlargement of the title with 'when his
to hear his prayer (w. 1-2), a petition to be enabled to avoid sin son (one MSS adds Absalom) pursued him' (cf. 2 Sam 15-18)
and sinners (w. 3-4), and two sets of petitions against the shows how later editors looked for incidents in the books of
enemies (w. 5—7, 8—10), but v. 5 may belong to the second Samuel with which to link the psalms, in this way providing
section. an interpretation both of the narratives and the psalms.
Psalm 142 The title, references to enemies, the psalmist's Psalm 144 At least w. i-n of this psalm are a king's prayer
close bond with YHWH, and the celebration of the people and must be included in the irreducible minimum of royal
around him, perhaps even crowning him (v. 7, cf. REB: 'The psalms, w. 12—15, however, with their plural 'our' and theme of
righteous will place a crown on me') have led royal maximal- fertility and prosperity, are commonly held to be a fragment of
ists to include this as one of the king's psalms. On the other a different psalm. The unity of the psalm can be maintained if
hand if'prison' (v. 7) is taken literally, it will be more naturally it is taken to be liturgical, part of the ritual drama of the
regarded as the prayer of a man awaiting the divine decision as humiliation and restoration of the king, rather than a prayer
to his guilt (cf. Lev 24:12; Num 15:34). It may, however, be before battle. The celebration of prosperity is the expected
figurative, either for distress, or, less probably, for exile, turn- consequence of YHWH's salvation of his anointed servant
ing the psalm into a prayer for Israel. and viceroy (cf. Ps 72). w. i-n contain many reminiscences
The simplest structuring of the psalm is to divide it into two of other psalms, Ps 18 especially, but also Ps 8 and 33. This
strophes, w. 1—4, 5—7, although the smaller divisions of NRSV may indicate a late date, but the similarities might equally be
point to further developments in the thought: the opening call the result of common liturgical language.
to YHWH, a description of the distress, and renewed prayers, The meaning of v. 14 is uncertain. NRSV takes the first line
coupled with expression of trust in God and a final vow to offer as a continuation of the agricultural scene in the previous
thanksgiving for the deliverance. verse, with a change to an attack by a foreign enemy and exile
The title reveals the way the editor searched the historical in the second line (cf. NIV). REB, however, makes the whole
books for a suitable setting for the psalm. The cave may be that verse refer to fertility among the animals.
at Adullam or En-gedi (i Sam 22:1; 24:3). It has been pointed To the Davidic title the LXX adds, 'concerning Goliath' (cf. i
out that he may have found links with the former in the Sam 17), a further example of a late editorial ascription to
references to 'refuge' (v. 5) and 'stronghold' (i Sam 22:4), and David.
to the latter through three words in v. 7 and i Sam 24:17—18 Psalm 145 This psalm is an acrostic, each verse beginning
from the same Hebrew roots, though this is not apparent in with the appropriate letter of the Hebrew alphabet. The n
PSALMS 404

verse is missing from the MT, but is supplied by the Qumran question of the unity of the psalm, doubts about which
scroll and the LXX and Syriac versions. It is included after v. 13 are increased by the LXX's division into two psalms, w. i—n,
in all the modern Eng. versions. 12—20. While some accept this, or even argue for a combin-
Despite the limitations which the form imposes on the ation of three separate psalms, similarities of vocabulary and
writer, the psalmist has produced a hymn with a firm struc- themes across the whole psalm, and possible structural pat-
ture. Three times the invocation to worship YHWH is terns, such as the mention of Israel at the beginning and end,
followed by descriptions of his power and goodness (w. i— have convinced others that the MT tradition is the correct one.
2 + 3; 4-7 + 8-9; 10-12 + 13-20), and the psalm ends with a The LXX adds to the title 'of Haggai and Zechariah', as in Ps
renewed call to worship which links the individual and 'all 146, and inserts this full title before v. 12. Possibly the refer-
flesh' (v. 21). If this is the correct analysis, the verbs in w. 4—7 ences to the restoration after the Exile are responsible for this,
and 10—12 should be treated as modal, 'May one generation although it is difficult to determine what controlled its deci-
laud your works to another...', not recognized by modern sion. In a further departure from the MT, the LXX adds a
translations (unless the 'shall' of NRSV is intended to express second 'Praise the Lord' in v. i (in these last five psalms in the
this sense). Psalter 'Hallelujah' stands outside the main poem), which
The psalm is notable for reminiscences of other psalms; would make the rest of the verse into the 'for' clause of hymns.
e.g. v. 3/Ps 96:4; and w. I5~i6/Ps 104:27-8. The description Psalm 148 The structure of this hymn is interesting. The call
of YHWH in v. 8 is found in Ps 103:8 and Ex 34:6, while to praise is expressed with imperatives in w. 1-4, 7, and with
individual phrases occur elsewhere. It is possible that such jussives ('let them praise') inw. 50,130, while what is normally
phrases are derived from a common liturgical tradition rather the main content of hymns of praise, the description of
than by direct borrowing, although the change of person in YHWH's nature and deeds, introduced with 'for', is limited
w. 15-16 favours close contact between the two psalms. to w. 5/7-6 and 13/7-140. Moreover, in w. 1-4 the imperative
Whether the psalm was ever part of cultic worship is 'praise him' begins every line, whereas in w. 7—12 the opening
uncertain, although the addition in the Qumran MS of verb is followed by a series of vocatives. The unity is confirmed
'Blessed is YHWH, and blessed is his name for ever and by the careful construction, which moves from the heavenly
ever' after each verse may show that it was sung with a con- bodies (possibly thought of in mythological terms rather than
gregational response in late Jewish liturgy. The early church merely poetic imagery), to features oftheearth (natural forces,
sang it at the midday meal, while Chrysostom associates it plants and animals, human beings), and finally to what is
with the eucharist because of w. 15-16. Some, however, regard almost a little hymn to God in itself, v. i/^bc is rather awkward
acrostics as purely poetic, or as wisdom exercises which have and it has been suggested that it is an editorial footnote stating
no connection with the cult. that this is a hymn of praise.
Psalm 146 Usually described as a hymn of praise, this psalm The listing of the various parts of the natural world have
has several unusual features. It is by an individual. Instead been compared to Egyptian lists, but these are longer and the
of the call to praise (w. 1-2) leading into a description of psalm sounds more like a hymn than a scribal collection of
YHWH's greatness, the psalmist introduces a wisdom-style animals. Others point to the hymnic tradition from Babylon
warning against reliance on human aid (w. 3—4). This is as well as Egypt. There seems no need to go outside the OT,
followed by a beatitude (v. 5) which opens out into the expected however, for the closest similarities are with Gen i, even down
description of YHWH as creator and protector of the op- to some items of vocabulary.
pressed (w. 6-9). Striking in this section are a series of The 'Song of the Three Young Men' (an addition to Daniel
relative clauses setting out the character of God and a group inserted between Dan 3:23, 24 in the Gk. and Lat. versions),
of five sentences each beginning with the name YHWH. The and the Contemns Cuncti are further developments of this
psalm ends with YHWH's reign as king of Zion (v. 10), akin to kind of hymn. Job 38, with which it is also often compared,
the Zion hymns (cf. also v. 5). As in Ps 145, phrases from other is less close.
psalms or from liturgical tradition are taken up and adapted Psalm 149 Some divide this hymn into two sections, w. 1-4,
for new use. 5—9, others into three, w. 1—3,4—6, 7—9. In favour of a twofold
The LXX title ascribes this psalm, as well as Ps 147 (divided structure is the call to praise followed by the grounds for this
into two, each with the same title), to Haggai and Zechariah, praise (introduced by 'for') in the first part, and the call to the
without any obvious reason. Most regard it as post-exilic, people to execute divine vengeance in the second. Support for
however, on the grounds of its apparent use of other psalms a three-part division is seen primarily in the triad of infini-
and its language. tives, in w. 7—9, which marks off these verses; its weakness lies
Psalm 147 This psalm consists of three sections, each of in the rather motley collection of themes in the middle part.
which is in the form of a complete hymn of praise, with call The psalm is marked by the martial tone and the look
to worship and description of YHWH's character and deeds towards the future, and various situations have been proposed
upon which that praise is based (w. i—6, 7—11, 12—20). He is for it. The description of YHWH as king (v. 2) suggests that it
worshipped as the God of Israel who has restored Jerusalem may be one of the 'new songs' of the Autumn Festival (cf. Ps
after the Exile (w. 2, 13), has shown himself as the mighty 96), the battle being cultic, and the eschatology part of the
creator who controls the stars and the forces of nature, espe- New Year rites. Others suggest an actual battle situation, the
cially the winter frost and snow (w. 4, 8,16—18), provides food psalm being either a hymn of victory that looks forward to still
for human beings and animals (w. 9, 14), and cares for the greater triumphs, or as a prayer sung while preparing for the
brokenhearted (v. 3) and the oppressed (v. 6). This raises the fight.
 4°5 PROVERBS
Many are appalled at the way this psalm has been used to Gillingham, S. E. (1994), The Poems and Psalms of the Hebrew Bible,
stir up martial passions in the past. It may alleviate their Oxford Bible Series (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
distress to remember that Israel's enemies were also those Gunkel, H., and Begrich, J. (1933), Einleitung in die Psalmen (Gottin-
of YHWH. On the other hand that may be seen to intensify gen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Gunn, G. S. (1956), God in the Psalms (Edinburgh: St Andrew).
hatred of the nation's enemies. Johnson, A. R. (1964), The Vitality of the Individual in the Thought of
Psalm 150 This expansion of the cry, 'Praise the Lord', forms a Ancient Israel, 2nd edn. (Cardiff: University of Wales Press).
noble conclusion to the book of the praises of Israel. Ten times (1967), Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel, 2nd edn. (Cardiff: Uni-
the cry 'Praise him' (once 'Praise God') rings out. This may be versity of Wales Press).
accidental, or it may reflect the ten words of creation in Gen i (1979), The Cultic Prophet and Israel's Psalmody (Cardiff: Univer-
(cf m. 'Abot 5.1: 'By ten sayings was the world created'). These sity of Wales Press).
Kaiser, W. C., Jr. (1983), Toward Old Testament Ethics (Grand Rapids,
forge the psalm into a unity and it is unnecessary to try to
Mich.: Academie Books, Zondervan).
divide it into stanzas, such as w. 1—2, 3—4, 5—6, or, more Keel, O. (1978), The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient Near
realistically, w. 1-2 expressing where and for what God is to Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms, ET (New York: Seabury;
be praised (by 'the sanctuary' is probably meant both the London: SPCK).
Jerusalem temple and God's heavenly dwelling), w. 3—5 listing Kirkpatrick, A. F. (1901), The Book of Psalms (Cambridge Bible for
the various musical instruments (presumably those played in Schools and Colleges) (3 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University
temple worship), and v. 6 uttering a final call to all living Press), iii.
things to praise YHWH. Kraus, H.-J. (1986), Theology of the Psalms (Minneapolis: Augsburg;
The psalm is often regarded as an extended doxology at the London: SPCK).
(1988), Psalms 1-59, BKAT; ET (Minneapolis: Augsburg).
end of the Psalter, corresponding to the doxologies which
McCann, J. C., Jr. (199312), A Theological Introduction to the Book of
mark each of the first four books. It is, however, a joyful Psalms (Nashville: Abingdon).
hymn in its own right, distinguished by the dominance of (ed.) (1993(7), The Shape and Shaping of the Psalter, JSOTSup 159
the call to praise, and lacking the 'for' clauses that describe (Sheffield: JSOT).
God's greatness (the brief motivation in v. 2 is a different McKay, H. A. (1994), Sabbath and Synagogue: The Question of
construction in the Heb.). Sabbath Worship in Ancient Judaism (Leiden, New York, Cologne:
Brill).
Magonet, J. (1994), A Rabbi Reads the Psalms (London: SCM).
REFERENCES Mays, J. L., Petersen, D. L., and Richards, K. H. (eds.) (1995),
Old Testament Interpretation, Past, Present, and Future: Essays in
Anderson, A. A. (1972), Psalms 1—72, Psalms 73—150, NCB Commentary Honour of Gene M. Tucker (Nashville: Abingdon; Edinburgh: T &
(London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerd- T Clark).
mans). Mowinckel, S. (1921-4), Psalmenstudien (6 vols.).
Berry, D. K. (1993), The Psalms and their Readers: Interpretive Strategies (1962), The Psalms in Israel's Worship, ET (2 vols.; Oxford: Basil
for Psalm 18, JSOTSup 153 (Sheffield: JSOT). Blackwell).
Bradshaw, P. (1995), Two Ways of Praying (Nashville: Abingdon; Lon- Noble, P. R. (1995), The Canonical Approach: A Critical Reconstruction
don: SPCK). of the Hermeneutics ofBrevard S. Childs (Leiden, New York, Cologne:
Childs, B. S. (1979), Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture Brill).
(London: SCM). Ringgren, H. (1963), The Faith of the Psalmists (London: SCM).
Craigie, P. C. (1983), Psalms 1-50, WBC 19 (Waco, Tex.: Word Books). Rogerson, J. W, and McKay, J. W. (1977), Psalms 1—50, Psalms 51—100,
Dahood, M. J. (1966-70), Psalms, Anchor Bible Commentary (3 vols.; Psalms 101—150, Cambridge Bible Commentary (Cambridge: Cam-
Garden City, NY: Doubleday). bridge University Press).
Day, J. (1990), Psalms, Old Testament Study Guides (Sheffield: JSOT). Schofield, J. N. (1951), Archaeology and the Afterlife (London: Lutter-
Delitzsch, F. (1887), ET of Biblischer Kommentar fiber die Psalmen worth).
(London: Hodder& Stoughton). Snaith, N. H. (1944), The Distinctive Ideas ofthe Old Testament (London:
Eaton, J. H. (1986), Kingship and the Psalms, SET, 2nd ser. 32; 2nd edn. Epworth).
(Sheffield: JSOT). (1964), The Seven Psalms (London: Epworth).
(1995), The Circle of Creation (London: SCM). Wilson, G. H. (1985), The Editing ofthe Hebrew Psalter, SBLDS 76
Gersterbenger, E. S. (1988), Psalms Part I with an Introduction to Cultic (Chico, Calif: Scholars Press).
Poetry, The Forms of the Old Testament Literature, 14 (Grand Zenger, E. (1996), A God of Vengeance? Understanding the Psalms of
Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans). Divine Wrath (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox).

19. Proverbs K. T. A I T K E N

INTRODUCTION
A. The book and its background. 1. The book of Proverbs Wisdom in chs. 1-9, and collections of chiefly short proverbial
presents itself as a textbook designed to educate humans in sayings in chs. 10—31. The discourses in 1—9 serve as an
general and the young in particular in wise living (1:2-7). It extended introduction to the collections that follow. The major
divides into two main parts: a series of didactic discourses theme of these chapters is the surpassing value of wisdom and
comprising parental instructions and speeches by personified it is in them that the theological character of wisdom is most
PROVERBS 406

pronounced. Wisdom is founded on the 'fear ofthe LORD' (1:7; Wisdom's Benediction (3:13-18)
9:10), and is the gift of God (2:6). Through its personification, Wisdom and Creation (3:19—20)
wisdom is also presented as mediating God's revelation in Kindness and Neighbourliness (3:27—35)
creation to humankind (8:22-31). The question of how far the Get Wisdom! (4:1-9)
theological aspects of wisdom in the book represent a later The Two Ways (4:10-27)
religious or 'Yahwistic' reinterpretation of an earlier 'secular' Avoid the Seductress! (5:1—22)
wisdom has been the subject of much debate (see Wilson Four Warnings (6:1—19)
1987: 313-33). The Price of Adultery (6:20-35)
2. The similarity between the instructions in Proverbs and The Wiles ofthe Seductress (7:1-27)
Egyptian texts used in the education of royal princes and state Wisdom's Second Speech (8:1—36)
officials (see PROV 1:8—16; 22:17—24:22) has often been ob- The Two Banquets (9:1—18)
served. It has been argued that court schools also existed in The First 'Solomonic' Collection: 10:1-22:16
Israel and that Proverbs has its roots in these schools as an Sayings ofthe Wise: 22:17-24:22
adaptation of Egyptian wisdom and its educational context Further Sayings ofthe Wise: 24:23—34
(McKane 1970). But while the book contains observations on The Second 'Solomonic' Collection: 25:1—29:27
kings and royal officials, the majority of its sayings deal with The Sayings of 'Agur: 30:1-33
everyday matters of family, community life, and personal The Words of Lemuel: 31:1-9
relationships. Others have therefore stressed the importance The Good Wife: 31:10-31
ofthe family and community as settings for the instruction of
the young and the transmission of proverbial sayings, main-
taining that the book has its origins in a more popular oral
COMMENTARY
tradition predating the monarchy (Westermann 1995). None
the less, the court was evidently an important setting in the Didactic Discourses (i:i-g:i8)
course ofthe literary development ofthe book (cf. 25:1). Given
the variety in the contents ofthe book and the nature ofthe (1:1^7) Introduction These verses state the purpose and value
wisdom it inculcates, it seems reasonable to think that wis- of the book and the basis upon which its teaching rests.
dom flourished in various settings in Israel and had a corres- 'Wisdom' basically means 'skill, ability'. The term is used,
ponding variety of exponents—all of which have left their for example, ofthe manual skills of craftsmen (Ex 35:35; cf.
imprint on the book. 13340:20) and the navigational skills of sailors (Ezek 27:8). To
learn about (lit. know) wisdom means to become equipped
B. Date and Authorship. 1. The book comprises a number with the skills necessary to live a good and successful life.
of separate collections each of which, save the last one, is 'Instruction' (lit. discipline) often refers to the training re-
introduced by its own heading (see the outline below). ceived in wise living under the authority of a parent or teacher
The heading in 1:1 may be intended to refer to the book as a (e.g. 4:1—5). Here it means 'disciplined living' as the outcome
whole and Solomon is traditionally regarded as its author. of this training. The good and successful life is the disciplined
But while its major collections are assigned either directly life (cf. 25:28).
(10:1) or indirectly (25:1) to him, the remaining collections Wisdom promotes 'righteousness, justice, and equity'—i.e.
are ascribed to other 'authors'. It is also clear that the book right conduct and right relationships—within the community
can be no older than the time of Hezekiah (25:1). If the (v. 3). It equally promotes 'shrewdness' and 'prudence' based
Solomonic origin of some sayings should not be excluded, on a practical knowledge ofthe ways ofthe world (v. 4). A
neither can it be demonstrated. The headings are best seen related form ofthe word 'shrewdness' is used pejoratively of
as a reflection of the association of wisdom with the royal the craftiness ofthe serpent (Gen 3:1; cf. Josh 9:4). Its good
court in pre-exilic times (cf. 25:1), together with the tradition sense is captured in Mt 10:16. Those most in need of this
of Solomon as the paradigm ofthe wise king (i Kings 4:29- wisdom are the 'simple', i.e. uninstructed youth. The word
34)- derives from a root meaning 'to be open'. As portrayed in
2. The dates of the individual collections are difficult to Proverbs, the simple are 'open' to persuasion, and so easily
determine. It is likely that chs. 10—31 largely emerged during manipulated (cf. 14:15). They are accordingly the primary
the pre-exilic period. Chs. 1-9 are commonly regarded as the targets for the beckoning of Folly (9:16; cf. 7:7, 21).
latest section ofthe book. They may have been put together Following a parenthetic observation that through attending
and edited to form an extended introduction to chs.10—31, and to Proverbs the wise can become wiser, v. 6 highlights the
it was probably in the post-exilic period that the book received importance of an understanding ofthe literary forms in which
its final shape. wisdom is expressed. This includes not only intellectual
penetration but also the ability to apply the right saying at
C. Outline the right time (cf. 26:7). A 'proverb' (masal) may originally
Didactic Discourses: i:i—g:i8 have meant a short saying drawing a comparison, later ex-
Introduction (1:1-7) tended to include other kinds of'artistic' sayings (e.g. proph-
Avoid Evil Men! (1:8-19) etic discourse, Num 23:7; allegory, Ezek 17:2; taunt song, Isa
Wisdom's First Speech (1:21—31) 14:4). In 1:1 it embraces the varied literary contents of Pro-
Wisdom as a Guard and Guide (2:1—22) verbs. A 'figure' is an enigmatic saying whose meaning lies
Trust in God (3:1-12) beneath the surface and has to be teased out.
 4°7 PROVERBS
In v. 7 'fear of the LORD' is presented as the prerequisite of Street corners, squares, and the city gates were the centres of
true wisdom. The verse is repeated in 9:10 by way of a literary the juridical, business, and social life of the city and form an
inclusion for chs. 1—9, and forms a central theme of the book. appropriate setting for Wisdom to make herself heard. Wis-
Fear of the Lord embraces both reverence for God (cf Isa 8:13) dom bears on all human activity and has to compete not only
and obedience to him (cf. Deut 10:12-13; Eccl 12:13). 'Begin- with cynicism and wilful folly but also with the distractions of
ning' may imply first in order (Gen 1:1), or importance (Am everyday life. 'Give heed' (v. 23) is literally 'turn'. The same
6:1), or the 'best part' (Am 6:6). word is used in prophetic exhortations to (re)turn to God (cf.
(1:8-19) Avoid Evil Men! This is the first of several instruc- Isa 44:22; Jer 3:22; Hos 6:1). The translation of Hebrew ruah
tions addressed by a father to his son in this section of the by 'thoughts' (cf. Ezek 20:32, 'mind') rather than the more
book. The characteristic features of the instruction are: an usual 'spirit' is supported by its poetic parallelism with
appeal for attentiveness (cf. v. 8); the directive expressed as a 'words' in the next line.
command or prohibition (cf. w. lob, 15), and motivation There is an awkward transition between the exhortation in
clauses explaining why the directive should be heeded (cf. v. 23 and the reproach and threat in w. 24-8, and this has led
v. 9, 16-19). Th£ address by a teacher to his pupils as a father some to construe v. 23 as also condemnatory (cf. Murphy
to his sons was a common practice in the wisdom schools of 1998: 7,10). The reproach centres on the continued spurning
Egypt and Babylonia. However, the parallelism between of Wisdom's counsel (cf. 'how long', v. 22). The language has
father and mother (v. 8) suggests that the instructions in close parallels in prophetic indictments (cf. Isa 65:1-2,12; Jer
Proverbs may reflect the less formal setting of parental in- 6:19). The consequences of rejecting Wisdom are spelled out
struction within the home. in w. 26-8. The imagery of the storm or whirlwind is a
To'hear' (v. 8) implies both to listen and to obey (cf. Isa 1:19). common metaphor of judgement (Isa 17:13; Am 1:14), par-
Obedience will adorn the child's life and character with ticularly in connection with a divine theophany (Ps 18:7-15;
charm and beauty (v. 9; cf. 4:9). Though invoking parental Nah 1:3—5). 'Panic' describes the 'terror' evoked by the day of
authority, the motivation clauses show that the instruction the Lord in Isa 2:10—21. Wisdom's role will be simply that of an
appeals as much to the child's good sense as its duty to obey amused onlooker (v. 26; cf. Ps 2:4; 59:8). Too late they will
its parents. realize the folly of spurning her and will be spurned by her.
The child is warned against joining in the activities of a The repetition 'cry/call out' points the irony (w. 21, 28). The
professional gang of robbers and murderers. 'Entice' (v. 10) same motif of futile entreaty occurs in the prophets (Isa 1:15;
comes from the same Hebrew root as the 'simple' (v. 4), and Hos 5:6).
the passage illustrates the dangers of their 'openness' to per- The note of reproach is resumed in w. 29-30. Echoing the
suasion. The gang holds out to the young person the attrac- motto in 1:7, v. 29 makes clear that the rejection of Wisdom is
tions of a life of adventure, comradeship, and easy money. In tantamount to rejection of the fear of the Lord. The announce-
v. 12 they liken themselves to Sheol swallowing its victims ment of doom represents the fate of the foolish as the natural
whole. The imagery of Sheol—the abode of the dead—as a outflow of their own folly: the boomerang of their own
devouring monster with an insatiable appetite for human waywardness and complacency. 'Waywardness' evokes a con-
victims (cf. also 27:20; 30:15—16; Isa 5:14; Hab 2:5) probably trast with 'give heed'. It derives from the same Hebrew root
derives from the depiction of the god Mot (Death) within and likewise has echoes in prophetic passages, where it is
Canaanite mythology. Their appetite for violence and murder used of Israel's backsliding and apostasy from God (Jer 8:5;
cannot be satisfied and they destroy their victims just as Hos 11:7).
ruthlessly. The concluding promise (v. 33) contrasts the security and
w. 16—19 explain why the child should avoid such compan- peace of mind enjoyed by those who pay heed to Wisdom (cf.
ions: they are evil (v. 16 = Isa 597») and foolish (w. 17-19). 3:21-6). This serves to temper the note of doom in the pre-
Their crimes are self-destructive and they are their own vic- ceding verses, so that the passage as a whole functions as a
tims. Like a senseless bird that swoops down to the baited trap, warning to embrace Wisdom before it is too late.
these men are oblivious to all signs of their own danger and (2:1—22) Wisdom as Guard and Guide This instruction pre-
plunge mindlessly to their destruction. To join in their com- sents wisdom as a human quest (w. 1-5) and a divine gift
pany is to share in their fate. The passage concludes with a (w. 6-8), which guards its recipients from the way of evil men
summary statement of the operative principle of retribution and loose women (w. 9-19), and guides them in the way of
(v. 19). good men (w. 20—2). The alphabetizing shape of the passage,
(1:21—31) Wisdom's First Speech In this passage wisdom together with its rehearsal of themes developed in later in-
(a fern, noun in Heb.) is personified as a woman. Though structions, suggests that it has a deliberate, programmatic
here Wisdom appears to be essentially a dramatization of character (cf. Skehan 1972: 9-10).
the wisdom taught by the father, reinforcing the appeal to Wisdom must be pursued with diligence. The first step
heed his instruction, she speaks not only like a wisdom teach- is to be attentive to the father's words and to 'incline the
er but also like a prophet. This implies that Wisdom speaks heart' (i.e. 'mind') to understanding wisdom (w. 1-2). The
with a divine authority. To reject her is to reject the fear of dual application of ears and heart is reflected in Solomon's
the Lord (v. 29). The basis of her authority is expounded in prayer for a 'listening heart' (i Kings 3:9; NRSV 'under-
8:22-31. standing mind'). There must also be a fervent desire to find
Like a prophet, Wisdom takes her stand in public places and wisdom (v. 3), matching the fervency of Wisdom's desire
cries out to passers-by to accept her counsel and reproof. to be found (cf. 1:20); and it must be pursued with the
PROVERBS 408
strenuousness and perseverance of miners tunnelling for equally at home in wisdom instruction (cf. 'my teaching').
precious ores (v. 4; cf. Job 28). For wisdom seeker and miner 'Loyalty and faithfulness' can refer to relationships between
alike, the prize is worth the toil (v. 5). The quest for wisdom is a human beings and God (cf. Jer 2:2; Hos 6:4) or to human
quest for knowledge of God and his ways, and fear of the Lord relationships (cf. Ps 109:16; Hos 4:1; Mic 6:8). Both may be
is not only the beginning of wisdom (1:7) but also its ripest intended. They are to be worn as an adornment around the
fruit. neck (cf. 1:9; Deut 6:8; 11:18) and written on the heart (cf. Jer
The seeker finds wisdom given by God himself (v. 6). 31:33).
Solomon's prayer (i Kings 3:7-9) came to typify the prayerful w. 5-8 form the kernel of the instruction. They contrast
attitude required of the wisdom seeker (cf. Wis 8:18, 21; 9:4). trust in God with self-reliance. The Hebrew word 'trust' is
The present passage calls rather for concerted intellectual related to the words rendered 'securely' in 3:23 (cf. 1:33) and
and moral application, w. 7—8 characterize the wisdom God 'confidence' in 14:26. At stake is the basis for security in life,
gives as 'sound wisdom', i.e. effective. It maintains God's with the confidence to walk boldly without anxiety between
moral order ('paths of justice') by preserving the upright the pitfalls and snares that lurk at every step. For this, com-
from the pitfalls and snares of evil. The 'shield' may either plete commitment and submission to God ('all your ways') is
be 'God' (NRSV) or 'sound wisdom' (NEB 'as a shield'). the key. The medicinal analogy of healing and health to the
The upright are God's 'faithful ones' (hasidim). This is the benefits of wisdom (v. 8) recurs elsewhere in Proverbs (cf.
only occurrence of this term in Proverbs. It refers to those who 15:30; 16:24; I7'-22)-
are loyal to God and his covenant (cf. Ps 31:23; 37:28; 97:10). The admonitions to honour God with the first fruits (w. 9—
The wisdom God gives conserves the right ordering of his 10) and to submit to his discipline (w. 11-12) exemplify trust in
people. God in the contrasting situations of prosperity and adversity.
Echoing the introduction in 1:2-7, w- 9"11 elaborate The offering of first fruits was an expression of dependence on
on wisdom as a guide and a guard, and this is applied in and gratitude to God for the gift of the land and its harvests (cf.
w. 12—19 to two particular cases: evil men and loose women. Deut 26:1-11). But even those who honour God may some-
Evil men (w. 12-15) are perverted characters who invert the times suffer adversity. This should be accepted as a divine
moral order (cf. Isa 5:20). They abandon straight and level chastisement and a proof of God's fatherly love (cf. Job 5:17-
paths for ways of darkness, and they go about their evil for 18; 33:i4~3o;Heb 12:5-6).
profit and for pleasure (v. 14). More dangerous than what (3:13—18) Wisdom's Benediction These verses form a hymnic
they do is what they say (v. 12), for by their words they seek celebration of the 'happiness' of those who find wisdom.
to entice others in the moral chaos of their ways. The instruc- While Wisdom is again personified (cf. 1:20-33), the hymn
tion in 1:8—19 serves as a parade example of such men, and takes up and reinforces the benefits claimed for obedience to
illustrates both the wickedness of their conduct and their the father's instructions (cf. 1:8; 3:1—4) and serves the didactic
enticement to evil. purpose of commending his teaching.
The theme of the loose woman (w. 16-19) is developed at To find Wisdom is to possess an asset of great value. Wis-
length in 5:1—14, 6:20—35, an(^ 7:1—27. The words translated dom unfailingly pays a higher dividend than silver or gold
'loose woman' and 'adulteress' are literally 'strange woman' (v. 14), and is a rare and priceless treasure beyond comparison
and 'foreign woman', neither of which are the normal terms (v. 15). Wisdom also bestows long life, riches, and honour on
for an adulteress or prostitute. Various explanations of her her devotees (v. 16) and leads them along pleasant and peace-
'foreignness' have been given—both literal and metaphor- ful paths (v. 17). v. 16 probably owes something to depictions of
ical—sometimes linked to participation in the sexual rites of the Egyptian goddess Ma'at, the goddess of truth and justice,
fertility cults. Camp (1985: 116) suggests that the figure func- who is portrayed with a symbol of long life in one hand and a
tions symbolically for 'the attractions and dangers of any and sceptre symbolizing wealth and honour in her other. The
every sexually liminal woman'. Warning against illicit sexual 'long life' bestowed by Wisdom implies not only longevity
entanglements was a standard topic within Egyptian wisdom but also quality of life. This is expressed in the metaphor of
instruction. But whereas the Egyptian sages warned that it 'the tree of life' in v. 18: Wisdom is the vital source that
could ruin a promising career, here the seductress is a threat nourishes growth and fruitfulness and promotes fullness of
to life itself. 'Death' (v. 18) is a further allusion to the Canaanite life (cf. 11:30; 13:12; 15:4). The expression recalls the tree of life
god Mot and 'shades' (repa'tm, a term for the departed, cf. Isa in the garden of Eden (Gen 2—3).
26:14; PS 88:10) to the Repha'im, the underworld deities and
(3:19—20) Wisdom and Creation In their present context,
minions of Mot. The house of the seductress is as the mouth
w. 19-20 present the credentials for the claims made by
of the god (cf. 1:12).
Wisdom in the preceding verses. The wisdom by which
(3:1—12) Trust in God Among the instructions in chs. 1—9, this humans are blessed is the wisdom by which the world was
passage stands out by reason of its pronounced religious tone. created and is sustained (cf. 8:22—31). The water imagery is
It may be seen to develop the motto of the book (1:7). Wisdom suggestive of wisdom as fructifying life.
consists in complete trust in and submission to the Lord. It is (3:27-35) Kindness and Neighbourliness The final section
introduced by the customary appeal to obey the father's returns to the form of instruction and brings together a num-
teaching and a statement of the benefits that obedience brings ber of topics. The theme of w. 21—6 is the secure and tranquil
(w. 1-4; cf. 1:8-9). 'Teaching' (cf. 1:9) translates Hebrew tord lives of those who hold fast to wisdom (v. 21) and trust in God
(lit. guidance, direction), in parallelism with 'command- (v. 26; cf. w. 5-8). w. 27-30 inculcate kindness and neigh-
ments'. Both terms commonly refer to God's law but are bourliness, with the avoidance of malicious actions and
 4°9 PROVERBS
unnecessary quarrels, w. 31-5 warn against envy of evil men constant vigilance, self-discipline, and singleness of mind
and the imitation of their ways. God's judgement ('curse', cf and purpose. This is set out in a review of parts of the body:
Deut 27:15—26) rests on their house and they will be utterly the heart, mouth, eyes, and feet. These may be sources of evil
disgraced, while the upright will enjoy divine blessing. and death (cf. 6:16-18) or sources of goodness and life. If they
(4:1-9) Get Wisdom! This short passage centres on the value are healthy, the whole body is healthy.
of wisdom and the need to acquire it at all costs (v. 7). The (5:1-22) Avoid the Seductress This instruction continues the
father reinforces the appeal to his children (w. 1—2) by re- warning against the loose woman introduced in 2:16—19 (see
counting his own experience as a child when he was taught also 6:20—35; 7:I~27)- ^ begins with a typical appeal to the
the lesson by his own parents (w. 3-4). Here the importance of child to listen carefully to the warning so that he might receive
the home as a setting for wisdom as an educational discipline the prudence and knowledge necessary to avoid entangle-
(cf. Ex 12:26—7; Deut 6:6—7, 2O ~5)> together with its trans- ment with her (w. 1—2).
mission from one generation to the next, is particularly The danger posed by the loose woman is compounded by
well illustrated. His precepts are 'good' (RSV 'sound', v. 2) her seductive wiles. While making use of her natural sex
because they have been proved by experience, but each new appeal (cf. 6:25), it is on her seductive speech that she relies
generation must choose to receive them and prove them for most (cf. 7:14—20). Her words are like honey and are smoother
themselves. than oil (v. 8). Honey was proverbial for its sweetness (cf.
In w. 6-9 wisdom is personified as a bride to be wooed, and 16:24; Judg I 4 : ^» !4)- The figure is used in Song 4:11 of
who will in return love and honour those who embrace her. the bride's kisses. Smoothness can denote flattery (cf. 29:5)
The garlanding (v. 9) may be an allusion to a wedding feast. and hypocrisy (cf. Ps 5:9). The seductress thus holds out
This portrayal of Wisdom is evidently intended to counter the promise of pleasure and enjoyment. But the reality is
spurious love and deadly embrace of the seductress. Accord- quite different ('in the end'). This is brought out by the con-
ing to McKane (1970: 306), the representation is rather of trast in w. 3-4 between honey and wormwood and between
Wisdom as an influential patron offering protection and pre- smooth and sharp. Wormwood was equally proverbial for its
ferment to her proteges. bitterness (cf. Jer 9:15; Am 5:7). Her honeyed words leave a
(4:10—27) The Two Ways The metaphor of life as a road with bitter taste and her smooth words are as the thrusts of a
two ways plays an important role in the teaching of Proverbs. double-edged sword (cf. Ps 55:21). Disregarding the path of
Ithas already occurred a number oftimes (cf. 1:15,19; 2:8-22; life, the seductress travels the path to Sheol (v. 5; cf. 2:18—19;
3:17, 23, etc.). In w. 10—19 it becomes the main theme of the 7:27) with the unsteady steps of a drunkard ('wander'; cf. Isa
instruction as the father counsels his child to adhere to the 28:7) as she staggers from one lover to another unmindful of
way of wisdom and avoid the path of the wicked. 'Paths of the harm she brings either on herself or on her victims (cf.
uprightness' (v. n) implies not only paths that are morally 7:21-7; 30:20).
upright, but also paths that are straight and level (cf. 3:6). Following the resumptive appeal for attentiveness and
Hence the way of wisdom is not only the good path (cf. 2:9) obedience (v. 7), the father offers the same succinct advice
through life but also the secure path (cf. 3:23). It is a road along as in 1:15 (cf. 4:15), here emphasized by a wordplay between
which the traveller can progress with firm, measured strides 'far' and 'near' (v. 8). This advice is then reinforced by spell-
and even run without fear of stumbling (v. 12; cf. Ps 18:36). A ing out the consequences of liaison with her (w. 9—14): the
further reason why it is the secure path is that it is brightly loss of dignity and honour (v. 9), of hard-earned wealth (v. 10),
illuminated. In v. 18 it is compared with the steady increase of and of vigour and health (v. n). This is the antithesis of
brightness from the first flickers of dawn to the full splendour Wisdom's benediction in 3:13-18. The phrase 'your years
of the noonday sun. No loose stones or potholes can lurk in the to the merciless' (v. 9) is obscure. The Hebrew word 'years'
shadows to catch the traveller unawares. may rather be connected with an Arabic word meaning
The contrasting description of the path of the wicked recalls 'honour, dignity'. This gives a good parallel to the first line.
the description of their activities in 1:8-19 and of their twisted 'Merciless' is masc. sing, and could be an allusion to Death
paths in 2:12—15. Wrongdoing and violence come as naturally as the cruel, merciless one. With the support of the LXX, it
to them as eating and drinking (v. 7). Their path is shrouded in is sometimes emended to the plural, which might then
'deep darkness' (v. 19). The term is used of the plague of be a reference to the seductress and her associates. 'At the
darkness that enveloped Egypt (Ex 10:22), and also recurs in end of your life' is literally 'at the end'. It echoes v. 4 and
descriptions of the consequences of the day of the Lord (e.g. more probably means 'afterwards', i.e. when the effects of
Joel 2:2; Am 5:20). It suggests the extent of their moral blind- w. 9—10 are felt. The lament of the victim in w. 12—14 illus-
ness, but more especially it points to the inevitable conse- trates the theme of rejecting wise counsel and learning the
quence of walking along a treacherous, twisting path in lesson too late (cf. 1:24—8). The reference to ruin before
utter darkness. Intent on the destruction of others ('cause to the public assembly (v. 14) might be a specific reference to
stumble', v. 16) they make victims out of themselves ('stum- punishment meted out by the lawcourt or may refer more
ble', v. 19). In the darkness of their deeds, they will not even generally to public denunciation and disgrace. Possibly
see what their feet strike on that final, fatal step (cf. Job 18:7- behind the scene is the woman's husband (cf. 6:34—5),
12; Jer 13:16; 23:12). denouncing the offender in public (v. 14) and pressing for
The final paragraph (w. 20—7) resumes the appeal (v. 10) to compensation (v. 10).
accept the father's words, since they are 'life' and 'healing' (cf. Whereas the preceding verses primarily have in view young
3:8). To walk in the way of wisdom (cf. w. 26-7) requires unmarried men, w. 15-21 address the married man. They
PROVERBS 410

counsel that the best way of avoiding the temptation of listing different kinds of malicious and disruptive activity
the seductress is that he remain in love with his wife and through a review of the unhealthy body: 'eyes ... tongue...
derive sexual satisfaction from her. Drawing on imagery of hands... heart... feet' (contrast 4:23-7). The 'false witness'
water and its sources (cf Song 4:15), v. 15 expresses the pleas- and 'one who stirs up strife' complete the seven items.
ure which a man should obtain through sexual intercourse (6:20-35) The Price of Adultery This passage returns to the
with his wife. In v. 16 the 'springs' and 'streams' could allude form of instruction and to the theme of the seductress, w. 20—
to the waste that results from extramarital affairs or to the 4 emphasize the need to hold fast to parental teachings: they
encouragement of the wife to infidelity through neglect. The are light and life and will protect against her enticements.
image of the wife as a 'graceful doe' is symbolic of her beauty Though the reference is to parental teaching, w. 21-2 closely
(v. 18; cf. Song 2:7), with which the husband should be in- echo the role of divine teaching in Deuteronomy 6:6—8 (cf. 3:3,
toxicated. 24). In v. 24 'wife of another' rests on a change on the
Reinforcing the appeals for a prudent weighing up of the vocalization of Hebrew 'evil women' following the LXX and
consequences of liaison with the seductress, in v. 21 appeal is v. 29. Here the seductress is explicitly a married woman.
made to the scrutinizing eyes of the Lord (cf. 15:3; Job 31:4; Alongside her seductive speech (24; cf. 5:3), warning is given
34:21) and his guardianship of the moral order. None the less, against being captivated by her eye make-up and inviting
the concluding summary of the consequence of such indis- glances (cf. Sir 26:9). 'Desire' is the word translated 'covet'
cipline and folly is again expressed in terms of reaping what in the tenth commandment (Ex 20:17).
has been sown (cf. 1:19; 2:20—2). 'Toils' is literally 'cords'. By In w. 26—33 me case against the adulteress is closely argued
threading a path to folly's door, a man is threading a noose through comparison with a prostitute, fire, and a thief. The
around his own neck, like a senseless bird weaving the net that Hebrew text of v. 260 is obscure. The English versions are
will ensnare it (cf. 1:17-19). divided between the sense that a prostitute costs only the price
(6:1-19) F°ur Warnings The four miscellaneous sayings in of her fee (cf. NSRV; NEB) and that a prostitute brings a man
these verses are more reminiscent of the proverbial sayings to poverty (NIV). In either case the point is that the adulteress
in chs. 10—31 than the discourses in chs. 1—9. Though the form exacts a heavy price: 'a man's very life', w. 26-7 appear to be
of instruction is reflected in the first, it lacks the characteristic popular maxims. The point of the comparison is reinforced by
parental appeal for attentiveness. a wordplay in Hebrew between'wife' ('eset) and'fire' ('es). v. 30
w. 1—5 warn against acting as guarantor for debts. 'Neigh- may be construed either as a question (RSV; NEB) or as a
bour' and 'stranger' (v. i; cf. NSRV fn.) perhaps refer to statement (NRSV; NIV). In the former case, the point of
the friend on whose behalf security is pledged and to the w. 30-3 appears to be: how much more will the adulterer be
creditor, respectively. The expression 'to give a pledge' is despised than the thief and how much more dearly will he
literally 'to strike hands' (cf. 2 Kings 10:15). If a pledge has have to pay since he has no excuse? In the latter case, the cost
been given, no time should be lost and no effort spared in to the adulterer is the same, but it would be contrasted with
seeking to be released from it. Not only penury (cf. 22:26—7) the lenient view taken of a thief in these circumstances. The
but also slavery threatened the unwise guarantor (cf. 2 Kings concluding verses (w. 34—5) envisage a jealous and enraged
4:1-7; Neh 5:1-8). husband seeking revenge and demanding a higher price than
w. 6—ii warn against laziness and encourage diligence. The money.
drawing of analogies with the natural world was common in (7:1-21) The Wiles of the Adulteress The body of this passage
wisdom circles (cf. 30:15-16, 24-31). The ant is a model of is formed by an example story on the wiles of the adulteress
diligence and foresight in that it prepares its food for winter (w. 6—23). It is enclosed by parental instruction to accept
without having to be goaded. Wedded to slumber and indo- teaching (w. 1—5) and avoid the adulteress (w. 24—7). The
lence, the lazy person makes no such provision (cf. 20:4) and appeal to the child in w. 1-5 closely echoes 6:20-4. m v- 4
will suffer poverty and want. v. n should perhaps be rendered 'sister' probably means 'bride' (cf. Song 4:9-10), again pre-
like a 'vagrant' and a 'beggar'. senting Wisdom as a counter-attraction to the adulteress for
The description of the scoundrel (w. 12—15) recalls the evil the love and fidelity of the child (cf. 4:6—9).
men in 2:12-16. 'Scoundrel' is literally 'man ofbeliya'al' (from The story is cast in the form of the personal reminiscence
which comes 'Belial') (cf. 16:27; !9:28). The derivation of the of what the narrator observed through the lattice of his win-
word is obscure. It may be a compound word meaning 'worth- dow. In the LXX it is the woman who looks out of the
less' (lit. not-profit), or may derive from a verb meaning window seeking her prey, and this reading has been preferred
'swallow, engulf or the like. The scoundrel is characterized by some scholars. The story unfolds with a young man mak-
by his malicious undermining of harmonious relations ing his way through darkening streets towards the house of
within the community (v. 14). v. 13 may imply the casting of the adulteress (w. 6-9). The impending darkness becomes
magic spells to accomplish his evil designs (McKane 1970: symbolic for the story as a whole. He is accosted by a woman
325) or may simply refer to the covert way he and his associates dressed like a prostitute and practised in the art of seduction
go about their business. (w. 10-13). w- 14-20 illustrate the 'smoothness' of her words
w. 16-19 f°rm a graded numerical saying of a type common (v. 5)—the chief weapon in her arsenal (cf. 2:16; 5:3; 6:24).
in the HB (cf. 30:15—31; Job 5:19; Am 1:3) and in the literature She flatters him and invites him to spend a night of sexual
of the ancient Near East. It was particularly useful within pleasure with her, reassuring him it is perfectly safe since her
wisdom circles, both as a means of classification and as an husband is away on a business trip. The significance of
aid to memorization. The saying complements w. 12-15 by the cultic reference in v. 14 and its function in the seduction
 411 PROVERBS
scene are quite unclear (cf. Murphy 1998: 43-4). In any case, Jer 52:15 and has the support of the LXX. In this case, Wisdom
unable to resist her advances and oblivious to the real cost actively participated in the design and construction of the
he will have to pay, the young man follows her: one more world. The apocryphal Wisdom of Solomon explicitly
beast to the slaughter; one more bird caught in her snare represents Wisdom as 'the fashioner of all things' (7:1). Alter-
(w. 21-3). The final paragraph (w. 24-7) reinforces the lesson natively, the word may mean 'little child', connected with
by exhorting the child to avoid the paths of the adulteress and 'those reared' in Lam 4:5. This suits the metaphor of birth in
warning of the deadly effects of consorting with her. Her the preceding verses, while w. 30—1 read more like a child at
house is the vestibule to Sheol and leads down to death play than a craftsman at work. 'Rejoicing' is elsewhere used of
(cf. 2:18-19; 5 :8 )- children playing in the street (Zech 8:5). The picture is of
(8:1-36) Wisdom's Second Speech Personified Wisdom Wisdom playing at her father's feet and bringing him pleas-
again takes her stand in public places and invites all who ure and then making the world her playground. As her ways
would learn from her to receive her instruction. In w. i—n brought pleasure to God, so they now bring pleasure to hu-
she assumes the role of a wisdom teacher. The prophetic note mankind.
of reproach and threat characteristic of her first speech (1:20- The final w. 32—6 form a resumptive conclusion looking
33) is lacking. The setting in w. 2—3 is reminiscent of the back to the appeal in w. 3-4. The 'happiness' of the man who
'patch' of the seductress in 7:11—12. It has emerged that Wis- finds wisdom recalls the theme of 3:13-18. To neglect and miss
dom has to compete not only with the distractions of everyday Wisdom spells injury and death.
life and wilful folly (1:20—33) but also with the enticements of The identity of the Woman Wisdom in chs. 1—9 and espe-
the seductress. The emphasis on the character of Wisdom's cially in 8:22-31 has been extensively debated (see Camp 1985:
words in w. 6—9 can be seen in this light. While the words 23-70). While some view the figure as a personification or
of the seductress are marked by duplicity and fraudulence, hypostatization of a divine attribute, others find her origins in
the words of Wisdom are marked by candour and integrity. goddess figures within the ancient Near East or within Israel
Wisdom speaks in plain language, which is intelligible to all itself. Von Rad (1975: 148) argued rather that she was an
who find her (v. 9). w. 10—n are very similar to 3:14—15. attribute of the world, signifying 'something like the "mean-
In w. 12-21 she extols her providential role in the good and ing" implanted by God in creation'. Certainly, she is an am-
orderly government of the world (w. 12-16) and as the giver of bivalent and enigmatic figure. She belongs at God's side, but
wealth (w. 17—21). w. 12—14 closely echo the language of the she is also at home in the world (8:31—3). This ambivalence
prologue (1:2—7). The terms 'advice' and 'strength', however, conceals her identity as much as it reveals her place as the link
anticipate the manifestation of the various qualities of wis- between heaven and earth and the mediatrix of divine revela-
dom in the government of kings and rulers (cf. Isa 11:2). The tion and divine blessing.
role claimed by Wisdom is comparable to that of a royal (9:1—18) The Two Banquets In the first and last sections of
counsellor (cf. 2 Sam 16:23) an(^ even to God himself (i Kings this chapter, Wisdom and Folly are contrasted as rival
3:1-15). w. 17-21 (cf. w. 10-11) are a variation on the theme of hostesses inviting the simple to enter their house and dine
3:13-18. Wisdom bestows not only the intimacy of her em- with them (w. i—6, 13—18). Though Folly is portrayed in
brace but also wealth and prosperity upon her lovers. The terms of the seductress, her description as 'woman of foolish-
connection between w. 12 and 14 is interrupted by v. 13 and ness' (v. 13) implies that she personifies every kind of folly.
it should perhaps be transposed to w. 6-9. Hence, the contrast reinforces not so much the earlier
The hymn of self-praise by Wisdom in w. 22-31 falls into warnings against adultery as the teaching on the two ways
two parts: Wisdom's origins before creation (w. 22—6), and (cf. 4:10-27).
her place at creation (w. 27—31). As rendered by the NRSV, The significance of Wisdom's seven-pillared house is un-
Wisdom variously describes herself as created by God (v. 22), certain. Among other things, it has been taken to symbolize
setup or installed (v. 23; with royal overtones, cf. Ps 2:6) and as the world as fashioned by Wisdom; the cosmic temple of
born (w. 24—5). However, the significance of the first two Wisdom (Perdue 1994: 94—7), or to be simply a stately man-
terms in the Hebrew is disputed. The first translates Hebrew sion. Correspondingly, the pillars have been thought to have
qanah, which besides 'create' (cf. Gen 14:19, 22) could also cosmic or mythological significance; to reflect temple archi-
mean 'procreate' (cf. Gen 4:1). Likewise the second term, of tecture, or to indicate that Wisdom's house is a rather splendid
uncertain derivation, may be connected with a root meaning one which can accommodate all who accept her invitation.
'to be fashioned [in the womb]' (cf. Job 10:11; Ps 139:13). Hence The invitation of Wisdom (w. 3—4) echoes her earlier appeals
Wisdom may be consistently representing herself as a child of (cf. 1:20-1; 8:1-5). It is addressed to the 'simple', i.e. to those
God. None the less, the emphasis of the verses is not the who most need to dine with Wisdom but who can be most
manner of Wisdom's origins but her priority over the created easily induced to dine with Folly (cf. 1:4). In v. 5 food and
world. Although v. 22 alludes to the creation narrative in drink is used figuratively of Wisdom's instruction (cf. Isa
Genesis ('beginning'), the language of the passage stands 55:1-3; Sir 15:3; 24:19-21). 'Bread' may be better translated
closer to hymnic celebrations of creation (cf. e.g. Ps 104:5- 'meat' (cf. v. 2).
13; Job 38:4-18). The brash manner in which Folly invites the simple to her
During the creation of the world, Wisdom was 'there' house (w. 13—16) recalls the solicitations of the seductress
(v. 27), 'beside' God (v. 30). The particular part she played is (7:11-12) and contrasts with the formality and decorum of
obscured by the uncertainty of the meaning of Hebrew 'amon Wisdom's invitation. That the provision of Folly is water and
in v. 30. The translation 'master workman' (NRSV) is based on bread (v. 17) may be intended to compare unfavourably with
PROVERBS 412

the sumptuousness of Wisdom's spread. However, it is likely value (v. 20) and win acceptance (v. 32), for they are character-
that Folly is citing a popular proverb on the magnetic power of ized by wisdom (v. 31), bring nourishment (v. 21), and promote
forbidden fruit. Whereas the banquet of Wisdom promotes life (v. n). On the other hand, the wicked have nothing ofvalue
and celebrates life (v. 6), to dine with Folly is to banquet with to say (v. 20) and what they do say is characterized by pervers-
the 'dead' in Sheol (cf 2:18-19; 5:5~6; 7:27). ity (v. 32) and duplicity, concealing their malicious intent to
The middle section (w. 7—12) is digressive and is regarded cause harm (v. nfc; cf. v. 6h). By their words, therefore, the
by some commentators as a later intrusion. In its present righteous contribute to the well-being of the community,
context it may be intended to contrast two different responses whereas the speech of the wicked undermines it. On a more
to Wisdom's invitation—the one represented by the scoffer general note, w. 14 and 19 imply that the words of the wise and
(cf. 15:12; 21:24) and me wicked, and the other by the wise and righteous will be few (cf. 13:3; 21:23). Garrulousness is a hall-
the righteous. It is those who are responsive to discipline and mark of the fool (v. 8).
who fear the Lord who will partake of Wisdom's banquet. Poverty and wealth, v. 15 contrasts an advantage of wealth
with a disadvantage of poverty. Wealth provides protection
The First 'Solomonic' Collection (10:1-22:16) and security against the vicissitudes of life (cf. 18:11), whereas
This is the largest collection of proverbial sayings within the the poor have no resources to fall back on. For this the poor
book—some 375 in all. Differences between chs. 10-15 and may sometimes have only themselves to blame (v. 4). But not
16:1-22:16 have often been observed. Most notably, while the all wealth is advantageous. How it is acquired is the test of
vast majority of sayings in chs. 10—15 are in me form of whether it is an asset or a liability (v. 2). The instruction in 1:8—
antithetic parallelism, in 16—31 other kinds of poetic verse 19 illustrates the liability of ill-gotten gain (cf. also 20:17; 21:6;
forms predominate. Chs. 10-15 also have a certain coherence 28:20). By contrast, the wealth that accrues through 'right-
through the prevalence of sayings on the righteous and the eousness', i.e. honesty and integrity, is a mark of divine bless-
wicked. This section of the book may therefore have arisen ing and provides for a long, secure, and anxiety-free life (v. 22;
through the combination of two originally independent col- cf. 11:4).
lections. Hatred and strife, v. 12 observes the disruptive effect of
For the most part sayings appear to be randomly organized hatred on social relationships. The 'covering' of offences by
with only the occasional small topical grouping. Recent stud- love is commensurate with forgiveness (cf. Jas 5:20). In v. i8a
ies have suggested the significance of catchwords, sounds, the LXX reads 'Righteous lips conceal hatred', which gives a
and various other rhetorical devices in the formation of sub- contrast with i8fc (cf. NEB). If the Hebrew text is retained, the
units within the collection, which provide a context for the thought is either that the ill-will concealed through lies is as
individual saying. However, it is seldom evident that such sub- bad as open slander, or that lies and slander are both expres-
units display a corresponding thematic coherence, and the sions of a deep-seated hatred (cf. 6h).
individual saying still seems to be the significant unit (Martin (11:1—31) Commercial malpractice. The use of false weights and
1995: 54-61). measures (v. i, cf. 16:11; 20:10, 23) is condemned in the law
(10:1-32) Wise and foolish children. Following the parental (Deut 25:13-16) and the prophets (Am 8:5; Mic 6:11). Ancient
appeals in chs. 1—9, this section appropriately begins with a Near-Eastern law codes also prescribed against it. 'An abom-
proverb observing the effect on parents of the wisdom or folly ination to the LORD' conveys the strongest possible displeas-
of their child (v. i; cf. 15:20; 17:21, 25). Not only is the joy or ure (cf. 6:16). v. 26 appears to have in view traders who
sorrow of parents at stake, but also the family's reputation (cf. stockpile grain in times of scarcity to force up the prices and
28:7) and its prosperity (cf. 29:3). increase their profit. Their selfishness invites a curse upon
The righteous and the wicked. The sayings on the righteous their heads from their customers.
and the wicked in this part of the book reinforce the earlier Pride and humility, v. 2 observes that pride goes before a fall
teaching of the two ways and the theory of retribution on (cf. 16:18; 18:12; 29:23) and commends the wisdom of humil-
which it rests (cf. esp. 2:9—22; 4:10—19). In some sayings ity. 'Disgrace' is literally 'lightness' and suggests both the
retribution is presented as part of the natural order of the contempt for and the lack of importance people of good sense
world (e.g. 11:5-6), while in others God himself acts to uphold will attach to the self-important. 'Humble' is a rare word. It is
his moral order by punishing the wicked and rewarding the found again (as a verb) only in Mic 6:8 of'walking humbly'
righteous (e.g. 10:29; I2:2 )- with God.
The righteous will enjoy a long and fulfilled life with the The righteous and the wicked. Several sayings in the chapter
satisfaction of their needs and desires, while the wicked are further variations on the theme of the fate of the righteous
will be frustrated at every turn and will in the end meet and the wicked, w. 3, 5-6, recall the benefits of wisdom as a
with an untimely death (w. 3, 24, 27—8). The 'dread' of the guide and guard in 2:8—11. While the righteous walk securely
wicked (v. 24) may refer to divine punishment or reflect a basic along straight paths, the wicked become victims of their own
sense of insecurity—fearing the worst (cf. 25). It contrasts Machiavellian schemes and devices (cf. 2:12-15). w- 4> 2^» are
with 'fear' of the Lord (v. 27). After their deaths, the repu- further reflections on the profitlessness of wealth without
tation of the righteous will live on and be prized by the com- righteousness (cf. 10:2). v. 7 is difficult. Following the LXX,
munity, while the name of the wicked will rot with their bones it has been proposed to emend the first line to read 'when
(v. 7)- the righteous die their hope does not perish'. If this were to
Several sayings centre on the difference between the speech be the correct reading, the notion of an afterlife need not
of the two groups. The words of the righteous are of great be implied (see 10:7). v. 9 returns to the malicious and
 413 PROVERBS
destructive speech of the wicked (cf. 10:6). It is unclear situation. The healing property of a well-chosen word is also
whether gb means that the righteous will be delivered from remarked in v. 25 (cf. 16:24).
their malevolence or will deliver others from it (cf. NEB). The Lying. As already in 6:17, 'lying' is condemned as an 'abom-
social consequences of the words (and deeds) of the righteous ination to the LORD' (v. 22). The thought of v. 19 is not so much
and wicked for the body politic are summed up in v. n— that the liar will be quickly found out and punished, but that
making v. 10 self-evident. For the metaphor of the 'tree of lies are short-lived and ephemeral since they have no basis in
life' (v. 30) see PROV 3:18. reality. Only the truth endures.
Gossip. Those who speak disparagingly of a neighbour False witnesses, v. 17 is the first of a number of sayings on
show a lack of sense (v. 12), and those who betray his con- giving false witness (cf. 14:5, 25; 19:5, 9, 28; 25:18). Perjury is
fidence a lack of trustworthiness (v. 13). Both disrupt good the sin condemned in the ninth commandment (Ex 20:16). It
relations between friends and neighbours, and as 'whisperers' is the worst form of lying, since it mocks (19:28) and defeats
are close companions of the perverse man who spreads strife the ends of justice (25:18).
(16:28). Laziness. Diligence is the path to the top of the social ladder
A gracious woman. In v. 16 the NRSV adopts the longer text and laziness the path to the bottom (v. 24). 'Forced labour' is
of the LXX. The Hebrew text contains only the first and last possibly a reference to debt slavery (cf. Deut 15:12; Lev 25:39-
lines (cf. RS V). The saying seems to contrast the honour that a 40). The sense ofv. 27 is uncertain. Drawing on the imagery of
woman obtains through her natural disposition with the ef- hunting, it may be a comment on the inability of a lazy person
fort men must expend to acquire wealth (McKane 1970: 431). to carry a project through to its successful completion (cf.
With a humorous note, v. 22 observes the incongruity of the 19:24). Again diligence is the path to success.
beauty of a woman who lacks 'sense' (lit. taste). (13:1-25) Parental discipline. The expression 'loves discipline'
Generosity, v. 24 points to the paradox between generosity (v. i) rests on an emendation of the Hebrew 'instruction of
and enrichment and miserliness and impoverishment. In [his] father'. The Hebrew text lacks a verb and possibly 'heeds'
v. 25 'enriched' is literally 'made fat', a figure for abundance should rather be supplied as understood from its occurrence
and prosperity (cf. Deut 32:15). The sayings may have giving to in the parallel line. The verse reinforces the parental appeals
the poor in view (cf. 28:27). of chs. 1-9. Refusal to heed correction places wisdom beyond
(12:1-28) The fool. The sayings in w. i, 15-16, 23, reflect on reach of the 'scoffer' (cf. 9:7—8; 14:6; 15:12). Though always
central characteristics of the fool as portrayed in Proverbs. By having more to do with a listening ear, the word 'discipline' is
reason of his innate stupidity and self-conceit, the fool is as also used of physical chastisement (v. 24), which is viewed as
impervious to a word of advice as to a word of rebuke (w. i, 15; an essential component in the upbringing of a child. The
cf. 18:2; 28:26). The sense to recognize sound advice and to act contrast between 'hate' and 'love' underlines the importance
upon it—not least by those used to giving it (v. 26)—is a mark the wise attached to it (cf. 20:30; 23:13—14).
of wisdom. The fool also lacks self-control, both of his temper Rash speech, v. 3 is a warning against garrulousness or
(v. 16; cf. 14:17, 29; 29:11) and his tongue (23; cf. 10:14; I5:2> rashness of speech. Not only can it be harmful to others
18:6-7). The eagerness with which he speaks his mind and (12:18), but also it can land the speaker in trouble (cf. 10:14;
offers his opinions (cf. 18:2) advertises his folly, and contrasts 21:23).
with the disciplined, restrained speech of the wise ('conceals Poverty and wealth. The general point made by v. 7 is that
knowledge') (cf. 10:19; !7:28). appearances can be deceptive. Behind it may lie the thought
The good wife. 'Good' (v. 4) is literally 'strong, firm'. It is the that ostentation is as reprehensible as miserliness or that true
word that occurs in the expression 'men of valour' (e.g. Josh richness and poverty are not measured by a person's posses-
1:14). In Ruth 3:11 it describes the heroine. Here it means sions. The first line ofv. 8 points to an advantage of wealth. A
strength and nobility of character, embracing both her cap- rich man has the resources to pay what is demanded when
abilities as a housewife (cf. NEB) and her integrity (cf. NIV). kidnappers or robbers threaten his life. The second line is
This is a wife who enhances her husband's honour and repu- literally 'but a poor man does not heed rebuke', which the
tation (cf. 31:10—31). Her opposite is a wife whose behaviour NRSV probably rightly takes to mean that the poor are never
brings her husband into disrepute and saps his energy like a threatened in this way, since they have nothing worth extort-
wasting bone disease. ing. Here—but ironically—the advantage lies with the poor.
Slander. The metaphor of the words of the wicked as 'a In v. ii wealth gained through manual labour is contrasted
deadly ambush' (lit. ambush of blood, v. 6) echoes the words with the kind of wealth that is achieved overnight. The refer-
of the robbers and murderers in 1:11. Here, the reference is to ence is perhaps to the returns on speculative investments in
their false and slanderous accusations. Through their wisdom trade and commerce rather than to dishonest gain. The first
and knowledge, the righteous have the verbal skills to defend kind of wealth is substantive and enduring, while the latter is
themselves—or perhaps to defend others ('them')—against fleeting and ephemeral (cf. 27:23—7). v. 18 is one of several
their attacks (cf. 11:9). Going a step further, v. 13 observes that sayings in Proverbs which view poverty as a consequence of
the words of evil men weave a web of intrigue in which they folly (cf. 10:4; 21:17, 2O)- If me NRSV rendering ofv. 23 is
themselves will be ensnared (cf. 1:18; 11:6). sustainable (cf. McKane 1970: 462—3), this verse observes that
Rash words. Potentially just as dangerous and destructive the poor do not always have themselves to blame. The poor
are rash words (v. 18; cf. 29:20). However well intended, may reap a good harvest from their meagre plot of land only to
words hastily spoken are apt to wound. It is the judicious, have it extorted by greedy, unscrupulous men (cf. 22:16;
considered speech of the wise that brings healing in a difficult 30:14).
PROVERBS 414

Desires fulfilled, v. 12 reflects on the psychology of human (cf. 17:5), while to show kindness and generosity towards them
desire and its disappointment or realization. The thought is to honour him.
recurs in the first line of v. 19, but the second line of this verse (15:1—32) Words, v. i contrasts the conciliatory reply that
seems quite unconnected. soothes a situation and makes for reasoned discussion and
The teaching of the wise. The expression 'fountain of life' in the acrimonious reply that inflames it and makes intelligent
v. 14 (cf also 10:11; 14:27; 15:4) is perhaps a distant echo of the discussion impossible. 'Gentle' (v. 4) points either to the con-
rivers that watered the garden of Eden (Gen 2:10—13; cf- Prov ciliatory or to the healing quality of words. Such speech pro-
3:18). Wisdom teaching is the source of life's vitality and motes life, in contrast with twisted or perverse speech, which
growth for those who heed it (cf. v. 13). The imagery of the causes injury and brings death (cf. 18:21). v. 23 expresses the
second line is of Death as a hunter laying traps to ensnare the satisfaction that comes from a timely word for both the one
unwary and uninstructed (cf. PROV 1:12). who gives it and the one who receives it. Out of 'season' the
(14:1—35) Wisdom's house. As rendered by the NRSV, v. i seems best of words are ineffective and counter-productive. In v. 26
to be a comment on the value of the good wife as homemaker, 'pure' expresses God's approval of gracious words, i.e. words
and may be so (cf. 31:10-31). But the phrase translated 'the spoken to promote harmony and well-being, over against his
wise woman' raises difficulties, and 'the foolish' is literally abhorrence of evil and malicious schemes. The second line is
'folly'. The verse is most reminiscent of personified Wisdom often emended to read 'but the words of the pure are pleasing
building her house in 9:1 as the antithesis of Folly and to him' (so RSV; cf. NIV).
her house in 9:14 and may be making much the same God's scrutiny. Echoing 5:21, the theme of v. 3 is the all-
point: what Wisdom is at pains to build, Folly is at pains to seeing eye of God, from which nothing can be hidden. The
demolish. implication is that the good will receive his blessing and the
The fool. Whereas the words of fools get them into trouble, evil will be condemned and punished (cf. 22:12). v. n makes
the judicious and economical speech of the wise keeps them much the same point. 'Abaddon' (lit. destruction) is a poetic
safe (v. 3). 'Rod for their backs' is an emendation of the synonym for Sheol. If the depths of Sheol are 'naked' before
Hebrew 'rod of pride'—an obscure image, which, if retained, God (cf. Job 26:6), how much more are the thoughts, motives,
would make the first line a comment on the arrogance under- and intentions of the human heart exposed to divine scrutiny
lying what a fool says. The most natural sense of 'misleads' (cf. Ps 44:21).
(lit. 'is deception') in v. 8 is to mislead others, but the parallel- Prayer and sacrifice, v. 8 is one of the few sayings in Proverbs
ism suggests that here the word may mean to mislead onself that deal with cultic practice. The point is not the superiority
('is self-deception'). By contrast, the wise give careful thought of prayer, but that only sacrifices offered in sincerity are
to the course of their conduct and have a clear understanding acceptable to God. So in v. 29 the prayer of the wicked likewise
of its consequences, v. 16 draws a similar contrast between the falls on deaf ears. Though v. 8 closely echoes prophetic pas-
cautious and prudent conduct of the wise and the arrogant sages on the theme (e.g. Isa 1:10—17), it also has parallels in
recklessness of the fool. Since the speech of a fool is not Egyptian wisdom literature.
informed by knowledge, his company should be avoided (7; Joy and sorrow, w. 13, 15, are further comments on joy and
cf. 13:20). The meaning of v. 9 can only be guessed (cf. the sorrow (cf. 14:10, 13). The first contrasts the inner joyfulness
English versions). that makes for a healthy body and a glowing complexion
Joy and sorrow, w. 10, 13, are pensive reflections on joy and (cf. 17:22) with the sorrow (lit. painfulness of heart)
sorrow in human experience. Others cannot share the depths that debilitates the body and leaves its etchings on the face,
of an individual's sorrows and joys; and even the most joyous v. 15 comments on the inner happiness that can overcome
moments are clouded by sorrow with grief never far away. adversity.
The simple, v. 15 contrasts the prudent conduct of the wise True enrichment. While wealth may be good and advanta-
(cf. v. 16) with the credulity of the simple (see PROV 1:4). geous in many respects, it can lead to 'turmoil' and breed
Without the benefit of instruction in wisdom, the simple are moral and spiritual blindness (cf. 11:28; 30:8—9). Fear of the
on the way to becoming fools (cf. v. 18, NRSV fn.). Lord (v. 16), righteousness (16:8) and a good name (22:1) are
Anger. The antithesis between the quick-tempered and the better things—things that truly enrich.
schemer in v. 17 does not seem very apt. It is perhaps better Planning and counsel, v. 2 2 states the principle that the key to
with the RSV to follow the LXX and translate the second line a successful venture is sound planning and wide consultation.
'but a man of discretion is patient', v. 29 makes the same point The saying most of all has in view the rulers and leaders of the
(cf. 12:16). The word 'passion' in v. 30 is a fairly general word nation. In 11:14 it is applied to affairs of state, and in 20:18 to
for deep emotion, including envy and jealousy (6:34; 27:4) as the conduct of war.
well as anger. This verse shows insight into the effect of the Divine justice. God champions the cause of the widow by
state of the mind on the health of the body (cf. 3:8). protecting her boundaries and breaking down the house of
Rich and poor. v. 20 points to a social advantage enjoyed by the proud (v. 25). Here the proud are those whose estates have
the rich over the poor. The saying is not a sardonic comment been built up through their appropriation of the property of
on the dubious value of wealth's new-found friends (cf. 19:6) the poor and needy. Removing the landmarks marking the
but a frank comment on human nature. In v. 31 the social boundaries of the family inheritance was a serious offence
obligation of caring for the poor (cf. v. 21) is grounded in the (Deut 19:14; 27:17; cf. Prov 22:28; 23:10-11).
common humanity of rich and poor alike as the creatures of (16:1-33) God's purposes, w. 1-9 (except v. 8) form a small
God. To oppress the poor is to show contempt for their creator group of sayings dealing with divine providence over human
 415 PROVERBS
affairs. Over against sayings commending careful planning as Old age. v. 31 reflects the thought that longevity is the reward
the key to successful undertakings (e.g. 15:22; 20:18; 21:5), of a righteous life. Old age is the fitting climax and fulfilment
w. i, 9, observe its limitations along the lines: 'Man proposes, of a life well lived (cf 17:6; 20:29).
but God disposes'. Only plans which coincide with God's
purposes will succeed (v. 3; cf. 19:21). The prevailing of God's (17:1—28) Quarrelling and strife. A modest meal with peace and
purposes is also the theme of v. 33. The reference is to the harmony round the table is better than a sumptuous spread
casting of the sacred lot (cf. i Sam 10:20—1) perhaps in the with resentments and rivalries smouldering away and break-
settlement of legal disputes (cf. 18:18). The saying asserts that ing out into open quarrels (v. i; cf. 15:17). 'Feasting with strife'
though men cast the lot—and however much a matter of is literally 'sacrifices of strife'. The allusion is perhaps to the
chance the procedure may appear—it is God who makes the 'peace offering', giving added force to the saying. The first line
decision (lit. judgement). of v. 19 observes the disruptive effect of the quarrelsome. The
v. 2 observes the defective evaluation people make of them- meaning of the second line is unclear. It is perhaps an un-
selves. They are unable to penetrate their deepest motives and related comment on the self-destructiveness of arrogance.
have a capacity for self-deception. God alone can properly Drawing on the imagery of a dam springing a leak, v. 14
evaluate and judge ('weigh') a person's character and conduct advises to stop a quarrel before it gets out of control. McKane
(cf. 21:2; 15:11). The word translated 'weigh', however, could (1970: 505) suggests legal disputes are particularly in view.
also mean 'fix to a standard' (cf. NEB). In that case the point of These should be dealt with before they go to court.
the saying would be the poor standards by which men evaluate The prudent servant. Despite his lowly status, a household
themselves. The meaning of v. 4 is obscured by the ambiguity servant who serves his master well will disinherit a worthless
of the expression 'for its/his purpose' (lit. answer, response). child who brings disgrace (v. 2)—a happy acknowledgement
The expression might be better rendered 'with its counter- that ability counts for more than privilege (cf. 27:18; see 2 Sam
part'. The saying asserts a divinely created order in which 16:1—4). w- 2I> 25> are further observations on the grief caused
actions and their consequences have been made to corres- by foolish offspring (cf. 10:1).
pond. The day of trouble is the appropriate counterpart to God tests the heart, v. 3 is a companion saying to 16:2. As an
the wicked person. Alternatively, it could mean that even the assayer tests silver or gold, God 'tests' the heart to determine
punishment of the wicked is part of the divine plan. v. 6 its genuineness and purity.
implies that atonement for sin is not a matter of sacrifice but Bribes, v. 8 is one of several proverbs that remark the bene-
of'loyalty and faithfulness' towards God (cf. Hos 6:6). In the fits of giving a bribe. It smooths the path to social advance-
second line 'avoids evil' could refer either to doing evil (cf. ment (18:16), wins friends and influences people (19:6), and
8:13) or to suffering harm. extricates the giver from difficult situations (21:14). Such say-
The king. w. 10—15 (except v. n) form another small group ings read strangely against the condemnation of bribery in
of sayings dealing with the king. The word translated 'in- 15:27. A distinction is sometimes drawn between a bribe and a
spired decisions' (v. 10) is elsewhere used only in the bad gift to explain the difference. However, while both terms are
sense of 'divination, soothsaying'. Here it points to the un- used in these sayings, no clear distinction is drawn between
canny perceptiveness underlying the king's legal pronounce- them. They are equated in 21:14, an(^ me word translated 'gift'
ments—as though they were divine oracles (cf. 2 Sam 14:17, there is translated 'bribe' in 15:27. The sayings simply observe
20). The first line of v. 12 might better be translated 'Kings how things are and do not necessarily recommend or condone
detest wrongdoing' (NIV), the reference being to wickedness the practice. In v. 23 the 'wicked' is a corrupt judge. 'Con-
by the king's subjects, which, left unchecked, will under- cealed' is literally 'from the bosom', i.e. the fold in a garment at
mine the stability of his throne (cf. 25:4-5). w. 14-15 contrast the breast, from where money could be slipped surrepti-
the king's displeasure with his favour. They may have origin- tiously. The corruption of justice is also the theme of w. 15,
ally been sayings advising royal officials and courtiers of the 26. To justify the wicked and condemn the righteous means to
hazards and rewards of employment in the king's service. The pronounce the guilty innocent and the innocent guilty.
hazards are illustrated by the stories of Joseph (Gen 39-50), Friendship. The second line of v. 9 may refer to spreading
Daniel (Dan 1-6), and Esther (cf. also i Kings 2). tales (lit. repeats a matter) about friends behind their backs or
Pleasant speech. In w. 21, 23, 'persuasiveness' is literally continually harping on to them about their shortcomings (cf.
'learning'. The wise teacher speaks in a pleasant and judicious NEB). Friendship thrives on forgiveness. In v. 17 'friend' is
manner, which enhances the appropriation of his teaching by probably equated rather than contrasted with 'brother'. It is in
his pupils. In so doing, he will also enhance his reputation for times of adversity that friendship and kinship are displayed.
perceptiveness. The sweetness and health-giving properties of Rebels, v. n is probably a warning of the consequences of
pleasant words (v. 24) evoke a contrast particularly with the plotting sedition against the king rather than of rebellion
seductive words of loose women (cf. 5:3-4). against God. The 'cruel messenger' is a reference either to
Evil and slanderous speech. The sayings in w. 27-30 give the king's executioner or to death (cf. 16:14).
particular emphasis to slanderous speech. On the 'scoundrel' The fool. A few sayings centre on the inability of the fool to
(v. 27) see 6:12—14. He 'digs up evil' (lit.) and spreads his learn wisdom. The fool is intellectually deficient and unable to
slanders with devastating effect, v. 28 observes the strife and benefit from instruction (v. 16). He also lacks the concentra-
divisions caused by slanderers and gossips (cf. 6:14; 26:20). tion of mind and purpose demanded (v. 24), while even the
The wink and compressed lips (v. 30) may signify slander by rod makes not the slightest impression on him (v. 10).
insinuation (cf. 6:13) or that the facial expression betrays a Restraint in speech, v. 27 observes the restraint in speech and
malicious intent. in temper of the wise. The 'cool in spirit' is the opposite of the
PROVERBS 416

'hot-tempered' in 15:18. Since silence is a mark of wisdom, a and cheated his way to success, the poor person who has
fool who remains silent can conceal his folly and enjoy the maintained his integrity is better off (cf. 16:8). While the
esteem afforded to the wise (v. 28)—a lesson, however, that second line of v. 22 makes a similar contrast between the
the fool seems incapable of learning (cf 12:23; I 5 :2 )- poor and the liar, the meaning of the first line and its connec-
(18:1-24) The meaning of v. i is unclear. As rendered by the tion with it are uncertain. Wealth attracts friends while pov-
NRSV, it appears to be a comment on the contempt that goes erty repels them (v. 4; cf. 14:20). Friendship with the poor is
hand in hand with a misanthropic isolation (lit. one separ- too demanding. While their relatives may have little choice
ated) from society. but to support them, their friends and neighbours will do all
The law court. Partiality in judgement is condemned in v. 5. they can to avoid them (v. ya). The text of v. yh is obscure and
The Hebrew idiom is 'to raise the face'. This probably reflects may form the remains of a separate saying (cf. NEB, following
the custom of the ruler raising the face of a prostrate subject as the LXX). Over against this matter of fact observation, v. 17
a sign of his favour (cf. Mai 1:8). v. 17 also seems to be commends generosity to the poor. To be kind to the poor
concerned with the legal process. It cautions against reaching puts God into debt and he will pay his debts in full (cf. 14:31;
a premature verdict on the basis of the eloquence with which 22:9).
the case against a defendant is presented. Only when the Zeal without knowledge. In v. 2 'desire' connotes vitality and
defendant has submitted this case to careful cross-examin- drive. The saying complements those that counsel careful
ation can a fair and balanced judgement be reached. To use the planning (e.g. 15:22; 21:5). Zealous and impulsive activity
lot to settle cases the legal processes could not resolve was to carried out without careful forethought and a clear objective
submit them to divine arbitration (v. 18; cf. 16:33). will achieve nothing.
Rich and poor. v. n describes the security and protection Anger, w. n, 19, return to the topic of anger (cf. 14:17). The
provided by wealth from the point of view of the rich and need text of v. 19 is difficult, but the general sense seems to be that
not imply that it is illusory (cf. 10:15). Th£ juxtaposition of v. n to bale the violent-tempered out of the consequences of their
with v. 10, however, underlines that the protection afforded by actions will be counter-productive and will only encourage
wealth is not absolute. It is relative to the vulnerability of the them.
poor (cf. 11:28). In v. 28 the deferential words of the poor as The king. v. 12 repeats the thought of 16:14-15 with a change
they ask for charity are contrasted with the harsh reply of the ofimagery.
rich, who have become hardened to their incessant appeals. Wives and children, v. 13 adds 'ruin' to the grief caused by a
This is expressed simply as a fact of life. foolish child (cf. v. 26; 10:1). The second line may be tongue in
Quarrelling. The Hebrew text of v. 19 is quite obscure. The cheek or from the heart. The following verse (14) is evidently
thought seems to be that the closer the relationship (ally is lit. placed here to contrast the nagging wife with the good wife (cf.
brother), the greater the alienation a quarrel causes and the 12:4; 18:22). The point of the saying seems to be that marriage
more difficult reconciliation becomes. is an uncertain affair. Whereas house and wealth inherited
Words. The power of the tongue is summed up in v. 21. It from parents are known quantities, a newly wed wife is not.
may deal in death and destruction or in life and healing. The Only time will tell whether she is a good or bad wife, and
point of the second line is perhaps that those who love to talk therefore whether she is from the Lord (cf. 18:22). The neces-
must bear the consequences of their words for better or worse. sity to 'discipline' children is emphasized in v. 18. Discipline
Alternatively, the thought may be that the words of those who includes both 'instruction' (cf. w. 20, 27) and the 'chastise-
respect the power of the tongue and cultivate wise speech bear ment' ofthe rod (cf. 13:24). The second line of the verse means
fruit. The satisfaction to be derived from productive and bene- that discipline will save the child from following the paths of
ficial speech is stated in v. 20. v. 4 is better translated: 'the folly and wickedness that lead to death.
words of a man's mouth are deep waters, a flowing brook, a Laziness. A humorous description of a lazy person is given
fountain of wisdom'—a wise man is implied. The metaphors in v. 24. It reflects an incapacity to take in hand even the
express the profundity of his words, and the abundance and simplest of projects and carry it through to a successful end
inexhaustibility of the refreshment and blessing they bring. (cf. v. 15; 6:6-11).
Contrasting with the productive use of the tongue, a small (20:1-30) Drunkenness. Excessive drinking turns a person
group of sayings deal with destructive uses of it. Through his into a mocker and a brawler (v. i; cf. 23: 29-35). It befuddles
malicious and slanderous words, the fool creates disturbance the senses and excites belligerence. The last phrase may mean
and dissension around him and sows the seed of his own ruin to drink to excess is not wise or that it makes a person act
(w. 6-7). The last phrase of v. 7 could also be translated 'a unwisely.
snare to his life', v. 8 comments on the fact that it is a weakness Laziness, v. 4 shows again the inevitable step from laziness
of human nature to find pleasure in listening to gossip. Al- to want (cf. 12:27; I3:4)- Perhaps citing the wet and the cold of
ready 17:4 has implied that listening to slander and gossip is autumn ('in season') as his excuse for not ploughing (cf.
as bad as spreading it. v. 2 remarks the eagerness of fools to air 26:13), the farmer foolishly expects a harvest for which he
their ignorance. Disdainful of the opinion of others, they take has been too lazy to work. v. 13 encapsulates the instruction
every opportunity to express their own. Much the same in 6:6—11 (cf. 19:15; 24:30—4).
thought underlies v. 13. The purpose ofthe heart. The point of v. 5 is evidently that
(19:1—29) Rich andpoor. v. i is almost identical with 28:6, but the deepest thoughts and intentions of the heart can be
there the poor are contrasted with the rich (some emend the fathomed through the patient probing of the wise and
verse accordingly, cf. NEB). Compared to the fool who has lied discerning. Alternatively, it could mean that the wise man's
 417 PROVERBS

skills of articulation and clarification are required before Sacrifices. The priority of righteousness and justice over
a profound plan can be carried into effect (McKane 1970: sacrifices (v. 3; cf. 15:8) is a common prophetic theme (see
536-7). PROV 15:8; cf. Isa 1:11—17; Jer 7^21—6; Hos 6:6; Am 5:21—7; Mic
Loyalty. When put to the test, loyalty and faithfulness (cf 6:6-8), and is illustrated by Saul (i Sam 15). The 'evil intent'
3:3) become scarce commodities (v. 6; cf. 19:22; 25:19; Job compounding the offensiveness of the sacrifices in v. 27 is best
6:14-23). known to the wicked.
The king. Drawing on the same imagery, w. 8, 26, remark Pride, v. 4 is a difficult text. The connection between the first
the king's exercise of justice. The wise king will have the and second lines is obscure. 'Lamp' follows the LXX (Heb.
discernment to see through the schemes concocted by mis- 'ploughing'). The general sense seems to be the sinfulness of
creants to cloak their evil and pull the wool over his eyes, to pride (cf. 6:16—17; I ^ : 5)> complementing such sayings as 16:18
separate truth from falsehood, and his punishment will be and 18:12, which underline its folly (but cf. McKane 1970:
'crushing', v. 28 recalls 16:12 (cf. 25:4-5). Here, however, the 558-9)-
reference could be to God's loyalty and faithfulness' as ex- Wealth. Wealth obtained fraudulently is both 'fleeting' and
pressed in his covenant with the Davidic house (cf. 2 Sam 7:15; lethal (v. 6)—in contrast with Wisdom's wealth, which is
Ps 89:33-4). 'enduring' (8:18) and life-enhancing (3:16-18). 'Snare of
Purity of heart, v. 9 reinforces the deficiencies of human death' follows the LXX. v. 20 contrasts the thrift ofthe wise
evaluation of character and conduct when set beside God's with the profligacy ofthe fool, of which the extravagant self-
weighing ofthe heart (see PROV 16:2). Against this, v. 27 seems indulgence remarked in v. 17 may serve as a case in point.
to imply that conscience is an inner, divine illumination ofthe The righteous and the wicked, v. 12 is obscure, but probably
deepest motives ofthe heart, so that people need not be self- means that God takes note of the house of the wicked and
deceived (but cf. NEB), v. ii makes the quite separate point brings it to ruin. 'The Righteous One' occurs as a divine title in
that the character ofthe adult is already revealed in the con- Job 34:17. If 'ransom' is taken literally, v. 18 would seem to
duct ofthe child. mean that the punishment ofthe wicked discharges the liabil-
Eyes and ears. The point of v. 12 may be either that the ity ofthe righteous to punishment. This seems an improbable
wisdom learned through experience is reliable, since it was thought. The point ofthe saying 'remains an enigma' (Mur-
God who created the eyes and the ears, or that they should be phy 1998: 160).
used to learn wisdom, since that was what they were created Contentious wives, v. 19 suggests that the roof of the house
for. (cf. v. 9; 25:4) is still too close for comfort! The point both
A good bargain, v. 14 gives a humorous picture ofthe buyer sayings make is that any kind of discomfort and privation is
who complains he is being offered inferior goods to get a preferable to the comforts of home where there is domestic
reduction in the price, and then boasts about how clever he strife (cf. 19:13; 27:15-16).
was. Wisdom v. strength. The superiority of wisdom over strength
Going surety, v. 16 (cf. 27:13) is perhaps an ironic warning is the subject ofthe anecdote in v. 22 (cf. 24:5-6, also 16:32).
that the guarantor need expect no mercy from the creditor if The saying reinforces the advice on waging war in 20:18. The
the debtor defaults. Alternatively, it may be advising the cred- wisdom ofthe strategy implemented and the tactics employed
itor to take security from the guarantor when he is under- secures the victory.
writing the debts of a foreigner, since they are a high risk. False witnesses, v. 28 is a further saying on the topic of false
Garments were commonly given as security for loans (cf. Ex witnesses (cf. 12:17). The meaning ofthe second line is ob-
22:25-7; Deut 24:10-13; Am 2:8). scure. The Hebrew is literally 'a man who hears will speak for
Acquiring wealth, v. 17 returns to the theme of ill-gotten gain ever'. The English versions go different ways in wresting
(see PROV 10:2). It is not clear whether v. 21 has in view seizing sense out of this as a contrast to the first line.
the property before the proper time through fraudulent or
violent means (cf. 19:26; 28:24) or illustrates the principle (22:1-16) A good reputation. In v. i the NRSV rightly supplies
'easy come, easy go' (cf. 13:11; 27:24). the word 'good' from the context. Behind the verse lies the
Rash vows. v. 2 5 is a case in point ofthe folly of rash speaking thought that a name is an expression ofthe inner character
(cf. 29:20). Failure to fulfil a vow was a serious matter (cf. and worth of its bearer (cf. Gen 32:28) and that it survives his
Num 30:2; Deut 23:21—3), while fulfilling a rash vow could be or her death (cf. 10:7).
costly (cf. Judg 11:30-40). Rich and poor. v. 2 makes the observation that rich and poor
The rod. v. 30 provides the justification for the counsel of are to be found side by side and that they are equally the
Proverbs not to spare the rod (cf. 13:24; 22:15; 23:I3~J4)- creatures of God (cf. 29:13). No moral is drawn. Similarly,
v. 7 simply notes that the poor end up as slaves of the rich
(21:1-32) God disposes, v. i, 30-1, are further sayings on because of their inability to repay their debts, v. 9 returns to
God's sovereign control of human affairs. God controls the the theme of showing generosity to the poor (cf. 14:31). The
actions and decisions ofthe king to achieve his own purposes Hebrew of v. 16 is cryptic and its meaning elusive (cf. McKane
(v. i; cf. 16:1, 9)—whether as his willing (Ps 78:70) or his 1970: 571-2).
unwitting servant (cf. Jer 25:9). The 'streams' are irrigation Parental discipline, v. 6 emphasizes the importance of par-
channels, which can be directed to where they are needed. ental instruction in the home (cf. 19:18). The Hebrew simply
The best-laid human plans and intentions that do not reads 'according to his way'. This could mean the training
conform to God's purposes will come to nothing (v. 30; cf. must be tailored to the individual child, but the NRSV is
Ps 33:10-11). doubtless correct in interpreting it as the way in which the
PROVERBS 418

child ought to go. v. 15 again reinforces the value of the rod in wealth the chief goal in life is to pursue a mirage: no sooner
educating children (cf. 3:24). here than gone. Amen-em-ope likewise advises: 'Toil not after
Laziness. The lazy person's inventiveness in making ex- riches ... They have made for themselves wings like geese,
cuses for doing nothing is quite remarkable (v. 13; cf. 26:13). And have flown into the heaven.' w. 6-8, 'the stingy' is
The seductress, v. 14 resumes a central theme of the first literally 'one with an evil eye' (cf. 28:22), as contrasted with
section of the book. 'Mouth' recalls the seductive speech of the 'generous' ('one with a good eye', 22:9). While the miser
the loose woman (cf. 5:3), but in conjunction with 'pit' it may affects to be a generous host ('eat and drink') his hospitality is
also imply the entrance to the underworld (cf. 1:12; 2:18-19; insincere. When his guests see through him they will 'vomit'
5:5. 27)- with disgust and rue every friendly word wasted on him. The
expression rendered 'like a hair in the throat' is uncertain. An
Sayings of the Wise (22:17-24:22) alternative rendering is 'like one who is inwardly reckoning'
This section is primarily in the form of a series of short (RSV).
parental instructions (cf. 23:15, 22; 24:13, 21). It has affinities w. lo-n warn against the appropriation of the land of the
with the Egyptian Instruction of Amen-em-ope (see examples defenceless through the removal of the boundary stones (cf.
below) and is widely held to be dependent on it, with its 'thirty 15:25; 22:28). Where there is no human kinsman to defend
sayings' (22:20) modelled on the 'thirty chapters' of Amen-em- their rights (cf. Lev 25:25; Ruth 4), God himself will become
ope. However, the parallels extend only as far as 23:11 and the their redeemer (cf. 22:23). Amen-em-ope likewise warns: 'Do
nature and extent of the dependence is a matter of debate. In not carry off the landmark at the boundaries of the arable
the course of its adaptation the material has been made to land... Be not greedy after a cubit of land, Nor encroach upon
serve the wider educational goals of Proverbs, including in- the boundaries of the widow.' w. 13-14, yet again the value of
culcation of trust in the Lord (22:19). the rod in the disciplining of children is affirmed (cf. 13:24;
(22:17-29) w. 17-21 are an introduction. The heading has 20:30; 22:15). That the child 'will not die' could mean that it
been extracted from the Hebrew 'hear the words of the will not suffer irreparable harm. However, the parallelism
wise', generally assumed to have been incorporated into with 'Sheol' suggests it means that the rod will save the child
v. 17 by mistake for 'hear my words' (LXX). Amen-em-ope from following the paths that lead to death and direct him
begins with a similar appeal for attentiveness: 'Give thy along the path of life (cf. 13:14; 15:24). w. 19—21, the child is
ears, hear what is said, Give thy heart to understand warned to avoid the company of drunkards and gluttons.
them.' There is also a striking parallel between v. 21 and the Excessive eating and drinking are marks of indiscipline and
statement of the purpose of Amen-em-ope: 'to know how to sure routes to inertia and ultimately to poverty.
return an answer to him who said it, and to direct a report to w. 26—8, once again warning is given against the seduc-
one who has sent him', w. 22—3 concern the oppression of the tress. She is portrayed both as a huntress who traps her
poor. They warn against using the legal system ('at the gate') victims (cf. 7:22-3) and as a robber who lies in wait for
as an instrument for the exploitation and oppression of the them (cf. 7:12). The depth and narrowness of the 'pit' ensures
poor (cf. Isa 10:1-2; Am 5:12). God is their protector and will her victims will be well and truly caught (cf. Jer 38:6—13).
take up their cause (cf. Ex 22:22—4). w- 24~5> concerning The pit probably also represents the gateway to Sheol
hotheads Amen-em-ope gives the same advice: 'Do not asso- (cf. 2:18-19; 5:5> 27> 22:14). w- 29~35 giye a portrait of the
ciate to thyself the heated man, Nor visit him for conversa- drunkard comparable in its vividness to the portrait of
tion'. It also contrasts the heated man (cf. 15:18) with the cool the seductress in chs. 1—9. 'Sparkles' (v. 31) is literally 'gives
or silent man (cf. 17:27) in language reminiscent of Ps i: the its eye'. The 'eye' and 'smoothness' (cf. Song 7:9) of wine has
one will flourish like a 'tree growing in a garden' while the the same seductive power to bewitch and captivate as the
other will be cut down and used as firewood. The 'ways' of glances and smooth words of the seductress (cf. 6:24-5). m
hotheads are strewn with snares and are ultimately the way both cases the reality belies the promise of pleasure and
of death. enjoyment ('at the last', v. 32; 'in the end', 5:4). w. 29, 33—5,
w. 26—7 warn that penury beckons the imprudent guaran- describe the degenerative effects—both physical and men-
tor. See PROV 6:1-6; 20:16. v. 29, the term rendered 'skilful' tal—on its victims.
means a scribe in Ps 45:1 and Ezra 7:6. The saying advises (24:1-22) w. 3-4 echo the building of the house by the
that the scribe who carries out his duties efficiently and woman Wisdom in 9:1. While the primary meaning of the
judiciously may expect the highest promotion in the king's saying is that wisdom is the key to the prosperity of the family,
service. Amen-em-ope similarly observes: 'As for the scribe who it might also imply that it is the key to healthy and harmonious
is experienced in his office, He will find himself worthy to be a family relationships, w. 5-6 compare wisdom and strength.
courtier.' See PROV 21:22; cf. also 20:18. v. 7 observes an occasion when
(23:1—35) w. 1—3 give some further advice abouttable manners the silence of fools is indicative of their character (cf. 17:28). At
to aspiring royal employees. To 'put a knife to your throat' is a assemblies to debate the affairs of the community the fool is
forceful expression for 'curb your appetite'. The description of out of his depth, with nothing of value to contribute. So he
the royal fare as 'deceptive food' (lit. bread of lies) may imply keeps silent.
that an ulterior motive lies behind the king's hospitality or w. ii—12 speak of divine scrutiny. The situation envisaged
may simply mean that it can prove a courtier's undoing. The in v. ii is not altogether clear (cf. McKane 1970: 400—2).
king will take note of the glutton and assume he is just as The reference may be to prisoners who have been wrong-
uncouth in carrying out his duties, w. 4-5, to make accruing fully condemned to death. Every effort should be made to
 419 PROVERBS

secure their release. Feigning ignorance of their plight will be concerning the context of individual sayings raised in
exposed as callous indifference under the scrutiny of the one connection with 10:1—22:16 arises here also, though topical
'who weighs the heart' and judges accordingly (cf 16:2; 21:2). or thematic groupings are now more evident, especially in
If v. 10 belongs with w. 11-12—as presupposed by the chs. 25-6.
NRSV—then neither would the claim to be powerless to (25:1-28) w. 2-7 form a short series of sayings centred on
intervene bear examination. However, it is more likely the king (cf. 16:9-15). While God is appropriately surrounded
that this is a separate saying counselling perseverance in in mysteries no one can fathom, the king must take steps
adversity, w. 13-14, the eating of honey is commended for to investigate all that goes on in his kingdom (v. 2; cf. 2
its sweetness and health-giving properties and then becomes Sam 14:20). v. 3 points to the profundity of the king's
an analogy for the pleasure and benefits of wisdom (cf. 16:24; mind and so to the unpredictability of his decisions—which
contrast 5:3). w. 15—16, this instruction recalls 1:8—19. Violence enhance his power and authority. The next saying (w. 4—5)
against the righteous is self-destructive. While the righteous reiterates the point of 16:12 through a comparison between
may fall down any number of times under the onslaughts refining silver and rooting out the wicked. Further advice
of the wicked, they will always recover. The wicked will not is given to royal officials in w. 6-712 (cf. 23:1-3). On state
(cf. w. 19—20). w. 17—18 warn against gloating when misfor- occasions, the best strategy is that they take their place
tune befalls an enemy. This is as displeasing to God as with the lower ranks, for then they may receive a public
their enmity and may provoke God to divert his anger acknowledgement of their worth to the king if they are
from the enemy to the one who gloats, w. 21—2, the final asked to join the higher ranks (cf. Lk 14:7—11). v. 15 probably
saying counsels respect for God and king. In 2ib the NRSV has in view royal counsellors. Gentle but persistent persua-
follows the LXX. The Hebrew text reads 'do not associate sion will break down even the hardest resistance to their
with those who change', where 'to change' may have the advice.
sense of advocating change. It may therefore be a warning w. 7/7-8 warn against impetuous litigation. It is not clear
not to take part in conspiracies against the king. The whether w. 9—10 also refer to litigation or to pursuing a
LXX contains a further five verses mainly on the wrath of quarrel in public through slanderous accusations and
the king. breaches of confidence. This will earn the culprit a bad
reputation as one who is disloyal and untrustworthy. The
Further Sayings of the Wise (24:23-34) wise course is to keep a quarrel private and to settle it in
This short collection evidently forms an appendix to 22:17— private. A word 'fitly spoken'—i.e. well expressed and well
24:22, though in the LXX the sayings of Agur in 30:1—14 timed—is a product of great artistry, beauty, and value (v. n;
come between w. 22 and 23. cf. 15:23). The artistic design envisaged is unclear. In v. 12 a
Judges and witnesses, w. 23-5, 28, warn against the corrup- similar comparison is made with the marriage between a wise
tion of justice through the partiality of the judges (cf. 18:5; rebuke and a listening ear. An 'earring' is perhaps meant, v. 16,
28:21) or the false testimony of witnesses. The expression even healthy things (cf. 24:13) in excess can become
'without cause' (v. 28) could mean 'without necessity' (mis- harmful. The application of the imagery in v. 27 is obscure.
chievously) or 'without grounds' (falsely). Either way it The NRSV assumes a slight emendation of the Hebrew
amounts to perjury (v. 28/7). v. 29 may be an independent text, which makes little sense as it stands ('searching out
saying on taking revenge (cf. 20:22) or may uncover the their honour is honour'). Too much honour can also be too
motive for the perjury, v. 27 advises the young farmer to much of a good thing, v. 17, a neighbour's hospitality
ensure that he is financially secure before he begins to build should not be abused. The Instruction ofAni likewise counsels,
a house and raise a family. The advice is widely applicable. 'Do not go freely to your neighbour's house, but enter it only
w. 30—4 form an example story (cf. 7:6—23) reinforcing the when you are invited.'
lesson drawn from the industry of the ant in 6:10-11. They The significance of the 'coals of fire' in v. 22 is unclear. It
also provide a good example of how instruction may be may reflect an Egyptian ritual practice in which a brazier of
received through the eye as well as the ear ('saw... consider- burning charcoal was held on the head as a sign of shame and
ed... received instruction', v. 32). remorse. In any event the point of the saying is probably that
by meeting hostility with kindness (v. 21) the enemy will have
The Second 'Solomonic' Collection (2y.i-2Cj-.27) a change of heart and be reconciled (cf. 16:7) and not that it
will heap punishment upon them. Cf. Amen-em-ope: 'Fill his
According to the heading in 25:1, these chapters form a belly with bread of yours, so that he shall be satisfied and
further collection of Solomonic proverbs, transmitted and ashamed' (cf. Rom 12:20-1). v. 25 reflects on the refreshment
edited by royal scribes (if that is what the rather vague 'copied and revitalization that comes with the receipt of good news (cf.
by the men' implies) during the reign of Hezekiah. As with 15:30; Gen 45:25—8. In 13:12 the 'healing' brought about by a
the first collection in 10:1-22:16, differences in style and sub- faithful messenger (cf. v. 13) is contrasted with trouble caused
ject-matter suggest it may have been compiled from two by a bad messenger.
originally separate collections: chs. 25—7 and chs. 28—9. The
first part is characterized by its many similes—often drawing (26:1-28) The first twelve verses (except v. 2) form a series of
comparisons with nature—and its 'earthy' tone. Antithetic sayings on the 'fool', w. i, 8, probably have in view the promo-
parallelism is rare. The second part contains a high propor- tion of the fool to a position of public responsibility in the
tion of antithetical sayings and is predominantly moral and community. This is a gross distortion of what is right and
religious in tone after the manner of chs. 10—15. Th£ question proper (v. i) and utterly absurd (v. 8), for fools are neither
PROVERBS 420

worthy of such honour nor capable of discharging their duties 'can be trusted') as compared to the deceitful kisses of a Judas.
responsibly, w. 4—5 point to the dilemma of how best to The second line of v. 9 is difficult: literally, 'the sweetness of
respond to a fool. To speak up runs the risk of descending to his friend from the counsel of the soul', which may mean
his level (v. 4), while to keep silent means their conceit will go that the counsel of a friend sweetens the soul. The NRSV
unchecked (v. 5). It is a test of wisdom to know whether silence follows the LXX, making it a reflection along the lines of
or reprimand is the lesser of two evils in the circumstances. To 15:13. v. 10 is another difficult verse, seeming to contain three
send a message with a fool is counter-productive (v. 6). Instead sayings. The second is at odds with 17:17. The sense may be
of receiving the help of their legs, it is like cutting off one's 'don't pester them with your problems' (cf. 25:17). The NEB
own legs and will have harmful consequences. While the text omits the line. The loud and untimely greeting in v. 14 could
of v. 10 is difficult, it too appears to warn of the dangers of be a mark of inconsiderateness, but it is more probably of
employing a fool, comparing the damage the fool will do to insincerity—akin to the profuse kisses of v. 6. v. 17 observes
that of an archer firing arrows indiscriminately. Both w. 7 and the necessity and value of social interaction with friends and
9 make the point that the fool is incapable of the effective use adversaries alike to sharpen the mind and shape the character
of proverbs. The proverb will invariably be misapplied or (lit. face).
mistimed, and fall limp' to the ground. The imagery of v. 9 v. 15 repeats the thought of 19:13/7. With most modern
is less clear. The rendering of the NRSV implies that the fool's versions, the translation of v. 16 in the NRSV is an attempt
proverb wreaks havoc and causes injury. Alternatively, the to wrest sense out of a difficult Hebrew text—which is prob-
point may be that the proverb makes not the slightest im- ably meaningless as it stands—on the assumption that it is
pact—any more than a drunkard feels a thorn piercing his connected with the preceding verse. Such a wife is as un-
hand (cf. RSV). controllable as a gust of wind or oil grasped in the hand. As
The law made provision for the pronouncing of curses, construed by the NRSV, the point of v. 19 seems to be that
particularly in cases where the guilty might escape detection knowledge of one's character comes through observing the
(Deut 27:15—26). v. 2 adds that a malicious curse targeting an character of others. The Hebrew is enigmatic, however, and
innocent victim will fly harmlessly past. could equally mean that the heart reflects the character or that
w. 13-16 centre on lazy people, sketching with humour self-knowledge comes through self-examination. The image
their attachment to their beds, the preposterous excuses they in v. 20 is of Sheol as a monster with a voracious appetite for
make for doing nothing, and their inability to finish what they human victims (cf. 1:12; 30:16). Human desires and ambition
started—while all the time deluding themselves that they are are just as insatiable. It may also be implied they are just as
wiser than any number of intelligent people. The 'meddler' in ruthless. Just as the value of silver or gold is tested in the
v. 17 is probably not a well-intending peacemaker but the crucible, so the worth of a person's character is tested by their
quarreller of v. 21. To 'meddle' is literally 'become excited'. reputation (v. 21; cf. v. 2). The instruction in w. 23—7 com-
This kind of person thrives on strife and enjoys pouring fuel mends the pastoral life as providing the best and most endur-
on quarrels—whether those of their own making or by inter- ing kind of wealth. Whereas riches are fickle and fleeting (cf.
fering in the quarrels of others, v. 20 observes the role of 23:4—5), flocks are assets which do not dwindle but are re-
talebearing in fuelling and perpetuating a quarrel (cf. v. 22). newed each spring at the lambing season, and they will pro-
In v. 23 'smooth lips' follows the reading of the LXX, referring vide for all the household needs. According to Van Leeuwen
to flattery (cf. 28; 29:5). The Hebrew reads 'burning lips', (1988: 137), the instruction is 'addressed to the king (and his
perhaps meaning warm protestations of friendship. Either court) as "shepherd" of his people'.
way it is speech that lacks honesty and cloaks malice.
(28:1—28) v. i takes up the theme of the confidence of the
Thus, w. 24-6 warn against the kind of enemy (lit. one
righteous to walk securely through life with unfaltering step
who hates) who conceals his malice behind a veneer of
in contrast with the fearfulness of the wicked, who are
friendly words. 'Seven abominations' may look back to
weighed down by a guilty conscience and dread of the inevit-
6:16—19, but more likely it means that the enemy harbours
able punishment (cf. w. 10, 18). In v. 14 the contrast may be
any number of malicious thoughts and intentions. Sooner or
between those who 'fear' the Lord and the impious or wicked
later, however, the duplicity and treachery will be publicly
(cf. RSV), though a different Hebrew word for 'fear' is used.
exposed.
The NEB renders 'scrupulous in conduct', which may imply
(27:1-27) v. i is directed against an arrogant confidence in fear of sin and its consequences. The theme of w. 12, 28, is
one's ability to control the future, and so reinforces the theme the consequences for good or ill within the body politic
of the limitations of human planning (cf. 16:9; 19:21). Amen- when either the righteous or the wicked hold the reins of
cm-opc expresses a similar thought: 'Man knoweth not what power (cf. 11:10-11). The verb translated 'go into hiding' in
the morrow will be, The events of the morrow are in the hands v. 12 is literally 'are sought out', which probably means 'are
of God.' Jealousy is more overwhelming and destructive than hunted down', providing the reason why they hide themselves
anger (v. 4; cf. 6:34—5). Th£ image is of floodwaters sweeping (v. 28).
all before it (lit. a flood of anger; cf. Isa 28:2). The Hebrew text of v. 2 is obscure, especially the second
In w. 5-6 a frank and sharp word of censure, however line. As translated by the NRSV it compares the political
hurtful at the time, is contrasted with a misguided love which instability of the land during times of rebellion—with its
turns a blind eye to the faults of others (cf. 10:10; 28:23), an(^ succession of rulers and different factions vying for power—
with hypocritical expressions of affection, however profuse. and its stability under a good and capable ruler. The NEB
'Well meant' might be better rendered 'trustworthy' (cf. NIV, follows the LXX in making it a saying about quarrelling. In
 421 PROVERBS
v. 3 'ruler' rests on a slight emendation of the Hebrew for 'a not always just: God alone is the unfailing source of justice.
poor person', which makes better sense, v. 15 makes the same 'Flatters' (v. 5) is literally 'makes smooth'. The flatterer's words
point with different imagery, while v. 16 observes that rulers are in the same debased currency of deceit and duplicity as the
who abuse their power in this way will be as short-lived as they words of the seductress (cf. 2:16; 5:3; 26:23, 2&)-
are short-sighted. Poverty with integrity is preferable to riches To enter into litigation with a fool is not worth the trouble
with perversity (v. 6; cf. 15:16; 16:8; 22:1; see also 19:1). The (v. 9). A fool is incapable of calm and reasoned debate and it is
rich may be inflated by a sense of their own importance, but a not likely that the matter will be satisfactorily resolved (cf.
poor person with intelligence will see through their preten- 26:4-5). v- Z3 is a variant on 22:2. The first line ofv. 18 affirms
sion (v. n). that without prophecy (lit. (prophetic) vision) social anarchy
The charging of interest (v. 8) on loans to fellow Israel- prevails, and the second line pronounces blessing on those
ites was condemned in the law (cf. Ex 22:25; Lev 25:36—7). who obey the law of God. Divine revelation through prophecy
'Exorbitant interest' is literally 'interest and increase', the and law is essential to the harmony and well-being of society
former indicating interest deducted from the loan and the and of individuals within it. McKane (1970: 640-1) suggests
latter interest added to the loan. The saying asserts that the saying proposes obedience to the law as the solution to the
the wealth thereby amassed will pass to a kind person, indiscipline resulting from the cessation of the age of pro-
who will share it among those from whom it was taken. phecy, v. 24 deals with the failure of a person to step forward as
w. 20, 22, are directed against those who 'hasten to be rich'. a witness when publicly adjured (lit. hears the curse, as in Lev
The 'miser' is literally 'one with an evil eye' (v. 22; cf. 23:6). 5:1) because they are an accomplice of the thief and will only
The phrase probably implies not only their greed and self- implicate themselves. In this way they bring the 'curse' on
ishness but also their lack of moral scruples in their pur- their own heads.
suit of wealth. It is the 'faithful' (v. 20) who will be blessed
with wealth, while they will be punished (cf. also v. 25). In v. 9 The Sayings ofAgur (30:1-33 J
'law' probably refers to the divine law rather than the This collection is ascribed to an otherwise unknown sage. In
teaching of wisdom (cf. v. 4). God will turn a deaf ear to the heading, the word 'oracle' translates Hebrew massa'.
the prayers of those who turn a deaf ear to him (cf. 15:8, 29). While this could describe the sayings as a prophetic type
The person who confesses and repents of their sins will 'revelation' (cf. Hab 1:1) it is more likely that it designates the
receive divine mercy and forgiveness (v. 13). The verse is tribe or place of Massa in northern Arabia (Gen 25:14) to
unique in Proverbs. which Agur belonged (RSV). In that case, Proverbs has pre-
(29:1-27) When the wicked are in power, the people served the sayings of a non-Israelite sage (cf. also 31:1). It is
groan under an intolerable burden as injustice and violence possible that Agur's sayings do not extend beyond v. 14. These
flourish unchecked (w. 2, 16). But righteousness will in verses are separate from w. 15—33 in me LXX—w. 1—14 follow-
the end prevail (cf. 11:10—n; 28:12, 28). v. 6 is a further reflec- ing 24:22 and w. 15—33 following 24:34. Opinion is divided on
tion on the confidence of the righteous in contrast with the whether they end before v. 14 (at w. 4, 6, or 9).
snares the wicked weave for themselves through their evil v. ib in the Hebrew is very cryptic and obscure. However, the
activities. In a similar vein, v. 25 contrasts the snare of rendering of the NRSV is preferable to the RSV ('The man
'fear of others'—which breeds anxiety and may also breed says to Ithiel, to Ithiel and Ucal'—presumably his sons or
wrongdoing—with the security to be found in trusting disciples). In w. 2-3 Agur confesses his lack of knowledge of
God (cf. 3:5-8). To 'know the rights of the poor' (v. 7) means God and his lack of wisdom. While 'holy ones' could refer to
to actively promote justice for the poor. The wicked care the divine council (cf. Ps 89:5—7), it is better taken as a refer-
nothing about their rights. The 'men of blood' (v. 10) recalls ence to God himself, the Holy One (cf. 9:10). Agur's words
the robbers and murderers of 1:8-19. Th£ 'blameless' may may be in part ironic, directed against the wise who professed
be their innocent victims (cf. 1:11) but more probably those a deep understanding of God and his ways (cf. Eccl 8:17). The
who oppose them and seek to bring them to justice. The rhetorical questions in v. 4, like those in Job 38—41, emphasize
English versions go different ways in making appropriate the inscrutability of God's ways. To ascend and descend to and
sense of the second line (lit. and the upright seek from the heavens is a biblical and ancient Near-Eastern motif
his life). The Hebrew implies an antithesis, so that here, for the arrogant attempt to attain knowledge of eternal truth
unusually, to 'seek his life' may mean to 'seek to preserve his and become like the gods (cf. Perdue 1994:117—19). The ironic
life' or to 'seek his well-being'. challenge at the end ofv. 4 is to produce such a person. God
Justice is the key to the stability of the king's throne and of alone has the power and wisdom to rule his creation and is
his kingdom (w. 4,14). The king whose main preoccupation is enveloped in mystery which human wisdom is unable to
to build up and enhance the splendour of his kingdom fathom. While it is not clear whether w. 5—6 originally be-
through crippling taxation sows the seeds of its dissolution longed with the preceding verses, they give reassurance that
(cf. i Sam 8:11-18; i Kings 12). The king who listens to lies will God has made himself known through his 'word'. This may
be quickly surrounded by corrupt officials (v. 12)—and his refer to the canonical Scriptures. The term rendered 'proves
throne will be equally undermined (cf. 16:12; 25:5). The first true' is used of refining metals (Ps 12:6) and means that God's
line ofv. 26 may refer to currying royal 'favours' (lit. face) or to word is unalloyed or that it has stood the test. The warning
seeking an audience for a legal decision. In the latter case, the not to add to or subtract from it echoes Deut 4:2; 12:32 (cf
second line either reaffirms that God's decisions underlie Rev 22:18-19). m me f°rm of a prayer (unique in Proverbs),
those of the king (cf. 16:10; 21:10) or reflects that kings are w. 7—9 counsel contentment with God's provision of the basic
PROVERBS 422

necessities of life. Wealth can lead to self-sufficiency and the their own voice heard in defence of their legal rights: the poor
denial of God, while poverty is just as likely to lead to stealing and needy and the destitute (w. 8—9).
and the profanation of God's name. w. 15—16 contain two
related sayings on unsatisfied desires. The first (150) is a The Good Wife (31:10-31)
comment on human greed. That might also be the point of These verses are in the form of an acrostic poem, in which
the second saying or it may be a comment on the barren each one begins with a successive letter of the Hebrew alpha-
womb. Like the desire of Sheol for human victims (cf. 1:12), bet. As characterized in the poem, the good wife is an indus-
the earth for water, and the fire for fuel, the desire of barren trious housewife; a shrewd businesswoman; an enterprising
women for children is never satisfied. It is not clear what the trader; a generous benefactor (v. 20); and a wise teacher
'way' of the eagle, the snake, and the ship on the high seas (v. 26). Her husband has complete confidence in her, since
have in common with one another, and even less clear what he knows that his wealth and his reputation are safe in her
the 'way' of a man with a woman has in common with them hands (w. 11-12; cf. 23). The key to her industry, acumen,
(w. 18-19). That human sexuality is mysterious and marvel- kindness, and wisdom is that she 'fears the LORD' (v. 30).
lous may dilute the point, w. 21—3 describe as earth-shattering Like Wisdom herself, such a wife is a priceless treasure who
events four inversions of the social order. The point could be is worthy of praise (w. 10, 28—31; cf. 3:13—18).
that people who experience a dramatic change in fortune In view of the emphasis given to the dangers of loose
become unbearable or that social upheaval threatens cosmic women in chs. 1-9, it would be fitting for the book to end by
order. The general theme of w. 24—8 is 'small but wise'. Ants directing the attention of prospective bridegrooms to the ideal
are commended for foresight (cf. 6:6—8); badgers for ingenu- wife. Certainly, to have such a wife would be a gift from God
ity; locusts for discipline; and the lizard for adeptness at get- (18:22)! It is probable, however, that the passage does not
ting into places. Wisdom and not strength is the key to success merely sum up the ideal wife but also the ideals of wisdom.
(cf. 16:32). w. 29—31 evidently compare the majestic bearing of The good wife may be a final personification of Wisdom,
a king in procession with the proud gait of the lion, the strut of completing the portrait of the woman Wisdom as house-
the rooster and the he-goat. The second animal is literally 'one builder in 9:1-6: 'In chapter 31 Wisdom is a faithful wife
girt of loins', i.e. 'the strutter', usually taken with the LXX as and skilled mistress of her household, finally settled down
referring to the cock, though other animals such as the with her own' (McCreesh 1985: 46).
warhorse have been proposed. The Hebrew text of the last
line (v. 31/7) is obscure.
REFERENCES
The Words of Lemuel (31:1-9)
Camp, C. V. (1985), Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs
In this passage the queen-mother instructs her son on his (Sheffield: JSOT).
duty to administer justice. King Lemuel is otherwise un- McCreesh, T. P. (1985), 'Wisdom as Wife: Proverbs 31:10-31', RB 92:
known. As in 30:1, 'oracle' translates Hebrew massif and 25-46.
may designate a tribe or region in northern Arabia. This McKane, W (1970), Proverbs: A New Approach, OTL (London: SCM).
gains some added support by the presence of Aramaic words Martin, J. (1995), Proverbs, OTG (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press).
in the text (e.g. fear, 'son', for Heb. ben). Although the role of
Murphy, R. E. (1998), Proverbs, WBC (Nashville: Thomas Nelson).
the queen-mother is unusual, the vocational intent of the Perdue, L. G. (1994), Wisdom and Creation: The Theology of the Wisdom
passage brings it particularly close to Egyptian instruction, Literature (Nashville: Abingdon).
especially those concerned with the training of future mon- von Rad, G. (1972), Wisdom in Israel (London: SCM). German original,
archs (e.g. the Instruction of Merikare). 1970.
Appealing to his filial respect as a son for his mother and his Skehan, P. W. (1972), Studies in Israelite Poetry and Wisdom, CBQMS i
birth as an answer to prayer (v. 2; cf. i Sam 1:11), the queen- (Washington: Catholic Biblical Association).
mother warns her son against sexual promiscuity and drunk- Van Leeuwen, R. C. (1988), Context and Meaning in Proverbs 25—27,
enness (w. 3—5). One will sap the strength and the other will SBLDS 96 (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
anaesthetize the mind, rendering the king physically and Westermann, C. (1995), -Roots of Wisdom: The Oldest Proverbs of Israel
and Other Peoples (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. German original,
morally incapable of administering justice. While the 1990).
wretched seek oblivion in alcohol (w. 6—7), a king cannot Wilson, F. M. (1987), 'Sacred and Profane? The Yahwistic Redaction of
afford to become oblivious to their wretchedness. Rather he Proverbs Reconsidered', in K. G. Hoglund (ed.), The Listening Heart,
must speak on behalf of the 'dumb', i.e. those unable to make JSOTSup 58 (Sheffield: JSOT), 313-33.
 2o. Ecclesiastes STUART W E E K S

INTRODUCTION
A. Author and Date. Most of this book takes the form of a Conventionally translated 'vanity', the literal sense of this
monologue, spoken by a character called '(the) Qoheleth' term is probably 'a breath of wind', but it is more often used
('the Teacher'): its author has adopted the common ancient metaphorically, to suggest transience, uselessness, or decep-
habit of setting philosophical discussion within speeches, and tiveness. No single implication seems to suit all its occur-
he probably comments on his own character's words in 12:9— rences in this book, where it is closely associated with
10. We know little about this author, but the book's language another expression: refut ruah (1:14, 2:11, 17, 26; 4:4, 6; 6:9;
does include a number of Aramaic terms and loanwords from cf. the similar rafyon ruah in 1:17; 4:16). A comparable phrase
Persian, and has certain characteristics which are more com- in Hos 12:1 suggests that this latter means 'pursuing the
mon in post-biblical Hebrew than in the Bible. Despite some wind', and it is probably used here to evoke the sense of
attempts to explain these as dialectal, it is widely agreed that frustration inherent in attempts to achieve the impossible
they point to a late date of composition. Since the work seems (cf. Fox 1989).
to have been known by Ben Sira, a date between about the fifth
and second centuries BCE seems probable, and it is most likely
COMMENTARY
to have been composed in the latter part of this period. The
lack of an ancient Septuagint version may be telling in this 'All is Vanity' (1:1-11)
respect: the Greek 'Ecclesiastes' is probably the work of Aquila
or his followers. The Greek title reflects an early attempt to (1:1) Qoheleth is described as a Davidic king, and this is
translate 'Qoheleth': the original meaning of this name or title picked up in 1:12, which claims that he ruled Israel from
is uncertain, although it may be connected with ideas of Jerusalem: if the term 'Israel' here is meant to include the
'summoning' or 'gathering'. northern kingdom, then, since the only descendants of
David to rule it were Solomon and the far-from-wise Reho-
B. Content. Qoheleth's ideas are notoriously confusing and
boam, a claim to Solomonic authorship is apparently in-
contradictory, but some continuity is visible across the book.
tended, though never stated outright. However, sometimes
Qoheleth views the world as changeless, with humans unable Judah is referred to as 'Israel'.
to comprehend its workings or to make any lasting impact
upon it; within their society, moreover, injustice is rampant (1:2) The motto, 'vanity of vanities', appears again in 12:8, at
and the future unpredictable. All this is attributed to God's the end of the teaching, while the key term 'vanity' (hebd)
deliberate design, but leads Qoheleth to ask just what humans recurs frequently as a comment on situations described in the
should do to get the best from life in such a world. His answer, book.
after reflection on his own experiences, is that humans should (1:3-11) The rhetorical question in v. 3 picks up the claim
simply enjoy what they have: they are in no position to seek that all is hebd, and the poem that follows portrays a world
more, and greater comprehension is a source only of unhap- which is impervious to human effort. While human gener-
piness. ations each pass into oblivion, nature continues regardless,
Set against all this, though, is an attempt to justify God, and and itself reaches no fruition or consummation. Without
to affirm the reality of divine judgement. This sits uncomfort- change, there is no novelty, and without effect, no satisfaction.
ably beside the book's other assertions, leading many scholars Qoheleth describes a world without progress or culmination,
to suspect either that the book has undergone secondary where everything has been done before, but, unremembered,
editing by a more orthodox writer, or that the views of others will be done again. This is not an assertion that the world
are being quoted. Either is possible, but it is no less likely that follows cycles or patterns: although the sun, rather comically,
this disharmony is original, and it is explicable in two ways. hurries panting back to its starting place, the other phenom-
First, several ancient works show a strong interest in incon- ena are not cyclical, merely ceaseless, v. 8 suggests the
sistency as a phenomenon: the demotic instruction on Pa- inadequacy of human speech and senses for any comprehen-
pyrus Insinger, most famously, juxtaposes contradictory sion of this endlessness: 'All words are exhausted: a person
'truths' to argue, like Qoheleth, that divine power is supreme will never manage to speak [of it], an eye will never see
and unknowable. Secondly, Qoheleth's monologue is pre- enough, and an ear will never be filled as it listens' (my tr.).
sented as the conclusions of a wise man reflecting on his Qoheleth rejects not only any actual human progress in
experience, but the book seems suspicious of such claims to innovation and understanding, but the very possibility of
wisdom: self-contradiction is, therefore, embedded at its deep- such progress.
est level, and the work's aims may include a critical, ironic
look at the limitations and contradictions of wisdom re- Memoir (1:12-2:26)
presented by Qoheleth and his speech. This fictional memoir describes Qoheleth's own, futile quest
In his commentary upon the world and his own observa- for understanding, which leads him to conclude that humans
tions, Qoheleth resorts frequently to a single word, hebd. can do no more than enjoy what they have been given. The
ECCLESIASTES 424

generalities of the introductory section now give way to a style (2:22—6) As the section nears its conclusion, Qoheleth
more characteristic of the book as a whole, in which Qoheleth echoes the question originally asked in 1:3, adding emphasis
takes claims of personal experience as the context or basis for by the observation that humans suffer for their work. Now he
his assertions. He begins by associating himself with the offers an answer of sorts: all that he has found rewarding is
famously wise and wealthy Solomon, which allows him to pleasure in work, and he proposes that mortals can do no
claim that he had the power and resources necessary for the better than to eat, drink, and enjoy what they do. At this point,
subsequent experiments. We hear no more of this royal status though, he attempts to explore a theological justification for
after the device has served its purpose, but the equally im- his carpe diem conclusion: the ability to enjoy life, or perhaps
plausible claim in 1:14, that Qoheleth has seen 'all the deeds the ability to know that one should enjoy life, is a divine
that are done under the sun', is echoed several times in the dispensation granted only to those who please God; those
book. who do not are condemned to toil on their behalf. That im-
(1:12—18) The section begins with a pair of units, in each of plies, though, a social analysis with which Qoheleth later
which Qoheleth presents his credentials for undertaking a shows himself to be uncomfortable: those who are suffering
specific enquiry, then summarizes the result of that enquiry and working on behalf of others are the sinners, and those
before finishing with a short aphorism. In the first he sets out who enjoy themselves, while others work for them, are the
to observe all that is done in the world, using his wisdom, and righteous.
concludes that all is hebel and refut ruah. The unit finishes 'Everything Suitable for its Time' (3:1-15)
with an aphorism which again denies any human ability to
affect the world. In the Egyptian Instruction of Ani, which After his foray into kingship, Qoheleth now returns to the
includes a debate about the efficacy of education, the principal ideas of 1:3-11, but retains the interest in divine action found at
character asserts that a crooked stick can be straightened: any the end of the last section. A poem in w. 2-8 illustrates the
direct reference to that text here is unlikely, but it does em- claim of v. i, that every action or event will come to pass, and
phasize Qoheleth's distance from more optimistic ideas of v. ii further explains that God has made each 'suitable for its
human effectiveness. The second line of the aphorism seems time'. Although the poem is often taken as a celebration of this
so patently obvious that some scholars have suggested fact, with each and every action given its own appropriate
emendation, but it does sum up Qoheleth's enquiry: he hour, the context suggests that, for Qoheleth, it is more a
searches out all deeds, but finds nothing to measure. The source of resignation. In w. 14—15, the point originally made
unit w. 16—18 follows the same pattern as w. 12—15, but in 1:9-10 is picked up: what has happened will happen again,
Qoheleth's enquiry is now into wisdom itself, which was the and there can be no innovation. Now, though, this situation is
tool he used in the first enquiry, and into its opposites. His explicitly attributed to divine action, with God creating and
conclusion is again pessimistic: wisdom and knowledge maintaining a sealed system, in which nothing has a begin-
merely enhance vexation and sorrow. ning or an end, but everything has its day. It is against this
background that Qoheleth repeats his now familiar question:
(2:1—11) After this presentation of results, the section moves 'what gain have the workers from their toil?' God has given
on to a more detailed memoir. Disappointed by wisdom, humans business to do, and a sense of past and future, but
Qoheleth decides to sample pleasure, and tells himself to they lack any ability to comprehend the divine activity. Again,
have a good time. Ever the intellectual, though, he finds laugh- then, the best that they can do is to enjoy life, and the ability to
ter irrational and pleasure useless, and puzzles over how to do so is made available to all by God. Upon the world itself,
become drunk while staying wise, and over how to become though, they can make no impact: its unchangeability is a
foolish. He does succeed, though, in building an establish- deliberate device that ensures that humans will stand in awe
ment geared to beauty and sensual pleasure, becoming great of God (1:14).
and retaining his wisdom while indulging himself unstint-
ingly. This brings him to a crucial observation: his efforts are Wickedness and Oppression (3:16-4:3)
rewarded by the irrational pleasure that he gains from them, Such a perception of the world raises an obvious problem:
even though, on consideration, they seem still to be hebel, and despite the divine jurisdiction, wickedness seems to triumph
a chasing after wind. over justice and righteousness. Qoheleth tackles the problem
(2:12-21) As in 1:17, Qoheleth now turns to wisdom, mad- of theodicy with reference to the ideas that he has put forward
ness, and folly. His initial conclusion seems conventional, and already, and declares his belief in some ultimate judgement
is in line with ideas found elsewhere (e.g. Prov 4:18—19). It on the basis that, since there is a divinely appointed time for
immediately becomes clear, though, that the saying in v. 14 everything, there must be a time for divine judgement. The
has a double edge: the ability of the wise to see where they are Hebrew of 3:18 is very obscure, and the text may be corrupt;
going does not affect their route; they are going the same way the gist of 3:18—21 seems to be, though, that God permits
as the fools, and are merely more aware of it. Both the wise humans no understanding of their eventual fate that would
and the foolish, Qoheleth realizes, are doomed to oblivion, allow them to distinguish themselves from animals. Their
and this realization causes him to hate life, exemplifying the inability to comprehend, or to foresee the future, leads, again,
conclusion in v. 18. With the wisdom to look forward, Qohe- to the conclusion that the best they can do is to enjoy their
leth also realizes that all he has worked for will be left in the work. Qoheleth seems to be claiming, then, that there are
hands of another, who may be wise or foolish, and who will grounds for believing in some sort of judgement after death,
have done no work for it. This leads him, retrospectively, to but that this is deliberately hidden by God, who prevents
hate his own efforts. human comprehension of the world. The argument is
 425 ECCLESIASTES
followed, in 4:1-3, by a more emotional reaction to the seem- a straightforward comparison, probably suggesting that a
ingly perverted nature of the world, as Qoheleth declares it fool's voice is as much a product of too much speech as
better to be dead or unborn than to have to experience the dreams are of too many cares. The syntax and meaning of
horror of oppression. He emphasizes the lack of any comfort- the latter, though, are very obscure, v. 6 mentions a 'messen-
er for the oppressed, and the passage as a whole seems to ger', and the reference is probably to an angel. The particularly
react against the preceding argument: the obscurity of the literal Septuagint rendering, though, has 'God', and this is
divine purpose is all very well, but offers little solace to the likely to be the original reading (cf. Fox 1989).
oppressed, who are in no position to enjoy themselves. (5:8-9) This passage is notoriously difficult, and no very
satisfactory interpretation has yet been proposed. The first
'All their Toil' (4:4-12) verse probably explains oppression either in terms of the
The loneliness of the oppressed provides a transition to protection offered to each level of officials by their superiors,
Qoheleth's next, rather different topic. He begins with the or else as a result of the demands made by such a vast bureau-
observation that competition is the sole motive for work and cracy. Just conceivably, though, it is suggesting that one
skill, a fact which is hebd and a chasing after wind. He then should not be too concerned by such oppression, as God is
presents, in v. 5, an aphorism suggesting that laziness is the in a higher position than the officials (Ogden 1987). The sense
vice and the downfall of fools, leading them to eat themselves and relevance of the second verse are all but impenetrable; it
instead of their produce; folding of the hands is elsewhere might possibly be an ironic comment on the hierarchical
associated with sloth (cf Prov 6:10; 24:33), and the saying may system, which gives every field a ruler. Some scholars take
be a conventional one. A second aphorism, in v. 6, is set these comments to have been inspired by experience of a
against this, suggesting that rest is better than toil, and estab- particular historical bureaucracy, perhaps that of Ptolemaic
lishes the first of the two themes in this section: a condemna- Egypt.
tion of pointless greed. The second theme, that co-operation is
The Problems and Inadequacies of Wealth (5:10-6:12)
better than competition, sits alongside this in w. 7—8, and is
further elaborated in w. 9—12. The discussion finishes with a (5:10—20) w. 10—12 make three concise points about financial
further saying, about the strength of a plaited cord, which greed: those who love money never have enough; financial
resembles an ancient proverb found in the Epic ofGilgamesh. commitments grow in proportion to resources; too much
wealth, without compensating work, makes for indigestion,
Wise Youth, Foolish King (4:13-16) w. 13-17 point out the potential ephemerality of wealth: those
who have refused to spend it may yet lose it, making all they
The meaning and relevance of this next section are quite have been and done pointless. In w. 18-20 Qoheleth reiter-
obscure, and there have been many attempts to identify a ates his earlier conclusion about the importance of enjoy-
particular historical situation to which it might refer. The ment. God gives not only wealth, but the capacity for its
principal problems are a certain ambiguity in the syntax, enjoyment, which enables humans to focus on pleasure.
and the possibility that the 'second' youth of v. 15 is simply
the same youth as in v. 13. It seems probable that Qoheleth is (6:1-9) w- I~6 elaborate on the theme, highlighting the case
again setting one idea off against another: a wise youth is of those to whom God gives wealth and its trappings, without
better than a foolish king, whatever his background, but that the capacity for enjoyment; they may live long and have much,
youth will be followed by another and ultimately forgotten. but it is someone else who will ultimately enjoy their riches.
Gordis (1968) interprets the term that NRSV paraphrases as They themselves are worse off than the stillborn child, which
'whom he led' in a temporal sense, so that v. 16 places the at least finds rest. w. 7—9 close the discussion, but the place
fragment of succession illustrated here in a much broader and meaning of v. 8 are unclear. The verse may be simply
context: these characters were preceded by a whole host of parenthetical (cf. Fox 1989), but it is possible to take it as a
others, and will be forgotten by those who follow. In any case, continuation of the point in v. 7, ifncpcs there means some-
Qoheleth seems to be drawing out an implication of 1:11, that thing more than physical appetite. Qoheleth would then be
what seems true and important at a particular moment will arguing that humans are left unsatisfied because there are
only be swallowed up in the forgetfulness and repetition of important questions to be answered: what is the point of
time. wisdom, and what reason is there for the poor to find a role
in life? It seems more likely that v. 9 condemns the desire to go
Fear of God (5:1-9) beyond what one already sees, than that it is a further affirm-
(5:1—7) Moving to a quite different theme again, Qoheleth ation of death over life (cf. Whybray 1989), and in the section
advocates caution in dealings with God, emphasizing the as a whole, then, Qoheleth acknowledges the human desire to
risks rather than the benefits of such dealings: 'fear of God' answer questions that go beyond the obvious, but sees it as
often has a more general implication of piety and fairness in hebd.
the OT, but in v. 7 its sense is literal. The particular risks here (6:10—12) This point is explained in a summary passage that
involve speech: hasty words and unfulfilled vows may both picks up earlier themes and provides a transition to the next
incur divine displeasure, and there is specific reference to the main section. Since everything has been defined, humans are
Torah (v. 4 is a paraphrase of Deut 23:21-3, and 'mistake' in v. 6 known to be inherently incapable of pleading or contesting a
is a technical term for an unwitting sin). Such speech may cause with whoever is stronger than they. Words, therefore,
lead to the divine destruction of one's work. In w. 3, 7, a are futile: no one can tell mortals what they should do in their
plethora of words is associated with dreaming. The former is brief lives, or what will follow them.
ECCLESIASTES 426
Collection of Aphorisms (7:1-14) accounting or reckoning. In this quest for the abstract, all he
The style of this section imitates that of the 'sentence litera- finds, though, are people: the dangerous woman of 7:26, the
ture' collections (e.g. Prov 10:1—22:16), and the sayings are one man in a thousand of 7:28, and the human behaviour
linked, as normally in such collections, by catchwords and described in 7:29. As it stands, furthermore, 7:28 is absurd:
thematic links with their predecessors. The overall theme is the traditional interpretation, that Qoheleth found no 'good'
broadly temporal: wisdom is associated with the need to look or 'wise' women, has no basis in the text, but, equally, he can
forward rather than focusing upon the good or bad times hardly be claiming that he encountered no women at all. It
along the way. v. 14 sets this point in context: God has made may be helpful to think in terms of the influential personifica-
bad times as well as good, to prevent humans from knowing tions of wisdom and folly as women in Prov 1-9, not least
what will follow them. because the woman in 7:26 here is strongly reminiscent of
w. 1—4 begin with a stylish play on words, but then present wisdom's dangerous counterpart in that work. His discovery
death and mourning as better than life and celebration, w. 5—7 of this woman therefore satisfies the second part of Qoheleth's
pick up the wise/foolish contrast and the rejection of celebra- stated quest, the recognition of folly, leaving him to find
tion, with a comment on the transience of fools' laughter wisdom and the hesbon (the sum); in 7:29 he recognizes the
(again involving a play on words), but this is itself rejected as human capacity to create hessebondt (schemes), which is prob-
hebel, with a comment on the potential impermanence of ably a play on hesbon (reckoning). Only wisdom is left, then,
wisdom, w. 8-10 deal with the need to take a long-term view and 7:28 may be an acknowledgement of Qoheleth's failure to
of life when reacting to adversity: it is not wise to react quickly find her. The section as a whole, then, suggests that it is not so
or to question the passing of prosperity, w. 11—12 commend easy to find either wisdom or any definitive explanation of the
wisdom as a source of protection, presumably taking it in the world.
sense outlined above. The ideas are reminiscent of Prov 8, 8:ia may be a gloss, if it is not the author's or Qoheleth's
where wisdom, better than gold, promises life. Given own ironic commentary. The term peser refers, in late Hebrew
Qoheleth's earlier comments on the insecurity of wealth, and Aramaic, to the interpretation of texts and dreams, and
this is a two-edged commendation, v. 13 is similar to 1:15, the line effectively doubts that anyone is wise enough to
and again emphasizes the impossibility of human influence interpret what has been said; the secondary Hos 14:9 is a
on the world. Its expression, though, is more daring, with similar, though more positive comment. 8:ifc has no obvious
'crookedness' directly identified as the work of God. v. 14 gives relevance to what precedes, or, despite Fox (1989), to what
a general conclusion, but its affirmation of joy in times of follows. Elsewhere, the shining of a face expresses content-
prosperity seems to contradict w. 1-4. Qoheleth advocates an ment or favour, not intelligence, and is used of God (e.g. Num
approach that incorporates wisdom's long-term view when 6:26), while the LXX legitimately understands the second
contemplating adversity, but rejects it for those times in which clause to mean 'and the man shameless in his face will be
one can rejoice. The view of divine action picks up his earlier hated'. If the saying originally followed straight after 7:29, we
conclusions. might read: 'A human's wisdom makes him (God) favourable,
but the impudent will be hated.'
Neither Too Wise nor Too Foolish (7:15-22) Human and Divine Authority (8:2-9)
(7:15—20) This advice, to adopt some parts of wisdom but not
Qoheleth uses conclusions drawn from the observation of
others, is now generalized and made explicit. The best course
human authority as the basis for an understanding of divine
is to be neither too wise and righteous, nor too foolish and
authority. There are several difficulties in the first two verses,
wicked, but to be a bit of both; whoever fears God will succeed
and the sentence division is unclear. The sense may be that
in both (or escape the consequences of doing neither: the Heb.
one should watch out for royal anger, and flee as soon as it
is ambiguous, but the basic meaning clear). These remarkable
happens, or, more probably, that one should avoid both hurry-
assertions do need to be put in context: they arise not only
ing to leave the king and joining conspiracies against him (cf
from the observations of the previous section, but from the
Whybray 1989). The key point is in v. 5: it can do no harm to
experiences asserted in v. 15, and so there is, perhaps, a wry or
obey a command, while the wise mind will be aware that a
bitter edge to them.
reckoning is coming (mispat means 'justice' or 'judgement'
(7:19—22) These three sayings are puzzling. The second rather than 'way' here); the thought is similar to that of 3:17.
clearly relates to the theme of 7:15-18, and the third may be Qoheleth once again stresses, though, the impossibility for
an attempt to illustrate its point. Fox (1989) and others humans of knowing outcomes: there is no one to tell them.
reposition the first after 7:12, which is drastic, but reflects Equally, no human has control over the wind (or 'spirit') or
the difficulty of finding a context for it here. The intention, over his or her death. There is no release from the situation in
however, is possibly another ironic comment on wisdom, which people find themselves: v. 8 probably means that battle
exaggerating the idea in such sayings as Prov 24:5-6: to offers no more possibility of deliverance than does wicked-
have ten rulers is to have nine too many, just as wisdom itself ness. Qoheleth, then, restates his views on human ignorance
goes too far. and impotence, but commends obedience to a secular ruler as
the safest course.
The Search for Integrity (7:23-8:1)
The key problem here is to reconcile what Qoheleth claims to Fear of God is the Wisest Course (8:10-17)
have found with his claims to be seeking wisdom, a know- This idea is now applied in the religious context, in a passage
ledge of folly and wickedness, and, above all, a hesbon—an which echoes the thoughts of 3:16—17. The lack of any
 427 ECCLESIASTES
immediate punishment of the wicked, along with their appar- envisage it as a place of weakness (e.g. Isa 14:9-11), and as a
ent prosperity, leads others to follow their example. But leveller of the dead (Ezek 32:17—31). The shades who dwell
Qoheleth affirms again that the appearance is deceptive: it is there are impotent, miserable creatures.
still safer to 'stand in fear before God'. He goes on further to
note, though, that the righteous are sometimes treated as Unpredictability and Injustice (9:11-16)
though they were wicked and vice versa, a hebel which drives (9:11—12) After stressing death's lack of discrimination,
him again to commend enjoyment. He finishes by once more Qoheleth turns briefly to its unpredictability. Those who should
claiming that human comprehension of the world is deliber- win or gain things have no control over them, but are at the
ately prevented by God, and he now explicitly rejects the mercy of events. Humans cannomoreforesee disaster than can
claims of the wise to know such matters. animals foresee the traps in which they are caught. There is no
(8:10) is difficult. Most commentators emend qeburim, 'bur- suggestion that this is a matter of random misfortune, though:
ied', to qerebim, 'draw near', and see a reference to worship; 'time and chance' is a hendiadys, meaning something like 'the
Fox (1989) retains the idea of burial, and envisages burial turn of events', and the point is not that humans are lucky or
processions from the temple or synagogue. 'Praised' reflects unlucky, but that they cannot know what will happen.
an alternative reading in some MSS and versions: MT has (9:13—16) Qoheleth now returns to the theme of wisdom, and
'forgotten', suggesting that the second part compares the this will remain his principal topic until n: 6. He begins with a
more forgetful attitude towards those who have done good. short anecdote, the point of which is unclear: many commen-
(8:13) uses ambiguous imagery: 'like a shadow' refers either tators think it tells the story of a wise man who could have
to the transience of the wicked, or to the stretching out of their saved a town had he been heeded, but the Hebrew reads more
lives. naturally as a claim that he really did save the town. The
(8:16) does not make clear whether the sleepless eyes are a various elements are best explained on the assumption that
part of the general human business, or a parenthetical exclam- he saved it, but that his contribution went unrecognized. The
ation, referring to Qoheleth's endless observation. role of this anecdote is also difficult to pin down. Described as
a 'great example' of wisdom, it lacks both the detail that would
The Common Destiny (g:i-io) make it convincing evidence, and the symbolic aspect that
The theme continues. The righteous and wise are under would encourage us to view it as a parable. It seems most
God's control, but even they cannot know his attitude towards likely, then, that Qoheleth is summarizing a story familiar to
them; all that is obvious is that the same end seems to come to his readers. He picks up the story's intended message, that
all, whatever their behaviour or religious conscientiousness. wisdom is superior to might, but then puzzles over the failure
This again drives humans to evil and to madness. In 3:16—4:3 to respect the poor man's wisdom.
such ideas led to the conclusion that it was better to be dead or
unborn, but Qoheleth's thought has moved on: the living still Sayings and Counter-Sayings (9:17-11:6)
have some knowledge—if only the knowledge that they will The issue raised in Qoheleth's mind by the story leads on
die. The dead can take nothing more from the world, and what to the book's most curious section. In 7:1—13, Qoheleth em-
they gave is now gone. The section ends with Qoheleth's full- ployed the sentence-literature style to make some key points
est expression of his exhortation to enjoy life to the full, while of his own. Now he uses it as, effectively, a witness against
it is still possible to do so. itself. How far he is citing sayings that already existed is
(9:1—2) is difficult in MT, and the NRSV translation reflects a unclear: he may simply be inventing new sayings with the
common emendation. Some scholars (e.g. Gordis 1968; right style and tone. In any case, the basic technique is to set
Crenshaw 1988) retain MT and understand 'everything is sayings together in such a way that they are undermined or
before them, everything the same for everybody'. The refer- reduced to absurdity. So 9:17—10:1 follows the story by initially
ence is probably to what they can observe. In v. 2, 'and the evil' proclaiming wisdom's superiority, but ends with the observa-
is lacking in the Hebrew, but its presence in the LXX suggests tion that it is outweighed by even a little folly. In 10:3, the
that it is original. metaphorical imagery of the saying in 10:2 is taken literally, to
conjure up the comic image of fools walking differently from
(9:4) probably refers not to 'hope' as such, but to the confi-
everyone else. The career-orientated advice in 10:4 is set
dent knowledge outlined in the next verse. Dogs are not highly
against the observation in the next verse of a society in which
regarded in most ancient literature, and it is interesting to
rank has no basis in reason. The dangers and difficulties in
note the use of'dead dog' in expressions of self-abasement or
10:8—lob can patently not be overcome by wisdom, as io:ioc
insult (e.g. 2 Sam 9:8; 16:9).
asserts, even if there were any chance to apply it in time
(9:7-9) resembles a number of passages in ancient texts, but (10:11). The claim in 10:12, that fools will be consumed by
has particularly close links with the imagery of a passage in their speech, is enlarged upon in 10:13, but abruptly deflated
the Epic ofGilgamesh, where the hero is advised to abandon his in 10:14 by me observation that, nevertheless, they talk on and
quest for immortality. A direct dependence on this text is on; Qoheleth draws out the implication that the future is
possible, but indirect knowledge of it, through other sources, simply unpredictable, before recalling the comic image of
is at least as likely. Such behaviour is here justified as some- the fools on the road. In 10:16-20, condemnations of revelry,
thing pre-ordained by God. drunkenness, and sloth are met by the claim that the first two
(9:10) refers to Sheol, the underworld, to which all humans are good things, while the third is no problem if one has
were believed to descend after death. Biblical descriptions money. The very notion of criticizing the rich and powerful
ECCLESIASTES 428

in this way is itself condemned by the flight of fancy in 10:20, the coming judgement is not an exhortation to behave in a
which would seem to have its tongue firmly in its cheek. 11:1—2 particular way. Rather, it is both a simple warning, on which
again stresses Qoheleth's concern with the impossibility of one cannot act to any effect, and a spur to proper enjoyment of
knowing the future. Finally, 11:3-6 sums up his point: the what one has now. In 12:1, this requirement to enjoy oneself is
phenomena in 11:3 are not only absurdly obvious, but inev- again picked up, but now with an emphasis upon one's in-
itable and uncontrollable; instead of wasting time watching ability to do so in old age.
for such things, which are beyond one's comprehension, it is
(12:2—5) has been taken by most ancient and modern com-
better to get on with one's work, and to cover ones bases.
mentators to contain a series of symbolic, metaphorical de-
Inherent in this is a more general criticism of any endeavour scriptions of the physical degeneration which accompanies
to comprehend the world through wisdom: it is not only
old age. This interpretation is not without its problems, and
foredoomed, but a waste of valuable time. there is some disagreement about details, but it remains more
(9:18) contrasts wisdom with the hots', 'bungler' in NRSV, persuasive than alternative readings (e.g. Fox 1989). It is
but more literally 'sinner'. Given the usage of this term else- bolstered, furthermore, by the existence of a Sumerian poem
where in the book, it is unlikely to be devoid of moral or that applies the same technique to the same theme, albeit in a
religious connotations here. more obvious way: this supplies an analogy and suggests,
(10:1—2) v. i presents several problems. 'Flies of death' is a perhaps, that the poem belongs to a particular genre. In any
curious way to say 'dead flies': it might mean 'dying flies', but case, the symbolic interpretation should not be rejected be-
it is best to follow an old suggestion, and redivide the text to cause the symbolism is sometimes obscure: the passage has
read 'a fly dies' (cf Fox 1989). NRSV leaves untranslated a an enigmatic character, which may be as deliberate as in a
reference to the flies making the ointment 'bubble', or 'fer- riddle. Taking this approach, v. 2 refers to growing blindness,
ment'; this might be a gloss, or a corruption of some term and v. 3 to trembling limbs, a bent back, the loss of teeth, and
meaning 'preparation' or 'container' (cf. LXX). For 'wisdom poor sight, v. 4 presents greater problems: we should translate
and honour' (lit. weight) we should read 'a great weight of 'Doors are shut on the street when the sound of the mill grows
wisdom', v. 2 assumes the common metaphor of a 'way' low, but it rises to the sound of a bird while all the song-notes
through life, which the next verse takes literally; right and are brought down'; the references may then be to the ears and
left have moral connotations in later Jewish literature. voice: hearing fades as the voice grows quiet, and the latter
(10:4-7) v- 4 probably commends 'soothing' rather than rises to the pitch of bird-song, though that can no longer be
'calmness', w. 5—7 are strongly reminiscent of a theme popu- heard, v. 5 begins with the frailty of the old, for whom falling
lar in some much earlier Egyptian literature: the topsy-turvy and going out become more dangerous. The second half is
society brought about by a failure of leadership. The error in more obscure: the almond tree blossoms, the grasshopper
v. 5 is probably ascribed to the ruler, not just compared with a 'makes itself heavy', and the caper (which NRSV misleadingly
ruler's error. translates as 'desire') either fails or bears fruit (depending on
the derivation of the verb). These may be references to na-
(10:10) is notorious for its obscurity. The form shows that it is
ture's ability to renew itself, in contrast to the inevitability of
paired with v. n, while the theme links it to the preceding human death (cf. Job 14:7—10), but the locust would be an odd
sayings: 'iron' is a cutting instrument or axe (cf. 2 Kings 6:5).
component for such an image, while the caper is not known
The sense 'edge' forpanim is improbable: we should probably for its fruit (the 'capers' used in cookery are pickled buds from
emend Id '-panim to lepanim, point qlql as passive, and read: 'If
the bush). If they continue the symbolism of old age, then the
the axe is blunt but is sharpened beforehand, then it increases
almond tree may be the whitening of the hair, and the grass-
in strength.' The syntax of the second part is difficult, but
hopper the impotent penis (as suggested in early rabbinic
most commentators agree that it refers to wisdom being exegesis); the symbolism of the caper is obscure, although it,
advantageous. The saying refers, then, to the benefits of wis-
too, has white flowers, v. 5/7 returns to Qoheleth's initial point,
dom in forearming one: a claim undermined by the next
that death is coming, at the end of old age.
verse's observation that that is not always possible.
(11:1) is similar to a saying in the late Egyptian Instruction of (12:6^7) w. 6-7 pick up the 'remember.. .before...' struc-
ture of 12:1—2, and this marks them as a separate subsection.
'Onchsheshonqy (19.10), where a good deed is to be thrown in
the water and recovered when dry: it may have been a familiar The imagery in v. 6 is usually taken to refer to death, but
conceivably we have moved back to old age here, and the
metaphor. As in the next verse, the issue is cautious prepar-
ation for the uncertain times ahead. reference is again to parts of the body, perhaps the genitals
and bladder. In any case, v. 7 certainly concerns death, and
Youth and Age (11:7-12:8) seems to have in mind the ideas of Gen 2:7 and 3:19. The
The end of Qoheleth's monologue offers a summary of his breath here is not a 'spirit', but the animating breath lent to
advice: life is good and to be enjoyed, especially by the young humans for the duration of their lifetime, v. 8, the monologue
who can enjoy it best. Against that enjoyment, though, must closes with an echo of the motto which began it, in 1:2.
be set the recollection that darkness is to follow, and that deeds
will be judged: to remember one's creator is also to remember Epilogue (12:9-14)
one's judge. Although these two ideas seem very different, The book finishes with an epilogue attached to Qoheleth's
there is no real contradiction here. Qoheleth has already speech, which is probably the work of the author rather than
rejected any idea that humans can know the criteria against a secondary addition. This falls into three parts: a brief de-
which they will be judged, and so his advice to bear in mind scription of Qoheleth's work (w. 9—10), a comment on study
 429 THE SONG OF SOLOMON
(w. 11-12), and a closing admonition (w. 13-14). In the first, should translate 'furthermore', rather than 'beyond these'. For
the emphasis is on Qoheleth's literary activity, and he is the first and only time, the writer uses the address 'my son',
portrayed as a collector and arranger of sayings. The second which is common in the instructional literature of Proverbs,
is more obscure, but it seems to compare such sayings to v. 13 does not describe keeping God's commandment's as the
goads—which leads to the mischievous suggestion that too 'whole duty' of everyone, but as something applicable to
much study wears out one's flesh. The final admonition everyone.
seems to draw on some of Qoheleth's conclusions—that one
should fear God, and that there will be a judgement (cf esp.
11:9). The advice to obey God's commandments, however, REFERENCES
lends the saying an orthodox tone which is quite absent in
the monologue. Crenshaw, J. L. (1988), Ecclesiastes (London: SCM).
Fox, M. V. (1989), Qothelet and his Contradictions (Sheffield: Almond).
(12:11—13) v- n uses a double comparison: the sayings are like Gordis, R. (1968), Kohekth—The Man and his World, 3rd edn. (New
ox-goads, and the individual parts of a collection like the nails York: Schocken).
stuck in a stick by a shepherd. The shepherd is not God, nor is Ogden, G. (1987), Qohekth (Sheffield: JSOT).
there any admonition to heed only one writer—'one' here is Whybray, R. N. (1989), Ecclesiastes (London: Marshall, Morgan &
simply an indefinite article, v. 12 is an additional comment: we Scott).

21. The Song of Solomon ATHALYA B R E N N E R

A. Introduction. 1. The Song of Songs, as the first two words of or as part of the family ritual, in accordance with the customs
its superscription (1:1) imply, is lyrical poetry (Heb. sing. sir. of the Jewish community concerned.
song, poem; pi. hassirim: of songs, of poems), originally in- 2. The placing of the Song in the Hebrew canon testifies to
tended to be performed, i.e. sung to music, on suitable occa- its lateness:the mention of Solomon in the superscription, as
sions. The meaning of the name is variously explained further well as in other passages of the book (1:5; 3:7—11; 8:12), is
as 'the most sublime', the 'best' song (a superlative construc- ambiguous. It does not necessarily uphold the traditional
tion) or collection of songs (one song or poem constructed of a Jewish view, probably shared by the editor who added the
plurality of poems). On the rest of the superscription, 'of, 'by', superscription, that King Solomon was the author of the
'for', or '[dedicated] to' Solomon, see below (s.2). book. The language, which is varied and sometimes contains
2. The second verse (1:2) conveys the subject-matter:'Let Aramaisms, is relatively late biblical Hebrew. This points to a
him kiss me from the kisses of his mouth! For your love is date of composition, or at least collection and editorship of the
better than wine.' ('From' is the literal meaning of the Heb. final text, not earlier than the Second Temple era. Therefore
text, rather than NRSV 'with'.) The songs/poems are secular few modern scholars, with the notable exception of Rabin
love poems about heterosexual, erotic, passionate relation- (1973—4), argue f°r a tenth-century (possibly Solomonic)
ships. Indeed, the songs celebrate love between unmarried, date. On the other hand, the attribution to Solomon was
seemingly young, female and male lovers. The form is, probably influential enough for accepting the Song as a
mostly, that of monologues, dialogues, and chorus rejoinders canonical text. Discussions in Jewish sources (m. Yad. 3:5;
delivered in the first person mode: the voice of the narrator(s) 'Abot R. Nat. i; t. Yad. 2:4; Sank. 12:10; b. B. Bat. 14-15;
per se is not directly heard. The predominant speaking voice is Sanh. loia) show that acceptance of the Song as a sacred text
female. There are no direct references to religious, ethical, or was problematic and largely conditioned by two factors: its
national values. YHWH is never mentioned (although some acceptance by Rabbi Aqiba and the Hillel school; and its
interpreters find a reference to him in the component -ya, understanding not as secular erotic lyrics, but as an allegory
added to the Heb. word for 'flame', in 8:6). The geographical of the historical love between God and his people, the Jewish
settings vary, as do the implied economic and social settings. nation. This allegorical understanding, which completely dis-
Urban, sophisticated backgrounds interchange with nature regards God's absence from the Song by way of positing it as
and natural and rural settings. Imagery of food, drink, flora its hidden but true subject, is already fully developed in the
and fauna interchanges with metaphors of fortifications and Aramaic Targum of the Song and was subsequently taken up
military phenomena. In short, and in spite of the mention of by all mainstream Jewish commentators (see Song Rab., and
place-names (such as Jerusalem, Tirzah, Gilead, Lebanon, Rashi, for instance), to be further elaborated in mystical works
Hermon), the universal phenomenon of erotic love is com- (cf. the Zohar and Hekhalot literature). Christianity took the
municated in a largely universal manner, hence its appeal. allegorical principle in different directions, first Christologic-
al (an allegory for the relationship between Christ and the
B. Place in the Hebrew Canon, Date, and Text. 1. The Song is individual believer's soul, or Christ and the church) and later
one of the Five Scrolls, a collection of short texts (also Ruth, Mariological (between Mary and the believer, or Mary and the
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and Esther) placed within the church community). Works on the Song by Christian mystics
third and latest division of the HB (the ketubim: Writings). such as Teresa of Avila, St John of the Cross, Bernard of
These texts are called 'scrolls' since, in this form, they are used Clairvaux, and Gregory of Nyasa, continue to witness its evoca-
for reading as part of the liturgy of various holy days. In the tive power, interpreted as a celebration of mystical divine-
case of the Song it is read on Passover, either in the synagogue human union rather than human erotic love.
THE SONG OF S O L O M O N 430

3. At any rate, it is clear that, through divorcing the Song Possibly, there are three songs strung together here. The first
from its original setting and understanding it as religious (w. 2—4) sets out the subject: the love of a woman for a man. In
poetry, a trend which has continued until modern times, the second (w. 5—6) a woman defiantly explains that she is
both the emerging Judaism and Christianity of the second 'dark and [or: but] beautiful' (NRSV: 'black and beautiful') as a
century CE had already accepted it as sacred literature. But the result of being assigned to outdoor occupations by her mater-
text's popularity is attested as earlier by its existence among nal brothers, presumably in a vain effort to preserve her sexual
the Qumran MSS. Four MSS of the Song were found in modesty. In the third we watch her search for her male lover
Qumran, three in Cave 4 and one in Cave 6.4. The first three (v. 7), who—and this is the first male voice we hear—teases
(4QCanta, 4QCantb, 4QCantc) contain larger or smaller frag- her to try and find him (v. 8). Exactly at the collection's centre,
ments of Song 2:1—5:1. The fourth MS (6QCant) contains 4:8 (HB 4:9)—5:1, a seduction scene takes place. It is meta-
verses of ch. i. The Qumran texts are somewhat shorter than phorical, gentle, and polite. Unmistakably, though, at its end a
the MT texts: Tov (1995: 89) defines them (at least the first young man has obtained a young woman's consent to have
three) as abbreviated texts, based on one similar to or identical sexual relations. Consummation is followed by a celebration,
with the MT. If Tov's position is accepted, the Song already with food and drink. At the end of the collection, ch. 8,
existed as a well-formed text quite early, in the second century maternal brothers set out their concern for their sister's chas-
BCE. Given the nature of the Qumran community, the Qum- tity, and the means they will employ to preserve it when that
ran Song texts perhaps also attest to its popularity even then as becomes necessary (w. 8-9). A woman's voice responds, de-
a secretive religious text. (In addition to the Jewish sources fiantly (v. 10 or w. 10—12). After an unclear interlude (v. 13) the
mentioned, see also the indirect evidence of ist-cent. CE 4 Ezra book ends when a woman's voice sings to her lover: run away,
4:24, 26, and the Ta'anit scroll.) jump like a deer on the fragrant mountains (v. 14). Thus, at the
end of the Song readers, and lovers, are precisely where they
C. Style and Structure. 1. The Song is best viewed not as one were at its beginning. Although a poignant personal credo of
single poem but a collection. To begin with, there is no unified what love is about is voiced by a female to a male, and is placed
style. Conventional poetic devices are certainly much in evi- in 8:6-7, it does not end the whole. At the end lovers are, once
dence. Parallelisms, refrains, alliteration, word- and sound- more, apart. They look, search, depart and go—especially the
play, puns and repetitions are rife, but not in any way that female lovers, who are more active than the males. And yet, a
could be considered typical to the Song. Metaphors and sym- clear act of consummation has occurred in the exact quanti-
bols derived from many areas of human experience are heav- tative centre of the book. The collection's movement, then, is
ily used in a combination of conventionality and originality not linear (as in a regular narrative plot) but circular, with its
but, once more, it is difficult to attribute any specificity of presumed climax situated at its middle rather than at its end.
single authorship, place, and time to this variety. In addition, This, and the fact that parallels are chiastically placed on
while a structural unity is discernible, no narrative plot either side of the climactic 4:8 (HB 4:g)-5:i passage, once
sequence—in the sense of a story, a linear trajectory leading again signify editorial rather than authorial intent. In other
from beginning through to end—is obtainable. In short, the words, the cyclical 'plot' seems to be the result of a plan to
Song is best viewed as an anthology of love lyrics. This is unify the whole by means of its structure.
the position adopted here, although from ancient times until
this century, many exegetes and scholars (Exum 1973; Goulder D. Contents and Set of Characters. 1. In attempting to divide
1986; Landy 1983) have preferred to view the Songasaunified the Song into individual songs, let us remember that bound-
composition containing a single, ongoing love story. aries between individual pieces are fluid and also blurred; and
2. Even so, some problems remain concerning the bound- that many passages have been artfully organized, so that they
aries of individual songs—there are no rhymes and, in most run into each other and form larger sequences. The following,
MSS and printed editions, no indications of lines. Change of therefore, is a feasible division only: other divisions are
speaker, from female to male or vice versa, do not necessarily conceivable. The songs will be labelled 'female' or 'male' if
constitute a departure or a new unit. Neither do changes of the speaker is clearly one or the other. 'Dialogue' is between
settings, places, times, and so on. In short, the principles of female and male lovers unless otherwise indicated.
unit boundaries and organization as well as the organization (1:1) Superscription.
of the whole are not easy to uncover. The fact that some (1:2—6) Two female songs (see above).
passages are repeated verbatim or almost so (cf. 3:1-4 with (1:7-8) Dialogue: female searches for male, he teases.
5:6—7, or 4:1—3 with 6:5/7—7) is best interpreted as a structural (1:9-17) Male praises female; dialogue; seem to be meeting
(editorial) device, rather than a repeated stage in a plot se- in the open air.
quence. Nevertheless, some songs do combine, by verbal and (2:1—3) Dialogue, in the open air.
narrative association, into a larger mini-story—such as the (2:4-17) Several female poems, 'reciting' embedded male
sequence beginning in 5:2: a woman refuses to admit her voices. Main imagery is again of flora and fauna. Includes the
lover; he departs and she seeks him, without success (5:2—7); first appeal for help to the 'daughters of Jerusalem', for the
she asks the daughters of Jerusalem to find him (5:8), they speaker is lovesick.
wanthis description (v. 9), she complies (w. 9-16); they agree (3:1-5) A tightly constructed female song: she looks for
to look for him (6:1) but, by that time, the lovers are reunited her lover in the city streets, at night (or in a dream), is
(6:2-3). not helped by the city guards but manages to find him and
3. At the beginning of the Song, 1:2—8, it is clearly a bring him to her 'mother's house'. Second appeal to the
woman's or women's voice that we predominantly hear. 'daughters'.
 431 THE SONG OF SOLOMON
(3:6-11) One or two poems describing King Solomon's 2. This survey shows that the Song can be understood as a
train, and bed or palanquin, coming out of the desert sur- collection of love lyrics, performed by one couple and two
rounded by his mighty men; and his wedding, at which his choruses ('daughters' and 'maternal brothers'). However, var-
mother is present but not his father. The speaker's gender is iety and the repetitions point in the direction of multiplicity of
unclear. settings, backgrounds, moods—and cast of characters. That
(4:1^7) (cf. 6:3/7—7); a male's wasf (see SONG E.I) describing is, if we agree that a structural 'plot' only is in evidence, then
his female lover from head to breasts. Imagery mainly of flora there is no reason to assign all female lines to a single female
and fauna, also of fortifications and military weapons. textual speaker, or all male lines to a single textual male
(4:8-5:1) A dialogue, the 'seduction and consummation' speaker. This has been done in some older translations, divid-
scene (see SONG 0.3). Male seduces female, with extravagant ing the lines between 'bride' and 'bridegroom', or some simi-
images of food and aromatic herbs and flowers; she consents; lar arrangement. However, notwithstanding a description
the male closure (5:1) and the call to eat and drink imply (3:9-11) of Solomon's wedding (which might be a satire or
consummation. parody, see Whedbee 1993), nothing in the Song points to a
(5:2-9) (cf. 3:1-5); female refuses to welcome male into her marital setting or conclusion for lovers, as we have seen.
room at night (in reality or a dream); when she changes her Furthermore, there is no compelling reason to assume that
mind he disappears. She looks for him in the city and the one couple only is reflected in the Song, or even a love triangle
guards beat her up. She appeals to the daughters of Jerusalem (as in some older scholarship, where a triangle of Solomon-
to help her lovesick condition. Shulamite—shepherd lover is found). Rather, a multiplicity of
(5:9—6:2) The daughters want to know what the male lover voices is heard in the Song, as befits such an anthology on a
looks like. A female lover describes him in a wasf, from head to universal topic. Looking for a comprehensive, all-embracing
toe. The imagery is of fauna and flora for the head; minerals, interpretation for the book may form a link with allegorical
metals and precious stones for the rest of his body. The renderings of it (since those depend on a comprehensive
daughters agree to look for him but, meanwhile, he is reading, with a single, well-defined pair of lovers), but seems
found and seems to be enjoying his 'garden' again (see SONG unwarranted by the text itself.
£.3). If 6:3 belongs here, it contains a female affirmation of her 3. Clearly, though, the female voices far outstrip the male
love. voices in the Song. Female voices search; male voices tease
(6:4—9) A male song of praise for a female lover, partly and escape. Females become lovesick; males allow themselves
parallel (w. 5/1—7) to the wasf of ch. 4. to be found and led to the 'mother's house' (fathers are as
(6:10-12) Either a male monologue—male praises female absent from the Song as the figure of a God.) Females are
in a garden—or a dialogue, with a questionable voice attribu- articulate (they have almost two-thirds ofthe text!), unconven-
tion for v. ii and the difficult v. 12. tional, risk-takers. Males are loving but less adventurous.
(7:1—10) Wasf, probably in a male voice, calling to a female Therefore, whereas Trible (1978) maintains gender equality
(the Shulamite) to dance and then describing her body from in the Song, perhaps we should do better to recognize female
toe to head (w. 2-7). A response indicating male desire (w. 8- superiority in it. Whether this signifies female authorship, or
9), perhaps followed by a female retort (v. 10) rounds off this an original background of female performance, remains un-
passage. certain (see Goitein 1988 for female authorship and perform-
(7:11—14) One song, or several songs in a female voice, ance). At any rate, also from this perspective of gender
seductively inviting a male lover to go outdoors where she affairs, the Song is an exception in the HB. Although traces
will give herself to him (cf. 4:9-14). of a patriarchal framework are apparent in it (the brothers'
role as custodians of female sexual modesty; the guards' beat-
(8:1^7) A female passage, again probably or possibly more
ing up of a woman searching at night), nowhere else in the
than a single song: a woman would like her lover to be her
HB do women roam and make love so freely, outside the
brother, so that they can be together in her 'mother's house'
framework of marriage, in the open, without chaperones.
(w. 1-2; cf. 3:4); they embrace (v. 3; cf. 2:6); another appeal to
Nowhere are 'they' allowed such outspoken voices on erotic
the daughters of Jerusalem (v. 4); two fragments (v. 5; cf. 3:612,
love and desire (as is the case in other ancient cultures too; and
2:3). w. 6—7 are, once again, in a female voice:
see SONG c). It is perhaps worthwhile, therefore, to read the
Set me as a seal upon your heart, | as a seal upon your arm; for love Song as if it contained traces of female voices (Brenner and
is strong as death, passion fierce as the grave. | Its flashes are van Dijk-Hemmes 1993), not just as if it contained male voices
flashes of fire, | a raging flame. | Many waters cannot quench love; | (which is the biblical norm).
neither can floods drown it. | If one offered for love | all the wealth of 4. What, then, can we say about the kinds of love described
one's house, it would be utterly scorned.
and celebrated in the Song? Erotic yearnings are complemen-
This declaration, surely, might have constituted a suitable end tary, never in contrast, to emotions and feelings. In a sense,
for the whole book. Nevertheless, love in the Song is unproblematic: although pre- or non-
(8:8-14) (see SONG c-3); maternal brothers decide how to marital, no complications of unwanted pregnancies result
keep their sister's virginity, when necessary (w. 8-9). She from sexual relations. Joy and exaltation indeed interface
answers mockingly (v. 10 or 10—12; cf. 1:5—6). An unclear verse with heart-sickness and despondency: much depends on
is followed by the very last verse: a female voice calls to her male lovers' availability for each other. High seriousness inter-
lover to run away, like a gazelle or deer, to the distant never- changes with humour (3:7-11; 7:1-10). Passion can be painful
never land of the perfume hills. Thus, love's game can begin as well as uplifting. Socio-moral norms prohibiting non-
afresh, suspended in timelessness and moving cyclically. marital sexual unions are ignored or disregarded. Lovers exist
THE SONG OF S O L O M O N 432

in a world of their own creation, as they would. One spectrum male lover receives the woman's permission to enter 'his
of emotion and behaviour is conspicuous by its absence, garden' and eat its fruit (4:16; cf, more articulately, 7:13—14),
however. Jealousy, betrayal, violence borne out of frustration, it is quite obvious what transpires through the use of garden/
infidelity—the negative facets of love are simply not in evi- orchard/aromatics imagery.
dence. Idealization? Perhaps, although not fully, when the
F. Ancient Extrabiblical Parallels. Pope (1977) supplies ex-
suffering and difficulties recounted (especially for female
haustive lists of Song parallels in the ancient and pre-modern
lovers) are noticed.
world, especially the Mesopotamian, Indian, and Islamic
E. Poetics, Forms, Imagery. 1. As noted at SONG A.2, the Song is worlds. Fox (1985) does the same with Egyptian love poetry.
composed of monologues (or soliloquies), dialogues, and Rabin (1973-4) and others draw attention to parallels in
choruses. These are sometimes combined into composite Tamil. A curious feature is that, in most if not all parallels,
poems (5:2—6:2; and see Falk 1982). A special poetic genre is women's voices are quite pronounced in the context of pre-
the wasf (from Arabic: description). In this type of song the marital love poetry (in distinction from their situation in
lover's body, be it a male's (5:10—16) or a female's (4:1—7 with a marital contexts). However, the subject-matter and experience
partial parallel in 6:3-7; 7:I~7 MT), is referred to by means of a of heterosexual love and passion is so universal as to render
series of delightful and sensuous images and in a certain the parallels less significant than they would otherwise have
order: from head to toe in chs. 4 and 5, and from toe to head been.
in ch. 7. Pope (1977) cites many examples of wasf-type paral-
G. Biblical Intertexts. 1. In prophetic books such as Hosea,
lels from Arab and other sources.
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah 40 ff and Malachi there obtains
2. The imagery of the Song draws on many areas of human
a metaphor of divine-human marriage covenant. The
experience: natural phenomena, zoology, botany, agriculture,
male partner is YHWH; his wife is variously Jerusalem
art, trade, precious materials, architecture, and much more. It
(or Samaria, or both cities), the land of Israel, or the Israel-
appeals to all senses, even floods them. A recurrent, decep-
ite or Judahite people. The divine husband is presented
tively simple simile/metaphor, 'your eyes are doves' (1:15; 4:1)
as constantly and ceaselessly loyal to his spouse, of whom
invokes a synesthetic response of sight, sound, and emotive
he takes care. The wife is presented as a creature who is
content—as does the more explicit elaboration of this meta-
adulterous, fickle, and prostitutes herself, and who keeps
phor in 5:12, 'His eyes are like doves'. Or the praise, 'your
looking for fresh lovers and fresh sexual sensations (in
breasts are like young twin gazelles' (4:5; 7:4), that signifies
the plural). The husband punishes his wife, who stands
colour, movement, size, texture, shape, perhaps smell—all of
accused but mostly does not get a chance to defend her-
these, or at least several. Translations of the Song that attempt
self.
to convey this sensuous imagery, together with the rhythm
2. When the Song is interpreted allegorically, the situation
and spirit of its poetry, are no simple tasks. Two such recent
is reversed. Here it is clear that the woman searches for her
translations, by Falk (1982) and by Bloch and Bloch (1995), are
man and remains faithful to him. This reversal, theologically
recommended for their poetic quality.
interpreted, is significant: for theological thinking, it might
3. Perhaps the most astounding and complex are meta-
afford hope to the post-Roman conquest nation. It might have
phors relating to nature, especially as it reawakens in spring-
provided at least part of the motivation to interpret the Song as
time. The image of the orchard, or garden, will serve as an
religious rather than secular love poetry—despite the fact that
example. On the first level, much of the action in the Song—
such allegories require sacralization of a secular text and its
lovers meeting, lovers departing, lovers talking—happens
transformation by interpretation into a comprehensive unit
outdoors. The garden or orchard, then, is the natural back-
focused on only one male and one female lover. It also re-
drop, and represents realism as well as an optimistic setting
quires a displacement of the female lover to a secondary
for love meetings. On the second level, gardens and orch-
position relative to the male's (now divine) position, and an
ards—especially in spring—symbolize an option of love's
introduction of the missing divine element into the Song in
flowering and growth. On the indexical level, their flowering
the guise of a divine (male) lover. The early Jewish allegories
and fruitfulness are akin to sexuality in the human world.
which, in turn, mutated into Christian allegories, are thus
Ultimately, then, the garden/orchard are metaphorized into
rooted not only in practical theology (a response to the polit-
human sexuality (fourth level). And finally, by way of specifi-
ically troubled times of the Roman conquest and the loss of
cation, the garden/orchard stand for female sexuality, espe-
land, political organization, and autonomy) but also in biblical
cially female erogenous zones: in other words, on the fifth
intertexuality.
level of meaning (or signification) female sexuality is meta-
phorized into a garden/orchard. This symbol/image/index- H. Epilogue: Directions for Reinterpretation. 1. In contempor-
ical notion/metaphor is sensuously rich: it appeals to sight, ary scholarship various trends can be discerned. Some
sound, smell, touch, and taste. The richness is especially scholars re-examine the possibility of an early, perhaps even
apparent when a perfume garden is invoked, as in the central Solomonic, provenance for the Song in the light of extra-
seduction scene of 4:9-5:1. There, by naming plants and biblical parallels (Rabin 1973-4; F°x I 9^5)- Others attempt
gardens and foodstuff and aromatics, a male lover manages to reconcile allegorical and surface (Heb. pcsal: simple) mean-
to talk his female lover into having sexual relations—without ings. According to Rabin, Murphy (1990), and others, the
ever speaking directly. 'They' are in a physical garden (out- possibility that the Song was, from its very inception, a
side), they are a garden, love is a garden, the woman is a double-tiered composition relating to both human love and
garden, her anatomy is a perfumed garden. And when the divine-human love should be explored. Yet other scholars,
 433 ISAIAH
such as Pope, look for a goddess in the Song, again an allegory, Clines, D. J. A. (1995), Interested Parties: The Ideology of Writers and
if of a modern kind. Readers of the Hebrew Bibk, JSOTSup. 205 (Sheffield: Sheffield
2. Feminist critics have paid a lot of attention to the pre- Academic Press), 94-121.
Exum, J. C. (1973), A Literary and Structural Analysis of the Song of
dominance of female voices in the Song. Understanding this
Songs', ZAW&y 47-79.
phenomenon and its implications, even though it reflects Falk, M. (1982), Love Lyrics from the Bible: A Translation and Literary
similar phenomena in the love lyrics of cognate cultures, Study of the Song of Songs (Sheffield: Almond).
requires further deliberation. Already there is a backlash Fox, M. V. (1985), The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs
against feminist appropriation of female voices by way of (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press).
reclaiming male authorship for the Song (Clines 1995). Goitein, S. D. (1988), 'Women as Creators of Biblical Genres', Proof-
3. Ultimately, it is the sheer beauty of the poems, the texts, 8:1-33,tr- M. Carasik.
unadulterated strength of the lyrics and imagery, that keeps Goulder, M. D. (1986), The Song of Fourteen Songs (Sheffield: JSOT).
it so attractive, be its interpretation secular or religious. Re- Landy, F. (1983), Paradoxes of Paradise: Identity and Difference in the
Song of Songs (Sheffield: Almond).
grettably, part of the experience, the musical aspect of the
Murphy, R. E. (1990), The Song of Songs, Hermeneia (Minneapolis:
performance—for songs are there to be performed to music Fortress).
rather than merely recited—is lost to us. Fortunately, in the Pope, M. H. (1977), The Song of Songs: A New Translation with
newly minted traditions of Zionism and modern Israel, many Introduction and Commentary, AB 7C (Garden City, NY: Double-
of the songs of the Song have been set to music afresh. I grew day).
up on this music, these lyrics: for me they are inseparable— Rabin, C. (1973—4), 'The Song of Songs and Tamil Poetry', Studies in
and intrinsically secular. Religion, 3: 205—19.
Tov, E. (1995), Three Manuscripts (Abbreviated Texts?) of Canticles
from. Quniran Cave 4', JSS 46: 88—in.
REFERENCES Trible, P. (1978), God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality (Philadelphia: Fort-
ress), 144-65.
Bloch, A., and Bloch, C. (1995), The Song of Songs: A New Translation Whedbee, J. W. (1993), 'Paradox and Parody in the Song of Solomon:
with an Introduction and a Commentary (New York: Random House). Towards a Comic Reading of the Most Sublime Song', in A. Brenner
Brenner, A., and van Dijk-Hemmes, F. (1993), On Gendering Texts: (ed.), A Feminist Companion to the Song of Songs (Sheffield: Sheffield
Female and Male Voices in the Hebrew Bible (Leiden: Brill), i—n. Academic Press), 266-78.

22. Isaiah R. C O G G I N S

INTRODUCTION
Overview. 1. It may come as a surprise to some readers to historical assessment the words referring to him must have
discover that the whole book of Isaiah is being dealt with in been written after that date. It is generally agreed, therefore,
one article. One of the success stories of the historical-critical that chs. 40—55 come from a Babylonian setting and should be
method of biblical study has been to establish that the 66 dated in the 5403. Chs. 56-66 offer fewer clear indications of
chapters of the book come from a variety of backgrounds, and date, but the general consensus has been to place these chap-
the custom has been to treat chs. 40—66 independently of the ters later still, perhaps in Jerusalem in the time when the work
earlier part of the book. These chapters are said to come from of restoration was going slowly forward in a disillusioned and
'Deutero'- or 'Second Isaiah' (40—55), usually with chs. 56—66 demoralized community.
further isolated and ascribed to 'Trito'- or 'Third Isaiah'. It is 4. Literary. In terms both of detailed vocabulary and more
argued that historical references and stylistic features alike generally of style there are important differences which come
enable them to be distinguished from the Isaiah of the earlier over clearly even in translation. Numerous phrases and ex-
chapters, and it might seem perversely old-fashioned to go pressions characteristic of the earlier chapters ('briers and
back to treating the whole book as a unity. thorns', 'remnant') are not found in the later sections,
2. It may be helpful to rehearse briefly the relevant findings whereas such terms as 'create' and 'redeem' are peculiar to
of historical criticism with regard to the different elements in the later chapters. Again, there are marked stylistic differ-
the book. Broadly speaking they fall into three categories: ences, the sharp, brief, and often bitterly condemnatory or-
historical, stylistic, and theological. acles of the early chapters (e.g. the 'woes' of 5:8-23)
3. Historical. Many references in the early part of the book contrasting markedly with the repetitive, dignified style of
(e.g. ch. 7, chs. 36—9) as well as places in 2 Kings where Isaiah 40—55, where many Psalm-like passages are addressed to
is mentioned by name (e.g. 19:2) make it clear that the pro- God rather than to a human audience.
phet's life and activity were envisaged as taking place during 5. Theological. From ch. 40 onwards major theological
the last third of the eighth century BCE, when Judah was under themes emerge which have played little or no part earlier:
threat, first from its Northern neighbours, Israel and Damas- concern with the Exodus and wilderness deliverance, clearly
cus, and then from the Assyrians. But from ch. 40 all this has pictured as the model for a new return from exile to the
changed; the people addressed are pictured as being in Baby- promised land (40:3-5); the restoration of a destroyed Jerusa-
lon, and Cyrus of Persia, who overthrew the Babylonian em- lem as a symbol of renewed divine favour (ch. 52); the con-
pire, is mentioned by name (44:28; 45:1). Cyrus became king centration on creation, with the use of the distinctive Hebrew
in 550 BCE, and if we are to use any of the normal criteria of verb bam', used in Gen i but rare elsewhere, to speak of divine
ISAIAH 434
creative action; the concern with the role of a servant. All these between chs. 39 and 40. From a somewhat later period it is
themes have no obvious parallel in the earlier chapters. clear that the New Testament regards Isaiah as one book.
6. Until a decade or so ago these considerations were gen- Among many passages which could be quoted, perhaps the
erally regarded as sufficient to justify treating the book of most striking is Jn 12: 38-41, because of the way in which it
Isaiah as two, or three, separate and unconnected blocks of links material from different parts of the book of Isaiah.
material. Some of the points made by historical critics may be 10. All the ancient testimony, therefore, points to Isaiah as
less securely based than might at first sight appear; in par- being one book. It seems improbable, though the possibility
ticular their tendency to treat poetry as if it had precise refer- cannot be totally ruled out, that that oneness consists simply
ence to historical events can give a false sense of security. We in the bringing together of wholly disparate blocks of material,
shall note this particularly when we look at the 'Babylonian' a merely accidental juxtaposition. Again, such theories as
chapters, 40—55. Nevertheless the substance of their work has those which propose that the shortage of material in exile
not been challenged. Yet despite this, the agenda of Isaiah led to the reuse of existing scrolls, or that the prophet called
studies has changed dramatically, so that a recent survey of Deutero-Isaiah was actually named Isaiah, and so had his
such studies can speak of 'the current focus' of scholarly work linked with that of his illustrious forebear and name-
attention being 'the final form of the book of Isaiah as a whole' sake, reflect more on the ingenuity of those who propose them
(Sweeney 1993: 141), an issue barely touched on in most than on any historical likelihood. There are, indeed, certain
historical-critical work. features which recur throughout the whole book of I saiah (the
7. A number of reasons for this shift can be put forward, but characteristic description of God as 'the Holy One of Israel' is
it may be helpful at the very outset to distinguish between two a case in point), which also make any suggestion of mere
basic approaches, each concerned with the final form of the accidental linkage a most unlikely one. We are left with the
book. One approach looks for its unity in and through the conclusion that, though an authorial unity of the book of
circumstances in which it developed. It will envisage an Isaiah Isaiah, in the sense of it all going back to one individual, is
'tradition' or a 'school', and seek to discern some basic ele- most unlikely, there is a real sense in which we may view it as a
ments holding the whole block of material together through redactional unity, that is, a work which has been brought
differing historical circumstances. The other regards the con- together as a deliberately structured whole. It is to the nature
cerns of this kind of historical approach as largely illusory; and purpose of that redaction that much recent scholarly
what we have is a book, so let us treat it as a book, regardless of attention has been devoted.
the particular circumstances which are alleged to have led to 11. Was there a School of Disciples? One theory which has
its composition. We read and can appreciate a classic novel been a good deal discussed in recent years is that Isaiah's own
without enquiring into the background of its composition; words were gathered together and handed down by his dis-
similarly, it is argued, Isaiah can be read as a whole without ciples over a period of perhaps two or three centuries. Some of
exploring what are regarded as irrelevant details. There are those disciples, it is argued, were among those exiled to
obvious differences, for Isaiah is mainly poetry, without any Babylon, and they included among them the great poet who
storyline. Nevertheless certain basic themes run through the came to be known as Deutero-Isaiah, who was responsible for
whole book which are of intrinsic importance. chs. 40—55 of our present book. There are certain clues which
8. The two approaches to which we have referred may for seem to favour this line of interpretation. 8:16 is a difficult
convenience, though with some ambiguity, be described as verse, but a typical translation is that of NRSV 'Bind up the
'historical' and 'literary'. They seem to be radically different; testimony, seal the teaching among my disciples.' (For other
whether they can be reconciled to one another, as some have ways of understanding this verse, see the commentary.) Vari-
claimed, must remain doubtful. In the commentary which ous scholars have supposed that this is an indication of the
follows more attention will be paid to the second approach, beginning ofa process thatlasted atleast 200 years. Eaton, for
partly because it has been less prominent in commentaries on example, detects a 'definite connection of master and disciples
Isaiah. It is hoped, however, that the important concerns of with the centre of worship (i.e. Jerusalem), yielding a discip-
the first approach have not been ignored. lined succession into and beyond the exile' (Eaton 1982: 59).
9. There are some issues which the two views have in On this view there was a clearly structured tradition, owing its
common. We may accept that the various parts of the book origin to the historical Isaiah of the eighth century (some-
of Isaiah are diverse in their origin. What next should be times rather misleadingly described as T saiah of Jerusalem'),
examined is the fact that this heterogeneous material has closely linked in its concerns and manner of expression with
been brought together into one book. In this connection we the worship of the Jerusalem temple, and reaching new theo-
must first of all remember the unanimous testimony of the logical and liturgical insights as its conviction grew that the
ancient witnesses to the unity of Isaiah. The book of Sirach days of exile were coming to an end (Eaton 1979. Albertz
(Ecclesiasticus), in the Apocrypha, refers to Isaiah in an 1990: 253-5 recognizes the force of these links, but notes
eighth-century context, but also ascribes to him the theme of also that the later stages of the Isaianic tradition drew on
comforting 'those who mourned' (8^48:24), a clear reference sources other than words attributable to Isaiah himself).
to Isa 40, i.e. the later part of the book. The chronological 12. The existence of such a school is certainly possible, but
problem is resolved by the supposition that the prophet him- other scholars have not been slow to point out some of the
self 'saw the future'. That evidence comes from the second difficulties of this view. Clements, for example, notes that we
century BCE. From roughly the same period the scrolls of know little of how such a school of authors (for whose exist-
Isaiah from Qumran, among the earliest found and best ence there is, in any case, no certain testimony in the book of
preserved of the Dead Sea scrolls, do not reflect any division Isaiah and no independent evidence from other sources)
 435 ISAIAH
would have evolved, or what kind of connection between Vermeylen claims that one redactional 'layer' was a process
different parts of the book is implied. His own proposal is of anti-Samaritan polemic which cannot be dated earlier than
that the material in chs. 40—55 was 'intended to develop and the fourth century.
enlarge upon prophetic sayings from Isaiah of Jerusalem' 16. More recently, however, a number of studies have re-
(Clements 1985: 101). He then illustrates this point by draw- jected this historical concern out of hand. These represent
ing attention to a number of themes which are common to what we have already referred to as a 'literary' rather than a
different parts of the book, in which it is possible to see a 'historical' standpoint. In this approach what we have is a
development throughout. We are in the world of redaction piece of literature, which should be read and appreciated
criticism; less interested in authors and precise historical like other pieces of literature, without constantly breaking
circumstances, more concerned with the way in which par- off to speculate about the historical circumstances from
ticular themes and motifs developed within a specific literary which its elements emerge, either in their original form or
tradition. in the process of editing. The title of Conrad's book (1991) is
13. One important element in this development has its significant: Reading Isaiah. Tsaiah' here clearly refers to
roots in the work of the historical critics. As we have seen, the book; now only minimal attention is paid to the 'historical
the conventional division was between chs. 1—39 and what Isaiah', the eighth-century figure of whom we can in any
followed, with 1-39 described as 'Isaiah of Jerusalem'. But it case know very little. Indeed there is a real sense in which
has long been recognized that a large part of chs. 1-39 could Isaiah becomes a fictional figure. We need not doubt that
not simply be ascribed to the eighth-century Isaiah. Much in such a person did indeed exist, but it would be misleading to
the foreign nations oracles (13—23) seemed to come from a suppose that the book gives us access to his actual words
period later than that of Isaiah. Chs. 24-7 betray some of the and thoughts. But the other word in his title is also highly
features of the apocalypses, and have usually been thought of significant: it is the reading, and the reader who engages in
as the latest part of the whole book. Chs. 33—4 have character- that exercise, that take centre stage. For an approach of this
istics which again suggest a late date, while 35 has so much in kind it is a book to read, to savour as a piece of literature, to
common with 40-55 that it has sometimes been attributed to reflect upon its message. But this scarcely says enough.
Deutero-Isaiah. Chs. 36-9 are substantially identical with 2 'To reflect upon its message' may imply that there is an
Kings 18—20, and the dependence has usually been held to be objective 'message' there, equally accessible to all. Much
on the side of Isaiah. Detailed critical study, therefore, has traditional interpretation of Scripture has indeed claimed
found material going back to Isaiah himself only in chs. 1-12 just that, that it refers to something beyond itself. The
and 28-32. emphasis on the reader, to which reference has been
14. Even in those chapters, however, the tendency has been made, is inevitably much more subjective. For a start, it will
to discern a radical process of development. Kaiser at the ask: Who is the reader? Is it a man or a woman? There is
outset of his commentary makes it clear that only 'the much feminine imagery in Isaiah, some of it dismissive
earliest prophecies, contained in chs. 28-31, should be iden- (3:16-4:1) but some of it much more positive. Sawyer (1989)
tified with sayings of Isaiah' (Kaiser 1983: 2). The remainder offers an interesting and illuminating comparison between
of this material only began to be collected in the fifth century, the 'servant of the Lord' and the 'daughter of Zion' imagery in
that is, at a time later than the traditional date for Deutero- the second half of the book. Or again: From what social and
Isaiah! Vermeylen engaged in a detailed study of the stages economic background does the reader come? The book speaks
by which the book reached its present form, and suggested harshly against those who 'join house to house... until
that the influence of those responsible for chs. 56—66 can there is no more room' (5:8). One's attitude to that might
also be traced in 1-39, again reversing the conventional differ according to whether one were involved in the
order of composition (Vermeylen 1977-8: 757). The subtitle property market, or were anxious to alleviate a housing
of Vermeylen's work gives a good indication of his view of shortage. Or again: What is the reader's attitude towards
the process of composition: Tsai'e I—XXXV, miroir d'un demi- religious practice? Many readers of the Bible might be
millenaire d'experience religieuse en Israel'. An analogous thought to be favourably disposed towards it; how then
approach is that of Ackroyd (1987), who examines some of will they react to the fierce criticism of religious practice in
the issues involved in the gradual development of the com- 1:11-15?
plete book of Isaiah, and then goes on to look in greater 17. In this kind of reading of the text not only the concerns
detail at chs. 1-12, in which he is able to discern 'the presenta- of historical criticism, but also those of redaction criticism, are
tion of a prophet'—the reflection of a later generation on now dismissed as of no more than marginal relevance. Such
how the ideal prophetic figure should be delineated. an approach is a far cry from that of most traditional com-
15. The above studies, and others that could be listed, retain mentaries upon Isaiah. It is too early as yet to say whether it
something of a historical concern, but with a difference. will become the norm, or whether it will itself be regarded as a
Whereas in earlier writings questions of historicity related to curious sidetrack. Unclear also is the extent to which the
the amount of material which could plausibly be traced back historical and the literary approaches are totally independent
to Isaiah himself and the circumstances of the eighth century, of, and perhaps even hostile to, one another.
now the historical concerns are those relating to the process of 18. However that may be, it will be clear from the
redaction and editing. Kaiser, for example, sees much of Isa above brief survey that many of the questions habitually
1-39 as an attempt to come to terms with and offer a satisfac- raised in introductions of this kind no longer seem to be
tory explanation for the downfall of Judah and the exile of its as central as once they were. As recently as 1989, the excellent
leading citizens in the sixth century. In a comparable way commentary by J. Jensen and W H. Irwin on Isa 1-39 in
ISAIAH 436

the NJB C began with a section devoted to 'The Prophet and his COMMENTARY
Times', outlining the history of Judah in the last third of the
(Ch. i) provides a good illustration of the way in which inter-
eighth century and placing the activity and oracles of Isaiah
est in the literary structure of the whole has replaced some
within that context. Such an approach has become steadily
of the older historical questions. It concludes (v. 31) with a
more difficult, and will not be attempted here. It is likely that
reference to the burning of those who trust in their own
the final redactors of the book of Isaiah drew on something
strength, in a fire which cannot be 'quenched' (Heb. root:
akin to our present 2 Kings as one of their sources, and the
k-b-h). This relatively rare word is also found in the last
modern reader who wishes to find out how much we can
verse of the whole book (66:24: 'their fire shall not be
know about Judah in the second half of the eighth century
quenched'), linking together beginning and ending of the
BCE must do the same. By the time that Isaiah reached its final
book. But it is also used of the servant in 42:3, of whom it is
form the time of the monarchy, the pre-exilic period, was a
said, by contrast, that 'a dimly burning wick he will not
distant memory.
quench'. Again, the fire devouring Edom will be quenched
19. That is not to say that little or nothing of what has been
(34:10), and those who oppose the LORD'S path are 'quenched
preserved for us in the final form of the book goes back to
like a wick' (43:17). It is obviously possible that these uses are
Isaiah himself. Rather, it implies that the process of editing
coincidental, but even if that were true the reader is surely
and shaping the collection of material, and then the composi-
invited to see and reflect upon this linkage. It will be noted, of
tion of a completed book, gives us a different perspective, one
course, that the five examples which have been given take in
which stretches over several centuries of the growth and
all three of the parts into which Isaiah has customarily been
development of the Jerusalem community. It has the simple
divided.
practical consequence for this commentary that the word
Other links between ch. i and the last part of the book have
Tsaiah' will, unless otherwise stated, refer to the book
been noted. Clements (19800: 28) expressed this as 'a selec-
rather than to the figure of an individual. (Indeed the paucity
tion of the prophet's sayings in order to provide a general
of references to Isaiah as an individual within his book is
preface and guide to his teaching', but it may be more appro-
striking; there are 16 such references, compared with more
priate to envisage this 'selection' in terms of an introduction to
than 130 to Jeremiah in the book that bears his name (Conrad
some of the main themes ofthe whole book. The issues of sin,
1991: 34). It also means that more attention than has been
judgement, and hoped-for restoration are those with which
usual will be paid to linkages within the whole of Isaiah, the
the community of I srael as a whole and the prophetic writings
sense in which the whole book is a unity. As has already been
were deeply concerned, and they form the overarching struc-
made clear, that need not have any implication that the in-
ture ofthe book of Isaiah.
dividual Isaiah son of Amoz was not himself responsible for
particular sayings; it does emphasize the clearly patterned (1:1) The introductory verse is closely comparable to the
overall structure of the book. For believers in particular the opening ofthe books of Jeremiah, Hosea, Amos, Micah, and
question may become acute. Is their concern as they approach Zephaniah. It is sometimes supposed that all ancient
the book of Isaiah a desire to find out the underlying historical Israelites were necessarily expert in knowing which king
circumstances of each part of the book, and to discover a reigned when, in the way in which children of an earlier
specific point of reference—historical, doctrinal, ethical—in generation were required to learn lists ofthe kings of Judah
each passage? Or is it rather to come to the text as literature and Israel. Much more probably this is a literary device at
and let it speak to them as a 'holy text' ? one stage in the editorial process of the Isaiah collection,
20. It is appropriate to end this introduction with an outline linking it with the account of the people's history given
of what we shall be studying. It is a book, mostly of poetry, in the books of Kings. Since those books are usually described
which begins by warning a religious community of the dan- as part of the Deuteronomistic History this verse is then
gers inherent in its failures, dangers which must lead to regarded as evidence for one of the redactions of Isaiah's
punishment. These warnings occupy much of chs. 1—33. words being Deuteronomistic. (Kaiser 1983: 1—2 suggests
There follows the triumphant proclamation that the time of that this implies a fifth-century date, but there is little unam-
punishment is now over, and that the way to restoration lies biguous evidence for dating.) It is not even possible to offer
ahead; this theme is found in chs. 34—5, and clearly underlies exact dates for the kings listed, but they all ruled in the second
the stories in chs. 36—9, chapters which function as a hinge half of the eighth century BCE. What follows is described as 'a
upon which the whole book turns. As has long been recog- vision which (Isaiah) saw'. Part of the reference here must
nized, the announcement of restoration predominates in chs. surely be to the great vision in ch. 6, but we should also
40—55. But the book ends with renewed notes of warning; the bear in mind that vision (what we might describe as 'second
community must not suppose that in future 'anything goes'. sight' or 'insight') was an important element in the prophetic
There are still dangers to be guarded against, patterns of role. Another way of describing prophets was as 'seers',
behaviour which are incompatible with their religious claims. and the two terms seem in practice to have been synonymous.
These warning signs are prominent in chs. 56—66. Some- Indeed, from the visions of Amos onwards the prophetic
times there are clues which suggest a particular historical collections emphasize the importance of visions, and the
background for particular pasages, but they are subsidiary to books of Obadiah, Habakkuk, and Nahum, like that of
the main thrust of the book and liable to misinterpretation. Isaiah, are described in their opening verse as 'visions'. The
We may be wiser to read Isaiah as a structured collection of distinction between words and visions, which to us may
religious verse, keeping this broad thematic progression in appear fundamental, may not have seemed so basic to the
mind. compilers of these oracles. Perhaps this is a pointer, one of
 437 ISAIAH
many we shall notice, that much of what follows is poetry, and of Hebrew poetry is parallelism: the repetition in slightly
is not to be treated in the precise manner in which we different words in the second line of what has already been
approach prose. said in the first. Often such parallelism is described as 'syn-
(1:2) The form used here appears to be that of a lawsuit, with onymous', with the implication that there is no additional
witnesses being summoned. We have no means of knowing nuance of meaning to be discerned in the second line. But
how closely the book's language is based on actual legal this conflicts with a deeply held traditional Jewish belief,
practice; some may feel that poetry and legal usage are at shared also by some Christians, that every word of Scripture
opposite ends of the spectrum. Indeed no legal system could must have its own in-built significance. This verse provides a
tolerate the duplication of roles here envisaged, for YHWH good example of the tension. Are 'children' and 'deal cor-
speaks both as prosecuting counsel, here summoning his ruptly' simply synonyms of 'offspring' and 'do evil', or do
witnesses, and as judge, whose verdict, though implicit, is they add details which might otherwise be overlooked? The
inevitable (Nielsen 1978: 27—9, though her reading of a coven- usual view in modern scholarship has been that they are no
ant context underlying the lawsuit seems doubtful—the idea more than synonyms, but the other view has been vigorously
of'covenant' is not prominent in the early chapters of Isaiah). upheld by some scholars (Kugel 1981: 289—92). Similarly
It seems clear that 'heavens' and 'earth' are envisaged as a with the words gdy and 'am, translated 'nation' and 'people'.
totality; the whole created order is summoned to witness the These can certainly be understood as synonyms; but it is also
verdict that God is about to announce. T reared children': this possible to suppose that the wickedness ofYHWH's own 'am
is the first example of what will become a frequent and in- is somehow more culpable than that associated with a gdy, a
creasingly explicit feature of Isaiah, the picture of God as term used of any nation.
parent (both father and mother) of wayward children. The The verse begins with the characteristic Isaianic word hoy,
language may be that of adoption rather than of direct parent- translated 'Ah', but in reality somewhat stronger than that
age (Melnyk 1993: 252), but we know too little of adoption implies: 'Alas!' It is followed by a characteristic reproach, a
procedures in ancient Israel to be certain of this. form in which the reasons for God's condemnation of the
people are set out. The third-person usage in the second half
(1:3) This verse has played an important part in Christian
of the verse is somewhat unexpected, and has led some com-
tradition. Much of Isaiah came to be regarded as pointing
mentators (Kaiser 1983) to regard it as a later clarification;
forward to the time of Christ, and the reference here to the
without it the whole section to v. 7 can be taken as a direct
ox and the ass recognizing God's presence came to be inter-
address of condemnation. The point is of some importance
preted in connection with the stories of the birth of Jesus. The
for our understanding of Isaianic usage, because this part of
animals in the Christmas crib are not a biblical tradition, but
the verse contains the first instance of the designation of God
are first mentioned in the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, thought
as 'the Holy One of Israel', an expression found 28 times in all
to date from the eighth or ninth century CE, where it is said
parts of the book of Isaiah, but rare elsewhere, only 5 occur-
that Mary 'put her child in a manger, and an ox and an ass
rences in the rest of the HB (van Selms 1982). 'Israel', as we
worshipped him. Then was fulfilled that which was spoken
have already seen, came to be used as an overall term for the
through the prophet Isaiah: " The ox knows his owner and the
worshippers of YHWH, but it is disputed whether the term
ass his master's crib" ' (Hennecke 1963: 410). It is interesting
was already in use in that sense in pre-exilic times (when it
that the Hebrew word translated 'master' is ba'al, the same
also designated the northern kingdom) or, as is perhaps more
word as is used elsewhere of a god regarded as a rival to
probable, only developed at a later time. If the latter view is
YHWH. There is no suggestion of a rival deity here, or any
correct, the term 'Holy One of Israel' may be seen as a char-
feeling that the use of this word posed problems.
acteristic marker of a fairly late stage in the redaction of the
The same theme, of animals recognizing what is hidden
Isaiah material. Holiness, which at an earlier stage meant that
from God's own people, is found again in Jer 8:7, but the
which is separate, set apart, has now come to be an appro-
'stork, turtledove, swallow and [?]crane' of that verse might
priate designation of God.
not seem so appropriate to a Christmas crib. The remainder of
the verse introduces themes basic to Isaiah. The people are (1:5—7) These verses illustrate well the perils inherent in try-
described as 'Israel'. But Israel in the time of the prophet ing to interpret poetry in a precise historical fashion. In w. 5—6
Isaiah meant the northern kingdom, which was absorbed it is clear that a vivid metaphor is being used, with the people's
into the Assyrian Empire around 722 BCE. It is likely that the condition set out in terms of a desperately sick body. The
use of the term in a religious sense, to describe the worship- language here used of the community will be picked up again
pers of YHWH, only became predominant at a later period. in the description of the suffering of the servant in ch. 53; the
The expression 'my people' is also used, here in a strongly rather rare word haburd (bruise) is found in Isaiah only here
condemnatory sense. There is a clear cross-reference here and at 53:5. In v. 7 the metaphor changes, to that of a land lying
with the usage in 40:1, with its cry to 'comfort my people'. In desolate, and many interpreters have attempted to discover
this opening chapter the people's sins are described in detail some precise historical 'reality' underlying this description.
and the inevitability of punishment spelt out; in ch. 40 it is There has been discussion about whether the devastation of
made clear that the punishment, though thoroughly de- Sennacherib and the Assyrians in 701 BCE is the setting, or
served, had now been completed and that the people might whether only the even greater devastation of the Babylonian
now contemplate restoration. armies in the early sixth century was in mind. We may be
(1:4) The section from v. 2 onwards is rightly set out in most wiser to take this description, like that of the sick body in the
modern translations as poetry, and one of the characteristics preceding verses, as a vivid way of describing the general
ISAIAH 438

punishment inflicted on a people who are perceived to have from 'the word of the LORD', and from his 'teaching'. This
abandoned the right way. represents Hebrew tora, the term which came ultimately to be
(1:8) The phrase bat styyon has traditionally been translated used for the gathered collection of Scripture. It scarcely has
'daughter of Zion', but NRSV is surely right in its rendering that formal sense here, but already we can see that a body of
'daughter Zion'. It is Zion itself whose fate is here being teaching is envisaged which the community could be expected
described, not its daughter (however that expression may be to recognize and adhere to. The roots of tora may be in the
understood). In the social world of ancient Israel daughters wisdom tradition (Jensen 1973), but its usage in the final form
were pictured as their father's possession, and so to describe of the book goes significantly beyond that base.
the city as a 'daughter' implies that it was God's possession.
(1:11—15) Thgre follows a fierce denunciation of wrong ritual
Sometimes in the ancient Near East cities were pictured as
practice, comparable to other such attacks in the prophetic
being married to their gods, but that particular mode of
books (Am 5:18-24; Hos 6:6; Mic 6:6-8). Some modern
expression is not often found of Jerusalem and YHWH
writers have claimed that this indicates a complete 'rejection
(though cf 54:5 and 62:1-5) (Pfisterer Darr 1994).
of the sacrificial cult, a momentous break with the past' on
The verse also brings out another characteristic theme of
the part of the prophet (Heaton 1994: 96). There are difficul-
Isaiah: that of the remnant. There is an inherent ambiguity in
ties with this view. First, it imposes a very modern, Western
this theme: it may be a means of expressing vividly the mag-
approach on an ancient text. Secondly, it ignores the fact
nitude of a disaster. Only a remnant is left. Indeed, sometimes
that in the sweeping denunciations used here the actual ter-
the scale of a disaster can only be grasped by the fact that there
minology of the sacrificial cult seems not to be employed,
are a few survivors, as is recognized nowadays by the media
as we should expect if the practices laid down in e.g. Leviticus
when they heighten their account of an earthquake, an aero-
were here being condemned. More probably we should
plane crash, or a fire, by letting the few survivors tell their
discern a twofold purpose underlying these words. On the
story. But a remnant can also be a hopeful sign; there arc those
one hand the community needed to be warned against
who have lived to tell the tale, and on them a better future can
complacency; even the glories of the Jerusalem cult-tradition,
be built. Both usages of the theme are found in Isaiah, some-
amply illustrated in Isaiah, cannot be taken as a guarantee of
times in close relation to one another (see 10:20-3 and com-
worship acceptable to God. On the other hand there were
mentary), but here there is no doubt that the underlying
dangers inherent in a false understanding of what worship
notion is of disaster. There has been much discussion as to
could achieve. To set these out offers the beginning of an
which of the two ideas inherent in the theme of remnant is
explanation of the humiliations which the community had
primary, a commonly held view being that 'remnant as threat'
experienced.
goes back to Isaiah himself, while 'remnant as promise' is
In what way should we understand these condemnations?
secondary. It may be more appropriate to understand the
Some have simply taken them at face value, and supposed that
whole motif as a theodicy: the community in the Second
the whole cultic structure had become decadent. But we need
Temple period were very aware of themselves as a remnant,
to remember that there is no polemic as bitter and violent as
those who had survived great disasters. But those disasters
religious polemic, and it may well be that this passage illus-
had been part of God's purpose for his people, who might, as a
trates rivalries within the Jerusalem community, of which
purified remnant, look forward to a more confident future
there is a good deal of evidence scattered through Isaiah,
under his guidance.
illustrated in particular in chs. 56—66.
The word mcluna, here translated 'shelter', occurs in only
One way in which this condemnation is more all-embra-
one other place in the HB: Isa 24:20 (NRSV: 'hut'). The idea is
cing than the comparable passages in the other prophetic
very much that of a temporary and insecure place of refuge.
collections is that all forms of religious activity are here con-
Less certain is the meaning of ncsura. NRSV's 'besieged' is
demned; even prayer (v. 15). There is no sense here of private
doubtful as a rendering of the word and is in any case scarcely
religious observance being acceptable and the condemnation
appropriate for the context. Kaiser (1983) deletes the reference
being limited to public worship. The development within the
to a 'city', to obtain the meaning 'like a refuge in the sheep-
passage is also striking. From v. n it would appear that it is
fold', but this seems purely speculative. REB's 'beleaguered'
sacrificial worship of any kind which is rejected, but in the
may bring out the sense, but it seems doubtful whether we
following verses the words 'you' and 'your' become increas-
should follow the example of many commentators (most
ingly prominent, so that the climax in v. 15 is a clear condem-
recently Stacey 1993) in claiming that the language here
nation of the offerers rather than of their practice in itself:
'changes abruptly from image to harsh reality'.
'Your hands are full of blood'.
(1:9) The community's self-recognition as a remnant is now This in turn raises important interpretative questions.
brought out. The use of'we' suggests the existence of a group Those being condemned are apparently those in positions of
with which the prophetic tradition could identify which re- authority; they are the 'rulers of Sodom'. At one level, there-
garded itself as the surviving remnant. The image of Sodom fore, Isaiah is condemning the community's leaders. At an-
and Gomorrah is based on Gen 19, with special emphasis on other level, however, the book claims authority for itself; 'the
the totality of destruction; in the next verse the same image vision' mentioned in 1:1 is clearly a vision of God, empowering
will be used in a rather different sense. the prophetic group. This tension, whereby Isaiah both con-
(1:10) The theme of Sodom and Gomorrah is now used to demns the rulers and claims authority for itself, runs all
emphasize the wickedness of the community as a whole, and through the book and is especially prominent in chs. 56—66.
of its leaders in particular. They have become totally alienated It is a tension still characteristic of modern religious leaders,
 439 ISAIAH
who both exercise positions of authority and feel free to con- of divine titles here is in general more characteristic of the
demn those in authority. second part of the book.
(1:16—17) It is important to recognize that what has preceded (1:26) But the picture is not all of gloom; the punishment is to
leads directly into these verses. Until the commands set out be followed by restoration. The phrase 'faithful city' provides
here are observed there can be no true worship. The com- an indusio (that is, the repetition of an opening word or phrase
mands here may be understood as a tora, the term understood at the end of a section) with v. 21, where that status had been
now in a slightly different sense. Here it implies a set of lost, and the use of sedeq not only offers a link with v. 21, but
commands, comparable to the Ten Commandments (though also gives a reminder of the importance of this s-d-q root in
those here are all positive) or the briefer statement in Mic 6:8. Jerusalem's tradition. Perhaps originally concealing a divine
The material itself is part of the common stock of ancient name, it reminds us of Melchizedek in Gen 14 and of Zadok
Near-Eastern texts. It is sometimes supposed that concern for the priest in the story of David, and of the frequent use of the
the oppressed, the orphan, and the widow was peculiar to root in the Psalms.
Israel, but exhortations of this kind were widespread. Thus We are here introduced to a theme which has caused much
in the Aqhat epic from Ugarit, the achievement of Dan'el as discussion: that ofthe 'inviolability of Zion'. Ithas been widely
ruler was that 'he judged the cause of the widow and tried the held that there was an ancient tradition, traces of which can be
case of the orphan' (Gibson 1978: 107). This Canaanite evi- found for example in Ps 2, that Zion was impregnable and
dence should remind us that it was not Israel alone in the could not be captured by its enemies. On the other hand
ancient world that had an awareness of justice. Clements (1980/7) has argued strongly that the tradition
(1:18—20) We return now to the language of the lawsuit. The found its origin in the interpretation in Isaiah and elsewhere
people are summoned; their offences are set out; and the ofthe Assyrian king Sennacherib's failure to capture the city
alternative possibilities laid down (Tf you are willing...'; 'if in 701 BCE. However that may be, it proved to be a powerful
you refuse...'). Clearly repentance is envisaged as a possi- theme, being retained often in the teeth of historical evidence
bility. Repentance is not a prominent theme in the eighth- to the contrary.
century prophets such as Amos, but it later came to be of (1:27—8) Religious polemic is clearly again at work here.
major importance, e.g. in Jeremiah. This may be an indication Those of whom the writer approved are offered sweeping
that this passage is a relatively late element in the complete promises; there are others whose behaviour leads them to be
collection. condemned as forsaking the Lord. This is very reminiscent of
(1:21-3) Tlris passage is usually characterized as a lament. the divisions highlighted in chs. 56—66. Various attempts
The metre, at least at the beginning of the poem, has three have been made (notably by Hanson 1979) more precisely to
stresses in the first part of the line and two in the second, as is identify different groups within the Second Temple commu-
usual in such laments. Some scholars wish to delete 'but now nity, but they founder for lack of sufficiently detailed know-
murderers' to preserve the form throughout the verse, but we ledge.
do not know enough of the details of Hebrew poetry to be (1:29—31) Reasons for the rejection of one group are now
confident in doing so. The opening word 'cka (how) is also offered, and they are to be found in some form of idolatrous
typical of the lament (cf 2 Sam 1:19, 25, for one of the most practice the details of which are not clear to us. The closest
famous laments, that of David over Saul and Jonathan). Je- links are again with chs. 56—66. In addition to the link be-
rusalem is not named in the Hebrew text, but it is clearly the tween v. 31 and 6 6:24 already noticed, we may see in particular
subject here, as is made explicit by the Greek translation, and the reference to the 'oaks' in 57:5 and to the 'gardens' in 65:3.
this concern with Jerusalem, both its great potential and its What is here condemned seems to be some form of pagan
wickedness in practice, will run throughout the whole book. worship; it is apparently quite different from the misuse ofthe
Mispat (justice) and sedeq (righteousness) should have char- temple referred to earlier in the chapter. The variety of con-
acterized the city and especially its rulers, but they are no- demnations and of hopes expressed in this first chapter have
where to be seen. The passage ends with further reference to led a number of scholars to see in it a summary ofthe message
the orphan and the widow (cf. v. 17), as those in whose interest ofthe book as a whole (Fohrer 1967). One must not push this
justice and righteousness should in particular be exercised. idea too far—there are important elements in the book which
The theme of the corruption of justice is one which runs are not reflected here—but in general terms it is a valuable
through the whole prophetic tradition, but is specially char- concept, particularly if it is divorced from largely sterile debate
acteristic of Isaiah, and is one of the elements which hold the about how much of its contents can plausibly be said to go
whole book together. back to Isaiah himself.
(1:24—5) Thgse verses comprise one unit with what has pre- (Chs. 2—4) The majority of commentators have seen these
ceded; they are introduced by the characteristic 'therefore' of chapters as consisting of a variety of short and largely unre-
judgement. The wrongs which have been outlined in the lated oracles but the attempt has been made to discern in
previous verses here have their inevitable consequences spelt them 'a coherent and functional literary unit' (Wiklander
out, and metaphors based on metallurgy provide a link be- 1984, p. ix) a theory based on an elaborate text-linguistic
tween w. 22 and 25. God is here described as 'the Mighty One foundation. On this reading the basic theme is the 'restoration
of Israel', a term distinct from but closely related to the more ofthe covenant by means of a lawsuit involving Yhwh, Judah
usual Isaianic term, 'the Holy One of Israel'; the present and the nations' (ibid. 114). It is an interesting theory which
phrase is not found elsewhere but the almost identical anticipates some more recent literary readings, but suffers
'mighty One of Jacob' occurs at 49:26; 60:16. The piling up from the serious weakness that the word covenant does not
ISAIAH 440

occur in these chapters! Nevertheless the theory that a unify- (2:3) A particular concern of the Second Temple community
ing structure can be discerned in this material, beginning was the position of the worshippers of YHWH vis-a-vis those
(2:2—4) and ending (4:2—6) with a vision of a glorious future who worshipped other gods (cf. Zech 8:20—3; 14-16). That
for Jerusalem, is a valuable one. concern is very prominent in Isaiah, and a variety of attitudes
(2:1) Somewhat unexpectedly a new superscription is intro- can be found, ranging from the extraordinary openness of
duced here. Various suggestions have been made to account 19:24—5 to the bitterness of some of the foreign nations ma-
for this unique feature. It might wish to stress that the follow- terial and the opposition to Edom in ch. 34 and elsewhere.
ing oracle, found also in Micah, is genuinely Isaian; if ch. i is Here a measure of openness can be seen, but it is clear that
seen as a later summary of the book as a whole this could be Israel is envisaged as playing a superior role as the nation
seen as the original introduction to the oracles of Isaiah from which others might profitably learn.
himself; it may be intended as an introduction to chs. 2—12 It is striking that here tora (law) and 'word of the LORD' are
(NB the comparable introduction to the 'foreign nations' sec- treated as synonymous. The word of the Lord is characteristic-
tion at 13:1), or to chs. 2-4 on the view outlined above. ally that which was uttered through prophetic mouthpieces;
tora, as we have seen, had a variety of meanings, but here it
(2:2—4) Th£ most remarkable feature of these verses is that may be comparable to the kind of summary of divine guidance
they are also found in Mic 4:1-3, with very minor internal found in 1:16-17.
differences and a different conclusion. It is obviously possible
(2:4) Ancient Israel lived in a world where war was a fact of
that one prophet, or the collector of his oracles, borrowed from
life. The vision of the cessation of war in this verse is a
the other; if this is so, there are no certain criteria for deciding
remarkable one, and it is perhaps not surprising that it proved
on which side the dependence lay. But it may also be that there
too remarkable for a later prophetic voice. In Joel 3:10 we find
has been a tendency to lay too much stress on the supposed
the vision being reversed; there ploughshares and pruning
'originality' of prophets. As we work through the whole Isaiah
hooks are to become swords and spears, in recognition of the
collection we shall come across a number of places where
need for continued conflict.
there are very close similarities with material found in other
prophetic books. The present example is a well-known one (2:5) This brief appeal has no equivalent in Micah. It is an
and has therefore attracted much attention; the others are exhortation of the kind more commonly found in Deuteron-
mostly in the foreign nations oracles which have been the omy, inviting the community to amendment. It is couched in
subject of less attention. The use and reuse of existing pro- the first person plural (cf. 1:9), suggesting the identity of a
phetic oracles may be a subject which deserves more attention group to whom Isaiah is making special appeal.
than has customarily been devoted to it. Whatever its origin, (2:6—21) An extended passage, the precise meaning of whose
the striking feature of this oracle is the glorious future held details is not always clear owing to textual uncertainties, is
out for Jerusalem, in stark contrast to what has preceded in ch. devoted to the 'day of the LORD' theme. The Hebrew word Id,
i. The vision is to be fulfilled 'in days to come'. Later in this with which it begins, can indeed mean 'for' as in the NRSV
chapter we shall find frequent references to the day of the translation, but it is more likely here to be asseverative, that is
Lord, pictured as a day of disaster. This oracle, in common making an assertion rather than spelling out a condition, and
with much else in Isaiah, seems to be saying that beyond the should be translated 'surely'. It is a new start, not a direct
disaster there will be a genuine hope of restoration and new continuation of v. 5, to which it is linked only by the phrase
prosperity. 'The highest of the mountains': the theme of the 'house of Jacob'. Already there is a difficulty in the condemna-
'cosmic mountain' is a widespread one in the ancient Near tion here: the word translated 'of diviners' is missing in the
East and in the Hebrew Bible in particular (Clifford 1972 Hebrew text, and is supplied from a later tradition, which
offers a useful survey of the main relevant texts). The theme presumably already felt that the gap needed to be filled. In
is frequent in the Psalms (cf e.g. Ps 48:1—3; 68:15—16), and any case the idea seems to be another condemnation of false
both in this passage and in the Psalms the claim is made that worship comparable to that found in 1:29-31. There is no
Mount Zion, in fact not at all a spectacular mountain, will be other evidence that the Philistines were especially gifted as
established as 'the highest of the mountains'. The mythical 'soothsayers'. The point of the address to YHWH is that inter-
features of this picture show us that this is theological geo- cession is useless; doom is inevitable. The condemnation is
graphy. It is also noteworthy that, despite the importance for largely formulaic, with two refrain-like phrases giving a struc-
much of Israel's tradition of Mount Sinai and the Torah given tural unity to the whole. One is found in w. 9, n, and 17, and
there, in the Isaiah tradition the 'holy mountain' is consist- speaks of humanity being humbled; the other in w. 10, 19,
ently Mount Zion. and 21 pictures those who are left hiding among the rocks in
Remarkable also in view of later developments within the the hope that they might thereby escape God's anger. As can
book is the place here given to 'the nations'. Elsewhere, espe- readily be seen the two sets of passages are not identical, as a
cially in chs. 13-23, they are presented as the recipients of the modern refrain would be; this may imply that the poem is not
judgement of YHWH. Here, a much more positive future is a unity but has been developed over an extended period (Ver-
held out for them. It is in the light of this passage, the first meylen 1977-8), but it may also be a characteristic of Hebrew
dealing with foreign nations, that later judgements will natur- poetry to tolerate greater variation than would be acceptable in
ally be read. (Davies 1989 makes an interesting comparison most modern Western traditions. The passage as a whole
between this passage near the beginning of the whole book brings together two basic Isaianic themes: the vanity of
and 66:18—24, which rounds it off.) human self-confidence and the folly ofworshipping false gods.
 441 ISAIAH
(2:n) The poem reaches a climax with the assertion of God's (3:12) The whole section ends with a statement of a society in
sole power 'in that day'. Here the way in which the 'day' is confusion, expressed in a way which shows all too clearly the
spoken of differs sharply from the picture of the latter 'days' in values of ancient Israelite society. It is regarded as a sign of
v. 2. There it was a time of the vindication of Zion and its disaster that children or women, bracketed together in the
worshippers, here it is an occasion of unmitigated disaster. parallelism, should be in positions of authority. It will be for
(2:12-19) The idea of a 'day of YHWH' when his enemies the reader to decide whether he or she can accept the pro-
would experience his power seems to have been a common phet's assessment in such a matter.
one. Am 5:18 presents the idea of the 'day of YHWH' as one to (3:13-15) In these verses we return to the lawsuit language
which the people looked forward in eager anticipation. In this already found in ch. i, and the problem already expressed
Isaiah passage the idea that YHWH will indeed have a day of there returns even more clearly. Here YHWH is both the
punishment of his enemies is again set out, but with the prosecuting counsel (v. 13) and the judge (v. 14). Whatever
disturbing difference that the enemies are now pictured as we may think about the legal proprieties of such a situation
those who claimed to be his worshippers. In particular, as fre- the prophet's intention is clear; he continues his attack upon
quently in Isaiah, the most severe condemnations are reserved the leaders of the community, regarding them as the real
for those who trust in their own strength. The imagery used is perverters of justice through the oppression of the weaker
not always clear, but an important place is found for the storm- members of society. The section ends with the messenger
wind, a recurring image of divine power in the HB, from the formula ('says the Lord GOD of hosts') showing the prophet's
description of Mount Sinai down to the apocalyptic writings. claim to divine authorization.
(2:22) This last verse is missing from the Greek translation (3:16—23) There follows an extraordinary male chauvinist at-
(LXX). Its presence illustrates the way in which the tradition tack upon the women of Jerusalem. There were women proph-
developed. It functions as a kind of brief sermon to the readers ets in ancient Israel (e.g. Huldah, 2 Kings 22), but those
of the final form of the book, warning them of the dire con- prophets whose words have been handed down in written
sequences of the kind of behaviour outlined above. form seem for the most part strongly misogynistic (Hos i
and 3; Am 4, as well as this passage and Isa 32: 9—11). Whether
(3:1-5) As at 2:6 the word Id, translated 'for' in NRSV and this tells us more about the women of the time or about the
elsewhere, is really asseverative: 'Surely'. What is sure is the prophets to whom such words are attributed must be left
complete break-up of the established structure of society. open. The form of 16—17 is a reproach, describing female
Among the prophets it is Jeremiah who is often pictured as behaviour from a male point of view; it leads into a prose
endangering the very basis of the society in which he lived, but expansion, w. 18-23, which reads like a catalogue from
this charge is less often brought against Isaiah. Here, how- some ancient fashion store. Several of the terms are found
ever, it is clear that the whole established order is at risk. The only here, and not all of them can be identified; the larger
words translated 'support and staff in NRSV function in two commentaries must be consulted for fuller details (Wildber-
different ways within the announcement of judgement. They ger 1972: 135-45).
refer to the structure of the society without which there would
(3:24-4:1) In one sense this is a reversion to the reproach of
be chaos. But they also refer to the need for sustenance: bread
3:16-17, but there is a shift of emphasis. Instead of the attack
and water. (NEB/REB omit the reference to bread and water as
upon the women of Jerusalem the stress shifts so that the
a later gloss, but this kind of double allusion seems well suited
reference is to Jerusalem itself, pictured, as cities often were,
to the basic Isaiah tradition.) The list of leaders of society
in feminine terms. The 'sitting on the ground' as a symbol of
undergoes an interesting development. At first it appears as
mourning undergone here by Jerusalem will be used in the
purely neutral description ('warrior', 'soldier', and so forth);
same way of Babylon in 47:1. But the passage reverts at its
but as it develops it becomes steadily more derogatory ('skilful
close to the picture of individual women, eagerly seeking the
magician', 'expert enchanter'). It is an entirely male-domin-
respectability which being called by a man's name promises.
ated structure, and age is also regarded as an important
prerequisite for ability to rule. Notice particularly in this (4:2-6) The degradation and desolation of Jerusalem might
respect v. 5, where the parallelism suggests that 'youth' is appear to be complete, yet it is now contradicted by the great
equivalent to 'base' and 'elder' to 'honourable'. hope expressed in these verses. In historical-critical terms it is
certainly a late addition, and has been disparagingly described
(3:6-90) NRSV makes the section end at v. 8, but it may be as a 'mosaic of cliches from different sources' (Bentzen 1957:
better to take the first part of v. 9 (down to 'do not hide it') with ii. 108); in the context of the book as a whole, however, it
what precedes. This brings out more clearly the link, already functions as showing that the ordeal suffered by Jerusalem
familiar to us from ch. i, of Jerusalem with Sodom, regarded at the hands of its enemies was not the whole story. There was
as a gloss by BHS and Vermeylen (1977-8), but quite under- a glorious future to look forward to. Remarkable, too, is the
standable in the larger context of the book. transformation of the 'on that day' theme, so negative in ch. 2,
(3:96-11) These rather generalizing verses have often been such a powerful symbol of hope here. The use of semah,
regarded as additions to the original context, but if we pay less 'branch', here introduces a term which elsewhere (Jer 23:5;
attention to which words may be original to the prophet Isaiah Zech 3:8; 6:12) is associated with a hoped-for figure in terms
himself, we can see that this section fits well as an overall that can be called messianic. (In Isa 11:1 the word rendered
verdict on different kinds of behaviour, and the rewards that 'branch' in NRSV is a different Heb. word.) Another theme,
each brings. The word 'verdict' is deliberately chosen, for the rare in these early chapters of the book, introduced here is that
legal context is clear to see. of the Exodus and the wilderness journey, evoked in v. 5 by the
ISAIAH 442

'cloud by day and smoke and the shining of a flaming fire by point being made. In itself the point of v. 8 seems to be that
night' (Sweeney 19880:18—19). This forms an important link land is to be held in trust, and encroachment by enlarging it
with the later part of the book. We also note in this passage a infringes that principle. The story of Naboth in i Kings 21 may
positive use of the theme of the remnant: those who are left illustrate the same point.
are to be 'recorded for life'. (5:9-10) The image here is of the prophet being admitted to
(5:I~7) Though the literary form is very different the thrust of the heavenly council (cf. Jer 23:18, 22) to hear the divine
this passage is essentially that of the kind of lawsuit of which verdict on unacceptable behaviour. An ephah is one-tenth of
we have already seen examples: the evidence, in the form of a homer (de Vaux 1961: 199-200), and so the point of the
God's kindness to his people, is set out in w. 1-4; the verdict— decision seems to be that in future those condemned will
guilty—is assumed and punishment follows in w. 5-6. Then harvest only a tenth of what they sow—a less severe threat
v. 7 supplies a kind of key to the dramatis personae of the story, than one might have anticipated.
offering the opportunity for a characteristic play on words. In (5:11—17) w. ii—12, the condemnation of excessive drinking,
form it may be regarded as a parable, a rare literary form in the with the picture of the accompanying merriment, is reminis-
prophetic writings, though some prophetic actions can cer- cent of Am 8. Were the prophets somewhat Puritan in their
tainly be regarded as parabolic: Isa 8:1—4 °ffers an example approach, or was the excess of some people's behaviour an
(Westermann 1967: 201—2). The parable may itself be based open scandal? v. 13, 'therefore' is a characteristic word of
on a vintage-song, though we know too little of these to be threat, binding this spelling out of the consequences to the
confident. It would be unwise to interpret the details of the woe which has preceded. The tense of the verb 'go into exile'
action described in an allegorical fashion, with specific mean- would normally be rendered by an English past, and this
ings being given to watchtower, wine vat, and so on, though makes good sense in the final form of the book: its compilers
this kind of literary reading, so much despised by historical knew what their community's history had been, and inter-
critics, has had something of a renaissance in recent years, v. i preted it as divine punishment. The reason for the exile is
is one of the places where NRSV has modified the RSV striking: NRSV 'without knowledge' might imply mere ignor-
translation, rendering 'my' rather than 'a' love-song. If this ance, but the Hebrew really means 'for lack of knowledge'—a
is correct, w. 1-2 could be seen as providing the setting, with failure to grasp what God really wanted of his people, v. 14, the
the song actually starting in v. 3 (Petersen and Richards 1992: threat is elaborated with another 'therefore'. Sheol, the place
82—3). The more usual view is that the song is found in w. ib— of the dead from which there was no return, eagerly awaited
2, with 3—6 providing the reflections of the owner of the the offenders—the rulers of Jerusalem, so frequently con-
vineyard (Emerton 1992, who also suggests rendering v. i 'a demned in these opening chapters, v. 15 is almost identical
song about my friend'), v. 2,'wild grapes'. Literally'stinkers'! v. with 2:9 and functions in a way similarly dismissive of human
4 at first looks like the defence to the lawsuit. It takes the form aspirations, v. 16 is a key text for the appreciation of much of
of two questions. The first simply invites a sympathetic an- Isaiah. It brings together three key terms: the holiness of God,
swer; the second expresses bewilderment at the unforeseen which will play an important part in the vision of ch. 6; and the
and unwanted harvest. But then we realize that it is not really a qualities of mispat (justice) and sedaqd (righteousness), which
defence at all, for the T' of this verse continues to speak in v. 5, are claimed as characteristic of divine action and are required
now passing judgement. In v. 7 'house of Israel' and 'people of of God's worshippers also. One of the most important features
Judah' are treated as synonymous. This may be a pointer to a of the teaching of the Israelite prophets is this claim that
late date for the final form of this parable, when Israel referred divine characteristics and human behaviour should in some
to the whole religious community, not simply the northern way reflect one another. Where justice and righteousness are
kingdom. The passage closes with the kind of wordplay that lacking the whole of society, from the leaders down, is at risk.
defies acceptable rendering in English. God looked for mispat
(5:18—25) The series of woes continues, rounded off with a
(justice) but found mispdh (bloodshed), for sedaqd (righteous-
threat. The basic charge is that those condemned are impos-
ness) but found safaqd (a cry). The parable, having begun with
ing their own standards of right and wrong (v. 20), corrupting
the prophet himself as speaker, ends with proclamation from
the legal structure (v. 23), and confident that God is either
YHWH.
ignorant of or uninterested in their behaviour (v. 19). In the
(5:8) A new section begins here; this is not made very clear in light of these sweeping condemnations the charge of drunk-
many editions of NRSV. We have a series of woes, introduced enness (v. 22) seems a relatively trifling matter. It is disputed
by the word hoy (cf 1:4). For a reason which is not clear NRSV whether the references to wisdom in v. 21 imply any specific
here translates this word with the very neutral 'Ah', whereas in link with a wisdom movement in Israel, as proposed by
a similar series in Amos 'Alas' is used. Whether the origin be McKane (1965: 65-7). Speculation about Isaiah himself hav-
in a mourning-cry or in some form of cultic usage its impact is ing once been a member of such a wisdom movement is
powerful. Sometimes the punishment is implicit in the woe probably best avoided (Whybray 1974); to be 'wise in one's
itself, sometimes a threat is added, introduced by the word own eyes' means that one is conceited or a fool, and has
'therefore'. There is a link between the series of woes here and nothing to do with membership of a wisdom group. All we
that which follows in 9:8-10:4, best illustrated by the com- can say with fair confidence is that these passages are aimed
mon refrain found in 5:25 and several times in the later against the policy-makers who were convinced, as is not un-
passage. This initial verse illustrates a common characteristic known with politicians, that they were the special recipients of
of this section; it is complete in itself, but has probably been wisdom. By contrast, as the threat in v. 24 makes clear, the
elaborated in the course of transmission to emphasize the Isaiah tradition regards them as having rejected the torn
 443 ISAIAH
(instruction) of the Lord. This whole section brings out very are shown in this chapter to have been inevitable, having
clearly the tension between those who rely upon human already been spelt out in his very call. The point is clearly
political skills and those who seek a superior religious author- put by Kaiser (1983: 115): 'The first-person account serves to
ity. transpose the narrative fictitiously into the time of Isaiah,
v. 25 provides a second threat, and here we are confronted using his ministry to reflect the fact that Yahweh was also
with a methodological problem. Those who have attempted to present beforehand in the history of disaster... and therefore
trace the redactional process underlying the book have noted to make clear and credible his abiding power over the future of
the identity of the last part of this verse ('For all this his this people.'
anger...') with the conclusion of each section of 9:8-10:4, The other question often asked concerning this vision,
and have concluded that some displacement, deliberate or whether or not it should be regarded as inaugurating Isaiah's
accidental, has led to this arrangement (NEB placed 5:24—5 ministry, loses much of its force if the whole passage is seen as
after 10:4 but REB reverts to the order of MT). Some scholars a literary device. It is nevertheless worth bearing in mind that
(Clements igSoa: 66) have regarded the displacement as this account does bear striking similarities in its overall shape
intentional, whereas older commentators supposed an acci- with those in Jer i and Ezek i. In each case a specific date is
dental dislocation. But as we saw in the introduction there is a given. There follows an account of the divine presence with the
strong case for the view that it is the book of Isaiah as it has prophet, a theophany. This leads the prophet to acknowledge
been handed down to us that is the subject of attention, and his unworthiness, from which he is purified and then given a
that we should not attempt rearrangement to conform with an commission. The accounts end with an indication of the
original authorial or redactional intention which is no longer content of the message that the prophet is to deliver. There
accessible to us. As it stands, therefore, this warning of God's are minor differences of order and of degree of elaboration,
continuing anger forms an important frame to the passages but the similarities are so great as to raise the possibility that
dealing with the hope of a glorious royal figure who features in the accounts are based on someknown form of commissioning.
chs. 7—9. The destruction envisaged here is cosmic in scope. (6:1) 'In the year that king Uzziah died'. The year of death of
(5:26—30) The approach of an oppressing army is vividly Uzziah (known also as Azariah) is unknown, but a date
portrayed, but perhaps the most important point comes at around 740 BCE is likely. More striking is the manner of
the outset: this oppressor has been summoned by God him- describing the year. Why is the accession of the new king
self, in terms of signalling to the nations, a metaphor which not mentioned? It is possible that this is a way of dismissing
will be used again in 11:12 and 49:22. (The Heb. here has Ahaz, who for the Isaiah tradition, as for the Chronicler,
'nations', though NRSV has changed it to the singular 'na- embodies all that could go wrong with the Davidic dynasty.
tion', without note, in view of the context.) Here it connotes In any case, as the following words make clear, it is the Lord
threat; in the later passages the signal will herald deliverance. himself who is the real king. He wears a sul, a robe elsewhere
What follows is a conventional description of an army on the associated with the priestly garments (Ex 28:33—4).
march, and it would be unwise to limit its applicability to the (6:2) There have been many conjectures concerning the ser-
Assyrians or any other enemy force. Its universal reference is aphim, who are here pictured as messengers in the divine
shown most clearly at v. 30, where the devastation is directly council. The root s-r-p might make it appropriate to think of
linked back to the 'on that day' language of ch. 2 and else- them as 'burning ones'. Alternatively they have been likened
where. to snakes; but when one notes that they had wings and geni-
(Ch. 6) With this chapter, one of the best-known in the whole talia (here euphemistically 'feet'), could call out, and could
book, acute differences of interpretation arise. Clements sum- carry things the similarities diminish. There are no real bib-
marized a widely held view of the whole of the following lical parallels; the same root is used in Isaiah at 14:29 and
section when he wrote, 'Undoubtedly we have in 6:1—8:18 a 30:6, but these links do not seem to shed much light on this
memoir written by the prophet himself (Clements 19800: passage. With visionary language of this kind, attempts at
70). On this view ch. 6 is autobiographical: the prophet's own precise description, or at finding a specific cultic context, are
account of his calling, precisely dated and vividly set out in the likely to be misguided.
context of the worship of the Jerusalem temple. More recently, (6:3) This is the only direct example in the HB of the Tris-
however, a number of scholars have been much more cau- agion, the threefold cry of'Holy'. It has, of course, been taken
tious. They note the increasing tendency within the prophetic up in almost all Christian eucharistic liturgies as the Sanctus.
tradition to personalize the experience of individuals by at- One of the nearest parallels to it in the HB is Ps 99:3, 5 with its
tributing first-person accounts to them, and see this as ideal- cry of'Holy is he!' There (v. i) cherubim rather than seraphim
izing by a later generation rather than a reliable guide to were the divine attendants. We are not sure of the difference.
personal experience. (Such an approach is characteristic of God is here described as 'the LORD of Hosts'; it can be taken in
the work of R. P. Carroll on Jeremiah; it has not yet been this context simply as a divine title, whether its origin is to be
applied in so systematic a way to Isaiah, but the principles sought among the hosts of heaven or in some kind of military
laid down are very similar, and were indeed outlined by Carroll usage. It is striking as the only context in which the divine
himself in an earlier work. See Carroll (1979) for basic discus- name is used in a genitival ('YHWH of...') relation with
sion.) It may be appropriate to see in this chapter part of the another noun; the HB was very dismissive of the Baals of
'presentation of a prophet' (Ackroyd 1987) rather than an item this place and that.
from an autobiography. In particular the disasters that the 'The whole earth is full of his glory': is this a claim to
community had experienced since the time of Isaiah himself universalism, or would 'land' be a better translation than
ISAIAH 444
'earth'? Whatever the original intention, the larger claim soon ficiality). The problem is not just a modern one, for the last
came to be established. Kabod (glory) is also a significant part of the verse is omitted by the ancient Greek translation,
word, being closely associated with the Jerusalem temple the Septuagint, and interpreters through the ages, including
and its worship: 'in his temple all say "Glory"' (Ps 29:9; cf. modern translations, have differed sharply in their under-
72:19). standing. (NEB bracketed part of the verse and omitted the
(6:4-7) v- 4> me language here is very characteristic of the last phrase entirely.) In the first part of the verse it seems as if
theophany, the manifestation of the divine presence to the disaster outlined in the preceding verses is intensified:
humanity: the shaking, the smoke, v. 5, appropriate to the even if a tenth survived they would be subject to further
theophany, too, is the human response, expressing fear and destruction. The last phrase introduces a note of hope for
inadequacy in the divine presence: cf. Moses in Ex 3:33, the 'holy seed'. Though no doubt a later addition this chimes
Samson's parents in Judg 13. Both points are brought out in in well with the hopefulness of the final form of the book as a
'my eyes have seen the king': human limitations in the pres- whole.
ence of the divine, but also fear, since to be brought into the
presence of any king might be a situation of danger. The (7:1-9) The difference between commentators, already noted
literary input becomes clear with the reference to 'a people at the beginning ofch. 6, continues here. Whereas this narra-
of unclean lips'. The prophet himself will have his unclean- tive account has traditionally been seen as part of the Isaiah
ness purged, but in this vision at least there is no such reprieve Denkschrift, or memorial, deriving substantially from the pro-
for the people. It needs the whole book, and the promise of the phet himself, others have seen here a late narrative, depend-
end of punishment in ch. 40 in particular, to bring about any ent on 2 Kings for its outline, and part of an Isaiah 'legend'
such remission, w. 6—7, there follows the rite of purification. found also in chs. 20; 36—9. Its particular concern is to show
Though the details of the language and actions described are Ahaz as an unworthy member of the Davidic line in sharp
quite different, there are similarities here with the accounts of contrast to his much more worthy son and successor Heze-
the call of Jeremiah and of Ezekiel. No particular theory of kiah.
atonement for sin is here implied; it is the fact of such cleans- v. i, the reference to the attack by foreign kings on Jerusa-
ing that is all-important. lem is based on 2 Kings 16:5; the episode is often referred to as
the 'Syro-Ephraimite war'. It is often supposed that the object-
(6:8-10) Here we see a difference from Jeremiah and Ezekiel;
ive of the two kings was to draw Judah into a coalition which
they express reluctance, whereas here the prophet is pictured
might resist the Assyrian threat, but this remains specula-
as actively volunteering. There is an obvious link with another
tive—there is little direct evidence in support of this interpre-
passage describing the divine council, i Kings 22 with its
tation (Tomes 1993). In the last phrase the Hebrew actually
volunteering spirit, and this similarity extends to the content
says 'he [i.e. presumably Ahaz] could not fight for it', which
of the message. In the i Kings passage the recipients are
might imply that Jerusalem had been captured, but the Dead
misled because the spirit is lying; here again the messenger
Sea scrolls Isaiah and most of the versions read 'they could not
is to prevent the people from receiving the true import of the
fight against it', bringing out the idea that Jerusalem was
message. If this passage were autobiographical we should
inviolable, v. 2, there are difficulties in translation also with
have to suppose that the prophet was speaking with heavy
this verse. 'Allied itself with' is not at all the normal meaning
irony; much more likely these are the reflections of a later
of Hebrew nahd (guide), and most translations have been
editor, seeking to find a possible explanation for an otherwise
shaped by their general sense of the overall context. There is
incomprehensible series of events leading to the exile and
actually no reference to Ahaz in this verse; it is the 'house of
accompanying disasters. So v. 10 emphasizes that every pos-
David' whose heart shook, v. 3, 'Shear-jashub' means 'a rem-
sible way by which 'this people' (here, as often, used in a
nant shall return', an expression found also in 10:21. The
dismissive way) could have grasped the message has been
name is significant as showing that there will be those who
blocked. There was then no way in which disaster could be
survive the inevitable disaster. It is striking that the encounter
avoided. But that is, of course, not the end of the story; in 43:8
with Ahaz takes place at exactly the same spot as that with
and elsewhere in the latter part of the book we shall hear of a
Hezekiah in 36:2. While it is obviously possible that this was a
glorious future for this people who are so blind and deaf.
recognized place for diplomatic business to be carried out, it
(6:11—12) To use a further question is a frequent stylistic seems much more likely that the link was a literary one, aimed
device (cf. Moses in Ex 3), here used less as a request for at bringing out the contrast in subsequent behaviour between
information than as a way of stressing the totality of the Ahaz and Hezekiah.
inevitable disaster. The form of the question, 'how long', w. 4-6, the message 'be quiet, do not fear' in many ways
reminds us of the lament Psalms (e.g. Ps 79:5), as the com- encapsulates the Isaianic message; cf. 30:15, where the same
munity begins to realize the full impact of the disaster. The word for 'quietness' is used. It is making religious claims, as
reference to exile, implicit in what has preceded, becomes against the 'evil plotting' of the community's enemies. Pekah
explicit with v. 12. As in 2 Chr 36 the exile is here pictured as is referred to dismissively as 'the son of Remaliah' and not
total, with 'emptiness in the midst of the land'. This is a poetic given his own name: perhaps a sign of southern hostility to
way of expressing the seriousness of what occurred rather northern pretensions. We know nothing for certain of'the son
than a precise statement of prosaic fact. of Tabeel', but it is at least possible that he was a member of
(6:13) This verse presents a major textual problem which the Tobiad family, referred to in various post-exilic texts (cf.
cannot be dealt with in detail here (see Emerton 1982 for a Neh 2:10) and known as rivals ofthe Jerusalem establishment
34-page study of this one verse which apologizes for its super- (Mazar 1957). The original form of this pretender's name is
 445 ISAIAH
uncertain (perhaps Tab-el, 'God is good'), but it is—surely that is quite apart from the division between conservative and
deliberately?—misspelt in the MTto mean 'son of a no-good'. critical scholars which is here very deep-seated.)
w. 7—9, the poetic oracle in v. 7 is so generally worded as to If the passage is seen as a contemporary memoir, then it
be applicable to a variety of situations, and the particular point would most naturally refer to a young woman who was preg-
of the passages naming the 'head' of the different countries is nant at the time it was uttered, and this in effect means the
not clear, though it is surely derogatory. Inserted in the middle wife of either the prophet (so Clements 19800) or the king,
is what is usually taken to be a prose gloss, alluding to an event with the possibility that Hezekiah, as the child to be born, is
which took place 65 years after the Syro-Ephraimite war. being alluded to. If, as is suggested here, the passage origin-
Possibly the reference is to the campaigns in Palestine of ates from a later period, then precise reference to a particular
Esar-haddon of Assyria c.66g BCE (cf Ezra 4:2). An alternative young woman is not required, and it may be better to translate
understanding of this and other passages that specify a period 'a young woman' with the sense of 'any young woman'. The
of time for their fulfilment (e.g. 7:16; 8:4) is to note their word 'alma may well have reference to the social status of the
similarity with the Mesopotamian divinatory texts known as woman referred to, but it does not imply virginity. The Greek
adannus. These laid down a period of time during which the translation of Isaiah, for reasons which are still unknown,
'prophecy' could be regarded as valid (Cryer 1994: 293). here used the word parthenos, which does mean 'a virgin',
The obscurities of the first part of these verses suddenly and it was that tradition which was followed by Mt 1:23, and
clear away with the categorical statement in v. 9. The Hebrew has been of enormous importance in the Christian interpret-
is even more dramatic than an English translation can be, ative tradition; its use in countless Christmas services still
with a wordplay which NRSV does hint at. The verb (the same attests its evocative power. If historical-critical criteria are to
in each clause) translated 'stand firm' and 'stand at all' is that be paramount this should be regarded as a mis-interpretation;
from which the word 'Amen' derives: Tf you will not be firm, if a reader-response approach is accepted it is presumably a
you will not be confirmed.' The sentence is taken up by the perfectly proper way to read the text.
Chronicler and made the basis for a sermon (2 Chr 20:20). w. 15—17, 'curds and honey' could imply a desperate search
(7:10—17) Here we have a new section in which Isaiah is not for food in a devastated land, but they could be royal food (as is
mentioned by name at all. NRSV refers to him at v. 13, but as perhaps better implied by the 'butter and honey' of AV)
the margin makes clear he is not named in the Hebrew text; (Ringgren 1956: 27 for the idea of this as food of the gods in
the 'he' of that verse is YHWH. The whole of this section, Babylonian texts), v. 16 is difficult, and it looks as if in part at
together with w. 18—25, is a reflection on a common theme least an addition has been made to provide an explicit link
rather than a continuous narrative, v. n, if a link with w. 1-9 is with the Syro-Ephraimite conflict. There is no obvious sense
intended the sign envisaged will have been something to in which the two kings could be said to have 'a' land. In v. 17,
show the discomfiture of the two kings. The biblical use of too, there has been elaboration, particularly in the abrupt
'signs' is a complex one: they are sometimes regarded as an reference to the king of Assyria. We can see in these verses a
important way of showing the divine intention, whereas at tension between a historicizing approach, wishing to give the
other times (not least in the NT) they are regarded with section a specific rooting in the events of the eighth century,
suspicion (Mt 12:39!). Zechariah asks for a sign (Lk i) and is and a thematic understanding more concerned with the hope
struck dumb for it. v. 12, Ahaz's answer here appears to be for the future of the community.
wholly admirable; one might expect that Hezekiah would be (7:18-25) These four short oracles bring back the 'in that day'
condemned for asking for a sign (38:22) yet his action is theme, but our approach to it is inevitably affected by the
apparently commendable. Quasi-psychological explanations context. The 'day' is no longer simply the unpredictable 'day
claiming that Ahaz had the wrong mental attitude are not of the LORD' of ch. 2. Now the understanding is shaped by, on
based on anything in the text. The whole episode is extremely the one hand, the threat posed by Assyria and other foreign
artificial in historical terms. It is, as it were, pre-determined enemies, and on the other by the hopes expressed through the
that Ahaz's attitude will be wrong. birth of the child. But the predominant note is one of threat.
w. 13—140, the strongly negative wording in this section v. 18 envisages threats from both Assyria and Egypt—the
prepares us for as strongly threatening a sign: the condemna- latter, often a hoped-for ally, is unexpected in the context.
tion of the 'house of David' (cf. v. 2); the 'wearying' of God, The verse should be read in the light of the much more
with the implication that the divine patience will soon run out; optimistic picture in 19:23—5. It has been suggested (Mat-
the 'therefore', often used to introduce a threat. All these thews and Benjamin 1993: 104) that the reference to shaving
features suggest that a negative outcome will follow, v. 14/7, the 'hair of the feet' (i.e. genitalia) (v. 20) is a euphemism for
in line with what has just been said some scholars have castration. There is irony in the suggestion that Assyria, tra-
attempted to construe the original meaning of the sign in ditionally hired as Ahaz's protector (2 Kings 16:7) should treat
negative terms. The name Immanuel could be translated its dependant thus. w. 21—2 offer the possibility of reading
'May God be with us', a prayer for deliverance; and the food either a threat or a promise; 'curds and honey' reflects back to
('curds and honey') be taken to imply all that was available in a the similar ambiguity of v. 15, and the remnant theme could be
devastated land. Overwhelmingly, however, the interpretative either hopeful or threatening. But there is no ambiguity in
tradition has taken this sign as one of promise and hope for w. 23—5: general dereliction is inevitable. We are reminded of
the future, and it is that tradition that will be followed here. the 'briers and thorns' of 5:6, and recognize that the passage
(Werlitz 1992: 241, lists 29 different issues which have div- offers its fullest sense in the context of the devastation of the
ided critical scholars in their interpretation of this verse, and exile.
ISAIAH 446

(8:1-4) We revert here to the first-person material, found in material. In the context of claims to political solutions to the
ch. 6 but not in 7. The general sense of the requirement here is community's problems the Isaiah tradition is maintaining
clear, though the detail is obscure. The expression translated that the prophetic testimony and teaching (torn) will in God's
'in common characters' is literally 'with the pen of a man' good time be seen as offering the true solution to problems,
(thus AV, RV). It may imply ordinary human writing, or a very even if it is necessary to wait for and hope in the Lord, whose
slight emendation would give 'unerasable writing' (DCH presence seems to be hidden. This theme of the hiddenness of
344). Of the two cited as witnesses Uriah is mentioned also God as compatible with saving power will be taken further at
in 2 Kings 16:10, Zechariah is more confusing. The same 45:15, but remains a problem for the faithful community
parentage is attributed to the prophet Zechariah (1:1, 7) and throughout the book (64:5). Meanwhile, both the prophet
to the Zechariah referred to in the NT as an innocent martyr himself and the children who have been referred to (Shear-
(Mt 23:35). The present passage may be the historical original, jashub; Maher-shalal-hash-baz; perhaps also Immanuel) are
or itself part of the literary development, w. 3-4 show striking clear signs that God's presence remains in Jerusalem. This
similarities with 7:14-15, so much so that it has been argued fairly standard religious message maybe less exciting than the
that this is a variant version of the same story. But the heavily elaborate compositional theories, but seems better to express
symbolic name given to the unsuspecting child has markedly what is actually said. It also fits the context of the following
different overtones: 'the spoil speeds, the prey hastens'. verses better; there is no need to take 8:18 as a major closure.
(8:5-8) What follows is printed in prose in NRSV but as (8:19-22) This passage serves as a kind of appendix to the
poetry in REB and some other translations. This has two main unit just completed, expressing in new language the
implications. We are reminded of the uncertainty of our cri- familiar Isaianic theme of the right resources to use to ensure
teria for determining poetry. Perhaps more important, our God's favour. Ruled out here is any kind of necromancy,
approach may be different; we expect factual information magical practices which claimed that the dead could some-
from prose, whereas poetry is recognized as allusive and how give them solutions to the uncertainties of life. The last
opaque. This passage starts with the idea of rejection, though part of v. 19 can be seen as a continuing search by the people
it is not made clear in what sense the people have rejected for answers by turning to false gods, or it may be part of the
Shiloah, the local Jerusalem stream. But 'melt in fear' de- answer, in which case we should read 'God' for 'gods'. How-
pends on an emendation of the Hebrew text, which has 're- ever that may be it is clear that the answer is found in v. 21: it is
joice in' (so RSV; NRSV rather disingenuously has 'Meaning in the tora and the instruction of the prophetic tradition (cf.
of Hebrew uncertain'). Perhaps the condemnation is of those v. 16) that God's will can be found. An awkward transition
in Jerusalem (dismissively 'this people') who believe that leads into a warning: nowhere else can deliverance be found.
political solutions of their problems are feasible. But with v. 7 The climax of the threat, in v. 22/7, is very similar to that
we find the contrast between the gentle stream and God's already expressed in 5:30.
judgement pictured as a mighty river, destroying all before (9:1) is 8:23 in the Hebrew; the natural division comes within
it. The metaphor becomes a mixed one as the river turns into a this verse. Its first part (down to 'anguish') relates to the threat
bird with wings, and the section ends with a puzzling refer- that has preceded. But the difficulty with this verse is in what
ence to Immanuel. Whatever its original force the term here follows. Some contrast is clearly implied between 'former'
has connotations of judgement. and 'latter' time. One understanding that has been very influ-
(8:9—15) w. 9—10 (poetry in NRSVas well as in other versions) ential (Alt 1953) is that this was an introduction to the poetry
scarcely fit the context; they are an oracle of judgement warn- that follows. Where once Zebulun and Naphtali, in the north
ing all those who conspire against the community that the of Israel, had been oppressed, soon there would be a glorious
presence of Immanuel ('God is with us') will overthrow their deliverance. Whether so precise a historical reconstruction is
plans, w. 11—15, me theme of conspiracy is taken further, but feasible must remain doubtful (Kaiser 1983). Part of the prob-
this time it is addressed against the community itself (or at lem arises from the fact that the two verbs ('brought into
least some element within it). Though there are details in the contempt', 'will make glorious') could be understood quite
passage which are obscure, the general thrust is clear. Political differently, because the basic meaning of the second verb (k-b-
solutions to the community's problems are no solutions; they d) is to 'make heavy', and so it would be possible to read this
are to trust in YHWH. 'Let him be your fear, and let him be verse as saying that the burden already imposed on the far
your dread.' north will become even heavier as it spreads south, into the
(8:16—18) These verses have played an important part in 'way of the Sea', Transjordan, and Galilee. These names may
shaping theories about the composition of Isaiah; indeed be those of Assyrian provincial districts. If that reading is right
they have been required to bear more weight than they can the transformation from threat to glorious promise does not
legitimately stand. They have been read as requiring the begin until v. 2.
'sealing' of the prophet's words among his disciples, with (9:2—7) How much of this Psalm-like poem refers to earlier
the implication that they were to guard them and in due passages must remain doubtful. Are the 'people who walked
course publish them. Isaiah himself, it is argued, withdrew in darkness' those described in 9:1? Does the child bear any
from public ministry, committing his testimony to his fol- relation to the one mentioned in 7:14? What is certain is that
lowers. Even where so sweeping a conclusion as this has been this is a psalm of thanksgiving, closely comparable to such a
avoided, it has still been customary to see here the end of the poem as Ps 2. v. 2, 'deep darkness'; the Hebrew word(s) sal
supposed autobiographical Denkschrift which extended from mawet are the same as are found in Ps 23 and traditionally
6:1. Such interpretations seem to read too much into the translated 'shadow of death'. 'Death' should probably not be
 447 ISAIAH
taken literally; the expression is a kind of superlative, meaning specific additions, referring to the north ('Ephraim and the
'deepest shadow', v. 3, this is one of the most famous 'mis- inhabitants of Samaria') as the victims and the Arameans and
translations' of the older versions, which introduced a mis- Philistines as the attackers. At a later stage a redactor has
leading negative: 'and not increased the joy'. This nonsensical linked this with the preceding passage by referring to the
reading can still commonly be heard in Christmas services, enemies of Rezin of Damascus, but NRSV dismisses this
though all later translations, such as NRSV, have followed the part ofthe text to the margin.
alternative form of Hebrew which is literally 'increased joy to (9:13—17) Another oracle, closely related to what has pre-
it'. A successful harvest and the time of dividing the spoil after ceded, sets out one view ofthe reasons for disaster. The people
a battle had been won were the traditional times of rejoicing. did not 'turn' (the same root sub, as is used ofthe child Shear-
w. 4—5 are printed as poetry but may rather be a prosaic jashub, 7:3) and therefore the whole structure of society was at
addition, linking the scenes of joy in the poem with compar- risk. A particular concern was the danger from prophets; with
able occasions from the people's history. 'The day of Midian' is conflicting messages, all claiming prophetic inspiration,
most probably a reference to the story of Gideon in Judg 6-8, a whom was one to believe? The hostile way in which prophets
rare example for Isaiah of such a cross-reference. Though the are referred to here (and cf. 28:7) must make it questionable
joy has been compared to the gaining of booty, this verse whether the individual Isaiah was himself a prophet. Would
somewhat illogically looks for an end to any such fighting in he have spoken so slightingly of a group to which he himself
the future. belonged? Perhaps it was only later, possibly Deuteronomis-
v. 6, here is the climax ofthe Psalm. If, as is quite likely, God tic, shaping which brought all the great figures together under
is the speaker, then what seems like an announcement of a the heading 'prophets' (Carroll 1992: 90—1).
birth may more properly be understood as a coronation or
(9:18—21) The briers and thorns, so frequent as an Isaianic
enthronement of an earthly king (cf Ps 2:7), where the king is
image of desolation, are recalled here, though this time they
proclaimed as God's son. What follows is a series of titles,
are themselves consumed rather than symbolizing the de-
possibly comparable to the titles given to Egyptian pharaohs
struction of others, v. 21 might refer to some specific historical
(von Rad 19660). Four throne-names are given to the newly
event in the former northern kingdom, but seems more likely
crowned ruler: 'Wonderful Counsellor' speaks ofthe potential
to be a general picture of the kind of anarchy portrayed
achievements of the king: the word translated 'wonderful'
throughout this section.
comes from the same root as that regularly used of God's
mighty deliverance at the Exodus. 'Mighty God' may imply (10:1-4) This section functions as a bridge between the series
divine kingship, for which there is some evidence in ancient of passages ending with the same refrain (here in v. 4), and the
Israel (cf. Ps 45:6), or 'God' here maybe a kind of superlative: attack on Assyria, with which it shares an introduction (NRSV,
'Divine Warrior'. 'Everlasting Father' brings out the theme of rather blandly, 'Ah'). As so often in these early chapters ofthe
the king as protector, 'father', of his people; and 'Prince of book, it is the deprivation of justice and ofmispat (here 'right')
Peace' implies both freedom from war and the prosperity that is the main gravamen ofthe prophetic condemnation.
implicit in salom. In traditional Judaism, these oracles were (10:5—11) A new section, which stretches throughout the
applied to Hezekiah, around whom an elaborate series of chapter, is here introduced. All the major prophetic books
legends developed. In Christianity, the belief of the early are concerned not only with Israel but also with the surround-
followers of Jesus concerning his status made it natural for ing nations, and Isaiah is no exception. The book is anxious to
these words to be applied to him also, though NT allusions are establish the point that the downfall of Israel and Judah does
only implicit (Jacob 1987: 141). not thereby validate Assyrian or Babylonian claims. They are
v. 7, the Egyptian titles comparable to this were usually no more than the rod used by YHWH in his anger. Whereas
fivefold, and the unusual form of the Hebrew words at the other prophets, such as Amos, referred in general terms to the
beginning of this verse has led some scholars to suppose that inevitability of destruction, Isaiah is quite specific in its refer-
there are traces of a fifth title here, which has been lost either ence to Assyria, w. 5—7 bring out the double point that Israel
accidentally or through deliberate rearrangement. In any case fully deserved her punishment as a godless nation, and that
the Davidic link, hitherto implicit, is now brought out clearly. this was inflicted by Assyria as God's own instrument. The
There are close links with 2 Sam 7, emphasizing the perman- 'spoil' and 'plunder' ofv. 6 remind us ofthe child Maher-shalal-
ence ofthe covenant with David's house and with Ps 72:1, hash-baz in 8:1—4, where the same words are used. But
where justice and righteousness are stressed as royal quali- from v. 8 the fairly standard form of invective takes a new
ties. The last phrase in the verse is found again at 37:32, surely direction. This is not just another attack on YHWH's own
a deliberate cross-reference emphasizing the certainty of people; instead it is the Assyrian who is to be condemned out
God's protection of his chosen ones against enemy assault. of his own mouth, w. 8—n picture the Assyrian plans to 'cut
off nations not a few', and a list is provided climaxing in
(9:8-12) The tone changes dramatically as we return to a Samaria and Jerusalem, yet with the Assyrians themselves
passage of threat similar to those found in ch. 5; indeed, it imagining that the nations they have already conquered
has often been held that 6:1—9:7 is to be seen as an insertion (Calno, Carchemish, and the rest, all cities in northern Syria)
into a series of threats. The refrain at v. 12 has already occurred are more significant than Samaria and Jerusalem. This type of
at 5:25. This section seems to use the fate of the northern comparison is an important theme in the Isaiah tradition,
kingdom of Israel as an awful warning to the south. It looks as with its great esteem for Jerusalem; it will recur again in
if the basic poetry ofthe oracle, which could apply to a variety another 'Assyrian' speech at 37:15. In effect a double charge
of situations, has been made more explicit by a number of is aimed against the Assyrians. Their boasting is what the
ISAIAH 448

Greeks would call hubris, a falsely based pride in one's own poem, though the reference to Rimmon is entirely conjec-
capacity. To it is added blasphemy, the supposition that Jerusa- tural. The poem is a vivid account of the supposed progress of
lem has nothing more thanidols. (Unless, of course, this is tobe an army attacking Judah from the north; how the foe 'from the
seen as an Isaianic dig against false worship in Jerusalem.) north' of Jer 4 and elsewhere might actually manifest itself. It
(10:12-15) Th£ two speeches by the Assyrian are linked by would be unwise to base military strategy on such a list of
v. 12, which serves to remind the reader that there is a deeper names, some of which are chosen for their sound and oppor-
purpose underlying the devastation which Jerusalem has un- tunities for word-play rather than their strategic significance.
dergone. The claim in w. 13—14 is close to the claims actually For this reason the discussions in some commentaries as to
made in Assyrian victory-inscriptions; it is turned upside- whose campaign is here described should be treated with
down by the saying in v. 15, a close parallel to which, in both scepticism. The shaking of the aggressor's fist (v. 32) is, per-
form and substance, is found in a widespread collection of haps deliberately, ambiguous. It is certainly a threat, but may
wisdom-sayings known as the sayings of Ahiqar, warning also be understood as a gesture of frustration because of
against the danger involved in human pride (ANET 4293). inability to capture the holy city.
Though the Assyrian reference is not lost, the next section (10:33—4) Many passages in Isaiah depend for their under-
develops it in different ways. A continuation of the present standing upon the context in which they are found, and this is
theme is found in 14:24—7. one such. Placed elsewhere it could readily have been under-
(10:16—19) m its present context this threat, introduced by the stood as a condemnation of the community's own leaders
characteristic 'therefore', has to be understood as directed with their arrogant pretensions (cf. 2:13, where this same
against Assyria. But there is little specific to Assyria in it, comparison with trees is made, the word there translated
and it may have have originated as another of Isaiah's many 'lofty' being here rendered 'tallest'). Following the account of
threats against Judah, and been transformed at a later stage an enemy army it is much more natural to read it as a warning
(Eissfeldt 1965: 312). Alternatively, the sheer scope of destruc- to that enemy, that its failure was determined. It will be
tion here gives the passage an eschatological dimension disturbing for ecologists to find this destruction of trees at-
which some will see as a late development within the tradi- tributed to God's own action.
tion. There is clearly little room for hope in the picture of a (11:1-9) A third passage, following 7:14 and 9:2-7, which has
remnant with which the passage ends. been interpreted messianically, and which certainly speaks of
(10:20-3) But as we have already seen the notion of a rem- aspirations for the future of the Davidic line. We know little of
nant can be interpreted in more than one way, and this such aspirations in the Second Temple period, but this pas-
passage provides the classic example of such a double reading. sage seems to come from that time, with its reference to the
In 20—i there is clearly a note of hope, and the passage is cut-down stump of Jesse most likely implying the end of the
linked in a way that is not immediately obvious from the monarchy in 587 BCE. In any case the poem as a whole draws
English translation to the hopes expressed in the Immanuel out the ideal characteristics to be envisaged in a royal figure,
section. 'A remnant will return' is Shear-jashub, as in 7:3; 'the w. 1-30, as indicated the most natural reading of the 'shoot
mighty God' is El Gibbor, one of the titles given to the newly from the stump' is that the Davidic line had been cut down,
crowned king in 9:6. Historical-critical interpreters have been presumably at the exile, but that some among the community
very aware of the tension between the two parts of this pas- were convinced that that was not the end of the story. The child
sage, the hope of 20—1 being directly followed by the dire to be born would be imbued with God's spirit, as was David
threat of 22—3, and have felt it necessary to dismiss one part himself in i Sam 16:13. Th£ Christian tradition has spoken of
(usually the first) as a late, secondary addition. But a reading of 'sevenfold gifts of the Spirit' and used w. 2—312 as a basis, but
the book as a whole may not be so disconcerted by this only six gifts are in fact mentioned here. They are the char-
tension. A remnant could imply both destruction and a hope acteristic charismatic qualities of the king, and of all those
beyond that destruction; this was an important message for pictured as being especially close to YHWH (e.g. Moses and
the Second Temple community. the elders, Num 11:25—30; Elijah and Elisha, 2 Kings 2:15).
There are also close links with the wisdom tradition, shown
(10:24-70) This prose passage links back both to the Assyrian not only by the use of the word 'wisdom' itself but also by
theme of 10:5-15 and to 9:2-7, with its reference to Midian 'understanding', 'counsel', and 'fear of the LORD'—all terms
and the throwing off of the yoke (cf 9:4). The introductory particularly associated with, for example, Proverbs. But here
'therefore' on this occasion does not herald a threat; rather the they are God's direct gift, not dependent on the skills of
people are told not to be afraid. The Hebrew phrase is identical human counsellors, w. 3^-5, what is meant by being endowed
with that used to Ahaz in 7:4 (who rejected the opportunity) with the divine spirit is then spelt out. As often in Isaiah there
and to Hezekiah in 37:6 (who will be more responsive). We are close links with the royal Psalms. The stress on just
find a reminder of the deliverance at the Exodus (a rare allu- judgement, with particular concern for the poor and meek,
sion in the early chapters of Isaiah) as a paradigm for what the and the display of sedeq (righteousness) and emuna (faithful-
community can expect when present, temporary afflictions ness) are characteristic both of the Isaiah tradition and of such
are past. a Psalm as 72:12—14. In v. 4 a very minor emendation, adopted
(10:27^-32) v. 27 is very difficult to follow in the Hebrew, and by REB but not NRSV, would give 'smite the ruthless (faris)'
the division proposed by NRSV offers as likely a solution as for 'strike the earth ('eres)', and this would both improve the
any. It takes the first part as the conclusion of the preceding parallelism (with 'kill the wicked') and give better general
prose, the last phrase as an introduction to the following sense, w. 6—9, but the just rule of YHWH goes further than
 449 ISAIAH
the establishment of true Davidic rule in Jerusalem. There set aside, and a fresh section dealing with other nations begins
follows an eschatological picture, looking forward to a restor- with the formal introduction in 13:1. Each of the major pro-
ation of paradise conditions in which the primeval way of life phetic collections in the HB has a group of 'Oracles against
would be restored. There are important links here with 65:25, Foreign Nations', traditionally the most neglected part of
showing how these aspirations draw the whole book together. those collections. To some extent this neglect is understand-
The ancient Israelites come down to us in their writings as able—not everyone will want to explore the history of Moab in
pretty hard-headed people, but such passages as this show the eighth century BCE—but it has unfortunate consequences.
that they had the capacity to dream of a better world, and this It overlooks what must have been perceived as an important
capacity is particularly illustrated by the prophets. In addition element in the prophetic vocation, most clearly expressed in
to various passages in Isaiah, Hos 2:18 and Am 9:13 breathe Jeremiah when he was appointed a 'prophet to the nations'
something of the same spirit. Murray (1992: 103—14) offers a (Jer 1:5), and it also fails to recognize that these oracles contain
sensitive spelling out of the implications of this passage, both major themes (not always very palatable ones) in the under-
in its larger biblical context and in terms of human duties standing of God and his relation not only to Israel, but to the
towards animals. He notes the link with the creation stories of world beyond the nation's boundaries. The origin of such
Genesis provided by the vegetarian habits of the lion (v. 7), and passages may lie in ritual curses against enemies in times of
the way in which the passage brings out both peace from the war, but that context has been largely overlaid, and the oracles
threat of wild animals and the prospect of living at peace with against the nations now fulfil a predominantly literary func-
animals. tion. (Davies 1989 offers a useful discussion of these oracles,
(11:10) 'On that day' language is again used, but now in a considering their place within Isaiah and their larger signifi-
hopeful sense. The 'root of Jesse' figure, thought of in w. 1—9 cance.)
as imminent, will be part of the manifestation of the great day (13:1) This formal introduction, though it might refer only to
ofYHWH. chs. 13-14, is almost certainly intended to relate to the whole
(11:11—16) This passage displays close links with chs. 40—55, section to ch. 23. It is described as an oracle (massif), a term
with the raising of a signal to the nations (cf 49:22 and also used several times in these chapters to introduce passages
5:25) and the more general theme of the gathering of dis- relating to the different nations (e.g. 15:1; 17:1). It is striking
persed exiles (Williamson 1994). The reference to the 'coast- that this first and much the longest passage relates to Babylon.
lands' and the expression 'outcasts of Israel' are also Some have maintained that material originally relating to
reminiscent of the later chapters of the book. Here exile is Assyria has been reapplied to Babylon, for in the eighth
no longer a threat but a reality, and it can be seen as a prelude century Babylon was a potential ally rather than a threat, and
to future promise of restoration. As in Ezek 37, part of the it was only later that it became the great enemy. But if literary
promise for the future is the removal of hostility between rather than historical considerations are introduced the sig-
north (Ephraim) and south (Judah). The theme of a highway nificance of this title within the book as a whole becomes
linking the lands where the people had been scattered is an apparent; in chs. 40-55, the climax of the book, Babylon was
important one throughout Isaiah (cf. 19:23; 49:11), and is a indeed the great enemy, and here we are being introduced to
valuable illustration, not only of the unity of the whole book, that point in the very beginning of the material dealing with
but also of the way in which what had once been a threat—a foreign nations. It is striking also that Babylon seems already
means of deportation—can be transformed into a promise of to have been taking on symbolic significance as the represen-
peace between formerly rival nations. The word here used for tative enemy, in a way that Nineveh, the Assyrian capital, did
a 'highway', mcsilla, is especially used of religious, proces- not, except in Jonah.
sional ways.
(13:2—22) There seems to be nothing specific to Babylon in
(Ch. 12) This brief chapter consists of one, or possibly two, the opening section, w. 2—5, or indeed through much of this
short psalms which round off the first part of the book. Much chapter. There are numerous similarities between this section
of the language used is that typical of the Psalms, with their and Jer 50-1, and it has been suggested that each of these
emphasis on giving thanks to and praising God. But v. 2 sections functions as a general expression of divine judge-
deserves special attention for its similarity to Ex 15:2, the ment alongside the more specific accompanying oracles
Song of the Sea. Just as that poem rounded off the account against particular nations (Vermeylen 1989: 31—2). This
of God's salvation of his people at the Exodus, so here the first might help to explain the relation between this general pas-
part of the story is rounded off. And the word 'salvation' sage and the more specific oracle concerning Babylon in ch.
(yesffd) is striking, because of its close similarity to the 21. The point is stressed that war is inevitable, and that God
name Isaiah (yesa'yahu). The words of Isaiah are potentially himself is involved. The picture of universal destruction is
words of salvation. (Ackroyd 1987: 94-7, rightly characterizes that associated with the apocalypses, and many have therefore
this as part of the 'portrait of a prophet'.) In addition some argued that this is a very late passage, from the time when
have seen links with the royal material earlier in these chap- apocalyptic language was becoming widespread. Certainly
ters by claiming this section as part of an enthronement this passage is not concerned with any empirical Babylon; it
ceremony. However that may be, the links between prophet- has become the symbol of human pride and imperialism
ism and the cult, once thought of as bitterly opposed, are (Gosse 1988: 167). The passage reaches its climax with the
clearly brought out. destruction of'the whole earth', w. 6—16, the nature of the
(Chs. 13—26) The theme of YHWH's dealings with his own destruction is now spelt out in greater detail. First, it is asso-
people, in terms both of punishment and of salvation, is now ciated with the 'day of the LORD', a theme already often found
ISAIAH 450

in chs. 2-n. The form of words seems to have been widely ported by the Dead Sea scrolls, offers an excellent parallel. In
used, for the same expression is found at Joel 1:15 and (par- the following description of the fate which awaits the fallen
tially) at Ezek 30:3 and Zeph 1:7. A rich variety of expressions ruler it would be unwise to try to offer any link with particular
is then used to describe the destruction regarded as inevitable; individuals; this is what is in store for all who make such
it would be rash indeed to try to tie them to any specific arrogant claims. Sheol (v. 9) is the place of the dead. It is not
historical circumstances. At the end of this section we come in itself a place of punishment, though it is striking that in
across a ghastly image familiar from another part of the Bible: the HB it is most commonly those who are disapproved of
the 'dashing in pieces' of the infants (v. 16) is reminiscent of who are described as coming to Sheol (Barr 1992: 29). Here
Ps 137:9: different verb, same appalling sentiments. all earthly distinctions are ironed out. Part of the taunt is that
w. 17—22, this last part of the chapter contains expressions the repaftm, the 'shades', can treat the king of Babylon as on a
making the reference to Babylon more specific. The Medes level with themselves. The inhabitants of Sheol are clearly not
played an important part in the overthrow of the Assyrian extinct; they are fully conscious of what is happening and are
Empire in the late seventh century BCE and were a powerful able to taunt the fallen king.
force in warfare and politics until the rise of Cyrus £.550 BCE. v. 12 has played an important part in the history of inter-
At some point in the Isaiah tradition it was envisaged that the pretation, being understood as an illustration of the theme of
Medes would be more important in the overthrow of Babylon Lucifer, the fallen angel. (The theme actually owes more to the
than in fact proved to be the case. The legend of'Darius the influence of Milton's Paradise Lost than to any direct biblical
Mede' as victorious over Babylon in Dan 5:31 may owe its references.) The whole passage, w. 12—21, has a widespread
origin to this passage. It is possible that the references in the mythological background, reflecting stories about Venus, the
later part of the book of Isaiah to things prophesied in 'former 'day-star', visible just before dawn, and driven away by the
times' and 'long ago' are to passages of this kind (North 1964: power of the rising sun. The 'heights of Zaphon' is the holy
161, makes this suggestion with regard to Isa 45:21). The mountain mentioned also in the Ugaritic texts as the assem-
dramatic tension of the book is increased by the likening of bling-place of the gods. In Ps 48:2 the same words are used to
Babylon's fate to that of Sodom and Gomorrah. Previously identify Mount Zion as the true divine dwelling-place. The
(1:9-10) it was Jerusalem that had been compared with 'Most High' of v. 14 is 'dyon, a divine title also claimed by the
Sodom and Gomorrah; now that fate, symbolic of total de- HB as appropriate for YHWH (Gen 14:18; Ps 91:1). These
struction, is transferred to Babylon, as the implications of pretensions are then contrasted with the certain fate of Baby-
God's 'day' are more widely realized. Babylon did eventually lon, which will not even be granted proper burial-rites (v. 20),
become desolate, but not until much later than any possible a matter of very deep concern in the ancient world.
dating for Isaiah. During much of the Second Temple period
(14:22-3) This brief prose note is usually taken with what
it remained an important, though no longer a capital, city. The
precedes, underlining the point that the poem has been ad-
imagery of w. 2 0-2 should be recognized as such, without any
dressed to Babylon. It is possible, however, that it is placed
attempt to relate it to historical developments.
here as a deliberate link between the known fate of Assyria,
(14:1-2) A prose passage takes the opportunity to give encour- the subject of the following verses, and the still future threat
agement to Israel by contrasting its fate with that just de- against Babylon (Clements 1989).
scribed as awaiting Babylon. This is a passage comparable to
the more nationalistic sections of chs. 40-55 (e.g. 49:22-6), (14:24^7) Assyria is now mentioned, though the bulk of this
which gloat over the expected doom of the oppressors. extended section has related to Babylon. Assyrian power will
be broken: v. 25/7 has a clear allusion to the breaking of the
(14:3-40) Still in prose, this section invites Israel to take up a
yoke from the shoulders as in 9:4 and 10:27. But 'all me
masal (taunt) against Babylon, and more specifically its king.
nations' (v. 26) are under threat. The picture is of the prophet
A masal is a poem setting out 'some form of retribution which
'overhearing' what YHWH has decreed. This is one of a
will make the person concerned an object-lesson in the abuse
number of passages which have been described as 'sum-
of power' (A. R. Johnson 1955: 166). It is basically a prophetic
mary-appraisals' (Childs 1967), offering an outline, in didac-
form, warning of the inevitability of disaster; only by concen-
tic fashion, of YHWH's intended purpose ('This is the
trating on the effect rather than the purpose can it legitimately
plan...').
be described as a taunt. The basic theme in the poem which
follows is a common one, both in the HB and in the ancient (14:28) The reference to the death of Ahaz (which should be
world more generally: the attempt of a human being, often as retained in the text, despite the proposals of many scholars to
here an enemy king, to make himself like God, and the emend it) is reminiscent of that to the death of Uzziah in 6:1.
inevitable fate which attends such presumption. Ezek 28 The date of Ahaz's death is unknown, but it may be significant
and 31 are variants on the same theme, found also in prose that he was succeeded by Hezekiah, in whom such great
form in the story of Nebuchadnezzar's madness in Dan 4. It hopes were placed. It is not easy to see any link between the
has sometimes been suggested that a similar theme underlies massa' (oracle) announced here and the passage which fol-
the Garden of Eden story in Gen 3. lows.
(14:4^-21) The word 'insolence' provides a good example of (14:29-32) The Philistines were ancient enemies of Israel
the way in which the Dead Sea scrolls have helped in the from the time of Saul and David, but little is known of their
interpretation of Isaiah. The Hebrew text gives no clear mean- later history. Here an unknown occasion of rejoicing is said to
ing, and older English versions had 'golden city' here. But a be only transitory; worse troubles will come, and Judah should
slight change, already suggested by some scholars and sup- avoid becoming entangled with the Philistines, v. 32 looks like
 451 ISAIAH
a later addition, stressing in psalm-like fashion the inviolabil- here: repaim is the word translated 'shades' in 14:9, and it
ity of Zion as a sure refuge (cf Ps 132:13—15). may be implied that the people will be no better off than the
(15:1—16:12) These two chapters are directed against Moab, shades. Deut 24:19-20 paints a beautifully generous picture
Judah's neighbour east of the Dead Sea, and they pose prob- of harvest and gleaning, with the alien, the orphan, and the
lems for the interpreter of Isaiah because much of the ma- widow allowed to join in; one may doubt whether such ideal-
terial in them is found again, with minor variations, in the ism normally prevailed. A further 'in that day' passage, this
comparable oracles against foreign nations in Jeremiah: spe- time in prose, brings out the theme of idolatry, with the hope
cifically Jer 48. It raises the question of whether much mater- that in due course the attractions of rival worship will be set
ial of this kind was used as required in the Jerusalem cult and aside. The terms used are all part of the standard vocabulary
could be taken up into different prophetic collections as 'in- for attacks upon false worship. The 'sacred poles', Heb.
dependent adaptation of traditional material' (Jenkins 1989). dsmm, will have been wooden representations of the goddess
Much of it reads like a gazetteer of contemporary Moab, but Asherah. In v. 9 the Hebrew text is very uncertain, as can be
many of the place-names are chosen to bring out specific seen by comparing the text of NRSV with the footnote. NRSV
wordplays. Many of the places referred to are of uncertain follows the Greek, which may itself have been trying to make
location; those seeking more precise details must refer to the sense of a difficult form. However that may be, the section
larger commentaries (Wildberger 1978: 604 ff). In compari- ends by recalling once again the twin themes of a harvest
son with the gloating over the anticipated fate of Babylon in which cannot be shared and of idolatrous worship.
13—14 here a note of sympathy can be found (15:5; 16:11), (17:12—14) A fresh oracle on a new theme. The repetition of
alongside a recognition that even worse disasters may be the last part of 12 at the beginning of 13 may be for emphasis,
anticipated (15:9). The most striking section in the passage but is more likely to be an erroneous repetition, and some
is one which has no parallel in Jeremiah: another messianic translations (e.g. REB) omit it. This is a vision of an eschato-
passage (16:4/7-5) looking forward to a time when devastation logical battle, comparable to that fought against Gog of Magog
will have ceased and a ruler concerned with mispat (justice) in Ezek 38—9, with emphasis on the inviolability of Zion. The
and sedeq (right), those two key Isaianic terms, will rule 'in the passage ends with another summary-appraisal of the type
tent of David', an expression without exact parallel elsewhere already noted in 14:26. It rounds off the section dealing with
in Isaiah. Moab's worship is condemned (16:12), but less Israel's neighbours with an assurance that God would protect
harshly than the false worship of Israel itself (1:12—17). his people against those who had plundered them.
(16:13—14) This postscript to the Moab oracles illustrates the (Ch. 18) This chapter lacks the usual introduction, but its
development of the tradition. Earlier material was indeed application soon becomes clear. Ethiopian dynasties ruled in
valid, but in a later situation a further devastation of Moab Egypt from time to time, and this passage concerns them. It is
could be anticipated. We have no means of precise dating: we highly artificial: the messengers are apparently from the
do not know to what the 'three years' refers, though this could Ethiopians themselves, but it is odd to describe a people to
be an adannu of the kind we noted as a possibility for 7:8. The their own messengers, and no indication is given of the con-
same phrase, referring to 'the years of a hired worker' is found tents of the message or of how it might be answered. Ethiopia
in a similar context at 21:16. was a symbol of distance and strangeness (Am 9:7), and that
(17:1—3) The introductory masse? refers only to Damascus, but may well be part of the point here. The passage quickly
the following threat takes in the area of northern Israel also; becomes an oracle of judgement, threatening destruction on
we are back in the hostilities typified by the Syro-Ephraimite a scale usually reserved for the Babylonians and Assyrians.
conflict of ch. 7. Indeed if the Hebrew is followed there is a But the chapter ends with a prose addition, picturing the
link also with Moab, but 'Aroer' in v. 2, a place in Moab, is distant Ethiopians acknowledging the supremacy of YHWH
usually emended, as by NRSV. It is not clear why some of on Zion. This theme is found several times in the prophets; we
Israel's neighbours are referred to by the country's name (e.g. may compare Zech 8:23, and the more specific application to
Moab), whereas for others the capital is seen as personifying Egypt in Zeph 3:10 and Zech 14:18, and also Ps 68:31. The
the country (as here, Damascus, the capital of the Aramean bringing of gifts from afar is also reminiscent of Isa 60:5—7.
kingdom). Damascus fell to the Assyrians in 732 BCE, and During the Second Temple period we know of links between
many commentators see in this oracle a genuine survival the Jerusalem community and the Jewish colony at Elephant-
from the eighth century. But Kaiser (1974) points out that it ine on the Nile—such links may underlie passages such as
was equally applicable to the condition of Damascus in the this and the others noted.
fourth century; possibly an earlier nucleus has been reapplied (Ch. 19) contains some of the most remarkable and neglected
and expanded. The difficult phrase in v. 3 may be intended material in the whole book of Isaiah. It well illustrates the
ironically; the Arameans will be reduced to a remnant (and development of the tradition, from the essentially negative
here surely the theme implies a threat) comparable to the once picture found in the opening verses to a remarkably positive
glorious northern kingdom of Israel. assertion concerning both Egypt and Assyria in the conclu-
(17:4—11) There is no further reference to Damascus; instead, sion.
the theme of 'that day' is reintroduced, linked with what (19:1-4) There is no hint of any positive development in this
precedes by the reference to 'glory'. There will be a rich opening oracle. Egypt's idolatrous practice is condemned in
harvest, but the people are at risk of not benefiting from it. terms very similar to those used against Israel (8:19). The
The 'Valley of Rephaim' is known from 2 Sam 5:18 as a place Egyptians were famous for their skill in wisdom and counsel;
near Jerusalem, but the name may be deliberately chosen here by contrast they are reduced to internal division and
ISAIAH 452

desperate measures to find out what action to take. The 'hard sacrificial worship, understood to be the Jerusalem temple,
master' and 'fierce king' of v. 4 may well be a reference to the required by the Deuteronomistic tradition, here an altar and a
protracted claims to rule over Egypt by the Persian rulers. A massebd (pillar) in Egypt are treated as positive signs. There
striking omission throughout this section is of any reference was in fact a temple of YHWH at Leontopolis in Egypt in the
to the Exodus tradition. As we have seen (e.g. 4:5; 12:2) this second century BCE; whether an allusion to that is here in-
was not totally ignored in the first part of I saiah, but it is not as tended cannot be certain. Just as in Gen 31:48, 52 (Jacob and
prominent as it becomes in the latter part of the book, and Laban), the masseba is a 'witness' between two neighbouring
here, where allusions might have been expected, there ap- and potentially rival communities. Even more remarkable is
pears to be nothing of the kind. the promise that a messianic figure, a 'saviour', will be sent,
(19:5-15) w. 5-10 are much more specific than other passages whose mission extends beyond the holy land itself. There are
depicting future desolation. Here the applicability of the important anticipations of some of the later chapters of the
threats to the civilization which was so heavily dependent book here. The 'striking' of the Egyptians is a theme already
upon the Nile for many aspects of its life is abundantly clear. found in the earlier passages; here, however, it is the prelude
The Nile would dry up, and daily life would be thrown into to 'healing', and we have the picture, hinted at in ch. 18, but
chaos. The implication is certainly that YHWH was regarded now expressed more specifically, of Egyptians turning to the
as the effective ruler of Egypt; the Egyptian gods themselves worship of YHWH and being welcomed.
were envisaged as powerless to maintain the life of their own w. 23-5. These last two passages take that openness even
country, w. 11—15, again a very specific application to Egyptian further. In the first, Israel will live at peace with the great
tradition is found. The 'princes' referred to here are pictured powers of the day: Assyria is probably here, as in Jonah,
as a kind of cabinet of expert counsellors who could provide symbolic of the current Mesopotamian great power, or may
the Pharaoh with the appropriate answers to all the problems stand for Syria, if the passage be dated in the Seleucid period
which confronted him. Despite their hereditary background (3rd cent.). In the second passage Israel is not only at peace
and their training in wisdom techniques they are reduced to with Egypt and Assyria but is regarded as their equal, and it is
being no more than fools. Egyptian wisdom was famous and stressed that all are part of YHWH's favoured creation. It
elsewhere in the HB is treated in a neutral way; here it is would be instructive to hear a contemporary exposition of
mocked as quite incapable of guiding those who trusted in this passage, but at least in the Christian tradition it is curi-
it. In v. 15 the reference to head and tail, palm-branch and reed ously neglected by most lectionary schemes.
is a—surely deliberate—allusion to 9:14, where the same (Ch. 20) This short prose section differs markedly from what
expressions are used in describing the downfall of Israel. has preceded. The link which presumably accounts for its
(19:16-25) Five short prose passages are appended, each inclusion at this point is the reference to Egypt and Assyria,
headed 'On that day' but differing markedly from one another but they are mentioned in a spirit very different from that of
in content and tone. We have not attempted in this commen- ch. 19. Commentators concerned with the historical setting of
tary to offer precise dates for most of the passages discussed, the passage differ sharply in their judgement. For some it is a
but it is striking that many commentators have seen here primary piece of eighth-century material, reflecting a time of
some of the latest material to be added to the whole book, rebellion against Assyria when it seemed to be in difficulties
perhaps reflecting the political situation of the Ptolemies and elsewhere. The rebellion was brought to an abrupt end when
Seleucids of the third century BCE, after the conquests of Sargon's tartan (NRSV: 'commander-in-chief') captured Ash-
Alexander the Great. dod and so ended any hopes of a successful stand against
w. 16-17, me theme here is fear. Whereas Israel is often Assyria by an Egyptian-led coalition. Others note that this
encouraged not to fear, the warning is given that Egypt will historical reference is confined to v. i and that the main thrust
have real cause for fear—even of Judah itself, by comparison of the episode is what can be described as the development of
apparently so insignificant. an Isaiah legend, the story of the prophet specially attuned to
v. 18 presumably refers to the phenomenon of the diaspora, the divine will and able to interpret the signs of the times. It is
the development whereby increasing numbers of Jews came noteworthy that there is no first-person material here; like ch.
to be settled in Egypt and other parts of the Mediterranean 7 it is a story about Isaiah rather than one directly attributed to
world. Hebrew is here called 'the language of Canaan', an him. As we saw in the introduction there are many fewer
important corrective to the picture found in Deuteronomy stories about Isaiah than about Jeremiah.
and elsewhere which pictures Israel and Canaan as bitterly The 'sackcloth' of v. 2 appears to be characteristic prophetic
opposed entities. Hebrew is a Semitic language, very close to clothing; this is the nearest we come to a portrait of Isaiah as a
what is known of different Canaanite dialects. There are professional prophet. We need not suppose that he was lit-
interesting variants in the name of the city: NRSV 'City of erally naked; the removal of his outer garments, symbolic of
the Sun' is the well-known Egyptian city of Heliopolis. But the his office, was sufficiently shameful for the 'sign and portent'
Greek translation (LXX), which originated in Egypt, has 'city to make their point (cf. Mic 1:8, though there in a poetic
of righteousness', the name given to Jerusalem (1:26), and context it is difficult to know how literally the words are to
many Hebrew MSS have 'city of destruction'! We are warned be understood). The action is best seen in the context of the
that the notion of a fixed, unchanging biblical text can be other symbolic actions in Isaiah, such as the naming of chil-
illusory. dren. It is certainly not to be understood simply as a kind of
w. 19-22, again a different stress from that characteristic of 'teaching aid'; the sign is set out as an effective prefiguring
Deuteronomy is found here. Instead of the single place of of action which is determined by God. It is noteworthy, in view
 453 ISAIAH
of the importance of servant' language in the latter part of the nations, the 'valley ofvision' here must surely be Jerusalem
book, that Isaiah is here described as 'my servant'. 'Three itself. The whole theme of the book relates to the ultimate
years' is curious, not least in the way that this period is only deliverance of God's people, but that deliverance must not be
mentioned in the subsequent explanation (Stacey 1990: 123- falsely anticipated by premature rejoicing. There must be
4). There may be a cross-reference here to the 'three years' of destruction before there can be legitimate hope for restor-
16:14. It is striking, and very unusual, that the passage ends ation. (This assumes that NRSV is correct in its reference to
with a question; we are presumably meant to look for at least the 'exultant town'; other translations, notablythe REB, do not
part of the answer in what follows. find such reference here.) A characteristic Isaian theme is the
(21:1-10) The reference in the body of this oracle is clearly to uselessness of the normal human agencies of self-reliance;
Babylon, but that is not indicated by the heading. Once again the 'rulers' in whom trust might be put had fled ignomini-
there are links with Jer 49, suggesting the common use of ously. There is ambiguity, perhaps deliberate, in the use of
cultic material. Indeed the problems in making sense of this personal pronouns here: the 'you'/'your' clearly refers to Je-
chapter have led one scholar to describe it as a 'palimpsest', in rusalem and its inhabitants, but the T of v. 4 can be under-
which 'the text has been reworked in order to make it relevant stood either of Isaiah or of God himself.
to a later situation' (Macintosh 1980: 75). Such a theory is (22:5—80) Two themes characteristic of Isaiah are brought
difficult either to prove or to disprove; we may simply note together here. The 'day of the LORD' may be future, but it
that we seem once again to be in the world of 'theological can be prefigured by events that have already taken place.
geography'. Like the 'valley ofvision' of 22:1, 'the wilderness of Secondly, YHWH is pictured as using foreign armies as the
the sea' does not appear on any map. The passage is, as v. 2 instruments by which he punishes his own people; so it is
makes clear, a vision of utter destruction. The prophet speaks with two enemies from the East here, 'Elam' and 'Kir'. As
in the first person, spelling out the anguish which his vision elsewhere in these chapters there is evidence that material
causes him, in a way without close parallel elsewhere in the found also in Jeremiah is used here; cf. Jer 49:34 ff.
book; little attention is normally paid in Isaiah to the psych- (22:8b-n) This prose passage comes somewhat unexpect-
ology of the messenger, though in both Jeremiah and Ezekiel edly in the middle of the series of poems, and has been
this feature is more prominent. But he has no alternative but much used as a basis for historical information concerning
to carry out his mission of summoning the nation to their task Hezekiah's attempts to render Jerusalem impregnable. The
of destruction. Only in v. 9 is the object of this destruction Assyrian king Sennacherib in his Annals referred to Hezekiah
made clear: Babylon. The proclamation of the fall of Babylon strengthening his city, and both 2 Chr 32:2—8 and Sir 48:17
is found also in Jer 51:8, and is picked up in the NT by the seer have approving references to such work by Hezekiah. But
of Revelation (Rev 14:8; 18:2). recent archaeological and literary study has cast doubt on
v. 8 is one of several passages in the prophetic books which the extent of this work which actually goes back to Hezekiah's
picture the prophet as a watchman (cf Ezek 3:17; Hab 2:1), an time—much may more properly be dated to the Hasmonean
important office in the ancient world, where the safety of cities period—and these later passages may more probably be seen
might well depend upon the vigilance of their watchmen. The as part of the development of a Hezekiah legend. There is in
likening of a prophet to a watchman is a revealing one; each any case no reference to Hezekiah in our passage, and the tone
had to be able to make sense of and interpret correctly obscure is sharply condemnatory as against the praise of Hezekiah in
and mysterious signs. NRSV's correction of the Hebrew 'a the other passages. Here by contrast we have the familiar
lion' to 'the watcher' is based on the Qumran scrolls. It is Isaian theme of legitimate planning being a divine preroga-
probably correct—the same letters are used but in a different tive; whatever was done by its inhabitants to protect Jerusalem
order—though it entails losing a possible cross-reference to 'on that day' could have no success against God's decisions.
29:1.
(22:12—14) If there was doubt whether w. 1—4 referred to the
(21:11-12) is linked to what precedes by the watchman theme. rejoicing of the inhabitants of Jerusalem which the authors of
Dumah is elsewhere linked with the Ishmaelites (Gen 25:14), the prophetic book regarded as inappropriate, there can be no
but here an otherwise unknown association with Edom is such doubts here. v. 13/7 is quoted in the NT (i Cor 15:32) and
supposed—'Seir' is frequently found in poetry for Edom. has survived into modern times as a popular proverb; its
The message given is extremely cryptic: it looks as if the origin is unknown. It may have been coined by the redactors
prophet has no certain answer to give to those who question of Isaiah, or—more probably—already have been in wide-
him; they are to return for further guidance. spread use.
(21:13—17) Again it seems doubtful whether 'the desert plain' (22:15—25) This passage is unique in Isaiah as a judgement
is an identifiable spot; this is one of the passages which is aimed at an individual; Ahaz is treated in a somewhat similar
closely linked with Jeremiah (cf. Jer 49:8). The picture is of the way, but nowhere else is someone not a member of the royal
need to give some succour to refugees from disaster, but family so addressed. It is also one of the most difficult pas-
whether this was a specific historical situation, or a more sages to explain for the view taken in this commentary that in
general plea, we have no means of knowing. The geographical the form we have it Isaiah is essentially a poetic collection
area involved is usually thought to be Arabia, but this may be from the Second Temple period concerned with God's deal-
because of the symbolism involved in its remoteness and the ings with king and community. However, we may note first
threat implicit in the desert. that, though NRSV prints the whole passage as prose many
(22:1—4) Though included in the series introduced by the (e.g. REB) regard w. 15—19 as poetry, and others (e.g. BHS)
word 'oracle' which has mainly been concerned with foreign extend the poetic section to the end of v. 23, leaving only
ISAIAH 454
w. 24-5 as a prose addition. Further, Kaiser has shown that its times from the Red Sea (e.g. i Kings 22:48). In any case the
composition is a good deal more complex than a first glance main point here is the widespread nature of the trade engaged
might lead one to suppose (Kaiser 1974: 149—59); he con~ in by Tyre and Sidon and the confidence it engendered. Once
eludes that we may well see here a trace of the final editor, again it is the 'plan' of YHWH (w. 8, 9) that will be decisive
'holding up the mirror to a hated contemporary'. against all human aspirations.
There is no obvious reason offered in w. 15—19 why Shebna (23:13) This interesting prose note, comparable to the addi-
should be so fiercely condemned. To prepare a tomb does not tion at 7:8/7, gives a glimpse of the way in which the redaction
seem to be a particularly heinous offence, and Abraham is of the Isaiah material developed. Assyria had never conquered
praised for such foresight in Gen 23. No doubt the virulent Tyre; at a later period a member of the tradition was convinced
attack is to be seen as part of a larger condemnation of human that the destruction implicit in w. 1—12 would indeed come
officials whose pretensions went beyond what the prophetic about, but at the hand of the Chaldeans (Babylonians). In fact,
community regarded as acceptable. The imagery employed, of as far as our knowledge goes, the Babylonian siege of Tyre was
'hurling' the victim into another land, is found also in Jer unsuccessful, and it was not until the campaigns of Alexander
22:26, where it is applied to the unfortunate king Jehoiachin the Great that Tyre was captured.
(Coniah). It is noteworthy that Shebna is not named in the
(23:14) v. i is repeated, either as an accidental gloss, or—more
body of this passage (w. 16-18), and it may be that that should
likely in the context of a reading of the book in its final form—
be taken as a more general condemnation of human pre-
as an indication of the completion of that poem.
sumption, as in w. 11—14, which has been made specific to
Shebna for reasons beyond our present knowledge. Shebna is (23:15-18) The section is rounded off by further elaborations,
also referred to in 36:3, still in royal service. In the 19503 there mostly in prose, on the theme of'seventy years', symbolic here
was much speculation whether a tomb inscription dating as elsewhere in the Bible of a whole lifetime. Some older
from about the eighth century BCE might have referred to scholars tried to identify the 7O-year period with some specific
Shebna, but the name was not fully preserved, and this link episodes in history, but that seems to be a false exegetical
must remain speculative. It is also possible, though again only move: the arrival of a new generation seems to be the point
a matter for speculation, that important offices in the com- of the usage. When that new generation arrives it will be
munity were handed down in particular families, and that involved in the service of YHWH, but only in a subsidiary
descendants of Shebna (and perhaps of Eliakim also) were role. The openness of 19:24-5 is scarcely present here.
still in positions of power in the Second Temple period. Cer- (Chs. 24^7) These chapters, taken as a unit and often called
tainly the nepotism condemned in v. 24 would support such a 'the Isaiah apocalypse', have attracted much attention. They
view. We may compare the Tobiads, whom we met in ch. 7. are not introduced by a separate heading, so in the present
In v. 19 YHWH is pictured as speaking in the first person, form of the book they can be taken to continue chs. 13—23,
and this continues in w. 20-3, concerned with another figure which have themselves not been devoid of features more
mentioned also in 36:3: Eliakim, who apparently succeeded usually associated with the apocalypses. The earlier chapters
Shebna as 'master of the household'. It is striking that he is were for the most part addressed to specific nations; here their
referred to as 'my servant', as if we are being given various message of doom is universalized. But these chapters have
inadequate models of the servant of YHWH before the true enough distinctive features for it to have been widely sup-
one is described in chs. 52-3. For inadequate Eliakim is shown posed that they form a distinct block. Stress has been laid
to be. The picture in w. 21—4 is reminiscent of a royal acces- upon their eschatological concerns, their envisaging of the
sion, with the theme of the 'key of David' that was picked up by possibility of a future life beyond death, and their extensive
the author of Revelation in the NT (Rev 3:7). But Eliakim is use of mythological themes, to claim that the closest links of
shown to be unable to sustain the burden (v. 25). The limita- these chapters are with Daniel (dated in the 2nd cent. BCE) and
tions of human aspirations are once again set out. with the even later apocalypses. Dates ranging from the exile
(Millar 1976; D. G. Johnson 1988) down to the second century
(23:1—12) The composite nature of the material in this chapter (Ludwig 1961) have been proposed, with the consensus, in so
is well illustrated by the fact that it refers sometimes to Tyre far as there is one, settling on the fourth or third centuries.
(w. i, 5, 8), sometimes to Sidon (w. 2, 4, 12). But even those Though it may indeed be appropriate to see a certain unity
commentators most concerned with detailed historical analy- holding these chapters together, we should also note that they
sis have recognized the difficulty of teasing out an 'original' contain a variety of forms, which have usually been broken
nucleus from the present poem which is skilfully constructed down into two main categories: lyrical, Psalm-like passages
and in no sense a mere patchwork. Tyre and Sidon, in the primarily addressed to God, and oracles of a prophetic or
modern Lebanon, were trading ports on the Mediterranean, apocalyptic type concerned with the fate of the community.
and here, as in Ezek 26—8, that is the main theme of the Another characteristic feature, present to some extent in chs.
prophecy of lament, much of it in the distinctive form of 3 + 13-23 but now carried much further, is the frequency of allu-
2 stresses often found in prophetic laments. sions to and sometimes direct quotations of, other biblical
'Ships of Tarshish' are frequently referred to as sea-going material, both elsewhere in the book of Isaiah and in other
vessels; it remains disputed whether the reference is to a kind books. Sweeney (1988/7) lists seven passages which display
of ship, or to Tarshish as their characteristic destination. The links with other parts of Isaiah, often being given a different
place-name seems the more natural explanation, but there is a sense from that in their other context, with the emphasis here
difficulty in that sometimes such ships seem to have reached more universal or even cosmic, while Day (1980) draws atten-
it in the Mediterranean, as here (and cf i Kings 10:22), some- tion to strong thematic links between 26:13-27:9 and a
 455 ISAIAH
passage in Hosea (13:4-14:10), which again illustrates the the same motifs which we have found to characterize the
phenomenon of Scripture interpreting itself. Our attempt to Isaiah tradition.
discern overarching structures running through the whole (24:14—16) This section begins as another of those universal-
book of Isaiah will gain important insights from these chap- ist passages of which we have already found examples scat-
ters, where several themes touched upon elsewhere are devel- tered through the book of Isaiah. The group with which the
oped more fully. prophet is associated (the 'we' of v. 16) hear the universal
(24:1—6) The theme of inevitable destruction comes to the praise of God, but are far from satisfied; instead T pine
fore at once. In chs. 1-12 the basic concern had been with away' because of treachery. This verse is closely linked in
the fate of Judah; in chs. 13-23 with that of Assyria, Babylon, language to 21:2, and will be further developed in ch. 33 (Wild-
and the other foreign nations. Now the destruction becomes berger 1978: 937). As we saw there the cause of the desolation
universal, raising interesting questions about the psychology is not clear, but this passage suggests the opposition of differ-
of those who were so convinced that such devastation could ent groups within the community, as we shall see more fully
only be understood as an inevitable part of God's dealings in the climax of the book, chs. 56-66.
with his creation (v. 3). The list of the different constituent (24:17-20) We have noticed several links with the 'foreign
elements of society in v. 2 is in general reminiscent of nations' oracles of Jer46—51. This is one of the closest, since
wisdom literature, with its penchant for lists, but the closest w. 17—18 appear to be almost a direct quotation 0^6^9:43—4.
parallel is in another prophetic text, Hos 4:9, and these There is an important difference; what was in Jeremiah ap-
chapters in fact contain a number of apparent allusions to plied specifically to Moab is now universalized into destruc-
Hosea (cf. 24:4 with Hos 4:3). There is no mention here of tion for the inhabitants of the whole earth. This is expressed in
a king, which might well be a pointer to a period when particularly vivid language: pahad wapahat wdpdh sounds
the priesthood was the leading social group, v. 5 contains a even more threatening than 'terror and the pit and the snare'.
reference to 'the everlasting covenant'. 'Covenant' is not a Another example of universalizing earlier material may be
common theme in the early chapters of Isaiah, but we may found at v. 20. Ini:8 Zion was reduced to a mere'shelter'; now
perhaps see reference here to the 'cosmic covenant' which the same word, here translated 'hut' is applied to the whole
holds together the whole order of creation and is put at earth. Similarly Am 5:2 spoke of Israel as fallen, no more to
risk by human behaviour (Murray 1992: 16-22; he suggests rise; here that warning is applied to the whole earth.
that the word in v. 5 translated 'inhabitants' by NRSV may
refer to kings). The lament of w. 4—6 is in many ways rem- (24:21-3) The 'on that day' language links this closely to the
iniscent of the communal laments in the Psalms. Devastation many other passages in Isaiah that begin thus. YHWH is
has struck the community in a way that has induced total proclaimed as king in Zion, as in many Psalms; all rival
bewilderment. claims, whether of earthly kings or of sun and moon, will be
put down. This is language which would be developed in the
(24:7—13) v. 7 is also found with slight modification in Joel later apocalypses; in the HB, Dan 10, with its picture of the
1:10, 12. This provides an example of that reuse of biblical 'guardian angels' of different nations being overthrown, pro-
material in a new context which characterizes these chapters. vides the closest parallel.
Unfortunately since the dates both of Joel and of the final form
of Isaiah are unclear it is not certain which text made use of (25:1—5) The divisions suggested by NRSV are here followed,
the other. The theme of lack of wine is then linked with one of though many other proposals have been made. On this read-
the recurring motifs of chs. 24-7: that of a city, usually in ing these verses form another hymnic section, a psalm-like
terms of its destruction. Historical critics have assumed that thanksgiving. The theme is the destruction of a city. If this
the actual ravaging of a specific city underlay these references, were prose we should be required to try to identify the city, but
and have devoted much energy to identifying it: Jerusalem, in a poetic passage such as this it seems legitimate to maintain
destroyed in 587, or Babylon, captured by Cyrus in 539, or the that the poet sees as part of the divine purpose both
overthrow of some other city to which allusion is made in our the destruction of Jerusalem at the time of the exile, with the
sources of ancient history? That some actual historical event sweeping away of the corruption that had set in, and also the
has played its part in shaping the poetry need not be denied; it destruction of Babylon, symbolized as the oppressor, when it
is much more doubtful whether it is useful to read this as a too had fallen to the Persians. Each destruction could be
description of an actual historical event. Rather, much of the hymned as evidence of God's overarching power, since they
language may legitimately be taken as future (the proper presaged greater things to come. After that the picture of Zion
rendering of Hebrew 'tenses' is a notorious difficulty), and as a refuge and a shelter, already used in 4:6, becomes appro-
as a reflection upon the nature of God's manifestation of priate.
power (D. G. Johnson 1988: 11-14). What had already hap- (25:6—100) Something of the extent of the divine victory is
pened had provided the stimulus to continuing reflection on now spelt out. First, it will be celebrated by a banquet, a theme
God's ways, symbolized by his destructive power (Henry which may embarrass the well-fed West, but which in a sub-
1967). With those provisos it seems right to assume that the sistence economy is surely a legitimate aspiration. The theme
'typical' city whose fate is here envisaged is, as so often in the of the banquet is often associated with judgement and victory
book of Isaiah, Jerusalem. These chapters will offer differing over enemies (as in ch. 24), including death (so v. 7 here), and
perceptions of that city: here (v. 10) a 'city of chaos'; in 26:1 a often (though not in this passage) features the presence of an
'strong city' wherein God 'sets up victory'. The passage ends individual who can be identified as the messiah. (See 'Mes-
with imagery already used in 17:6, an example of that reuse of sianic Banquet' in ABD iv. 787—91.) It becomes prominent in
ISAIAH 456

the later biblical material and in the extra-biblical apocalypses. formed. In the light of this poetic imagery it is probably wise
The Feeding of the Five Thousand is a characteristic NT not to regard the much-discussed v. 19 as a straight assertion
example (Mk 6:30—44), though with a less exotic menu than of belief in a blessed future life, as has often been done when
the present one. the verse has been taken out of context. It expresses hope in a
It would be hazardous to base a specific belief in individual continuing national restoration. However when the book of
resurrection on the phrase 'he will swallow up death forever'. Isaiah had reached its final form 'this is a reference to the
As in ancient Canaanite mythology, death (mot; here mawet) resurrection of the dead which no-one but a Sadducee, ancient
was an enemy whose overcoming was a sign of the triumph of or modern, could possibly misconstrue' (Sawyer 1973: 234).
proper order. Here the 'shroud' and 'sheet' are mourning When it had achieved the status of Holy Scripture, liable to be
garments, for which there will be no more need in the joy ransacked for guidance in later problems, then its use as an
that is envisaged. The passage as a whole may properly be affirmation of belief in resurrection was scarcely surprising—
compared with 2:2-4, wrth its great anticipation for the holy though less use was made of this particular verse than might
mountain, and with the expectation of salvation in ch. 12. have been expected; it is, for example, not quoted in the NT.
(25:10^-12) This conclusion is unexpected, since it goes (26:20—1) This brief section functions as a link between the
against the usual universalizing tendency of these chapters. preceding lament and the more mythological material in ch.
Some commentators have seen it as a gloss, others as the 27. Use is made of the images either of the universal flood of
historical key to the whole section. It is printed as poetry in Genesis, or of the Exodus tradition, or both, to symbolize the
NRSV, but it may be wiser to see it as basically prose, possibly totality of destruction. The shutting of the doors here may call
with some poetic phrases based on the threats found in 2:9— to mind Gen 7:16 and the hiding of the Israelites behind
17. It is linked thematically to chs. 15—16, but there are no closed doors when the angel of God passed by in Egypt (Ex
obvious links of vocabulary or of geography with that passage. 12:22-3).
It may well be that some otherwise unknown episode from the (27:1) provides the clearest example of links with the ancient
time when this material reached its final form provoked this mythological traditions best known to us in the Ugaritic texts
outburst against Moab, which is reminiscent of the hostility from Ras Shamra. Leviathan was the chaos-monster, de-
displayed in Deut 23:3, excluding Moabites from ever partici- scribed already at Ugarit as 'the wriggling serpent' (Gibson,
pating in the worship of YHWH. The book of Ruth shows that 1978: 50). Creation in Genesis is pictured as a matter of no
this attitude toward Moabites was not universally shared. more than the divine word bringing about what is com-
(26:1—6) Another Psalm-like poem follows, with the city now manded, but elsewhere the theme of creation as struggle is
a matter of pride. Here there can be no doubt that a purified found. Ps 74:14 provides a particularly vivid parallel to this
Jerusalem is in mind, with v. 2 reminding us of the 'entrance verse; cf. also Ps 104:26. The importance of the serpent in
liturgies' found in some Psalms, where only those who are creation accounts, familiar to us from Gen 3, also emerges
righteous are allowed through the gates to the holy place here. It is an anticipation that 'on that day' there will be a new
beyond (cf Ps 15; 24). The entry may be that of the ark, creation when the forces of chaos will be destroyed.
symbolic of the divine presence, and it is possible to envisage (27:2-6) Here a very different image of what is anticipated
this as an example of the 'divine warrior hymn' held by some 'on that day' is offered. It is perhaps the clearest example from
to have accompanied such a procession (Millar 1976: 82—90, these chapters of the reuse of material found elsewhere in
summarizes the issues involved). More widely it is possible to Isaiah—in this case the 'song of the vineyard' in 5:1—7. The
see in this one of the Songs of Zion referred to in Ps 137:3, and theme of the vineyard (kerem) is the same; in each case briers
exemplified by Ps 48; 76. Links with the Psalms are also and thorns pose a threat to the vineyard; YHWH is the pro-
provided by the themes of faith and trust, salom (peace), and tector of the vineyard, which is identified as his own people.
confidence in the overthrow of enemies. But it is by no means a repetition of the earlier passage. Now
(26:7—19) Again the extent of the next passage is not very YHWH acts as the guard who ensures that the vineyard comes
clear, but it is probably artificial to attempt any division within to no harm, and by clinging to YHWH for protection Jacob/
this section, characterized as a 'community lament' (D. G. Israel (the juxtaposition of these two words is reminiscent of
Johnson 1988). A feature of such laments is the entreaty of the usage in chs. 40—55) will be given a universal reward. Now,
YHWH's favour at a time of distress (e.g. Ps 74; 79) and that is in an almost deterministic way, the possibility of the people
certainly appropriate for the climax of the passage in w. 16-18. falling away is removed. They will be protected from the briers
The picture is of the faithful community under alien rule, but and thorns by YHWH himself. The strongly-rooted future of
still expressing its confidence that deliverance will come. If we the people is reminiscent of 37:31, the story of the deliverance
are strict in applying logical criteria, then further subdivision from the Assyrian threat.
within the section will be necessary, for some verses are (27:7-11) This difficult passage has been very variously inter-
expressed in first person singular, some in first person plural preted by different commentators (D. G. Johnson 1988: 88
forms. We may notice, however, that this alternation occurs summarizes the difficulties, some of which, such as the awk-
elsewhere in Isaiah (e.g. 63:7—T will recount... all that the ward shifts in tense and gender, are obscured in English
Lord has done for us'), w. 14-15 clearly express the conviction translations). Many have supposed that a city other than
that though individuals die the whole community survives to Jerusalem (Samaria?) is referred to in v. 10, but it seems better
glorify God. The anguish of childbirth, used as a threat against to take the passage, with all its obscurities, as a warning that,
enemies in 13:8, here too symbolizes human inadequacies, despite the promise of better things to come for the faithful
but this time inadequacies which will be gloriously trans- community, there are also those who can expect no mercy.
 457 ISAIAH
God's 'fierce blast' (v. 8) implies that he will not have compas- (28:5—6) Characteristic of these chapters is the interspersing
sion on them or show them favour (v. n). Our ignorance of the of the predominant note of threat with short passages of a
divisions within the community precludes us from being much more hopeful tenor. Historical critics have for the most
more precise about who is thus excluded. part taken the hopeful interludes as later insertions; those
(27:12-13) This section of the book ends with another escha- concerned with the final form of the book will see this as a
tological passage looking forward to 'that day'. Here the im- literary device, maintaining the tension between threat and
agery is of a harvest being gathered, those exiled in the promise so characteristic of the book of Isaiah. Here the key
diaspora being gathered to their own land. The symbol used words from the earlier passage ('garland', 'glory', 'beauty') are
is that of a trumpet-blast, which would become a favoured picked up and applied to the faithful remnant—here clearly a
symbol in later apocalyptic writings (cf the trumpets of Rev hopeful symbol. The stress on 'judgement' and 'justice' (the
8—n), but there may be a closer link here with the trumpet same word, mispat, in the original) recalls a frequent theme of
blast for the Day of Atonement prescribed in Lev 25:9. In the Isaianic tradition.
the Second Temple period this day took on increasing
(28:7—13) We return now to the announcement of judgement
significance in the life of the community.
using language closely comparable to w. 1-4; some commen-
(Chs. 28—31) In this section we turn from the obscurities and tators have seen this passage as a continuation of those verses,
allusions of chs. 24—7 to a much more straightforward series but they were complete in themselves. The earlier theme of
of oracles, mainly of woe against a series of offenders. As drunkenness is taken up again and made the basis of a divine
noted earlier NRSV 'Ah' at 28:1 and elsewhere is too bland a judgement speech condemning the nation through its lead-
translation for the force of the Hebrew hoy. (REB has 'Alas' at ers. Priests and prophets are condemned together. This
28:1 and 'Woe' in later occurrences of the same word.) For should warn us against setting the two groups over against
historical critics this section has been the one part of the book one another as natural opponents; as noted earlier it may
where a significant body of material is held to go back to Isaiah suggest that at some stage in the tradition Isaiah was regarded
himself in the eighth century BCE, though these chapters as opposed to, rather than an integral part of, the prophetic
make no direct reference to him. movement. At v. 9 NRSV provides quotation-marks. This is
There are, however, some structural problems. The differ- speculative, for there is no equivalent in Hebrew, but it seems
ence from what precedes has to be inferred from the different to make best sense of the passage to understand what follows
content; there is no heading to indicate a fresh start. Nor is it as the imagined response of the priests and prophets, the 'he'
clear how far the passage extends. Certainly chs. 28—31 belong being Isaiah. If this is so it is natural to see here, as often in
together, but whether the section should be extended further chs. 56—66, dispute between rival claims to access to the
is not clear; chs. 32, 32-3, and 32-5 have all been proposed as divine will, a dispute carried on in strongly polemical terms.
integral elements of this section. Nor is there any obvious The 'priests and prophets' sarcastically ask whether the Isaia-
reason why these chapters should be placed at just this point nic group has any sure basis for imparting the wisdom of the
in the book as a whole. Both in assumed dating and in content tradition. NRSV then rightly says of v. 10 that its meaning is
they are close to much of the material in chs. 2-12. uncertain. It is very doubtful whether the words saw and qaw,
One helpful way of looking at the organization of this translated 'precept' and 'line' are intended to have any formal
material has been suggested by Williamson (1994: 184—7). meaning. They may be a suggestion of drunken muttering,
He notes that there is no separate heading for this section, with the implication that I saiah is no better than they are; or of
which invites us to read it as a continuation of what has prophetic glossolalia; or of teaching children their equivalent
preceded, and suggests that the best analogy may be, not the of the ABC, as may be implied in v. 9. If this is right, then saw
self-contained bodies of 'Oracles against Foreign Nations' and qaw would simply be forms of successive letters of the
found in Jeremiah and Ezekiel, but the collection in Am 1—2, Hebrew alphabet. If what has preceded is the challenge, v. n
which uses condemnation of foreign nations to lead up to provides the Isaianic response to it. The right language has
even sharper condemnation of Judah and Israel. Here that been one of the basic concerns of Judaism through history,
final order is reversed: Israel (the northern kingdom) is con- and here an ominous challenge to that concern is set out.
demned in 28:1—4, men follows material directed against God's will is to be achieved through those of an 'alien tongue'.
Judah and Jerusalem. If we wish to envisage an 'original' setting for this threat, then
(28:1-4) The form of this oracle is clear, with its statement of the Assyrian invaders of the eighth century would fill the bill.
wrongdoing followed by an announcement of judgement But this was a threat which continued to exercise the commu-
introduced by hinneh ('behold' in the older Eng. versions; nity as it lived first in the Persian and then in the Hellenistic
NRSV 'see'). Less clear is the meaning of'the proud garland world (cf. Neh 13:23-5). YHWH's control of the nations might
of the drunkards of Ephraim'. If it is simply an accusation of have the unpalatable consequence that the community might
drunkenness the punishment seems remarkably severe! In have to learn God's will by very strange means. But in the first
fact it is the garland rather than the fact of drunkenness which instance that control has threatening implications. True rest
seems to be condemned, and there is surely some symbolism lay in confidence and trust in YHWH, which the community
here, which largely escapes us. Kaiser (1974) suggested that had refused—hence the inevitability of desolation, spelt out in
the wearing of garlands was a Hellenistic custom and that we v. 13 by a repetition of the terms in v. 10. This idea of rest given
are introduced here to the tension between traditional Juda- by God to his people is a basic theological theme of much of
ism and the spread of Hellenistic culture. the HB (von Rad 1966/7).
ISAIAH 45 8

(28:14-22) offers a very clear example of the way in which a using farming techniques as a model for bringing out the
basic message of threat has a hopeful element interwoven significance of God's work in creation. There is no suggestion
with it. v. 16 in that sense differs from the surrounding that it is a divine oracle; the 'my' of v. 23 refers to the human
material, but as the passage stands it provides an important author. It has a markedly didactic character, which may re-
indication of a basic theme of hope beyond disaster, v. 14, the mind us of wisdom literature rather than of the prophetic
application to Jerusalem and its rulers is now made explicit. writings. While in general terms it is not difficult to see the
Even the word 'scoffers' is very similar to the name 'Zion' and various operations described as symbolizing God's dealings
is probably intended as a wordplay. The expression 'this' with his people, it is less certain that each of the particular
(rather than 'my') alerts us that a threat is imminent, v. 15, tasks is intended to relate to the varying fortunes of Israel as it
we have noted that specific covenant language is rare in the experienced now success and now humiliation. Several of the
early chapters of Isaiah, and this verse may provide part of the agricultural terms are of uncertain meaning; what is clear is
reason. The only covenant that the leaders understand is that the poem is claiming a meaningful rhythm in God's
actually one made with death (mawet). There was a Canaanite dealings with his created world.
divinity called Mot, but such worship is probably not in (28:29) Another of the summary-appraisals (Childs's term;
mind here. Isaiah's opponents' words are certainly not see above on 14:26) scattered through the book, offers a kind
accurately reported on this occasion, but the underlying of reassurance that all that is being revealed is indeed in
theme seems to be of false trust; they are held to suppose accordance with God's overall plan.
that the power of death can be set to one side—Isaiah is
(29:1-4) One of the most basic themes running through the
confident that the hollowness of such claims will soon be
whole book of Isaiah is the fate of Jerusalem, the place of
exposed.
greatest promise and of greatest hope. Whereas 28:16—17
w. 16-170, into this threat has been incorporated an oracle
envisaged Zion as inviolable, here we have a threat of utter
of salvation promising YHWH's lasting protection of Jerusa-
destruction. 'Ariel' seems to stand for Jerusalem; the word
lem. There is dispute whether the 'stone' is the foundation-
means 'altar-hearth' (cf. Ezek 43:15), but, divided into two
stone or the headstone, but perhaps we need not suppose
words, Ari El, it would mean 'lion of God', and there may
Isaiah to have been concerned with architectural niceties.
well be a deliberate wordplay here, with God's destructive
The phrase 'One who trusts will not panic' is placed in quota-
power in mind. That is still further strengthened by the
tion-marks by NRSV, and we may follow its implication that
imagery of a siege. Jerusalem was under siege at the very
this will have been an inscription on the stone. Here as else-
beginning of the book (1:8); here it is made clear that it is
where in Isaiah we are very close to the language of the Zion
YHWH himself who is besieging the city. The reference to
Psalms (e.g. 46; 48). Those who put their trust in YHWH
David in v. 3 is not in the Hebrew text (cf. NRSV marg.), and
could be confident that Zion was a place of true safety. There is
REB T shall encircle you with my army' makes it more explicit
also a close link with 7:9, the words addressed to Ahaz, with
that YHWH himself is the besieger. In v. i the allusion is to
the same demand for trust. The connection is closer in He-
David's capture of Jerusalem described in 2 Sam 6; now in v. 3
brew than appears from NRSV, which translates the same
it is YHWH himself who is the city's enemy, reducing its
Hebrew verb (the one from which the word 'Amen' is derived)
inhabitants to ghostly status.
as 'stand firm' at 7:9, but 'trust' here. The idea of the 'inviol-
ability of Zion', if not explicit here, is clearly not far removed (29:5—8) As so often in these chapters the picture is miracu-
from the thought of the passage, which ends with a reiteration lously reversed. Even in these verses the theme of threat is not
of the characteristic Isaianic themes of mispat and seddqd. A wholly lacking, for the theophany described in v. 6 would
link with the previous oracle is provided by the word qaw normally imply God's displeasure with his people, as if he
(line). As against the false trust mockingly set out there the were waging war against them. But in its present context that
basis of true trust is now shown. potential threat has been overridden; it is not Jerusalem but its
w. 17/7—22, the remainder of the oracle of threat spells out its enemies who will be scattered like dust. As elsewhere (cf.
implications, in the first part by making much use of the same 10:32), the passage ends with the expression of frustration
phrases as have already been used—another characteristic by Jerusalem's opponents. Dreams in the HB are often
Isaianic technique. The last two verses introduce new points thought to have religious significance; v. 8 reminds us that,
of comparison. Two episodes from the Former Prophets are as in the modern world, they can be simply an illustration of
alluded to: David's victory over the Philistines at 2 Sam 5:20, frustration.
and Joshua's defeat of the Amorites in Josh 10. Now, however, (29:9-10) It is not clear whether this passage is to be taken as
the holy war which YHWH had earlier waged on his people's self-standing, or as a continuation of the words of threat in
behalf will become a war against Jerusalem itself—a 'strange' w. 1—4. In any case the threat is now once again directed to the
and 'alien' work. This theme of YHWH as the divine warrior, community itself. The references to 'prophets' and 'seers' may
normally expected to fight on Israel's behalf against its en- well be a later addition, making the general threat of incom-
emies, but quite capable of turning against his own people, prehension even more specific. In any case we see once again
plays a prominent part in the Isaiah tradition. There is clearly the hostility of much of the Isaianic tradition to these religious
an acute tension between that understanding and the theme groups.
of the inviolability of Zion which we found in w. 16-170. (29:11-12) A brief prose section interrupts the sequence of
(28:23-8) What follows in these verses has no close formal poetic oracles. The breakdown of the established structures of
parallel elsewhere in the book of Isaiah. It is a kind of parable, the community is reminiscent of 4:1 and 8:16—20. Those who
 459 ISAIAH
shaped the book of Isaiah continued to proclaim their faith in (30:6—7) This passage looks to have been misplaced. Its for-
God's continuing power, but there were those in the commu- mal structure, introduced by the word masse? (oracle) is rem-
nity who either could not or would not read the signs of the iniscent of the oracles against foreign nations in chs. 13—23.
times. The Negeb is probably not the specific area south of Judah, but
(29:13-16) w. 13-14, the placing of the prose section is surely rather evokes any distant and little-known southern land. The
deliberate to bring out the ironic contrast with this poetic passage has presumably been placed here because of its the-
oracle. There the problem was ignorance; here it is assumed matic links with the preceding verses, stressing that supposed
wisdom. The people claim to have access to the mind of God, help from Egypt is useless. It brings out a theme which will be
with their pattern of festivals and the alleged wisdom and taken up again at 51:9. Egypt is identified with the chaos-
discernment of their 'experts'. It will all be shown to be a false monster Rahab. The exact force of the comparison is not clear,
claim, w. 15—16, this theme of false claims to wisdom is but Clements (19800) proposes a minor emendation to the
carried further. Excessive self-belief has led the wise among Hebrew to achieve the translation 'Rahab that is stilled', the
the people, falsely so-called according to Isaiah, into turning implication being that the powers of chaos have been rend-
the truth upside-down. The theme of the thing made disown- ered powerless by YHWH's creative act. Ps 87:4 suggests that
ing its maker occurs again in 45:9, and this verse may well the identification of Egyptas Rahab was a well-known one.
underlie Paul's argument in Rom 9:19—21. (30:8-11) The next unit extends to v. 17, but is readily divisible
(29:17—21) In this rather fragmentary section we find another into three smaller sections, of which this is the first. Taken as a
oracle of promise, very different from what has preceded. Now whole it may well be one of the most important basic elements
the picture is of a complete transformation of earthly condi- in the book. Historical-critical scholars have been almost
tions into a restoration of paradise. Not just Jerusalem, but the unanimous in seeing material here which goes back to the
whole created order is here transfigured. Lebanon had eighth century BCE. In v. 8 there is little point in speculating
previously (2:13) been regarded as the first victim of the what may have been inscribed on the tablet; more fruitful is a
impending 'day of YHWH'; now it will become a fruitful comparison with 8:16—18, which shares with this passage the
field. Similarly the deaf and the blind of v. 18 remind us concern that the words of God through his messenger should
of the deaf and blind people of 6:10. There is a hope beyond be inscribed and handed down to future generations. The
that threat. In w. 20-1 we cannot be certain whether theme of YHWH as 'father' of Israel, touched on in v. i, is
those condemned reflect a general aspiration towards justice, then further developed in a way strikingly similar to Deut
or whether particular groups in a divided society are tar- 21:18—21, where a 'stubborn and rebellious (sorer umoreh:
geted. both terms used to describe Israel in this chapter) son' may
receive the punishment of death (Pfisterer Darr 1994: 61). We
(29:22-4) In the Judaism of the Second Temple period the
are reminded that the situation described in 1:2 shows as yet
patriarchs, who played little or no part in earlier traditions,
no signs of improvement. The tora (instruction) of YHWH,
come to increasing prominence. To be children of Abraham
here as so often the touchstone of obedience, is still being
and of Jacob was an important theological claim as is amply
ignored. As we have noted seers and particularly prophets are
illustrated in the New Testament. In these verses we find a
often condemned in Isaiah. Here the blame for their inad-
more generous hope than in the previous oracle. Even those
equacies is placed on the community as a whole.
who err and grumble may now, it is hoped, come to a true
understanding. (30:12-14) Two announcements of judgement follow, each
introduced by the characteristic 'therefore'. In the first the
(30:1—5) We return to another passage of threat, on a theme
recurring theme of trust, true and false, reappears. In the
which may have been relevant in the eighth century BCE,
second two vivid similes are used to picture the inevitable
and thus go back to the earliest traditions embodied in Isaiah,
break-up of the community: first an insecurely built wall
but which continued to raise important issues at different
whose weakness causes it to collapse; secondly, a pot smashed
times in the people's history. In the face of threats from
into fragments.
elsewhere was Egypt to be a valued resource, or was trust in
Egypt no more than an illusion? w. 1-2 are an accusation (30:15—17) A further accusation and announcement of judge-
put in the mouth of YHWH himself. The plans of those who ment follows, with an important statement of a basic Isaianic
rely on Egyptian support are rebellion, a human plan which theme. God had laid down how they might be saved from their
it is claimed is a vain attempt to thwart the larger divine troubles, and they had refused. There are two Hebrew verbs
plan. NRSV 'against my will' in v. i gives the sense, but some forms of which are very similar: "sub, to turn or return;
obscures the fact that a more literal translation would be 'not yasab, to sit or dwell. Most translations take the verb here as
of my spirit' (so RSV) with the sense that conformity with the first (thus NRSV 'in returning'), but various Jewish scho-
the spirit of YHWH is far more important than human lars have put forward a case for supposing that it might be the
counsel. To 'go down into Egypt' was an exact reversal of second, which would involve only minor changes and give a
the divine action in bringing the people up out of Egypt in better parallel: 'in stillness' (Uffenheimer 1994: 179). In the
the Exodus. This accusation leads by way of a characteristic light of the community's failure to offer such trust the rem-
'therefore' into an announcement of judgement showing that nant theme reappears in v. 17 as an undisguised threat.
the very forces which the people hope will offer them protec- (30:18) is printed in NRSV as a poetic conclusion to what has
tion will lead to their greater discomfiture. In v. 4 'Zoan' may preceded, but it can also be taken as introducing the very
stand for Egypt (cf 19:11, 13), but 'Hanes' is otherwise un- varied material which follows. It points forward to the latter
known. part of the book in its emphasis on God's saving justice
ISAIAH 460

(mispat), while the last phrase provides a link back to 25:9. 'spirit', apparently in parallelism with 'human' and 'God' in
These links are important warnings against dividing the book the previous line. What is stated here as simply a warning
into small isolated fragments. about human inadequacies came, in the New Testament and
(30:19—26) These verses are held together by the common elsewhere, to be formative of a complete anthropology that is
element of promise, but their detailed content is very varied. a doctrine of human nature.
Vermeylen (1977-8: 418) proposes that they are intended as (31:4—5) The thrust of this passage is difficult to determine.
a 'relecture' of the preceding material in this chapter offering As translated in NRSV it is a promise, with YHWH coming
a much more hopeful future. Thus instead of blinding down 'to fight upon Mount Zion', that is, on behalf of his
their seers (v. 10) the people will see for themselves (v. 20). people. But this then offers a curious set of images: YHWH is
The deafness of v. 9 will give way to the ability to hear the pictured as a lion fighting for his people against their shep-
message in v. 21; instead of straying from the way (v. n), they herds. While this is not impossible—leaders as unworthy
will walk securely in it (v. 21). The condemnation of idolatry is shepherds is a common idea in the HB—it is unusual, and
less prominent in these chapters than attacks on the false the more natural sense of the preposition translated 'upon'
worship of YHWH, but here (v. 22) the community are would be adversative: 'against'. Perhaps this passage origin-
assured that idols will be a thing of the past: a sharp ated as a threat, with YHWH pictured as a lion intent upon
contrast with 1:27—31 on a similar theme. The last verses of attacking his own people for their faithlessness. Only in later
the section introduce once more the vision of'that day', now tradition has it been transformed to allow an element of
expressed in eschatological terms as a restoration of paradise, promise, which becomes explicit in v. 5.
when the anxieties of an agricultural community living a (31:6—9) A prose passage follows. It begins with something
marginal existence will be totally dispelled. These pictures unexpectedly rare in the book of Isaiah: a call to repentance
of an ideal future constantly recur throughout the book of ('turn back', using the characteristic verb sub). Then it looks
Isaiah. forward to the destruction of all idols, as in 30:22; this is a
(30:27-33) There are a number of textual problems in these point which will be elaborated in greater detail in the 'Baby-
verses, which account for the variety within modern transla- lonian chapters', especially 44—7. It leads into a renewed
tions, w. 27—8 seem to be a powerful description of a theo- threat against the Assyrians (cf. 30:31), making clear that it is
phany, but whereas in other such passages God's anger is the Divine Warrior and not any human agency that over-
directed against his own people, here 'the nations' and 'the throws alien powers.
peoples' are the victims of his anger. This is the language of (32:1—8) These verses return to a theme last found in ch. n—
YHWH as divine warrior. The prose passage that follows this the hope of an ideal king. Though less widely used as a
warning first offers reassurance to the people of God that Zion messianic prophecy than the passages in chs. 7, 9, and n,
(the 'mountain of the LORD') will remain inviolable, and then this section puts the hope of an ideal ruler in the context of
identifies the enemy to be overthrown as the Assyrians. It is other Isaianic themes. The plural 'princes' in v. i indicates that
doubtful whether we should take this as a historical reference the hope is not of a specific ruler but rather an idealized
with a specific eighth-century setting, when the Assyrians picture of the true nature of monarchical rule. It embodies
were attacking Israel and Judah; rather it should be grouped sedeq (righteousness) and mispat (justice), two recurrent Isaia-
with other passages (Jon; Ezra 6:22) which see Assyria as the nic concerns. When these are present, the ruler will provide
typical oppressive force—a role which came to be taken over true protection for his people (v. 2). As in 30:20—1, the blind-
by Babylon. The chapter ends with a highly unattractive, but ness and deafness imposed upon the people for their
no doubt understandable, picture of the community gloating stubbornness in ch. 6 and elsewhere will now be removed; a
over the ruin and degradation of a hated enemy. The picture of well-ordered and properly structured society will be inaugur-
a triumphant cultic occasion here should dispel any notion, ated. There are links with the wisdom literature in the
based on such passages as 1:10-17, mat the book of Isaiah is condemnation of the fool (w. 5, 6) and the stress on proper
opposed to cultic worship, v. 33 seems to embody a pun; the planning (the verb ya'as (plan) in v. 8).
Assyrian king (mdek) will meet his end in the Topheth, or (32:9-14) Unexpectedly there follows another attack upon
burial place where human sacrifice was alleged to have been women. The presentation of women in those usually counted
carried out in honour of the god mollk (Molech). as the 'eighth-century prophets' (Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah) is
(31:1-3) The theme of the futility of turning to Egypt for help, by and large not an attractive one. In these verses the con-
found already in 30:1-5, is resumed. The reference to 'chariots demnation is in juridical style, inviting witnesses to come
and horsemen' is evocative of the accounts in Exodus, where forward (cf. 1:2). But what begins as a taunt, apparently aimed
'Pharaoh's chariots and his army were cast into the sea' (Ex. against the women, gradually changes character, and the
15:4). v. 2 interrupts the condemnation for a brief hymnic women come to be seen as examples of those who will be
fragment in praise of God. 'He too is wise' has been inter- forced to mourn the imminent disaster. Instead of a vintage
preted by some as a claim that wisdom, previously primarily festival, rites of mourning will be the order of the day. The
understood as human shrewdness, was a characteristic that image of'thorns and briers' (v. 13) is reminiscent of the two
was also to be attributed to God. However that may be, the songs of the vineyard in 5:1-7 and 27:2-6, though the word
claim is clearly being made that purely human skills were not here translated 'thorns' is different from that used in the other
enough to see the whole truth of any situation. An idea is passages. As the following verses will show this is one more
developed in v. 3 which was to have momentous consequences example of the recurrent Isaianic pattern of inevitable and
in the history of theology: the contrast between 'flesh' and imminent disaster to be followed by restoration.
 461 ISAIAH
(32:15-20) As so often in Isaiah words of warning suddenly confronted with a real dread of the whole inhabited order
give way to a promise which radically transforms the thrust of breaking down, returning to its original chaos, w. 10—12, as
the whole passage. Conventional historical criticism has ta- in the Song of Deborah, the threatened breakdown into chaos
ken most of these hopeful sections to be later additions. This is the preliminary to a reassertion of the exalted status of
may be true, though we have no sure means of knowing. In YHWH (cf v. 5). The language used to assert the fate of all
any case to dismiss some material as 'secondary' in this way is enemies seems shocking, but it may be appropriate if those
to weaken the thrust of the message in the form in which we condemned to destruction are envisaged as supernatural
now have it. Here the expectation of justice and righteousness beings threatening order.
is taken up once more, as a means of transforming the deso- (33:13-16) The cosmological threat of the preceding verses
lation described in the preceding verses. Now righteousness is now applied to a more domestic situation. The community
will lead to salom, peace or wholeness, and a picture of para- is summoned to acknowledge the effective power of YHWH.
dise is offered, analogous to that found in 11:6-9. Th£ whole As so often in Isaiah it appears that the Jerusalem community
passage ends with a 'beatitude', comparable in form with is divided; some ('the godless') express their anxiety as to
those found in the New Testament, in the Sermon on the their fate. But the terms of admission to the true fellowship
Mount (Mt 5). are spelt out in ways reminiscent of such Psalms as 15 and
(Ch. 33) is one of the most disputed chapters in Isaiah. It fits 24. Those who satisfy such terms can look forward to security
into no obviously recognizable category, and has been inter- and the assurance of food and drink.
preted in a variety of ways. Some have seen it as reflecting a
(33:17-22) Another passage put in the mouth of the prophet
particular historical crisis; others, following an influential
offers reassurance to Jerusalem. The 'king in his beauty'
article of 1924 by Gunkel, have characterized it as 'liturgical',
might be a reference to YHWH as king, but it is also possible
though that description has itself led to further dispute as to
that there is a linkage with the ideal ruler depicted in 32:1—2.
what the term should mean. A coherent analysis on the basis
In any case the basic theme is of deliverance from oppression,
of form is almost impossible. The chapter contains an initial
symbolized by the use of an alien, barely understood language
'woe', a lament by the community addressed to God in w. 2—9,
(v. 19; cf. 28:11, where the same rare root l-f-g, translated
interrupted by a prophetic oracle addressed to the community
'stammering', is found; it will appear again in 37:22, there
in w. 3-6. Further oracular material is in its turn interrupted
translated 'scorns'). The passage reaches a climax with the
by a question-and-answer passage in w. 14—16 enquiring who
promise of the restoration of the proper liturgical round and
may properly live in God's presence, and offering an answer
the assurance of continuing divine protection.
closely analogous to Ps 24:3-6. (Childs (1967) offered an
analysis of the chapter in terms of a possible historical devel- (33:23—4) v. 21 had used the image of a ship, and this brief
opment; Murray (1982) notes previous discussions and appendix takes that image further, though in a very obscure
makes his own proposals.) As elsewhere in Isaiah there are way. The spacing in NRSV suggests a link with the following
important links with the Psalms in language and theme. chapter, and this is possible, but it may be that the passage is
misplaced (so Clements 19800; cf. REB, which places 230 in
(33:1-6) The introductory 'woe' in v. i is aimed at a 'destroyer'
square brackets). If this is so of 230, the remainder of the
and a 'treacherous one'. The two roots are each used four
passage may be read as a continuation of the picture of res-
times in one verse: NRSV brings this out but at the expense
toration set out in the preceding verses. The 'spoil' and
of a very ponderous rendering (42 words in Eng. as against 16
'plundering' remind us of the child Maher-shalal-hash-baz
in Heb.). The repetition may be intended as a curse-formula
of 8:1—3, f°r the same words salal and baz are here used.
(Murray 1982); it is certainly powerfully allusive, though
many of the allusions now escape us. We seem to be in the (Chs. 34—5) Most scholars argue that these two chapters ori-
presence here of more than human enemies, w. 2—6, however ginated as a pairing (though for a contrary view see Steck
powerful the enemies the confidence is expressed that 1985). Certainly they develop a theme found several times
YHWH's power is greater. In 'the morning', so often the elsewhere in the HB. The glorification of Mount Zion corres-
time of hoped-for salvation from the powers of darkness, ponds with the punishment of Edom. This point is made in
God will offer protection. The passage which follows in w. summary form in Am 9:11-12, Ob 21, and Mai 1:2-5; it is
3-6 offers reassurance in the by-now familiar terms of justice developed more fully both in our present chapters and in
and righteousness; these will be the basis of lasting stability. Ezek 35:1—36:15. No doubt the course of historical events con-
(33:7—12) There are close similarities in w. 7—9 with 24:4—8 tributed to this theme, but it goes beyond the historical, so that
(Murray 1992: 16—25). m each passage the 'covenant' is 'bro- Edom becomes symbolic of the enemies of God. We shall see a
ken' (NRSV obscures this rare reference to bent by translating further development of this theme in ch. 63. In ch. 35 in
'treaty' here in v. 8); in each the inhabited land 'mourns and particular we shall also see close links with later chapters in
languishes'; in each normal human activity has ceased (NRSV the book.
at 33:8 'left' for the verb translated 'ceased' in 24:8). Whether (34:1—7) The horrifying picture of w. 1—4 offers no suggestion
or not we follow Murray's view of the breakdown of a cosmic that Edom is to become the focus of attention. After an intro-
covenant it seems clear that the disorder here described is ductory summons which recalls Ps 49:1, a picture of cosmic
more than the usual damage imposed by human enemies. disaster is set out in a way that has led to this chapter being
There are links with the Song of Deborah (Judg 5:6), a passage described as an apocalypse. Not just the enemy nations but
which celebrates the victory over Sisera but expresses in cos- also the very 'host of heaven' and the skies themselves are to be
mic terms the threat which he posed. Here again we are brought to an end. In w. 5-7 the judgement is made specific to
ISAIAH 462

Edom, in terms which show the bitter hatred which developed tainly be aware that themes and actual expressions used in
between the two communities who, according to the tradition this chapter will come to greater prominence in what follows.
of Gen 25:29—34, should have seen one another as brothers. But there are important links also with earlier chapters; thus
Instead of the kind of banquet envisaged by God for his own in 29:17-18 Lebanon is restored, the deaf hear, the blind see—
people in 25:6, we have the horrors of a community described the central motifs of w. 2—5 here.
as the potential sacrificial victims. No polemic is as bitter as (35:1—4) Whereas at 33:9 Lebanon, Carmel, and Sharon had
religious polemic. faced destruction, in w. 1—2 they are typified as those who will
(34:8—15) The preceding theme is now elaborated in terms see the glory of YHWH. It is important to recognize this
of'day of the LORD' language, used so often with reference literary link between two chapters which historical critics
to the Jerusalem community, but now gloatingly reapplied, usually treat as quite separate. The threat posed in the preced-
while Zion itself is triumphantly vindicated. The Septuagint ing chapters is now to be reversed. Occasionally in the HB the
Greek translation (LXX) introduces here the idea of a 'day of wilderness is pictured as a place where Israel enjoyed a kind of
judgement', an expression not found in the HB but character- honeymoon period (Hos 2:14), but the usual theme is of the
istic of later Jewish literature, including the NT. 'Zion's cause' wilderness as a place of threat. To transform that into fertility
(rib) has the same legal term which is often used against was a sure sign of restoration. 55:12 shares this motif, and the
YHWH's disloyal followers. At v. 9 the NRSV footnote should universal revealing of God's glory is found also at4o:5. w. 3-4,
be borne in mind; there is no specific mention of Edom in the another theme found very frequently in chs. 40-55 is that of
Hebrew text, and there is a sense in which the reference restoration of health and strength, though the promise of
to Edom in w. 5—7 is only a more specific application of salvation is accompanied by the warning of vengeance and
the general theme of radical destruction of all alien forces. recompense.
The word 'alien' is deliberately chosen; we are in a world (35:5-7) A riot of imagery runs through these verses. The
comparable to that of modern science fiction, with hostile basic concern is for restoration of wholeness, whether (5~6a)
forces barely kept at bay. Thus in v. n 'confusion' and 'chaos' to those human beings who were deprived of the fullness of
are tohu wabohu, the 'formless void' of Gen 1:2. In the same their humanity—the blind, the deaf, the lame, the speech-
verse the animals are part of a bestiary rather than those less—or (6/7-7) to th°se parts of the natural world which
familiar from daily encounters. There are links here with seemed comparably to be deprived. This 'good news' was
13:21—2 where several of the same creatures were invoked seen by the Gospel writers as an obvious pointer to the good
in the description of the destruction of Babylon. Indeed news which they wished to proclaim, and so it is no surprise to
Vermeylen (1977: 440) went further and, drawing attention find that this chapter as a whole and these verses in particular
to similarities of structure, suggested that this chapter is are alluded to in the NT (e.g. Mt 11:5). In the Isaiah context we
modelled on the eschatological destruction of Babylon remember that the blind and the deaf are the community
portrayed in ch. 13. (Williamson (1994: 216—17) adds further themselves (6:10), so that this section plays an important
details of linguistic similarities.) v. 14 reminds us that below part in proclaiming the restoration of that community to full
the surface of belief in one God there lurked fears of demons. humanity.
'Lilith' seems to have been an aggressive female demon (35:8-10) As in 40:3 and 62:10 a highway through the desert
known also from Mesopotamian incantations; she was not a is promised. Chs. 40—55 are sometimes spoken of as 'univer-
'night hag' (so RSV, a rendering based on false etymology). salist', but they display a strong concern for ritual purity (e.g.
She has been brought to life again in recent years in some 52:1), and that is also expressed here. Indeed the very title 'the
radical feminist work. Holy Way' implies separateness from that which is unclean; it
(34:16-17) These verses are very different in tone from what is specifically for those who are 'redeemed'. The final verse is
has preceded, and the linkage with the rest of the chapter is virtually identical with 51:11; the two uses may be seen as a
widely regarded as minimal. The reference to 'the book of the kind of refrain, in each case bringing a hymn of triumph to a
LORD', more properly a 'scroll', suggests a period when the joyful conclusion in the restoration of Zion and its commu-
gathering of particularly valued texts had begun, a process nity.
which would lead to the formation of'Scripture'. The chapter (Chs. 36—9) These chapters have often been somewhat neg-
ends with a word of reassurance for those for whom the divine lected in commentaries on Isaiah. They are substantially
lot had fallen favourably. identical with 2 Kings 18-20, with one significant addition
(Ch. 35) This chapter poses a major problem for the view of a (38:9-20) and two omissions (2 Kings 18:14-16 and2o:6fc-8),
threefold division of Isaiah outlined in the introduction. and the usual assumption has been that the redactors of the
Though part of Isa 1—39 it displays very close links with chs. book of Isaiah utilized this material from 2 Kings, in which
40-55. Some have supposed that it must have originated with Isaiah himself is named, as an important element in the trad-
those chapters, became detached and 'by some roundabout ition about 'their' prophet. Only very conservative scholars,
way reached the collection of First Isaiah independently' anxious to hold Isaiah himself responsible for the whole of
(McKenzie 1968: 12). Others regard it as a much later devel- chs. i—66, have rejected this approach. Detailed commentary,
opment: 'a later development, probably separated from (Deu- and an exploration of the considerable historical problems
tero-Isaiah) by centuries' (Kaiser 1974: 362). The greater here raised, has therefore usually been undertaken in the
concern with Isaiah as a book that we have tried to develop context of 2 Kings.
in this commentary means that these historical issues will be In recent years, however, this situation has changed, and a
less important though they cannot be ignored. We must cer- number of scholars have argued that these chapters were first
 463 ISAIAH
composed within the Isaiah tradition and then taken into 2 the Assyrians are a mockery of the truth. Of course the gods of
Kings. Williamson (1994: 189—211) offers a lengthy discus- the nations had not delivered their lands from the Assyrians,
sion'. Whatever the circumstances of composition it is clear for they were no-gods, powerless to achieve anything. In the
that these chapters play a very important part in the structure catalogue in w. 18-19 me inclusion of Samaria may be a thrust
of the book of Isaiah as a whole. The community was under against the alleged apostasy of the northern kingdom of
threat. That arose first of all from the Assyrians. God in his Israel. The only appropriate response to such arrogance is
graciousness had destroyed that threat. But that did not mean silence (v. 21) (Ackroyd 1987: 112).
that the people were henceforth out of danger. God might (37:1-4) Hezekiah's response is a model of correctness. He
raise up another and greater threat—the Babylonians. These acknowledges his human weakness, he enters God's temple,
chapters tell of the overthrow of the Assyrians and warn of the he turns to the prophet of YHWH, Isaiah, asking for his
greater danger lying ahead. Chs. 38—9 can therefore legitim- prayers. The description of Isaiah as a 'prophet' here is the
ately be seen as, in the title of Ackroyd's essay, 'An Inter- first of its kind; the few previous references in the book to
pretation of the Babylonian Exile' (Ackroyd 1987: 152-71). prophets have been of a very disparaging nature. It may well
In what follows attention will primarily be directed to that be that Isaiah was 'enlisted' as a prophet only in much later
material in these chapters which seems to have played a tradition, when prophetic words were perceived as the way in
significant role in the shaping of the Isaiah tradition. For which God guided the people.
more general considerations, see the commentary on these
(37:5-20) As at 7:4 the word of YHWH to the king conveyed
chapters in 2 Kings.
through Isaiah is 'Do not be afraid' (7:4 has 'do not fear' for the
(36:1—3) We know of Sennacherib's exploits from his own same Heb. expression). Ahaz had failed to stand firm; Hez-
records, e.g. the 'Taylor Prism' in the British Museum ekiah is pictured as putting his trust in divine protection.
(DOTT. 67); the campaign here referred to took place in 701 (Conrad 1991: 36-40 draws out the parallels between the
BCE. 2 Kings 18:14-16 describes Hezekiah's admission of two narratives.) We need to remember, here as elsewhere,
defeat and payment of substantial reparations. The absence that this is the verdict of a particular religious tradition. It
of those verses here gives a radically different picture, both of would not be difficult in political and historical terms to praise
Hezekiah himself and of the fate of the community. Hez- Ahaz for coming to a successful modus vivendi with the Assyr-
ekiah, unmentioned by name since 1:1 but perhaps hinted at ians and to condemn the foolhardiness of Hezekiah which led
in the oracles looking to an ideal Davidic ruler, will be portrayed to an extended period of vassalage.
in idealistic terms contrasting markedly with the description The promise in v. 7 is not taken up again until w. 36—8, and
of Ahaz his father (Ackroyd 1987: esp. 175-6). The 'fortified it is often held that a second account of the same events is
cities of Judah' may fall and Jerusalem be confronted 'with a inserted between the promise and the account of its fulfil-
great army', but YHWH has yet to reveal his will for his own ment. If this is correct the break comes after 'fight against you'
city. The confrontation takes place at the same place as that in v. ga. Childs (1967: 69—103) discusses the historical and
between Isaiah and Ahaz in 7:3. We are being prepared for the literary problems; Clements (1980/7) offers a theological ap-
great contrast between the renegade behaviour of Ahaz and praisal of the two narratives. For discussion of the historical
the appropriate response from Hezekiah. problems, in particular those relating to Tirhakah, see the
(36:4—10) With a nice irony the Assyrian king's envoy, the commentary on 2 Kings. Many of the themes of the first
Rabshakeh, is pictured as echoing Isaiah's words (cf chs. 30— narrative recur again in w. 9/7-20, with stronger theological
i): to rely on Egypt is to put one's trust in a broken reed. There emphasis. In particular Hezekiah's prayerful response is
has been no reference in Isaiah to the removal of'high places brought out (w. 14—20). Though it is prose it has many of
and altars', but it is entirely consonant both with Isaiah's the characteristics of a psalm of lament. The uniqueness and
stress on Jerusalem and with the idealization of Hezekiah. the creative power of YHWH are stressed, along with the
Again there is irony in the words put into the Rabshakeh's impotence of other so-called gods, in a way that clearly antici-
mouth, 'The LORD said to me, Go up against this land', for we pates chs. 40-8.
know that Assyria is nothing more than a rod in God's hand (37:21—9) Hezekiah's prayer is followed by words put into the
sent against a godless nation (10:5—6). mouth of Isaiah, but they are scarcely an 'answer'. Instead,
(36:11—12) We have seen already that the issue of proper they are addressed to the king of Assyria. They bear compari-
language is a concern of the book of Isaiah (28:9-13). Aramaic son with the divine response to Assyrian boasting in 10:15-19,
and Hebrew are closely related languages, and some parts of and also (NB v. 26 in particular) with the recurrent motif in
the 'Hebrew' Bible, particularly of Daniel and Ezra, are writ- chs. 40—55 that contemporary events are the fruition of what
ten in Aramaic. If the words here quoted had actually been has been the plan of YHWH for long generations.
spoken by Eliakim it would suggest that he and his colleagues (37:30-5) Like Ahaz (7:11), Hezekiah is offered a 'sign'. Ahaz
were extraordinarily poor diplomats, revealing in this way the had refused it; that possibility is not even envisaged for Hez-
weakness of their position. Much more likely we have here a ekiah. The land is to undergo a kind of Sabbath year (cf. Lev
concern that the sacred language should not be heard in the 25:5). Then in language closely reflecting earlier passages in
mouth of the hated Assyrians. the book (cf. esp. 4:2-6; 27:6 and the earlier usage of
(36:13-21) As in ch. 10 the Assyrians do not know the real 'remnant' language) the survival of the city is promised. The
truth of the situation. Their words are a blasphemous parody certainty that this will happen is underlined in the same way
of the real situation. Hezekiah will be able to deliver the city as the enthronement oracle in 9:2—7; v. 32/7 is identical with
through his trust in YHWH's deliverance. The promises of 9:7/7.
ISAIAH 464

The ideal picture of Jerusalem's security in w. 33-5 seems once more at its holy place after the disaster of exile. 'The
somewhat to outrun historical fact. It is by no means clear that illness of Hezekiah and the death sentence upon him become
Jerusalem was as immune from attack as is suggested here. a type of judgment and exile' (Ackroyd 1987: 165). The
YHWH is pictured as asserting that this is to be done 'for my 'stringed instruments' of v. 20 are unexpected; such a refer-
own sake', a phrase characteristic of the later chapters of ence is more usually found in the heading of Psalms (e.g. Ps
Isaiah (e.g. 43:25). 4:1) and may serve the same purpose here.
(37:36—8) For the historical issues arising from these verses, (38:21—2) In the 2 Kings parallel these verses, in substantially
see the commentary on 2 Kings. In their context in Isaiah they identical form, appear earlier, and REB has placed them after
fulfil the warnings against the proud boastings of the Assyr- Isa 38:6 (cf. also BHS, which makes the same proposal).
ians in 10:5-19 and elsewhere. One threat against the com- NRSV resolves the tension by translating the verbs as pluper-
munity has been removed, but it is not yet the time for fects ('had said'). But, awkward though it may be for transla-
unthinking rejoicing. Another threat is looming. tors, it is likely that the present order is intentional. Hezekiah
(38:1-6) The introductory 'in those days' is very imprecise; we had been shown to be faithful even before the sign of healing
need not suppose that the events described in this chapter had taken place. The motif is similar to that expressed in the
occurred later than the Assyrian attack just described. More words of Jesus to Thomas (Jn 20:29). Again, Hezekiah's
important is the picture of Hezekiah that is conveyed. Modern request for a sign that he 'may go up to the house of the
ideas of modesty and self-control admired in some parts of the LORD' relates now not to the sundial (as in 2 Kings 20) but to
West should be set to one side; Hezekiah can announce his the hope for restoration of its true place of worship to the
own virtues and can also weep. He asserts his own 'faithful- whole community. The king may legitimately be seen as
ness', a word from the same root as the warning to Ahaz to representative of the larger community.
'stand firm' in 7:9, and in the response is recognized as a true (39:1-4) A Babylonian theme is now introduced. Merodach-
son of David. The tradition asserts that Hezekiah reigned for baladan (Marduk-apla-iddina) is known to have been a long-
29 years (2 Kings 18:2), so that the promised addition of 15 standing threat to Assyria's assured control of Babylon, but he
years to his life and the promise of freedom from the Assyrian functions here in effect as a symbolic figure. His envoys come
threat invite us to consider this event in close association with 'from a far country, from Babylon', which is surely symbolic of
the deliverance already described. The relatively rare verb the threat of exile. Similarly the emphasis on their seeing all
ganan, to defend, links v. 6 here with 31:5 (NRSV 'protect') that is in the storehouses—a quite unnecessary detail in
and 37:35. (At this point there are significant differences be- historical terms—is a clear hint of the despoliation of palace
tween Isaiah and 2 Kings, both in what is contained and in the and temple by the Babylonians.
order of the material; Sweeney (19880:14-15) and Williamson (39:5-8) The forewarning of the exile becomes even more
(1994: 202-8) offer comments on these divergences.) explicit. Hezekiah's response has often been taken as a deplor-
(38:7-8) Whereas God's own words were reported in the ably complacent reaction, washing his hands of any respon-
preceding verses, now Isaiah speaks. Once again a sign is sibility for such a disaster, but it seems most unlikely that that
given to Hezekiah. In 2 Kings he bargains with God for a is how we should read v. 8. It begins with the obedient king
more convincing form of the sign; here that form is directly acknowledging that all that will happen is within God's provi-
offered. Presumably what is described was regarded as in dence. Then he asserts his confidence in God's salom (peace).
some way remarkable or even miraculous, but problems of It is likely that a deliberate contrast is being made here
translation (cf. NRSV fn.) make this uncertain. The mention between the salom of Hezekiah with the repeated assertion
of Ahaz makes us wonder whether some comparison is again in the following chapters (48:22; 57:21) that 'there is no peace
intended, but it seems likely that 'the dial of Ahaz' was a for the wicked' (Williamson 1994: 210).
recognized feature of the palace—temple complex. Traditionally, historical-critical studies of Isaiah have made
(38:9—20) This 'Psalm of Hezekiah' has no parallel in the 2 a sharp division at this point, with commentaries often as-
Kings account. It is of a form readily recognizable in the signed to two different authors working independently. On
Psalms: the Individual Thanksgiving, v. 9 provides the context any showing it seems an unusual place for a division, with ch.
of recovery from illness, and this may well have been one of 39 ending as it does with a look forward to the threat of the
those settings for which Psalms of Thanksgiving were pro- Babylonian exile in the context of the book as a whole which
vided, w. 10-15 are in ^e form of a lament, spelling out with a sees hope beyond that threat.
variety of imagery the ill fate which has befallen the psalmist. (Chs. 40-55) In critical orthodoxy these chapters are regularly
Up to that point there are close similarities with Ps 88, but that referred to as Deutero-Isaiah, with the underlying assump-
psalm has no happy ending, whereas here the plea for deliver- tion that there was a prophet who could be referred to in that
ance in v. 16 is followed by the confident cry of those who have way who was active among a group of exiles from Judah in
recovered from their troubles. The assumption in v. 18 is that Babylon in the 5403 BCE. Attempts have been made to recon-
death cuts one off from the opportunity to praise God; Sheol struct some of the obscure details of Babylonian history on the
and the Pit are isolated from the presence of God. This is a basis of these chapters (see esp. Smith 1944). In German
different picture from that which we found in chs. 25 and 26, scholarship in particular one comes across references to the
but, like the closely related Ps 115:16-18, it makes important 'book of Deutero-Isaiah'; thus Kratz (1991), and, regrettably,
theological assertions about the value of this life. But this is Albertz (1990) in an otherwise very perceptive article con-
more than a purely individual thanksgiving. The restoration cerned with the whole book of Isaiah. Kratz is also one of
can be seen as that of the whole community, able to worship several scholars who have attempted to discern different
 465 ISAIAH
redactional levels within these chapters, so that the picture of style and in theological viewpoint, which must not be neg-
this material as one coherent block is no longer part of lected. While the historical arguments for isolating these chap-
the scholarly consensus. In particular, attention is paid to ters as a separate unit dating from the 5403 may be less strong
differences between chs. 40-8 and 49-55 (Merendino than has sometimes been supposed, the distinctive features
(1981); see also the notes in this commentary at the end of which led to the postulating of a 'Deutero-Isaiah' remain and
ch. 48). should not be ignored.
There is certainly no book of Deutero-Isaiah, only some (40:1-2) The end of ch. 39 has supplied the geographical
anonymous chapters within the larger collection which we context: Babylon. The next few chapters will retain their con-
are studying. Attempts to structure history on the basis of cern for Jerusalem, as v. 2 makes clear, but the immediate
poetry are notoriously difficult. But does the substantive point setting is Jerusalem in exile. By the time that these poems
remain? Was there really a poet-prophet among a community were brought together it had become clear that the punish-
of Jews in Babylon in the last years before its overthrow by ment brought about by the Babylonians, including the deport-
Cyrus? It may be so. But we should recognize that the evi- ation of many of Jerusalem's leading citizens, had not been
dence is much less secure than is often supposed. In the first the end of the story; some at least of their descendants had
place the existence of a substantial community of Jewish been able to return. And since that return had taken place
exiles, living and presumably worshipping together, is during the period of Persian rule, the Persians here as else-
assumed. But it is surely a very unlikely assumption. All where in the HB are looked upon with favour. Presumably
that we know of ancient imperial practice in such matters they were still ruling the community when this material
suggests that they would have been dispersed, particularly if reached its final form.
they were regarded as posing any kind of threat to good order. The message of comfort in these verses and the clear in-
The idea of the massive deportation of a community which timation that the time of punishment is over suggests a
was able to remain together and in due course to return comparison between this chapter and ch. 6. There the prophet
together owes more to ideology than to the known facts of had been summoned to make clear the extent of forthcoming
history. judgement; here the equivalent announcement is that the
Secondly, there are very few historical allusions in these time of punishment is past. 'Double for all her sins' sounds
chapters which allow us to place them with confidence. In unjust, and has often been taken as no more than a deliberate
effect they amount to the two specific references to Cyrus exaggeration; Phillips (1982) suggests thatthe 'doubling' may
(44:28; 45:1), and several less certain but likely allusions to refer to an innocent generation of those who had undergone
him. Cyrus is a known figure of history whose career reached exile. In this way the idea of suffering on behalf of others,
its climax with the seizure of Babylon in 539 BCE. This which plays a prominent part in these chapters, is already
only establishes that these chapters (if they are taken as a introduced. There are uncertainties in these first verses as to
unity) cannot have been written before that date; they could who is speaking. What begins as a divine word (v. i) refers to
perfectly well be later. In fact so much attention has been YHWH in the third person in v. 2, and this uncertainty
given to the task of showing that these chapters cannot be persists through much of ch. 40, beginning with the uniden-
earlier than the sixth century that little attention has been tified 'voice' of v. 3.
paid to the possibility that they could be later. (Two scholars
who have explored this possibility are Torrey (1928) and (40:3-5) Each of the first three Gospels saw in this passage a
Simon (1953); their views have won little support among prefiguration of John the Baptist, and applied it accordingly,
more recent studies.) This is not the context to explore in though at the expense of the parallelism, for they have the
detail an alternative reading; we should at least be open to voice 'crying in the wilderness' (Mt 3:3; Mk 1:3; Lk 3:3). But
the possibility that, in the context of the whole book of Isaiah, there are also important links within Isaiah: the expression qol
Cyrus is mentioned in the same way as Sennacherib, as a qore (NRSV 'a voice cries out') is virtually identical with 6:4
figure from the distant past who was perceived as having ('the voices of those who called'). Just as in 6:3 'the whole earth
played a significant role as God's will for his community is full of his glory', so here the glory of YHWH is to be revealed
took shape. Cyrus is given favourable attention in 2 Chr so that 'all people shall see it together'. As elsewhere in these
36:22—3 and in Ezra i—6; those references, or the source on chapters there is an ambiguity in the interpretation of such a
which they were based, may provide the origin of the similarly phrase. It can be construed universalistically, with the God of
favourable attention to Cyrus here. There is no independent Israel being known by all the world, and much Christian
historical evidence to support the view that Cyrus knew any- theology has favoured this understanding. But it can also be
thing of YHWH and his worshippers, or that he singled out interpreted in terms of YHWH as the triumphant warrior,
a Judahite group for favourable treatment. In this context it putting all his enemies to rout.
may also be worth noting that specific references to Babylon The transformation of the wilderness also played an im-
in these chapters are very few; indeed, Duhm, who did so portant part in ch. 35. Underlying these allusions is the trad-
much to establish modern study of 'Deutero-Isaiah', gave ition of the Exodus and wilderness wandering, when God had
these chapters a Phoenician rather than a Babylonian setting led the people to the promised land. The deliverance from
(Schramm 1995: 22). Babylon will frequently be pictured in these chapters as a new
We shall look at these chapters as poetry which continues to and greater Exodus.
explore the mystery of God's dealings with his worshippers. (40:6-8) A further reference to a voice suggests that the
There are important links and parallels with what has pre- setting of this whole section may be the divine council, and
ceded, but also some characteristic new developments, both in this would provide another link with ch. 6, a link which is still
ISAIAH 466

further strengthened when we note that the phrase qol 'omcr (40:18—20) The questions continue, addressed now to a 'you'
('a voice says') is found in 6:8. Only here and in ch. 6 in the who will be identified in v. 27 as 'Jacob' and 'Israel'. They take
whole Bible are the two expressions, 'a voice cries out' and 'a up a theme which was already raised in the Hezekiah narra-
voice says' juxtaposed (Williamson 1994: 38). In the light of tive (37:18-19) and will recur several times. Whenever these
these similarities it is natural to interpret 'the word of our poems were composed, they have as part of their background
God' (v. 8) as referring to the book of Isaiah itself. 'I said' might a community tempted by the worship of human-made repre-
seem to contradict what has been said of the anonymity of sentations of the divine. Such 'idols' are fiercely condemned
these chapters, but (though unacknowledged by NRSV) this is as no more than human workmanship. There is no recogni-
an—admittedly very widely followed—emendation ofthe Heb- tion that they might stand for something greater than them-
rew text, which has 'and he said' (Albertz 1990: 247). selves. Given the prominence of artistic representation in the
The basic theme of these verses is human transitoriness. In Christian tradition it is surprising that these chapters, with
the Near East the summer heat quickly withers the grass, and their harsh denigration of such representation, have been
that is the image used here. But there may also be a literary esteemed as highly as they have. w. 19-20 have been widely
cross-reference. At 28:4 the people were described as a 'fading held to be an interpolation (Whybray 1975: 55), but there is no
flower'; here an almost identical expression is used ('the textual evidence to support their omission.
flower fades') to remind the people of their parlous state (40:21-4) The address to Jacob/Israel becomes more specific,
before the divine rescue had been undertaken. The word with a note of accusation. The community should have recog-
translated 'constancy' is Hebrew hesed, usually 'steadfast nized the creative power and achievement of YHWH. Another
love' or the like. There is much dispute whether that meaning motif already touched upon in 37:26 is reapplied: the mysteri-
is acceptable here, or whether an emendation should be made ous and apparently meaningless development of history is in
(cf RSV 'beauty'). God's control. More specifically, and relevant to the overall
(40:9-11) Jerusalem is now directly addressed, a warning thrust ofthe book, those 'princes' and 'rulers ofthe earth' who
against giving too specifically 'Babylonian' a setting to this imagine that they control the world's destinies are 'as noth-
section. As frequently in Isaiah (and, of course, in the ing', v. 24 sees a reuse ofthe imagery already employed in v. 7.
Psalms), Jerusalem is the place ofthe divine self-revelation. (40:25-6) By a kind ofindusio the questions here are closely
Though different imagery is used, this passage is strongly similar to those in v. 18, strongly implying that God's creative
reminiscent ofthe promise to Zion in 2:2-4 and ofthe return power is beyond any comparison. The use ofthe characteristic
ofthe dispersed in 11:11—12. Here it is clear that God is pictured Isaianic phrase 'the Holy One' binds this section into the
as a conquering king; the image ofthe king as shepherd of his larger structure of the book. We notice also the use of the
people is a common one (cf. Ps 23; 78:70-2). verb bara', 'created', a word virtually confined in its usage to
the divine as creator and rare outside the Priestly account of
(40:12-17) A series of questions follows, a form characteristic
creation in Gen i. It is used 19 times in Isa 40—66; its one
of these chapters, especially the early ones. They are legal in
usage in 1-39 (at 4:5) seems not to offer any special link.
character, based on the questions in a trial as to the truth of a
disputed issue. Each set of questions is followed by an answer. (40:27-31) The series of questions reaches a climax, being
For the poet the answers are not really uncertain; the answer is now directly addressed to the community. The overarching
of course that YHWH is responsible for the whole order of power of God in no way implies that he has no concern for his
creation. This will become a fundamental claim in the chap- own worshippers, and this is shown by the way in which the
ters that follow, and provide the basis for the often-made claim same form of question, already put to the Assyrian ruler
that these chapters are legitimately described as 'monotheis- (37:26), is used both at v. 21 and here, v. 28. The complaint
tic'. This is an issue to which we shall need to return. of Jacob/Israel that they are neglected or ignored by God is
In w. 12—14 me answer to all the questions is clearly 'No- answered with the twofold assertion, ofthe universal creative
body'. YHWH himself is responsible for the ordering of cre- power of God, and of his continuing concern for the faint and
ation, seen as a supreme example of skilful planning. This powerless.
concern for creation, though not absent in the earlier chapters (41:1^7) These verses take up a literary form which we have
ofthe book, is one ofthe distinctive features of this section, seen to be characteristic of Isaiah from 1:2 onwards: the trial
especially chs. 40—5. Underlying the questions may be the scene. But whereas in that first poem it was the people of
idea of a divine council, with the implication that YHWH, who YHWH who were themselves accused, now it is rival gods
achieves all by his own power, is superior to the Babylonian whose claims are under scrutiny. The trial begins with the
gods who needed the advice of others (Whybray 1971); as we summons to universal silence, and the invitation to the wit-
have seen, however, the idea of a divine council in attendance nesses to come forward for judgement (mispat, a typically
upon YHWH is also found in this chapter. Isaianic word, as we have frequently seen). Then with v. 2
The questions are rhetorical and are not directly answered, the first main speech, setting out YHWH's claim, begins
but w. 15—17 balance them by making statements which assert (Schoors 1973). It has been widely supposed that there must
that all the nations are as nothing by comparison with the be a specific reference to an individual in the 'victor from the
power of YHWH. Lebanon may be chosen as a specific ex- east', and opinion has been divided between the traditional
ample because of its fertility and the richness of its forests, but interpretation, which from the Targum onwards has under-
we should also remember the reference to Lebanon when stood this of Abraham, and the usual modern scholarly view,
a similar but false claim was put into the mouth of the which sees here an implicit reference to Cyrus, who will later
Assyrians (37:23-5). be mentioned by name (Jones 1971 sets out some of the
 467 ISAIAH
strengths and weaknesses of each approach). But there is an w. 8—9, Jacob/Israel (there seems to be no significance in the
underlying issue which has been less often addressed: how far inversion in order of the two terms) has become a 'worm' and
is it proper to see specific reference to particular individuals an 'insect'. The latter description is based on an emendation
and events in poetry of this kind? In the most general terms it (cf RSV 'men of Israel') but is likely to be original—it may
is from the east (as in this verse) and the north (so v. 25) that well have been too offensive for later copiers, because the
the threats to Israel's safety emerged. What underlies this Akkadian word on which the emendation is based means 'a
poem is the conviction that those areas of greatest danger louse'. God is again described as 'the Holy One of Israel', but a
were also those of great promise: YHWH 's power was at work. new description is also applied: Redeemer, go'el. In modern
NRSV 'who has roused a victor' is rather free, and misses usage this word has a predominantly religious sense, but in
the point that the word translated 'victor' is actually sedeq, a ancient Israel it was used of a kinsman who owed duty to
frequent Isaianic word which is usually better understood as relatives who through bereavement or other circumstances
'righteousness' or the like. Though 'victory' (so RSV) is a needed help. This is a strong metaphor to use of God, and
possible translation, the connotations are not exclusively mili- bears comparison with the picture of God as mother which we
tary, v. 4 emphasizes that YHWH has been active since the also find in these chapters. The rather confused figurative
very beginning, a clear allusion to his creative role. The follow- language of w. 15-16 stresses that Israel has itself an import-
ing phrase can be literally translated 'and with the last I am ant part to play in the carrying out of God's purposes. The
he'. T am he' is a designation of YHWH, which may play on analogy with 'chaff (mds) reminds us of 29:5.
the form of his name and is found several times in these (41:17—20) But whatever part Israel had to play, the decisive
chapters. We are reminded that this is poetry rather than a acts of deliverance were those of YHWH himself. As in the
transcript of an actual trial by the fact that the coastlands, story of the wandering through the wilderness in Exodus and
summoned as witnesses in v. i, are now referred to in the Numbers it is YHWH himself who will supply water and
third person, w. 5—7 describe one—ineffectual—human alter- make the land fruitful. The oracle is a further elaboration of
native to the claims made by YHWH. They suppose wrongly the journey on which YHWH was to lead his people (40:3—5),
that diligence in the making of idols may bring them a reward. and the consequence would be that an even wider audience
(41:8—13) These verses serve as a contrast to what has pre- ('all', v. 20) would see YHWH's mighty acts.
ceded, but they also introduce a new theme which will be of (41:21-4) We return to the legal language which has pervaded
great importance. The idea of a 'servant' played a small part in this chapter. The challenge is now put to other gods and their
the earlier chapters, being used as a designation of the un- adherents in a way which will be of considerable importance
worthy Eliakim in 22:20 and of the figure of David in 37:35, for the understanding of these chapters and of the book of
but it now comes to the fore as a description of major signifi- Isaiah as a whole. The gods are challenged to produce evi-
cance, the noun being used more than 20 times in chs. 40-55. dence of their capacity to predict the future or explain the past,
Its first usage is obviously important in establishing the sense indeed to do anything at all. It soon becomes clear that this is
in which we are to understand it, and here it is clear that the not a real trial; no opportunity is given for the other side to
community of Israel/Jacob is so described. We shall need to offer a defence. The poem ends with a dismissive condemna-
consider later, especially when the suffering of the servant is tion, not only of the gods themselves but even more basically
described, whether all the occurrences of the term can be so of those who trust in them.
understood, but in Jewish tradition this interpretation has (41:25—9) Now the contrasting position is set out: the claim
been the dominant one. In the present context the people made by YHWH of the effectiveness of his action. He has the
are reminded that, just as YHWH has control over enemy capacity to summon conquerors from both north and east
forces from the east and north, so in the past he has brought ('from the rising of the sun'). 'He was summoned by name'
them from distant lands. (NRSV) follows the Dead Sea scroll text, where RSV, following
They are bidden not to fear. This is the same expression as MT, had 'he shall call on my name'. NRSV is to be preferred;
was used to Ahaz (7:4) and Hezekiah (37:6); it is as if the the idea of YHWH personally summoning those whom he
community is here addressed in the same way as kings had wishes to do his will is characteristic of Isaiah. By contrast
been, offering them assurance, setting out the reasons why with the so-called gods, YHWH has made his purpose clear
their confidence is warranted, and giving them orders for 'from the beginning' and 'beforehand'. In their present con-
their future behaviour (Conrad 1985: 104-5). Just as YHWH text it seems natural to read these words as referring to the
has called other kings from earth's farthest corners, so he has earlier part of Isaiah, which has spread out YHWH's purpose
summoned his own worshippers as if they too should enjoy in one great panorama. The theme of the 'herald of good
royal status. 'Victorious' again conceals a reference to sedeq, as tidings', already hinted at in 40:1-2, will be developed more
in v. 2—an important reminder that victory must be accom- explicitly in 52:7-10. The section ends with further polemic
plished by the proper ordering of the conquered world. The against the uselessness of other gods. This is expressed so
reference to those who 'contend with' and 'war against' the frequently and with such vehemence in these chapters that
people is a further warning against interpreting the beginning the threat they presented must have seemed to be a real one.
of this chapter too specifically of Cyrus, who came to be
(42:1-4) These verses have attracted much attention since
perceived as a support for Israel.
their isolation by Duhm, more than a century ago, as one of
(41:14-16) Another 'do not fear' oracle follows, but with an four distinct poems known as Servant Songs. (The others are
important difference in the way that it describes the commu- 49:1—6; 50:4—9; 52:13—53:12.) Duhm held that these poems
nity. By contrast with the exalted relation to God set out in make specific reference to a suffering individual and originate
ISAIAH 468

from an author different from the Deutero-Isaiah of chs. 40- therefore be right to see the sense here as a reminder of the
55. His theory has generated a vast literature; North (1948) obligation laid upon Israel as God's servant-community (so
and Rowley (1952) offer surveys of interpretation up to the Whybray 1975: 74-5).
mid-century, and the spate has shown little sign of abating The phrase 'a light to the nations' has powerful resonances
since. (Whybray (1983: 68-78 and bibliog.), offers a briefer in the Christian tradition, not least from its liturgical use in
outline of later views.) Several recent scholars (e.g. Mettinger the Nunc Dimittis, the evening canticle based on Lk 2:32. But
1983 and Barstad 1994) have, however, questioned the notion it is unlikely that any 'missionary' requirement is here being
of a distinct collection of Servant Songs. The approach we laid upon the servant. Rather, the confident expectation is that
have tried to follow here renders the notion of a distinct body the nations at large will come to see the work that YHWH has
of Servant Songs problematic on two accounts. First, it has not wrought on behalf of his own people, and realize thereby the
seemed possible to be specific about authorship of individual contrast between their own ineffective gods and the capacity
sections within the whole poetic library which we call the book of YHWH. Whereas in 14:17 the now impotent earthly ruler
of Isaiah. Secondly, the idea of particular poetic sections re- had tried to prevent his prisoners from gaining their freedom,
ferring to specific individuals, in principle identifiable, has here prisoners will be released from captivity. That contrast
seemed a very doubtful one. Better, surely, to try to understand may be implicit in the 'former things'/'new things' compari-
this poem, like the others, in the context in which we find it. If son in v. 9.
that be accepted, we shall immediately think of the servant as (42:10-13) What follows is a psalm, bearing striking similar-
the community (cf 41:8), an assumption that goes back at ities to the Psalms in praise of YHWH as king found in Ps 93;
least as far as LXX which has 'my servant Jacob... my chosen 96—9. We are reminded once again of the close links between
one Israel'. A further link with the earlier passage is provided the poetry of this collection and what is known of the liturgical
by the use of the verb tamak, 'uphold', both in 41:10 and in tradition of Jerusalem expressed in the Psalms. After an open-
42:1. ing identical with Ps 96:1 and 98:1, NRSV follows a very
The community is here described in royal terms. The 'ser- widely favoured emendation to 'let the sea roar', a phrase
vant of YHWH' is an appropriate description for the king again found in those Psalms, rather than the Hebrew 'those
himself (e.g. Ps 89:3). As with the hoped-for king in ch. n who go down to the sea', which, though found in Ps 107:23,
the spirit of God is upon the servant; as in both chs. 9 and n does not give good sense here. The naming of geographical
the servant's task is to 'bring forth justice to the nations'. This areas which follows has no precise Psalm parallel, though the
conviction that the king would exercise world-wide justice is theme of universal praise is a common one there. The poem
found also in the Psalms (e.g. 72); it would be unwise to argue ends with the assertion, again common in the Psalms, of the
from this, as is sometimes done, to a new understanding of warlike character of YHWH. The poets of the Hebrew Bible
universalism in these chapters. The importance of justice is found no difficulty in expressing their belief in this aggressive
underlined by the threefold repetition of mispat in the four manner.
verses. Not only is it an important part of the royal role, it also
(42:14-17) The imagery of a woman about to give birth is
is significant in the light of the 'trial' speeches which have
frequent in the HB, but it usually signifies mortal fear. It is
preceded this poem. Less obvious is the meaning of w. 2 and
used here uniquely to describe the feelings of YHWH, and its
4; some form of ritual humiliation undergone by the king has
association with the saving acts described in the following
been suggested, but there is no independent support that
verses is a vivid simile. (Pfisterer Darr 1994: 104 argues that
such a ritual was ever practised. It has been linked with the
w. 10-17 should be taken as one unit, which would juxtapose
theme of suffering and this has led to the servant of these
the themes of YHWH as warrior and as travailing mother
poems being described as 'the suffering servant', but such an
even more powerfully.) Here again a figure of speech pre-
association is at best only very indirect.
viously used in the oracle against Babylon is now reused and
(42:5—9) The next oracle is introduced by what is often de- reapplied in a remarkable way.
scribed as the 'messenger formula', 'Thus says God, the The poem goes on to spell out God's saving acts in a way
LORD'. In some prophetic collections this leads directly into that at first seems negative ('lay waste', 'dry up') but is rapidly
a—usually very harsh—message. Here by contrast the whole transformed into a powerful picture of transformation in
of v. 5 is given over to identifying the source of the message, language filled with imagery from the description of the
and when the message itself does emerge it is largely in the Exodus. All this is to be done for YHWH's own people; the
form of divine self-praise. It is a literary device of which we poem ends with a renewed warning against those who con-
shall see many examples in these chapters. God is the uni- tinue to put their trust in useless human-made images.
versal creator, and the breath and spirit with which the ser- (42:18-25) The inherent ambiguity of the servant's status is
vant-community was endowed come from him. w. 6-7 brought out here. We know from 6:10 and later allusions that
address the servant once more, first as God's people, then those who are deaf and blind are the community themselves,
'as a covenant to the people' (NRSV translation, which is imprisoned in their own obstinacy by divine decree. The
accompanied by the footnote, 'Meaning of Hebrew uncer- servant is to be the means of deliverance from these afflictions
tain'). The words are familiar enough; the uncertainty arises (cf. v. 7), yet the servant is also the community itself—stricken
as to their precise force. One possible solution lies in the fact with blindness and deafness. (In v. 19 the threefold repetition
that the Hebrew word berit does not always have the bilateral of'blind' is unexpected, and the word translated 'my dedicated
force associated with 'covenant'. It may sometimes denote an one' is ofuncertain meaning—Westermann 1969: 108 leaves
obligation laid upon an individual or a community. It may it untranslated—but the general sense is clear.)
 469 ISAIAH
The latter part of the poem addresses these inconsistencies. earlier (2:16; 23:1). It certainly offers a more natural connec-
The unhappy fate to which the community had been reduced tion to the following passage stressing the control of YHWH
is spelt out, and it is made clear that this was all part of the over the sea and the mighty waters. The command not to
divine purpose—a theme which runs right through Isaiah, remember the former things is unexpected, since elsewhere
and indeed through much of the HB. God's anger had been that is precisely what the hearers of these oracles are com-
vented against his people, but they had failed to grasp the true manded to do. One can only assume that the point is that
meaning of their plight. The shift from first to third person is former things—whether perceived as the earlier oracles in
in places confusing, and it is not always immediately clear to Isaiah or past deeds of history—will pale into insignificance
whom each repetition of'him' refers, but what has been said before 'the new thing' that can be expected in the future. That
above seems to reflect the main thrust of the passage. is expressed once again, as in 40:3—4, in terms of'a way in the
(43:1—7) An oracle of salvation follows, with the elaborate wilderness'. In all these references there may be an allusion
structure characteristic of these chapters. (The repetition of back to the wilderness wandering described in Exodus and
'Do not fear' in w. i and 5 has led some to suppose that two Numbers, but they go beyond that; the wilderness is chaos,
originally separate oracles have been joined here, but we may uncreation, all that is basically most resistant to YHWH's
properly take it as one passage, with the repetition designed to saving power.
emphasize the message.) The message is a very straightfor- (43:22-4) An unexpected development follows. There have
ward one of reassurance. There is no mention of the wrong- been many passages in which the community was described
doing of the community, or of divine punishment. Instead as blind and deaf, and ultimately that was due to their failure
YHWH is completely in charge. He had created them; he had (6:9—10). But for many chapters there have been no charges
made them part of his family (the root g-' 4, as we have already against the community for their limitations. Even more sur-
seen (ISA 41:14-16) has strong family implications); in both prising is the nature of the accusation now made. Whereas
past experience and future hope he was active in delivering earlier in Isaiah (1:10—17) misplaced enthusiasm for worship
them from every kind of danger. There have been a few had been condemned in terms similar to that of the other
comparable passages earlier in the book (11:11—16 is one prophetic collections (Am 5:18-24; Hos 6:6; Mic 6:6-8), here
such, Williamson 1994: 126-8), but the unconditional con- it is failure to participate in worship that is condemned. One
fidence of this passage is striking. The references to Egypt, explanation (Whybray 1975) is to stress the word 'me' (re-
Ethiopia, and Seba in v. 3 have been understood as allusions to peated 8 times in 3 verses) and to suppose that the passage
the expected conquest of those lands by the Persians, but it is concerned with the worship of other gods. In any case this
seems more likely that they function to express distant, alien passage should serve as a warning against the supposition
territory. Together with the four compass-points in w. 5-6 that chs. 40—55 have a purely Babylonian setting; presumably
they show the totality of YHWH's expected triumph. there would have been no opportunity there for worship of the
(43:8—13) We return to the language of a trial with the demand kind whose absence is here deplored.
for witnesses. As in 42:18 Israel itself is blind and deaf, yet it (43:25-8) These verses make it clear that the unexpected
retains the capacity to bear witness to YHWH's acts on its condemnation of Israel is to be seen in the context of the trial,
behalf. Indeed, all the nations can offer no different witness. no doubt in order to stress that the community must not
This concern for reliable witnesses reminds us of 8:2, and regard itself as free from blame. Now an assurance is given
points to the internal consistency of the very diverse elements that past sins will not be held against the people, despite their
which make up Isaiah (Clements 1985: 107). Thus in these constant proclivity to sin. The 'first ancestor' may be Jacob,
verses the three themes of the blind and deaf, the community also called 'Israel' and thus in a real sense the founder of the
as servant, and the need for witnesses are all interwoven, with people. If, as some have supposed, this is a reference to Adam
the purpose of bringing out yet another assertion of the in the Garden of Eden it would be a rare example of such an
incomparability of YHWH. Again we may feel that the per- allusion in the Hebrew Bible. But it is not clear who are the
ceived need for so constantly reiterating this theme may recipients of the condemnation here; NRSV 'interpreters'
suggest that there were many who questioned it. In particular, might refer to those responsible for the tora (cf. 8:20), or if
the reference to 'no strange god' in v. 12 may suggest that there RSV 'mediators' is preferred the reference might be to
were or had been those within the community itself who prophets who had failed to pass on YHWH's words with
upheld the claims of gods other than YHWH. integrity. Again something more than ordinary priests seems
(43:14—21) The reference of chs. 40—55 to a group exiled to to be implied by 'princes of the sanctuary', but the detailed
Babylon has been very widely assumed, but this is the first nuances escape us.
explicit reference to Babylon in these chapters. In fact Babylon (44:1-5) Though we have expressed doubts about the ad-
was last mentioned at ch. 39, and this passage may be taken as equacy of the evidence to identify a prophet active among
an indication that the triumph of the Babylonians there im- the exiled Jews of sixth-century Babylon ('Deutero-Isaiah') it
plied will not be a lasting one. The reference to 'lamentation' seems very likely that the same poet was responsible for most
in NRSV is a speculative emendation of the text, said in the of the material at least in chs. 40-5. The same themes are
footnote to be uncertain. The Hebrew text and older transla- repeated, the same literary style used. Yet again in these
tions have a reference to ships ('in ships is their rejoicing', verses, after an introductory summons to the servant Jacob
RV); it may be the inappropriateness of this to Babylon that to 'Hear', we find the assertion of the creative power of YHWH
has led to the emendation. Perhaps it is not too fanciful here to and another oracle of salvation characterized by 'Do not fear'.
see a link with the condemnation of false trust in ships found Again the theme which illustrates this care of YHWH for his
ISAIAH 47°
people is the transformation of the wilderness. The metaphor offence would be caused, but these verses seem to have been
is then modified, so that the people themselves are likened to a accepted without question in both the Jewish and the Chris-
wilderness which may look forward to renewed prosperity. tian tradition. The last three verses (18—20) sum up the
Jeshurun is a rare synonym for Israel, found elsewhere in the points already made, emphasizing the folly of those who
HB only in Deut 32 and 33. Unusually, v. 5 appears to envisage suppose that objects made by human hands can have saving
those not of Israelite origin claiming to join the community of power.
Israel, and this is likely to be what underlies the reference to (44:21—2) Poetic forms are resumed, with this passage, as we
writing on the hand. Though it would give a misleading have seen, being possibly the original completion of w. 6-8.
impression to describe these chapters or any other part of The emphasis is on remembrance, not a mere calling to mind
the HB as missionary-minded, there are occasional references of past deeds, but their application as present reality. Servant
to foreigners being so impressed by YHWH's work for his language is used, and the overall message is close to that of
own people that they wish to join them (cf. Zech 8:20-3; 40:1-2. Past wrongdoing was real enough, but its impact has
14:16-19). now been put completely out of sight.
(44:6-8) It is possible that this is part of a larger oracle, with (44:23) A psalmlike passage comparable to 42:10-13 follows.
its completion in w. 21—2, the intervening prose section being As in that earlier passage the whole created order is sum-
regarded as an insertion. However there is no textual support moned as witness to God's past ('has redeemed') and expected
for this view, and it seems best to treat the material in the form future ('will be glorifed') work.
in which it has been handed down. These verses repeat forms (44:24-8) The messenger-formula at the beginning leads us
and themes already familiar: the messenger-formula; the use to expect a prophetic oracle, but there is no message in the
of'redeemer' language; the assertion by YHWH of his own usual sense. T am YHWH' in the opening verse is followed by
incomparability; the demand for evidence in support of rival no fewer than 14 participial clauses (in NRSV relative clauses
claims; the salvation formula 'Do not fear' (though in this case introduced by 'who') characterizing the mighty acts of the
it is a different verb which is so rendered). YHWH is here (and Lord. They begin with further assertions of his creative power.
again at48:i2) described as 'the first and the last'and William- More specific claims follow, with v. 25 reminding us of earlier
son (1994: 69-70) has drawn attention to the links with 9:1. rejection of earthly wisdom (cf. 29:14). The reference to 'his
The same words are there found (NRSV 'the former time'/'the servant' in parallelism with 'his messengers' in v. 26 is un-
latter time'), and it may be right to read this passage in the expected, and it may be that we should follow Greek and other
light of the claims there made for YHWH's saving power. versions which have 'servants', a general reference to the
(44:9—20) This extended section is printed as prose by NRSV prophetic succession. But it is also possible either to interpret
and most versions, and this is probably right, though part of it 'the word of his servant' in terms of the commissioning set out
is regarded as poetry by BHS. As we have noted previously the in 42:1-4, or, following a suggestion of Clements (1985: 108),
distinction between prose and poetry in biblical Hebrew is not to see here a reference back to 6:11 which had warned of the
always a clear-cut one. However that may be, the theme is a laying waste of cities. That had taken place in accordance with
clear and familiar one: the mockery of those engaged in the the word of God's servant who had proclaimed that threat;
manufacture and worship of idols. The point is made in now restoration could confidently be anticipated, v. 27 retains
general terms in w. 9—11, after which there follows a descrip- the cosmic note, but it is surrounded by images of restoration.
tion of idol-making and its absurd consequences in w. 12—17, Both before and after it we have a renewed promise for the
and a conclusion poking fun at those who are so deluded as to future of Jerusalem; this should not be taken as implying a
engage in such practices in w. 18-20. The reference to their specific date for this passage, since we know that as late as the
blindness in v. 18 reminds us of previous such descriptions of mid-fifth century Nehemiah still had the task of rebuilding
the Israelite community, and suggests that that may be the the city's walls. Here also we find specific reference to Cyrus,
intended application here. The reference to 'witnesses' in v. 9 king of Persia 550-529 BCE. He extended Persian rule into
provides a link with what has preceded. Whereas YHWH's much of Asia Minor and the surrender of Babylon in 539 was
own community were true witnesses (v. 8), these witnesses the climax of his reign. Whether Persian rule was also effect-
are ignorant and will be put to shame. 'The artisans are merely ive in Palestine during his lifetime remains unknown, but
human' (v. n) is a possible rendering of the Hebrew but seems there was a strong tradition that he gave permission to the
odd in context: who would have supposed that workmen were Jerusalem community to restore its temple (Ezra 6:3-5), and
anything other than human? An emendation is possible that seems to be the picture which dominates this poem.
which would read 'incantations' for 'artisans', aptly bringing Though never a worshipper of YHWH (despite the impres-
out the point that all the claims associated with idols are of sion given by 2 Chr 36:23; Ezra 1:2) he became something of
merely human creation. This would then lead naturally into an idealized figure in the tradition of Israel, even to the extent
the—perhaps rather laboured—account of the actual making of supposing that he authorized a mass return of exiles. (See
of the idol. How far it is possible to read these verses as a Kuhrt 1983 for an account of Cyrus's policy which notes the
reasonably accurate description of manufacturing processes extent of this idealization and attempts a more balanced pic-
in the ancient world is disputed; vivid effect rather than pre- ture of his policy.) It seems appropriate therefore to take the
cise description seems to have been the concern of the writer. treatment of Cyrus here as a reflection from a later period and
In any case the point is that what is worshipped as a god is as the mirror-image of the account of Sennacherib in chs. 36—
actually no more than a left-over piece of wood. If one were to 7. Each was equally under the control of YHWH, Sennacherib
say the same of a crucifix venerated by Christians great as a warning to the community of the threats involved in their
 471 ISAIAH
sinfulness, Cyrus as the beneficent instrument through as part of the one larger unit, but they also have their own
whom God's goodness to the community could be shown. internal coherence. The theme hinted at in 44:5, of other
(45:1^7) The role of Cyrus as YHWH's instrument in further- nations being so impressed by what YHWH has achieved
ing the good of the community is now developed in greater for Israel that they wish to share in the benefits, is now
detail. His work is described in such positive terms that we made more specific. Both the idea expressed and the geograph-
might be tempted to identify him as YHWH's servant, if we ical allusions show links with Ps 72:8—10, and these lands
did not already know that Israel was that servant, a point have already been mentioned in 43:3. The Egyptians, the
reiterated in v. 4. Meanwhile, just as the Assyrians had been oppressors of Israel up to the Exodus, will now come as a
enabled by YHWH to carry out their destructive work (ch. 10), subject people. The Sabeans were probably also an African
so Cyrus is given power to restore wholeness. He is first people; in Ps 72:10 they are distinguished from 'Sheba'
described as the anointed one, the 'messiah' (mastah). The (whose queen was Solomon's famous visitor), but one won-
evocative power of this title was tragically illustrated as re- ders whether the difference went beyond different spellings of
cently as 1993, when the leader of the Branch Davidian sect the same far-off and largely unknown land. In v. 15 a theme
who was killed at Waco, Texas, took the name David Koresh first set out in 8:17 is picked up again. There God's hiddenness
(Koresh is the Heb. form of Cyrus) as part of his claim to was a cause of bewilderment and uncertainty, alleviated only
divine endorsement. To those who first heard Cyrus thus by the 'signs' of his continuing presence. Here the 'God who
described it must have seemed as astonishing a claim as that hides himself is also the Saviour. The link with w. 16-17 isnot
which described Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon as 'the servant of an obvious one—these last verses return to the theme of the
YHWH' in Jer 27:6. Yet all the military victories which trad- folly of idol-worship. It may be that in the poet's mind these
ition credited to him were simply 'for the sake of my servant foreigners were associated with such false worship.
Jacob'. The tradition embodied here recognizes that Cyrus (45:18—19) The section extending to the end of the chapter
knew nothing of YHWH; he was an unwitting instrument has been understood as another of the trial-scenes found
of the divine purpose, which, in a way left unspecified, would in these chapters (Schoors 1973: 233-8). As so often the mes-
be recognized in Cyrus's achievements. The poem ends with a senger-formula is used, but there is no real message. Instead
strong assertion of YHWH's uniqueness as creator. The poet we have words put into the mouth of YHWH asserting
evidently saw no problem in describing YHWH as the creator once again his incomparable status as creator, carrying out
of woe; indeed it is implicit in the way that divine agency has creative acts with a deliberate purpose of overthrowing
been put forward as the reason for the people's misfortunes. chaos and establishing a properly inhabited land. In a char-
(45:8) Christian liturgical use of this verse, especially in the acteristically Isaianic way this is specified as sedeq (NRSV 'the
season of Advent, has given it an eschatological dimension. In truth').
its Isaianic context, however, it is a brief inter jected hymn of (45:20—1) Witnesses are now invited to challenge this claim,
praise. Righteousness (sedeq) and salvation (yescf), those key but before they can do so they are dismissed as ignorant
words through so much of Isaiah, are envisaged as flowing out worshippers of false idols. Once again we are reminded that
from God's created order. this is religious polemic, not an attempt to arrive at some
(45:9-17) The theme of the prose section, 44:9-20, is now impartial, balanced judgement. 'Who told this long ago?'
taken up from a different angle. There it was taken for granted may well here, as in other comparable rhetorical questions
that a piece of wood was available for the ironsmith and in this part of the book, represent a claim that the warnings
carpenter to use as they wished. Here, using a different but made in the earlier part of Isaiah had been vindicated. This
very popular metaphor, that of the potter, the absurd situation leads to the assertion of YHWH's uniqueness; he alone is
is envisaged of the pot arguing with its maker. NRSV obscures saddiq ('righteous').
the link with 5:8—23 and other earlier passages by translating (45:22-3) The trial is in effect over; what hope is there for the
the same word as 'Ah' there and 'Woe' here. There are very nations who have been found guilty of worshipping false
close links also with 29:16 (and there the same introductory gods? The answer given in v. 22 has been interpreted in very
word in v. 15 is translated 'Ha!'!). Then in v. 10 for the first time different ways. Many Christian commentators have seen this
in these chapters YHWH is directly referred to as 'father'. This as a message of universal salvation offered to all people and
way of referring to God has become so basic in later Jewish have built elaborate doctrinal structures on such a basis, but
and especially Christian tradition that we are apt to forget that there seems little justification for this in the main thrust of the
it is a comparative rarity in the HB itself. Nearly all the texts book of Isaiah. Others have seen here an invitation to the
that use the term are late ones; perhaps by the later period the dispersed Jews, exiled to distant parts of the world, to return
danger of using obvious sexual imagery in the description of to the true centre of the worship of YHWH. This is not
God seemed less acute. Then, even more strikingly, YHWH is impossible, but such a meaning owes much to imaginative
referred to as a mother bearing a child. In w. 11-13 me rather reconstruction. More probably 'all the ends of the earth' is to
general reference of the 'woe' passages becomes specific: the be understood cosmically; the whole created order will recog-
community is still tempted to question YHWH's purpose and nize YHWH as having vindicated his people (Whybray 1975:
his capacity to carry out that purpose. There is no specific 112). The same phrase is found at 52:10, where this cosmic
reference to Cyrus in v. 13 (MT has 'him'), but it is natural in understanding comes over more clearly. 'Vindicated' is a less
this context to suppose the reference to be to Cyrus, without theologically charged translation than 'saved'; 'the English
forgetting the larger capacity of YHWH to use any instrument versions have been produced under strong universalist influ-
deemed appropriate to carry out his will. w. 14-17 can be seen ence' (Snaith 1967: 160). The passage is quoted in Rom 14:11
ISAIAH 472

and alluded to in Phil 2:10, in senses that seem far removed in v. 8 above) their attitude seems more negative. They are
from their understanding in their present context. 'stubborn of heart', refusing to believe that YHWH's deliver-
(45:24—5) The final and predictable verdict of the trial is now ance (or 'victory'; once again the word is sedaqa) could be
announced. Once again 'righteousness' (this time in the curi- imminent. It is obviously possible that this refers to the
ous plural form sedaqot, possibly suggesting the translation release of Babylonian exiles, but the reference to 'salvation
'victory/ies'), is to be ascribed to YHWH. in Zion' makes it more natural to think of a community
established in Jerusalem but still uncertain of the carrying
(46:1-2) We shall divide this chapter according to the para- out of YHWH's promises spelt out in the whole book of
graphs of NRSV, but there is a real sense in which it forms a Isaiah.
unity. The condemnations of idols, previously very general-
(47:1—4) There has already been one taunt directed against
ized, now become more specific. Bel, the Akkadian equivalent
Babylon, in chs. 13—14. The mockery there was mainly of the
of Baal, was another title regularly applied to Marduk the chief
king of Babylon; here the city itself is the victim. As Begg
Babylonian god. Nebo was another Babylonian god, particu-
(1989:124) notes, chs. 14 and47 reflect the same gloating over
larly honoured in the sixth century, whose name can be seen
the fate of Babylon, a fact which is the more remarkable in that
as an integral part of the imperial names Nebu-chadrezzar
in some other parts of the HB the presentation of Babylon is
and Nabo-nidus. The processions in their honour are here
neutral or even positive. Here, just as daughter Zion had once
mocked. Those who associate these chapters with a specific
been apparently abandoned to its fate (1:8), so now daughter
prophet active among the exiles in Babylon (Deutero-Isaiah)
Babylon will be put to shame. Daughter Zion was restored
have to suppose that this part of the prophecy was an under-
(37:22); no such hope can be entertained by Babylon. De-
ground satire (ABD i. 653); a more natural view is that this
meaning labour and sexual humiliation is to be its fate.
poem originates from a later period, when the veneration of
Though the exact meaning of T will spare no one' is uncertain,
these gods was a thing of the past. Cyrus attributed his vic-
the overall picture is clear, of gloating revenge against oppress-
tories to Marduk, but among his successors Zoroastrianism
ors, for which the credit is to be given to the 'Holy One of
took hold, and against that religious belief there is no satire in
Israel'. The title is another link with the earlier chapters of the
the HB. As elsewhere (cf. 40:19) it is simply assumed that the
book.
idols are the gods. There is no victory for them; instead of
bearing their worshippers' burden, they themselves become (47:5-7) The following sections elaborate further on the mis-
that burden. erable fate awaiting Babylon. Just as YHWH delivered his own
people from darkness (42:7), so Babylon would be cast into
(46:3—4) The use of remnant language, rare in these later darkness. It had not recognized that its success had been due
chapters, offers a direct link back to the beginning of the to YHWH's own decree; its cruelty and pride would now reap
book. The element of threat in the idea of remnant found in their own reward.
somepassages (e.g. 10:22-3) is now completely overlaid by the
(47:8—9) The image of the city as a 'daughter' is now taken
notion of the vindicated remnant. Where Bel and Nebo were
further by picturing the greatest losses which could come
totally incapable of bearing any burden, YHWH will do this
upon a woman: widowhood, and the loss of children. It was
throughout their lives. The word 'bear' here is from the same
an inevitable fate, for Babylon had made claims which were
root as 'burden' in v. 2.
proper only to YHWH (cf. the T am' saying here with 43:11).
(46:5—7) The comparison thus made leads into a rehearsal of This picture is linked in a somewhat arbitrary way with re-
some familiar themes: the incomparability of YHWH, and the newed condemnation of false religious practice. Though in
folly of trusting in human-made idols. There are close similar- line with the condemnations of idolatry in earlier chapters,
ities both of theme and of language between v. 5 and 40:18 there has been no specific reference previously to 'sorceries
and between w. 6—7 and parts of44:9—20. The poet(s) ofthese and... enchantments'.
chapters certainly believed that the message needed to be (47:10—11) Confidence in human wisdom is once more con-
hammered home. demned, and associated with the same blasphemous claim as
(46:8-11) v. 8 is suspect textually, as the verb translated 'and was found in v. 8. Babylonian expertise in magical arts is
consider' is of uncertain meaning, and it is not clear who the useless; they have failed to foresee the inevitable disaster.
'transgressors' are who are addressed at its end (though cf. (47:12—13) The tone turns to mockery, analogous to the way in
v. 12). The remainder of the passage has similarities with which Elijah mocked the prophets of Baal (i Kings 18:27). But
44:21-8, beginning with the summons to 'remember', then the 'perhaps' is heavily ironical; there is no doubt at all in the
spelling out the incomparability of YHWH, and concluding poet's mind—all the supposed expertise of the Babylonians
with a reference to the summoning of those who will carry out will in fact be useless. The point has been reiterated that gods
the divine purpose. In ch. 44 that was specifically identified other than YHWH cannot tell what will happen, and so
with Cyrus; here no specific reference is made, though 'bird of attempts to predict the future by means of heavenly observa-
prey' is a regular metaphor for military conquerors, and there tions will achieve nothing. (The expertise of the Babylonians
is no difficulty in identifying 'the man for my purpose from a in astronomy was in fact considerable, but that is another
far country' with Cyrus. It is all to be understood as part of story which cannot be pursued here.)
God's purpose. (47:14—15) With a reference back to the (mis)use of wood in
(46:12-13) So far the community has been addressed as those ch. 44, and the implication that Babylon might be destroyed
who needed persuasion of YHWH's ability; here (and possibly by burning, the mockery reaches its climax. This marks the
 473 ISAIAH
end of an important element in Isaiah: the words directed reasserted; and the whole series of events is claimed to be in
against foreign nations. They have played a prominent part accordance with the divine plan.
from ch. 10 onwards. There will be virtually no further con- (48:17—19) A different strand of thought is introduced.
cern for nations other than Israel in the latter part of the book. YHWH is here pictured as bewailing the people's stubborn-
(An apparent exception to this, the references to Edom in ch. ness, in a form of words ('O that...') more usually put into
63, is not a true exception, as we shall hope to show when we human mouths as a prayer imploring YHWH himself to take
reach that point in the commentary.) One obstacle in the way action (cf. 64:1). Whereas in w. 9—11 the imperishable name of
of the community has been removed; the remaining difficul- YHWH himself had been at the centre of concern, now it is
ties in its becoming the true people of God are internal. that of the people. Their folly had led to the real possibility that
(48:1-2) The next development is an unexpected one, so they would no longer be remembered.
much so that many commentators in the historical-critical (48:20—1) We return to more characteristic modes of expres-
tradition have doubted whether the whole of this chapter sion, with the hope for a return from exile in Babylon compar-
can originate from 'Deutero-Isaiah'. From ch. 40 on the able with the Exodus from Egypt. It is dangerous to mistake
tone in address to the community has been one of comfort. these prophetic longings for a statement of historical fact;
There have been several trial scenes in these chapters; there is no independent evidence, and little inherent likeli-
perhaps the poet was anxious to avoid giving the impression hood, that such a return ever did take place. In poetic form,
that Israel was never more than an innocent victim and however, this section forms an indusio with 40:1-5, the re-
witness. Here, in a way reminiscent of the earlier part of the demption of God's servant pictured in terms of the wasteland
book, the community is itself accused of falsity in their being made fertile and prosperous.
commitment to YHWH. False trust, a theme often mentioned (48:22) This verse may be regarded as a kind of editorial
in the earlier chapters, appears to be the cause of complaint comment. It serves at least two purposes. First, it warns
here. against any complacency that the promises spelt out in the
(48:3-5) A familiar mode of address, stressing YHWH's con- preceding chapters might have induced. Secondly, it has an
trol of'former things' is here put to new use: as an attack on important structural function. It is repeated in almost iden-
the community itself. They themselves are guilty of the kind tical words at 57:21, and, as we noted at 39:8, has an important
of idolatry which has been so harshly condemned in other link with Hezekiah's confident expectation ofsaldm. This has
nations. It is scarcely possible to engage in detailed socio- the result of inviting us to see chs. 40-8 and 49-57 as blocks of
logical analysis in a commentary of this nature, but it may material with their own integrity, even though important
well be that we have one of those pointers to divisions within cross-references to other parts of the book are by no means
the community which called itself Israel, signs of which be- to be excluded.
come more marked in chs. 56-66. (Chs. 49-55) As we have just noted, there are indications
(48:6—8) Themes characteristic of the preceding chapters are within the book itself that the next section to be considered
again used here but with very different emphases. At one level should be chs. 49—57. Historical-critical scholarship, however,
it would be possible to take the openings of w. 6 and 8 as flatly has often regarded 49—55 as the next unit. It is usually re-
contradicting one another and to decide that one must be a garded as part of Deutero-Isaiah, even though there are im-
later insertion. But that only raises the question of why a later portant differences from 40-8: for example, no more
inserter should have produced this contradiction. Better to see references to Cyrus or the supposed historical situation of
here a poetic technique analogous to that used in ch. 6, where the exiles, and much less use of'new Exodus' language. The
the people's initial failure to hear had led to their consequent speeches of judgement against the gods play no significant
inability to do so. We should also remember that the servant- further part, and there are also some noteworthy stylistic
community was described as deaf and blind in 42:18-25, yet differences (Merendino 1981: 2—9). From now on Jerusalem
that did not exclude its use as God's instrument. rather than Babylon becomes the centre of attention.
(48:9—11) The stress in this section is on what is done 'for my (49:1—4) The first six verses of this chapter were identified by
name's sake'. 'Name' may simply stand for nature or charac- Duhm and those who have followed him as the second of the
ter, as it appears to do in Ezekiel, where this imagery is Servant Songs. We look first at w. 1-4, not only because of
frequently found. But it is also possible that there is reference the NRSV paragraphing, but also because there is an inherent
to the use and abuse of the divine name YHWH, again with tension between v. 3 and v. 5 in the matter of the relation of
different groups claiming to be his true worshippers. One Israel to the servant. The servant has previously been de-
could envisage, though there is no proof, that this was the scribed in the third person; here words are put into his mouth,
kind of situation which led in the later biblical period to the a literary device which has certainly strengthened the impres-
abandonment of use of the name itself. sion that an individual is being spoken about. The first two
verses certainly lend support; the claim that the call of YHWH
(48:12-13) A fresh summons to attention, again using the went back to the time before birth is strongly reminiscent of
language of the lawcourt, reminds the hearers of YHWH's accounts of a prophetic call; NB particularly Jer 1:5. This
incomparability and his creative power. impression is strengthened by the reference to 'my mouth'
(48:14—16) This reads like a reminder of some of the themes in v. 2, for the prophet was essentially a speaker. Yet in v. 3 we
in the preceding chapters. It is natural to read the 'him' of find the unambiguous identification of the servant with Is-
w. 14-15 as referring to Cyrus; Babylon's overthrow is rael. Textual criticism is normally thought of as a strictly
ISAIAH 474
objective exercise, but it has been employed here in a very (49:13) The technique, already employed at 42:10 and 44:23,
dubious fashion to get rid of the word Israel, either by claim- of interjecting a brief psalm-like passage into the series of
ing that it is superfluous to the metre (a notoriously uncertain oracles, is here used again. In terms very close to 44:23
guide) or by following a single manuscript, otherwise of no heavens and earth are called upon to witness God's concern
special importance, which omits the word. On all normal for his people.
criteria, 'Israel' must be accepted as a defining part of the (49:14—18) A different literary form is now employed: the
text in the account of the servant. (For a contrary view, persua- lament of Zion is quoted with the divine response following.
sively set out though in my judgement not finally convincing, Closely analogous forms will be found in w. 21 and 24.
see Whybray (1983: 71-2).) It is by means of what God has Laments in the Psalms and in Lamentations frequently
accomplished in and through Israel that he will be glorified. call upon God to 'remember' (Ps 74:2; Lam 5:1); here is
We have seen various occasions (e.g. in ch. 48) when God's expressed the obvious corollary, that in the past he has
dissatisfaction with Israel was expressed; here, correspond- forgotten (cf. Ps 42:9; Lam 5:20). Ancient Israelites were
ingly, the servant's own dissatisfaction is put into words. All more prepared to make direct accusations against God than
the loyal service which Israel claims to have offered to its God are most modern believers, especially in the Christian trad-
seems to have been in vain, nothing better than chaos (tdfiu; ition. The charge of forgetfulness is indignantly denied in
NRSV 'for nothing'). But the passage ends with the expression words which many will recall from their use in Cowper's
of confidence that despite outward appearances the servant's hymn 'Hark, my soul, it is the Lord'. The metaphor of Zion
mispat (NRSV 'cause'; notice the use once again of legal lan- as inscribed on the palms of God's hands has no obvious
guage) is in God's care. parallel elsewhere in Isaiah, but we should probably see a
(49:5-6) An additional reason for dividing these verses from link with 54:11-13, and both passages may be linked with
what precedes is that they are presented as a divine answer to the idea that a God might be 'crowned' by the walls of his
the servant's plea. Here, by contrast to v. 3, a distinction seems own favoured city (Pfisterer Darr 1994: 200—2). In v. 17 NRSV
clearly to be made between the servant and Israel, since the has 'builders' (bonayik) for the 'sons' (banayik) of the Hebrew
servant apparently has a mission to Israel. This may well be a text; this gives a better contrast with 'destroyers', but the idea
further pointer, in addition to those already noted, towards of the children of the city, already referred to in v. 15, being
divisions within the community. The author(s) of these under the divine protection is also appropriate. Perhaps we
poems saw it as part of the servant's role to restore all Israel have here a deliberate wordplay. The command to 'lift up your
to what was perceived to be the true service of YHWH. As in eyes and see' is found again at 60:4. As we near the end of the
42:6 what God has achieved through his victory (which may book greater emphasis comes to be placed upon the unfolding
give the sense better than NRSV 'salvation') will be seen as a of God's work to human vision.
light by distant nations, even to what was poetically described (49:19—21) The transformation theme, found frequently in
as 'the end of the earth'. these chapters, is developed further. The land was reduced to
(49:7) The theme of the previous verse is here developed. desolation, Israel itself bereaved and separated from its home-
Westermann (1969) and other commentators have proposed land, yet now the very first command of the Bible, to 'Be
elaborate rearrangements of this and the following verses to fruitful and multiply' (Gen 1:28) has been fulfilled in an
provide an overall structure which may indeed seem more unbelievable way. It would probably be a misreading of a
logical to us, but does not necessarily reflect the less tidy poetic passage to see behind the 'too crowded' language of
literary views of the original author(s). This verse starts from these verses disputes about land rights between those who
the 'despised' and 'abhorred' state to which Israel had been had been in exile and those whose forebears had never left
reduced. Its 'servant' status meant simply doing the bidding Israel and Judah. More natural is to see in these verses the
of other rulers. NRSV stresses this by translating febed here as reversal of the threat in 6:12. There the emptiness was 'vast'
'slave', but it is the same word as that regularly rendered and the inhabitants of the land were sent 'far away'. Now the
'servant' and it is better with RSV to retain that translation land is crowded and it is the destroyers who are sent 'far away'
here. By contrast to that status the saving acts of YHWH will (Williamson 1994: 53—4, who also draws attention to links
lead to the rulers of the nations acknowledging Israel as their with 5:8-10).
superior. (49:22-3) Again it is natural to read this passage as a delib-
(49:8-12) There are striking similarities between this poem erate reversal of a threat found earlier in the book. At 5:26 God
and 42:5—9, and links also with those other passages which had raised a signal to a distant nation, calling it to carry off
have envisaged the transformation of the wilderness (cf 40:3; Israel like prey. The promise of a reversal of that threat,
41:18). The most striking new development occurs in v. 12, already implicit at 11:12, is now carried a stage further—in-
where we find references to the gathering together of those of stead of acting as oppressors, foreign rulers are now to grovel
the community who had been dispersed to distant lands. MT before Israel. There is no universalism here; the once enemy
sinim was taken in traditional interpretation as a reference to nations are to be reduced to impotence. Such a vision has
China (Skinner 1910: 93), but the Dead Sea scroll has given never been achieved historically; we are moving into the kind
added weight to an old hypothesis that we should read here of visionary language which can be called eschatological.
sewlnim, that is 'Syene', modern Aswan in Egypt—a less (49:24-6) This vision is taken a stage further. The theme of
romantic but much more plausible identification. There is prey, already used at 5:29 (though with a different Heb. word;
evidence of Jewish groups in Egypt from the sixth century cf. Davies 1989: 115), is reused to show the magnitude of
onwards. YHWH's achievement. Most translations, including NRSV,
 475 ISAIAH
follow the Dead Sea scroll I saiah and many ancient versions in rich imagery used in the surrounding chapters to describe the
reading 'tyrant' for the 'righteous one' of the Hebrew text. saving work of YHWH. We may note only that the series of
This makes a natural balance with v. 25, where 'tyrant' is rhetorical questions and the use of such words as 'adversaries'
found in all forms of the text, but MT is also possible, with suggest that the context is still the lawsuit.
YHWH himself being regarded as the mighty and righteous (50:10-11) Reference to the servant, implicit in w. 4-9, now
one whose captives cannot be taken away. The chapter ends becomes explicit. Here, more clearly than previously, div-
with a revolting picture of cannibalism, a desperate way of isions within the community are indicated. The difficulty in
declaring the saving and redeeming power of YHWH. interpretation rests largely in knowing who is addressed as
(50:1-3) Though this reads like a new start it can also be seen 'you'. Two groups seem to be envisaged. One is the god-
as a continuation of what has preceded. YHWH speaks as if to fearers, identifiable as the servant community, trusting in
answer a legal challenge against him. The 'children' of Zion God despite the lack of present light. The other is condemned
are addressed; they, not he, have been responsible for the in general terms in v. n. They have lit a fire which will in fact
'divorce' of their mother. Their own sinful behaviour had led destroy themselves. Whether some specific point of dispute
to the parting, but the power of YHWH brings about restor- underlies this metaphor, or whether it is better understood in
ation, pictured once again in language appropriate to a new more general terms as rival views of the community's stand-
Exodus deliverance. ing, cannot be established on such slender evidence. We have
(50:4—6) The passage extending usually to v. 9, sometimes to a pointer forward to the last chapters of the book where this
v. n, has regularly been characterized as another Servant rivalry between different groups will become still more acute.
Song. The word 'servant' is not used, but there are obvious (Ch. 51) There is dispute here as to the extent of the units.
similarities in presentation with 49:1—6, so that for those who Kuntz (1982) has made a persuasive case for seeing w. i—16 as
maintain the theory of a distinct collection of songs, it is a a complete unit, but that involves calling w. 9-11 an 'inter-
natural inference to include this passage within it. But it is lude'. There is also a sense in which the natural unit is w. 1-8,
also perfectly possible to continue to take Israel, or some a structured poem with three parallel introductions in w. i, 4,
constituent part of Israel, as the servant (the links with ch. and 7, though what follows is certainly closely linked. We shall
49 are valid, and justify us in seeing implicit reference to the follow the NRSV divisions.
'servant' here) and to see these verses as setting out the com- (51:1-3) This is not regarded as a Servant Song but the intro-
munity's understanding of its situation before God. There is ductions are strikingly similar to 49:1, which is so reckoned.
tension in much of the Hebrew Bible between the sense that Within this larger framework we may look at each element
the people were themselves responsible for their own un- separately. Summons to recall the past are common in the
happy history because of their sins (thus the Deuteronomistic prophets; much rarer are specific references to individuals as
History, Joshua-2 Kings), and the feeling that they had been here in v. 2. The recall of Abraham features prominently in
unjustly used through no fault of their own (thus many the NT; much less so in the HB outside Genesis. Perhaps the
Psalms and the book of Lamentations). Each side of that ten- Abraham stories did not reach their normative form until the
sion is represented in Isaiah; the preceding verses have Second Temple period. Divine blessing and the hope of pro-
stressed 'sins' and 'transgressions'; here innocence is af- geny were the basis of the Abraham story (Gen 12:1-3) and so
firmed. The servant has been punished as a means of increas- they can be the basis for restoration as envisaged here (Van
ing his awareness of God's redemptive activity. Whether or Seters (1975: 275—6), though he makes nothing of the remark-
not NRSV is right in correcting the first 'those who are taught' able fact that Sarah is also specifically mentioned here). The
to 'a teacher', the phrase occurs again at the end of the verse, 'making many' of Abraham was obviously an important elem-
and provides a link back with 8:16. We saw then (see iSA8:i6— ent in the tradition concerning him; it is also picked up,
18) the hope that in God's good time solutions to the anxieties negatively, in Ezek 33:24. The use of Genesis themes goes
facing the community would be revealed; now that conclusion further with the reference to Eden; there is an increasing
has come a significant stage nearer. Again, in 8:17 the com- sense, strengthened by the references to the Exodus, of a
plaint was that God had hidden his face; here the servant avows body of sacred traditions to which the poet could allude.
that he has not hidden his face, even though the exposure
(51:4—6) 'Listen' in v. 4 is a different word (NRSV translates it
subjected him to 'shame and spitting'. Language of this kind
'pay attention' in 49:1), but the form is the same. Here once
may well reflect the experience of an individual who had been
again is the theme of YHWH's deliverance being recognized
the subject of insulting treatment; that does not preclude its
by 'the peoples' (cf. 42:4, 6), but it is placed in an eschato-
applicability to a larger group. This maybe strengthenedbythe
logical context. The existing order may come to an end, but
contrast drawn between the 'rebellious people' of 30:9 and the
God's salvation has no end.
claim here that the servant was not rebellious. There is much
repetition in these verses, and it is difficult to know to what (51:7—8) This brief strophe aptly rounds off what has pre-
extent that is intended as a deliberate poetic device, and how far ceded, with a number of phrases and themes repeated from
errors have crept into the text. the earlier verses. The one different element is the metaphor
(50:7-9) But the servant's obedience in the face of insult is of the moth and the worm, but the first has already been used
not to be understood apart from the aid provided by YHWH. in 50:9. The word sas, translated 'worm', is of uncertain mean-
These verses are clear assertions of the confidence that such ing and occurs in the HB only here.
aid will be forthcoming; they are less clear in specifying how it (51:9—11) The passage begins with a double imperative; this
will take place. Perhaps that is not surprising in view of the stylistic feature is characteristic of this part of the book (cf.
ISAIAH 476

v. 17, and 52:1, n). Once more we have the recall of God's (52:3—6) This brief prose passage, with its fourfold use of
saving activity as the clue to the confident expectation of his 'says the LORD' (in two slightly different Heb. forms), is un-
continuing power to save. We last met Rahab in 30:7, where usual in this overwhelmingly poetic block of material.
Egypt was mocked for its incapacity. That reference is now Whereas previously Zion was addressed in the feminine,
taken up into a much larger context. The overthrow of Egypt is here 'you' is masculine. The passage links Egypt and Assyria
linked not only with the Exodus but with the whole act of in a manner found in 11:15—16 but rarely elsewhere. Assyrian
creation. It is quite impossible to decide whether the 'waters oppression is a frequent theme in the earlier part of the book
of the great deep' refer to primordial chaos or to the waters (e.g. ch. 10), though there it was made clear that there was
of the sea in which the Egyptians were drowned; both pictures indeed 'cause' for the Assyrian invasion: the sin of the people.
are present. We have seen that these later chapters of Isaiah That is now treated as a matter of the past. The reference to the
stress YHWH's activity as creator; here that is pictured, as in rulers howling has not been satisfactorily explained. REB
some Psalms (e.g. 74:12-17, where the same word tannin, understands it as illustrating the misery of those carried into
'dragon', is used) as a victorious struggle against evil mon- exile; others have supposed that it is the Babylonian rulers
sters. The theme is the same as that of Gen i; the way in who are here referred to.
which it is expressed differs greatly. All this is translated (52:7—10) This hymnic passage is strongly reminiscent of
in NRSV with past tenses, and that may be inevitable in Nahum 1:15 (MT 2:1), where its cultic context emerges even
English. But it is noteworthy that the verbs are participles, as more markedly. As in the parallels with Micah in ch. 2 and
if YHWH is envisaged as continuing to carry out these those with Jeremiah in ch. 15 and elsewhere, so this passage
saving acts. In any case they are seen as a foretaste of the reminds us that there must have existed bodies of traditional
anticipated act of salvation: the pilgrimage to Zion of those material which could be taken up and used as appropriate in
who have been ransomed by God. This theme which has run different prophetic collections. The messenger announces
right through the book from 2:2—4 onwards here reaches its YHWH's entry into his holy place, thus symbolizing the
climax. downfall of Assyria. The cry of triumph, 'Your God reigns'
(51:12—16) God is now pictured as speaking to his people, but also reminds us of those Psalms (93; 96-9) which proclaim
in terms different from those we have experienced so far. He the kingship of YHWH; the word malak, here translated
offers encouragement in their anxieties with words of 'com- 'reigns', is found in the Psalms as 'is king'. The whole passage
fort' (cf. 40:1). The people's enemies, the 'oppressor bent on is a song proclaiming the victory achieved by YHWH. Read in
destruction' are no more than mere mortals, just as was the the context of the book as a whole, it asserts that the redemp-
Assyrian in ch. 10. The creative power of YHWH is not some- tion of Jerusalem, adumbrated as early as 1:27, is now being
thing abstract; it is integrally bound up with his commitment achieved.
to his own people. (52:11—12) Yet another repeated imperative pictures God as
(51:17-20) Another double imperative introduces the next the protector of the purified community in its 'going out'. If
divine word, addressed directly to Jerusalem, but in signifi- these chapters are regarded specifically as composed by an
cantly different terms from what has preceded. What was exiled Deutero-Isaiah it will be natural to see them as envis-
briefly expressed in ch. 12, of comfort following divine anger, aging return from Babylon. In a larger Second Temple setting
is now elaborated more fully. God's anger is often regarded as the whole theme of a diaspora one day being able to join
the result of human sin, but that element is not prominent together in Jerusalem will commend itself.
here; it is regarded as an unpredictable burden which human (52:13-53:12) No passage in Isaiah, or indeed the whole HB,
beings, Israel not excepted, may have to bear. The image used has attracted more attention than this the fourth and last of
is that of the 'cup of wrath', a theme found elsewhere (e.g. Duhm's Servant Songs. It is disputed to what extent it was the
Zech 12:2) as a warning against Jerusalem itself, but here subject of speculation and interpretation within Judaism be-
applied to its enemies. fore the Common Era. Certainly the portrayal of the servant
here was applied to Jesus within the NT, most notably in Acts
(51:21—3) Divine anger does not disappear, but it may be
(cf. 8:32—5) and in i Peter (e.g. 2:22), and probably in many
transferred. In the legal case which is again alluded to here
other places as well; in view of what we have said in the
God and Israel are on the same side; God's anger will there-
introduction about the importance of the reader, it would be
fore be transferred from his own people to those who have
quite wrong to dismiss such understandings as illegitimate.
been their tormentors. They will have to experience the pun-
This is what the Christian reader may well discern in these
ishment they have inflicted upon Israel.
verses. Characteristically Jewish tradition has given a corpor-
(52:1—2) Yet another double imperative, a feminine form of ate interpretation to this poem, seeing it as prefiguring the
the same verb 'ur, to awake or be roused, as was used in 51:9, persecution undergone by the Jewish community. Until the
17, is addressed to Zion. The exclusion of the uncircumcised last century Christians in general followed the NT in applying
and the unclean warns us that we should not stress too greatly it to Jesus. The rise of critical scholarship has led to an enor-
the supposed universalism of this part of Isaiah. The Judaism mous variety of suggested 'identifications' of the servant
of the Second Temple period laid much stress on the need for (North 1948 and Rowley 1952 offer surveys of scholarship).
circumcision as a distinctive feature of the holy people; and More recently the tendency has been to suggest that 'histor-
the exclusion of the unclean is strongly reminiscent of Levit- ical-critical scholarship is bound to mistreat a cryptic poetic
icus. If in v. 2 the Hebrew is followed (see NRSV fn.) it will text when it regards it as a puzzle to be solved' (Clines 1976:
consist of an invitation to Jerusalem to be enthroned. 2 5). In its place different literary readings have been proposed.
 477 ISAIAH
As we shall see these have particular value in recognizing the be committed Christians the use of w. 3—6 in Handel's Mes-
ambiguity of much of the language: questions such as 'Who is siah will still have familiarized them with such an interpret-
the servant? Did he die?' and still more such loaded theologic- ation. In its original context, however, mundane as this may
al issues as 'Should the suffering be seen as atoning for the seem, a less exalted interpretation may be appropriate. As
sins of others?' may not be as readily susceptible of an un- Whybray (1978: 58) has noted, the words translated 'infirm-
ambiguous answer as interpreters have often supposed. In ities' and 'diseases' are 'eminently suitable to express the
particular we need to consider the placing of this poem within broken state of the nation after the destruction of Jerusalem
the book as a whole. Unless Isaiah is seen as a completely in 587 BC'. Indeed, as he points out, the word holi, here
random anthology there will be significance in its present 'infirmities', was already found in 1:5 in the description of
placing within the book. But here more than anywhere else the ravaged state of the community: 'the whole head is sick
in Isaiah one must acknowledge that space limitations ex- (holi)'. The servant at one level was the suffering community;
clude many considerations one would like to pursue. A cen- at another level the figure was used of that part of the com-
tury ago a great scholar, S. R. Driver, abandoned his munity which was being restored through God's saving
commentary on Isaiah, not just for space reasons but 'because power. The poet goes well beyond literal attention to detail in
this part of his subject overwhelmed him' (North 1948: i). The his fancy that Gentile observers would picture themselves as
problems in writing on these verses have not diminished sheep going astray, but here, just as in the references to the
since then. supposedly God-fearing Cyrus, we are reminded of the power
(52:13—53:3) Some scholars (e.g. Whybray 1975) have regarded of poetry to stretch the imagination in ways it had never
52:13—15 as distinct from the 'song of thanksgiving' which previously considered.
follows, but the majority view has been to see a larger unity. (53:7-9) The picture in these verses is clearly of the death of
The specific reference to the 'servant' at 52:13 seems to be the servant, and the appropriateness of the NT application to
balanced by the only other such reference, at the climax of the Jesus is clear enough, given the presuppositions of its writers.
poem, in 53:11. At the outset the established identity of the Less impressive have been the efforts of historical-critical
servant with Israel poses no problems; the theme of the scholars in their arguments as to whether or not someone's
restoration of Israel following humiliation is a familiar one literal death is here implied. Too often they have tried to ignore
in these chapters, v. 15 makes it clear that recognition of what the poetic context and to make the lines refer to some, in
is being achieved by and through the servant extends well principle, identifiable individual. In any case as Whybray
beyond the community ('many nations', 'kings'), but this (1978: esp. 92-106) has shown, much of the language here
theme has been implicit in much of Isaiah and explicit in used is that found in Psalms of Thanksgiving as a means of
references such as those to Cyrus. The verb translated 'startle' expressing the desperate plight of the sufferer before God's
in NRSV has been rendered in many different ways: the saving action became apparent. Indeed such expressions as
traditional 'sprinkle' (so KJV) seems unlikely and the most 'they made his grave with the wicked' tell us more about the
probable meaning is that conveyed by LXX: 'many nations expectations of the servant's enemies in plotting his death
shall be astonished at him'. than about the 'actual' fate of the servant.
The following verses take further the theme of the servant (53:10—12) Finally we reach the point of the thanksgiving:
and the unpromising circumstances of his rearing. The lan- God's wonderful deliverance of the faithful servant. Compari-
guage used is vividly personal, but does not prevent its appli- son is appropriate with another individual Psalm of Thanks-
cation to the community. We need to remember that this is giving embodied in Isaiah: the Psalm of Hezekiah in 38:9-20.
poetry, and that precise reference is not to be expected. In one That was expressed in the first person, being placed in the
sense 53:1—3 does clearly differ from what has preceded; there mouth of Hezekiah, against the third-person usage here. But
is now reference to a 'we', a group reflecting on the signifi- the sentiments, of the wonderful providence of YHWH in
cance of the experiences of the servant. They have been very delivering his servant from the power of death, are basically
variously identified: the disciples of the prophet; a group of similar. In this passage, however, the language used is wider-
faithful Israelites; and so on. But perhaps the traditional ranging. The servant is likened to an 'asam (offering for sin), a
interpretation should not be neglected—the nations and term most frequently found in Leviticus, though it should be
kings who were so amazed by what was referred to in 52:15 noted that the text here has often been thought to be corrupt
are now given voice. The language used is that of the Psalms, (Whybray 1978: 63-6; cf. BHS and NRSV marg., noting the
in particular the 'individual P salm of Thanksgiving' (Whybray uncertainty of the meaning). If it is accepted as it stands the
1978: 109 ff), in which a description of suffering and rejec- poetic fancy of the writer envisages the suffering of the servant
tion is followed by a cry of thanksgiving for God's restorative as comparable to that of a blameless animal victim, like the
power. As in the Psalms it is difficult to decide how far the lamb of v. 7.
description of sickness and rejection is to be taken literally, There are again textual uncertainties in v. n, but the strik-
and how far it is figurative language, regularly employed in ing point here is in the use of the root s-d-q, 'righteous'. In the
this particular literary genre. first part of the book this theme was overwhelmingly used as a
(53:4-6) Here there arises the question of vicarious suffering. requirement of human behaviour, whereas from ch. 40 on-
These verses have played a prominent part in Christian ex- wards ithas been descriptive of God's action (Rendtorff 1994:
positions of doctrine, applying the sufferings of the servant to 162—4). Here the two are combined: God's righteousness is
Jesus, and understanding his sufferings as effective for the now to be a characteristic of the whole community. This whole
whole range of human sin. For many who may not themselves section needs to be seen as a dramatic reversal of the state of
ISAIAH 478

affairs described in 1:4. There the people were laden with 33:20—2, is now elaborated; the 'righteousness' which had
iniquity' (fawori); now the servant will 'bear their iniquities' once lodged in her (1:21), will be restored once more. Links
(fdwdnotdm). There are other correspondences with earlier with the servant poems are provided by the description of the
material which repay detailed study, such as the 'division of city as 'afflicted' (v. n; cf. 53:4), and by the theme of those who
the spoil' motif found in v. 12 and in the Davidic oracle of 9:3. are taught (v. 13; cf. 50:4). Another familiar theme is picked up
Whatever the historical origin of this poem, at a literary level it in w. 16—17: that of YHWH as the ultimate creator, whose
fulfils a very important function in the development of the power lies behind all human creating. Whereas earlier the
book of Isaiah as a whole. One might indeed suppose that stress had been on the creation of idols, here it is weapons that
such a note of triumph would make an appropriate point at are fashioned by human hands. They will be of no use against
which to complete the book (the four Gospels would provide God's community. The chapter ends with a summary remin-
an obvious parallel to such a structure), but the remaining iscent of those we have noted in 14:26 and elsewhere. Un-
chapters make it clear that warnings must continue to be usually here the reference is to the plural 'servants of the
intermingled with the note of confidence. Lord', s-d-q language is again used, but is somewhat obscured
(54:1-3) This is the beginning of a poem, perhaps extending in NRSV by the translation 'vindication' for the word rendered
to v. 10, with a feminine subject corresponding to the mascu- 'righteousness' in v. 14.
line servant. (Sawyer 1989 offers some reflections upon this (55:1—5) This section of the book concludes with a poem
juxtaposition as well as a more detailed discussion of this which is formally unique in Isaiah. It has been compared
poem.) Barrenness was a cause of shame in ancient Israel, with the cry of the water-seller, or perhaps more plausibly
and so many stories, in Genesis and elsewhere, focus on this with the invitation of Woman Wisdom in Prov 9:1—6 (Why-
theme; indeed the word fdqdrd, 'barren one' is never found bray 1975: 190). At first it would seem as if the invitation is to
elsewhere in the Prophets, but is used to describe Sarah, all and sundry, but as the poem proceeds it becomes clearer
Rebekah, Rachel, Manoah's wife (Judg 13), and Hannah that it is specifically addressed to the Israelite community. A
(Pfisterer Darr 1994: 179). Here the poem offers hope for characteristic theme in the prophetic literature of the exilic
the barren one, just as the suffering of the servant had not and Second Temple periods was the assurance of a new or
been the end of his story. As elsewhere in these chapters the renewed covenant (Jer 31:31-4; Ezek 34:23-31). In literary
community is to look forward to a time when the alien nations terms it is noteworthy that these promises occur at very simi-
will be part of their own possession—again a warning against lar points in the overall structure of the prophetic book. They
too readily seeing an undifferentiated universalism here. are united also by the fact that in each case there is a strong
(54:4-8) Here some remarkable claims are made. For Davidic link. (In Jeremiah this is found in the fuller develop-
YHWH of hosts to be called the people's 'maker' and 'redeem- ment of the covenant theme in ch. 33.) Here the point had
er' is not unexpected; more striking is his description as already been mentioned in 54:10; now it is taken further.
'husband'. It is probably right to see an implied reference to NRSV, like most modern translations, makes the Hebrew
Zion or to the community at large, but in the first instance, as expression hasde Dawid refer to God's love for David, but it
in the servant poems, the language is individual, and here could equally mean (and the Hebrew usage would be more
clearly refers to a woman. Still more astonishing is the asser- natural) the mercies of David. In any case it appears as if the
tion that the troubles which have befallen her are the result of covenant with David, described for example in Ps 89, will now
YHWH casting her off, abandoning her, hiding his face from be extended to the whole community (Eissfeldt 1962). This
her. Frequently in the Psalms the claim is made that YHWH 'democratization' (Williamson 1994: 112) is a characteristic
has neglected his people's plight; here such an acknowledge- theme of Isaiah, with its concern for the community, but it
ment is both expressed in more personal terms and put into does not necessarily exclude hopes centred in the Davidic line
the mouth of God himself. as well. If we are to read the book as a whole we shall need to
(54:9—10) The poem ends with another of the allusions to see this in the light of 9:2-7. In the present context, however,
earlier traditions, now probably regarded as what would later the main stress is the summons to the community to fulfil a
be called Scripture, which are characteristic of this part of the role comparable with that which God had allotted to David.
book (cf 51:2). Here the comparison is with the great flood and (55:6—9) The basic notion of 'seeking' and 'calling upon'
more specifically with Noah, but it is made in a way which YHWH implied engaging in the appropriate cultic worship.
significantly changes the emphasis from that found in Gen- Some, emphasizing the links between Isaiah and the Jerusa-
esis. The focus here is on the postscript to the Genesis story, lem cult, would suppose that is the underlying meaning of
the promise that there would never again be such a flood. v. 6; others would see a more generalized sense. In this unit it
Admittedly this impression is strengthened by an unacknow- is still assumed that the wicked and the unrighteous, per-
ledged emendation in the NRSV text, which reads 'days of ceived as such by the prophetic author, may change their
Noah' where the Hebrew twice has 'waters of Noah'. The flood pattern of belief and behaviour. In the last chapters of the
itself is regarded as no more than the occasion for God to book that hope seems to fade away, and those from whom the
promise the continuance of his steadfast love (hesed) and of prophet differed are more harshly rejected.
peace (salom). (55:10-11) The theological reflection begun in w. 8-9 is here
(54:11-17) Whereas in the previous poem the reference to continued, with special emphasis on the word of YHWH. An
Zion was allusive, here the address is more directly to the obvious way to understand this is to take it as a claim by the
city. So far the city is 'not comforted', but that will now be put prophetic author to be the recipient of God's word. However
right. The theme of glorious restoration, touched on in that may be, we have here the beginnings of what seems to
 479 ISAIAH
have been a new understanding of God's word, which would among other like states, but in the later period their descend-
assume major importance in later writings such as the pro- ants were essentially a religious community, bound by the
logue to the Gospel of John. The theme of these verses is laws of membership of that community. What was to be the
closely comparable to 40:8, and in so far as chs. 40-55 form attitude to those from outside? The literature of Second Tem-
a distinct unit within the whole book, these two sections form ple Judaism offers the whole spectrum of answers to that
an indusio, the end matching the beginning. question; here is one of the most open and affirmative re-
(55:12—13) A recurring theme running throughout the book of sponses. It is possible for foreigners to be the 'servants' of
Isaiah is that of paradise regained (Whybray 1975: 195). In YHWH, an important acknowledgement in view of the status
11:6-9 it was animal life that was transformed; here we are of the servant set out in earlier chapters. They must of course
reminded of the 'briers and thorns' of the early chapters (5:6 keep the sabbath, but they are thereby rendered able to main-
and elsewhere), though the actual words used here are differ- tain the covenant. In these circumstances they can bring
ent. In the present vision such threats to agriculture will be offerings for sacrifice in the same way as native-born Israel-
replaced by cypress and myrtle, symbols of God's transforma- ites. The passage reaches a climax with the promise of the
tion of the wilderness (41:19). Then, in a way which contrib- availability of the temple to those from any nation. Quotation
uted to the vision of St Francis, the trees can join mountains of this passage is of course attributed to Jesus in his dispute
and hills in praise of God. Not all apocalyptic visions are as with the temple authorities of his time (Mk 11:17). The bring-
attractive as this. ing in of foreigners is pictured as being on a par with the
restoration of exiled Israelites.
(56:1) Though conventionally regarded as the beginning of
Trito-Isaiah' there are few signs of a new start here. The (56:9—12) This passage comes as something of a shock
summons to maintain justice (mispat) and do right (sedaqa) after the edifying sentiments which have preceded it. This
are reminiscent of the early chapters of the book, where the bitter condemnation of the inadequacies of the community's
lack of these qualities had led to the city's degradation (1:21). leaders reminds us of the attack on the rulers in ch. i, and
But there is an important linkage here which is very difficult to some scholars have thought it likely that this oracle originated
bring out in translation. The word translated 'my deliverance' in pre-exilic days (see the discussion in Emmerson (1992:
in NRSV is sidqatt—the same word but now used, as for esp. 16, 21)). The leaders are likened to watchmen ('senti-
example in 46:12-13, in the sense of YHWH's saving power. nels'), a term most commonly used of prophets, who were
Such a wordplay is surely not accidental. Here, more clearly expected to warn the people of imminent dangers, and to
than anywhere else in the book sedaqd as a human require- shepherds, applied to political leaders in Ezek 34 and else-
ment, parallel with mispdt (justice), and as a divine blessing, where. The point seems to be that the hope for deliverance
parallel with yesu'd (salvation), are brought together (Rend- and salvation must not obscure the need for proper leader-
torff 1994: 185-9). ship.
(56:2) After the theological heights of the first verse this may (57:1—10) NRSV here departs from its usual practice and
seem to be something of a let-down. The only specific example prints an extended section as a single paragraph. In fact
offered of the ideal behaviour demanded is to keep the sab- w. 1-2 are extremely difficult, with awkward shifts between
bath. Very clearly the sabbath was an important identifying singular and plural, largely masked by the NRSV translation.
mark for Second Temple Judaism, and the solemnity of Jer- It seems that a contrast is being drawn between a group of
emiah's 'Confessions' is similarly broken with a bitter attack whom the prophetic tradition approves and others who are
on those who fail to keep the sabbath (Jer 17:19—27). strongly condemned. The word saddiq, righteous, comes from
the same s-d-q root as we have been considering; at a later stage
(56:3—5) In fact, of course, for members of a specific religious it was used of particular strictly observant religious groups;
grouping within which the Isaiah tradition was handed down, whether that is the case here cannot certainly be established.
the issue of who were legitimate members of that community But this group is in any case mentioned only briefly; as is usual
was a sensitive one. Sabbath-keeping was one marker; now with religious polemic, those being attacked receive far more
the issue arises of the status of eunuchs and foreigners. First detailed attention, and their evil practices are now spelt out at
mentioned is 'the foreigner joined to the LORD', presumably length and in unattractive terms. Their parentage is attacked
forerunners of the Godfearers of later times, but reflection on (v. 3); then they are accused of apparently childish behaviour
the status of foreigners comes in the next stanza. Here the (v. 4); finally unspecified sexual offences and even child-
concern is with eunuchs. According to Deut 23:1 they were to sacrifice are attributed to them (v. 5). Not surprisingly Hanson
be excluded from the covenant community, but here they are (1979: 186) headlines his discussion of this passage 'The
envisaged as being able to keep the covenant, pictured once Conflict grows acrimonious'! It seems unlikely that we can
again primarily in terms of sabbath observance. The reference gain any objective picture of those being attacked; these are
to 'house' and 'walls' may imply the existence of the Second the standard terms of religious abuse. It looks as if the follow-
Temple, but as we have seen throughout Isaiah it is dangerous ing verses may yield more sense, but this hope proves unwar-
to base dating on allusions in poetry. Clearer perhaps is the ranted when we discover that the 'you' of NRSV is sometimes
link between v. 5 and 55:13; the hope for the eunuchs is masculine plural and sometimes feminine singular. All we
comparable to the paradise picture set out in the earlier pas- can say is that various practices were regarded as idolatrous by
sage. those from whom these oracles originate, and that in the
(56:6-8) Attention now turns to the status of foreigners. structure of the book as a whole we are reminded that the
Down to the exile Israel and Judah had been nation-states prostitution of the city described in 1:21—3 is a continuing
ISAIAH 480

danger. The promise of divine deliverance so vividly set out in who had sufficient leisure to attend to them: it is the one
the preceding chapters is not unconditional. who oppresses the workers rather than the workers them-
selves who is addressed.
(57:11—13) These verses seem to continue the preceding con-
demnation, v. 12 must surely be ironic, a point rather obscured (58:6-90) Fasting is no longer the subject of concern. In-
by NRSV 'concede' for RSV 'tell of. 'Concede' suggests a stead, the theme of social justice is taken a stage further, in a
genuine lawsuit, but the poet can scarcely have seriously passage which has become a classic as an expression of one
accepted the sedaqa (righteousness) of those who have just vital side of the prophetic movement. Not least among its
been condemned so bitterly. The poem ends with a mockery of attractions for religious people down the ages is the fact that
idols reminiscent of chs. 44 and 45, and an assertion of the it is couched in the form of an exhortation, with a powerful
impregnable position of those who take refuge in YHWH. promise attached, rather than in terms of condemnation.
The 'holy mountain' reminds us not only of 56:7, with its Again it is clear that it is the upper strata of society who are
aspirations for the temple, but also of 11:9, with its picture of being addressed; those who have bread and a house, as against
paradise restored. the hungry and the homeless poor.
(57:14—21) The double imperative reminds us of the series of (58:9^-12) This and the following passage (w. 13-14) are
such usages found in chs. 49-55, and this stylistic indication similar in form: a series of conditions followed by a spelling
of a new start is borne out by the consoling contents of this out of the results which will follow obedience to those condi-
passage, a strong contrast with what has preceded. The 'high tions. The contents, however, differ. Here we have a continu-
and lofty one... whose name is Holy' offers an obvious link ation of the promise already made in w. 6-ga. Active concern
with 6:1-3, and there follows an assurance of God's continu- for the needs of others will ensure that God's saving activity
ing presence with the contrite and humble. This positive becomes available. It is doubtful how far the language of
approach to the humble is somewhat unexpected; the root restoration in v. 12 is to be applied literally, for example as
involved, s-p-l, has been used several times in Isaiah but al- picturing the restoration of ruined Jerusalem. It is at least as
ways previously in the negative sense of being humbled (e.g. likely that this is a metaphor for the renewal of the commu-
2:9). The theme will recur again (cf 66:2); some scholars nity, a theme which runs through so much of Isaiah.
would see in it a pointer to the socially excluded status of (58:13—14) It might seem logical that, having rejected the
those responsible for this part of the book (Hanson 1979: need for fasting, sabbath-observance could also be considered
78-9). The most natural reading of the following verses is to otiose. But poetry and religious practice have a habit of resist-
suppose that those now being praised had turned from unac- ing logical demands. As in ch. 56, sabbath-keeping is to be an
ceptable ways, rather than that a different group is spoken of essential feature of the community. It is the 'holy day of
inv. 17. But in w. 19—20 a clear contrast is made between those YHWH', and we have seen enough of the importance of
accepted by God and 'the wicked', and in this context the holiness in Isaiah to know that this is a guarantee of its status.
refrain, encountered already at 48:22, fits naturally into its (59:1-8) After the encouragement implicit in the exhort-
context. (See the comment on 48:22 for the function of this ations of ch. 58 the harsh condemnations of these verses
refrain.) provide a striking contrast. The theme of YHWH as saviour,
(58:1—5) We have seen that proper observance of the sabbath implicit already in the name Isaiah itself, has run right
was important for the Isaiah community. Another character- through the book from ch. 12 onwards, yet salvation still
istic religious observance, fasting, receives a more qualified seems afar off. This is not due to any lack of capacity on
endorsement. It is most conspicuously practised by those YHWH's part. It is the result of the iniquities (once again
described in 57:20 as wicked, and in these verses their devo- the word used is 'awori) of the community, or at least of those
tion—to outward appearance at least—seems manifest. It opposed by the Isaiah group. A whole catalogue of wrong-
seems unlikely, therefore, that they should simply be identi- doing follows. For some of the items a literal understanding is
fied with the idolaters of 57:3-10, unless, as some scholars possible, though not required (false dealings in the law-
have supposed, relations between two groups which were at courts, v. 4). Other accusations defy precise interpretation
first no worse than strained deteriorated rapidly so that all ('They hatch adders' eggs and weave the spider's web', v. 5).
kinds of attacks could be launched. There is evidence from w. 7—8 are quoted by Paul in Rom 3:15—27, following a
Zech 7-8, Joel, and Ezra that the desirability of fasting was an quotation from Ps 14, and then by a curious error these verses
issue in the early Second Temple period (and many have came to be incorporated in the Book of Common Prayer
supposed that this part of Isaiah originated at that time). version of Ps 14, with which they have no original connection.
Joel 1:14 and Ezra 8:21 approve of fasting, whereas as in (59:9-150) A lament follows. It is not easy to decide whether
Zech 8:19 fasting is apparently rejected. So here fasting is we are to envisage the 'they' of v. 8 as now speaking in the first
seen as too readily accompanied by unacceptable behaviour. person, or whether this reflects tensions within the commu-
v. 3 raises two important points. First, this passage stands nity. The latter is perhaps easier: the lack of mispat (justice)
within the prophetic tradition, best known from Amos but among those condemned has had an invasive effect, and this
well exemplified as a major theme in Isaiah (cf. 1:10-17), leads to the true worshippers feeling themselves to be de-
which warns that religious practice is worse than useless if prived of mispat and sedaqd. In the Psalms most laments are
not accompanied by true social justice. Secondly we are re- in effect protestations of innocence, with the fault for present
minded that prophetic words were characteristically ad- troubles lying elsewhere. Here, by contrast, there is a confes-
dressed to the upper strata of society—presumably those sion of sin (w. 12-13).
 481 ISAIAH
I
(59:i5^'- 9) YHWH's response to these troubles is now set the book which speaks of divine vengeance on enemies (cf
out. This describes YHWH as the Divine Warrior, an image 63:1—6). The remainder of the present passage, however, is
running through much of the HB from Ex 15:3 on, and fre- more concerned with spelling out the exalted state of Zion
quently used in Isaiah (e.g. 51:9-11). Here the conflict is spelt than with the fate of its enemies. It is unwise to try to use
out in greater detail. The threat to peace is found in the lack of poetry of this kind as a guide to the rebuilding of Jerusalem
justice; there is no one else to intervene, so YHWH himself, after its destruction; Williamson (1989: 149) has noted that
pictured as clad like a warrior, brings a retribution which will v. 13 has been used as a proof that the temple both has been
be acknowledged in world-wide terms (Hanson 1979: 124). and has not been built. In a vivid figure of speech at the climax
The wording provided the author of Ephesians with the basis (v. 16) Zion is pictured as a suckling infant—a remarkable
for his picture of the Christian's warfare, but it is a theme transformation of the whore of 1:21. But though still at the
which was to have an ominous future in the history of reli- breast (of kings!) Zion is mature enough to know what 'the
gion, as various fanatical groups have identified themselves Mighty One of Jacob' has done for her. The verse is clearly
with God's supposedly warlike purposes. meant to be read with 49:26. What had there been shown to
(59:20-1) The first verse is better seen as the climax of the 'all flesh' is now perceived by Zion herself.
preceding poem, stressing that Zion, so prominent in the (60:17—22) salom and sedaqd, such prominent terms through-
Isaiah tradition, will be the locale of the divine triumph mani- out Isaiah, are now pictured as in full control, guiding the
fested to those who 'turn from transgression'. It is not speci- fortunes of the restored city. With such overseers and task-
fied who is involved here. The following verse, one of the rare masters oppression is far away and yesffd ('salvation', another
prose elements in this part of the book, seems unrelated to its constantly recurring expression) and tehilld ('praise', a much
context. It is not clear who is being addressed; it may be an less frequently found term, though cf. 42:10, 12; notice also
assertion of the lasting validity of the words of YHWH spoken that the Hebrew name for the Psalms, with which Isaiah has
through prophets, and the promise of the spirit provides a link so much in common, is tehillim) will become the basis of trust.
with 61:1. It is clear that here a tendency already implicit in what has
(60:1—3) Chs. 60—2 are often regarded as the high point of the preceded is taken further: we are moving into the world of
last part of Isaiah, providing many links back with 40—55. apocalyptic imagery, in which the realities of daily living are
Certainly we shall see themes here which encourage us in swept up into a vision of divine possibilities. In 65:17 this is
our reading of the book as a whole. The promise of salvation, taken even further into the thought of new heavens and a new
muted in chs. 56—9, now comes strongly to the fore once earth. Perhaps equally visionary and removed from everyday
again, not least in these opening verses. In some ways it reality is the hope that 'your people shall all be righteous
almost seems as if the vision in ch. 6 undergoes significant (sdddiqim)', but the prophetic vision extends even to this
modification. There the whole earth was full of the glory of possibility. Finally, in words reminiscent of Gen 12:2, a popu-
YHWH; here the glory appears over the saved community, lation explosion is envisaged. What might today seem a threat
whereas darkness covers the earth. We are warned against too was in the ancient world an occasion of joy.
easy a universalism; light and brightness come to other na- (61:1-4) II:2 had promised that 'the spirit of the LORD' would
tions and kings only by way of Israel. This last theme is come upon God's chosen one; here in language reminiscent
strikingly similar to 2:4. of the servant passages in chs. 40—55 the claim is made to
(60:4—7) Th£ gathering of the nations is now described in indwelling by that spirit and through God's anointing—md-
greater detail, though throughout this chapter it is noteworthy sah, the word from which 'messiah' is derived. Not surpris-
that the nations described are not those who had ruled over ingly, therefore, the figure here depicted has been understood
Israel (Assyria, Babylon, Persia), but those referred to in its as an ideal king (Eaton 1979: 90), though the bringing of good
traditions, especially Genesis. Within Isaiah itself there are news suggests that prophetic elements are also present. As in
literary links, first between v. 40 and 49:18, which are iden- 11:4 the role of this spirit-filled figure is to bring about justice,
tical, and then more generally with such passages as 49:22, particularly to those most liable to be the victims of injustice.
spelling out the privileged status of the community's off- It was natural that Luke should find this an appropriate pas-
spring, and also with some Psalms, notably Ps 72 with its sage on which to base his presentation of the ministry of Jesus
description of the bringing of tribute. The gold and frankin- (4:18-19). The themes of'release' and of a particular 'year of
cense of v. 6 provide part of the literary background to the favour' recall the Jubilee described in Lev 25, whereas 'the day
story of the wise men in Mt 2. Only in its conclusion, with its of vengeance' has already been mentioned in Isaiah (34:8).
emphasis on the temple, is the stress somewhat different But whereas the earlier passage described that vengeance in
from the other passages. gruesome detail, here it is no more than a passing allusion,
(60:8-16) As this extended section moves forward it becomes perhaps introduced as a wordplay with the following promise
increasingly clear that it is the holy city Zion which is being of comfort. (The words for 'vengeance', naqam, and 'comfort',
apostrophized, v. lob could serve as a summary of a large part ndham, are very similar in Heb.) The comforting provides a
of the book as a whole, spelling out how God's wrath against link with 40:1, and it is then elaborated using a variety of
his city and people has turned to favour. In all this foreigners, metaphors. The destruction which has played so prominent
the former oppressors, have their part to play, so that v. 12 a part early on in the book will now be restored.
strikes an unexpectedly harsh note. It is often understood as (61:5—7) Th£ ambivalent attitude to foreigners which has run
prose (BHS), and some regard it as 'a secondary interpolation' through the whole book is found again. Here strangers and
(so Emmerson 1992: 42), but it does represent one strand in foreigners are welcome, but only in a subordinate role; it is the
ISAIAH 482

community itself which will enjoy the wealth and riches of by the identity of the last part of v. n with 40:10. The restor-
other nations. The community itself is to be given priestly ation proclaimed as it were from a distance in the earlier
status; and here difficulties of interpretation arise. Is this to be chapter is now coming more sharply into focus. This is em-
taken literally, for example as providing scriptural warrant for phasized by the names given to the community in v. 12. The
the belief held by some Christian bodies in the 'priesthood of transformation begun in v. 4 is complete; what once was
all believers'? Or is a sociological reading appropriate, so that called 'forsaken' shall be so no longer.
the thrust of this passage is against those who claimed an (63:1—6) From these rarefied heights it seems a steep descent
exclusive priestly status in Second Temple Israel? Or is it to the bloodthirsty language of this passage. The nineteenth-
better simply to see here a metaphor, comparable to many century hymn-writer may have found himself able to read
others in these chapters, a way of expressing the favoured these verses in terms of Christ's passion ('Who is this with
status of the true community? v. 7 is difficult; there seems to garments gory | Triumphing from Bozrah's way?'), but such
be a link with 40:2 (which would argue against the NRSV an understanding is alien to a natural reading of the passage.
emendation of Heb. 'your' to 'their'), but the exact force of the (The poem also underlies the American 'Battle Hymn of the
language is not easy to capture ('quite unintelligible', Why- Republic', which links it with Christ's triumph, but in terms
bray 1975: 243). closer to the original: 'Mine eyes have seen the glory of the
(61:8-11) v. 8 is put into the mouth of YHWH himself, but in coming of the Lord; | He is trampling out the vintage where
the rest of the section the T is the prophetic voice. The need the grapes of wrath are stored'.) The poem portrays YHWH as
for justice (mispat) is again reaffirmed. NRSV then follows the Divine Warrior, as does 59:15—19, with which there are
some ancient versions and the majority of modern commen- several links: cf. 59:16 with v. 5 and 59:18 with w. 4 and 6. The
tators in reading 'robbery and wrongdoing', and this may be form used at the outset is that of the watchman demanding to
right. But MT 'robbery with a burnt offering' is not to be ruled know the identity of the fearsome figure approaching the city.
out; it would tie in well with 1:11, and serve as a warning to the His questions provide the opportunity for a divine warrior
community that justice must accompany their sacrifices. The hymn, exulting in the victory that has been won. Edom,
covenant theme is then picked up from 55:3. As in v. 5 foreign- referred to in v. i, was assigned typical status as the enemy in
ers have a subordinate position, as those who will acknow- Second Temple Judaism (cf. Ps 137 and Obadiah), and later
ledge Israel's blessed condition. The chapter ends with the symbolized such enemies of Judaism as the Roman Empire
Zion community expressing its thanksgiving to God in psalm- and the Christian church (Dicou 1994: 204). In this passage
like language and with very varied metaphors for the blessings the symbolic element is already present, for the hymn is
that have been promised. concerned with any hostile nation, not just Edom. But ch. 34
has already shown that this anti-Edom strand is an important
(62:1—3) Thgre has been much dispute as to the identity of the element in Isaiah, and the references to Edom and Bozrah
T' in v. i; is it a prophetic voice or YHWH himself? The same should certainly be retained, against the widely held emend-
problem arises later in the chapter (Emmerson (1992: 76-8) ation, still suggested by BHS, to words meaning 'stained red'
provides a brief survey). We must ask, however, whether we and 'one who treads grapes' (Whybray 1975: 253). The reply
should expect poetry to yield an objective answer to such a takes up once again the theme of 'vindication' (sedaqd),
question. Clearly the poem sees as essential to the divine plan thereby providing a strong link with what has preceded. The
the 'vindication' (sedeq once again) and 'salvation' (yesu'd) of metaphor of the winepress is reused in Rev 19:15.
Zion. Here the nations are no more than witnesses of the
astonishing transformation that is envisaged. A series of bless- (63:7-9) It is widely and probably rightly held that 63:7-
ings for Zion is spelt out: a new name and royal status. The 64:12 constitute a single extended unit, comparable to the
first of these will be spelt out more fully in the next oracle. community laments found in such Psalms as 44 and 74. We
shall look at the constituent elements, while trying to bear in
(62:4-9) Th£ giving of a new name did not necessarily mean mind the presence of a larger context, a context which re-
the abandonment of the old one; Jacob was called Israel (Gen minds us once again of the close links between the language
32:28; 35:10), but still continued to be known as Jacob. The of Isaiah and that of the Jerusalem temple. The lament begins
destruction of Jerusalem in 587 seems to have led all the main with the characteristic recall of past times, when God had
prophetic traditions to envisage a new name for the restored been personally active in protecting his people (cf. Ps 44:1-
city (Jer 33:16; Ezek 48:35), and the renaming here is in line 8). As in 61:10 the T' seems to denote a prophetic voice, but it
with that pattern (Pfisterer Darr 1994: 198—200). The 'deso- plays no further part in the lament.
late' land described in 1:7 is now transformed. Here, perhaps
(63:10—19) A very characteristic feature of this and of the
more clearly than anywhere else in the book, the picture of
laments in the Psalms is the vivid description of the disasters
YHWH as the marriage-partner of the city emerges. With v. 6
that have befallen the community. There are links also with
the imagery changes once more to that of a city and its
Lamentations, but there the disaster is largely regarded as
inhabitants (and the issue of the first-person reference
inexplicable; here the context is immediately provided by the
emerges again). Now the foreigners are no more than wit-
acknowledgement of the people's rebellion (v. 10). The usage,
nesses of all that YHWH is achieving for his own community.
'holy spirit of God' is rare in the HB, and this passage was
(62:10-12) We return to the double imperatives which have seized upon by the writer to the Ephesians (4:30) in the
been a marked feature of the book from ch. 40 onwards. The development of a distinctive Christian understanding. The
link with ch. 40 is strengthened by the building of the high- references to Moses are unique in Isaiah; it would be unwise
way, the processional way leading up to the restored city, and to build anything on the NRSV description of Moses as
 483 ISAIAH
'servant'; this is based on an emendation to the Hebrew text, here in w. 12—13 (Sweeney 19880: 23). This section is clearly a
and a more natural modification would offer 'Moses and his picture of a community rejected because of practices regarded
people' (Hanson 1979: 84). The example of the deliverance at as idolatrous. Less certain is the attempt to reconstruct what
the Exodus is used, both because it was the paradigm of God's those practices actually were. We are back in the world of
saving power, and also because it was so closely juxtaposed in religious polemic, in which any practice, however appalling,
tradition with the community's wilderness rebellion. With can be attributed to one's enemies.
v. 15 we reach the next stage of the lament; the complaint (65:8—16) Whereas the first part of the unit i—16 was con-
that God is taking no notice of his people's fate. It is as if he cerned only with the looked-for fate of idolaters, here a series
has forgotten them. v. 16 has been understood by some (esp. of contrasts is drawn, introduced atw. 8 and 13 by the proph-
Hanson 1979: 92—3; Achtemeier 1982:115—18) as indicative of etic messenger formula 'says the LORD'. On the one hand is
a division within the community, with the names 'Abraham' the promise to those who are judged to have remained faithful
and 'Israel' standing for a rival group. But this is surely to read (w. 8-10); on the other further idolatrous practices are listed,
too specific a reference into allusive poetry. More naturally we ensuring the condemnation of those engaged in them (w. n-
may suppose that the poet is hoping that though Abraham 12). Following the second prophetic introduction the contrast
and Israel (Jacob) are long gone, the continuing power of becomes even sharper as it sets out the different fates awaiting
YHWH could and should be used on the people's behalf. In 'my servants' (here regularly in the plural; a divided commu-
v. 18 it is natural to see a reference to the destruction of the nity cannot be addressed as 'servant') and 'you'. The third-
Jerusalem temple, and to identify that with the Babylonian person references of w. 1—7 are now pictured as spoken
attack of 587/6 (2 Kings 25:9), but once again we should be directly to the offenders. This contrast is an important differ-
aware of the danger in attempting precise cross-reference; ence from the early chapters of the book, where the commu-
poetic allusions and historical statements occupy different nity as a whole was apparently condemned (though even there
frames of reference. there were presumably those who shared the standpoint of the
(64:1—12) This extended section continues to reflect the char- author of the poems and expected to escape judgement). In
acteristic features of the communal lament. There is a good v. ii NRSV translates the Hebrew words gad and mem as
deal of repetition, but that is not to be regarded as a weakness 'Fortune' and 'Destiny'; this is the only direct biblical refer-
in this kind of poem. So v. i reflects 63:15; w. 2-4 recollect ence to their worship, though Gad is frequent as one element
God's past mighty deeds in a way analogous to 63:7-14. Then in place names. The theme of delighting and of right and
comes the renewed acknowledgement of the people's sin, now wrong choice in v. 12 provides another link with 1:29, and
made more direct by the use of the first person plural (v. 5; cf strengthens the impression of a deliberate rounding-off ofthe
63:10). This description of sin is further elaborated here, with completed collection.
the interesting logic in v. 7 that they have ceased calling on (65:17-25) The bitterness ofthe preceding poem gives way to
God because he doesn't listen. The notion of God hiding his a new promise. 'For' at the outset suggests a link with what
face is most characteristic of the Psalms (cf. Ps 44:24), but we has preceded, but this may be an asseverative usage: 'Surely I
should also see a link with Isa 8:17 and with 45:15 where the am!' YHWH as creator has been a recurrent theme since ch.
'hiddenness' of God allowed a measure of hope which is 40, and the last two chapters ofthe book take this to a climax
scarcely present here. But amid this despair the community with a complete renewal of heaven and earth (cf. 66:22). The
still has a claim upon God as its father, recalling the theme 'former things' played an important part in the lawcourt-like
of 63:16, and the poem ends with a final plea that God will material of ch. 41; now, as in 43:18, they are to be set aside. The
be so moved by the unhappy state into which the places of cosmic picture of v. 17 then narrows down to hopes for Jeru-
his worship have fallen that he will stir from his apparently salem in 18-19, but perhaps in view of the way the city is
unending silence. Questions of God feature frequently in idealized in Isaiah the shift is less dramatic than it seems. The
lament psalms, but usually in the body of the psalm (Ps blessings promised in the following verses are characteristic
44:24; 74:10-11); here the lament ends with the question still of the hopes of an agricultural community in the ancient
being asked. We are warned against supposing that the con- world. The allusion to a tree in v. 22 may be a deliberate
fidence of many of the later chapters of the book tell the whole contrast to the rejected trees of 1:29—31, in view of other
story. allusions to that section in these final chapters (Sweeney
(65:1^7) This is the first part of a longer unit, which extends to 19880: 23). However that may be, it is clear that v. 25 offers
v. 16. YHWH himself is now pictured as speaking, and in that deliberate allusions to 11:6-9, several phrases from which are
sense this provides an obvious response to the anxious pleas brought together in an idealized description of Jerusalem, 'my
of the previous chapter. We are invited to see that idolatrous holy mountain'. The prophetic formula is added as in w. 8 and
practices are the cause of the people's continuing rejection. In 12 to provide additional authenticity to the vision. It is a
many ways, that is to say, we are back in the situation depicted picture akin to, but not yet fully developed into, the apocalyp-
in ch. i, though with an important development. Ch. i seemed tic visions of a later period.
to offer hope to those who would mend their ways (e.g. w. 18— (66:1-2) Another messenger formula introduces an oracle
20); here it seems as if that door has been closed, and there is which begins conventionally enough, but then develops un-
now no alternative to punishment (Carr 1993: 73-4). However expectedly. Where is God's dwelling? It is natural, particularly
that may be, the links between these verses and ch. i are in the light of the immediately preceding reference to 'my
striking. The 'gardens' of v. 3 recall those in 1:29, a verse in holy mountain' to speak of God as dwelling in heaven and not
which the themes of choosing and delighting are picked up confined to an earthly house (cf. 57:15). Much more unusual is
ISAIAH 484

the apparent rejection of the temple at the end of v. i. It is most book. It is also poetry, which reminds us that we should not
unlikely that there is a reference here to a sanctuary other than take 'all flesh' literally.
the Jerusalem temple. It is possible that deliberately exagger- (66:17) A curious prose note is inserted. Someone felt it
ated language is being used, but in any case it is likely that we necessary to be more explicit about what were regarded as
have a warning, comparable to 1:10-17, against excessive trust abominable practices carried on in the 'gardens' to which 65:3
in any earthly building—even the very temple itself (Emmer- has already referred. The avoidance of food which is not
son 1992: 58). That God is indeed pictured as speaking from kosher is a widespread religious concern.
the temple emerges clearly from v. 6. Just as the earlier
passage went on to spell out what was required of God's true (66:18—21) Another prose passage, but this time of a very
worshippers, so here v. 2 emphasizes what God really looks different temper. If v. 17 stressed what seems to us a negative
for. viewpoint, here the positive attitude to foreigners found in ch.
56 is taken further. Though the reference to the coastlands is
(66:3—5) The dangers of false worship are now spelt out more
characteristic (cf. 11:11), the actual list of foreign places in v. 19
fully, though unfortunately not more clearly. The Hebrew
is unexpected, owing more to Ezek 27 than to anything in
consists of a series of four pairs of statements, the first in
Isaiah (though cf. Davies (1989: 95) for links within Isaiah).
each pair describing normal cultic practice, the second an
Still more astonishing is the thought, underlined as being a
offensive action. There is no indication of the connection
divine oracle, that some of these foreigners might be enrolled
between them. Thus 30 could be translated 'The one who
as priests and Levites—a far cry from what is found elsewhere
slaughters an ox, the one who kills a human being'. Most
in the HB, e.g. Num 18:7 (Emmerson 1992: 106).
ancient versions and most modern translations (e.g. NRSV)
insert a comparison ('is like'), with the implication that all (66:22—3) The last poem in the book takes up again the 'new
sacrificial worship is unacceptable. This scarcely seems likely. heavens and new earth' theme of 65:17, linking it first with the
Perhaps more plausible is to suppose that those in charge of idea of perpetuity ('shall remain'), then with the concern for
the cult are being condemned, their legitimate actions being new moon (not otherwise characteristic of Isaiah) and sabbath
no better than the grossest syncretism. (There is a helpful (much emphasized in 56 and 58), and finally universalizing it.
discussion in Schramm 1995: 166-70.) v. 5 seems to stand In v. 16 'all flesh' was to be destroyed by the sword; here it is to
somewhat apart from what has preceded, and acts as a sum- come to worship. We are reminded for a last time of the
mary. It is introduced by the solemn formula 'Hear the word dangers of too literal and referential a reading of poetry.
of the LORD' found in a similar context at 1:10. The divisions (66:24) The high note of v. 23 might have seemed an appro-
within the community seem less sharp than in the preceding priate closure, and indeed in synagogue readings it is custom-
verses, difficult though those are. Here those who are being ary to read v. 23 again after v. 24. For in this last prose note
opposed are still 'your own people', even if they hate and reject we have a sombre warning, of the possibility of lasting
you. judgement on the rebellious, with the same rare word
(66:6) is taken by NRSV as an isolated verse, but it is perhaps 'quenched' as we found in 1:31. The HB is often thought of
best seen as linked with the preceding, and claiming that God as harsh, so it is ironic to note that this is virtually the only
will denounce from the temple those whom the poet regards passage in all its contents to speak of lasting judgement—
as his enemies. The contrast with the doubts about the temple and that it is a passage seized upon by the New Testament
in v. i is striking. (Mkg^S).
It seems appropriate as we reach the end of the book briefly
(66:7-9) The theme of Zion as the mother of children is
to reflect upon what we have been reading. As with most
taken up again, as in 54:1-3. But the most striking contrast is
collections of poetry it is inappropriate to ask for a 'meaning',
with 37:3. There children came to the birth, but there was no
but we can readily see that certain themes recur: the hope of
strength to bring them forth. Now, by means of a rhetorical
salvation, expressed in the name Tsaiah' (= God saves) and
question, YHWH gives assurance that he will bring to birth
repeated through the book; the need for God's sedeq to be
(NRSV: 'open the womb', the same verb as in 37:3). By an
expressed in the community of his worshippers; the concern
extraordinary metaphor YHWH is pictured as a midwife—so
for Zion as potentially the best and too often in practice the
effective in the task that there will be no labour pains.
worst of God's creation. This linkage with Zion is underlined
(66:10—11) There have been many references to daughter by the many allusions to and cross-references with the
Jerusalem in the book; now Jerusalem as mother is the centre Psalms. Dating of all this material is difficult, and is most
of celebration. Whatever divisions the community may dis- unlikely to follow the order of the complete book, but a period
play, the holy city is pictured as the kind of faithful city of 200—300 years may well be implied. Within all this poetry
envisaged at 1:26. are a number of prose passages, linking it with Isaiah and
(66:12—16) The promise to Jerusalem is underlined by the using episodes from his life as providing a structure for the
introductory messenger formula, with a message of comfort whole. Some ofthese passages may well have been taken from
reminiscent of ch. 40. But the comfort is not universal. As is 2 Kings; to what extent they enshrine reliable tradition or
too often the case in the ancient and the modern world, the whether any of the poems go back to Isaiah himself we
reassurance of one group bears with it the assurance of pun- have no means of knowing. Readers will differ in their percep-
ishment on those perceived as enemies, and the language of tion whether or not this uncertainty is a serious loss. What
the last two verses, using once again the motif of the divine we do have is a collection of superb poems driven by their
warrior, is as harsh as anything we have found in the whole authors' conviction that God was active in all the ups and
 485 ISAIAH

downs which the community had experienced and must Day, J. (1980), 'A Case of Inner Scriptural Interpretation: The Depen-
continue to anticipate. dence of Isaiah xxvi.i3—xxvii.n on Hosea xiii.4—xiv.io (Eng. 9) and
its Relevance to Some Theories of the Redaction of the Isaiah
Apocalypse', JTS NS 31: 309-19.
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Edom in Biblical Prophecy and Story, JSOTSup 169 (Sheffield: Shef-
Achtemeier, E. (1982), The Community and Message of Isaiah 56-66 field Academic Press).
(Minneapolis: Augsburg). Eaton, J. H. (1979), Festal Drama in Deutero Isaiah (London: SPCK).
Ackroyd, P. R. (1987), 'Isaiah 1-12: Presentation of a Prophet', 'Isaiah (1982), 'The Isaiah Tradition', in R. Coggins, A. Phillips, and M.
36-39: Structure and Function', An Interpretation of the Baby- Knibb (eds.), Israel's Prophetic Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge
lonian Exile: A Study of II Kings 20 and Isaiah 38—39', and 'The University Press), 58—76.
Death of Hezekiah', in his Studies in the Religious Tradition of the Old Eissfeldt, O. (1962), The Promises of Grace to David in Isaiah 55:1—5',
Testament (London: SCM), 79-104,105-20,152-71, and 172-80. in B. W. Anderson and W. Harrelson (eds.), Israel's Prophetic Heri-
Albertz, R. (1990), 'Das Deuterojesaja-Buch als Fortschreibung der tage: FS J. Muilenburg (London: SCM), 196—207.
Jesaja-Prophetie', in E. Blum, C. Macholz, and E. W. Stegemann (1965), The Old Testament: An Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell).
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Balentine, S. E. (1983), The Hidden God (Oxford: Oxford University 18-30.
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Barr, J. (1992), The Garden of Eden and the Hope of Immortality (Lon- field: Sheffield Academic Press).
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Reflections on the Relationship of Biblical Scholarship to its own (Berlin: de Gruyter), 148—66.
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Gad). phia: Fortress).
Carr, D. (1993), 'Reaching for Unity in Isaiah', JSOT 57: 61-80. Heaton, E. W. (1994), The School Tradition of the Old Testament (Oxford:
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(1981), From Chaos to Covenant (London: SCM). Hennecke, E. (1963), New Testament Apocrypha (London: SCM), i.
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Ulrich, J. W. Wright, R. P. Carroll, and P. R. Davies (eds.), Priests, Dichtungen der Jesajaapokalypse (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer).
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SCM). Leuven University Press).
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(1985), 'Beyond Tradition History: Deutero-Isaianic Develop- (eds.), Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near East, VTSup 3
ment of First Isaiah's Themes', JSOT 31: 95—113. (Leiden: Brill), 162-9.
(1989), 'Isaiah 14, 22-27: A Central Passage Reconsidered', in J. Johnson, D. G. (1988), From Chaos to Restoration: An Integrative Read-
Vermeylen (ed.), The Book of Isaiah (Leuven: Leuven University ing of Isaiah 24-27, JSOTSup 61 (Sheffield: JSOT).
Press), 253-62. Jones, G. H. (1971), 'Abraham and Cyrus: Type and Anti-Type?', VT22:
Clifford, R. J. (1972), The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old 304-19.
Testament, HSM 4 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press). Kaiser, O. (1974), Isaiah 13-39, OTL (London: SCM).
Clines, D. J. A. (1976), /, He, We, and They: A Literary Approach to (1983), Isaiah 1-12 OTL (London: SCM). This is the 2nd English
Isaiah 53, JSOTSup i (Sheffield: JSOT). edn.; in the first edn. (1972), much more of the material was
Conrad, E. W. (1985), "The Community as King in Second Isaiah', in regarded as originating from Isaiah himself.
J.T.Butler, E.W.Conrad, and B. C. Ollenburger (eds.), Understanding Kratz, R. G. (1991), Kyros im Deuterojesaja-Buch, FAT i (Tubingen:
the Word: FS B. W. Anderson, JSOTSup 37 (Sheffield: JSOT), 99-111. Mohr[Siebeck]).
(1991), Reading Isaiah (Minneapolis: Fortress). Kugel, J. L. (1981), The Idea of Biblical Poetry (New Haven: Yale Uni-
Cryer, F. H. (1994), Divination in Ancient Israel and its Near Eastern versity Press).
Environment, JSOTSup 142 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). Kuhrt, A. (1983), "The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial
Davies, G. I. (1989), "The Destiny of the Nations in the Book of Isaiah', Policy', JSOT25: 83-97.
in J. Vermeylen (ed.), The Book of Isaiah (Leuven: Leuven University Kuntz, J. K. (1982), The Contribution of Rhetorical Criticism to
Press), 93-120. Understanding Isaiah 51: i—16', in D. J. A. Clines, D. M. Gunn,
ISAIAH 486
and A. J. Hauser (eds.), Art and Meaning: Rhetoric in Biblical Litera- Simon, U. E. (1953), A Theology of Salvation (London: SPCK).
ture, JSOTSup 19 (Sheffield: JSOT), 140-71. Skinner, J. (1910), The Book of the Prophet Isaiah Chapters xl—lxvi,
Lindblom, J. (1958), A Study on the Immanuel Section in Isaiah (Lund: Cambridge Bible, ist edn. 1898 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Gleerup). Press).
Ludwig, O. (1961), Die Stadt in derJesaja-Apokalypse (Bonn: Rheinische Smith, S. (1944), Isaiah Chapters xl-lv: Literary Criticism and History,
Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat). Schweich Lectures, 1940 (London: British Academy).
McKane, W. (1965), Prophets and Wise Men, SET 44 (London: SCM). Snaith, N. H. (1967), Tsaiah 40-66: A Study of the Teaching of the
McKenzie, J. L. (1968), Second Isaiah, AB 20 (Garden City, NY: Second Isaiah and its Consequences', in H. M. Orlinsky and N. H.
Doubleday). Snaith, Studies on the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah VTS 14
Macintosh, A. A. (1980), Isaiah XXI: A Palimpsest (Cambridge: Cam- (Leiden: Brill).
bridge University Press). Stacey, W. D. (1990), Prophetic Drama in the Old Testament (London:
Matthews, V. H., and Benjamin, D. C. (1993), Social World of Ancient Epworth).
Israel 1250-587 BCE (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson). (1993), Isaiah 1-39, Epworth Commentaries (London: Epworth).
Mazar, B. (1957), The Tobiads', IE] j: 137-45, 229-38. Steck, O. H. (1985), Bereitete Heimkehr, SBS 121 (Stuttgart: Katho-
Melnyk, J. L. R. (1993), 'When Israel was a Child: Ancient Near East- lisches Bibelwerk GmbH).
ern Adoption Formulas and the Relationship between God and (1991), Studien zu Tritojesaja, BZAW 203 (Berlin: de Gruyter).
Israel', in M. P. Graham, W. P. Brown, and J. K. Kuan (eds.), History Sweeney, M. A. (igSSa), Isaiah 1—4 and the Post-Exilic Understanding of
and Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes, JSOTSup 173 the Isaianic Tradition, BZAW 171 (Berlin: de Gruyter).
(Sheffield: Sheffield University Press), 245-59. (1988(7), Textual Citations in Isaiah 24-27', JBL 107: 39-52.
Merendino, R. P. (1981), Der Erste und der Letzte: Eine Untersuchung (1993), "The Book of Isaiah in Recent Research', Currents in
vonjes. 40—48, VTSup 31 (Leiden: Brill). Research: Biblical Studies, i: 141—62.
Mettinger, T. N. D. (1983), A Farewell to the Servant Songs: A Critical Tomes, R. (1993), The Reason forthe Syro-Ephraimite War',JSOT59:
Examination of an Exegetical Axiom (Lund: Gleerup). 55-71-
Millar, W. R. (1976), Isaiah 24—27 and the Origin of Apocalyptic, HSM n Torrey, C. C. (1928), The Second Isaiah (Edinburgh: T. &T. Clark).
(Missoula, Mont: Scholars Press). Uffenheimer, B., 'Isaiah's and Micah's Approaches to Policy and
Miscall, P. D. (1993), Isaiah (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). History', in Reventlow, H. G., Hoffman, Y, and Uffenheimer, B.
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bridge University Press), 200-16. 176-88.
(1992), The Cosmic Covenant (London: Sheed & Ward). Van Seters, J. (1975), Abraham in History and Tradition (New Haven:
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field: JSOT). Vaux, R. de (1961), Ancient Israel (London: Darton, Longman &
North, C. R. (1948), The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah (Oxford: Todd).
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(1964), The Second Isaiah (Oxford: Clarendon). (Paris: Gabalda).
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Pfisterer Darr, K. (1994), Isaiah's Vision and the Family of God (Louis- Werlitz, J. (1992), Studien zur literaAritischen Methode: Gericht
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Rowley, H. H. (1952), The Servant of the Lord in the Light of Three (1978), Thanksgiving for a Liberated Prophet, JSOTSup 4 (Shef-
Decades of Criticism', in his The Servant of the Lord and other Essays field: JSOT).
(London: Lutterworth), 1—57. (1983), The Second Isaiah, Old Testament Guides (Sheffield
Sawyer, J. F. A. (1973), 'Hebrew Words for the Resurrection of the JSOT).
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(1989), 'Daughter of Zion and Servant of the Lord in Isaiah: A Rhetorical Approach to Isaiah 2—4, CBOT 23 (Lund: Gleerup).
Comparison', JSOT44: 89-107. Wildberger, H. (1972), Jesaja 1-12, BKAT 10/1 (Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Schoors, A. (1973), I am God your Saviour: A Form-Critical Study of the Neukirchener Verlag).
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Schramm, B. (1995), The Opponents of Third Isaiah: Reconstructing the ener Verlag).
Cultic History of the Restoration, JSOTSup 193 (Sheffield: Sheffield (1989), The Concept of Israel in Transition', in R. E. Clements
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(eds.), Von Kanaan bis Kerala: FS J. P. M. van der Ploeg (Neukirchen- Williamson, H. G. M. (1994), The Book Called Isaiah (Oxford: Cla-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag), 257—69. rendon).
 23. Jeremiah K A T H L E E N M. O C O N N O R

INTRODUCTION
A. 1. To read the book of Jeremiah is to enter a colloquy of entourage. Inner anarchy triggered a third invasion and de-
voices. These voices contend with one another to give mean- portation in 582.
ing to a national tragedy so devastating that it defies simple 4. Historians judge that exilic life in Babylon was not as
explanation and rational analysis. Poetry and narrative, meta- onerous by ancient standards as it might have been (Hayes
phor and myth, sermonic exhortation and theological defi- and Miller 1986: 430—5). Judean exiles settled, married, and
ance converge in what can seem like a cacophony of non- may even have engaged in business dealings with the native
melodic speech. When expectations of linear development population. Rather than submit to Babylon, however, some
and the search for historical origins are set aside as primary Judean survivors escaped to Egypt and forced Jeremiah and
criteria of interpretation, however, a multifaceted conversa- his companion Baruch to accompany them (Jer 43). About life
tion emerges from the book. By its very open-ended nature, in Egypt and in occupied Judah little is known, though the
that conversation moves towards healing and hope for a radi- book of Lamentations is traditionally ascribed to a remnant in
ant future. Judah.
2. In current Jeremiah scholarship, issues of critical intro- 5. Many aspects of this version of Judah's history evoke
duction are greatly disputed and thoroughly intertwined. Un- heated debate among historians. One problem is thatthe chief
settled matters include aspects of the book's historical sources of information about these events are biblical texts
background, audience, dating, history of composition, and that receive scant corroboration from other sources and which
relationship to the historical Jeremiah. Summary discussions themselves are fragmentary, contradictory, and interpretative
of these matters follow. Herrmann (1986) provides a detailed rather than descriptive and referential. Biblical texts are not
survey of introductory questions. historical documents in the modern critical sense. They do
not narrate events to tell precisely what happened. As theo-
B. The Tragedy. 1. From the beginning to the end of its fifty- logical literature, they portray events to interpret and explain
two chapters, the subject of Jeremiah is the fall of Judah to them, to persuade the community to act in particular ways, to
Babylon in the sixth century BCE. This national catastrophe challenge and shape its identity, and to sow seeds for a new
and subsequent struggles for survival were the catalysts that future (Perdue 1994: 7—11)-
produced the book, and they haunt every chapter. Events 6. What this brief narrative does reveal, however, is that the
reflected here reach a climax in the siege and fall of Jerusalem book of Jeremiah emerged from perilous, chaotic, and con-
in 587 BCE, but international and internal troubles afflicted the flictual times (Seitz 19890). Prior to 587, Judah experienced
nation well before and after that defining period (Herrmann occupation by foreign powers who interfered in internal af-
1986: 7-27; Hayes and Miller 1986: 416-36; Ackroyd 1968: fairs, exacted tribute and political allegiance, and created long-
50-61). lasting internal divisions. The Babylonian siege of Jerusalem
2. The waning of the Assyrian empire in the late seventh in 587 caused starvation and death for many, destroyed na-
century BCE opened the door to competition between Egypt tional and family life, and shook theological and political
and the emerging neo-Babylonian (Chaldean) empire for dom- foundations of the people's identity. Survivors lost loved
inance in the region. In response to international pressure, ones, land, and livelihood; many were deported. Beyond phys-
Judah divided into political factions that supported Egyptian or ical and emotional devastation, there was also symbolic
Babylonian alliances. Many in the Judean governing classes wreckage. The destruction of palace and temple meant the
were pro-Egyptian, whereas Jeremiah and his followers, in- collapse of political, ideological, and theological symbols that
cluding some leading families, supported Babylon. A decisive had long provided identity and stability for the nation (Stul-
victory over Egypt at Carchemish in 605 gave Babylon control man 1995). Because national identity had been linked to
of the region but did not quiet the political strife in Judah. YHWH's promises to dwell in the temple and to protect the
3. In 597, Judah revolted against Babylonian sovereignty. Davidic monarchy (2 Sam 7; Isa 1—12), the loss of these in-
This resistance provoked an invasion of Jerusalem, the capital stitutions and of the promised land led to profound upheaval.
city, and led to the deportation of King Jehoiachin and other Nor did conflict abate after the invasion during the exilic
leaders, and the installation of puppet King Zedekiah upon period. Events called out for interpretation; survival of the
the throne (2 Kings 24—5; Seitz 19890). A second Judean community was in serious doubt; new leadership and sym-
revolt under Zedekiah caused an even more disastrous attack bolic understandings needed to emerge.
on Judah and Jerusalem ten years later. After a long siege, the 7. From this maelstrom of suffering and confusion came
Babylonians breached the city walls in 587/6. They burned the questions of ultimate meanings. Where was the covenant God
king's palace, destroyed the temple, and exiled more citizens who gave them land and promised to be with them? Had
to Babylon. The Babylonians then appointed Gedeliah govern- God abandoned them, abused them, forgotten them, or
or of conquered Judah, but a group led by a surviving mem- was God merely powerless to prevent the crushing of the
ber of the royal family assassinated him and massacred his chosen people? The book and its multiple voices compete to
JEREMIAH 488
explain events, to argue about divine justice, and to point the chs. 30-1 and other miscellaneous blocks of material includ-
way to survival. ing the Oracles Against the Nations (Jer 46—51). According to
this theory, literary evidence enables interpreters to separate
C. Audience and Dating. 1. Various passages and blocks of
the book's strata from one another and arrive at the earliest,
material in the book addressed many different audiences in
most authentic layer (Rudolph 1947; Weiser 1960).
the process of its composition. The audience of the book's
3. After nearly a century of interpretative labour, little of the
final form, however, was probably survivors of the Babylonian
Duhm—Mowinckel consensus remains though it still greatly
invasion, particularly exiles in Babylon (Seitz 19890; Overholt
influences the conversation (see Herrmann's 1986 discus-
1988; but see Carroll 1986 and Goldman 1992). To propose
sion). Challenges have come from several directions with no
the exilic community as the primary audience does not pre-
new agreement yet emerging. Hyatt (1958), Nicholson (1970),
clude later additions, nor does it deny the likelihood of an
Thiel (1973), and Carroll (1986), for instance, have accepted a
earlier audience in pre-exilic Judah. Although the historical
late Deuteronomistic layer in the book, but rather than dis-
setting of the book's final form cannot be established with
crediting it as secondary, they have considered it to be creative
certainty, a number of elements point to an exilic provenance.
theological and redactional activity with its own integrity
These include overriding concern with the nation's fall and
(Goldman 1992).
with survival, reserve regarding restoration, vague promises
4. By contrast, building on studies by Weippert and Bright,
of return (chs. 30—3), the absence of Cyrus and the Persians
Holladay (1986) disputes Deuteronomistic influence. This
who were historical agents of the return, and the limited
line of interpretation holds that much of the prose and nearly
attention given to temple rebuilding.
all the poetry contains Jeremiah's own words or the gist of his
2. In addition to thematic elements pointing to an exilic
message. Sharp changes in style and theme reflect changing
audience, reader-response analysis provides tools for examin-
situations in the prophet's life, not redactional activity.
ing the 'implied audience' dramatized in the text. The text
McConville (1993) makes a similar case for Jeremianic
itself provides clues about the audience it wishes to influence
authorship on theological rather than linguistic and stylistic
(Suleiman and Crosman 1980; Thompson 1980). The book's
grounds. He finds crucial differences between Jeremiah and
early chapters (2:1—4:2) address the children of YHWH's un-
the Deuteronomistic books regarding visions of the future.
faithful wife and invite them to repent (3:14—25). With liturgic-
5. From yet another direction, Wanke (1971) denies the
al praises they confess their sins and return to YHWH in
existence of a single Baruch document, finding at least three
fidelity (3:21-15; Diamond and O'Connor 1996). This same
tradition complexes within the so-called Baruch material,
first-person plural liturgical voice reappears in a number of
while McKane (1986) dispenses with written sources
places (10:1-25; I4'-7~9> 31:18-20), suggesting that the text
altogether (cf. Reitzschel 1966). He proposes, instead, that
brings its audience in by dramatizing them in the voice of
an original core of Jeremiah's words generated expansions and
the children. The children are the survivors of YHWH's cast-
developments over the years in an unsystematic fashion. The
aside wife (Jer 2:1—4:2). The book artfully constructs imagina-
result was a rolling corpus that grew gradually into a complex,
tive symbolic worlds that seek to elicit response and to create
diffuse, and untidy book without overarching redactional
new worlds for the exiles. It invites them to repent by present-
intention. McKane finds little possibility of distinguishing
ing models of repentance; it provides theological and political
compositional layers within the text. He argues correctly that
explanations of the nation's collapse; and it assures their
dating of various pieces and additions cannot be easily accom-
survival and a future, if they do repent.
plished. Carroll (1986: 50) joins him in emphasizing the com-
D. History of Interpretation. 1. Modern readers often find plexity ofthe final text, although Carroll (1986) and Thiel (1973;
Jeremiah difficult. Its wide variety of literary materials, contra- 1982) hold to strong Deuteronomistic redactional activity.
dictory themes, and abundant imagery create the impression
of chaos and dissymmetry. Poetic oracles, prose narratives, E. Jeremiah. 1. Traditional interpretation has long held that
and prose sermons overlap, contradict, and interrupt one the book contains a biographical account of Jeremiah's life
another. Chronological confusion compounds literary and and work. Many contemporary scholars still operate from this
thematic disarray. Although the book contains occasional assumption and even understand the book to contain a narra-
headings that date events to reigns of particular kings, these tive of its own historical beginnings (Jer 36). Holladay (1989),
dates do not follow chronological order. Modern interpret- Skinner (1922), Bright (1965), and recently, Seybold (1993)
ation of Jeremiah tries to make sense of these difficulties. and McConville (1993) view the book this way. A rising choir,
2. Nearly all interpretations of Jeremiah in the twentieth however, opposes the notion that the book provides access to
century begin from the work of Bernhard Duhm (1901) and the historical Jeremiah at all. McKane (1980) believes it begins
Sigmund Mowinckel (1914). Good summaries of their the- with a core of Jeremiah's words, butthey cannotbe located with
ories appear in Stulman (1986: 7—14); Carroll (1986: 39—42); reasonable certainty. Carroll (1986) doubts the prophet's
and Holladay (1989: 11-12). Duhm and Mowinckel made historicity altogether. In his view, Jeremiah is an 'editorial
sense of the book by understanding it as the result of a long link' between different parts ofthe tradition, that is, largely
compositional process during which distinct written sources an imaginary character. Brueggemann (1988; 1991) is agnostic
or traditions from different times were joined together by on the historical Jeremiah and, in agreement with Polk (1984),
editors. The sources were thought to be: (i) poetic sayings speaks ofthe literary persona rather than the historical figure.
from Jeremiah himself; (2) biographical prose narratives at- Whether the text records historical events, reflects theological
tributed to Jeremiah's scribe, Baruch; (3) prose sermons, and ideological imagination, or both, is simply not clear, nor
attributed to Deuteronomistic writers; (4) salvific oracles in have we the evidence to make it clear (Perdue 1994: 7—11)-
 489 JEREMIAH
2. A Symbolic Figure. Rather than search for the historical G. The Versions. 1. A further complication in interpretation
life of Jeremiah or for precise historical origins of the book's comes from differences between the Hebrew (MT) and Greek
many elements, helpful as those approaches have been in the (LXX) versions of the text of Jeremiah. Reversing the usual
past, this commentary attempts to understand the book's final relationship of the MT to LXX, the Hebrew text of Jeremiah is
form. Such an interpretative procedure recognizes that the significantly longer than the Greek. It adds titles and epithets
figure of Jeremiah plays a major role in the book, unlike any to names, makes explicit pronouns left implicit in the Greek,
prophet in any other prophetic book. Although Jeremiah may and adds more complex expansions (Janzen 1973: 127). In
not be a character in the modern literary sense, the portrait of addition, the arrangement of the two texts differs significantly.
Jeremiah presented in the book cannot be dismissed. Jere- The MT places the Oracles Against the Nations near the end
miah appears in the call narrative of ch. i, is the presumed or (chs. 46—51), whereas the LXX locates them in the centre
identified speaker of many oracles, sermons, and first-person (25:14—31:44) and arranges them differently. Soderlund
prayers called 'confessions', and he is the subject of numerous (1985) presents a clear discussion of theories to explain the
narrative accounts. Impressions of his life, whether historical differences between the two texts.
or imagined, are an important feature of the book and provide 2. Four fragments of the text of Jeremiah were found
one key to its interpretation. Jeremiah plays a critical symbolic among the Dead Sea scrolls at Qumran: from cave 4, 4Q Jera,
role in meeting the needs of the exilic audience. As symbolic 4QJer b , 4QJer c and from cave 2, 2QJer. One of these frag-
and imaginative construction, Jeremiah's life is iconic of the ments (4Q Jerb) points to a shorter Hebrew text that may have
fate of the exiles, even as he represents YHWH as the prophet been the basis (Vorlage) for the LXX translation. Janzen (1973)
who announces their fate (Polk (1984), contra Biddle 1996: 6). (see also Cross 1964 and Tov 1976) argues that the LXX is both
But YHWH, too, suffers with the people as the book pro- an older and a superior text to the MT. This view is challenged,
gresses. however, by Soderlund (1985:193-248), and Bogaert (1981). It
may be argued that the LXX and MT must represent two
F. Synchronic Interpretation. 1. While it is evident that the separate recensions, arising in different circumstances to
book is vastly complex literature composed over a long period meet different communal needs. At the very least, the differ-
of time by many hands, the text's unreadability may be over- ences between the versions show that the text received com-
stated in some theories of composition. By concentrating on plex and lively scribal attention, and this is testimony to the
origins of texts and placing greater historical and theological significance accorded to the Jeremiah tradition (Carroll 1986:
value on the oldest texts, interpreters often overlook theologic- 50-5; McKane 1986: pp. xv-xli). This commentary treats the
al and literary power embedded in the text as it stands. MT as a version of Jeremiah with its own literary and theo-
Synchronic approaches are beginning to address these issues. logical integrity.
Brueggemann (1994); Clements (1993); Seitz (19890); Biddle
H. Structure. 1. Jeremiah has two major subdivisions, chs.
(1996); Liwak (1987); Stulman (1995); Diamond and O'Con-
1-25 and 26-52.
nor (1996); and Kessler (1997) are employing new ap-
proaches to investigate literary unity across many parts of Book One, chs. 1—25:
the book. (See Perdue 1994 on new methods.) Cosmic Destruction (chs. 1—10)
2. When the search for origins of texts is set aside, the book Superscription and Call (1:1—19)
emerges as a conversation among many voices in an open- Broken Marriage (2:1-4:2)
ended structure (see also Biddle 1996). Voices overlap, echo Cosmic Battle (4:3—6:30)
and re-echo, debate, rage, and grow quiet. Often a narrative, Temple Sermon (7:1—8:3)
symbolic logic appears in the book's circular and discordant Weeping (8:4-10:25)
symphony. Voices portray different characters in poetry and Covenant Destroyed (chs. 11-20)
different narrators in prose. Unity comes from the dominance Covenant Curse (11:1—17)
of the divine voice across the book (Biddle 1996) and from the Jeremiah's Protest and God's Reply (11:17—12:25)
central role given to Jeremiah. His words and actions help A Loincloth, a Winejar, and a Rape (13:1—27)
structure the book, create emotional and theological power, Drought (14:1-22)
and draw readers into his struggles as both foil and mirror to No Future, Yet a Future (15:1-16:21)
their own. Synchronic interpretation attends to the unifying Hope for Some (17:1—27)
effects of root metaphors in poetry and prose, notices narra- Captivity (18:1-20:18)
tive devices and symbolic meanings of events and dates, and Aftermath (chs. 21-5)
considers rhetorical functions of text. Siege of Jerusalem (21:1-10)
3. Diachronic questions cannot be dismissed entirely, how- Collapse of Royal Power and Promise of Restoration (21:11—
ever. The relationship of text to historical context remains 23:40)
central to interpretation (Liwak 1987). Rather than seeking Figs (24:1-10)
original contexts of small units, however, Synchronic inter- Babylon's Fall (25:1-38)
pretation seeks to understand the relationship of the final Book Two, chs. 26—52:
form of the text to its audience in exile. Past, present, and Blame and Hope (chs. 26—36)
future time frames criss-cross one another as if temporal Prophetic Discord (26:1-29:32)
boundaries were permeable. Linear chronology is absent be- Book of Comfort (30:1-33:26)
cause for exiles the pre-exilic past and hoped-for future merge A Bad King and a Good Community (34:1—35:19)
with present realities as they struggle to survive. Two Scrolls (36:1—32)
JEREMIAH 490
The 'Baruch Account' (37:1-45:5) In memorable poetry, the opening scene (w. 4—10) creates a
Oracles Against the Nations (46:6—51) portrait of the prophet as YHWH's indisputable agent. Jere-
The End (ch. 52) miah himself provides a first-person account of his dialogue
with YHWH who called him before his birth (v. 5); this pre-
2. Jeremiah has the reputation of unremitting doom, relieved
natal commission indicates that YHWH alone established
only by the book of comfort buried near the centre (Jer 30-3).
him as prophet. Jeremiah resists (v. 6) with vocational hesi-
Such an assessment is not entirely accurate. The book does
tancy that evokes Moses' call (Ex 3:11; 4:10—11). Like Moses,
contain a river of accusation, destruction, and weeping, but
Jeremiah receives divine assurance. Were there still any doubt
across its complex literary composition there flows a steady
about the source of Jeremiah's message, YHWH touches
spring of hope and renewal. Read synchronically as a docu-
Jeremiah's mouth and puts there divine words (v. 9; McKane
ment for exiles, Jeremiah is a book of life.
1986). Creating an emphatic climax to the poem, v. 10 circles
back to and expands the commission announced in v. y.
COMMENTARY Jeremiah's mission extends beyond Judah to include the na-
tions in a divine plan of destruction and rebuilding, of uproot-
Cosmic Destruction (chs. 1-10) ing and planting.
An astonishing theological assertion of this book is that
LargeJy poetic in form, these chapters announce Jeremiah's
Jeremiah is sent 'to the nations'. His mission has global
commission (Jer i) and contain accusations and judgements
significance. The God for whom he speaks governs the fall
against Judah and JerusaJem (Jer 2-10). They progress from a
and rise of nations, a theme that receives reprises at both the
description of the broken marriage between YHWH and the
middle (25:15-38) and end of the book (chs. 46-52). For an
peopJe to announcements of invasion by a mythic army, to
exilic audience, even the prophet's commission may intimate
massive weeping at the inevitabJe cosmic destruction. Amidst
hope because it reveals that the nations who have destroyed
this materiaJ appear short JiturgicaJ expressions of repentance
Judah are also the subject of divine governance.
that symboJize the voice of the exiJes and provide them with
Prose visions (w. 14-19) provide the content of Jeremiah's
modeJs of repentance.
message, narrow its recipients from the nations to Judah
(1:1—3) The superscription introduces the book by making and Jerusalem, and reassure Jeremiah that YHWH is with
authoritative cJaims for its contents. Jeremiah prophesied him to deliver him (v. 19, cf v. 8). Dialogue predominates
for forty years, from the thirteenth year of King Josiah (627 over vision in the narrative about the almond tree (w. 11-12).
BCE) untiJ JerusaJem's capture (587 BCE). HoJJaday (1989: 25- When YHWH asks Jeremiah what he sees, Jeremiah
7) and CarroJJ (1986: 89—92) provide maximaJist and minim- replies literally, 'the branch of an almond tree'. YHWH, not
aJist historicaJ opinions of these dates. TheoJogicaJJy, the Jeremiah, interprets the vision, playing on the Hebrew
superscription points to an intimate reJationship between word for almond tree (saqed). T am watching (soqld) over
Jeremiah and YHWH who aJone is the source of Jeremiah's my word to perform it' (v. 12). The conversation reassures
words (1:1—2; Craigie, KeJJey, and Drinkard 1991: 1—2; Liwak both prophet and audience that the prophetic word is relent-
1987: 54—103). PoJiticaJJy, the superscription sets the book less and irreversible because its divine speaker utters it and
within the context of royaJ ruJe that is about to coJJapse 'does it' (la'asoto).
(Brueggemann 1988: 20). SymboJicaJJy, it Jinks Jeremiah's The context of the divine word is metaphorical. A boiling
forty-year ministry to Moses' Jeadership in the wiJderness. pot tilts 'away from the north' and from the north will come
(On Jeremiah's many paraJJeJs with Moses, see Seitz 19890.) disaster upon Judah and Jerusalem for their idolatry (w. 13—
The superscription's detaiJs, therefore, serve to persuade read- 16). The northern location of the boiling pot, and later in the
ers that this book comes from Jeremiah, can be trusted, and book of'the foe from the north', poses interpretative difficul-
must be heeded. Such a defence suggests an audience in ties because Babylon is east of Judah. Literal interpretations of
conflict. this language have led to many historical identifications of the
(1:4—19) The Call The caJJ account introduces Jeremiah and enemy, including the ancient Scythians (McKane 1986: 20).
certifies him to be a true prophet. (For history of composition, But Childs (1959) and Perdue (1994:141-6) showthatthe 'foe
see RudoJph 1947: 21-31 and ThieJ 1973: 63-79.) The chapter from the north' is language that comes from a myth of a
divides into two scenes, poetic audition (w. 4—10) and prose transcendent enemy who brings chaos in a great battle. Bor-
visions (w. 11—19). Both scenes contain dialogue between rowed from Israel's neighbours, this language expresses the
prophet and deity in which Jeremiah speaks in the first person theological conviction that Israel's disaster has cosmic signif-
and quotes divine speech (w. 4, 7, 9, n, 14). Elements of the icance and arises from YHWH's fierce anger. The mythic foe
conventional call narrative appear in the text (Habel 1965), but from the north is eventually historicized in Jeremiah but not
here also are introduced major themes and motifs of chs. 1—25 until 20:4-6 where Babylon appears by name for the first
(O'Connor 1988: 118-23). YHWH names Jeremiah 'prophet time.
to the nations', warns him about the people's resistance, and The absence of a historical referent for the 'boiling pot,
promises divine assistance. YHWH also announces disaster tilted from the north', at the beginning of the book strikes an
from the north that will bring judgement upon Judah and ominous note and is all the more fearsome for its lack of
Jerusalem. For the exilic audience, the call narrative implies specificity. The threat from the north is greater than any
that the disaster that has already befallen them was in the human enemy. Boiling, burning fluid, tipped over and uncon-
divine plan to 'pluck up and to pull down', and equally that trolled, advances upon Judah and Jerusalem with unstoppable
YHWH can be relied upon to 'build and plant' (v. 10). horror in the form of attacking tribes from unknown king-
 491 JEREMIAH
doms. They, 'all of them', will establish hegemony over Judah instead (3:14—18). They accept by proclaiming repentance and
for its idolatry (1:16). return to him with a liturgical declaration of fidelity and
YHWH speaks directly to Jeremiah to prepare him for loyalty (3:22/7-25).
battle (w. 17-19). Imperatives replace dialogue. Jeremiah (2:1-3:5) The Divorce The poem that introduces the story of
must gird his loins and announce everything YHWH the marriage (2:1-3) begins with the same formula as 1:4, but
commands. He must be implacable in face of resistance here Jeremiah is commanded to proclaim the word to Jerusa-
or YHWH will 'break' him. Yet Jeremiah will prevail for lem. The husband's monologue begins with direct address to
YHWH has already strengthened him as 'a fortified city, his wife (2:2/7, fern. sing.). Nostalgically he recalls her past
an iron pillar, and a bronze wall', and is with him to deliver devotion and loyalty in the wilderness, v. 3 explicates v. 2
him. This encouraging assurance is often thought to refer (Fishbane 1985: 300), even as it shifts the subject to male
exclusively to the prophet and his mission, but it may also Israel who is 'holy to the LORD, the first fruits of his harvest'.
have resonances for an exilic audience. In some parts of In this verse, wife and male Israel converge symbolically; both
the book Jeremiah's sufferings seem to gather up those are 'totally devoted to' (Brueggemann 1988: 32), and exclusive
of the community. Even as nations fight against them, property of, YHWH. Subsequent poems alternate in address-
YHWH is with them. ing the two personae, equally guilty of betrayal and pursuit of
idols.
(2:1-4:2) A Broken Marriage Many interpreters find unifying
(2:4-16) An introductory formula, different from 2:1, opens
thematic threads in the poetry and prose collected here (Bid-
the first poem addressed to male Israel, called here the houses
die 1990: 82; McKane 1986: 82; DeRoche 1983; Carroll 1986).
of Jacob and Israel (v. 4). Some scholars explain the shift from
Study of the literary devices of direct address, grammatical
a Judahite to an Israelite audience historically by arguing that
gender of characters, and the nature of divine accusations
Jeremiah originally preached on the subject of the northern
reveals strong literary coherence in the material. The broken
kingdom that had fallen to Assyria in 721, over a century
marriage of YHWH and his unfaithful wife serves as an
earlier than Jeremiah's own time (Holladay 1986: 68). Of
organizing or root metaphor (Ricoeur 1975, 1976; McFague
more interest is the rhetorical import of address to the north-
1982) that closely unites the chapters (Diamond and O'Con-
ern kingdom (Carroll 1986: 122). Jacob is the eponymous
nor 1996; Brueggemann 1988: 46—7). In its present form,
ancestor and unifying patriarch of all Israel (Gen 29-30),
2:1—4:2 dramatizes the ending of the marriage (2:1—3:5) and
who figures here as symbol of united Israel. The poems in
depicts its aftermath of recrimination and partial familial
2:1—4:2 accuse both north and south of heinous betrayal and
restoration (3:6-4:2). This metaphor functions as a second
envision a reunified future. They interpret theologically the
prologue to the book by providing a symbolic interpretation of
fall of both kingdoms. The materials concerning the north
the nation's fall and of the crisis facing the exiles.
may carry further rhetorical import for, by contrast, Judah
Borrowed from Hosea 1-3 (see Holladay 1989: 45-7) and
appears far more guilty (3:6—12) and by implication, faces a
significantly modified (Diamond and O'Connor 1996), the
similar fate (cf. 7:12-15).
marriage metaphor allows the poet to introduce YHWH's
Rhetorical questions (2:5, 6, 8, n, 14) structure 2:4-16 and
wife Judah or perhaps Jerusalem (Biddle 1990: 68—73) as a
convey YHWH's shock at the ancestors' treatment of him
parallel persona to male Israel. Direct address alternates
(w. 5—6), despite his generosity in bringing them into a
between the two personae in 2:1-3:5. Hebrew feminine sin-
'plentiful land' (v. 7). Leaders fail to ask the right questions,
gular grammatical forms address the wife in 2:2; 2:17—25; and
abandon him, and pursue others (v. 8). YHWH accuses Israel
2:33—3:5; and masculine singular and plural forms address
of forsaking him, 'fountain of living water' (v. 13), and of
male Israel in 2:3; 2:4-16; and 2:26-32. At first the two
substituting their own useless cisterns (v. 14). The husband
personae appear to be distinct characters, but they are one
invites the heavens to participate in his shock (v. 12) for this
entity, addressed under different guises. The opening
betrayal has cosmic implications. Subjugation to Egypt,
poem (2:1—3) equates them symbolically, and 2:19—20 makes
identified by its cities, becomes inevitable (v. 16).
literal that identification. Both male and female personae
receive the same rhetorical and thematic treatment. YHWH (2:17—25) Feminine singular forms appear without explan-
addresses each directly, interrogates them with similar ation. Accusatory questions (w. 17, 18, 21, 23) and charges of
rhetorical questions, accuses by quoting their words, and betrayal continue from the previous poem but with a qualita-
charges each with abandonment and pursuit of other alle- tive difference. Betrayal is no longer only theological, national,
giances. and cosmic; it is also intimate, domestic, sexual, pornographic
These poetic devices in 2:1—3:5 amass legal evidence against (Weems 1995; O'Connor 1992). To build his case against his
wife/Israel. Reluctantly, husband/YHWH recognizes the wife, the husband quotes her (v. 2oa) and accuses her with her
hopelessness of the marriage and divorces the wife (2:1-3:5). own words (v. 25). He describes her lewd behaviour (v. 2ofc),
The symbolic identity of the wife is fluid at this point in the portraying her as a harlot, bestial in her sexuality, a lust-driven
book, though she will later be identified as Jerusalem or animal wildly out of control (w. 23—4).
daughter Zion (4:31). Here, however, she represents Israel (2:26—32) Male Israel's shame, by contrast, compares to that
from the earliest days in the wilderness (2:2). After the divorce of a captured thief and to idolaters who relate to trees and
(3:6-4:2), the husband declares wife Judah worse than her stones (w. 26-7). The male persona turns his back on YHWH
northern sister, his first wife, whom he invites to return to him and resists correction. Again YHWH quotes (w. 27, 31) and
(3:6—12). The second wife, like the first, remains silent or heaps questions upon the accused (w. 28, 29, 31, 32). The
absent, so he turns to the children and invites them to return poem reeks of scorn for idols and their addle-brained devotees
JEREMIAH 492

(w. 27-9) to evoke sympathy for YHWH/husband who cannot speaker steps out of the role of husband to elucidate the
understand this treachery (v. 31). meaning of the marital metaphor: 'as a faithless wife leaves
(2:33—3:5) Formally, this section may contain two poems her husband, so have you been... O house of Israel' (v. 20).
(2:33—7 and 3:I~5J Nicholson 1973: 40), unified by the femi- (3:21-5) A mysterious voice introduces a major motif of the
nine form of address and by a return to themes of adultery and book, the heartbreaking sound of children weeping (v. 21).
promiscuity. The adulterous wife now becomes a madam of They repent of their sins that echo their mother's; they, too,
whores who teaches other women her ways (2:33). Her hus- have forgotten their God (w. 23-5). But unlike their mother
band characterizes her as a murderer of the innocent poor whose silence implies refusal to repent, the children repent
(2:24) and quotes her declaration of innocence and false emphatically after hearing promises of healing the mother
estimates of his anger (2:35). Other lovers will shame her never heard (v. 22). The narrative closes in a dramatic reunion
(2:36—7). Then comes the climactic question of this account of father and children. Surprisingly, YHWH does not quote
of the marriage; will a husband return to his wife after a them, they speak for themselves. For the first time in the book,
divorce? (3:1; see Holladay 1986: 112-13 and McKane 1986: YHWH becomes the addressee and the speakers use liturgical
58-9 on translation difficulties). The marriage is over. For her prayer (Blank 1961: 102; Biddle 1996: 138). 'Here we come to
to return is legally impossible and would pollute the land you; for you are the LORD our God' (v. 22). Monologue be-
(Deut 24:1—4). comes dialogue and chastised hope emerges (Diamond and
Multiple partners compound her adultery. She lurks at O'Connor 1996).
roadsides in search of them (3:2). Her distorted sexuality The broken-marriage metaphor creates a highly effective
brings barrenness upon the land (3:3). The husband quotes introduction to Jeremiah's prophecy. Through it, the book
her misperception of his anger (3:4) and charges her with full invites readers to side with YHWH in the collapse of the
responsibility for the marriage's failure. nation. YHWH's portrayal as a betrayed, broken-hearted,
(3:6-4:2) The Aftermath The subsequent collection of poetic and faithful husband creates an emotional claim upon readers
(3:12/7-14, 19-23) and prose materials (3:6-120, 15-18, 24-5) that encourages them to view the marriage from the hus-
depicts the immediate aftermath of the divorce, but the text's band's perspective. What happens to wife/Israel is not
formal divisions no longer correspond with shifts in address- YHWH's fault, but hers. The metaphor explains the fall of
ee. Direct address of female (3:12/7-13, and 19) and male the nation as punishment for the infidelity of the pre-exilic
(3:20) continues but other characters, hardly noticed before, generation that experienced divine rejection (ibid.). Male and
become important here. Jeremiah, mentioned only in 2:1, female personae represent the fallen Judah and Jerusalem,
becomes part of the narrative as sympathetic friend of the and the first wife from the north represents the fallen north-
husband (3:6-12). A second wife appears (3:7-10) and male ern kingdom. For them there is no future because they do not
children assume the climactic role in the story of this mar- repent. The children in this troubled family are the implied
riage (3:14-18, 21-5). audience, the exilic community given voice at the story's
climax (w. 22—5). The marriage metaphor spins a theological
(3:6—11) In a dramatic aside, the furious husband confides to narrative that encapsulates the destruction of the two Israelite
Jeremiah the story of his wife's harlotry (w. 6—7). The passage kingdoms, promises unconditional restoration to their off-
dates to the time of Josiah, further anchoring the marriage spring, and portrays the implied audience in the book as
metaphor in the history of Judah and indicating that Jere- children of the cast-aside and abandoned wife. In miniature,
miah's prophecy of national collapse significantly predated 2:1—4:2 conveys the accusation, judgement, and hope of the
the event. The husband muses out loud about his past hopes entire book.
for the marriage. Readers receive a shock when the husband Despite the extraordinary artistic effectiveness of Jere-
admits he had a previous wife, Israel, sister of his second wife, miah's version of the broken marriage, contemporary readers
who also cuckolded him. Compared to Judah, who should must approach this text with caution. The account's most
have learned from her sister's treachery, however, first wife rhetorically winning and theologically pregnant feature is its
Israel is less guilty. YHWH sends Jeremiah to intercede with portrayal of God as an abandoned, heartbroken husband,
her (w. 8-n). betrayed by faithless, nymphomaniac wives. Readers cannot
(3:12-18) To the north, Jeremiah proclaims, 'Return, faithless avoid taking his side. Hidden in this account, however, is a
Israel' (v. 12). But there is a condition; she must take respon- rhetoric of blaming in which the failure of the marriage is
sibility for the failure of the marriage by acknowledging her placed on the women with whom male Israel is symbolically
guilt (v. 13). The text narrates no reply from her, and a decisive identified. Men are dishonoured by being called faithless
shift occurs in relationships. Husband/YHWH turns atten- 'women', and the metaphor projects onto women the sins of
tion on the children, offering them the same invitation to the nation (ibid.; O'Connor 1992; Weems 1995). When
'return'. The Hebrew verb sub carries the nuance of turning viewed against cultures that subtly or blatantly vilify women
from sin (Holladay 1958). For the children there are no pre- and deify men, this metaphor requires careful treatment.
conditions. Instead, they are coaxed to return with promises of (4:1-4) bridges the collections of the broken marriage and the
a splendid future in the land, joined together north and south cosmic battle (4:5-6:30). Thematically, the poem reaches back
under one shepherd after YHWH's own heart (w. 15—18). to repeat the invitation to 'return' (v. i) in the marriage (3:12—
(3:19-20) Yet YHWH's unfaithful wife lingers in his 14), and it extends forwards by promising YHWH's wrathful
thoughts as he muses sadly about his past plans for her and judgement if they refuse to turn (v. 4; see 4:8, 26). The
for their relationship. At this bitter moment, the divine children have returned (3:21-5), but w. 1-4 ignore the family
 493 JEREMIAH
reunion. The marriage metaphor symbolically enacts the en- 'turned' (sab) from them (v. 8). v. 5 asserts a divine origin for
tire course of Judah's history from the perspective of divine- the prophetic message addressed to Judah and Jerusalem.
human relationship. But w. 1—4 and the chapters that follow Symbols of war, details of sight and sound, evoke the terror
shift the temporal perspective of the text to the pre-exilic of the impending siege. A trumpet, shouting, and the raising
period. The text assumes that repentance is uncertain and of the military standard imaginatively create the scene of
reissues conditions of repentance and loyalty to avoid disaster battle and signal the urgency of seeking safety (w. 5—6). In
(w. 1—2; on syntactical problems, see Holladay 1986: 122—3). fierce anger (v. 8) YHWH claims sole agency for the approach-
The temporal shift places readers in the psychic and spiritual ing catastrophe, 'for I am bringing evil from the north' (4:6/7).
world of the implied audience who exist in a limbo between Reference to the mythic foe adds to the unearthly terror
the nation's destruction and return from exile. Whatever their advancing upon the nation. The enemy is a lion, magnified
earlier functions may have been, poems of threat and warning into a 'destroyer of nations' (v. 7). Bourguet 1987:117 observes
appropriate to the pre-exilic period aid the exilic audience by that the demonic power of the enemy from the north ex-
interpreting their plight and underscoring the necessity of presses the disproportionate supernatural resources amassed
repentance and fidelity. against Judah. The battle is already lost, so lamentation and
The consequence of Israel's hoped-for loyalty confirms the wailing are the only suitable response (v. 8).
book's exilic context; its allegiance will redound to the benefit (4:9—11) Interrupting prose voices indicate conflict in inter-
of the nations (v. 2; Carroll 1986: 156). Like Jeremiah, Israel pretation of the nation's fall as blame changes hands and the
has a mission among the nations, and like Abraham, the temporal perspective shifts to the future (w. 9, n). A narrator
mission is to be a blessing (Gen 12:3). w. 3—4 transform blames the leaders. Their courage will fail, implying their
YHWH's conditional invitation to Israel in w. 1-2 into a astonishment, and perhaps their ineptitude, and imputing
threat, addressed to Judah and Jerusalem. Circumcision of to them responsibility for the disaster (v. 9, Brueggemann
the heart must replace cultic circumcision, or divine wrath 1988: 51-2). In the first person Jeremiah accuses YHWH
will burst forth like unquenchable fire. The text's demand for directly (v. 10): divine deception caused the catastrophe.
circumcision of the heart echoes Deut 10:16 (Holladay 1986: Then YHWH speaks to defend divine action. The disaster
129-30), and highlights again the text's male audience. Meta- will be total, and it is a judgement against them (v. n).
phorical interpretation of circumcision as spiritual commit-
ment, however, makes possible the inclusion of females in the (4:13—31) comprises four poems that employ an array of meta-
worshipping community, albeit as spiritual males (O'Connor phors but together depict and respond to the battle an-
1992). nounced in 4:5-8. w. 13-18 continue to announce the
coming battle, and in w. 19-22 YHWH grieves over the battle.
(4:5-6:30) Cosmic Battle No narrative unifies the poems col-
w. 23—8 interpret the battle's meaning and w. 29—31 continue
lected here, but the metaphor of the impending cosmic battle
to describe it. To escalate the horror of impending siege,
with the mysterious 'foe from the north' looms over the chap-
w. 13-18 use many speakers. A frenzied command opens
ters and grants them a unity of swirling, menacing drama
the poem, 'Look, he comes up like clouds' (v. 13). In a cosmic
(Condamin 1920: 28; Perdue 1994; Brueggemann 1988:
epiphany, an unidentified, superhuman foe advances like
49—73). The voices of YHWH, Jeremiah, a narrator, the
clouds, with chariots 'like the whirlwind', and horses 'swifter
people, the northern kingdom, daughter Zion, and the foe—
than eagles'. The community voices its dismay, 'woe to us for
all announce, respond to, and dispute YHWH's role in the
we are ruined'. A voice from northern Israel broadcasts the
coming siege.
siege to the nations (w. 15—16), and YHWH speaks to Judah in
The battle poems use great artistry in portraying war.
feminine singular forms as to the wife who betrayed him (v. 18;
Scenes of approaching armies vividly appeal to the senses
cf 2:1-3:25; Biddle 1996: 20).
and give the suprahuman enemy from the north shape in
the imagination. With a few well-chosen details of sight and (4:19-22) With poignant effect, YHWH witnesses the battle's
sound, they transport readers into the thick of battle. 4:5—31 destruction and expresses uncontrollable anguish (w. 19-20)
announces the battle's approach; 5:1—31 reveals the battle to be (contra Craigie el al. 1991: 78-9). The conventional question of
inevitable; 6:1-30 names Jerusalem as the place of siege the lament form, 'how long?' combines with images of stand-
(Clements 1988: 40-1). Major themes and images overlap ard and trumpet to set the speaker in the centre of an endless
and weave together to defend YHWH from charges of injust- battle (v. 21). That God is the speaker becomes clear in the
ice and arbitrariness in the fall of the nation. The principal accusation of'my people' who 'do not know me' (v. 22). Like
rhetorical purpose of these chapters is to persuade the readers the previous poem, this one also interprets the national dis-
that YHWH was forced to punish the people. Dissenting and aster as the people's fault, but here YHWH is deeply an-
interrupting voices connect the chapters to the implied audi- guished by it.
ence in exile (4:27; 5:18—19). Lament themes (4:8, 19) link (4:23—8) Uncreation YHWH or Jeremiah describes a terrify-
these chapters to 8:4-10:25, and threads from the broken- ing vision of the destruction of creation that reverses and
marriage metaphor (4:16-18, 29-31; 5:7-9) connect them to adapts the creation account of Gen i. Four times the speaker
2:1—4:2. 'looked' and 'lo' the earth and its creatures disappear before
(4:5—8) Battle Announced Opening the battle sequence (4:5— YHWH's 'fierce anger' (w. 23-6). YHWH interrupts the vi-
6:30), this poem announces major themes to appear in the sion to announce that destruction will not be total (v. 27), but
poetry of chs. 4-10. It assumes that the people have not the poem continues relentlessly describing the earth's return
repented (sub) and proclaims that YHWH's anger has not to tohu wabohu, 'waste and void' (4:23, see Gen 1:2). Earth will
JEREMIAH 494
mourn and heavens be lightless because the ineluctable div- of an unnamed nation for the cosmic battle. A suprahuman
ine word undoes them (v. 28). military machine will devour the nation's children, their
The terrifying vision of uncreation that turns the earth into sources of life, and their false security (w. 15—17).
a lunar surface or a bombed city does not deviate from the (5:18-29) YHWH speaks in prose to the implied exilic audi-
cosmic battle; uncreation interprets it (Perdue 1994: 142). ence in a temporal shift to the future that again promises an
Theologically, politically, socially, the Babylonian invasion of incomplete end. YHWH then quotes the exile's most salient
Judah and Jerusalem meant the end of the world and the theological question. 'Why has the LORD our God done all
cessation of the created order for the community. Life in the these things to us?' (v. 19). YHWH's answer shows propor-
land is over; no humans are present (v. 25); cities are in ruins tionate retribution and deflects blame to the people. Idolatry
(v. 26). In this mythical conception, earth, animals, and cities in their own land results in service in a foreign land. w. 20—9
form an organic, interdependent whole, and their destruction show how YHWH's reluctance to punish was overcome.
by YHWH's angry decree is the result of human evil (4:22; Neither Jacob nor Judah sees, hears, or fears the Creator.
Habel 1995: 87). The divine promise in v. 27 not to make a 'full Despite impenetrable boundaries established in the created
end' addresses the implied audience who have survived the world (w. 20—2), the people know no boundaries in their
desolation. wickedness (v. 28). The Creator questions, accuses, and
(4:29-31) returns to the battle itself, the noise, the attack, the quotes the people to reveal their sin (w. 22—5). Scoundrels
empty cities (v. 29), but the speaker addresses Jerusalem, among them rob and trick the people and oppress the orphan
personified as daughter Zion. On this poetic figure see and the needy, while they themselves grow sleek and fat
Dobbs-Allsopp (1955). Zion is YHWH's divorced wife (w. 26—8). The refrain of 5:9 (cf. 9:9) reappears to persuade
(2:1-3:5; 4:16-18) who continues to play the whore and whose the implied audience of the necessity of the punishment
predicament has worsened. Her lovers now despise her and (v. 29). The last two verses of the chapter act as an expansive
want to kill her (v. 30). The speaker hears her'voice' (qol) as of a codicil to the previous poem. Though religious leaders engage
'woman in labour'. She gasps and writhes not from giving in lies, the people want it that way (w. 30—1).
life but in fear of death, finding her voice for the first time to (6:1-30) Attack on Daughter Zion This chapter gathers meta-
bemoan her fate (v. 31; cf. 3:14). phors of the cosmic battle, the foe from the north, and
(5:1—31) contains closely woven materials, making it difficult Daughter Zion into a collection of poems from a chorus of
to distinguish literary units (Nicholson 1973: 56). In the chap- speakers. The mythic nature of the battle sharpens when the
ter's present arrangement, it portrays YHWH's reluctance to text identifies daughter Zion as the object of attack. A fer-
bring judgement, explains why the cosmic battle is inevitable, ocious military nation wages war against Jerusalem portrayed
and defends the Divine Warrior from charges of cruelty and as a weak, wanton woman, defenceless in the face of her foe.
arbitrariness (Carroll 1986: 174). From the viewpoint of the ancients, the feminine character of
(5:1—17) Divine Reluctance YHWH's desire to avoid disaster the city heightens its weakness and the hopelessness of resis-
dominates the opening poem. To find one just person in the tance (Bourguet 1987: 117).
city, YHWH sends Jeremiah on a search, 'so that I may pardon w. 1—9, the first-person speaker in this poem appears to be
Jerusalem' (v. i; for covenant lawsuit elements, see Bruegge- YHWH (see v. 8). Imperatives warn the children of Benjamin
mann 1988: 59). But the people refused to turn (sub) from to flee as trumpet and warning signals herald evil looming
their hypocritical ways (v. 3). After initial failure, Jeremiah from the north (v. i). Nostalgically, YHWH describes how
decides he is searching among the wrong people; the poor lovely and safe Zion was thought to be (w. 2—3). Voices of
do not know justice (mispat). He then searches among the the enemy intrude, shouting preparations for attack among
rich, but they are no better. Like the adulterous wife (2:20) all themselves (w. 4-5). In a brilliant stroke of imagination that
break their yoke (w. 4—5). Less successful than Abraham further indicts Zion, the poet portrays the enemy's thoughts.
searching Sodom for ten just people (Gen 18:23-33), Jeremiah They believe they are acting on divine orders against a city
fails to find even one. With Jeremiah's help, YHWH did every- deserving judgement (w. 6—7). Warnings of v. i become a
thing possible to avert punishment (Carroll 1986). Destruc- threat in v. 8 that YHWH will turn from Jerusalem in disgust.
tion by beastly enemies is a fitting result (v. 6). Divine abandonment will cause the city's collapse because she
did not attend to her own inner sickness (v. 7). v. 9 returns to
(5:7-11) The rhetorical question of v. 7, addressed to a female, the vineyard metaphor that appeared in 5:9—10, where it is
suggests YHWH still desires to pardon his former wife. But also connected to punishment of the faithless female. There
the adultery of her male children (v. 8) leads to a second the vineyard was simply to be pruned, but here the 'remnant
question that brings the reader to YHWH's side of the argu- of Israel' is to be gleaned thoroughly. Survivors of the destruc-
ment. 'Shall I not punish them?' (v. 9). YHWH does not wish tion, the exiles perhaps, face still further suffering.
to punish, buthow could God do otherwise? (cf. 5:29). YHWH w. 10-12, Jeremiah laments the people's recalcitrance. They
will destroy her vineyards for both Israel and Judah have been are not even capable of hearing the prophetic warning. He is
faithless (w. 10—n). weary of holding back divine wrath (w. 9—11). Only Jeremiah
(5:11-17) Further accusations against Israel and Judah follow stands between them and destruction. YHWH responds with
(w. 11-13). Because of their false (v. 12) and belittling words a command to pour divine wrath on the people, young and
about prophetic speech (v. 13), YHWH puts devouring fire into old, male and female (v. 12). w. 13-15, 'no peace': a refrain that
Jeremiah's mouth (v. 14). His prophetic counterspeech is as recurs in 8:10—13 distributes guilt throughout the community
destructive and sweeping as fire, for it announces the coming from the people to the leadership and justifies YHWH's
 495 JEREMIAH
punishment of them. Everyone is greedy and the leaders lie. bound together in the symbolic order. God would establish
Denial characterizes their speech. Though priests and David's throne forever, and David's son would build YHWH's
prophets are particularly guilty, the whole people deserve temple (i Sam 7:1-3). When Jerusalem was invaded by Assyria
punishment (v. 15), and by implication, YHWH appears fully a century earlier, some Isaianic passages interpreted the
justified in bringing it upon them. w. 16-21, to vindicate Davidic promises as unconditional assurance of Jerusalem's
YHWH's judgement and to embellish the significance of the safety (Isa 36—7; Ollenburger 1987; Brueggemann 1988: 74).
people's sin, YHWH brings them before witnesses. Two Perhaps because Jerusalem avoided destruction at that time,
parallel accusations open the poem (6:i6c and 17). In both Isaiah's message solidified in the national consciousness as a
YHWH speaks to direct and to warn and then dramatically promise of eternal security for the temple and the entire
quotes the people's blanket refusal to co-operate (w. 16—17). religious-political system. They thought they were safe no
YHWH appears to have no choice but to assemble the nations matter what they did. Judah's temple ideology was based on
and the earth itself as legal witnesses in a trial of cosmic wrong notions of God as eternally fixed by former promises no
import. The people bring the verdictupon themselves, despite matter how the people acted.
rich liturgical offerings that merely reveal their duplicity In the temple sermon Jeremiah speaks a terrifying counter-
(v. 20). All will perish (v. 21) in the cosmic battle to which word that challenges an entire world-view and reveals why it
the next poem returns. had to fall. The sermon insists that YHWH is an untamed
w. 22-6, the foe approaches. The voice of YHWH describes deity, a wild being not reducible to theological formulae, who
the advance of the mythic nation, a merciless military force can bring the temple to ruins like Shiloh, the destroyed north-
crossing the earth, their sound like the roaring sea' (v. 23/7). ern sanctuary (Stulman 1986; see Keown, Scalise, and
Their target is 'you» O daughter Zion!' (v. 2y). The people Smothers 1995:16-19 on Shiloh). The temple sermon, there-
themselves speak, fearful and helpless. They urge each other fore, draws on different theological and symbolic traditions to
to hide from the 'terror... on every side', magor missabib make claims similar to the poetry. Israel is guilty and divine
(w. 24—5, see Jer 20:3, 10). Jeremiah then speaks to the judgement justified. The sermon adds to the poetry a specific
'daughter of my people' (my tr.), urging her to begin ritual charge that the people failed to 'listen' (7:13, 26, 27), a theme
lamentation in sackcloth and ashes, as if on behalf of an only that appears frequently in the prose passages. By implication,
child, for the destroyer is coming with such certainty that if the people in exile are to regain their place, their land, their
lamentation must begin. Divine commands to lament link temple, they must 'listen' now (8:3).
this section with 8:4-10:25. w. 27-30, the collection dom- Some interpreters limit the temple sermon to 7:1-15, seeing
inated by the metaphor of the cosmic battle (4:5-6:30) closes the rest as later accretions (Weiser 1960). Although the his-
with YHWH speaking to Jeremiah about his prophetic role. tory of its composition remains obscure, the sermon (7:1—8:3)
He is the assayer of fine silver with a hopeless task (McKane exhibits linguistic patterns and thematic links that create
1986: 154). The people have failed the refiner's test. Dross inner coherence (Isabel! and Jackson 1980). It moves in a
cannot be separated from the pure metal, so they become downward spiral to report and mock idolatry within legitimate
'rejected silver' (v. 30). Divine, prophetic, and human speakers temple worship (7:1—15) and across a range of foolish idol-
have voiced horror, resistance, and finally certitude that dis- atrous practices (7:16—8:3).
aster is unavoidable. (7:1—15) opens with an undated superscription that presents
(7:1-8:3) Temple Sermon The relationship of the temple ser- Jeremiah as the speaker of divine words. A principal motif of
mon and other prose sermons to the rest of the book and to the sermon is the multivalent phrase 'in this place' (bamma-
Deuteronomistic editors are troubling questions (see Holla- qom hazzeh; Carroll 1986: 207). The phrase refers to the
day 1988: 244—82; Stulman 1986; McKane 1981; Nicholson temple (7:3, 7, 10, n), the land (3:7, 15), and perhaps also the
1970). Ascribed by Mowinckel to the Deuteronomists, this city (cf Jer 26). The 'place' is symbolic of false national pride,
first lengthy prose segment disturbs the poetic flow of chs. blind devotion to the monarchy, and complacent arrogance.
2—6. Those chapters confront readers with multiple images, Frequent use of the phrase in the sermon emphasizes
metaphors, and poetic figures that intrude upon and interrupt displacement of trust from the deity to the place where the
each other to create a rich literary soup. By contrast, the prose deity dwells (w. 3, 7). The narrator places Jeremiah at the
sermons appear as a thin broth of repetitive and stereotypical gates of the temple to announce that its fate will be like
language. The temple sermon focuses on worship practices, Shiloh, another 'place' where YHWH made the divine name
seeming to change the subject from the cosmic battle and to dwell (w. 12, 15).
broken marriage in chs. 2-6. The sermon, however, provides Exhortations to amend reveal the depth of the problem
one more interpretative voice in the book's debate about the (w. 4-7). The people trust in a lie, 'the temple of the Lord'
nation's collapse. (v. 4). Repeated three times like a mantra, this phrase parodies
The temple sermon is not extrinsic to the poetry, but com- the people's confidence in the 'place'. The true threat
ments upon it, and in the view of Stulman (1995) simplifies identified in this sermon, therefore, is not the enemy from the
and tames it. The nation's arrogant complacency depicted in north but the enemy within the community (Stulman 1995).
the poetry receives precise focus in the sermon. Judah and Insiders oppress the alien, the widow, the orphan. They kill
Jerusalem, monarchy and temple fell to Babylon because of and follow after idols. They have made 'this place' a robbers'
hypocritical and obscene worship practices that violated the den (v. n) where they hide from the truth of their behaviour.
nation's own symbolic and theological perspectives. From the They will not listen (v. 13). Only if they amend can they avoid the
time of David, monarchy and temple had been inextricably fate of Shiloh and the northern kingdom (14,15).
JEREMIAH 496
(7:16-17) No Intercession Before adding to Judah's cultic response possible, lamentation and weeping for the dying
infractions, YHWH addresses Jeremiah, forbidding him to nation.
intercede on the people's behalf (w. 16—17). Wilson (1989) As in earlier chapters, multiple voices speak to announce,
argues that this prohibition protects Jeremiah from charges comment upon, or respond to the disaster. This section of the
that he failed as intercessor to avert the fall of Jerusalem. The text acts as a conclusion to chs. 2—10, drawing together voices,
prophet's role included intercession to avoid disaster, and it themes, and perspectives from throughout the section. Voices
was not avoided. Rather than see this as a failure of Jeremiah, of lamentation and weeping that appeared earlier (3:21; 4:19;
the prose writer interprets Judah's fall as YHWH's unwilling- 6:26; 7:29), erupt here into cascades of tears that envelop
ness to hear the prophet's intercession. YHWH prohibits God, the prophet, and the people. Liturgical expressions of
intercession because of the outrageous infidelities described fidelity that mock other gods (10:1—16; and perhaps 8:14—15)
in the sermon. repeat the form and themes used by the children in the
(7:18-8:3) Downward Spiral YHWH accuses the community marriage metaphor (3:22-5). If the first-person plural liturgic-
of increasingly heinous offences. Entire families worship the al voice symbolizes the implied exilic audience, prayers drama-
queen of heaven, an astral deity. (See Ackerman 1987; O'Con- tize their voice to offer them a model of proper confession of
nor 1992; and cf. 44:15-19, 24-30.) The passage's insistence sin (Biddle 1996: 27).
on the involvement even of the children in the worship may (8:4-17) returns to poetry as if never interrupted by the tem-
simply depict the all-pervasive nature of the sin, reaching even ple sermon. YHWH speaks to Jeremiah in continued perplex-
to the offspring. But it may also encode the exilic audience, the ity at the people's failure to return (sub, 8:4—5) an(^ compares
next generation who continue in the idolatry of the generation their behaviour to that of wild creatures (w. 6—7). They are like
that was expelled from the land. 7:21-6, next YHWH rejects a horse plunging headlong into battle, blind to the dangers
all burnt offerings on the grounds that they were never re- facing them. And unlike birds who know their times, the
quired. Instead, YHWH commanded obedience from the people are unnatural beings who 'do not know the justice
time they came out of Egypt, but they did not listen' (w. 24— (mispat) of YHWH' (8:7, my tr.). YHWH quotes them to
6). Their sins are even worse than those of their ancestors. accuse them of arrogance and denial. They claim to be wise
7:27—34, YHWH accuses them of even more horrible sins, of but they have rejected the word of YHWH (w. 8-9). Then
child sacrifice at Topheth in the valley of Hinnom. A poetic YHWH depicts their punishment, not by invasion but by
interruption orders the nation to begin ritual lamentation for naming an effect, the capture of wives and fields by others
the generation that will die (v. 29). This verse connects the (v. 10). The refrain of accusation from 6:13—15, repeated here,
sermon to the weeping and official lamentation that follows in explains why invasion must occur. Every one is greedy; priests
8:4—10:25. For the ritual sacrifice of children, the people de- and prophets fail to see the depth of the wound; no one is
serve to die. Their corpses will remain unburied, and life in ashamed. YHWH expresses bitter disappointment because
the land will end (v. 34). Jerusalem will become a silent, joyless the vineyard is barren (8:13; cf. 5:10—11; 6:9; and Isa 5:1—6).
place, a dead place, a wasteland of shame, where bodies of In the midst of this crisis the people speak, using first-
leaders and people are exhumed and spread like dung upon person plural forms (w. 14—15). Befuddled and confused,
the ground (8:1—3). they blame YHWH for poisoning the water they drink.
The temple sermon interprets the national catastrophe as Though they confess their sin (v. 14), they speak in a tone of
the result of injustice and idolatry within Judah and ultimately innocent misgiving. They looked for peace and healing but
calls for repentance. It offers a theodicy that interprets the past found neither (v. 15). It is as if the community recognizes the
and addresses the exiles (8:3). Justice and covenant living truth of accusations against it but finds itself still in circum-
within the community, obedience and total allegiance to stances of terror. This voice may characterize the implied
YHWH, expressed in proper worship, are the requirements audience, set poetically before the invasion but also expres-
for covenant relationship (7:23). That did not happen in the sing the dilemma and theological confusion of exile. In reply,
past, consequently only a remnant survive where YHWH has YHWH calls attention to the sounds of the approaching battle.
driven them (8:3). But for the exiles the call to listen', to obey The snorting and neighing of horses and the quaking of the
the voice of YHWH spoken through the prophets, to heed the land signal the close proximity of a huge cavalry (w. 16-17).
book itself, is still before them. YHWH orchestrates the invasion, as if uncontrollable and
deadly snakes are let loose.
(8:4—10:25) Weeping The poems assembled here fall into
four groupings: 8:4—17 continues to explain why the cosmic (8:18—9:22) The weeping of God, the earth, and the mourn-
battle must come; 8:18-9:25 begins mourning rites in face of ing women signify the imminence and inevitability of the
the siege and includes a prose comment; 10:1-16 is a commu- destruction, for 'death has come up into our windows'
nal liturgy that proclaims loyalty to YHWH and the foolish- (9:21). But the poetry of weeping connotes something more.
ness of idols; 10:17—25 announces exile as the enemy from the It joins God with the people and the earth in vulnerability,
north comes closer. A number of metaphors, themes, and pain, and grief. Divine tears make healing possible.
poetic devices connect these poems with earlier poetic materi- (8:18-9:3) The speaker, the demarcation of units, and mean-
als in the book. 8:iofc—12 repeats the refrain of 6:13—15, and ing of these verses bring no consensus among interpreters,
8:13 returns to the metaphor of the vineyard (2:21; 5:10—11; yet these lines contain some of the most extraordinary poetry
6:9). The cosmic battle, its sounds and approaching destruc- in the book. Particularly disputed is the speaker of 8:18—9:1.
tiveness (8:16-17; 10:17-18, 22) explicitly links this material Because the English text numbers 8:23 of the Hebrew as 9:1,
with chs. 4—6. The approach of the foe provokes the only the English verse numbers are one ahead of the Hebrew
 497 JEREMIAH
throughout ch. 9. Who is the 'I', and who says 'my poor 9:2 changes the mood and may be a separate poem
people' (8:19, 21, 22; 9:1, 2)? A sampling reveals vast disagree- (Thompson 1980: 307) but similar phrasing links it to 9:1.
ment. Carroll (1986: 235) assigns these verses to personified YHWH now wants to escape the infidelities of the people. 'O
Jerusalem; Condamin (1920:84) attributes them to the people; that I had a lodging-place in the desert to escape their betrayal,
Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard (1991: 136), and Clements their adultery, their lies, for they do not know me' (9:2—3, my
(1988: 59) believe Jeremiah is the speaker. Holladay (1986: paraphrase).
288—9) nnds three voices including YHWH's in igb and 22». 8:18—9:3 echoes the broken-marriage metaphor of 2:1—3:25,
There is a strong possibility, however, that the speaker in its accusations of idolatry and adultery, in its attention to
throughout the lament is YHWH, weeping at the destruction city personified as female, and in the grief of YHWH over the
of the people; 8:igc and 9:3 clearly identify YHWH as the failure of people to know him. Though accusation is still part
poem's speaker. Elsewhere in Jeremiah, YHWH is most often of the poetry, grief and tears predominate, bringing the reader
the speaker of the words 'my people' ('ammi, cf 2:11, 13, 32; again to side with YHWH, but here YHWH's grief joins him
6:14, 30; 8:7, n; 9:7; 15:7; 18:15; 2 3 :22 J less clearly, 6:26; 14:17). with the suffering woman, at least temporarily.
Brueggemann (1988: 88) observes that divine pathos struc- (9:4—9) continues divine speech. YHWH speaks to the
tures 8:18—23. Roberts (1992) corroborates this view by people directly to warn them against treacherous neighbours
observing that Mesopotamian laments use the motif of the and to announce that they will be tested and refined (cf. 6:27).
weeping God and exhibit similarities to 8:18-9:3. Perhaps The language of refinement and testing provides yet another
commentators avoid identifying YHWH as speaker because interpretation of exile for it suggests something less than the
this tearful metaphor appears too contradictory of the complete destruction promised in the material in chs. 4—6
powerful, wrathful warrior deity in much of the book; or and would undermine the prophet's earlier message. Hence,
perhaps they think weeping too vulnerable a characteristic to the refinement and testing motif suggests hope to the implied
be attributed to the deity. audience in exile. They will emerge purified. The question of
The decision as to the divine identity of the principal v. 7, repeated from 5:9 and 27, however, indicates that divine
speaker, by no means certain, is theologically crucial. To rec- hesitancy exists, as if YHWH needs confirmation of the
ognize that YHWH speaks in this poem is to see a temporary appropriateness of punishment, and expects to receive it.
but massive turning. The imagery returns to a portrait of
(9:10-11) Weeping Whether the speaker, who is probably
divine suffering already begun in the broken-marriage meta-
YHWH, does the weeping or commands it is not clear
phor, but rather than distancing YHWH from the people as in
(McKane 1986: 203). The weeping is on behalf of the earth
the divorce of his wife (2:1-3:25), this poem unites YHWH
itself, the mountains and the pastures of the wilderness, for
with the people in their weeping (9:17—22). God's tears mean
their destruction and the absence of life upon them (v. 10).
that there may be a balm in Gilead, healing may be possible,
Lamentation is for the world that has been uncreated and
for in such a metaphorical depiction, God joins in the people's
returned to chaos (4:23—8). The world of Judah and Jerusalem
suffering. Tears heal because they stir 'all living souls', bring
will become a barren heap of ruins.
people together in suffering, and reveal them to one another
in their vulnerability (Song 1981: 40—5). YHWH's tears are (9:12-16) A prose voice interjects a further interpretation of
more powerful even than the armies under divine command the tragedy with undisguised questions about the meaning of
because, for a poetic moment at least, God, people, and cos- events. 'Who is wise enough' to interpret these happenings?
mos articulate a common suffering. The pathos of God, as 'Why is the land laid waste...?' (v. 12). Clearly the writer of
Heschel (1962) named God's intense suffering, offers an these verses claims to be wise enough to answer them. The
alternative interpretation of the suffering of the exiles. It people did not obey tora, they did not listen to YHWH's voice,
puts aside punishment, eschews questions of causality, and and they worshipped the Baals. That is why they are in exile
understands God in radically different terms from much of (v. 16).
the rest of the book. (9:17—22) Official Weeping This two-stanza poem (9:17—19,
The poem begins with divine proclamation of grief and 20-2) formalizes the weeping and makes it official, public,
joylessness (8:18; see Holladay 1986: 287-8 and McKane and massive. In the first stanza of the MT (w. 17-19), YHWH
1986:194 on translation problems). YHWH quotes 'daughter commands that the mourning women be summoned. But it is
of my people' (bat 'ammi, my tr., and in 8:21, 22, 23 Heb.), the people or Jeremiah speaking in the rest of the stanza. The
a term for the city. Her question expresses either smug official task of the keeners was to begin the public rituals of
confidence in YHWH's presence or a sense of abandonment mourning for funeral rites (O'Connor 1992). Their presence
at divine absence (8:19—20). YHWH questions in turn, indicates that a death has occurred. Their wails will release the
expressing hurt and dismay at her idolatry. But it is the hurt tears of the people whose eyes will 'run down with tears' and
of the daughter that overwhelms YHWH, not the provocation their eyelids 'flow with water' (v. 18). The people of Zion have
to anger (8:21). YHWH calls for healing. Is there no balm, already begun their keening over the death of the city (v. 19).
no physician, no return to health? The implied answer is In the second stanza (w. 20—2), the speaker gives instructions
'no'. But YHWH does not abandon her; he weeps with to the women. The weeping will be so extensive that they must
her. 'O that my head were waters and my eyes a fountain of teach other women their professional skills. The community
tears that I might weep day and night for the slain of the speaks again in v. 21 to announce that death like an invading
daughter of my people' (my tr.; 9:1; 8:23 MT). YHWH desires force or an intruding person has 'come up into our windows'.
to become weeping, to turn into tears, to weep unceasingly The funeral to which the people are invited is their own. Life is
over the slain. over (v. 22).
JEREMIAH 498
(9:23-5) returns to the motif of wisdom in another prose established the world, whose voice (Gen i) brings potent
comment which seems to take up the prose remarks of upheaval (v. 13), while idols are delusions (w. 14—15). In this
w. 12—16 rather than the poem of w. 17—22, where people poem of praise, relationship with the One who formed all
are weeping, not boasting. The wise must not boast about things is re-established (v. 16). The Creator is unmatched by
wisdom but about the knowledge of God who is loving, right- any pretenders to deity and chooses Israel for a special inherit-
eous, and just. An eschatological future promises judgement ance (v. 16).
against the worship of Israel's uncircumcised neighbours (10:17—25) Exile We are brought back dramatically to the
whom Israel resembles in heart. temporal threshold of exile through the voices of at least two
(10:1-16) Confession of Sin These verses contain a hymn speakers. YHWH (w. 17-18 and probably in v. 22) announces
presented as prophetic word (w. i, n), the subject of which the exile and the siege. Daughter Zion (w. 19—21 and probably
is the foolishness of worshipping other gods and the loyalty of w. 23—5) comments on the personal significance of the disas-
the speakers to YHWH the true God. This liturgical song, a ter for her and pleads for justice. YHWH's commanding voice
many-voiced choir of witnesses (Seybold 1993) perplexes in- (w. 17-18) orders the people to pick up their bundles; the siege
terpreters on a number of grounds (Margaliot 1980; Craigie, has begun. YHWH will 'fling away the inhabitants of the land'
Kelley, and Drinkard 1991: 157—61). v. n is in Aramaic; the with relish, indeed, with vindictiveness, 'so that they shall
order of the MT differs from the LXX, and the poem's themes feel it'.
of loyal monotheism intrude abruptly upon poems of accus- w. 19-21, in terminology of'hurt' and 'wound' that makes
ation and weeping in the previous chapters. The order of the her a figure of sympathy rather than scorn, Daughter Zion
MT passage, however, makes sense as it stands (Craigie, Kel- laments her fate (see Isa 54:1—3). She has no one to help
ley, and Drinkard 1991; Thompson 1980: 325), and, of greater expand her tent and no need to do so for she is bereft of
interest, the sentiments of this hymn, loyal monotheism and children (v. 20). Her leaders have wounded her; her people
derision of idols, as well as its liturgical style, evoke the voice of are scattered (v. 21). She sees at last what faces her and humbly
the repentant children in 3:21—5. It may be placed after the acknowledges the severity of her wound. Exile is a punish-
injunction to the people to weep for their imminent death ment she must bear. From her own words we learn again that
(9:1—22) so as to serve as a model of repentance and recon- YHWH is not the cause of the tragedy (v. 19). If the female
ciliation for the exilic survivors of that death. The exiles are character here is YHWH's divorced wife of 2:1—4:2, she has
brought into the text as the voice of the community that has undergone a transformation from a silent, unreconciled cast-
been refined in the fire, and they are provided with language off to a repentant and long-suffering figure of lament, de-
to reconcile them with the one true God. The hymn's location prived of her children. But the cosmic battle approaches any-
in the book transposes exilic conflict from the historical way: 'Hear', the noise of battle comes from the north (v. 22).
world to the divine. The gods of the nations are powerless Daughter Zion appears to speak again in w. 24—5, although
and ridiculous, and so they and their people will be punished Holladay (1986: 338) identifies the speaker as the people
and perish (v. 15). Only the Creator God of Israel can give rather than as the personified city, and Brueggemann (1988:
life, and by implication provide the community with a future. 103) thinks the speaker is Jeremiah. The speaker prays that
The parody and disdain for the gods of the nations ex- God punish in'just measure'and not in anger (cf 10:19/7). She
pressed here (w. 1—5, 8—9, 14—15) have close parallels with begs, instead, for YHWH to pour anger on the nations that
other exilic texts (Isa 40—8, esp. 44:9—20; Craigie, Kelley, have laid waste and devoured Jacob (w. 24-5). Clearly speak-
and Drinkard 1991; Blank 1961: 243). Whereas syncretism ing from exile, this voice echoes the repentance themes of
and idolatry were always part of Israel's struggle in the land, 3:21—5 and 10:1—16. Exile is punishment that must be borne,
idolatry was a particular temptation for the assimilating com- but YHWH, God of all nations, may, in turn, punish those
munity in Babylon. These liturgical materials, moreover, draw who have devastated Israel, if Israel repents.
on creation theology of the wisdom tradition rather than on
covenant terminology. The hymn of praise (w. 12-16) reverses Covenant Destroyed (chs. 11-20)
the chaos of the cosmic battle, connecting it with the defeat of A frame of curses surrounds these chapters. Covenant curses
the mythic foe from the north (Perdue 1994: 141—50). upon those who do not 'listen' to YHWH's word appear in the
Brueggemann calls the text a litany of contrasts' between opening prose sermon (11:1-17), and Jeremiah's curses on his
true and false gods (1988: 98). Commands not to learn from birth (20:14-18) conclude the section. Between the two curses,
the nations nor to be afraid of their idols surround the first poetic threats and accusations, as well as prose sermons (11:1—
stanza (w. 2—5). The people should not become like the na- 16; 17:19—27), continue to appear, but new literary elements
tions among whom they live nor adopt their idolatrous cus- change the shape of the literature and give movement to the
toms. Those peoples and their deities are foolish and chapters. In contrast to chs. 2-10 where Jeremiah's prophetic
powerless (w. 3—5/7). The second stanza (w. 6—10) begins pronouncements appear chiefly in poetry, these chapters add
and ends with praise and awe of the one true God. In direct dimension to the character. Prose descriptions of symbolic
address to YHWH, v. 6 declares the greatness of the divine events that feature Jeremiah (chs. 13, 18, 19, 20:1-6) and
name and the fear owed to the true King of the nations (w. 6- poetic laments or 'confessions' of Jeremiah (11:18-12:6;
7). By contrast, the gods of the nations are stupid, human 15:10—21; 17:14—18; 18:18—23; 20:7—14) bring the prophet him-
productions (w. 8—9). These gods will perish (v. n), says the self into the foreground as a significant character who had
prose comment. The third stanza (w. 12-16) provides the barely been visible in chs. 2-10. These new elements show
reason for their demise. YHWH is the Creator whose wisdom him in action and portray his inner suffering.
 499 JEREMIAH
By the end of ch. 20, Jeremiah's fate and the fate of the 'listen' (w. 6—8), a failure of ancestors and of Jeremiah's con-
nation converge symbolically so that what happens to him temporaries (w. 9—13). In quid pro quo fashion, YHWH re-
evokes and mimics the suffering of the people. In this section fuses to listen to them, nor will the idols to whom they cry
Jeremiah represents both God and people. He stands as (w. 11-13). Not listening is all-pervasive, spreading like
prophet against the people who reject him, yet he symbolically vindictiveness on a playground. No one will listen to anyone,
embodies their grief, doubt, anger, and finally their hope (Polk and above all, YHWH will not listen to any word from
1984) once they are in exile. The community's rejection of Jeremiah on their behalf (v. 14).
Jeremiah contributes to the massive theodicy this book is Although the sermon's theme is simple, it contains a com-
building. By rejecting Jeremiah as prophet and covenant plex, artistic reperformance of Israel's history and serves as a
mediator the people bring the tragedy upon themselves. But comment upon the poetry that precedes it (Stulman 1995).
later, Jeremiah's suffering and lamentation become iconic of The cosmic battle already underway and the weeping that
the pain and hopelessness of the exilic audience. Finally, marks it are, according to this sermon, the result of covenant
disputation among voices, particularly between YHWH and infidelity by the insiders. Mosaic covenant language becomes
Jeremiah, intensifies, offering dissenting interpretations of another symbolic lens for interpreting the loss of the land.
the catastrophe. Other than 3:16, this is the first explicit mention of covenant in
(11:1—17) Covenant Curse In the book's second major prose the book (Carroll 1986: 267). The absence of blessings that
sermon, similar in language and style to the temple sermon usually accompany covenant curses underscores the inevit-
(7:1—8:3), Jeremiah announces a curse upon anyone 'who does ability of the disaster ahead (O'Connor 1988). But why does
not heed the words' of the Mosaic covenant (w. 3—4) (on the the sermon simply announce the curse as an unalterable
Deuteronomistic flavour of the sermon and for other views as course of events? From the perspective of the book's exilic
to the identity of the covenant, see Stulman 1986: 63-6 and audience, the disaster has already happened. The sermon
Carroll 1986: 267). If Jeremiah himself were the author of this blames it on covenant disloyalty of their ancestors, distant
sermon, then it would have prophesied the fall of the nation in and immediate. The implicit call to them as survivors is that
advance of events. If the sermon is the work of later followers they must hear and obey. Redactionally, the covenant sermon
of Jeremiah, then it would explain the nation's fall after the introduces chs. 11-20 within which the last appeals to 'turn'
fact. In either case, this sermon has one point and presents it are made to the nation and by the end of which the curse is
with astonishing simplicity: possession of the land hinges enacted.
entirely upon obedience to the covenant (v. 5). w. 15-17 are corrupt (see Holladay 1986: 354-6; Carroll
Like the temple sermon (7:1-8:3), the covenant sermon 1986: 272-4). As translated in the NRSV, however, their
demands that the people listen' to YHWH's voice (w. 4, 7- language and imagery reach both forwards and backwards.
8; cf 7:13, 23—6), and prohibits Jeremiah's intercession on YHWH's query about the beloved in v. 15 is echoed in his
behalf of the people (v. 14; cf. 7:16). The covenant sermon, challenge to the beloved in 12:7, creating a frame around the
however, describes the people's failure to listen in vague for- confession of Jeremiah in 11:8-12:6. YHWH's rebuke of her
mulaic terms different from those of the temple sermon activity in the temple sacrifice connects these verses with ch. 7,
which castigates the worshipping community for specific and the tree planted by YHWH evokes the planting language
social and religious infractions. By contrast, the covenant of Jeremiah's call (1:10) and the tree in Jeremiah's confession
sermon accuses the ancestors (w. 6-8) and the present gen- (11:19). Th£ green tree that YHWH planted will be destroyed,
eration (w. 9-13) of walking 'in the stubbornness of an evil as Jeremiah's enemies seek to destroy him. Linguistically,
will' (v. 8), and going after other gods to serve them (w. 10,12— these difficult verses link the prophet's fate to that of the
13). Both sermons, however, undercut fundamental symbolic nation.
understandings of ancient Israel. The temple sermon pro- (11:18-12:25) Lament and Response The first lament or 'con-
claims the end of the royal temple ideology, and the covenant fession' of Jeremiah (11:18-12:4; see also 15:1-21; 17:14-18;
sermon announces the collapse of the Mosaic covenant be- 18:18—23; 20:7—13) gains a divine response (12:5—6). Akin to
cause of human disloyalty. The covenant curse will fall upon psalms of individual lament in form and style (Baumgartner
them and Jeremiah is powerless to change it. 1987), these first-person prayers are more akin to psalms than
w. 1-5, narrated in solemn ritualistic fashion, the an- to prophetic literature. In each lament an unidentified
nouncement of the curse occurs in a prose dialogue between speaker addresses YHWH to complain bitterly about threats
God and Jeremiah. YHWH explains what will activate the to his life, acute loneliness and isolation, and failure in his
curse. It will fall upon those who disobey the covenant made prophetic role. Only by deduction or from prose comments is
with the ancestors brought from Egypt. The covenant for- it clear that the speaker is Jeremiah. Although many inter-
mula, T will be your God and you will be my people' (v. 4), preters find in the confessions a window into the inner life of
encapsulates the intimacy of covenant relationship and gains the prophet (von Rad 1984; Hubmann 1978; Ittmann 1981),
expression in YHWH's oath to give them a land 'flowing with the relationship of the poems to a historical person cannot be
milk and honey'. At stake in YHWH's pronouncement, there- known (see Gunneweg 1970; Gerstenberger 1963; Reventlow
fore, is the entire future of the community in the land. Jere- 1963). None the less, the poems' intense portrayals of the
miah's formal response, 'Amen' (v. 5, reading the Heb. prophet's inner life are immensely important on a number
literally) makes him legal witness to the solemn statement oflevels.
of the curse, w. 6-13 continue the divine speech, narrated by The confessions defend Jeremiah against the charge of
Jeremiah, that recounts the nation's history as a failure to false prophecy (on which see Meyer 1977, Carroll 1981:
JEREMIAH 500

158-97). Like the call narrative (Jer i), the confessions portray it protests the suffering of the innocent and implicates God in
Jeremiah as one who spoke under divine compulsion, who that suffering. What is uncertain is who the innocent are.
stood in the council of YHWH to receive the message, and Surely it is Jeremiah, but for the exilic audience, it may appear
who faithfully executed his role as mediator at immense cost that their suffering is out of proportion to their guilt. In that
(Diamond 1987; O'Connor 1988). In potent language that case, Jeremiah the rejected prophet also becomes the para-
portrays an inner anguished self, the confessions also portray digm of the innocent sufferer (Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard
Jeremiah in combat both with God whose word he speaks and 1991; Polk 1984), struggling to be faithful, yet uncompre-
with the people who reject that word. Identified with both God hending. The primary issue in these verses is divine justice.
and people, yet distinct from them, Jeremiah embodies the The prominence of this theme evokes the conditions of exile
pain and anger of both. By revealing an inner life, by 'going where theodicy became the central theological question (Car-
behind' the character into internal struggles, the confessions roll 1986; Raitt 1977). YHWH's reply to the prophet (12:5-6)
help create a character whose life symbolizes his message indicates that things will become harder before they improve.
(Polk 1984: 125). Whatever else it is, Jeremiah's life is a meta- Treachery, conflict, and betrayal will continue in their midst,
phor of the pain of God and of the people. For the implied and no satisfactory explanation of their suffering emerges.
audience in exile, Jeremiah's life, with its anger and resist- (12:7-13) YHWH's Lament YHWH continues to speak, first
ance, its suffering and captivity, is a symbol that interprets in a tone of'exhausted grief (Brueggemann 1988: 115), and
their reality. then of destructive rage. In love language that suggests the
(11:18—12:6) presents formal problems, for it is not certain broken marriage of 2:1-3:25, YHWH announces that he has
whether the verses comprise one (O'Connor 1988) or two forsaken his heritage (nahdld, w. 7, 8; Habel 1995; Clements
confessions (11:18—23 an(^ 12:1—6; Diamond 1987; Smith 1988: 84), the beloved of his heart (cf 11:14). His heritage has
1990). In the present text, however, the two parts of the again gone wild like the animals. Sexual overtones are absent
poem form two panels of complaint (11:18-20 and 12:1-4) here, but the turn in the relationship is no less shocking than
and response (11:21—3 an(^ 12:4—6) that interpret and nuance was the beloved's behaviour in the marriage. 'Therefore I hate
one another as a single composition (Hubmann 1978: 165— her', says YHWH, who calls for the animals to devour her
78). 11:18-23 °Pens with an unidentified voice. The speaker (w. 8-9). In w. 10-13 YHWH continues to speak, but the
uses yada' (to know), a covenant verb of intimate relationship object of indictment shifts from the beloved to the many
(O'Connor 1988: 90—1), but he does not divulge the content of shepherds of the vineyard. Their destructiveness (w. 10—na)
what YHWH has revealed to him (11:18). The point is that the and fruitless actions (v. 13) frame the mourning of the
prophet speaks on the authority of relationship with YHWH. personified land, desolate, uncared for, and abandoned (v. n).
The speaker is an innocent lamb led to the slaughter'. He YHWH's sword devours (v. 12).
quotes enemies who want to cut him down like a tree (11:19); Like Jeremiah, YHWH also voices pain and fierce anger
he appeals to YHWH, who 'judge[s] righteously', to judge his (v. 13) but in this case provoked by the intimate betrayal of a
case (rib). A prose voice interrupts the poet to identify the loved one, who 'has lifted up her voice against me', and by the
enemies as people from Jeremiah's home town, to explain feckless leadership of kings. The language of betrayed love
why they attack him, and to promise their punishment (11:15 and w- 7—8) surrounds Jeremiah's more cautious anger
(11:21-3). in a rhetorical battle between prophet and deity. YHWH's
The second panel (12:1-6) reuses images and themes from betrayal by the beloved, the most intimate of treacheries, is
the first but inverts them. No longer confident that justice will certain. Jeremiah merely asks indirectly if YHWH has
be done, Jeremiah doubts his success in a legal case (rib) betrayed him (12:1—2). Jeremiah's meek rebellion holds its
against YHWH (12:1). Why, Jeremiah asks, do 'the guilty ground but not without encroachment from the more justi-
prosper' and the 'treacherous thrive?' And Jeremiah answers fied divine fury.
his own question: because YHWH plants and nourishes them
(12:14-17) YHWH continues speaking, but now in prose and
(12:2). Jeremiah protests his innocence and claims that
in a temporal shift to the exile. YHWH corrects the previous
YHWH knows (yadcf) his innocence as well. He asks for
poems and looks toward the future (Craigie, Kelley, and Drin-
vengeance against his enemies in terms that echo their plans
kard 1991: 183). With language from the call narrative (1:10),
for him in 11:19. Then he shifts to the cosmic consequence of
YHWH promises to 'pluck up' those who touch his inherit-
their evil, 'How long will the land mourn?' (12:4), recalling the
ance (nahdld). From amongst those plucked nations, YHWH
poetic uncreation of the world (4:23—8), as the land shrivels
will 'pluck up' Israel to return them to their inheritance. For
and grieves with Jeremiah. YHWH's response to Jeremiah's
the nations, too, there is hope, if they will learn to swear by
attack against divine justice brings neither resolution nor
YHWH's name. If they will not listen, a major theme of the
comfort (12:5—6). Instead, YHWH promises that things will
prose materials, then YHWH will 'uproot and destroy'. This
get worse. Like 11:21—3, I2:^ personalizes the escalating diffi-
prose comment, therefore, qualifies YHWH's rage, hatred,
culties for Jeremiah. Even his own family is treacherous.
and destruction from 12:7—13.
This confession invites interpretation at more than one
level. As a defence of the prophet, Jeremiah's resistance in- (13:1—27) Symbolic Acts Connections among the prose and
dicates that YHWH alone has designated him a prophet. As poetry sections collected here are neither narrative nor formal
an indictment of the wicked, even his own kin, it shows that but thematic; destruction must come on account of the na-
the people bring sword and famine upon themselves by re- tion's foolish pride. The certainty of destruction is expressed
jecting the prophet (11:22). As an attack on the justice of God, by Jeremiah's first 'symbolic action' (w. i—n), by a second
 501 JEREMIAH
an
symbolic act to be performed by the people (w. 12-14), d by sage seems to describe Judah's punishment for its pride (13:9).
poetic pieces that announce the exile. It blames the national catastrophe on Judah, but it also places
Symbolic acts are dramatized speech that involve more the fall within divine punishment of the nations by leading
than the drama of street theatre (Carroll 1986: 293-7). Within forward to 25:15-29 where all the nations drink of the same
ancient Israel symbolic prophetic acts were understood as cup of destruction.
enacted speech forms that embody the divine plan (Overholt (13:15—19) Attack and Exile These verses explicate YHWH's
1989: 86—91). Many of the book's narratives portray Jeremiah announcement, 'I will not have pity...' (13:14). Announce-
engaging in symbolic acts (16:1-4; ^9-^-2; 25:15-29; 27:1-3; ments of exile and divine commands (w. 15-16, 18, 20) unify
32:1-15; 43:8-13: 51:59-64), but others also perform acts for the verses, w. 15-19, Jeremiah orders the people to listen (v. 15)
Jeremiah to interpret (13:12—14; 18:1—n; 51:59—64). Compet- and announces the consequences of not listening (v. 17). By
ing claimants to divine authority use symbolic acts to cancel contrast with YHWH who has no compassion (13:14), Jere-
Jeremiah's message (28:10-11; 36:20-4; Lundbom 1995:191). miah will weep bitterly for their pride and captivity (v. 17). The
So many narratives in Jeremiah describe events and deeds rife king and queen mother must become lowly' for the attack is
with symbolic meanings that the symbolic act as a specific underway and the towns of the Negeb are cut off (w. 18—19).
genre of prophetic literature becomes a blurred category (cf
(13:20^7) Zion's Rape This poem addresses personified Jeru-
20:1-6; 35:1-19). What seems important to note is that the
salem and returns to the theme of the cosmic battle, here
ancient world, and some contemporary cultures, ascribe to
imagined in terms of a rape. YHWH warns Jerusalem to look
events far more revelatory significance than do Western
because the enemy from the north advances. (See Holladay
'scientific' cultures.
1986: 411 on gender of pronouns.) Rhetorical questions high-
(13:1—11) The Ruined Loincloth Two major problems bedevil light Zion's plight and her guilt (w. 20—3). As in the broken-
interpretation of this passage. The first is the difficulty in marriage metaphor (2:19), YHWH quotes speech he im-
determining the event's location and historical status. Be- agines she might say. If she asks herself why these things
cause the Euphrates is a great distance away from Jerusalem, have happened to her, he tells her it is because of her own sin
it becomes hard to imagine Jeremiah actually performing the that she is raped (v. 22). She cannot help herself (v. 23). Then
act. Some interpreters, therefore, emend the text to name a in one of the most horrible lines in the book, YHWH tells her,
site near Jerusalem or understand the narrative as entirely T myself will lift up your skirts over your face' (v. 26). Her rape
fictional. The problems are unresolvable (Condamin 1920: is punishment in kind for her animal-like adulteries (v. 27).
114—17; Holladay 1986: 396; Carroll 1986). Rape as a metaphor for military invasion is widespread (Wash-
The second, equally thorny problem concerns the meaning ington and Gordon 1995) in the ancient and modern world.
of the symbolic action. Jeremiah narrates the story in the first Here it is particularly awful because YHWH is credited with
person and describes his obedient responses to a sequence of the deed (O'Connor 1992). Zion learns how truly without
divine commands that result in the burial and disintegration compassion and pity YHWH can be.
of a loincloth (w. 1-6). Apart from portraying him as an (14:1—22) Drought and Wound Various possibilities exist for
obedient servant, the action itself is nearly opaque. Who or dividing the chapter on formal and thematic grounds (Carroll
what is being buried and destroyed? If Euphrates is the loca- 1986: 307-8). Many commentators find two communal lam-
tion of the event, then the text suggests that the exiles, sym- ents, one on the drought (w. i—16) and one on the wounds of
bolized by the loincloth and buried in Babylon, are ruined by war (w. 17—22), with thematic and formal links between the
the experience. The symbolic act, then, might be a critique of two (w. 9, 22; Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard 1991: 200). Some
the exilic community, ruined in their captivity. Or, since bury- see the drought and the war materials as referring to two
ing a cloth by a river will undoubtedly destroy it, the act could separate historical catastrophes, but the two panels of poetry
stand as a protest against YHWH's abandonment and neglect (w. i—10 and 17—22) interpret one another (Holladay 1986:
of the community by burying them in exile. But the interpret- 422) and speak of the same subject alternately imagined as
ative speech that follows (w. 8—n) suppresses both these meteorological and military events. Despite possible connec-
possibilities. What is being buried and destroyed is the pride tions to an actual drought, the drought serves as a metaphor
of Judah and Jerusalem (v. 9). Because they would not listen for the shattering of the nation in the cosmic battle and the
and because they followed other gods, Israel and Judah have uncreation of the world associated with it.
failed to realize their true identity (w. 10—n; Brueggemann Both communal laments contain confessions of sin (w. 7,
1991: 121—3). They are utterly useless. 20) and statements of loyal praise (w. 8—9, 22). The latter
(13:12—14) The Wine-Jars A second symbolic and equally de- dramatize the voice of the implied exilic audience, children of
structive event follows, though it is not Jeremiah but YHWH the unfaithful wife of YHWH (3:22-5; 10:1-16; McKane 1986
and the people, presumably of Judah and Jerusalem, who will also places these prayers in exile). The purpose of these litur-
perform the future act. And it is not Jeremiah but YHWH who gical pieces is to invite the audience to repent and to find in
interprets that act in a divinely scripted conversation. Jere- YHWH their only hope (w. 8, 22). Wedged between the two
miah's role is to mediate between the two parties. The filling of panels of poetry is prose material (w. 11-16) that explains the
the wine-jars does not, as expected, symbolize feasting and joy cause of grief and lamentation as the consequence of the
but drunkenness. The people's forced drunkenness leads to prophets' false discernment of reality (Brueggemann 1988:
self-destruction of all the land's inhabitants, particularly royal 128). Together the laments summon the exilic community to
and religious leadership (v. 13). YHWH will neither spare nor learn from the disaster and repent, while simultaneously
have compassion. By its juxtaposition with 13:1-11, this pas- moving the narrative thread of the book towards the disaster.
JEREMIAH 502

w. i-io, an undated superscription identifies the setting of (15:1—16:21) No Future, Yet a Future 15:1—4 parallels 14:11—12
the poem and chapter as a drought (v. i), but more than the in its expression of divine rejection of Jeremiah's intercession.
absence of rain threatens the community. Israel has forsaken In another defence of Jeremiah as a true mediator foiled in
the 'fountain of living waters' and dug their own cisterns, preventing disaster by divine command, the prose commen-
broken cisterns that cannot hold water (2:13; 17:13). The tator announces that no mediation would work, not even by
drought symbolizes the consequences of Israel's infidelity Moses or Samuel. The people's fate is sealed. Terms of catas-
(Jer 4:27—8; 12:4; 23:10; O'Connor 1988: 20). A third-person trophe are less mythic than in chs. 2—10 where the foe from
narrator describes the drought's impact (w. 2-6). Animals, the north was advancing upon Jerusalem. In chs. 11-20 the
humans, and the earth suffer together. Affliction binds every- foe appears only in 13:20. Instead, the modes of tragedy
one from nobles to servants (v. 3; Brueggemann 1988). In become more realistically precise: pestilence and sword, fam-
first-person plural forms, w. 7—9 introduce the voice of the ine and captivity (15:2; 11:22; 14:15; 21:8), as well as unburied
people. They confess their sin and petition YHWH for help in bodies (14:16). The destroyers are no longer a mythic army
repentant and humble terms. It is YHWH's distance and whose noise can be heard from afar, but the sword that kills
inaction that perplexes them. 'Why should you be like a and the beasts and birds that scavenge upon corpses (15:3).
stranger... like someone confused, like a mighty warrior Nor is it the people who are held responsible here, but former
who cannot give help?' (w. 8-9). They confess their loyalty, King Manasseh (2 Kings 21:10-15). Clements (1988: 94-6)
none the less, and beg YHWH not to forsake them. discusses the dislike of Manasseh shared by the book of
Interpreted as a pre-exilic text, this first panel of lament Jeremiah and the Deuteronomistic history.
implies that the community finally expresses repentance, but
(15:5-9) Divine Lament YHWH grieves over doomed Jerusa-
it is insincere or too late (McConville 1993: 68). As an exilic
lem with a poignant rhetorical question that brings readers
text however, the poem raises a theological phantom that
into divine anguish and portrays Jerusalem's pitiful isolation
haunted the defeated nation. Where is God in their pain? Is
(v. 5). The subject of YHWH's lament is divine reluctance to
God absent, confused, powerless? By giving exiles dramatic
destroy the city, described after the fact. Personified Jerusalem
voice, the poem models how the exilic community should
is abandoned, but as pathetic as her condition is, she has
respond to the crisis. The speakers confess their sins and
brought it upon herself in a now familiar complaint against
turn to YHWH, their hope (v. 8). But YHWH rejects their
her. She rejected him, so he destroyed her (v. 6). YHWH and
repentance (w. 10—n), switching back from the world of the
female Jerusalem cannot yet be reconciled (see Jer 2:1-3:25).
reader to the pre-exilic world. Repentance is too late; punish-
He alone puts effort into the relationship and is 'weary of
ment will come. w. 11-16 remain in a pre-exilic time-frame,
relenting' (v. 6). Although the poem does not comfort Jerusa-
but they too address issues of exile. The first prose comment
lem, it invites pity for her (w. 7—9). In a reversal of promises to
(w. 11—12) prohibits Jeremiah's mediation on behalf of the
Abraham and Sarah (v. 8), Jerusalem's widows and childless
people no matter what liturgical rite they offer. Prohibition
mothers augur the death of the nation, for they have no off-
of Jeremiah's intercession defends him against accusations of
spring to create a future.
failed prophecy (Wilson 1989). His mediation did not fail; it
was not even permitted, because YHWH had already decided (15:10—21) Jeremiah's Lament The juxtaposition of Jeremiah's
to send the invasion. The second prose comment (w. 13-16) second confession with YHWH's lament over Jerusalem cre-
derides speech of prophets who invent their word, send them- ates subtle interactions between them. As YHWH doomed
selves, and by contrast to Jeremiah, promise salom 'in this the mothers to childlessness (15:9), Jeremiah's mother
place' (v. 13). Two prophetic views of reality compete, but it is doomed him to a life of suffering by giving him birth (v. 10).
clear which one should be chosen—the Jeremianic interpret- Prophetic anguish (v. 18) replaces divine weariness (15:6).
ation of the tragedy. Jeremiah's lament identifies him with grieving YHWH by
w. 17—22, this second lament panel also ridicules religious defending Jeremiah's prophecy as divinely imposed. But the
leadership (v. 18) and resumes the theme of weeping over confession also identifies Jeremiah with the people against
destroyed daughter Zion. YHWH commands Jeremiah to God (Polk 1984; McConville 1993). Jeremiah's confession is
express the divine 'pathos' (Seybold 1993: 134) at the destruc- an act of protest in which he embodies the questions of the
tion of virgin daughter Jerusalem who has been struck in war exiles even as he complains about his people (v. 15). He chal-
with a mortal wound (w. 17—18; cf. 13:20—7). The people cry lenges divine governance of the universe and ultimately
out again (w. 19-22) to continue their protest against charges YHWH with the destruction of daughter Jerusalem
YHWH's neglect of them. The implied audience faces its (Diamond 1987: 78). He suffers unjustly, his wound is incur-
catastrophe and asks if YHWH hates Zion, why YHWH able, YHWH has abandoned him, and if he repents (sub,
has struck them, why there is no healing. For their part, v. 19), he will be delivered from 'the hand of the wicked' (v. 21).
they accept their sin and the sins of their ancestors and w. 10—14 are problematic on textual and formal grounds,
beg YHWH to remember the covenant (v. 20). Unlike and many earlier commentators excised verses (Diamond
YHWH the idols cannot bring rain; YHWH is their only 1987; O'Connor 1988; Hubmann 1978: 245; Ittmann 1981:
hope (v. 22). 44—9). These prose verses introduce the confession, however,
Although this chapter and other communal liturgical frag- by showing Jeremiah's resistance to a prophetic vocation im-
ments in the book have often been seen as secondary, they posed on him from before birth (v. 10, see 1:5). They distin-
play a key role in bringing the audience into the Jeremianic guish him from false prophets from whom he did not borrow,
programme for the nation's renewal. (For post-exilic dating, and in YHWH's voice, they restate the certainty of exile (w. 13—
see Biddle 1996: 97-8.) 14).
 5°3 JEREMIAH
This confession begins like the previous one (11:18). Jere- dence in the land ofthe north will not be permanent for the
miah reminds YHWH of divine knowledge (yadcfta) and God of the exodus will return them to their land in the
appeals for justice against persecutors (v. 15). He fears divine unspecified future. By retrieving the Exodus tradition, the
tolerance will result in disaster for himself. He claims to be so text imaginatively links the audience's captivity to bondage
identified with the divine words that he ate them, and they in Egypt. God will again bring them to their land. w. 16—18
became his joy (v. 16). By choice, he faced extreme loneliness return to the theme of exile and stress its inescapability.
for the sake of his vocation (v. 17). Then, trapped and betrayed, YHWH will send fisherfolk and hunters to drag off idolaters
he asks, 'Why is my pain unceasing?' He answers his own who have polluted the land and filled YHWH's inheritance
question with anguished accusation of YHWH who is 'a (nahdld) with abominations.
deceitful brook.. .waters that fail' (v. 18). Jeremiah himself In w. 19—20, a first-person liturgical voice breaks into div-
experiences abandonment like daughter Zion (15:5) and ine speech to address YHWH in loyalty and confidence
blames YHWH because Jeremiah is innocent. YHWH re- (v. igc). 'Our ancestors have inherited (nhl) nothing but lies'
sponds (w. 19-21) by inviting him to return (sub, 3:12, 14; (v. 19). Again the liturgical voice brings the implied audience
4:2). If he is faithful to his prophetic mission, he will remain into the text and provides them with a model of repentance.
YHWH's spokesperson, and though enemies fight against They proclaim the gathering of all nations around YHWH and
him, YHWH will deliver him (w. 20-1). the futility of idols (v. 20). YHWH's response in v. 21 ignores
This many-levelled poem depicts Jeremiah as a person who the people's praise and repentance to interpret suffering as
suffers because of his undesired prophetic vocation. It shows pedagogy that will at last succeed despite the people's recalci-
him to be a true prophet of YHWH, rejected by his own trance. The entire chapter defends YHWH from charges of
people. His persecution and sense of divine abandonment, injustice.
however, resemble the suffering of the exiles, and the invita- (17:1-27) True Worship Many voices combine in this chapter.
tion for him to repent repeats the book's frequent invitation YHWH speaks in prose accusation (w. 1—4) and wisdom
and expression of repentance voiced by the implied audience. sayings (w. 5—11). The people speak in liturgical praise
YHWH's promise to deliver Jeremiah from the 'ruthless' (w. 12-13), Jeremiah speaks in his third confession (w. 14-
(v. 21), therefore, implies hope for the audience. 18), and then speaks on behalf of YHWH in a prose sermon on
(16:1-21) Jeremiah's Celibacy Ch. 16 is divine speech related proper sabbath decorum (w. 19—27). Most commentators
largely in prose by Jeremiah. It opens with an account of view the chapter as a miscellaneous collection (Diamond
Jeremiah's celibacy and its interpretation (w. 1—9). w. 10—21 1987: 165), but recent scholarship has begun to locate unify-
comprise four units that raise the question of theodicy (w. 10- ing features. Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard (1991) find a
13), promise restoration (w. 14-15), reiterate promises of exile chiastic structure in w. 1—13, and Polk (1984: 143—50) identi-
(w. 16—18), express communal repentance in poetry (w. 19— fies links between w. 1—13 and 14—18. Viewed synchronically,
20), and end with a divine threat (v. 21). The chapter gives the ch. 17 contains a collection of prose and poetic voices that
impression of a conversation among many voices debating attack false worship (w. 1-4), exemplify proper worship
the meaning of exile, all presented through divine speech. (w. 12—13, J 4— J 8), and display attitudes ofthe heart (leb, w. i,
w. 1—9, Smith (1990: 36) believes the superscription in v. i 5, 9) that underlie worship (w. 5—11).
introduces a new unit, but the verse's purpose is merely to The text of w. 1—4 is corrupt (Holladay 1986: 484) and its
underscore divine origins of Jeremiah's celibacy. YHWH's genre uncertain (prose, NRSV; poetry, NEB), but the general
command that Jeremiah neither marry nor beget children import ofthe verses is clear. Israel's sin has been written (k-t-b,
(v. 2) embellishes Jeremiah's complaint of social isolation in see v. 13) with unusually hard and precise instruments and
15:17. The prophet's celibacy is symbolic action akin to the engraved ineradicably on heart and altar (v. i). The horns of
burying oftheloincloth (13:1-11). Jeremiah's spouseless, child- the altar, symbols of cultic protection (Carroll 1989: 349), here
less life announces Judah's fate and continues his character- signify sins of idolatrous worship (v. 2). The people have
ization as a symbol ofthe people's plight. Life in the land is provoked YHWH's fierce anger, so they will lose their heritage
over; there is no future. In the picture that unfolds here, all (nahdld) and go into exile (w. 3-4).
remnants of communal and domestic life cease, w. 3-4 de- w. 5-8 contain a poem of two stanzas with strong resem-
scribe the fate of children and parents who die of sword, blances to Ps i, a wisdom psalm (Holladay 1962), recast in
famine, and disease, unlamented and unburied. The scene Deuteronomistic terms of covenant blessing and curse (Polk
resembles the aftermath of battle with corpses littered every- 1984:145) and put in YHWH's mouth. In an unusual arrange-
where. The world has become utterly silent. There will be no ment, curse precedes blessing (cf. Ps i). Those who are cursed
mourning rituals, no feasting. There will no sound of mirth or trust what is human and turn from YHWH. Although the
gladness, no voice of bride or bridegroom (w. 5—9). Jeremiah's poem does not mention idols explicitly, the attitude of the
celibacy signifies the total obliteration of daily domestic life. cursed heart (leb) is idolatrous (v. 5). People with such a heart
w. 10-13 ask me questions that lie at the heart ofthe book will die from lack of life-giving water. By contrast, those who
and belong to the experience of exile: why has God done this to trust in YHWH will flourish like a tree planted by water (w. 7-
us? What is our sin? In Deuteronomistically phrased prose, 8). w. 9—11, YHWH adds comments in proverbial wisdom
the answer is clear and familiar. They and their ancestors style on the mysterious and devious nature of the human
betrayed YHWH by following other gods and breaking torn. heart. YHWH, Just Judge, tests and searches the heart and
This is why they are hurled out. w. 14-15 interrupt threats of dispenses justice. The language of v. 10 plays upon and
exile to announce hope to the implied audience. Their resi- reinterprets Jeremiah's first confession (12:1—4) whgre hg
JEREMIAH 504

protests divine injustice and asks YHWH to test his heart (kb) see the passage as a post-exiJic addition (CarroJJ 1986) because
and estabJish his innocence (12:3). YHWH meets Jeremiah's sabbath-keeping marked post-exiJic Jife, but it may aJso have
demand (v. 10) by announcing a reversaJ of fortunes for the characterized Jife in exiJe (von Rad 1965: 79-84). The king's
unjust (v. n, cf. v. 3). triumphant entrance through the city gates and the unifica-
w. 12-13, ^e divine promise brings forth praise from the tion of IsraeJ in common worship were sureJy an exiJic hope.
congregation (Craigie, KeJJey, and Drinkard 1991: 230). Text (18:1—20:18) Captivity These chapters are more closely woven
and transJation are difficuJt (O'Connor 1988; Diamond 1987), than previous units in chs. 11-20 (O'Connor 1988; Diamond
but the communaJ JiturgicaJ voice, in form and Janguage 1987; Smith 1990: 56-60; CarroJJ 1986: 371) and form the
simiJar to other communaJ Jiturgies in the book, gives expres- cJimax of the first haJf of the book (Jer 1—25). Symbolic events
sion to the impJied exiJic audience. The praise casts them as and their sermonic interpretations (18:1—12; 19:1—15; 20:1—6),
the bJessed who trust in YHWH (w. 7—8), their miqweh, mean- a divine Jament (18:13/7-17), laments of Jeremiah (18:18-23;
ing both 'hope' (see 14:8, 22) and 'pooJ' (HoJJaday 1986: 502). 20:7-13), and a curse of his birth (20:14-18) create a symbolic
Their praise (v. 13) Jinks them with the tree pJanted by the narrative with multiple meanings. Jeremiah visits the potter
water (w. 7—8) and with the ones who seek the fountain of whose work serves as a simiJe for divine power and occasions
Jiving water (v. 13). They curse those, once among them, who the final invitation to repent before the catastrophe. The
have forsaken the fountain of Jiving water (see 2:13). Those peopJe adamantly refuse to repent (18:12). God laments in
enemies wiJJ be recorded (written: k-t-b) in the underworJd horror and dismay (18:13—27); Jeremiah begs for fulfilment of
(v. 13; see 17:1). The cursed ones may suggest internaJ enemies the word (18:19—23) and breaks the potter's jug to signify the
or perhaps the previous generation whose infideJityJedto exiJe. nation's imminent destruction (19:1-14). BabyJon appears by
w. 14-18, Jeremiah's confession; next in the sequence of name for the first time as the mythic foe from the north,
speakers, Jeremiah is at once distinct from, and identified concretized as a reaJ historicaJ invader. Just as BabyJon is
with, the suffering audience. His tone changes from his earJ- about to capture Jerusalem, Jeremiah is imprisoned in the
ier one where he chaJJenged YHWH's fideJity and was urged tempJe and released. He utters his final confession in vindica-
to 'turn' (15:10-21). Instead of continuing the chaJJenge here, tion (20:7-13) and then curses his birth (Jer 20:14-18). The
Jeremiah begs for heaJing and saJvation (v. 14). Like the peopJe covenant curse (11:1—13) ^as befallen the nation.
in w. 12—13, h£ trusts YHWH and exemplifies true worship: These chapters interpret the nation's faJJ as divine justice, a
'you are my praise' (v. 14). Like the peopJe, he is wounded and deserved punishment after relentless efforts by YHWH and
in need of heaJing, and Jike them, he has enemies (v. 15) upon Jeremiah to evoke repentance. Within the horizon of the
whom he wishes vengeance (v. 18). But the prophet's chief impJied exiJic audience, however, the course of events offers
compJaint aJso separates him from the peopJe and identifies a gJint of hope. YHWH is not implacable. If they repent,
him with YHWH. He has been a faithfuJ prophet whose divine building and planting are possible for their God is
enemies doubt his word (v. 15). He pJeads for the persecution God of aJJ nations (18:8-9). Jeremiah's own beating and im-
of his persecutors. Jeremiah is a modeJ worshipper and in- prisonment does not end in death but in release and in the
nocent sufferer who seeks refuge and justice from YHWH proclamation of praise for YHWH who 'delivered the Jife of
(w. 17—18). Within the book's pre-exiJic narrative movement the needy from the hands of evildoers' (Jer 20:13).
towards the faJJ of the nation, his request for vengeance wiJJ
resuJt in the destruction of his peopJe. For the impJied (18:1-12) The Potter's Hand YHWH commands Jeremiah to
audience aJready in exiJe, however, the confession invites go to the potter's house where the potter, not Jeremiah, per-
whoJehearted repentance as exemplified by Jeremiah's forms a symbolic action (w. 1—4) that Jeremiah interprets in
prayerfuJ attitude. his sermon (w. 5-11). The event itseJf is rife with metaphoricaJ
w. 19-27, the sabbath sermon: Jeremiah delivers this prose connotations that vividly portray divine power. YHWH's hand
sermon as divine speech that appears to undermine earJier and the potter's hand have symmetricaJ capabilities. Both can
parts of the book (4:4; 7:1—8:3). Proper sabbath behaviour, destroy their own creations at wiJJ (w. 4, 6b). As the potter can
rather than attitudes of heart, itseJf becomes a sign of obedi- crush the pot, so YHWH can destroy a nation or kingdom
ence to YHWH. YHWH demands negativeJy that the peopJe (v. 7). But YHWH's threat of destruction is conditionaJ; repent-
refrain from carrying a burden or working on the sabbath, and ance and obedience wiJJ induce YHWH to buiJd and pJant
positively that they sanctify the sabbath (w. 21—2, 24, 27). instead of destroying (w. 9—11). The sermon concludes with
FaiJure to keep sabbath Jaw wiJJ cause Jerusalem's destruction YHWH's direct appeal to the nation: 'Turn now... from your
(v. 27), whereas keeping it wiJJ bring Davidic ruJe and the evil way' (v. n). But the peopJe repjy, 'It is no use!' (v. 12).
reunification of IsraeJ as a worshipping community in Jeru- Narratively, their emphatic refusal sets in motion further
saJem (w. 25—6). symbolic events.
In contrast to the tempJe sermon (Jer 7), this passage spe- (18:13-17) Divine Lament YHWH's lamentation is not grief-
cifies proper cuJtic behaviour, but Jike the tempJe sermon and stricken but angry and appalled. Who can imagine behaviour
other prose passages (11:1—14; I3:I~I4; 16:1—13; 18:1—12; 19:1— Jike that of virgin IsraeJ? (v. 13). YHWH's peopJe, who are
15), the central requirement is to listen' (17:23, 24, 27; Brueg- portrayed Jike the wife in 2:1-3:25, have forgotten him and
gemann 1988: 160). The sabbath sermon interprets Jerusa- gone after faJse gods (v. 15). As a resuJt of their behaviour the
lem's faJJ as a failure to obey, evidenced by breaking the Jand wiJJ become a horrifying example to others; they wiJJ go
sabbath. But the sermon is more concerned about the future into exiJe. YHWH wiJJ turn from them and be beyond impre-
than about the past. Restoration of monarchy and city hinges cation, beyond sympathy, beyond helping. For the exiJic audi-
on obedience to sabbath torn (O'Connor 1988: 141-3). Many ence, this poem may convey their experience of God's
 5°5 JEREMIAH
absence, but it does not accuse God of abuse. It implies, message (v. i) and abuses YHWH's messenger (v. 2; O'Con-
instead, that God acted justly in scattering them before the nor 1988: 145); thus Pashur signifies the nation's total rejec-
enemy. tion of the divine word, and with great irony, he shows his
(18:18—23) Jeremiah's fourth confession corresponds to the disdain within the temple itself. As a consequence, he and all
spirit of YHWH's lament in the preceding poem. Like his allies will fall by the sword, go into captivity in Babylon,
YHWH, Jeremiah has given up on the people after trying to and lose their wealth (w. 4—6). It is remarkable that the text
avert divine wrath from them (v. 2ob). Like YHWH, Jeremiah names Babylon only now: in chs. 2—10, the threat came from
has been rejected by the people (w. 20, 22, 23). And like the mythic 'enemy from m
the north', advancing for cosmic
YHWH, Jeremiah now wants war and its appalling conse- battle. In chs. 11—19, e enemy was less mythic, described
quences to come upon his enemies (w. 21-2). He begs by metonymy as sword, famine, pestilence, and captivity, but
YHWH not to forgive, not to blot out their sin: 'deal with without historical specificity. In w. 4-6 Babylon is mentioned
them while you are angry' (v. 23). Jeremiah's fourth lament, four times. Historical identification has replaced mythic and
therefore, moves the larger narrative thread of the book for- poetic allusions.
wards. In the scene at the potter's house, the people decisively Whereas Pashur represents both the people in their rejec-
refuse the final invitation to listen (18:12). Then both YHWH tion of the prophet and the religious leaders who have led the
and Jeremiah utter laments that propel the narrative towards people astray by prophesying falsely (v. 6), Jeremiah also
invasion by the still unnamed but no longer mythical enemy. represents more than the rejected prophet. Except for Jere-
They are of one mind; YHWH must act now. miah's confessions (11:18—12:6; 15:10—21; 17:14—18; 18:18—23;
At the same time, Jeremiah's confession marks him again 20:7-13) and the call narrative (1:3-19), this is the first passage
as the innocent sufferer, one trapped by enemies who dug a pit that portrays Jeremiah as a suffering prophet. Here his fate
to ensnare him (w. 20,22, 23). They entrap him because ofhis parallels that ofhis people; he is beaten and taken captive just
fidelity to the prophetic mission that he long resisted. He is a as they will be, and he is released as they ultimately will be.
true prophet who does not send himself or speak for himself. Jeremiah's suffering and release portends their own. His
If the implied audience is exilic, however, more is suggested in captivity symbolizes their captivity and offers a glimpse of
this portrayal. Jeremiah is the model of the faithful sufferer survival (McConville 1993; Polk 1984).
who, like his people, is entrapped by plots to destroy his life w. 7—18, unlike Jeremiah's previous confessions, the final
and who turns to YHWH for justice against enemies. one is unaccompanied by divine speech. In ch. 20, YHWH
does not speak because he has spoken insistently throughout
(19:1—15) The Broken Jug The story about the smashing of the the first twenty chapters either directly or through the prophet
potter's jug combines prose sermon and symbolic event to (but see von Rad 1984). In the symbolic accomplishment of
drive the book inexorably towards Jerusalem's destruction the prophetic word, YHWH withdraws from the scene.
(v. 15). The chapter responds to Jeremiah's request for ven- The literary limits of Jeremiah's confession are much dis-
geance (18:18—23) and completes the punishment threatened puted. Many interpreters include w. 14-18 in the confession
in 18:13-17 and throughout the book thus far. Rather than as a second complaint (von Rad 1936). Formally, however,
narrate the actual invasion of the city (21:1-10; 39:1-10; they curse the prophet's birth and create an indusio with the
52:1—27), the text portrays it symbolically. YHWH commands covenant curse (11:1-17; O'Connor 1988; Craigie, Kelley, and
Jeremiah to break the jug in front of the power structure of Drinkard 1991). Without w. 14-18, Jeremiah's confession
elders and priests (w. 1-2; Brueggemann 1988: 167) to con- contains all the elements of a conventional lament: complaint
stitute the event as a legal act. YHWH then orders the invasion (w. 7—10), statement of assurance (v. n), petition (v. 12), and
to be enacted symbolically. The jug's destruction signifies and praise (v. 13; O'Connor 1988; Baumgartner 1987: 19-38).
embodies the smashing of the nation (v. 10; Carroll 1986: Jeremiah accuses YHWH of enticing and overpowering, of
386-7; O'Connor 1988: 144). The community's offences are seducing and raping him (v. 7; Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard
cultic (see 13:1-11 and 7:1-8:3). Leaders and people alike have 1991; O'Connor 1988; Diamond 1987). He complains again
forsaken YHWH, profaned 'this place' and gone after the of rejection and mockery (w. 7^-8). In anguish, he decides to
baals. They have killed the innocent and sacrificed children stop speaking, but he cannot withhold the fire in his bones
(w. 4-5). Invasion by those 'who seek their life' (w. 7, 9), (v. 9). He quotes his enemies who call him the same name he
therefore, will yield equally hideous results. Corpses will gave Pashur, magor missabib, 'terror all around' (20:3). His
remain unburied; the city will be a horror (cf. 18:16); its people enemies use the same verbs against him that he used to
will become cannibals (w. 7—9). A familiar accusation of the accuse God of trickery; they want to 'entice' him and to 'pre-
prose material concludes the chapter; the people refused to vail' over him (v. n). But then Jeremiah remembers that
hear YHWH's word (v. 15). The end has come. YHWH is with him, a 'dread warrior'. His enemies will not
(20:1—18) Imprisonment In w. i—6 the chief priest Pashur 'prevail' (v. n; cf. 15:20). His petition for vengeance appeals to
beats Jeremiah and imprisons him in the stocks at the temple God who tests and sees (v. 12, cf. 12:4). The confession closes
gate. Pashur's release of Jeremiah the next morning serves as with a statement of praise in which Jeremiah confidently
the occasion for Jeremiah's brief prose sermon (w. 4—6), his announces that God has 'delivered the life of the needy from
final confession (w. 7—13), and his curse of the day ofhis birth the hands of evildoers' (v. 13). In the narrative context of chs.
(w. 14-18). 11-20, Jeremiah's trust rests in the confidence that the divine
w. 1-6, the brief story of Jeremiah's incarceration is of word, 'Violence and destruction!' (v. 8) is about to be realized.
decisive importance for narrative developments in the book. The prophetic mission is accomplished, and Jeremiah is vin-
The chief officer of YHWH's house repudiates YHWH's dicated as a true prophet.
JEREMIAH 506
From the perspective of the implied audience, however, theological, political persuasion. (See Rudolph 1947 and
Jeremiah's praise and confidence exemplify proper attitudes Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, 1991: 284—5 f°r different views
for captives. Just as some among the exiles begin to under- of the contrast between chs. 20 and 21.)
stand themselves as relatively innocent sufferers at the hand (21:1-10) Life King Zedekiah sends two named messengers
of Babylonian captors (Isa 40:1-2), so Jeremiah claims inno- to ask Jeremiah to 'enquire of the Lord' in the hope that
cence and begs to be vindicated in face of enemies. His con- Nebuchadrezzar might be turned away from Jerusalem
cluding praise voices not only confidence about his own fate (w. 1—2), as were the Assyrians during Hezekiah's time (Isa
but ultimately represents the trust to be evoked from the 36-7). (On the literary relationship of ch. 21 with chs. 24 and
implied exilic audience who are the 'needy', seeking deliver- 37, see Pohlmann 1978: 44 and Seitz 1989/7: 253.) Jeremiah
ance from the hands of evildoers. returns a terrifying message. Instead of sending the Babylon-
Jeremiah's praise evaporates into a curse upon the day of his ians away, YHWH will bring them into the city, thwart
birth (w. 14-18). This poem has long been recognized as Judah's defence, and fight against Judah. YHWH is indeed
similar to Job's curse (Job 3). Both biblical figures would prefer the dread warrior of Jeremiah's prayer (20:11). YHWH heads
death in the womb to the toil, shame, and sorrow life brings the attack (w. 5-6,10), and Nebuchadrezzar will kill survivors
them (v. 18). Jeremiah's curse makes sense in the pre-exilic without pity (v. 7). In the face of this interpretation of events,
temporal setting of the book's narrative thread where he faces the people have to choose, in Deuteronomistic terms (Deut
the devastating consequences of his prophetic vindication. 30:11-20), between life and death (v. 8). To survive, their only
His nation, people, land, and way of life are destroyed. Had choice is surrender to Babylon.
he never been born, he could not have delivered such a mes- Political and theological perspectives of the narrator are
sage. Because his prophetic vocation preceded his birth (i: 5), it absolutely clear. Only one path will lead to life: surrender
would have been better if his mother had aborted him, or if he and co-operation with the invaders. This alone will enable
had been stillborn (v. 17). In a kind of reverse symbolic action, the community to gain their lives as the 'prize of war' (v. 9).
he imagines a cancellation of his ministry. He wishes to un- Any other political or military course will bring death, 'For I
make his life so that he would not have to deliver such a have set my face against this city', says YHWH (v. 10). While
message and see it fulfilled. He wants the deliverer of the appearing to report history, the narrator seeks to persuade the
news of his birth to be like 'the cities the Lord overthrew audience that survival hinges upon right relationship with
without pity' (v. 16), a category that must include Jerusalem, Babylonian invaders. Not to side with them is to choose death.
symbolically destroyed already. The prophet's curse of his There can be no confusion about loyalties because Babylon is
birth expresses horror and despair at the consequences of acting as YHWH's agent. This means that those who escape to
his message. Its closing questions extend beyond the Egypt or remain in the land have chosen death. The truly
prophet's own life to embrace the sorrow of the nation (v. 18). faithful among surviving groups are the Babylonian exiles
alone. More hidden in the text is its implicit criticism of
Aftermath (chs. 21-5) Zedekiah whose question reveals his complacency regarding
divine protection (v. 2). Zedekiah is only the first of the royal
These loosely connected chapters assume that the nation has
establishment to come under attack in these chapters.
already fallen, although to this point it has been presented
only in symbolic terms. Even when the invasion is finally (21:11—23:40) Collapse of Royal Elites Attention to the mon-
reported (21:1—10), the focus is upon the choice facing sur- archy in chs. 1-20 is sparse and general (1:1-3; 3 : ^J 3 :I 5J 4-9',
vivors in the siege's aftermath. Prose narratives give them 8:1; 13:18-19; 15:4; 17:19-25). This section, by contrast, gives
advice (21:1-10; 24:1-10). Poems explain how the invasion sustained attention to the royal institution and interprets the
occurred by blaming the royal establishment of kings and national tragedy as the consequence of corrupt and unjust
prophets (21:11—23:40). Prose materials point beyond exile to leadership by kings (21:11—22:30), as well as by prophets and
a future of national survival (25:1—14) and ultimately of inter- priests (23:9-40; Carroll 1986: 404). Although the monarchy
national justice (25:15-38). will be restored after exile by divine action (23:1-8), no such
The character of the literature changes markedly in 21:1 restoration is promised for priests and prophets.
from that of the preceding chapters. Explicit conversation Some of the poems in the section 21:11—23:8 appear to be
and debate by poetic and prose speakers is overtaken by a associated with royalty by prose introductions and juxtapos-
narrator's controlling voice that more obviously frames and ition with material critical of the monarchy rather than by
orchestrates the speakers. And for the first time, the narrative addressing kingship directly (21:12/7—14; 22:6/7—7; 22:10).
is historically referential, although the material is no less 22:20—3 mentions kingship only briefly in an address to fe-
interpretative than earlier symbolic and metaphoric passages. male Israel. The poems and prose pieces are short and con-
21:1-10 dates to the reign of King Zedekiah during the siege of cern the last kings of Judah. Together they charge the nation's
Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar, the first such dating since 1:1-3 collapse to the complete failure of the monarchy and describe
and 3:6. (See Holladay 1986: 571 on the Babylonian ruler's its imminent demise. Only later will it be reconstituted by
name and Seitz 1989/7: 214 on Zedekiah's importance.) The divine action in a new form (23:1-8; McConville 1993: 54-8).
book has moved from announcements of the cosmic battle (21:11-14) Do Justice A prose introduction addresses the en-
with the mythic foe from the north, through symbolic enact- tire house of David (w. n—12»). The poem itself turns the
ments of the destruction of Judah and Jerusalem, to depic- oblique attack on monarchy (w. i—10) into a devouring fire
tions of the historical siege and burning of the city (21:1—10). (w. I2c, 14). YHWH is the speaker who describes the mon-
The point of 21:1-10 is not historical narration, however, but archy's primary responsibility and attacks it for complacency
 5°7 JEREMIAH
(21:12-13). What the king should do is expressed in positive East, shepherd imagery referred to leaders, particularly kings,
and negative terms, 'execute justice' and prevent oppression whose task was to protect and guide their people as a shepherd
(v. 12). If kings fail in this duty, the fire of divine wrath will cares for the flocks.)
devour all around it (v. 14). YHWH is the angry critic whose (22:24-30) combines prose and poetry to portray YHWH's
address to the whole house of David (v. 12) implies that the attack on Coniah, also called Jehoiachin, and to announce the
entire dynasty of kings caused the national wreckage. monarchy's end. Even if he were a precious signet ring on
(22:1—6) is a prose elaboration of monarchical duties in YHWH's hand, T would tear you off, and hurl you away', says
which YHWH continues to speak. Addressees expand from YHWH (w. 24-6). And in a sadder poetic voice, YHWH asks
the 'house of David' to include an unnamed present king, if the king is a despised and broken pot to be thrown away.
servants, and people (w. 1—2). v. 3 adds to kingly responsibil- Both Jehoiachin and his offspring will be hurled into a foreign
ities, prohibitions against oppression of the alien, widow, or land. A lamenting voice invites the personified land to witness
orphan and against shedding innocent blood. The principal the monarchy's end (v. 29), for the house of David is finished
duty of the king that summarizes all others and joins this text (v. 30).
with prose throughout the book is the king's responsibility to Chs. 2i—2 announce and explain the end of the monarchy
'listen' (w. 4—5). The future of the monarchy depends upon and provide a theo-political explanation for the fall of the
obedience to the word, an appeal that has double meaning for nation. The kings failed to listen, oppressed the weak and
the implied audience. Because the kings failed to listen, the vulnerable, and sought counsel from lying prophets. In the
kingdom was lost, but if kings, servants, and people listen, exilic search for causes and explanations of the national tra-
then kings will again sit on the throne (v. 4). The future gedy, the greed, injustice, and infidelity of the monarchy loom
depends upon the repentance of all. large. Because of kingly misdeeds, the Davidic dynasty is
finished and with it the nation.
(22:6-12) contains a loose collection of pieces associated with
(23:1-8) But in the pattern of composition typical of the book
monarchy by prose directions to readers (w. 6, n). Like the
of Jeremiah, here it contradicts the former picture of destruc-
rich forests of Gilead and Lebanon (Holladay 1986: 584), the
tion, death, and definitive end, doing so without preparation
kingship is about to be cut down. Prose verses (8—9) shift
or explanation. YHWH simply announces the future recon-
attention from monarchy to the destroyed city in an imagined
stitution of the dead monarchy. Both past and future continue
conversation that blames the destruction on idolatry and
to impinge on the exilic present. To the implied audience,
abandonment of the covenant, presumably by the monarchy,
divine promises of restoration and new shepherds may not
w. 10—ii combine poetry and prose to comment on the double
have appeared to contradict Jeremiah's prophecies of doom,
tragedies of King Josiah and his son, Jehoahaz, also known as
for the latter had already been fulfilled. Jehoiachin was being
Shallum (Honeyman 1948). Beloved King Josiah died in bat-
held captive (Jer 52:31—4); other kings had died ignominious
tle (2 Kings 23:28—30), but more lamentable is the fate of his
deaths; people were in exile. Temporally the audience was
son, exiled forever from the land.
situated after the nation's destruction and the seeming end
(22:13—19) contrasts actions of an unidentified bad king of monarchy. The monarchy had failed them, and its re-estab-
(w. 13—14, 17) with that of a good king (w. 15—16) who is the lishment as an institution of wisdom and justice (v. 5) could
first king's father, v. 18 identifies them as Josiah and his son occur only by divine intervention. In w. 1—4, YHWH chastises
Jehoiakim. Jehoiakim builds his house, that is, both his mon- the shepherds who have scattered the sheep and promises to
archy and his palace, without righteousness and justice, using raise up new shepherds for the remnant (v. 4) and a 'righteous
the forced labour of his people. YHWH uses rhetorical ques- Branch', who will embody the royal ideal (w. 5—6). In that
tions to ask Jehoiakim about the essence of monarchy: true future day, all the dispersed community will return to their
kingship is not manifested in the display of wealth but in the own land (w. 7-8).
doing of justice and righteousness as did Josiah (v. 15). This is (23:9-40) Prophets This set of prose and poetic pieces attacks
what it means to 'know God' (v. 16; Brueggemann 1988:193), claimants to prophetic office who presume to have a divine
precisely what is absent in Jehoiakim's rule (20:13,17; cf 21:12; word but, in the estimate of these poems, speak lies. (On false
22:3; 2 Kings 23:31-24:6). Thus Jehoiakim will not be prophets, see Overholt 1970; Meyer 1977; and Osswald 1962.)
mourned but buried like a beast (22:18—19; Craigie, Kelley, That the book contains so much material about competing
and Drinkard 1991: 307—13 discuss literary features of this prophetic visions suggests great conflict in the rhetorical
passage). battle to envision the future. This chapter sets Jeremiah apart
(22:20—3) addresses a female but her identity is uncertain. from false prophets. It belittles and demeans them in order to
Carroll (1986: 434-5) believes this poem to be an oracle ori- dismiss their interpretation of the national crisis in favour of
ginally addressed to Lebanon, but some of the language Jeremiah's (Carroll 1981: 196). Prophets and priests are as
echoes poems against the bride of 2:1—3:25, who has been culpable as the kings in leading the people astray and bringing
unfaithful from her youth, though here her specific crime is the community to its tragic demise. There is no promise of a
'not listening' (v. 21; Brueggemann 1988: 195; Carroll 1986: renewed prophecy in the future because that role is already
436). Her trysts are over because her lovers are crushed, but played by the Jeremiah tradition. Jeremiah's word, the vision
why she lives in Lebanon is unclear (v. 23). v. 22 links the poem he creates with his prophecy alone, has power to create a new
to the material on kings for her shepherds will be shepherded future.
by the wind, referring either to Israel's captivity or to punish- (23:9—15) uses shocking and potent rhetoric to discredit priest
ment of the wife's lovers-turned-enemies. (In the ancient Near and prophet in two poetic panels of accusation and punish-
JEREMIAH 508
ment (w. 9-12 and 13-15). In a dramatic lament Jeremiah baskets of figs resembles his vision in 1:11—13. m both narra-
describes his emotional state and claims the true prophetic tives, Jeremiah relates a vision that YHWH interprets to give
message for himself. His heart is 'crushed' because of both accounts the double authority of deity and prophet. The
YHWH's 'dread' words (v. 9, NEB). On account of unidenti- figs symbolize two groups of survivors. Those in captivity in
fied adulterers, the land mourns and dries up. v. n announces Babylon are very good and those remaining in the land or who
the surprising source of evil. Priest and prophet are ungodly, have escaped to Egypt are rotten. To the former is promised a
so disaster will come upon them (v. 12). Equally harsh future in language adopted from the call narrative (1:10). The
language appears in the second panel (w. 13-15) where a exiles will be planted and built. They will receive a new heart,
first-person voice describes the 'disgusting' sight of prophets know YHWH, and return (sub, w. 6—7). This chapter honours
prophesying by Baal, but the prophets of Jerusalem are even the exilic community as the elect, the special, the carriers of
more shocking. They are adulterers, liars, conspirators in evil, true Yahwism. It is they who are obedient, repentant, and
as bad as the legendary Sodom and Gomorrah (w. 13-15). possess a future. Nicholson (1970: 81) notes the absence of
They will be poisoned for they have spread 'ungodliness' conditional terms in the promise. Divine preference for the
throughout the land. exiles is absolute. The vision of the fig baskets marks a major
(23:16-22) Prose verses (16-17) urge me audience to reject shift in the message thus far. This vision no longer warns the
the prophets. They are bad leaders who delude the people and people to repent in order to avoid calamity, but instead ad-
confect their own messages of pseudo-peace and compla- dresses a community that has experienced and survived the
cency. The two-stanza poem that follows reveals the depth of tragedy, and in those circumstances offers them hope.
their deceit. In w. 18-20 Jeremiah appears to be the speaker The chapter divides the survivors into two groups, exalting
who asks the central question that distinguishes prophets one and belittling the other. The bad figs who remain in the
from one another: 'Who has stood in the council of the LORD land or go to Egypt will be utterly destroyed (w. 8-10). The
so as to see and to hear his word?' Only such a one can effect of this vision is to delegitimate the rule of Zedekiah and
proclaim the divine word, but YHWH's wrath goes forth, those who remained in the land (Brueggemann 1988: 211).
presumably upon the false prophets (w. 19-20). In the second Carroll (1986:487) places the chapter's contest for supremacy
stanza YHWH speaks to deny the prophets' claims. If they among survivors in post-exilic times, but the chapter may be
had stood in the divine council, they would have proclaimed a an attempt to bolster the confidence and responsibility of
truthful message (w. 21-2). The 'council of the LORD' refers despondent exiles by identifying them as the chosen. Since
to a heavenly gathering of beings who surround YHWH. the text describes restoration in vague theological and rela-
Prophets claim to have access to this divine council (i Kings tional terms, omitting political or institutional arrangements,
22:19—23; Jer 23:18—22; Dan 7:9—14, 23—7). it appears to be urging an exilic audience towards an open
future, albeit at the cost of their compatriots elsewhere.
(23:23-40) YHWH continues to deny claims of false pro-
phets in a prose diatribe against them. Their dreams and their (25:1—38) Babylon's Fall Ch. 25 is an important but problem-
words are not divinely given but self-invented. YHWH is atic chapter. It is here that divergences between the MT and
against them (w. 23—31). These false prophets are no different LXX versions of the book are most marked, with LXX insert-
from those of the pre-exilic period who prophesied by Baal, ing the Oracles Against the Nations at v. 13 and omitting many
leading the people astray, w. 33-40 continue the critique of of the references to Babylon found in the MT, to yield a shorter
false prophets with a play on words. A prophetic term for oracle, chapter (Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard 1991: 363). Fischer
massif, also means 'burden' (McKane 1980: 597—603). When (1991), Holladay (1986: 665), and McKane (1986: 618-23)
they ask, 'What is the burden of the LORD?', meaning the have thorough discussions of differences between the ver-
prophetic message, Jeremiah is to reply, 'You are the burden', sions. Many commentators recognize links between this
meaning that they impede the divine word (v. 33). chapter and ch. i and understand ch. 25 to close off the first
In this section, accusation undermines professional com- major division of the book. Kessler (1997) calls it a 'hinge'
petitors who battle for the hearts of the people. Should any in chapter that reaches backwards and forwards across the book.
the audience doubt the veracity and divine origin of Jere- Here, for instance, Jeremiah acts at last as 'prophet to the
miah's message, this collection makes the case that Jeremiah nations', a task assigned him in the call narrative (1:5,10) and
alone can be trusted. It interprets the nation's fall as caused by completed in the Oracles Against the Nations (chs. 46-51). In
duplicity of priests and prophets who have lied to the people. its present shape ch. 25 announces punishment against
But also at stake is the fidelity of the present generation. By Judah's invaders (w. 1—14), enacts the promise symbolically
implication, they must avoid listening to false prophets and, (w. 25-9), and concludes the book with a poem on the
instead, follow the voice, visions, and dreams of Jeremiah, the devouring anger of the lion-like God (w. 30-8).
one true prophet. Their survival hinges upon listening to his (25:1-14) A Global View A third-person narrator dates the
message alone. chapter to the fourth year of Jehoiakim and the first year
(24:1—10) Figs Jeremiah appears as first-person narrator in of Nebuchadrezzar. The year is 605 when Babylon gained
this prose chapter, dated to the first deportation of exiles in 597 hegemony in the ancient Near East. The date's significance
BCE. Jerusalem has been invaded, Jehoiachin is in captivity in this passage is to show that Jeremiah prophesied the fall
(v. i), and Zedekiah rules in the not yet destroyed Judah (v. 8). of Judah to Babylon well in advance of events and that
Although the chapter is set ten years earlier than 21:1—10, it his prophecy of the exile's end is equally reliable. In v. 3
continues directions for survival begun there: co-operate with Jeremiah takes over as narrator, declaring in Deuteronomistic
the invaders (Pohlmann 1978: 44). Jeremiah's vision of two terms (Carroll 1986: 491) how persistently he has preached
 5°9 JEREMIAH
through out his entire career from the thirteenth year of Josiah (25:30—8) Against the Nations Poetry replaces prose in an
(v. 3, cf 1:2) to the year 605. For twenty-three years Jeremiah oracle against all the nations (v. 30). (See Carroll 1986: 497—
continued the work of prophets before him (v. 4), calling 508 for a thorough discussion of Oracles Against Nations.)
Judah to repent of its idolatry. But they did not listen, provok- Jeremiah continues as speaker of poems that focus on divine
ing YHWH's anger (w. 1-7). Many interpreters correctly anger and judgement against unnamed nations. The meta-
understand these verses as a summary of Jeremiah's preach- phor of YHWH as roaring lion out to devour all the earth's
ing in chs. 1—25 (Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard 1991: 363), but inhabitants frames the poem (w. 31, 38). No particular crimes
they also serve other theological and literary purposes. They are attributed to the nations who are merely 'guilty', or
interpret the nation's fall as a refusal of Judah to listen to 'wicked' (v. 31 NEB). The poem attends, instead, to the certi-
YHWH's prophets, and they introduce the broader global tude of their punishment. A prose comment uses language
and temporal framework in which this chapter views the previously used for Judah to describe devastation of the entire
catastrophe. earth (v. 33). w. 34-8 then narrowthe attack to the 'shepherds',
In w. 8-14 YHWH replaces Jeremiah as speaker to provide the kings who are responsible for provoking divine anger
greater authority for the prophecy that follows. Expanding (25:35-7). YHWH, the attacking lion, has already left his
motifs from earlier passages, the divine voice spells out con- 'covert' to begin the attack.
sequences of not listening (w. 8-n). YHWH will again send Chs. 1-25 use mythic, metaphorical description to magnify
the tribes of the north, but for the first time they are explicitly the threat to Judah as superhuman and inexorable. They
identified with Babylon (v. 9). As YHWH's agent of destruc- charge the people with heinous crimes and obscene infidel-
tion, Nebuchadrezzar acquires the shocking sobriquet, 'my ities. They portray Jeremiah as isolated and absolutely alone.
servant' (v. 9; 29:10; Thompson 1980: 512). Newly empha- All these facets of the text bolster its theodicy. The people were
sized in this divine speech is that the invasion to come will not warned with dramatic visions of their foe, by constant remind-
only be against 'this land' but against 'all these nations ers of their sins, but they rejected the prophet and his words.
around' (v. 9). Remarkably, Judah's fate is not singular. Baby- In effect, they forced YHWH to punish them. The complex
lon will destroy domestic life, indeed, all life on an inter- collections of materials in chs. 1-25, therefore, attempt to
national scale (w. 9-10). Nor will Judah serve Babylon alone, explain why the tragedy happened. The second half of the
for all these nations will serve Babylon for seventy years, a book (chs. 26—52) focuses on how to survive the tragedy.
symbolic number for 'many years' (v. n; Thompson 1980:
515). The temporal frame extends even further into the future Introduction to Book Two (chs. 26-52)
than previously. After seventy years, YHWH will also punish Kessler (1968) views this second section of the book as a
Babylon. The invader will be invaded and be repaid according history of Israel's rejection of the prophetic message.
to its deeds (v. 14). All the words 'written in this book' will be Pohlmann (1978) finds evidence of conflict between hope
brought against them (v. 13). and judgement upon those who went to Egypt. Seitz (1985)
Rhetorically, this passage gives hope to the exiles. It closes also sees conflict within the community after 597 in an exilic
the first 'book' upon a promise—vague, indefinite, but cer- redaction. While these thematic elements are present in the
tain—that the exilic community has a future. The three voices second half of the book, they are subsumed into larger
in this narrative—unknown narrator, Jeremiah, and YHWH— rhetorical purposes. Chs. 26—52 develop issues of survival
do not debate. Each builds upon the previous speaker with and consider the place of Judah's tragedy in the divine plan
increasing authority, for it is, perhaps, the words of hope that for the future of the nations.
most need bolstering for the exiles. The text does not call for The prophetic message in contention in the second half of
political action or rebellion; it encourages endurance (Kessler the book is no longer whether Judah will repent in time to
1997) until YHWH brings about a reversal of fortunes (v. 14). avert collapse. The book's audience lives with Judah's failure
Why Babylon will meet the same fate it metes out is not to do so. In fits and starts, all the chapters in the second half
explained; YHWH simply asserts it. A transformed, barely address the community's survival. In doing so, they seek to
imaginable future will come to pass. evoke repentance from the exiles, to instruct them to endure
(25:15-29) The Cup of Wrath If readers should doubt the through the unavoidable suffering they face (Kessler 1968),
promises of 25:8-14, the following prose narrative enacts and to have confidence that God will bring them into a future
them symbolically, thereby setting the divine purpose in mo- they can barely imagine. In service of these purposes, Jere-
tion. Jeremiah is again cast as narrator who reports YHWH's miah appears as an iconic presence, not only as a prophet
command for him to act as wine steward. Instead of presiding rejected, but as the model of the faithful sufferer whose
over a joyous feast, Jeremiah delivers the cup of wrath to all behaviour exiles must emulate to gain their lives as 'the prize
nations beginning with Judah and Jerusalem (v. 18). They are of war'. The chapters reveal enormous tensions within the
the first to drink from the 'fiery wine' (NEB) of YHWH's communities of survivors over how to proceed (Seitz 1989/7).
anger; indeed, they have already drunk from it (13:12-14). Although many different actual speakers may stand behind
Following Judah comes the list of Judah's enemies beginning these texts (Reitzschel 1966), two 'implied' narrators appear
with Egypt (v. 19) and concluding with Sheshach, a term for in them. The first and most prominent is an omniscient third-
Babylon (v. 26; Holladay 1986: 675). All will drink ofYHWH's person speaker who is authoritative and descriptive, often
wrath, and should they refuse, Jeremiah must insist (w. 28- identified with Jeremiah's scribe Baruch, and who relates
9). Reversal of fortunes, therefore, has already occurred in the events in many of these chapters (26, 29, 32, 33, 36, 37-45;
symbolic sphere. All that remains is for events to unfold. Holladay 1989: 16; but see Carroll 1986: 662—8; Clements
JEREMIAH 5 IO

1988: 153; Nicholson 1970: 17). He describes events and (26:1—16) The implied narrator reports a command to Jere-
quotes YHWH, Jeremiah, and other characters whose voices miah to preach in the temple (cf. 7:2) but adds thathe is not 'to
are filtered through his own. The theological, political, and trim a word' from the prophetic message for the people might
ideological perspectives of this implied narrator are both ob- still listen' (v. 3). This divine command parallels commissions
vious and conflictual. Jeremiah and his adherents alone carry to Moses (Deut 4:2; 13:1), except that Moses was prohibited
YHWH's intentions for the survivors. Life will come through from adding to the message. Jeremiah receives no such pro-
submission to Babylon. Sufferings of exile cannot be escaped hibition because this narrative does precisely that; it adds to
but must be embraced. The second narrator is Jeremiah (chs. the message. It adapts Jeremiah's preaching to the circum-
27-8, 35). In the few chapters where he is principal speaker, stances of exile assumed in the second half of the book. A
additional authority accompanies the narrating voice by the radically abridged version of the temple sermon follows the
impression that the prophet himself addresses readers. commission (w. 4-6), revealing a process of selection and
Poetic voices reappear in a significant way in chs. 30-1 and elaboration in the transmission and updating of prophecy,
in the Oracles Against the Nations (chs. 46-51). The sparsity omitting the cultic delinquencies central to ch. 7, and attend-
of poetry sets it apart and gives it prominence. The poetic ing, instead, to the consequence of the people's refusal to
voices promise more than survival; they point to a radiant listen. For the audience that consequence has already oc-
future and to divine overthrow of aggressive enemy nations. curred. The temple has become like Shiloh (see Jer 7). The
This part of the book, therefore, concerns hope, muted and exilic community itself must heed the call to repent (O'Con-
distant, but as certain and ineluctable as tragedy was in chs. nor 1989).
1-25. Multiple responses from the community follow in w. 7-16
Chs. 26-36 concern blame and hope. Chs. 26 and 36 create and culminate in Jeremiah's trial. Initially, priests, prophets,
a literary frame around sub-units devoted to prophetic conflict and all the people respond to Jeremiah's threats to temple and
(chs. 27—9), the little book of consolation' (chs. 30—3), and an city (v. 6) by capturing him and pronouncing a death sentence
example and counter-example for faithful living (chs. 34—5). upon him (w. 7—9). A trial begins with priests and prophets
Chs. 26-9 are loosely connected chapters concerning proph- acting as prosecutors and 'officials' and with the people acting
etic discord, and address disputes over which prophetic vision as jury (w. 10-11). To charges against him, Jeremiah cour-
of the future will ensure the nation's survival message is true. ageously reaffirms that YHWH sent (s-l-h) him and calls again
Ch. 26 defends Jeremiah as the true prophet whose creden- for repentance (w. 12—13). He also comments on his own
tials are reaffirmed in the face of rejection and threats upon predicament. He is in their hands and they can do as they
his life. Chs. 27-8 make the same point through Jeremiah's wish with him, but he is innocent for YHWH has sent him
confrontations with lying prophets, and ch. 29 affirms Jere- (w. 14—15). The trial concludes with the 'officials and all
miah's advice to the exiles over that of lying prophets. the people' proclaiming his innocence (v. 16). Thus far, the
Hananiah, Ahab, Zedekiah, and Shemaiah die for their false narrative reaffirms Jeremiah's commission, reintroduces the
prophecy. By contrast, Jeremiah's mysterious escapes from call to repent, and reveals that Jeremiah has support among
death (26:24; 36:26) witness to the truthfulness of his proph- officials and people but not among religious leaders. Jeremiah
ecy. But discernment of the true prophetic word, a major himself, under a threat of death, remains steadfast and is
issue in exile, is a means to an end, not the end itself. Only vindicated.
correct discernment of and obedience to true prophecy ensure (26:17-23) muddies the narrative. Though the trial is finished,
the community's survival. The content of the prophetic word new speakers appear, 'elders' who continue the debate by
in this sequence of texts is as important, therefore, as the presenting examples of two other prophecies of Jerusalem's
debate over the true messenger. Narratives progress logically destruction and their contrasting reception by kings.
from the proclamation of Jerusalem's destruction and Jere- The first prophet is Micah (Mic 3:12) whose message was
miah's survival (ch. 26), to directions to submitto the invaders received by Hezekiah as a call to repent (w. 17-19). By
(chs. 27—8), to advice for settling in for a long exile (ch. 29). contrast, the prophet Uriah's message was not simply rejected
The primary issue, therefore, is not prophecy itself (contra by Jehoiakim. The king sent a death squad into Egypt to extra-
Kessler 1968), but survival. dite Uriah, killed him, and abused his corpse (w. 20-3). This
(26:1-24) A Second Commission Ch. 26 continues a mid- comparison between kings underscores Jehoiakim's heinous
rashic reinterpretation of Jeremiah's temple sermon (7:1—8:3) disregard for the prophetic word from the beginning of his
and functions as a second call narrative (O'Connor 1989: rule (v. i). Jehoiakim joins priests and prophets as enemies of
619). Some in the community accept Jeremiah's word, the word, and by implication, they are together responsible for
whereas priests, prophets, and especially King Jehoiakim re- the fall of the nation.
ject it. A chronological note typical of the second half of the Mysteriously Ahikam then rescues Jeremiah from death
book dates the story to the beginning of Jehoiakim's reign (v. 24). Some interpreters argue that the purpose of this verse
(v. i). Many interpreters use these dates to construct chronol- is to illustrate the danger Jeremiah personally confronts as
ogies of the prophet's life but frequently overlook the date's prophet (Hossfeld and Meyer 1973 35; Weiser 1960: 235;
symbolic import. The date indicates that, from the beginning Thompson 1980: 528). But the people have already declared
of his reign, Jehoiakim rejected the prophetic word. Ch. 26 Jeremiah's innocence (v. 16) so that his rescue seems un-
divides into three parts: w. 1-16, the trial; w. 17-23, the elders' necessary. However, it creates a parallel to another account
intervention; v. 24, rescue. (On the many differences between of Jeremiah's endangerment and rescue in ch. 36. These two
LXX and MT, see Carroll 1986: 551.) chapters contain many similarities and thereby create a lit-
 5" JEREMIAH
erary frame around chs. 27-35 (O'Connor 1988; Nicholson (27:12—22) Next Jeremiah interprets the yoke for Judah. He
1970: 55). Moreover, Ahikam is the first of a list of named addresses the king but uses plural forms (v. 12), urging him to
rescuers in the 'second book', among whom the Shaphan accept Babylon's yoke and not to listen to the prophets. They
family is central (Wilson 1989: 62-8; Boadt 1982/7: 15). Jere- lie, for YHWH did not send them (w. 12-15). The prophets'
miah is no longer alone. Named supporters probably point to lies become specific in a dispute over temple vessels carried to
a group in the exilic community who stand firmly in the Babylon in 597 (w. 16—22; Seitz 1989/7: 184—9). Th£ prophets
Jeremiah tradition and resist monarchic authority (Bruegge- promised quick restoration of the vessels to the temple (v. 16),
mann 1991: 12). Their support and rescue of Jeremiah is also but Jeremiah contends that they and additional vessels and
support and rescue of his tradition. His rescue indicates that people will remain in Babylon indefinitely, until YHWH de-
he is a true prophet because he does not die after its announce- cides to think of them (w. 19—22). Strong ideological claims
ment as do false prophets (Deut 18:20). are being made here with the authority of Jeremiah's own
Ch. 26 introduces the second book, therefore, by announ- voice. Prophets who anticipate a quick end to exile and oppose
cing themes central to the following chapters. It blames King Babylon are not only wrong, they are liars who stand against
Jehoiakim, priests, and prophets for resisting the prophetic God. The community must resist their vision or it will not
word and failing to repent. It invites the implied exilic audi- survive (v. 17; see 21:8).
ence to join supporters of the prophet against the leadership (28:1-17) Interpretative conflict turns into a personal show-
and invites them to repent now. It presents Jeremiah as a down in Jeremiah's encounter with Hananiah. In the same
model of exilic obedience who, while in the hands of his year, before priests, prophets, and all the people (w. 1—2),
captors, holds steadfast in his confidence in YHWH's word. Hananiah announces a countermessage. YHWH will destroy
His rescue symbolically heralds a mysterious and surprising the yoke of the king of Babylon and return vessels, king, and
future rescue of the repentant exilic community and contrasts exiles within two years (w. 3-4); captivity will be short. Jere-
him with numerous false prophets in chs. 27—9 who come miah reports his own ambivalence in response. He wishes it
under the sentence of death for their lying ways. were so, but tradition stands against Hananiah's interpret-
(27:1—28:17) The Yokes In a prose account of symbolic actions ation. Only time will tell if the message of peace is from God
Jeremiah narrates his conflict with other prophetic groups. (w. 5-9). Hananiah parries with a symbolic act of his own. He
At issue is how Babylon will control Judah, the exiles, and breaks Jeremiah's yoke (w. 10—n) in an action designed to
captured temple vessels. Conflict over interpretation of cancel Jeremiah's word and set a different word inexorably
the divine will for Judah and the nations crystallizes in the towards fulfilment. Jeremiah himself indicates that the true
encounters between Jeremiah and Hananiah. What is at word is difficult to discern. He departs for some time (v. 12),
stake between Jeremiah and the prophets is the imaginative then YHWH sends him back with an iron yoke (w. 13—14).
envisioning of the future in order to affect behaviour in the Revelation cancels indecision. Hananiah's word is a lie and his
present. The text contains three narrative panels that increas- death within the year stands as irrefutable Deuteronomistic
ingly narrow the conflict from an international disagreement proof (w. 12-17; Deut 18:20) To Jeremiah, Hananiah's mes-
to a personal dispute between two prophets. The first panel sage is more than wishful thinking; it is a theological and
contains Jeremiah's message to the nations and the contrary political path to death. Only by accepting Babylonian rule and
view of their prophets (27:1—11); the second narrows to enduring the suffering that accompanies it will they ultim-
Jeremiah's message to King Zedekiah and the opposition of ately escape exile and find a future. Babylonian hegemony
Judah's prophets (27:12-22); the third funnels further down to will surely end but not quickly. The text labels the anti-
the specific clash between Jeremiah and Hananiah (28:1—17). Babylonian leanings in the surrounding nations, in Judah,
(But see Carroll 1986: 523 for whom ch. 28 is a variant of and among exiles as vicious lies. For those living in exile, the
ch. 27.) story of Jeremiah's yoke offers instructions about survival. In
(27:1-11) The story begins in the firstyear of Zedekiah's reign, their present circumstances, exiles must persist and endure,
immediately after the first invasion of Judah by Babylon in for the Creator who made the earth and its inhabitants
597. The date signifies the truth of Jeremiah's words. At the will eventually bring about a reversal of fortunes. Hope,
time of the first invasion, Jeremiah prophesied Babylon's historically unspecific but theologically grounded, rests in
triumph and eventual overthrow. His word was reliable re- the power of the Creator.
garding Babylon's ascent to power and will be equally reliable (29:1-32) Letters This chapter develops themes of the pre-
regarding Babylon's fall. The story of the yokes enacts and vious two, but takes the form of letters reported by the third-
dramatizes this message. Jeremiah himself relates that he put person narrator. From Jerusalem Jeremiah writes to the exiles
a yoke around his neck at YHWH's command and delivered a (w. 1-23) and responds to a letter about him from Shemaiah
message to the envoys of neighbouring kings. The yoke sym- (w. 24-32). The epistolary literary device allows Jeremiah to
bolizes enslavement of the nations to Babylon. As Creator of remain the authoritative source of the prophetic message even
the earth, YHWH can direct events at will (Clements 1988: though he is not present among the exiles. He becomes the
162). Describing YHWH's creative activity, Jeremiah an- author of written prophecy addressed to elders, priests, and
nounces that Babylonian rule will extend through three gen- prophets, to everyone taken to Babylon after the deportation of
erations and then will end (w. 2—7). Nations that do not 597 (w. 1—2). Emissaries of Zedekiah, both among families of
comply with Babylon will lose their lands. They are forbidden Jeremiah's supporters, are couriers (v. 3; Brueggemann 1991:
to listen to their own prophets and mediators who counsel lies 31). The letter's message is precise regarding the exiles' rela-
(w. 8-11). tionship to Babylon. Not only are they not to resist Babylon,
JEREMIAH 5 I2

they are actively to seeks its welfare (salom). They are to settle begins to heal in the creation of a new future, a new narrative.
there, to set up daily life and domestic relationships, and to Chs. 30—3 are not the book's conclusion, as modern readers
seek the welfare of the city in which they are captive. In its might wish, but a glowing centre, a hidden life, yet to emerge
shalom is their shalom (w. 4-7). This surprising advice, de- in historical specificity.
livered at the very beginning of exile (v. 2), indicates that there (30:1-31:40) Restoration YHWH is principal speaker in these
is no escape, no way out, despite contradictory interpretations poetic passages. The convergence of divine voice, poetic
of the prophets among them. The prophets are lying (w. 8—9). genre, and themes of hope set the chapters apart from sur-
The letter encourages long-suffering and discourages re- rounding materials, and draw attention to their presence at
bellion or false confidence in an early release. Rescue will the book's centre. Because of their frequent use of the names
come, but only after seventy years (v. 10, cf 25:11—12). Clem- Jacob and Israel some scholars assume that these poems
ents (1988) thinks that seventy years means one generation, originally addressed the northern kingdom alone (Rudolph
but it probably means the symbolic long time of biblical 1947:159; Lohfink 1981; but see Carroll 1986: 571-2; McKane
numerology (Newsome 1984: 121), since 27:7 promises three 1986: 752). In their present location, however, these titles
generations of Babylonian rule. What the narrator claims to contribute to a rhetoric of unity and harmony for a unified
be Jeremiah's own view, however, is that Babylon is acting as nation. Jacob/Israel was the eponymous ancestor of all twelve
YHWH's agent and therefore their only choice is to co-operate tribes (Gen 29-30). Whatever the original provenance of these
actively. Eventually their suffering will end because YHWH poems, they are here closely linked with poems addressed to
has plans for their shalom (v. n). Then YHWH will relate to Judah and Zion (30:3, 4, 12—17; 3I:6, 12, 27, 31). After an
them differently, no longer hiding from them. YHWH will introduction (30:1—4), the poems depict reversals of fortune
restore their fortunes and return them from the diaspora of (30:5-17), celebration (30:18-24), the journey home (31:1-14),
exile (w. 10-14). the garden of delights (30:10-14), and in poetry and prose, the
In this letter, the exiles alone are the fortunate, the chosen. comforting of Rachel and the restoration of the broken mar-
Jeremiah promises curses of'sword, famine, and pestilence' riage and family (31:15—40).
upon those who stay in Judah (w. 15-18; see 24:8-10). Two
(30:1—4) A narrator reports that Jeremiah wrote YHWH's
false prophets among the exiles, Ahab and Zedekiah, will die
words in a book or scroll. The device of the revelatory book
like Hananiah under the Deuteronomic curse (28:17). Th£
allows the character of Jeremiah to speak to the implied exilic
letter totally discredits prophets of the anti-Babylonian group
audience even though he is not among them, and it allows
and of people who remained in the land. Nor will subsequent
Jeremiah's traditionists to expand the message under his
texts support those who stay in the land, a group that strangely
authority (25:13; 36:1-32; 45:1; 51:60; McKane 1986: 750 ac-
includes Jeremiah himself (chs. 40—1). His choice to remain
cepts the scroll's contents as 30:4-31:40). Using imagery from
in the land (40:1—6) contradicts his advice to survivors.
other parts of the book (Odashima 1989: 98—138), the 'little
w. 24-32, Shemaiah's letter: the narrator relates the con-
book' witnesses to the days when YHWH 'will restore the
tents of a second letter, written by one of the exiles named
fortunes of Israel and Judah' (v. 3). The poems collected here
Shemaiah to the high priest in Jerusalem. Shemaiah de-
shift between addressing male Jacob/Israel, and virgin/
mands that the priest silence the madman Jeremiah because
daughter Israel/Rachel in a manner reminiscent of the ac-
of his letter (29:1-23). When the high priest reads Shemaiah's
count of the broken-marriage metaphor (JER 2:1—3:25). Here
letter aloud, Jeremiah curses Shemaiah and his family for
that broken family is healed and renewed.
false prophecy (w. 31—2).
The altercations in chs. 26—9 create a marked contrast with (30:5-17) Two poetic panels, the first addressed to male Israel
the harmony and contentment envisioned in chs. 30-3. and the second to daughter Zion, depict reversals of fortunes
in literary movements from panic (w. 5—7) to fearlessness
(30:1—33:26) The Little Book of Consolation contains collec- (w. 10—n) and from incurable wounds (w. 12—15) to restored
tions of poetry (chs. 30-1) and prose (chs. 32-3) that depict a health (w. 16-17). m both instances, the reversal occurs with-
complete reversal of fortune for the destroyed and exiled out transition or explanation. Both panels imagine reversal as
people. Using themes and motifs from previous parts of the a change within YHWH, not within Jacob or Zion.
book, these chapters envision an alternative future of healing, w. 5—11, in the opening verse a speaker announces the
restoration, and renewed relationship between God and the sound of a terrifying voice (qol). Pain grips men as suddenly
people. Keown, Scalise, and Smothers (1995: 84-5) review as it does a woman in labour. An 'awful' (NEB) day of distress
efforts to determine and date core texts collected here. The is upon them (see Carroll 1986: 574—5 on the day of YHWH).
placement of these chapters at the relative centre of the MT A prose comment (w. 8—9) inexplicably replaces terror with
version of Jeremiah is puzzling. Texts that are largely accusa- future hope and links this passage to the account of the two
tory and conflictual surround them, seeming to bury joyous yokes (27:1-28:19). YHWH will remove the yoke of servitude,
hope in a cloud of terror and suffering, as if to dim the restore relationship with them, and raise up a king. In w. 10—
enthusiasm they are designed to inspire. The book's arrange- n, YHWH comforts Jacob in the second person and responds
ment, however, like that of Lamentations, tempers hope for to the panic and terror of w. 5-7. Like a woman who finally
the exilic audience for whom restoration is not an imminent gives birth, male Jacob will survive. The appropriation of
possibility (Kessler 1968). The universe imagined here does labour imagery for male terror appears elsewhere (4:31;
not offer a programme for escape. Rather, the text seeks to 13:21; 49:24; 50:43), but only here does it lead to life rather
restore the community by recasting its narrative world. The than death (O'Connor 1992). From far away YHWH will save
'narrative wreckage' (Frank 1995: 53) of their communal life them and punish the nations. Rescue is a complete surprise,
 513 JEREMIAH
but it comes with sobering caution for YHWH will also pun- second-person feminine singular object pronouns). Using
ish them justly (v. n). Exile still means just punishment for references to the journey out of Egypt and to Israel's devotion
sin. as a bride (Jer 2:2), YHWH reinterprets history. From 'far
The second poetic panel (w. 12-17) also moves unexpect- away', and despite having divorced her and her sister Judah
edly from desperation to salvation, but the metaphor shifts (3:1—10), YHWH declares his 'everlasting love' and 'continued
from panic to woundedness, and the addressee changes from faithfulness' to her (v. 3). YHWH's words disregard her sordid
male Jacob to female Zion (v. 17). w. 12—13 an(^ J 5 return to past and transform her very being. She is no longer a faithless
language of Zion's incurable wound (8:21-2) and to her isol- harlot but betulat, (virgin) Israel (v. 4). YHWH promises to
ation, for all her lovers have abandoned her (v. 14). Daughter 'build' her and she will plant (w. 4—5), recalling promises
Zion is YHWH's unfaithful wife (2:1—3:25), and her wound is to Jeremiah (1:10). In joyous celebration, female Israel will
the consequence of her guilt (3:15). Like the previous panel, sing and dance like Miriam and the women after the escape
this poem explains destruction and exile as punishment for through the sea (31:4/7, cf Ex 15:20-1). Sentinels will call them
sin (v. 15). But rather than continuing with the expected de- and the people will return 'to the LORD our God' (v. 6). Before
scription of her punishment, the poem reverses itself. It is her exile, female Israel refused to return, but at that time there
destroyers who will be punished (v. 16), and she who will be had been conditions (JER 3:11-13). Here there are none.
healed and restored to health. YHWH pities her in her aban- The second poem describes the procession home (w. 7-9).
donment (v. 17). YHWH invites song on behalf of, and perhaps by, Jacob
In w. 18—22 YHWH continues to speak, first about Jacob (McKane 1986: 788) and provides words for intercession,
and then to him (v. 21, second-person masculine plural). 'Save, O LORD, your people, the remnant of Israel' (v. 7). This
Jerusalem may be included in the poem indirectly as the city liturgical refrain may again dramatize the voice of the exilic
and citadel rebuilt on the mound (v. 18; Thompson 1980: 561). community, bringing it into the text as expectant and hopeful.
If so, north and south are reunited in a burst of thanksgiving The poem assumes covenant relationship and YHWH's will-
and new life. In a book particularly attuned to sounds, cries of ingness to grant the request. Then YHWH announces the
battle, shouts of grief, panic, and terror, this poem creates a divine plan (w. 8-9). YHWH will bring them back from the
startling sonic reversal. A great crowd of merrymakers will place to which they had been sent, the land of the north and
make joyous noises of thanksgiving as they exchange shame the farthest parts of the earth. YHWH will gather them and
for honour (v. 19). To counter fears that the people would lead them by water on easy pathways. What is most significant
dwindle and disappear in exile, YHWH promises to establish is the description of the company. Among them are the most
the children of merrymakers in the liturgical assembly. Be- vulnerable people, the blind, the lame, the pregnant, and
sides signifying the certainty of a future for the community, those giving birth. As vulnerable or disabled, this procession
mention of 'their children' also identifies the implied audi- embodies the whole community, humbled and broken yet
ence as children of the exiled generation (v. 20). Clements bringing forth new life. On their journey, YHWH will accom-
(1988: 176) points to the conspicuous absence of temple pany them as the father of Ephraim, his firstborn. The broken
restoration in these promises of hope for the exiles. The family of 2:1—3:25 reappears here, restored and made whole.
community will, none the less, be restored as a worshipping Ephraim symbolizes the generation of exiles, the faithless
people. YHWH will punish their oppressors; foreigners will children who have repented and returned (3:22-5).
no longer rule them. Divine initiative alone will restore coven- The third poem (w. 10-14), summed up by 'a watered
ant relationship for 'who would otherwise dare to approach' garden' (v. 12), breaks out in lyrical celebration as the captive
YHWH? (v. 21). community returns to Zion. YHWH calls the nations as wit-
w. 23-4 close the chapter with a summary interpretation of nesses to, and proclaimers of, the new order imagined
national tragedy. YHWH's wrath came upon them as a raging here. Gathering replaces scattering; bringing in overtakes
tempest that will accomplish YHWH's plan (cf. Isa 55:10—11). thrusting away; the divine punisher becomes the redeemer
Addressed directly, readers learn that they will understand 'in who buys back the helpless slave (v. n). The returnees will
the latter days'. These verses suggest that there is little present sing, radiant over divine goodness, unanticipated, hardly
understanding, only continued conflict among exiles regard- believable. In this imagined future, life will be a watered
ing the meaning of events. garden, an oasis of refreshment, an Eden of delights. Land
and flocks will be fertile. Women and men, old and young
(31:1-14) Return The next three poems (31:2-6, 7-9, 10-14) shall dance and be merry. Priests and people, all will be
envision and celebrate the journey home as a Utopian restor- satisfied. As YHWH turns mourning into joy, sorrow into
ation of the entire people of Israel. A superscription (v. i) links comfort, the painful realities of the present world will be
this chapter to the previous one by continuing the motif of the totally reversed.
eschatological future (30:24^ and by reusing the covenant The visions of these poems must have been shocking
formula (30:22). v. i explicitly names the human covenant to exiles and their reversals barely conceivable to a people
partners as 'all the families of Israel'. held under Babylonian sovereignty. But even if Babylonian
The first poem (w. 2—6) continues the expansive vision of hegemony had already begun to weaken under pressure
the restored community in which people of Samaria and from Persia, these poems envision more than mere survival
Ephraim (w. 5-6) prepare to return to Zion (v. 6). Resonant for Israel. They speak of a prodigal transformation of reality,
with echoes of other texts, the poem continues divine speech of an eschatological Utopia that restores divine—human rela-
from the previous chapter. The subject of the poem is the tionship, reaffirms Israel as the chosen people, and recog-
future survivors (v. 2), personified as female Israel (w. 3-5, nizes that Israel itself has been changed by its suffering.
JEREMIAH 514
(31:15-3°) Rachel's Comfort Rachel and her son, historically Rachel and Ephraim. If so, then mother and son, the older
her grandson, Ephraim, symbolize this transformation on unrepentant generation and the present exilic generation,
many levels. They appear in a poem (w. 15—22; Trible 1978 are reunited; mother again surrounds, encompasses her
140-50), which is followed by three prose comments that child, thought dead but now living. Woman encompassing
interpret its ambiguous conclusion (w. 23-30). Many scholars man is the mother and son reunited as she embraces
argue for an original northern provenance of this text because her child. Alternatively this may be a biological promise
Ephraim symbolizes the northern kingdom (Thompson in which bereaved Rachel encompasses a man sexually to
1980: 573). But whatever its origins, Rachel is the quintessen- give birth to a new generation (w. 27-8). Or the woman
tial bereaved mother who cannot recover from the loss of her may be Jerusalem encompassing the returned nation
children (v. 15). As Jacob's most beloved wife (Gen 29), she is (w. 23-6).
matriarch of all Israel, and her two sons, Joseph and Benja- w. 23-30 contain three prose pieces that, by juxtaposition,
min, become fathers of northern and southern tribes (Holla- interpret the woman surrounding a man and continue prom-
day 1989: 187). Rachel's motherhood of northern and ises for the days that are coming. Rather than pinpointing
southern offspring suggests that she weeps not only for meaning, they accumulate multiple interpretations of v. 22.
Ephraim but for all the children of Israel for whom there is w. 23-6 appear as a revelation in a dream of a restored
no future (Brueggemann 1991: 64). Her characterization re- Jerusalem, though the city is not named. It will be a place of
calls the 'faithless' (3:22) first wife of YHWH, the wife from rest and replenishment for the weary. By juxtaposition with
the north (3:1—13) who fails to repent. In 3:6—25, it is her v. 22, these verses suggest that the woman surrounding a man
offspring, not she, who return to the father, as does Ephraim symbolizes Jerusalem, the holy hill that protects and encom-
here. She signifies the generation whose children are in exile, passes her returned inhabitants. By contrast, w. 27-8 promise
who face extinction as a people. Ephraim personifies the next human and animal fertility in the planting of seed, thus
generation, the implied exilic audience who gain in his por- providing offspring and food for the nation. The woman
trayal another model of true repentance. He is their imagined encompassing a man to become pregnant personifies the
future, but mysteriously she, too, is included. future of the destroyed people. Finally, w. 29-30 offer yet
Like many other characters in this book, Rachel's grief is another interpretation of v. 22. The proverb comments on
unceasing and her weeping voice (qol) can be heard (v. 15). In the generational divide by insisting that children are respon-
the vignette created by this much discussed poem (Trible sible for, and suffer for, their own sins. The exiles cannot
1978; Anderson 1978; O'Connor 1992; Weems 1995), blame their parents' generation exclusively for their predica-
YHWH comforts her, seeks to dry her tears, recognizes her ment. They themselves are accountable for their behaviour
labour, and finally promises her a heart-stopping reward. The and, by implication, they must repent. Woman does not en-
mother who believes her children are dead will see them compass a man; mother does not include child in her guilt.
return from the land of the enemy (w. 16-17). A more poign- The children's guilt is their own.
ant announcement can hardly be imagined as the poet climbs The prose comments of w. 23-30 seek to tame the radical,
into the persona of the mother who learns that, miraculously, open-ended poem that precedes them, but the power of the
her children live. text still breaks out. Whatever it may denote, it also reverses
YHWH hears another voice, a voice of shame and repent- gender imagery from earlier parts of the book. Rachel, weep-
ance, a voice of pleading (w. 18-19). Th£ mother weeps, but ing mother, virgin daughter, faithless daughter, is invited
the child speaks. Ephraim interprets his suffering as his home again by God/husband who divorced her. She symbol-
father's discipline of an untrained son. In the liturgical lan- izes a new future. She is the restored Israel, mother of north
guage that forms a leitmotif across the book (3:22-5; 8:14-15; and south, reunited with her children, laughing, not weeping,
10:1-16, 22-5; 14:7-9, 19-22; 16:19-20; 17:12-23) Ephraim protecting, surrounding, embracing them, and finally leading
begs to be brought back 'for you are the LORD my God' (w. 18— them into a Utopian future of harmony and equality. The
19). The stanza re-enacts and embellishes the scene where the prose comment on the new covenant portrays that future.
children admit their shameful youth and return repentant to
their Father (3:22-5). Unlike the earlier version, however, this (31:31-4) The New Covenant Following Ephraim's enactment
account of repentance and return evokes a response from of repentance, YHWH's acceptance of it, and the restoration
YHWH, who expresses delight in his son and insists with of the broken family, YHWH proclaims a new covenant, a new
promises of mercy that he never forgot him (v. 20, Trible 1978; way of relating within the reconstituted family. (For reviews of
Anderson 1978). modern interpretations, see Herrmann 1986: 146-62 and
Reversing the broken marriage (2:1—3:25), YHWH also in- McKane 1986: 817—27.) Among Christians, the new covenant
vites grieving mother and still 'faithless' virgin Israel to return passage is perhaps the most well-known and misread of Jere-
(w. 21-2). YHWH will create yet another surprise, 'a new mianic texts. The new covenant prophecy does not cancel
thing on the earth: a woman encompasses a man' (v. 22). YHWH's covenant with Judaism in favour of Christianity
This is a difficult and astonishing verse. Translation oftesobeb (Brueggemann 1991: 69—71). Christians will, of course, place
is only part of the difficulty. It can mean 'protect', 'encompass', great significance on this short passage, using its language to
'surround'. Holladay (1989: 195); Carroll (1986: 602-4); and express their faith that the newness of divine revelation in
McKane (1986: 807) discuss the problems. In addition, there Jesus Christ stands in continuity with YHWH's covenant with
remains the problem of understanding the 'new thing' God Israel. When the book of Jeremiah speaks of the new coven-
has created. In part that decision rests on who the woman and ant, however, it is referring to renewed relationship between
man symbolize. In the context of the poem they seem to be Israel and YHWH.
 515 JEREMIAH
That renewed relationship will differ from YHWH's coven- invasion and captivity. Clements (1996:128) believes that the
ant with Israel's ancestors rescued from Egypt (v. 32). They land purchase holds a central position in Jeremiah's vision of
broke covenant even though, YHWH says, bffaltt: T was mas- hope. To the extent that the story serves as first step towards
ter over them' (Holladay 1989: 198), or T was their husband' restoration, the narrative begins the fulfilment of the visions
(Carroll 1986: 609 cf NRSV, NIV). This covenant language of 30:1—31:40.
reaches back to the broken marriage and divorce between
(32:1-15) The Purchase A superscription places Jeremiah's
YHWH and his faithless wife (JER 2:1—3:25). The new relation-
symbolic act in the reigns of Zedekiah and Nebuchadrezzar
ship will be stronger than the previous marriages because
(v. i), during Babylon's most devastating invasion of Jerusa-
YHWH will inscribe torn on their hearts (v. 33; Polk 1984: 35-
lem (588/87 BCE; on dating, see Holladay 1989: 212 and
57). YHWH, not the community, will create love and fidelity
Keown Scalise, and Smothers 1995: 150; on historical incon-
so that everyone from the least... to the greatest' will
sistencies, see Carroll 1986: 622; McKane 1986: cbd). The
know YHWH (v. 34). The new covenant, therefore, manifests
chief importance of this chronological note is symbolic. It
itself as an egalitarian religious vision that embraces everyone
places Jeremiah's foolhardy purchase at the nadir of Judah's
in the community without hierarchical preferences of any
history. During the bleakness of invasion, Jeremiah acts and
kind. The new covenant restores the broken marriage, heals
prays in ways that embody and announce a new future (Seitz
the wounded family, and creates a new story from Israel's
1989/7: 244). The dating of the narrative, therefore, assures
narrative wreckage. Finally, the new covenant continues the
the exilic audience that the seemingly unrealizable promises
development of the book's theodicy by inviting the implied
are already active in the divine plan.
audience to recognize their sufferings as discipline by a loving
The narrative itself is highly symbolic. Jeremiah prophesies
father and husband. YHWH will forgive them and remember
Babylonian triumph and the resultant capture of Zedekiah for
their sins no more (v. 34).
an indefinite period, until YHWH 'attends' to him (w. 2-5; cf.
(31:35-7) The Covenant's Endurance In a spectacular reversal 27:19-22). To repress this treacherous message, Zedekiah,
of the cosmic undoing of creation caused by sin (JER 4:23—8), himself about to be imprisoned, imprisons Jeremiah.
this brief poem finds, in the permanence of the created order, YHWH tells Jeremiah that his cousin Hanamel will ask him
assurance that Israel's offspring will receive divine acceptance to redeem his uncle's field in Anathoth (w. 6-8). As next of
forever (v. 36). In images that echo Gen i and Job 38:4-7, the kin, Jeremiah's responsibility is to redeem family property in
Creator threatens to reject Israel's offspring (zercf, 'seed', case of debt (Lev 25:23—8; Ruth 4:1—10), but under the circum-
w. 36c, 37c), but not until the fixed order of creation fails and stances of the invasion such an act appears pointless. The
the cosmos can be measured. Since this will never happen, narrative offers no details of the family predicament, but
YHWH promises an eternal covenant with restored Israel. rushes, instead, to describe legal and monetary components
(31:38-40) Jerusalem Rebuilt By returning to the image of of the transaction (w. 9—15). These details underscore the
the restored Jerusalem, this prose comment forms a frame public, legal nature of the event. As executor, Baruch places
with 31:23-6 (Keown, Scalise, and Smothers 1995). As the the deeds in a jar to preserve them (w. 12-14). The last verse
focus of exilic hope, the city will be rebuilt beyond its former explains the meaning of the purchase. Life will resume in the
borders to accommodate the population explosion among its land (v. 15), for YHWH will redeem it just as Jeremiah re-
inhabitants. Jerusalem will never again be uprooted or over- deems the land of his kin.
thrown (v. 38). The story of Jeremiah's land redemption affirms to the
(32:1-33:26) In these two chapters, prose narrative supplants implied audience that life in the land will resume in a new
poetry; Jeremiah replaces YHWH as main actor; a narrator future. Although the promise originated with Jeremiah,
replaces YHWH as speaker. Both prose chapters prophesy Baruch witnessed it, served as executor, and thus emerges as
a radical change of fortunes for the exiles; both are set a reliable interpreter and developer of the Jeremiah tradition
during Jeremiah's confinement as the Chaldeans (Baby- (Carroll 1986: 61-2). The narrative portrays no quick end to
lonians) invade Jerusalem; and both appeal to YHWH as all- exile (v. 5), but only a promisory deed. In the meantime,
powerful Creator whose portrayal changes unexpectedly Jeremiah emerges as a paragon of faithful obedience and
from angry punisher to loving redeemer and healer (Perdue hope in the midst of captivity.
1994: 145). (32:16—25) Jeremiah's prayer elaborates upon and parallels
(32:1-44) Jeremiah Redeems a Field In the previous two the story of the redemption of land. The prayer also revisits
chapters Jeremiah appears only in the superscription (30:1- the grim hour of invasion as fulfilment of YHWH's word and
2) and as unnamed recipient of a revelatory dream (31:26). finds in the reliability of earlier messages the basis for new
Both notices lend Jeremiah's prophetic authority to the mes- hope. In first-person direct address, Jeremiah reminds
sage of renewal and restoration found there. In ch. 32, how- YHWH of past divine treatment of Israel that distributed
ever, Jeremiah is chief agent and central character, and for the love prodigally and punishment sparingly (w. 17-19). Jere-
first time he has a companion, Baruch, to act as witness (v. 12; miah addresses YHWH as Creator of the earth and Sovereign
Brueggemann 1994). Jeremiah's symbolic action (w. 1—5) and of history (Perdue 1994: 144). The 'impossibilities' God per-
sermon-like prayer (w. 16-25), to which YHWH responds formed on behalf of the people in the past (Brueggemann
(w. 26-44), confirm and give concreteness to the hopeful 1991: 83) brought no obedience from them (w. 20-3). Jere-
poetic vision of the previous chapters. During Jeremiah's miah begs YHWH to 'see' that the promised invasion is
imprisonment in the palace, he again serves as an exemplar underway (w. 20—4). In the thick of the siege, YHWH orders
for exiles by acting with obedient hopefulness in the face of Jeremiah to buy the field in front of witnesses (v. 25). Hints of
JEREMIAH S i6

conflict in the exilic community concerning the future float text's historical referrents cannot be determined. Rather, the
beneath the surface of this prayer. For some, resumption of poetic evocation of an empty, hostile wasteland sharpens
life in the land is unthinkable. It is this hopelessness that the the contrast between the seemingly hopeless present reality
prayer seeks to overturn. and the bustling, noisy, domestic, and worshipful future (Car-
(31:26-44) Divine Assurance If readers are not yet convinced roll 1986: 636).
that they will return to the land, YHWH's reply to Jeremiah's (33:14—26) Davidic Monarchy Restored The book of consola-
prayer assures them that they will. A third-person narrator tion closes with an eschatological promise that a descendant
introduces the divine speaker who tells Jeremiah that the God of David will once again rule all Israel, a rule characterized by
of all can do anything (w. 26-7). The passage parallels the justice and righteousness (w. 14-16). The people will never
narrative of land purchase and Jeremiah's prayer in describing again lack kings or levitical priesthood for eternal worship
the disaster (w. 28—90) and the sins that provoked it (w. 2gb— (w. 16—17). The new covenant is as eternal as the created order
35, cf 7:1—8:3), and in shifting to the good fortune ahead (w. 19-22). Nor will YHWH ever again reject the two families
(w. 37-44). Even as the city falls into the hand of Babylon, of Israel.
YHWH announces the gathering of exiles (w. 36-7), their (34:1-35:22) A Bad King and a Good Community The prose
safe return, and the making of an everlasting covenant narratives of chs. 34 and 35 shift the temporal frame back
(cf. 31:31—4). YHWH's responsibility for the national tragedy abruptly from the eschatalogical, Utopian future to the reality
is unusually explicit in this prayer (v. 42), but divine agency in of the recent past. Both chapters are set during the Babylonian
the disaster provides confidence in promises regarding invasion, but the behaviour they describe concerns survival in
YHWH's new activities. YHWH will plant them, delight in the exilic present. Ch. 34 portrays the failures of king and all
them (v. 41), and restore their fields (w. 43—4). the people to obey the divine word wholeheartedly, and it
All three units of this chapter follow the same literary and underscores the desolate consequences of those failures. Ch.
theological movement. They plunge down into invasion and 35, by contrast, narrates the dogged obedience of a small group
devastation before turning upwards in hope. Narratively they of faithful Rechabites whose righteousness gains them a
meetthe exiles in their hopelessness and insist on a transform- future. Together these chapters set forth an implicit choice
ation grounded in divine initiative. YHWH commands the between attitudes and behaviours from which readers must
land redemption (32:1-5). YHWH is the mighty Creator who choose. The rhetoric is not subtle. Half-hearted obedience of
loves and does impossible things (32:16—25). YHWH will king and people caused the nation's destruction; only heroic
restore their fortunes (w. 37—44). In its attack on the people's obedience in the present will issue in the survival of the
sin and failure to listen, the passage defends God against faithful few. In both chapters a third-person narrator presents
charges of injustice, but YHWH also accepts responsibility the speech of Jeremiah who, in turn, uses divine speech.
(v. 42). YHWH undergoes a change of heart, reaffirms loving
(34:1-22) Half-hearted Obedience After Zedekiah makes a
fidelity to the people, and in this part of the text, asks for
covenant with all the people (w. 8—20), they first obey and
nothing in return.
then disobey YHWH's word. The king's fate (34:1—7, 21—2)
(33:1-9) Restoration of Fortunes A superscription joins this frames the failure of the community (34:8-20) during the
chapter to the previous one for Jeremiah is still imprisoned invasion, described in both hyperbolic (v. i) and concrete
(v. i). Reversing earlier prohibitions against intercession terms (w. 6—7). Jerusalem is under attack from 'all the king-
(11:14; I 5 :I ~ I 5)> the Creator now invites prophetic mediation doms of the earth' and all the peoples under Nebuchadrez-
and promises to reveal things hitherto hidden (v. 3). This zar's dominion (v. i). Only Lachish and Azekah remain
invitation reopens relationship between YHWH and the among Judean cities (w. 6-7). (Archaeologists have found
people, and the new revelations suggest further development letters at Lachish, dating to the time of the Babylonian inva-
of the tradition. The cause of the invasion and destruction was sion.) This time-frame is critical for Jeremiah's prophecy (v. 8)
divine anger at the people's sinfulness. YHWH turned the for, at a truly grim moment, YHWH commands Jeremiah to
divine face away, a momentary lapse during which the enemy announce the city's destruction and Zedekiah's capture and
wreaked havoc upon the city. Though the people's sin remains exile (w. 2—3). The story, however, modulates the terror for the
the root cause of the tragedy, divine inattentiveness suggests king who will not be killed but will die in peace and be
that punishment for the people's sin became excessive. But lamented with proper royal rituals (w. 4-5; cf. 52:1-11). Holla-
after that turning away, YHWH has made a full reversal by day (1989: 233-4) and Brueggemann (1991: 105) believe the
promising recovery, healing, and abundance for north and passage relates an implicit choice for Zedekiah to surrender or
south (w. 6—7). YHWH will rebuild, cleanse, forgive. The die, while Carroll argues that the passage must mean that the
city's glory will evoke awe from nations at the transformation royal burial will occur in Jerusalem, not in exile, since such
YHWH will accomplish (v. 9). treatment of captives is unthinkable.
(33:10-14) Two brief comments emphasize the drama of the The text is not conditional in its prophecy of Zedekiah's
future transformation by describing the land as an empty survival, however, nor does it refer to burial in Jerusalem.
wasteland (w. 10—n, 12—13). Because the land was never Instead, the text offers a picture of a slightly mitigated disaster,
empty after the invasion nor at any point during exile, some discerning in the royal survival a glimpse of the community's
commentators judge the depiction of the land as unpeopled survival. That is the 'word' that Jeremiah speaks (v. 5, cf. v. 4).
to be propaganda on behalf of Babylonian exiles. The claim This passage, therefore, treats Zedekiah somewhat differently
that they alone are left of Judah makes them heirs of the true from other texts (21:1—7; 37:I~38:28), not only form-critically
Israel. Those remaining in the land become invisible. But the (Keown, Scalise, and Smothers 1995:178) but also narratively.
 517 JEREMIAH
That Zedekiah might save his life by surrendering to Babylon the origins of the book of Jeremiah led to a diligent search for
is clearer elsewhere (Carroll 1986: 641—2). It is the certainty of the contents of the Urrolle, the original scroll. Efforts to recon-
his exile that this narrative stresses (w. 3, 21). It emphasizes struct the scroll's contents and thus to recover Jeremiah's
the reliability of the prophetic word. In the larger context of original words have yielded little consensus (Perdue 1984:
chs. 26-36, Jeremiah's words of muted hope are as reliable in 21-2; Holladay 1989: 253). Carroll (1986: 662-8) has broken
the midst of the siege as were his words of exile before the the interpretative log-jam by proposing that the scrolls are
invasion. In the rest of this passage Zedekiah makes an fictional elements of a narrative, based on 2 Kings 22:8-13
attempt at righteousness that is thwarted by the citizens re- and designed to legitimate Baruch's scribal authority. Baruch
maining in the land. himself, in Carroll's view, represents Deuteronomistic scribes
w. 8—22, a broken covenant: Zedekiah makes a covenant who expand the Jeremianic tradition (see Dearman 1990 for a
with the people of Jerusalem, apparently enforcing the release contrary view). Carroll is correct in insisting that the story's
law for Hebrew slaves (Lev 25:10). The legal and historical historical roots are not recoverable. The story's importance is
backgrounds of this text are obscure (Keown, Scalise, and symbolic, theological, and literary. Narrative parallels with ch.
Smothers 1995: 185—8), but they are not the main concerns 2 6 suggest that the two chapters create a literary frame around
of the narrative. The story uses the law of release, first, to chs. 27-35. Parallels between the two chapters include dating,
indict the people for failure to listen and, second, to interpret the prophet's audience, lists of supporters, threats to Jere-
exile as a reversal of the release law. Rather than depicting miah's life and mysterious rescues, and virulent indictments
Zedekiah's vacillation (37:1—38:28), this text portrays the of King Jehoiakim (O'Connor 1989: 626).
people's fickleness. At first the officials and 'all the people' Ch. 36 authorizes developments in the Jeremianic tradition
obey the covenant, signifying their repentance (v. 15), but they begun in ch. 26, partly by portraying Baruch as a faithful
reverse their course by taking back their slaves. In a form of agent of that development. It may be best to think of Baruch
poetic justice, therefore, YHWH will release them to the as a reader of an earlier Jeremiah tradition who writes himself
sword, pestilence, and famine (v. 17). into the narrative to continue the story for new circumstances.
YHWH then describes an enactment of covenant ritual in In ch. 36, Baruch broadcasts Jeremiah's message in the tem-
which all the officials and people (v. 19) walk between the parts ple and faithfully excludes nothing from the preaching of
of a butchered calf (see Gen 17). Because that act signifies Jeremiah's entire career (v. 2). He is a reliable conduit of
commitment to the covenant and brings a curse upon all who Jeremiah's prophetic message (McKane 1986: 912). The goal
break it, YHWH announces the curse's fulfilment. Everyone of his activity, directed by Jeremiah, is to bring about repent-
in the community will be butchered like the sacrifical calf ance in the community (v. 3). Besides providing Baruch with
(w. 18—20). Although Zedekiah acts well in this story, credentials, ch. 36 also validates the writing of the book
w. 2i—2 reiterate his fate and the fate of the city. For the book's (Brueggemann 1991: 129), itself designed to evoke repent-
implied audience, the account illustrates the consequence of ance in the community. Finally, the story indicts royalty for
insincere repentance. rejecting the word, interprets the nation's fall as the mon-
archy's failure to listen, and explains the monarchy's collapse.
(35:1-19) The Rechabites By contrast to officials and people of The superscription (v. i) sets the story in Jehoiakim's fourth
Judah in ch. 34, the Rechabites are utterly steadfast. Their year. The narrative, related by a third-person narrator, unfolds
identity is uncertain (see Keown, Scalise, and Smothers 1995: in four scenes of intensifying drama that attend closely to the
195—6), but what is clear is that they provide a counter- production of the scrolls and their fate. In the first scene
example to Judah's faithlessness in ch. 34. The narrative takes (w. 4—10), Jeremiah dictates the scroll to Baruch, indicating
place during Jehoiakim's reign (v. i), earlier than events in that Jeremiah, not Baruch, was the source of the scroll's
ch. 34. Sequential chronology is not whatbinds these chapters. contents (cf v. 17). Because Jeremiah is barred from the
The Rechabite event follows the style of a symbolic act. temple, Baruch must read on his behalf to 'all the people' on
Jeremiah receives a command to go to the house of the Re- the chance they may repent and thereby avert the promised
chabites and bring them to the temple. There he is to offer disaster (w. 5-8). The second scene (w. 9-18) occurs a year
wine to a community that abstains from drinking (w. 1—3) and later. Baruch reads the scroll 'to all the people' in the temple
that disdains urban, settled ways such as house-building and chamber of Gemariah, a member of the Shaphan family of
agriculture (w. 6—10). Out of loyalty to their ancestor Jonadab, Jeremiah supporters (JER 26:1—24). Another member of the
they refuse the wine and explain their presence in the city as a Shaphan family hears the reading, seeks out named officials,
security measure during the Babylonian invasion (w. 6—n). and reads the scroll to them. Alarmed by the scroll's contents,
w. 12—19 explain the Rechabites' temperance. It teaches a they in turn decide to read it to the king, but not before sending
lesson to the people of Judah and Jerusalem (v. 13). Stalwartly, Baruch and Jeremiah into hiding (w. n—18). The written text,
the Rechabites refuse to break their traditions for the sake of that is, the book, must carry the full power of the prophetic
loyalty to a mere human ancestor. By contrast, the people of message, since neither its speaker nor its writer are present.
Judah persistently disobey YHWH despite continual divine The third scene (w. 20—6) reveals that writing has not
efforts to speak to them through the prophets. Their failure to dulled the power of the prophetic word. The officials who
listen will bring disaster (w. 12-16), but the Rechabites will are among Jeremiah's protectors leave the scroll and report
survive in God's presence for all time (w. 18-19). Th£ text to the king who, in turn, sends Jehudi to get it and read it to
unequivocally calls for repentance as the only path to survival. him. These minute arrangements for the king to hear the
(36:1—32) The Two Scrolls The long-held scholarly as- scroll highlight his agency in the unfolding events. The scroll
sumption that the story of the scrolls is a historical report of must be brought to his attention, he must consent, and then
JEREMIAH 5 i8

he must send for the document (w. 20-1). As it is read to him, passion. Kremers's approach has been rightly criticized for
he deliberately cuts off the columns and, despite efforts to stop imposing Christian language and thought on the OT without
him, casts them into the fire until the entire scroll is con- first letting the text stand on its own. Jeremiah's absence from
sumed. The king's cutting and burning of the scroll is a chs. 40-1 and 45, moreover, make it difficult to see his por-
symbolic act designed to cancel the uncontrollable power of trayal as a primary key to the narratives. Opposition to Kre-
the written word by making it disappear. As further evidence mers's view, however, has obscured the immense symbolic
of the king's disobedience, he orders the arrest of Jeremiah import that stories of Jeremiah's suffering, imprisonment,
and Baruch, whom YHWH miraculously protects from dis- and rescue would have had for an exilic audience.
covery. Taken together, the chapters show the exilic audience how
The final scene of the narrative (w. 27—32) forms a frame to survive the suffering brought on by the invasion and its
with the first (w. 4—10). Jeremiah receives a divine command aftermath. In doing so they provide a history of rejection and
to write a second scroll, containing the words of the first. Only fulfilment of the prophetic word (Kessler 1968; Nicholson
now are the king's words upon the burning of the scroll 1975) and reveal conflictual interpretations among survivors
revealed, and they provide the only clue as to the scroll's about both the nature of prophecy (Diamond 1993) and how
message. Babylon will destroy the land and the life in it to face the national crisis (Seitz 1989/7). Jeremiah's instruction
(v. 29). This short verse summarizes 'all the former words' to submit to Babylon cuts through the political alternatives.
(v. 28), the entire prophetic message, in highly abstracted, Survival cannot be achieved in their own land nor in Egypt but
reduced form. In this narrative, it is not the potent images, only by submission to Babylon (Brueggemann 1991: 121—8).
metaphors, calls for repentance, and lamentations that The stories characterize Jeremiah as a model of faithful sub-
matter, but only the fact of invasion by Babylon. The king's mission who faces utter hopelessness but once again survives
rejection of the scroll means the end of the monarchy and with his life (cf 26:24; 36:26). His suffering is iconic of the
disaster for all (w. 30—1). suffering of the exilic people. His support and rescue by Ebed-
The king cannot cancel the prophetic word, for Jeremiah melech and the Babylonians creates hope of rescue for exiles.
and Baruch create a second scroll and add 'many similar Like them, Jeremiah is imprisoned and carted off to exile
words' as well. Brueggemann (1991: 129) calls the scroll 'em- against his will. He keeps his life and promises those who
blematic' of the canonical book. This story validates the scroll submit to Babylon that they will keep their lives as a prize of
as scribal expansion of the tradition and keeps that tradition war (38:2; 39:18; 45:5). Both his word and actions in the midst
alive so that later generations can read it. Ch. 36 also intro- of suffering signify their possibilities of survival.
duces the narrative complex, traditionally ascribed to Baruch, Holladay (1989: 286-7) notices the great amount of realis-
that continues through ch. 45 (Reitzschel 1966: 95—110). tic detail found in these stories. He also observes that Jere-
miah is not portrayed as a hero, nor his enemies as villains,
The Baruch Account (chs. 37-45) nor is Jeremiah's death reported. If, however, the accounts are
In these chapters a third-person narrator, identified as Baruch not biography in a modern sense but concerned with showing
(45:1), relates events that occur in the land during and after the exiles a way into the future, a report of Jeremiah's death would
Babylonian invasion. Chs. 37—8 contain two stories of Jere- destroy the narrative's effect. It is Jeremiah's survival in cap-
miah's imprisonment and meetings with Zedekiah during tivity and his confidence that justice will be done among the
the invasion, and ch. 39 describes the invasion and Jeremiah's nations that are central to the prophet's portrayal in these final
release. Chs. 40-1 portray anarchy in the land under Geda- narrative sections of the book. Whereas the little book of
liah, and chs. 42—4 relate events surrounding the forced exile consolation promises that future life will be radiantly idyllic,
of Jeremiah and Baruch to Egypt. The chapters close with the the Baruch document focuses on immediate problems of
commissioning and comforting of Baruch (ch. 45). Interpret- brute survival.
ation of the chapters has focused on historical matters of (37:1-39:18) Life as a Prize of War King Zedekiah imprisons
Baruch's authorship and the invasion and on the search for Jeremiah on two separate occasions (chs. 37—8), but ironically
unifying themes of the chapters. Brueggemann (1991: 121—8) the two characters exchange places when the Babylonians
provides a succinct survey of viewpoints. The narratives, what- invade the city (ch. 39). Puzzling similarities between chs. 37
ever their historical content, are richly symbolic. and 38 have led some interpreters to see them as duplicate
Although Baruch is portrayed as writer of the tradition accounts of the same story (Condamin 1920: 275). In both
(45:1; 36:32), he receives little attention in the intervening chapters Jeremiah is arrested, accused of treason before
chapters. In ch. 45, however, Jeremiah disappears from the princes, imprisoned, and released, and in both he consults
story and Baruch replaces him as sufferer, survivor, and bearer with Zedekiah in similar terms (Thompson 1980: 636). The
of the community's hopes and traditions. Baruch is an under- chapters are not identical, however: ch. 38 advances the nar-
developed character whose function is to interpret and pre- rative by increasing the gulf separating king and prophet and
serve the Jeremiah tradition in the absence of Jeremiah (see by setting into motion the fulfilment of the prophetic word.
Carroll 1986; Brueggemann 1994). An unidentified third-person narrator, presumably Baruch,
Efforts to find thematic unity in the chapters have not relates events and portrays dialogues between characters but
reached consensus because the collection of narratives is quite provides no lengthy speeches in the voices of either YHWH or
multifaceted. Kremers (1953) offered the most controversial Jeremiah. Although divine speech moves to the background
interpretation by calling chs. 37-45 a 'passion narrative' of in these stories, it is, none the less, the potent force behind
Jeremiah's suffering and rejection in the manner of Jesus' events.
 519 JEREMIAH
(37:1-21) The superscription (w. 1-2) dates the two chapters archy's true condition, Ebed-melech gets help and lifts Jere-
to Zedekiah's rule during the siege. This date reveals that, miah out of the cistern. Jeremiah does not gain immediate
from the beginning of his reign, Zedekiah was no better than freedom but against all expectations has gained his life. Ebed-
his predecessor Jehoiakim. He neither obeys the prophetic melech's name, meaning 'servant of the king', is probably
word (Carroll 1986: 671) nor fulfils his responsibility to lead ironic here. What king does he serve, Zedekiah or YHWH?
the nation to listen (v. 2). Ch. 37 contains three scenes: two of As a non-Israelite and an African slave, without explanation
Zedekiah's consultations with Jeremiah (w. 3—10, 17—21) Ebed-melech risks his own life to save Jeremiah. Does his
frame the scene of Jeremiah's imprisonment (w. 11-16). intervention indicate the possibility of survival (Carroll
Even the chapter's literary structure, therefore, artistically 1986: 690) for the exiles? Does his deed signify that rescue
hints at the king's efforts to squeeze a desirable word from of exilic captives will occur with equal surprise from quarters
the prophet and to suppress the true word. they can barely imagine?
w. 3-10 (Consultation), on the occasion of Egyptian efforts w. 14-28 (Consultation), prophet and king meet for secret-
to deflect the Babylonian army from Jerusalem, Zedekiah ive conversation. Both are in danger: Jeremiah from Zedekiah
sends messengers to request prayer from Jeremiah. This and Zedekiah from the invaders. Zedekiah secretly swears by
international power struggle gives Zedekiah hope that Egypt the God who lives' to protect Jeremiah's life (nepes, v. 16).
will overcome Babylonian hegemony and avert the threat to Jeremiah, in turn, promises Zedekiah that he will save his
Judah. Jeremiah's reply to Zedekiah is unequivocal. Babylon own life (nepes) and city, if he surrenders to Babylon (w. 17-
will prevail because that is YHWH's plan. Even if the Babylon- 18). Zedekiah is afraid of the Babylonians and Jeremiah as-
ian army had no one left but the wounded, they would sures him of his safety (nepes) if he surrenders (w. 19-20).
miraculously rise up and burn the city (v. 10). w. 11-16 (Cap- Jeremiah then reports a vision that reveals the consequences
tivity), after this emphatic crushing of false hope, Jeremiah of refusal and foreshadows the reversal of fortunes that occurs
attempts to leave Jerusalem to visit his property in Benjamin in ch. 39. The women of the king's house will be captured and
(JER 32). A sentinel believes Jeremiah is deserting (v. 13). will taunt the king with poetry that echoes the language of
When the sentinel refuses to listen, he illustrates the point Jeremiah's enemies. The king's friends have seduced and
made in 37:2. Officials, even more disrespectful ofthe prophet overcome him (cf. 20:7-11). Now the king's feet are stuck in
and the word, beat and imprison Jeremiah and thereby at- the mud (v. 22). In Jeremiah's vision, he and Zedekiah ex-
tempt to repress the divine word (w. 15—16). w. 17—21 (Con- change places. The one who caused Jeremiah's capture will
sultation), Zedekiah's second consultation with the prophet is himself be captured and sink in the mud. Consultation ends
held in secret. The king claims to desire a word from YHWH in a stalemate. The king orders Jeremiah to keep their ex-
but not the word Jeremiah offers. Faithful to his mission change secret and Jeremiah obeys, remaining in the court of
despite the danger he faces, Jeremiah does not waver in his the guard until Jerusalem falls. At this point, the narrative
message (v. 17). Instead, he protests his illegal imprisonment appears to drift off in indecision, but in quiet understatement
(v. 18; Diamond 1993), chides the king regarding his lying the last phrase announces the king's failure and the prophet's
prophets, and survives with his life. triumph (v. 28). The fall of the city results in Jeremiah's
(38:1—28) does not flow easily from the previous chapter be- release, the king's capture, and the fulfilment of the prophetic
cause there Jeremiah is captive, but here he is freely preaching word.
to the people and taken captive again without being released (39:1-18) The Fall of Jerusalem Ch. 39 follows ch. 38 chrono-
in between. Although 38:9 implies a lapse of time between logically and thematically. In unadorned prose it describes
arrests, chronological depiction of events is clearly not a pur- Babylon's invasion of Jerusalem and its consequences, particu-
pose of these chapters. Chapter 38 contains three scenes: larly for Zedekiah (w. i—10) and Jeremiah (w. n—18). Antici-
capture, rescue, and consultation. pated role-reversals occur here. In this narrative the invasion
w. 1-6 (Capture), four officials hear Jeremiah's admon- serves as background to larger issues (Carroll 1986; see Jer
itions to the people about survival. Any one who stays in the 52:4—16 and 2 Kings 25:1—12).
city will die, but those who surrender will save their lives 'as w. i-io (Zedekiah captured), w. 1-3 telescope events from
the prize of war' (v. 2). The officials charge Jeremiah with the invasion's beginning in the ninth year of Zedekiah to the
lowering morale and seeking harm instead of shalom (v. 4). capture and occupation of the city by Babylonian officials two
Diamond (1993) observes that the story contains conflicting years later. The narrative's main interest is not the battle but
views of prophecy. The officials believe that the prophet's role the king's cowardly behaviour, escape, and capture (w. 4-5).
is to secure the state's safety, but Jeremiah's intercession The prophetic word proves inescapable. Zedekiah's offspring
secures its doom. The king, in turn, listens to the officials are killed and he is blinded, thus marking in his flesh what
rather than to the prophet and allows them to imprison Jere- had already been true of his spirit. The fate of city and in-
miah in a cistern, where he sinks in the mud (v. 6). The habitants follows that of the king. Houses are burned and
literary detail of the mud reveals that Jeremiah has reached people are exiled. Only the poor remain, and Nebuzaradan,
the nadir of suffering and humiliation. All is lost. Death captain of the guard, then gives them land (w. 8-10). w. 11-18
awaits and future hopes are extinguished, w. 7—13 (Rescue), (Jeremiah freed), as Zedekiah is imprisoned by Nebuzaradan,
inexplicably and with no prior narrative intimations, an Ethi- Jeremiah simultaneously gains release and protection from
opian servant ofthe king, named Ebed-melech, dramatically the same captain at the command of Nebuchadrezzar
rescues Jeremiah from certain death. Using ropes made of (w. 11-13). Jeremiah is put under the protection of Gedaliah,
rags from the king's wardrobe, perhaps a signal ofthe mon- the Jewish governor appointed by Babylon, and son of
JEREMIAH 520

Ahikam (see JER 26:24). Jeremiah goes home with his people mael's craven wickedness as he brutally assassinates Gedaliah
(v. 14), contradicting the report that all but the poor were left in and massacres pilgrims on the way to offer worship (w. 4—7).
the land (v. 10). But the importance of Jeremiah's release and Although Jeremiah is under the protection of Gedaliah, he is
return home are symbolic. Jeremiah's behaviour illustrates conspicuously absent from this narrative and appears again
how to survive. By submitting to Babylon, he has escaped with only in ch. 42. Were the narrative to portray Jeremiah's death,
his life as the prize of war and returned home (w. 11—14). Th£ he would not save his life as a prize of war, and would not
Ebed-melech sequel (w. 15—18) lends strength to this inter- function as a clear model for the exiles. Whatever historical
pretation. After his release, Jeremiah receives a divine mes- memories underlie this narrative of conflict among survivors,
sage for his Ethiopian rescuer (see 38:7-13). Although the fate the intentions of the text are to ridicule the anti-Babylonian
of the city is sealed, Ebed-melech will escape with his life as a survivor of the royal family whose 'crimes' (v. n) reveal his
prize of war because he trusted in YHWH (v. 18). It is that brutal resistance to the prophetic word.
confidence that the exiles must emulate, and they too will gain Ishmael and his followers assassinate Gedaliah and his
a future. The many themes of these narratives unite in this companions at Mizpah. They choose a mealtime for their
rhetorical effort to persuade the exiles to submit to Babylon as deed, when covenant community is celebrated and the guard
the only avenue forward. is down (w. 1-2). Next they murder 'all the Judeans' and
(40:1—41:18) The Monarchy's Perversity These chapters de- Babylonian soldiers at Mizpah (v. 3). Then they slaughter
scribe events in the land after the Babylonian invasion. They eighty Israelites on pilgrimage to the temple and desecrate
continue to urge submission to Babylon and depict chaos in their bodies by dumping them in a cistern with an ancient
the occupied land. sacred tradition, thus also desecrating the cistern (w. 4-9).
Opportunist that he is, Ishmael spares only men with food
(40:1—6) retells the story of Jeremiah's release (39:11—14) with
stores (v. 8). After making hostages of people remaining at
significant alteration and elaboration of detail, indicating
Mizpah, the royal claimant tries to escape to his foreign
again the narrative's lack of concern for precise biographical
supporters in neighbouring Ammon (v. 10; cf. 40:11). Johanan
reporting. In this version, Jeremiah is released, not from the
son of Kareah and military forces pursue him and rescue the
court of the guard (39:14) but from among the fettered cap-
happy hostages (v. 13), but Ishmael escapes to Ammon (v. 15).
tives in Ramah who are about to be exiled. With great pres-
The bloodbath leaves its survivors in terror of the Chaldeans
cience, Nebuzaradan interprets the fall of Judah in
(v. 18) and sets in motion forces that are played out in the next
Jeremianic terms, treating Jeremiah as if he were one of the
chapters. The remnant intends to escape to Egypt (v. 17).
sinners responsible for the nation's fall rather than the one
who called for repentance (w. 2-3). This passage fully identi- (42:1-44:30) Emigration to Egypt Divine rejection of emigra-
fies Jeremiah with the exiles. Nebuzaradan gives him the tion to Egypt unifies these chapters. Paradoxically, Jeremiah
choice of remaining in the land or going into exile, but if he and Baruch are forced to join the condemned group. Pohl-
stays in the land he must give his loyalty to the Babylonian mann (1978); Nicholson (1975); and Carroll (1986) view these
appointee, Gedaliah (w. 4—5). Unlike ch. 24 where Jeremiah chapters as propaganda in favour of the Babylonian exiles over
portrays those who stay in the land as bad figs, here Jeremiah against groups that remained in Judah or went to Egypt.
chooses to be among them, and they are portrayed as faithful McKane (1986: 1064) proposes that the text attacks Egypt,
people, except for the remnants of the royal family and fol- not the exiles, but ch. 44 argues against that view. These
lowers. Submission to Babylon, however, remains a constant chapters create close parallels between the fate of the Egyptian
requirement for survival. emigres and the fate of the citizens of Judah before the fall
(40:7-12) Peace in the Land Numbers of people, poor and (Keown, Scalise, and Smothers 1995: 250—2). They refuse to
notable, as well as a remnant of the troops, come under listen, engage in idolatry, and serve the queen of heaven, and
Gedaliah's protection and experience temporary prosperity they are promised a dreadful fate even as they search for
and peace in the land (w. 7—9). In terms reminiscent of safety. At the same time Jeremiah and Baruch, though faith-
Jeremiah's letter to the exiles (29:4-6), Gedaliah urges the ful, suffer forced exile. Ch. 42 portrays the survivors' rejection
survivors to serve the Chaldeans without fear. Returnees from of the prophetic word (Brueggemann 1988: 174—5); ch- 43
neighbouring countries gather under Gedaliah's protection portrays Jeremiah's forced emigration, and ch. 44 denounces
and live with abundance ofwine and summer fruit (w. 10—12). idolatry.
Once again survival and a future depend upon submission to (42:1-22) Jeremiah's Intercession All the survivors of Ish-
Babylon whether in the land or out. But Ishmael, a descendent mael's bloody devastation, 'from the least to the greatest',
of the royal family, destroys the possibility of peace in the land including Johanan, go to Jeremiah for advice regarding their
(w. 13—16). When Gedaliah learns about Ishmael's plot planned escape to Egypt. The story begins with the survivors'
against him, he shows himself to be trusting and loyal. He request that Jeremiah intercede on their behalf. They make a
disbelieves the threat and defends Ishmael. The contrast be- dramatic oath to 'obey' whatever message they receive, setting
tween the Babylonian appointee and the monarchical family a curse upon themselves if they do not (w. i—6) and under-
survivor could not be more pointed, lending credence to scoring their subsequent disobedience.
Pohlmann's view that these narratives support the Babylonian Jeremiah does not reply hastily to the request but goes away
exiles over those who remain in the land. for ten days and returns with the divine response (w. 7-22).
(41:1-17) Chaos in the Land In graphic terms, this chapter The response repeats themes and motifs that occur earlier in
portrays treachery, conflict, and betrayal within the Jewish the book but which are used here in the new conflict between
community after the fall. Details of the narrative reveal Ish- life in the land and escape to Egypt. YHWH promises to
 521 JEREMIAH
'build' and to 'plant' the survivors only if they remain in the shows women with minds of their own and spiritual resources
land. Since Jeremiah had previously advised exiles that they to which they hold fast (O'Connor 1992). The women speakfor
would prosper only in Babylon, this is puzzling counsel. Now themselves reporting that life collapsed when they stopped
life in the land under Babylon is a preferred alternative to worshipping the queen of heaven. They would, therefore,
escape to Egypt. And another new element enters the narra- continue to make cakes for her and offer libations. The text
tive. YHWH grieves over the disaster ' I . . . brought upon you' portrays the women as brazen violators of the covenant who
(v. 10). This verse portrays YHWH as repentant of divine implicate their husbands in their practices, revealing the
action against the people and uses YHWH's empathy to husbands to be weak but not idolaters themselves (w. 15-19).
further motivate submission to Babylon. Submission will Jeremiah replies that it is exactly that history of idolatry that
gain mercy and restoration to their native soil (w. 11—12). But led to the destruction of the city (w. 2—23; see Keown, Scalise,
if the Judeans go to Egypt where they expect to escape suffer- and Smothers 1995: 263 on parallels with Ezekiel). Further-
ing, they will find sword, famine, and pestilence (w. 13-15). more, they can surely continue these wicked practices in
w. 18-22 continue divine advice to the remnant of Judah Egypt and with the same certainty of extinction. Upon them
against the fatal mistake of escape to Egypt. There is no escape will settle the curses of YHWH. Pharaoh will meet the same
from Babylon. fate as Zedekiah at the hands of Nebuchadrezzar (w. 24-30).
(43:1—13) Jeremiah and Baruch Become Exiles Suddenly Jo- This chapter announces the end of Judean life in Egypt. The
hanan, who acted heroically in ch. 42, speaks insolently. He believing community will disappear, for YHWH's name will
and other leaders of the remnant accuse Jeremiah of lying, never again be pronounced on their lips (v. 26). They have no
and they charge Baruch with inciting Jeremiah to betray them future because they have turned from YHWH, disregarded
to the Babylonians (w. 1—3). In Brueggemann's terms (1994), the prophets, and engaged in deliberate, calculated idolatry.
the opponents accuse Baruch, not Jeremiah, of socio-political They are inheritors of idolatry and their departure from the
bias in favour of Babylon. This suggests that Jeremiah's mem- land plunges them further into the family perversity. They,
ory is too sacred to attack but that his scribal successors, not YHWH, have created the end of their own history. The
represented by Baruch, are in open contest over the control divine word will triumph (Carroll 1986: 743). Despite Jere-
of the future. Then Johanan, the leaders, and the remnant, miah's attacks on the Egyptian exiles, a thriving and product-
described in terms that seem to ignore the massacres of ch. ive Jewish community continued.
42, disobey Jeremiah, forcing him and Baruch to escape with (45:1—5) Baruch and the Scroll Ch. 45 concludes chs. 26—44
them to Egypt (w. 4—7). In a massive contradiction of his own by asserting that the prophetic word will survive because
preaching, Jeremiah meets a fate similar to the Babylonian Baruch will 'gain his life as a prize of war' (v. 5). The chapter
exiles. He and Baruch are taken from the land against their contains a lament by Baruch and reassurance by Jeremiah.
will and forced where they do not wish to go. They escape The date is the fourth year of Jehoiakim 'when he wrote these
none of the pain of their people. They disappear with their words in a scroll at the dictation of Jeremiah' (v. i). The scroll
lives to a place already condemned. probably refers to the second scroll that Jeremiah and Baruch
In Egypt Jeremiah continues to prophesy, and directs rather created after Jehoiakim burned the first (36:32). The scroll
than performs a symbolic action (w. 8—13). In full view of the contains Jeremiah's original message and additional words as
Judeans, the directee, presumably Baruch, is to bury stones at well. As the written expansion of Jeremiah's message for later
the gate to Pharaoh's palace at Tahpanhes (w. 8-9) and then audiences, the scroll survives and Jeremiah's prophetic man-
explain the action. The dreaded King Nebuchadrezzar of tle has been handed on.
Babylon will come to Egypt and establish his throne over Like Jeremiah, Baruch utters a lament of sorrow, pain, and
those buried stones. What YHWH promised in 42:15—17, 22 weariness (w. 2—3) that follows upon the utterances of curses
will happen at the hand of Nebuchadrezzar (v. n) who will upon his own people (ch. 44). Through Jeremiah, YHWH
destroy the Egyptian deities (w. 12-13). replies, using the principal motifs of the book, T am going
(44:1-30) Idolatry in Egypt Jeremiah delivers a final message to break down... and pluck u p . . . the whole land' (v. 4). De-
to Judeans living in Egypt. A preamble explains the recent construction and demolition of the land, of the way of life, of
disaster that befell Jersualem and Judah as the consequence of the symbolic world of Judah cannot be avoided, not even by
the wickedness of its inhabitants (w. 1-6). w. 7-10 continue escape to Egypt. The only way out of suffering is through its
the harangue but speak directly to the circumstances of the very centre. Baruch is then admonished not to seek 'great
remnant in Egypt who are threatened with extinction because things' for himself. This probably means that he should not
of idolatry and forgetfulness of their history of sin. Their sin consider himself to be Jeremiah's replacement but only the
will cause all but a few fugitives to perish (w. 11-14).w-15~3°> conduit of Jeremiah's message. Baruch's reward is not grand
worship of the queen of heaven exemplifies the idolatry that but it is precious. He will survive. He will gain his life 'as a
causes the destruction of the Egyptian refugees. (On the prize of war', wherever he goes (v. 5).
identity of the queen of heaven see Ackerman 1987; Keown, With this lament and response, the main part of the book
Scalise, and Smothers 1995: 266-7; and Smith 1990:145, 55). closes on a sombre note. Baruch is the world-weary survivor
Jeremiah accuses the people of Jerusalem of this crime in the who is promised only his life, not escape, not return, not
temple sermon (7:1—8:3), but in that text it is entire families restoration of fortunes. Only life, endurance through difficul-
that are engaged in idolatry. Here women are the chief practi- ties, that is the prize in the midst of exhaustion from the
tioners and defenders of idolatrous practices. The narrative disaster that will come 'upon all flesh' (v. 5). The Baruch
intends to reveal the depth of idolatrous thinking, but it also narratives end with a most chastened hope that leaves the
JEREMIAH 522

lyrical Utopian vision of chs. 30-3 far from sight. The mood is 1987). In that year Babylon defeated Egypt at Carchemish,
of subdued trauma, emotional devastation after cascading gaining control of Syria—Palestine and destroying Egypt's
catastrophes, quiet after the passing of divine wrath. There power in the region. This dating, therefore, places Jeremiah's
is not yet energy for rebuilding or planting. There is little interpretation of Egypt's history well in advance of events
space for dancing or laughing. Now there is only waiting. about which it prophesies. It implies that YHWH has plans,
But survival is assured by the stories in chs. 37—45. Jere- long known and foretold, that will determine the fate of
miah, Baruch, Ebed-melech, and a remnant survive. Yet sur- nations and reverse Israel's fate. For an exilic audience, the
vivors must still obey Jeremiah's message or further oracle's date confirms its reliability and offers hope that their
destruction awaits. The next section of the book, the Oracles enemies will be defeated and their God will triumph, w. 3—12,
Against the Nations, confirms survival of the faithful who wait the day of YHWH begins with a battle scene (w. 3—6) in which
in obedience. It implies a reversal of fortunes for them be- a voice, presumably YHWH's, calls to military troops to pre-
cause YHWH is 'going to bring disaster upon all flesh' (v. 5). pare for battle. It is not clear which army is being addressed,
Israel and Judah are no longer the target as all present power the Egyptian for the defence or the Babylonian for the attack.
arrangements are about to be overthrown (Brueggemann Parallel commands in the second stanza (v. 9) suggest that
1991: 210). Egypt is called to battle only to face defeat. Babylon is never
(46:1—51:64) Oracles Against the Nations Common in proph- named in this poem because, as Carroll (1986: 763) points
etic literature (Isa 13-23; Ezek 25-32; Am 1-2; and Zeph out, the real enemy is YHWH. A few vivid words describe
2:2-15), ^e Oracles proclaim unequivocally that YHWH is defeat in the north as they stumble and fall (w. 5—6).
ruler of the nations. In the book of Jeremiah, this complex w. 7-12, the famed swelling and waning ofthe Nile de-
genre gains special importance from Jeremiah's title, 'prophet scribes the rise and fall of Egypt, the foreign power that
to the nations' (1:10; McKane 1986: clxv). The LXX places the intended to 'cover the earth' with destruction, but which is
Oracles at 25:13 in the centre of the book, following the drink- now under attack in the day of YHWH. Egypt again prepares
ing of the poisoned cup by Israel and the nations. By contrast, for battle but has no possibility of defending itself. The enemy
the MTmakes the Oracles the penultimate section ofthe book is not human but divine. YHWH gains 'vindication' for foes,
and presents them in a different order from the LXX. Carroll offering a sacrifice in the 'land ofthe north' (w. 9-10). In
(1986: 751-9) and Herrmann (1986:163-5) have good discus- mocking reuse ofthe poem of Judah's wound (8:22), Egypt is
sions of these differences as well as genre and themes, and sent to Gilead for a healing balm, but there is no healing for
Clements (1988: 245—7) draws attention to the significant her (v. n). Female imagery reappears in describing the
differences in tone, theme, and theology among the Oracles. wounded nation's reversal of fortunes. Egypt is 'virgin daugh-
Despite modern resistance to theological themes of ven- ter', vulnerable and shameful (w. 11—12). w. 13—25, Egypt's
geance, anger, and retribution, Bellis (1995) shows that the exile: a prose frame that specifies Egypt's human assailant as
Oracles in Jeremiah, particularly those against Babylon, serve Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon (w. 13, 25) encompasses the
important rhetorical, literary, and theological functions. They second oracle against Egypt. Because the battle is in the divine
seek to build up the weak faith of Israel, and they defend God sphere, the human agent Babylon remains in the margins of
against charges of injustice. Located at the book's conclusion, both power and poem (w. 13, 25). In the poetry itself the battle
they bring satisfactory closure to the captive nation's hopes. is cosmic and heavenly. On the mythic day of YHWH the
YHWH is the principal speaker throughout the poems, giving deities of Egypt and Israel enact the siege. A command to
them the authority of divine speech. YHWH's voice an- announce the battle in Egypt's major cities opens the poem
nounces that foreign nations had been instruments of divine (v. 14). Egypt's defeat is certain, for YHWH has 'thrust down'
punishment of Israel and Judah, but soon tables will turn to Egypt's bull-god, Apis (v. 15; on Egyptian deities and cities, see
create a different future. The Oracles address Judah's neigh- Thompson 1980: 691-4). Nor is the deified Pharaoh, called
bours first (chs. 46-9) and culminate in oracles against Baby- 'King Bombast' (NEB), a match for the true king YHWH
lon (50-1). (v. 18). Pharaoh's power is mere braggadocio; YHWH's power
is genuine and international. YHWH sends the agent of
(Chs. 46—9) Oracles Against Judah's Neighbours The pre- destruction to advance upon Memphis and send Egypt
dominant metaphor across these texts is that ofthe cosmic into exile (v. 19). Female metaphors again describe Egypt's
battle. As Carroll (1986: 754) points out, this is one of many vulnerability and shame (w. 20—4). She is a beautiful heifer,
shared poetic elements between the Oracles and chs. 4-6, 8- and like her, her soldiers are fat and well-paid. They cannot
10. Now the mythic enemy from the north will stalk Israel's withstand'the gadfly from the north' (w. 20-1). Egyptmakesa
neighbours. noise like a retreating snake in front of her enemies (w. 22—3).
(46:1—25) Oracles Against Egypt This chapter contains Daughter Egypt is shamed and taken captive by the mythic
poems against Egyptthatbring to fulfilment Jeremiah's proph- enemy from the north (v. 24).
ecies to the Judean remnant that escaped to Egypt (chs. 43-4). The historical prose frame makes no promise of Egypt's
Babylon will destroy their safe refuge, v. i introduces the survival (v. 25). Egypt's great crime in these poems is not
entire collection of Oracles Against the Nations. The remain- equivalent to the crimes of Israel and Judah in the book of
der ofthe chapter comprises three poems, two concerning Jeremiah. Its offences are hubris, personified in its pharaoh
Egypt (w. 3-12, 14-24) and one concerning Israel (w. 27-8). (v. 17), and false claims to power over the earth and its civiliza-
Prose comments link the poems (46:2,13, 25-6). tions (v. 8). Its gods are not declared false, but before powerful
v. 2 dates the first poem (w. 3—12) to the year 605, the fourth YHWH they are powerless. YHWH rules the world (v. 18). For
year of Jehoiakim and a code for the year of judgement (Taylor exiles, these would be hope-restoring words, w. 27-8, comfort
 523 JEREMIAH
for Israel: Israel/Jacob, by contrast to exiled Egypt, will return. make it a barren place (v. 9). Known for its viniculture (Keown,
This poem promises comfort, restoration, and a quiet, fearless Scalise, and Smothers, 1995), Moab has a history of compla-
future for the dismayed exiles of Israel (v. 27). Jacob is cency described in terms of a wine that will soon be decanted
YHWH's servant; YHWH is with him (v. 28). Retribution (w. 11-12). v. 14 returns to language of warfare. Soldiers speak
and the turning of the tables is at hand, for YHWH will through the ventriloquism of the poet who mocks them. They
make an end of all the nations 'among which I banished think they are mighty warriors but YHWH, 'LORD of Hosts',
you' for punishment (v. 28). This short poem of reversal offers the head of armies, has sent the destroyer (v. 15). Readers are to
redactional clues to the interpretation of the whole collection mourn over Moab for its great power is broken (v. 17).
of Oracles Against Nations. The poem assumes restoration of In w. 18—20, YHWH addresses the city, daughter Dibon, for
covenant relationship between YHWH and Israel and inter- she too is under attack and put to shame. A prose comment in
prets the national tragedy as divine punishment that will soon w. 21-7 names the destroyed cities to illustrate the destruction
end. It affirms that YHWH is just. The poem promises an of Moab's power. In retaliation for its mockery of innocent
international reversal of fortunes, punishment for the punish- Israel, Moab will be forced to drink until sick with drunken-
ers. It asserts divine control of history and obliquely suggests ness (cf 25:22).
that the nations were out of hand and now, in turn, deserve YHWH next speaks to Moab's inhabitants, urging them to
punishment. Hence, the audience of the oracles is Judah, not flee and accusing them, with repetitive insistence, of false
the nations themselves. The oracles function to give hope, pride (w. 28-33). YHWH wails for Moab as gladness, joy,
encourage endurance, and reassert the justice of God who and wine presses are removed from the land (w. 31—3). In
continues to elect them as a special people among all the prose, w. 34-9 elaborate on YHWH's lament by naming the
nations. What is at stake here is identity politics, a global cities crying out in the disaster. In poetry again, YHWH
vision that places the survivors of the destroyed nation of announces that an eagle will swoop down on Moab to terrify
Israel at the head of YHWH's people. and destroy 'because he magnified himself against the LORD'
(47:1—7) Oracle Against the Philistines This poem presents (w. 40—2). No one among them can escape the pit (w. 43—4);
historical perplexities, not the least of which relates to the all will perish (w. 45-6). But the oracles against Moab come to
superscription that describes the attack as coming from Egypt a truly surprising conclusion for, in the last line, YHWH
in the south (v. i), whereas the poem describes the mythic promises to restore the fortunes of Moab (v. 47). Carroll
attack from the north (Carroll 1986: 777). Why Philistia is (1986: 796) interprets this reversal of fortune as a simple
included at all in the list of enemies is not clear (Keown, recognition that Moab survives. Theologically the verse af-
Scalise, and Smothers 1995: 299). What is certain is that the firms divine desires for the well-being of nations beyond
attack ultimately comes from warrior YHWH. The invasion is Judah.
like an overflowing, raging river that will destroy all in its path (49:1—39) contains a series of short Oracles against several
(v. 2; cf. 46:7-8). The day of YHWH has come. People scatter peoples: Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Arab tribes, and Elam.
at the noise of the army and abandon children in fear. The (49:1-6) Against the Ammonites The history of relations
poem provides no clear reason for the attack, but it ends with between Israel and Ammon was bitter. The book of Jeremiah
the 'song of the sword'. In a poignant personification of implicates the Ammonites in Gedaliah's assassination (40:13—
YHWH's weapon, an unidentified speaker begs the sword to 41:3; Thompson 1980: 715—16 provides a history of the rela-
be still but recognizes that the sword is unable to counter- tionship). The major theme of the poem is punishment of
mand YHWH's plans for it (w. 6-7). Ammon for land-grabbing. In a disingenuous rhetorical ques-
(48:1—47) Oracles Against Moab This chapter, comprising a tion, YHWH asks if Israel is without an heir. The next verse
loose collection of prose and poetry, contains the book's se- provides motivation for the question: why has Ammon's cap-
cond lengthiest description of attack against a foreign nation. ital city taken over Gad, presumably from Israel? For the crime
Only the poems about the destruction of Babylon are longer of wrongful land acquisition, YHWH will invade the city of
(chs. 50—1). (See Keown, Scalise, and Smothers (1995: 308— Kabbah, reduce it to ruin, and give the land back to Israel
10) for a discussion of literary forms, division of passages, and (w. 1—2). Mourning and exile will follow as Ammonite locat-
Moabite place-names.) Moab's status as a traditional and bit- ions are destroyed. Like other nations, Ammon's pride and
ter enemy of Israel may explain the rancorous tone of these false boasting will bring disaster upon the 'faithless daughter'
Oracles. There is significant echoing of texts from several (v. 4). Female imagery again underscores the terror and
other OT passages in this chapter, and numerous parallels vulnerability of a people about to be attacked. But like Moab
with Isa 15-16 (Holladay 1989: 346; Thompson 1980: 700). (48:47), Ammon will later have its fortunes restored (v. 6).
Despite textual difficulties, the general argument of the chap- (49:7-22) Against Edom Two poems (w. 7-11,14-16) and two
ter is clear. YHWH will visit punishment upon Moab. prose comments (w. 12-13, I7~22', but see Thompson 1980:
In w. i—2 YHWH announces the invasion of Moab's major 719) portray YHWH's obliterating punishment of Edom. On
cities, plots against the nation, and destruction by the sword. the troubled history of relations between Israel and Edom, see
Another voice cries out in alarm that great desolation, destruc- the book of Obadiah and ibid. 720. The Edomites are the
tion, and wild fleeing for safety is occurring in Moab (w. 3—6). offspring of Jacob's brother Esau (Gen 36). YHWH questions
Moab's crime arises from its own arrogance concerning its the disappearance of wisdom from Edom, perhaps a wisdom
power and wealth (Brueggemann 1988: 243). For this idol- derived from its ancestral connection to Jacob. YHWH will be
atrous hubris, its god Chemosh will go into exile (v. 7). There the one to bring calamity upon them (w. 7—8). Unlike grape-
will be no escape and salt will cover the desolate country to gatherers or thieves who leave something after they work,
JEREMIAH 524

YHWH will completely pillage Edom, here called Esau a seemingly fickle divine reversal in relation to Babylon, these
(w. 9—10). Orphans and widows alone will remain, signifying passages are good news for the exiles. They no longer explain
the end of the people (v. n). w. 12—13 are a Prose comment that why Judah's tragedy occurred, but, like chs. 30—3, they look
links this text with the destructive drinking bout (25:21). If beyond the tragedy to a new future. In them is expressed a
even the innocent must drink the cup of punishment, how biblical hope, a glimpsed confidence, that the present reality
can Edom expect to escape? Who might be innocent is not does not exhaust reality, that just out of sight, beyond com-
revealed, but perhaps the prose writer believes that Judah's prehension, dwells the God of justice (Brueggemann 1991).
exiles are innocent of the totality of the disaster that befell Keown, Scalise, and Smothers (1995) summarize problems
them. in interpretation, particularly in delimiting literary units. Car-
w. 14—16 announce in poetry the sending of an unnamed roll (1986) dates the poems to the post-exilic period and
messenger among the nations. By implication, Jeremiah is suggests that they may have functioned as songs of celebra-
the messenger, sent to announce the cosmic battle in which tion upon Babylon's defeat. Bellis (1995) and Aitken (1984)
YHWH will reduce Edom to the least among the nations. A find structural and thematic unity among the poems. Bellis
lengthy prose comment compares Edom's destruction to the (1995: 216—27) and Keown, Scalise, and Smothers (1995)
ruin of the wicked Sodom and Gomorrah (v. 18, cf. Gen 19) identify similar poetic units: 50:2-20, 21-32, 33-46; 51:1-33
and to the decimation of a flock (w. 20-1). The agent of this (Bellis divides at v. 19); 34-58 (Keown, Scalise, and Smothers
apocalyptic catastrophe (v. 29) is YHWH who will attack like a divide at v. 44). The great difficulty in agreeing upon a struc-
lion (v. 19) and swoop down like an eagle, turning warriors ture reveals the complicated nature of the collection. It is
into frightened women (v. 22). The poem never names Edom's perhaps best viewed as a loose unity of voices, an interpret-
sin. ative conversation that moves from promises of attack on
(49:23^7) Against Damascus The poem against Damascus Babylon, through preparations for military onslaught, to a
also uses female imagery to reveal the weakness, panic, and portrayal of Babylon's ultimate doom. The cosmic battle, this
grief that will befall Syria's capital city. This poem also omits time between the enemy from the north and Babylon, be-
the sin that provokes the destroying fire (v. 27). tween YHWH and the Babylonian deity Bel/Merodach, serves
as an organizing metaphor for the chapters. Interwined with
(49:28—33) Against Kedar and Hazor In the list of Nebucha-
poetic imaginings of Babylon's fate, are poetic and prose
drezzar's triumphs in the Oracles (v. 28), Kedar and Hazor
accounts of Israel's escape from captivity. Rhetorically, the
join Egypt among those attacked (46:2; see Thompson 1980:
chapters seek to create hope by inverting the fate of the exiles
726—7 on peoples and places). The superscription identifies
over that of Babylon.
Nebuchadrezzar as the addressee of the poem's commands to
attack. He is to 'rise up, advance' against both the tribe of Kedar
(50:1—46) The Enemy from the North An undated super-
(v. 29) and the people of Hazor (v. 31). As the human agent of
scription emphatically relates 50:2-51:64 to Babylon (v. i).
the attack, Nebuchadrezzar merely followed YHWH's com-
w. 2-20, whether this material is all poetry (Bellis 1995,
mands (v. 30). Kedar and Hazor will lose their herds of camels
Keown, Scalise, and Smothers 1995), or partly prose (NRSV;
and cattle (w. 29, 32) and both peoples will be dispersed
Carroll 1986) is not certain. A simple declaration of celebra-
(w. 30, 33). No reasons for their fate appear in the poem,
tion by YHWH opens the poem. Coming after this long book
unless being at ease (v. 31) implies a profligate arrogance.
in which Babylon has dominated Judah and the nations around
(49:34—9) Against Elam A prose passage interprets theologic- it, the words compress immense feeling. Babylon is taken; her
ally the international turmoil created by Babylon's imperial- gods are shamed (v. 2). Using verbs of completed action, the
ism. The comment is set in the reign of Zedekiah, just after text pictures already accomplished destruction. The agent of
Babylon's first invasion of Judah in 597, and describes Elam's that destruction is the mythic foe from the north, an unnamed
devastation in cosmic and meteorological terms. The four enemy that will reduce Babylon to a wasteland (v. 3).
winds of heaven, not historical agents, will be YHWH's in- In w. 4—10 YHWH continues to speak but shifts the subject
struments in Elam's destruction. After this colossal disaster, from Babylon to Israel. The fates of Israel and Babylon are
YHWH will restore its fortunes (v. 39). connected, for the coming attack on Babylon will signal the
(50:1—51:64) Against Babylon Long thought to be misplaced, return of Israel and Judah. They will come weeping to seal the
derivative, and monotonous, these two chapters contain Or- everlasting covenant with YHWH (cf. Jer 30-3). YHWH refers
acles that form a fitting theological conclusion to the book to the people with empathy. They are lost sheep, led astray by
(Bellis 1995; Reimer 1993). Here the punisher is punished; their shepherds/rulers, and attacked by enemies who think
the destroyer is destroyed; the inflicter of pain receives pain. themselves guiltless as they punish sinful Israel (w. 6—7). But
Although previous texts understood Babylon as YHWH's now the exiles must flee from Babylon. The enemy from the
agent and Nebuchadrezzar as YHWH's servant, these chap- north comes again as a company of plundering nations that
ters see them as perpetrators of evil against innocent, op- YHWH will bring against Babylon (w. 8-10). w. 11-16, direct
pressed Israel. No longer does the text emphasize Israel's address shifts to the plunderers of YHWH's heritage. Though
sinfulness, though that theme does not disappear entirely they 'frisk about' now, their mother will be shamed, made
(50:7; 5 I: 5)- desolate, and left without inhabitants. YHWH commands the
Chs. 50-1 portray the deity as a God of recompense, the cosmic army to take position for the attack, to raise the shout,
warrior God, who sets right the world's injustices and restores to cut off from Babylon the sower and the harvester. In the
the well-being of the chosen people. Despite the vengeful world of poetry, Babylon's destruction is accomplished and
nature of the material and theological difficulties created by celebration has begun (w. 14-16).
 525 JEREMIAH
w. 17-20, YHWH again speaks about Israel, reinterpreting time in the book YHWH orders the implied exilic audience to
its history as a series of destructive attacks upon hunted flee Babylon and return to Zion (w. 6—10, 45—51). Divine
sheep. Perhaps as sheep they are innocent or stupid, but power dominates the passages. YHWH, creator of all the
certainly they are helpless and vulnerable, despite guilt earth, alone has the power and wisdom to set the world aright
ascribed to them by enemies (v. 7). In a reinterpretation of for Israel and all the earth's peoples. The vengeful violence of
invasions by Assyria and Babylon, YHWH will prevent any captives and their gloating delight at the fall of their vanquish-
one from finding sin among the remnant. They will be par- ers converge in a theology of divine governance of nations and
doned. Earlier interpretations of tragedies of Israel and Judah of divine power to create a future out of nothing which will
as the result of sin are not denied, but they are transcended by overturn systems of domination.
divine fiat. w. 21—34, preparations for battle continue and w. 1—5, military preparation: underscoring divine agency,
descriptions become more vivid (w. 20—2). Babylon, 'the YHWH uses first-person verbs to plan the siege against Baby-
hammer of the whole earth', is itself cut down. YHWH ad- lon. Cosmic and human elements will participate in the
dresses Babylon directly. The nation is caught in a snare of its invasion (w. 1—2) to destroy utterly the military power of the
own devising (w. 23—4), so YHWH will conduct the military Chaldeans (w. 3—4). Although the poem's final verse appears
campaign against it (w. 25—7), making Babylon's fall inevit- to change the subject, it announces the conclusion to be
able, v. 28 shifts attention from Babylon and the armies drawn from the promised attack. Despite the guilt of Israel
attacking it to the fugitives escaping from it. Already and Judah, YHWH has not abandoned them (v. 5). w. 6-10,
approaching Zion to announce the achievement of divine urgent appeals to the exiles follow. To save their lives from the
vengeance, they act as a chorus commenting upon the action. divine vengeance about to engulf Babylon, exiles must flee.
w. 29-32 return to the scene of battle preparations. Babylon Now Babylon, not Judah, is guilty. Although Babylon had been
has arrogantly defied the Holy One of Israel so YHWH plans a golden cup in YHWH's hand (cf. 25:15-29), she has fallen
retaliation. Speaking directly to Babylon, YHWH takes a stand from her insider status (w. 6—7; Stulman 1995). A voice calls
against it, the arrogant one (w. 31—2). Babylon has exceeded its for balm to heal the nation's wound (cf. 8:23-9). The exiles
divine commission. Israel's suffering is no longer entirely of themselves speak. They had tried to heal Babylon, but it is too
its own making. late; the patient is dying (v. 9). In a poetic crescendo of urgency
Interpretation of international events has come full circle and excitement, the captives advise each other to flee to Zion
within the book itself. History has a different face in these where they will declare their vindication by their God (v. 10).
chapters, for here Israel and Judah are oppressed people, not w. 11-14,war preparations continue with divine commands
guilty people. They have a future, unexpected and barely im- that echo preparations for the cosmic battle against Judah in
aginable. Their strong Redeemer, the one who buys back cap- chs. 4—10. YHWH orders the armies to sharpen arrows, raise
tives, will take their side and give 'rest' to the whole earth (v. 34). the standard, post sentinels, and prepare ambushes (w. n—
w. 35-40 (The Sword), this curse-like poem gloats over the 12), but here the nameless, perhaps mythic, armies receive
reversal of fortunes about to take place, as if an incantation of historical identification in a prose comment. The Medes will
the sword would activate thrusts into the heart of Babylon. destroy Babylon in YHWH's retaliation for the temple (v. n).
The song of the sword involves intricate literary weaving of Victory is assured (v. 14). w. 15—19, praise of the Creator:
phrases and forms. The phrase, 'a sword against', appears five perhaps the hymnic language of this poem is voiced by the
times and its object is always an element of Chaldean society: exiles. The divine agent of battle is the Creator, wise and
the inhabitants, officials, diviners, the military, and the na- understanding, whose powerful voice creates tumult and pyro-
tion's treasures (w. 35—7). The second and third verses of the technic meteorological events (w. 15—16). Compared to the
poem (w. 36, 37) break the monotony of sword imprecations Creator, the idols are worthless, a delusion (cf. 3:23; 10:15). Th£
by adding curses that continue through v. 380. The final verse battle between Jacob's God and the lifeless gods of goldsmiths
changes the instrument of attack from sword to drought. The is already over (w. 17—19). w. 20—3, this poem repeats the
artistically crafted poem concludes with a motive for the violent first-person verb and preposition, T smash with you'
devastation to come. For its rampant idolatry, Babylon de- (wenippasti beka) eight times to create a staccato rhythm of
serves the sword (v. 38/7). A prose comment (w. 39-40) finds destruction. Babylon is the assumed addressee, the divine
in the poem cause for the destruction that will reduce Babylon hammer used to destroy kingdoms, warriors, and ordinary
to an uninhabited land like Sodom and Gomorrah. people (McKane 1986: 1310). w. 24—33, war planning and
w. 41-6 (The Foe from the North), the sword approaches in preparations continue. In first-person speech, YHWH de-
this poem that uses imagery familiar from earlier parts of the clares divine opposition to superpower Babylon, the 'destroy-
book and forms a frame with v. 3. A speaker announces the ing mountain' (w. 24—5). Nations muster for war (w. 27—9)
imminent approach of a people from the north. They are and Babylon trembles in panic and fear (w. 29—33).
cruel, noisy, and arrayed for battle against daughter Babylon. w. 34-44, accusations of Babylonian wrongdoing acceler-
The king is like a terrified and pain-struck woman in labour ate. YHWH imagines the speech of the people in Zion de-
(v. 43). Prose verses (44—6) divulge the identity of the agent of scribing Nebuchadrezzars's violence against them and their
destruction. It is YHWH, coming like a lion, sovereign and request for vengeance (w. 34—5). YHWH promises to take
unbiddable, coming with a divine plan that will make the vengeance, drying up Babylon, sending lion-like attackers,
earth tremble. making Babylon drunk for its arrogance, and punishing the
engorged Babylonian god, Bel. w. 45—58, again YHWH calls
(51:1—64) Opposing fates of Babylon and Israel continue to the exiles to depart, to save themselves. They must overcome
interweave and echo one another in this chapter. For the first the fear created by the rum ours among them (w.45-6). In the
JEREMIAH 526
eschatological future, YHWH will destroy Babylon. The cos- ported and sustained community identity is destroyed by
mos will shout for joy (w. 47—8). But now it is urgent that the this catastrophe. The promises of Jeremiah's call (Jer i) have
exiles do not linger but remember YHWH in Jerusalem (v. 50). been accomplished.
The people speak of their shame and the desecration of the The bleak narrative of this chapter implies that Israel and
temple (v. 51), and YHWH promises punishment of Babylon Judah will disappear from history, but perhaps a glimmer of
no matter how mighty it becomes (w. 52—3). hope remains. King Jehoiachin gains his life as a prize of war.
w. 54—8, the poetry of the book closes with an imagined Though still captive, he receives honour at the king's table,
portrayal of the attack. There is a cry, a crashing, massive and an allowance. Like the exiles in Babylon, he survives. The
noise, for the destroyer has come against Babylon (v. 56). king's release may be symbolic. The book does not end with a
Her leaders will be made drunk, will sleep never to wake, triumphal procession back to Zion but with dignified exist-
and Babylon will fall to the ground, w. 59—64, a symbolic ence in captivity. How to survive the tragedy has been the
act, described in prose by a third-person narrator, closes the subject of the book. Its many conflicting voices—of warning
Oracles Against the Nations. The action is performed neither and accusation, defending and attacking divine justice, ur-
by Jeremiah nor by Baruch but by Baruch's brother Seraiah. ging submission or resistance to Babylon, blaming the people
Jeremiah sends Seraiah to Babylon with the scroll containing for their sufferings, and of brief but translucent hope—all
the prophecies against it. Seraiah is to read the scroll aloud, give the exiles instructions for survival. They must endure
attach a stone to it, and sink the scroll in the Euphrates. The for the future day. Jeremiah's words will not fail.
sinking of the scroll mimics the way Babylon itself will sink
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Self, JSOTSup 32 (Sheffield: JSOT). WMANT 52 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
Rad,G. von (1936), 'Die Konfessionen Jeremia', Erth 3:265-76 (1965), Thompson, J. A. (1980), The Book of Jeremiah, NICOT (Grand Rapids,
Old Testament Theology (New York: Harper & Row), ii. Mich.: Eerdmans).
(1984), 'The Confessions of Jeremiah', in Perdue and Kovacs Tov, E. (1976), The Septuagint Translation of Jeremiah and Baruch: A
(1984: 339-48). German original, 1962. Discussion of an Early Revision of the LXX of Jeremiah 29—52 and
Raitt, T. M. (1977), A Theology of Exile (Philadelphia: Fortress). Baruch 1:1-3:8, HSM 8 (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press).
Reimer, D. J. (1989), The "Foe" and the "North" in Jeremiah', ZAW Trible, P. (1978), God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality, OBT (Philadelphia:
101/2: 223-32. Fortress).
(1993), The Oracles Against Babylon, Jeremiah 50-51: A Horror Wanke, G. (1971), Untersuchungen zur sogenannten Baruchschrift,
Among the Nations (San Francisco: Mellen Research University BZAW 122 (Berlin: de Gruyter).
Press). Washington, H., and Gordon, P. (1995), 'Rape as a Military Metaphor
Reitzschel, C. (1966), Das Problem der Urrolle: Ein Beitragzur Redak- in the Hebrew Bible', in A. Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to
tionsgeschichte des Jeremiabuches (Giitersloh: Mohn). the Latter Prophets, Feminist Companion to the Bible, 8 (Sheffield:
Reventlow, H. G. (1963), Liturgie und prophetisches Ich bei Jeremia Sheffield Academic Press), 308-25.
(Giitersloh: Mohn). Weems, R. J. (1995), Battered Love: Marriage, Sex, and Violence in the
Ricoeur, P. (1975), The Rule of Metaphor: Multidisciplinary Studies of the Hebrew Prophets (Minneapolis: Fortress).
Creation of Meaning in Language (Toronto: University of Toronto Weippert, H. (1973), Die Prosareden des Jeremiabuches, BZAW 132
Press). (Berlin: de Gruyter).
Roberts, J. J. M. (1992), "The Motif of the Weeping God in Jeremiah Weiser, A. (1960), Das Buch Jeremia, ATD 20/21 (Gottingen: Vanden-
and Its Background in the Lament Tradition of the Ancient Near hoeck & Ruprecht).
East', Old Testament Essays, 5: 361-74. Wilson, R. R. (1989), 'Jeremiah', in Bernhard W.Anderson (ed.), Books
Rudolph, W. (1947), Jeremia (Tubingen: MohrfSiebeck]). of the Bible (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons), i. 281-302.

24. Lamentations P. M. JOYCE

INTRODUCTION
A. Subject-Matter and Literary Genre. The English title of the Jerusalem and her people. It comprises five poetic laments,
book, Lamentations, sums up very well its subject-matter. As in style similar to many in the psalter. The qind or lament
is commonly the case, the Hebrew title is taken from its first metre (classically three beats followed by two) characterizes
word, 'ekd, meaning 'how!' The book consists of a series of much of the poetry of the book, and is best seen in ch. 3 (Shea
complaints about a disaster, which has struck the city of 1979). Four of the five chapters are acrostic poems; acrostics
 529 LAMENTATIONS
typically begin each verse with a different letter of the D. Text. The received Hebrew text (MT) of Lamentations is
alphabet, in sequence (Freedman 1986). Some have thought relatively well preserved and raises fewer problems than
that this elaborate literary form reflects a long development much OT poetry (examples are found in 1:14; 3:22; 5:5). The
and prolonged polishing (cf. Kaiser 1992). However, itis more evidence of the ancient versions, such as the Greek LXX, is
likely that this feature is evidence of the drive to establish rarely very helpful, since for the most part they seem to reflect
order in a time of traumatic loss, and so is quite compatible a Hebrew text close to the MT. The Dead Sea scrolls have
with composition during the immediate aftermath of a great yielded a range of remains from Lamentations (Fitzmyer
catastrophe. 1990: 232), of which the most important is 4QLama (Hillers
1992: 41-8). For detailed discussion of the text of Lamenta-
B. Authorship, Date, and Place of Composition. 1. The work is
tions, see especially Albrektson (1963) and Gottlieb (1978).
traditionally ascribed to the prophet Jeremiah (cf. 2 Chr 35:25,
and affinities with the so-called 'Confessions of Jeremiah'). E. Scriptural Status. This has never been a matter of dispute.
We read in the Babylonian Talmud (B. Bat. i/^b—153) that This short work is found with four others (Ecclesiastes, Song
'Jeremiah wrote the book which bears his name, the book of of Songs, Ruth, and Esther) comprising the Megillot ('little
Kings and Lamentations'. This view is rarely defended today, scrolls'), which occur among the Writings of the HB. In the
since the style and thought are somewhat different from the order found in the English Bibles used by Christians (deriving
book of Jeremiah. Nevertheless, the consensus view remains from LXX, which was followed by the Latin Vulgate), the book
that the work takes its starting-point from the fall of Jerusalem is placed among the Prophets, after Jeremiah, in recognition
to the Babylonians in 587 BCE. A minority of scholars have of its traditional association with him. That supposed link
looked to the Maccabean period (e.g. Treves 1963), whilst may well have played its part in securing scriptural status.
Morgenstern (1956, 1957, 1960) proposed a date of 485 BCE. The primary factor, however, appears to have been its litur-
More recently, Provan has adopted an agnostic view with gical use, particularly in the annual commemoration of the
regard to dating (Provan 19910: 7-19; cf. S. J. D. Cohen 1982). fall ofthe firsttemple, on the gth day ofAb, in the late summer.
2. The work was probably written in Jerusalem during the The profound impact ofthe fall ofthe second temple to the
months and years immediately following the destruction of Romans in 70 CE would have consolidated the book's place in a
the temple in 587. There is evidence that people gathered to period when the process towards closure of a scriptural canon
mourn on the site of the ruined temple during this period (Jer was under way in Judaism. Mintz (1984) has explored the
41:5; cf. Jones 1963; Ackroyd 1968: 26,47); it is likely that the ongoing role ofthe book in the long story of Jewish response
work was shaped by liturgical use in such a setting (cf. Zech to catastrophe, and this is mirrored in the important role played
7:2-5; Joel 2:15-17). by the book in Christian liturgy down the centuries.
C. Theological Themes. 1. It is clear that the work expresses
many questions about the recent disaster and its meaning. F. Ancient Near-Eastern Parallels. However important the im-
There have been various attempts to present the religious mediate crisis for shaping the biblical book, it is profoundly
teaching of the book in a systematic way. The most influential conditioned also by existing oral and literary convention, not
have been those of N. K. Gottwald and B. Albrektson. Gott- only within Israel itself but also in the wider ancient Near-
wald (1962) proposed that the theological key to the work is Eastern world. Particularly important are comparative mater-
provided by Deuteronomistic theology, which presented a ials from Mesopotamia (Pritchard 1969: 455—63, 611—19;
'just deserts' pattern; he argued that the problem in Lamenta- M. E. Cohen 1988). Assessments range from McDaniel
tions is that the disaster, coming so soon after the reforms of (1968), who plays down the alleged Sumerian influence, to
the ideal king, Josiah, is perceived as undeserved (cf. 2:20; Gwaltney (1983), who argues that returning exiles brought
5:7). Albrektson (1963), on the other hand, interpreted the back and applied Mesopotamian models.
book in the light of the old belief in the inviolability of the
city of Jerusalem, a belief apparently falsified by the present
disaster (cf. 2:15; 4:12). He found this dilemma resolved in the COMMENTARY
Deuteronomistic view of the catastrophe as a divine judge-
ment(cf Deut28:64~5). Both Gottwald and Albrektson gave a (r.i—iia) A Dirge over the Ruined City We are immediately
clear place to hope in their overall interpretations, and Ger- introduced to the city, Zion, the major focus ofthe book. The
stenberger (1971) argued that the complaint (in contrast to the Hebrew word for 'city' is feminine, and this encourages the
lament of resignation) is in fact an act of hope. However, it use of female personification—though the language of
must be recognized that the place of hope is at best ambiguous humiliation (as in v. 8) raises pressing ethical questions for
and fleeting (the clearest cases are found in 3:19—39 and 4:22). some readers (O'Connor 1992). The city is often presented as
2. The inconsistencies of theme prompt the question as to the wife of YHWH in the OT (cf. Galambush 1992), and the
whether the book will indeed yield a coherent overall message. motif of the 'widowed city' (v. i) is found outside Israel too
This (together with inconsistencies of form, especially in chs. (C. Cohen 1973); itis notunreasonable to understand Zion here
3 and 5) has led some, such as Brandscheidt (1988), to assert as bereaved of YHWH himself. 'Daughter Zion' (v. 6) is a key
that the book is composite. Joyce (1993) has argued that the phrase in the book, as also in Isaiah (e.g. 1:8; 52:2; cf. Sawyer
book's lack of theological consistency is not surprising, draw- 1989). The Hebrew has 'daughter of Zion' (as in RSV), but
ing upon the insights of pastoral psychology to show that such the NRSV's 'daughter Zion' captures well the sense, namely
lack of coherence is typical of human reaction to the perennial the city personified. The formula is used also of Jerusalem and
experience of radical loss. Judah, sometimes designated as 'virgin' (e.g. 1:15; 2:13).
LAMENTATIONS 53°
As is commonplace in such dirges (cf. Isa 1:21-3), v- I have brought on the day', which makes perfect sense as a
contains several contrasts between a former positive situation reference to Zion's fate, before the appeal that the same
('full', 'great', 'princess') and the present negative one ('lonely', should befall her enemies is introduced in the following
'widow', 'vassal'), and in this it sets a pattern for the whole book. clause, 'let them be as I am'.
The language of grief pervades the work, w. 2 and 16 providing
notable examples. That Zion 'has no one to comfort her' (v. 2) (2:1—22) The chapter begins with the exclamation 'How!', as
is a recurrent theme (cf. w. 16, 17, 21). Reference to Zion's do chs. i and 4, and takes the form of another dirge over the
deceptive lovers (w. 2, 19) probably stands, as often, for false ruined city. The divine anger is a recurrent theme, found here
political allies (cf. 4:17). The chapter features two related in w. 1—4, as is the statement that YHWH acts 'without mercy'
motifs: 'The foe looked on mocking' (v. 7; cf. v. 21; the histor- (cf. w. 17, 21). He has 'humiliated' daughter Zion: the Hebrew
ical circumstances described in 2 Kings 24:2 maybe in mind); verb is found only here in the OTand its meaning is uncertain;
and 'all you who pass by' (v. 12; cf. 2:15, where passers-by the main alternative interpretation is represented by the
mock). RSV's 'set under a cloud'. His 'footstool' is the Jerusalem
v. 3 provides the first mention of exile. Some have noted that temple (cf. Ps 99:5); 'he has broken down his booth like a
explicit reference to the actual destruction of the temple (in garden' (cf. Isa 1:8) and 'has destroyed his tabernacle' (v. 6): a
587) seems to be lacking in this chapter; indeed Rudolph truly shocking claim! In other ways too expectations are over-
argued that ch. i was written shortly after the first capture of turned. In v. 3 'he has withdrawn his right hand from them',
Jerusalem in 597 (Rudolph 1962: 209—11). Provan (1990) the hand of protection in this case, whilst in v. 4 he has 'his
contends that the precise historical background to ch. i is right hand set like a foe' against Israel, in an apparent inver-
unclear, but that this is not crucial for its theological interpret- sion of the holy war tradition. In v. 7 festal acclamations are
ation. The references to festivals and priests (v. 4) highlight turned into the shouts of war within the temple itself (cf.
the cultic concern which will mark the whole book. As we v. 22).
learn in v. 10, the nations have invaded the sanctuary (the In w. 7-9, the physical features of the city are listed; ram-
theme is similar to Psalms such as 74 and 79). 'Her priests part and wall 'languish together', a strange image perhaps, but
groan; her young girls grieve' (v. 4): the emphasis here is on not so unusual for the poetry of the OT! YHWH has stretched
the reaction to events; RSV's 'her maidens have been dragged the measuring line in judgement (v. 8; cf. Job 38:5; Am 7:7—9).
away' unnecessarily follows LXX, presupposing a different All sources of authority are removed: kings, princes, prophets,
Hebrew verb. v. 5 provides the first of many theological ex- elders (w. 9-10); 'guidance is no more', that is, the teaching
planations of the disaster. In the course of the book as a whole given by the priests (as in Jer 18:18; Mai 2:5—8). v. 10 illustrates
some inconsistent accounts are given, but in ch. i it is made Judean mourning rites (cf. Bloch-Smith 1992), whilst w. n—
clear that YHWH is in charge (w. 12,14) and that he has acted 12 highlight another central issue of the book, hunger (1:11,19;
on account of Judah's sin (w. 8, 18). v. gfc introduces the first 4:4-5, 9-10; cf. 2 Kings 25:3). Wine is mentioned in v. 12
use of the first person. In this it anticipates the section which because water would have been too polluted to drink. The
begins at v. nfc, and for this reason NRSV presents these famine theme culminates in the grim reality of cannibalism,
words as a quotation. However, such movement from one here in v. 20 and at 4:10 (cf. 2 Kings 6:28-9).
grammatical person to another, found throughout the book, 'What can I say for you, to what compare you?': these
is not at all unusual in Hebrew poetry. Lanahan (1974) reflects moving words of v. 13 recall the comparison in 1:12, but the
imaginatively on the 'voices' that speak at various points in the voice is different here, possibly even that of mocking irony, for
book. the question 'who can heal you?' implies of course the answer
'no one' (cf. Isa 1:5-6). Certainly the prophets cannot help; as
(i:nb-22) A Lament Uttered by Zion With nfc, there begins a in v. 9, so now in v. 14 they are the butt of stern criticism (cf.
passage consistently in the first person (through to the end of Ezek 13:1—16; Jer 23:9—32). We should not worry about
the chapter, with the exception of v. 17). Ts it nothing to you?' whether Jeremiah himself has been overlooked, even if he
(v. 12): the Hebrew has merely 'not to you'. It is perhaps was a contemporary of the poet, for these words are the stuff of
preferable to take this as an assertion, 'This is none of your rhetorical hyperbole. Mockers 'clap their hands' (v. 15): in
business', part of Zion's inconsistent emotional reaction to ancient Israel, this was a sign of derision; they 'hiss and wag
her tragedy. The end of v. 12 echoes 'day of the LORD' language, their heads' (cf. Ps 69:9-12, 19-21). Ts this the city that was
as does v. 15 (cf. 2:1, 21, 22); in the present circumstances, it is called the perfection of beauty?': a poignant question indeed;
clear that the day of the Lord means bad news for Israel (cf. we are reminded of Zion Psalms such as 46 and 48. 'The
Am 5:18). In a bloody image, 'The Lord has trodden as in a LORD has done what he purposed' (v. 17): he is indeed respon-
wine press the virgin daughter Judah' (v. 15; cf. Isa 63:1—6). 'My sible for the catastrophe, which 'he ordained long ago' (cf.
transgressions were bound into a yoke' (v. 14): the Hebrew Deut 28:64-5;I Kings 9:6-9).
word translated 'were bound' here is found nowhere else in 'Cry aloud' (v. 18): this is an emendation followed by many
the OT, but the context (esp. the following words) seems to modern translations and commentators; the Hebrew actually
demand some such sense. It is unnecessary to follow those, has 'Their heart cried', v. 19 introduces the language of prayer,
ancient and modern, who have suggested significant alterna- even repentance; and in this anticipates themes of ch. 3. And
tives, e.g. LXX, 'watch was kept over my sins'. The chapter yet in v. 20 even God is rebuked, anger towards God being one
ends with a call for vengeance upon Zion's enemies; it is of the many inconsistent reactions to events in this book.
noteworthy that the same theme is found at the end of chs. 3 'Should priest and prophet be killed in the sanctuary of the
and 4. 'Bring on the day' (v. 21): the Hebrew actually has 'You Lord?': a terrible fate, but 4:13 implies that they deserve to be!
 531 LAMENTATIONS
The chapter culminates in v. 22 with reference to an invitation love' (v. 32): as in v. 22, the important Hebrew word hesed,
to the enemies to come and slaughter the Judaeans (the 'steadfast love', is used. 'For he does not willingly afflict or
language shares something with Ezek 38), a judgement so grieve anyone' (v. 33): 'willingly'here is literally 'from his heart'.
total that 'no one escaped or survived' (cf. Am 5:19). NRSV is right to regard w. 34-9 as continuing the positive
theme, in the voice of the same speaker. The disasters listed in
(3:1-66) w. 34—6 are followed by a rhetorical question 'does the Lord
This is the most elaborate chapter in the book, and the most not see it?' (v. 36). In contrast, some (such as Rudolph 1962:
important. One way in which this is signalled is in the in- 240-1) have taken w. 34-6 as an objection from an interlocu-
tensification of the acrostic form, with three verses to each tor, culminating in the statement 'the Lord does not see'. A
letter of the Hebrew alphabet. This chapter is characterized by similar issue arises in w. 37—9: NRSV rightly has three rhet-
the frequent use of the first person singular voice. It is a unit, orical questions, rather than the three assertions (denying
but may be read in four parts. divine involvement) proposed by Gordis (19740: 181-3). Th£
(3:1-18) An Individual Lament This section has many simi- first of the questions 'Who can command and have it done, if
larities to Ps 56. There is little specific reference to the fall of the Lord has not ordained it?' is strikingly similar to Am 3:6:
Jerusalem or the sufferings which followed. It opens with the 'Does disaster befall a city, unless the LORD has done it?' The
puzzling words T am one who has seen affliction': NRSV here second, Ts it not from the mouth of the Most High that good
masks the decidedly masculine Hebrew wordgefcer, 'man', and and bad come?', reminiscent of Isa 45:7, raises profound
indeed also a definite article (RSV: Tarn the man'). The identity theological questions (cf Lindstrom 1983: 214—36). The last
of the speaker here is much disputed. Is the T' who speaks a question, 'Why should any who draw breath complain about
collective personality who represents the people as a whole the punishment of their sins?' (v. 39) carries the theme of
(similar to Zion in chs. 1-2) or an individual? And if an indi- accepting catastrophe to its conclusion, but, like w. 25-33,
vidual is intended, who is it? Suggestions have included Jere- prompts the question whether there is not here the danger
miah, Jehoiachin, the poet himself, or an anonymous typical of a naive, even masochistic, denial of the reality of tragedy
sufferer (Hillers 1992:120—3). There are parallels here with the (a line powerfully pursued by Miller 1991).
debate over the identity of the 'servant' in Isa 40-55; and, as in (3:40-51) A New Start v. 40 marks a fresh departure: 'Let us
that case, it may be wrong to seek one consistent identity (see test and examine our ways, and return to the LORD'. The 'us' in
the rhetorical reading in Mintz 1984: 32—3). A grim picture is question must be the nation Israel. For Mintz (1984: 37), this
painted of the man's suffering, with many parallels with Job first use in ch. 3 of such a plural 'stunningly enacts the very
(e.g. v. 4, 'He has made my flesh and my skin waste away'; cf. moment of release from aloneness'. v. 41 introduces a sum-
Job 7:5; 30:30). He sinks to a despairing low point (v. 17). All mons to prayer, as in 2:19; the contrast between externals and
hope has gone: 'Gone is my glory, and all that I had hoped for the 'heart' is a familiar one in the OT, e.g. Joel 2:13. A sum-
(RSV: "my expectation") from the LORD' (v. 18). mary explanation of events is given in v. 42: 'We have trans-
gressed and rebelled, and you have not forgiven'; and then in
(3:19—39) A Glimmer of Hope It is interesting that it is in the
w. 43-4 a darker note is again struck, as is typical in this
middle sections of the middle chapter of this book that the
ambiguous book, the words 'you have wrapped yourself with
most positive material is to be found. Many have puzzled over
a cloud so that no prayer can pass through' recalling v. 8 (cf. Isa
the lack of closure at the end of the book and over the ambig-
45:15).
uous place of hope. Johnson (1985) argued that here in the
middle of ch. 3 we have the keystone to the work, the section (3:52-66) An Individual Prayer for Vindication There are
which provides the positive answer to the theological ques- many features here typical of the laments of the psalter, for
tions it raises, v. 21 is where the positive note is first struck, but example the enemies ofw. 52—3,60—3, and the appeals ofw. 55
w. 19—20 serve as an introduction (and indeed the zayin and 64-6. v. 54 reminds one of Jonah's cry from the belly of
section of the acrostic begins at v. 19). In affirming hope, the fish (cf. Jon 2:3-6). NRSV (like RSV) takes the perfect
v. 21 (like v. 24) uses the same Hebrew root as was used in tenses in w. 56-61 to refer to the past, recalling blessings
the denial of hope in v. 18. 'This I call to mind' (v. 21): 'this' received. But Provan (1991/7) argues, probably correctly, that
refers to the grounds for hope to be detailed in w. 22—4. The the perfects in this passage are better rendered by imperatives
text of v. 22 is disputed: NRSV has it that the steadfast love of in English (known as the 'precative perfect'), e.g. in v. 56, not
the Lord 'never ceases', following the Syriac and the Aramaic 'you heard' but 'hear', or again, in v. 60, not 'you have seen'
Targum (and a single Heb. MS). But the Hebrew MT actually but 'see'. Such plaintive appeals imply a situation very close to
has 'we are not cut off (rather than '[it] never ceases'); this that ofw. i—18 and so, after the lighter interlude provided by
does yield tolerable sense, for it can be understood as a cele- the central sections of the chapter, we are brought full circle,
bration of survival in spite of all. 'The LORD is good to those as is further indicated by the way v. 59 stands in sharp contrast
who wait for him'... 'wait quietly for the salvation of the to v. 39. The chapter ends on a vengeful note (w. 64—6), echo-
LORD': the idea here in w. 25—6 is similar to Isa 30:18, which ing again the language of the psalter (e.g. Ps 17:13,14; 35:26).
may well itself be exilic (so Clements 1980: 250). Tt is good for
one to bear the yoke in youth' (v. 27): 'one' here translates gcbcr (4:1-22)
(man), as in v. i, to which there may well be an allusion. The This dirge over the ruined city begins with the temple treas-
'yoke'refers to suffering;'to putone'smouth to the dust' (v. 29) ures, now desecrated, another example of the cultic emphasis
was a sign of submission. 'Although he causes grief, he will of this book. 'The precious children of Zion' are said to be
have compassion according to the abundance of his steadfast 'worth their weight in fine gold', a lovely statement with
LAMENTATIONS 53 2

human values transcending cultic ones; yet now even these chapters, it is not an acrostic, though its twenty-two verses
are as earthen pots. Such a contrast (as again in w. 5, 7—8) perhaps echo that form. It is treated by some as separate from
reminds us of ch. i. Compared to the jackals, 'my people has the rest of the book (e.g. Lachs 1966—7 assigned it a 2nd-cent.
become cruel' (v. 3; cf Isa 1:3), as exemplified by the cannibal- date); but there is no overwhelming reason to regard the
ism of v. 10. A grim situation—indeed 'the chastisement of chapter as anything but integral to the book.
my people has been greater than the punishment of Sodom' The poem begins with a classic lament formula, 'Remem-
(v. 6). The words used here for 'chastisement' and 'punish- ber, O LORD!', and goes on to paint a sorry picture of the
ment' could instead mean 'iniquity' and 'sin', but the context nation's disgrace. This is done in part by reference to the loss
suggests that NRSV is right to take them to refer to the of some of the very special gifts of God: 'Our inheritance'—the
people's tragic state. Sodom is said to have been overthrown land granted to Israel in ancient times—'has been turned over
in a moment, 'though no hand was laid on it'. The meaning of to strangers' (v. 2; cf. Num 26:53). One °f me great things
the Hebrew here is uncertain: the basic idea of the verb is about living in the promised land was rest from enemies (cf.
'turn', but it could be 'turn against', as in NRSV's 'no hand was Deut 12:10), but now 'we are given no rest' (v. 5; cf. 1:3). The
laid on it' (implying that God acted directly), or 'turn towards', NRSV's words 'With a yoke' (v. 5) are supplied from the Greek
as in the NIV's 'without a hand turned to help her'. A similar of Symmachus; the Hebrew in fact lacks them, but yields
problem arises in v. 7: the meaning of the rare Hebrew noun adequate sense none the less: 'on our necks we are hard
translated '[their] hair' by NRSV is uncertain. The root has to driven'. Provan (19910: 126-7) finds hunting imagery here,
do with cutting: RSV has 'the beauty of their form', based on the metaphor being one of close pursuit (which has a place in
the idea of a carved object, whereas NRSV envisages the the second half of ch. 4). v. 6 speaks of political alliances (as
cutting of hair. The latter is the more likely since lapis lazuli did 4:17). 'Egypt and Assyria', being to the south and north of
(to be preferred to 'sapphire') was used in the art of the ancient Judah respectively (at least in terms of travel routes), represent
Near East to represent hair. all nations, rather than referring to a precise historical circum-
'The kings of the earth did not believe... that foe or enemy stance. The reason for such pacts is said to be 'to get enough
could enter the gates of Jerusalem' (v. 12; cf. 2:15). The percep- bread', straitened circumstances further indicated in v. 4
tions of the nations are highlighted again in v. 15 (cf. Ps 79:10). ('We must pay for the water we drink; the wood we get must
According to Albrektson (1963) the fall of the supposedly be bought') and v. 9 ('We get our bread at the peril of our
inviolable city is the central theological problem of the book. lives'). If Lamentations comes, as is probable, from the period
w. 13-16 give a clear explanation of this disaster as the result of immediately after 587, the reference to alliances is likely to
Judah's sin, presenting the nation's leaders as moral lepers. As be retrospective, alluding to events leading up to the fall of
so often in the OT prophets, moral and cultic sins occur side the city.
by side: they 'shed the blood of the righteous', they are 'defiled v. 7 declares: 'Our ancestors sinned; they are no more, and
with blood', v. 17 makes reference to 'watching eagerly for a we bear their iniquities.' It would be possible to take the word
nation that could not save': ironically 'watching eagerly' is just used here (lit. fathers) to mean leaders rather than ancestors,
the kind of attitude one should have towards God himself, which would cohere with the blaming of leaders in 4:13—16,
according to 3:25—6. Instead, the people have looked vainly to but it is more likely that 'ancestors' are indeed meant. Such an
political alliances, as also in 5:6. It is possible that Egypt is in idea of suffering for the sins of one's forebears is assumed
view here (cf. Jer 37:5-10). In spite of all, 'The LORD'S anointed, elsewhere in the OT (e.g. 2 Kings 23:26), but interestingly this
the breath of our life, was taken in their pits' (v. 20; perhaps is precisely the belief rejected in Ezek 18:1—4, which could well
the capture of Zedekiah by the Babylonians is in mind; cf. 2 be contemporary with these words. The verse also stands at
Kings 25:4-7). The poignant v. 2ob is reminiscent of royal odds with the acknowledgements of responsibility found else-
psalms such as Ps 72; judgement upon the monarchy is where in Lamentations (e.g. 1:8; 3:42, and, strikingly, v. 16
mentioned also at 2:6, 9 and 5:16. here). 'Slaves rule over us' (v. 8): important posts were some-
v. 21 declares: 'Edom...to you also the cup shall pass': times given to the slaves of kings, but the real point is similar
Edom is often regarded with particular enmity in the OT, to that in Isa 3:4—7, namely that the proper ordering of society
especially it seems in relation to the events of 587 (cf. Ps has been destroyed. Further dimensions of the tragedy are
137:7; Ob 8—14). For the cup of judgement, cf. Isa 51:17—23 spelled out in w. 15—16: 'The joy of our hearts has ceased' (cf.
(esp. w. 22—3); Jer 25:15—29. v. 22 announces good news of a 3:17—18). 'The crown has fallen from our head': as before,
kind unparalleled elsewhere in the book: 'The punishment of judgement on the monarchy is in view (LAM 4:20), and per-
your iniquity, O daughter Zion, is accomplished, he will keep haps also an allusion to the dancer's garland (cf. Isa 28:1),
you in exile no longer' (cf. Isa 40:1—2). The OT elsewhere too picking up the reference to dancing having 'been turned to
features a see-saw motif whereby the fortunes of Israel rise as mourning'. Zion has been the focus of the book, and as we
those of the nations decline (and indeed vice versa), as in Ezek approach its end v. 18 portrays the once noble city lying
35-6, which again concerns Edom. As before in Lamentations desolate, with jackals prowling over it (cf. Mic 3:12; Jer 26:18).
(cf. 1:22; 3:64), the fate of the enemies is related to their sins 'But you, O LORD, reign forever; your throne endures to all
and is thus not in any way merely arbitrary. generations' (v. 19): it is hard to know how to take these very
affirmative words, coming so close to the downbeat con-
(5:1-22) clusion of the book. Could this be an ironic, even cynical,
This relatively short chapter is in the form of a communal snatch of quotation from the temple liturgy (cf. Ps 93:1-2;
lament and has affinities with Ps 44, 74, and 79, usually seen 103:19)? In v. 20, we are straight back to pessimistic ques-
as liturgies for times of national calamity. Alone of the five tioning, then in v. 21 comes the final appeal, which echoes
 533 EZEKIEL

Jerusalem's recalling of her former days of glory (1:7): 'Restore Essays on the Comparative Method (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns),
us to yourself, O LORD, that we may be restored; renew our 191—211.
days as of old'. The word 'unless', with which NRSV intro- Hillers, D. R. (1992), 2nd edn., Lamentations, AB 7A (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday).
duces the final verse, conveys perfectly (far better than the
Johnson, B. (1985), 'Form and Message in Lamentations', ZAW 97:
'even though' proposed by Gordis 1974^) the way in which
58-73.
this perplexing book tails away into renewed doubt: 'you have Jones, D. R. (1963), "The Cessation of Sacrifice afterthe Destruction of
utterly rejected us, and are angry with us beyond measure'. the Temple in 586 B.C.', JTS NS 14/1:12-31.
The book ends on anything but a confident note (contrary to Joyce, P. M. (1993), 'Lamentations and the Grief Process: A Psycho-
Kraus 1968: 91); in fact, such is the bleakness of this conclu- logical Reading', in Biblical Interpretation: A Journal of Contemporary
sion that it is difficult to follow Johnson (1985) in judging even Approaches, 1/3: 304—20.
the book as a whole as essentially positive. Rather its greatness Kaiser, O. (1992), 4th edn., 'Klagelieder', in H.-P. Miiller et al, Das
is to be found precisely in the honesty with which it articulates Hohelied, Klagelieder, Das Buch Ester, ATD 16/2 (Gottingen: Vanden-
hoeck £ Ruprecht), 91-198.
the ambiguities of the fate of Zion and indeed of the human
Kraus, H.-J. (1968), 3rd edn., Klagelieder (Threni), BKAT 20 (Neu-
condition itself.
kirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
Lachs, S. T (1966-7), The Date of Lamentations V',JQR NS 57 (1966-
7): 46-56.
REFERENCES Lanahan, W. F. (1974), The Speaking Voice in the Book of Lamenta-
Ackroyd, P. R. (1968), Exile and Restoration: A Study of Hebrew Thought tions', JBL 93: 41-9.
of the Sixth Century BC (London: SCM). Lindstrom, F. (1983), God and the Origin of Evil: A Contextual Analysis
Albrektson, B. (1963), Studies in the Text and Theology of the Book of of Alleged Monistic Evidence in the Old Testament, ConBOT 21 (Lund:
Lamentations, Studia Theologica Lundensia, 21 (Lund: Gleerup). Gleerup).
Bloch-Smith, E. (1992), Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the McDaniel, T. F. (1968), The Alleged Sumerian Influence upon La-
Dead, JSOTSup 123, JSOT/ASOR MS 7 (Sheffield: JSOT). mentations', VTi8:198-209.
Brandscheidt, R. (1988), Das Buch der Klagelieder, Geistliche Schriftle- Miller, A. (1991), The Mistreated Child in the Lamentations of Jere-
sung, Altes Testament, 10 (Diisseldorf: Patnios). miah', Breaking Down the Wall of Silence to Join the Waiting Child
Clements, R. E. (1980), Isaiah 1—39, NCB (London: Marshall, Morgan (London: Virago), 114-26.
£ Scott). Mintz, A. (1984), Hurban: Responses to Catastrophe in Hebrew Literature
Cohen, C. (1973), "The "Widowed" City', JANESCU y 75-81. (New York: Columbia University Press).
Cohen, M. E. (1988), The Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopota- Morgenstern, J. (1956), 'Jerusalem—485 B.C.', HUCA 27: 101-79;
mia (2 vols.; Potomac, Md.: Capital Decisions). (1957), 28: 15-47; i^60). 3I: !-29-
Cohen, S. J. D. (1982), 'The Destruction: From Scripture to Midrash', O'Connor, K. M. (1992), 'Lamentations', in C. A. Newsom and S. H.
Prooftexts: A Journal of Jewish Liturgy, 2:18—39. Ringe (eds.), The Women's Bible Commentary (Louisville, Ky.: West-
Fitzmyer, J. A. (1990), rev. edn., The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publica- minster/John Knox), 178-82.
tions and Tools for Study, SBLRBS 20 (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press). Pritchard, J. B. (ed.) (1969), 3rd edn. with suppl., ANET (Princeton:
Freedman, D. N. (1986), Acrostic Poems in the Hebrew Bible, Alpha- Princeton University Press), 'Lamentation over the Destruction of
betic and Otherwise', CBQ48: 408-31. Ur', 455-63; 'Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur',
Galambush, J. (1992), Jerusalem in the Book of Ezekiel: The City as 611—19, both tr. S. N. Kramer).
Yahweh's Wife, SBLDS 130 (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press). Provan, I. W. (1990), 'Reading Texts against an Historical Back-
Gerstenberger, E. (1971), 'Derklagende Mensch', in H. W. Wolff (ed.), ground: The Case of Lamentations i', in Scandinavian Journal of
Probleme biblischer Theologie (Munich: Chr. Kaiser), 64-72. the Old Testament i: 130—43.
Gordis, R. (197412), 3rd edn., The Song of Songs and Lamentations (New (199112), Lamentations, NCB (London: Marshall Pickering).
York: Ktav). (1991(7), 'Past, Present and Future in Lamentations iii 52-66:
(1974(7), The Conclusion of the Book of Lamentations (5.22)', The Case fora Precative Perfect Re-examined', VT4I/2: 164—75.
JBL 93: 289-93. Rudolph, W. (1962), 2nd edn., Das Buch Ruth—Das Hohe Lied—Die
Gottlieb, H. (1978), A Study on the Text of Lamentations, Ada Jutlan- Klagelieder, KAT 17 (Giitersloh: Mohn).
dica, Theology Series, 48/12 (Aarhus: Del lasrde Selskab). Sawyer, J. F. A. (1989), 'Daughter of Zion and Servant of the Lord in
Gottwald, N. K. (1962), 2nd edn., Studies in the Book of Lamentations, Isaiah: A Comparison', JSOT44: 89—107.
SET 14 (London: SCM). Shea, W. H. (1979), The qinah Structure of the Book of Lamentations',
Gwaltney, W. C., Jnr. (1983), The Biblical Book of Lamentations in Bib. 60: 103-7.
the Context of Near Eastern Lament Literature', in W. W. Hallo, Treves, M. (1963), 'Conjectures surles dates et les sujets des Lamenta-
J. C. Moyer, and L. G. Perdue (eds.), Scripture in Context, ii. More tions', Bulletin Renan, 95:1-4.

25. Ezekiel J. GALAMBUSH

INTRODUCTION
A. Composition and Style. 1. Commonly considered the most structure with bizarre imagery, opaque historical references,
difficult of the major prophets, Ezekiel's perceived obscurity abrupt changes in subject-matter and literary style, and nu-
actually reflects a tantalizing combination of obscurity and merous grammatical and textual difficulties. Anchored in a
clarity. The book combines precise dating and clear, logical specific historical context and well-documented events, but
EZEKIEL 534
presented via a series of weird visions and grotesque meta- ful bride a perverse prostitute; and Tyre the merchant ship a
phors, the book is above all, tantalizing. Whereas a reader foundering wreck. Throughout Ezekiel a strong visual sens-
might easily despair of comprehending every reference in ibility predominates. Ezekiel sees visions that in turn contain
Hosea or Jeremiah, Ezekiel continually holds out the elusive seeing eyes and old men gazing at pictures, while he himself
potential for order and precision. is instructed to observe carefully all that he sees. The extended
2. As early as the first century CE, Ezekiel's structure im- metaphors are graphically intense, with the depictions of
pressed the historian Josephus, who commented that the Jerusalem (exposing herself to all passers-by) and her lovers
prophet had left behind 'two books', probably the oracles of bordering on the pornographic. The emphasis on seeing
chs. 1-39 and the temple vision of 40-8. Ezekiel's structure builds on Ezekiel's role as witness to Judah's depravity and
and composition have continued to be debated by commenta- to YHWH's acts of self-vindication, and enlists the reader as
tors up to the present day. Recurring themes and key words witness alongside the prophet.
and a readily apparent overall structure give the work a strik-
ing appearance of unity (see Greenberg 1983). At the same B. Historical Background. 1. Ezekiel is set in Babylon, begin-
time repetitions, the use of a broad range of genres and ning in the fifth year of Judah's Babylonian exile (593 BCE).
literary styles, and seeming anachronisms have raised the Ezekiel was apparently brought to Babylon with the first
question of whether the book's apparent unity is simply the group of exiles following Nebuchadrezzar's 597 BCE capture
work of an especially talented redactor of earlier fragments or of Jerusalem. Zedekiah, the monarch chosen in 597 by
even of a succession of such redactors (see esp. Zimmerli Nebuchadrezzar to replace the rebellious and now exiled
1979)- Jehoiachin, remained loyal to Babylon for only a few years,
3. Writing in 19 24, Gustav Holscher concluded that only 144 and in 594 BCE hosted an international meeting of regional
of the book's 1,273verses (all of them poetry) were attributable leaders in Jerusalem, apparently to plan rebellion against
to the ecstatic prophet Ezekiel, while the rest of the book Babylon. In 593 BCE Zedekiah was summoned by Nebuchad-
derived from a tedious and legalistic post-exilic priest. Such rezzar to Babylon, presumably to account for his actions and
radical minimalism represented the form-critical conventions to renew his loyalty oath. Zedekiah's planned rebellion
that (i) all prophecy was originally oral; (2) the original oracles and subsequent reprimand by Nebuchadrezzar may have
consisted of brief, formulaic utterances; and (3) a change in formed the occasion for Ezekiel's inaugural vision and call
genre could generally be taken to indicate a change in author. to speak against the 'rebellious nation' of Israel (2:3). Ezekiel
In addition, anti-Jewish sentiment tended to idealize the Is- considered Zedekiah's oath of loyalty to Babylon binding.
raelite prophets while decrying the 'decline' represented by According to 2 Chr 36:13, the oath had been sworn in the
early Judaism. Brief, poetic oracles were considered 'authentic' name of God (YHWH), and thus its abrogation violated
prophetic utterances, and thus superior to legal or didactic YHWH's honour and constituted rebellion against YHWH.
material, all of which was considered late and spurious. As 2. Zedekiah seems to have continued to court illicit alli-
academic assumptions changed over the course of the twen- ances, and in 592 BCE the Egyptian Pharaoh Psammeticus II
tieth century, particularly the rejection of strict form-critical (595—589 BCE) toured Palestine in a show of military power,
categories and heightened awareness of literary techniques, clearly violating the Judean—Babylonian covenant. In addition
scholarly assessment of Ezekiel underwent a marked change, to violating Zedekiah's covenant with Nebuchadrezzar (the
so that in 1983 Greenberg could create what he called a covenant described in Ezek 17 as YHWH's own covenant),
'holistic' reading of the prophet and Davis (1989) explore evidence from the Rylands IX Papyrus (Griffith 1909) indi-
Ezekiel as the first writing prophet. At the beginning of the cates that Psammeticus stationed Egyptian priests in the land
twenty-first scholars, focusing on the book's complex and in- of Israel, thus compounding Judah's treaty violation with
terlocking literary patterns, tend to attribute as much as possi- ritual abomination. The defilement of both name and temple
ble to the original prophet. While additions are acknowledged represented by Psammeticus's 592 visit may have occasioned
(all of chs. 40—8 are frequently considered an addition), the Ezekiel's vision, dated to the same year, of abominations
book's substantial unity is widely accepted. Agreement on taking place in the Jerusalem temple (chs. 8—n). Sometime
Ezekiel's unity, however, does not settle the question of author- following Psammeticus's visit Zedekiah withheld tribute
ship. Relative literary unity may indicate that the book derives from Babylon, relying on an Egyptian alliance for protection.
sub stantially from the sixth-century prophet E zekiel or that the In 588 BCE Nebuchadrezzar campaigned through Judah, des-
work is largely the achievement of a later redactor so thor- troying several large towns before laying siege to Jerusalem.
oughgoing as virtually to have authored the book. The Egyptian army under the command of Pharaoh Apries
4. Ezekiel displays a wide range of literary styles, from the (Hophra; 589—570 BCE) offered token resistance before with-
intense disjointedness of Ezekiel's first vision (chs. 1—3) to the drawing, leaving Jerusalem to the Babylonians, who in 586
systematic dryness of his last (chs. 40-8). Perhaps its most BCE captured and burned the city. Zedekiah escaped by night,
striking literary feature, however, is its use of symbolic lan- but was overtaken by the Babylonians at Riblah and forced to
guage. In addition to visions comprising approximately a witness the killing of his two sons before being himself
third of the book, Ezekiel employs vivid extended metaphors blinded. Massive deportations followed Nebuchadrezzar's vic-
to bring his charges against Judah and its neighbours. The tory, and Zedekiah was replaced by Gedaliah, a non-Davidic
metaphors are chiefly ironic, playing on and subverting com- overseer whose title is not specified in either Israelite or
monly used symbols of national pride and identity (see EZEK Babylonian sources. Nebuchadrezzar continued his attempt
15:1—8). Thus, the lion of Judah becomes a rabid man-eater; to subdue the eastern Mediterranean seaboard, undertaking a
Judah the luxuriant vine a dried-up twig; Jerusalem the faith- siege of Tyre that was to last thirteen years (586-573) and
 535 EZEKIEL
ultimately fail. The latest dated oracle in Ezek (29:17-21, dated esp. Halperin 1993), while intriguing, fail to engage the
to 571 BCE) promises Nebuchadrezzar Egypt as compensation question of how such a figure, however bizarre by modern
for his ill-fated efforts in besieging Tyre. Nebuchadrezzar standards, would have functioned or have been understood
apparently shared Ezekiel's hopes regarding Egypt; Babylon- within his own society. Ezekiel himself expresses misgivings
ian texts report a battle between the Babylonian and Egyp- about his role as prophet (20:49 [MT 21:5]; cf 9:8), but his
tian armies in Egypt in 568 or 567 BCE, but no more is known concern seems to stem from people not taking his words
about Nebuchadrezzar's Egyptian campaign(s). seriously enough, rather than from resistance to taking on
3. The living conditions of the exiled Israelites are widely the prophetic role per sc.
debated. Scholars have tended to emphasize either the individ- 2. Ezekiel is remarkable for his personal involvement in
ual and communal trauma entailed in the loss of family accomplishing numerous symbolic actions. At times playing
members and homeland or the exiles' ability to maintain their the role of the people (eating meagre food as if during a siege;
communal identity and social structures while in Babylonia. 4:9-15), Ezekiel more often plays the part of YHWH himself,
Both aspects of the exilic experience must be held in tension: setting his face against Jerusalem (4:3), and even experiencing
the community was allowed to preserve its language, religion, his own wife's death as a sign of YHWH's temple's demise
and some forms of internal governance (i.e. elders). This same (24:15—24). Most frequently, however, Ezekiel is called upon to
community, however, bore the scars of war and displacement, act as YHWH's witness, observing and certifying, first the
and many in Babylon were conscripted into forced labour people's abominations (thereby justifying their destruction;
corvees. Ezekiel, a priest of sufficient prominence to have 8:i—18), then YHWH's command for Jerusalem's annihilation
been included in the deportation of the 'upper stratum' in (9:5), and finally, each detail of YHWH's new and purified
597, appears to have retained some status within the exiled temple (chs. 40-8). Ezekiel is a witness in an almost legal
community, as evidenced by the formal visits from the elders sense, noting and attesting YHWH's actions (cf. the calls for
described in 8:1; 14:1; and 20:1. Ezekiel's primary concern is Ezekiel to 'judge' in Ezek 20:4; 22:2). In this regard Ezekiel's
with theology rather than with subsistence, and his oracles appointment as sentinel over Israel in 3:16—21 is apt. Ezekiel
tend to be directed to (or against) elders, princes, and other is literally appointed to look out', to warn Israel against
prophets. Even the likelihood that Ezekiel was a writing YHWH's wrathful approach, and he is told that his own life
prophet would suggest that he lived in relative security and depends on his watchfulness.
stability.
D. Ezekiel and the Prophetic Tradition. 1. Ezekiel shows a
The relationship between the exiled community and those
number of affinities with earlier prophetic texts. Depiction
in the homeland seems to have been a complex one. Ezekiel's
of the prophet's personal experience most closely parallels
preoccupation with Jerusalem and Judah reveals not only his
descriptions of the early prophets Elijah and Elisha (see Carley
priestly concern over the temple and its destruction, but also
1975). In particular his experience of the 'hand of the Lord' as a
the people's questions as to how to understand their own
compelling force (1:3; 3:22; etc.; cf. i Kings 18:46; 2 Kings 3:15)
experiences vis-a-vis those of the population still in Israel.
links him with this earlier tradition, as do reports of being
Popular concern for the welfare of family and friends back
physically transported by the spirit (3:12-14; 8:3; cf. i Kings
home was tempered by a sense of competition over which
18:12; 2 Kings 2:16). Ezekiel's vivid sign-acts lend his persona
segment of the divided community now held hegemony over
a dramatic intensity similar to that of Elijah and Elisha, but
the Israelite land and cultural identity. Ezekiel, though critical
whereas the earlier prophets' symbolic actions are generally
of both the exiles and those in the land, sees the exiles, whose
depicted as having immediate, visible effects (e.g. calling fire
number includes figures such as himself who represent the
from heaven in i Kings 18:30-9), Ezekiel's actions (with the
status quo ante, as retaining God's favour and thus a claim to
possible exception of 11:13) are n°t transmuted into external
prominence in any future reconstruction of Israel.
events. Ezekiel's sign-acts, while clearly understood as setting
C. The Person of the Prophet. 1. Ezekiel is identified in the in motion the events they portray, often precede their fulfil-
book's superscription as a priest, and his deportation with the ment by a period of years. Though presumed to be efficacious,
first exiles to Babylon in 597 BCE suggests his prominence, Ezekiel's actions are not miraculous in the same sense as the
either because of family connections or because he was a deeds of Elijah and Elisha.
priest of some importance. Whether Ezekiel functioned as a 2. While Ezekiel's experience seems most directly modelled
prophet as well as a priest before his vision of 593 BCE (chs. i- on that of Elijah and Elisha, the content of his prophecy owes
3) is unknown. Ezekiel was recognized as a prophet by the more to the prophets of the eighth to the sixth centuries. Thus
Judean community in exile, and was apparently highly Ezekiel's announcement in ch. 7 that 'the end (qes) has come'
enough regarded that the elders assembled before him, depends on Am 8:2 and the smelting of Israel in 22:17-22
perhaps even on a regular basis, to enquire of YHWH (Ezek reflects Isa 1:22-5. It is Jeremiah, however, with which Ezekiel
8:1; 20:1). Although the book provides some autobiographical is most intimately connected, to the extent that many of
information it is difficult to form a clear picture of the prophet Ezekiel's most striking images seem like extended medita-
or of how he was perceived by his contemporaries. To the tions on themes introduced in Jeremiah. Like Jeremiah,
modern reader Ezekiel seems to exhibit symptoms typical of Ezekiel opens with a vision coming 'from the north' (1:4; Jer
mental illness. He experiences disorienting and overwhelm- 1:13), a vision followed in Ezekiel's case by the eating of a
ing visions, undergoes paralysis and muteness, and attributes divine scroll (3:1—3), an action styled on the metaphor of Jer
these debilitating occurrences to YHWH's direct intervention 15:16. YHWH must then fortify each prophet against Israel's
in his life. Attempts to diagnose the prophet's condition (see angry resistance to his words (Ezek 3:8-9; Jer 1:18-19).
EZEKIEL 536
Ezekiel's condemnation in ch. 13 of prophets whom YHWH thought. A growing horror at the temple's defilement dom-
never called seems to draw on Jeremiah's oracles against false inates the oracles of doom in chs. 1—24, and the temple's
prophets in 23:23—40; 29; the compelling image in Ezek 16 destruction, symbolized by the death of Ezekiel's wife
and 23 of Jerusalem and Samaria as degenerate sister-cities (24:15-24), marks the ultimate satisfaction of YHWH's rage
expands on the conceit introduced in Jer 3:6-14; the 'sour against Jerusalem and the beginning of his forgiveness. In the
grapes' proverb cited in Jer 31:29, in Ezek 18 forms the basis book's final chapters YHWH's eventual restoration of Israel is
for an extended debate over individual responsibility and the signified by the building of a new temple and YHWH's re-
possibility of repentance; YHWH's claim in Jer 21:5 to fight newed residence within it (43:1-5). The existence or destruc-
with outstretched arm against his own people reappears in tion of the Jerusalem temple serves as a cipher for the
Ezek 20:33; and the depiction of YHWH as shepherd in Jer existence or non-existence of Israel. Israel's life is defined for
23:1—8 is expanded upon in Ezek 34. Finally, Ezekiel appro- Ezekiel, not by political independence, the Davidic monarchy
priates Jeremiah's promise of renewal in 31:31-3, but with a (which receives scant notice in the book), or even the people's
characteristically ironic twist. Whereas Jeremiah shows possession of the land (the second, more extensive exile of 586
YHWH inscribing his law onto the people's hearts as if onto BCE is barely mentioned in Ezekiel), but by the presence or
so many stone tablets, in Ezek 11:19—20 and 36:26—7 YHWH absence of the temple, and by YHWH's acceptance or rejec-
must remove the people's hard, stony hearts altogether, re- tion of the temple as his home. The temple thus forms the
placing them with hearts of flesh before endowing them with emotional core of the book, representing Israel's ritual purity
his spirit. The question of how Ezekiel came to have such or impurity, its political and theological fidelity or infidelity,
extensive knowledge of Jeremiah's words remains unre- and YHWH's presence or absence among his people.
solved. It is entirely possible that a written edition of Jere- 2. The Divine Name. The exile of YHWH's chosen people
miah's prophecies was available to him in Babylon (cf Jer to Babylon, as well as their own flagrant disobedience to his
29:24—32 in which Jeremiah counters an exiled prophet's laws, could easily be seen as compromising YHWH's reputa-
response to his letter), though this raises the further question tion as a god worthy of the name. Ezekiel, like other exilic
of why, despite his detailed commentary on the situation in authors, is concerned to vindicate YHWH's offended honour.
Jerusalem, Ezekiel makes no mention of Jeremiah. Exile in itself was sufficient to defile YHWH's divine name, as
it implied either YHWH's impotence or his violation of his
E. Textual Problems. 1. The MT of Ezekiel is unarguably re-
covenant oath made to Israel. As recorded in 36:20, the na-
plete with grammatical lapses, repetitions, and inconsisten-
tions' observation that 'These are the people of the Lord, yet
cies. On the question of how to deal with these difficulties,
they had to leave His land' (NJPS) impels YHWH to act in
however, little agreement has been reached, largely because
defence of his holy name. The violation of Zedekiah's vassal
no clearly superior text exists. LXX, while smoother, clearer,
oath sworn in YHWH's name similarly amounted to defile-
and containing fewer repetitions, can easily be interpreted as
ment of the name, and so YHWH in Ezekiel appears caught
responding to the difficulties presented by MT rather than
between the need to avenge himself against Judah and the
preceding them. In addition, LXX itself appears not to be a
competing need to manifest his power by bringing the people
homogeneous translation but a composite text, and one that
back from exile, both of which seem necessary to defend the
exists in widely differing versions. The Ezekiel scroll from
sanctity of his name. Ezek 2 o retells the entire history of I srael
Qumran cave n cannot be unrolled, and additional fragments
as a struggle between YHWH's desire to punish Israel's dis-
of text cannot be argued conclusively to favour either LXX or
obedience and his unwillingness to defile his own name by
MT. The Targum follows MT closely, thereby offering early
destroying the covenant people. Ezek 16 and 23 cast YHWH's
interpretations of MT's difficult passages but no assistance in
defilement in the emotionally charged terms of male sexual
reconstructing a Vorlage. MT generally serves as a scholarly
honour, depicting YHWH as a sexually shamed husband
'default text' with the versions used sparingly as correctives.
whose honour has been devastated by his wife's (the personi-
2. Divergent stands regarding Ezekiel's composition his-
fied Jerusalem's) infidelity. YHWH's vindication of his hon-
tory have also affected the way commentators have viewed the
our, first by punishing Israel for its infidelity and then by re-
book's textual difficulties. Zimmerli (1979; 1983), for ex-
establishing his potency and authority over the people,
ample, who considered Ezekiel the product of several gener-
emerges as a dominant theme over the course of the book.
ations' accrued reflections, could assign many doublets to the
The repeated phrase, 'Then they will know that I am YHWH'
hands of Ezekiel's earliest interpreters. Greenberg (1983: 275-
(my tr.; see inter alia 6:7, 10, 14), sometimes employed as a
6), however, exploring the complexities of a presumed literary
threat of punishment and sometimes as a promise of restora-
prophet, considered even an awkward repetition such as the
tion, emphasizes the concern for the divine name that motiv-
doubled T said to you, "In your blood, live!"' of 16:6 not
ates YHWH throughout Ezekiel. This 'recognition formula'
dittography, but a deliberate stylistic device.
(Zimmerli 1979: 37-41) occurs with variations some seventy-
F. Themes. 1. The Temple. Ezekiel's passionate concern with two times. In Ezekiel, to 'know YHWH' denotes not merely
the Jerusalem temple—its defilement and destruction—has recognizing the deity, but specifically acknowledging his sov-
long been considered a central focus of the book. As a priest of ereignty. Not only the Judeans but ultimately all nations
sufficient stature to have been among the first exiled, Ezekiel must come to 'know the LORD', that is, to recognize his
may be assumed to have had more than a passing interest in dominion over all the earth. The climax of Ezekiel thus comes
both worship practices within and the ultimate fate of the at the moment when YHWH is fully 'recognized'. After van-
Jerusalem sanctuary. In fact, both the structure and content quishing his ultimate enemy and so vindicating his holy
of the book point to the temple's centrality in Ezekiel's name in chs. 38-9, YHWH is at last enthroned in 43:1-5 on
 537 EZEKIEL
his holy mountain, overlooking the city whose name declares (11:19—20; 36^26—7), thus ensuring his ability to rule un-
his sovereign presence at the centre of the world: YHWH is defiled by the people's sins. Here purification and return (the
There (48:35). word 'forgiveness', slh, does not occur in Ezekiel) take place
3. The Divine Warrior. Ezekiel's concern with the sanctity of not as an act of grace, but of necessity, a required step in the
both temple and divine name manifests itself in the book via vindication ofYHWH's sovereignty. Ezekiel's concern presses
the symbolic complex associated with the Israelite celebration far beyond the restoration of the people, to climax in ch. 43
of YHWH as Divine Warrior (see ABD, 'Warrior, Divine'). In with YHWH's own restoration as king. Within this overarch-
Israel, the New Year celebration apparently included a ritual ing and impersonal scheme focused on YHWH's vindication,
in which YHWH (symbolized by the ark) went forth from the however, rests Ezekiel's almost pastoral attention to the moral
temple in an annual battle against cosmic enemies. While the life of the individual. In the midst of the calamity of the exile
ritual battle was taking place the temple was cleansed, and comes a firm rejection of despair and moral defeatism. Right-
upon YHWH's victory a triumphant procession celebrated the eous action is far from pointless, as some in the exilic com-
renewal of the temple and reaffirmed YHWH's reign as well munity claim (33:10), nor does hope lie in the vague notion
as that of his regent, the earthly monarch (see ABD, 'King and that the righteousness of the ancestors will suffice for the
Kingship'). In the opening chapter of Ezekiel the prophet present (14:12-20). Instead, even as he announces YHWH's
reports seeing a vision of YHWH as Divine Warrior, seated inevitable destruction of Israel Ezekiel articulates a responsi-
on his chariot-throne. Ezekiel then looks on in chs. 10-11 as bility and opportunity for each person to 'turn and live' on the
YHWH mounts his chariot and rides forth from the temple to basis of new choices and righteous acts.
the Mount of Olives, the traditional goal of the New Year's ark
procession. YHWH then engages in battle, first against Jer- G. Outline
usalem itself, and then against the enemies of Judah. The Oracles of Destruction against Judah (1:1-24:27)
wars of YHWH culminate in chs. 38—9 with the battle against Ezekiel's Inaugural Vision and Commissioning (1:1-3:27)
Gog, depicted as a cosmic foe. Following his victory over Gog Signs and Oracles of Doom (4:1—7:27)
YHWH calls for the purification of the land and a sacrificial The Vision of the Defiled Temple (8:1—11:25)
banquet, after which he returns in triumph to take his throne Rulers, Elders, Prophets, and a Few Virtuous Individuals
as king in a renewed and purified temple. For Ezekiel, writing (12:1-14:23)
in Babylon during a period when YHWH's power and king- The Twisted Symbols of Judah's Pride (15:1—20:44)
ship could not be affirmed by military, political, or ritual The End Approaches (20:45—24:27 [MT 21:1—24:27])
means, the visionary mode provides a venue through which Hope for the Future (25:1-48:35)
to vindicate YHWH's honour and assert his continued sover- Oracles against Foreign Nations (25:1-32:32)
eignty. Images of Restoration and Return (33:1—39:29)
4. Sin and Repentance. Ezekiel is widely noted for his YHWH's Re-enthronement (40:1-48:35)
assertions, primarily set forth in ch. 18 (cf. 33:10-20) that,
contrary to the perspective expressed in Ex 34:7 and else-
where, YHWH does not visit the sins of the parents upon COMMENTARY
the children; rather, each person is judged on the basis of
individual merit. Moreover, each person's merit is determined Oracles of Destruction against Judah (1:1-24:27)
solely by their current actions. Past sins do not count against a
repentant individual, nor does past righteousness count in Ezekiel's Inaugural Vision and Commissioning (1:1-3:27)
favour of a person who has turned to evil ways. Ezekiel thus
presents a distinctive perspective on the individual as a moral (1:1-3) Superscription The book begins with a superscription
agent and on the present moment as the moment of moral informing the reader of the identity of the prophet and the
significance. YHWH stresses that he takes no pleasure in the time and place that the prophecy was received and delivered.
death of the wicked, but desires repentance and life for each Ezek 1—3 actually includes two such introductions, one in the
person (18:23, 3 2 )- first person (v. i) and one in the third (w. 2-3). w. 2-3 are
5. In contrast to the focus on the ongoing responsibility of the only two verses in the book written in the third person,
each individual, YHWH's actions toward the community are and the first-person superscription of v. i is probably the
designed solely to punish past sins and to purify the people as original, v. i announces that the writer saw 'visions of God'
a whole, regardless of their present moral inclinations. At the while among the exiles 'by the river Chebar' in 'the thirtieth
communal level YHWH's concern is with the ritual defile- year'. The introduction is obscure, assuming the reader's
ment created by Israel's sins and his goal is to vindicate his knowledge of which year is 'the thirtieth' and who it was who
name and his holiness (see EZEK F.2; ABD, 'Holiness (OT)'). were exiled 'by the river Chebar'. The second superscription
The community must at all costs be fitted to these ends. Thus, (w. 2-3) seems designed to clarify the first, identifying the
much of Ezekiel describes YHWH's plans precisely to visit the speaker and the location of the Chebar, and restating the
consequences of the community's sins upon it so as to purify date in terminology consistent with that employed elsewhere
people, land, and temple and re-establish YHWH as sover- in the book. w. 2—3 follow the typical form of prophetic super-
eign. In his wholesale purgation of land and people YHWH scriptions, providing a date in terms of the reigning monarch,
will punish 'both righteous and wicked' (21:3-4 [MT 21:8-9]). identifying the prophet both by his own name (Ezekiel) and
Regardless of whether they choose repentance YHWH will his father's name (son of Buzi), and announcing that 'the word
replace their corrupt hearts with organs inclined to obedience of the Lord came' at this time. In this case Ezekiel's profession
EZEKIEL 53«
as a priest is also noted (cf. Jer 1:1), as well as the location in bedazzlement built up over the course of the vision. The
which he prophesied: in the land of the Chaldeans (Babylonia), creatures have four faces—each face having the likeness of a
by the river Chebar. Finally, the superscription contains the different animal, with a human face in the front—and four
notice that 'the hand of the Lord' was upon him there (v. 3). wings. The effect is that the creatures face in all directions
The significance of the 'hand of the Lord' (cf. 8:1), and how simultaneously, and are thus able both to move in any direc-
this term differs from the 'word of the Lord' in the same verse tion and to guard the blazing substance around which they
or the 'visions of God' mentioned in v. i, is not clear, although stand. In w. 15—21 Ezekiel describes four shining wheels
the terminology seems to link Ezekiel's experience with that accompanying the four creatures. The construction of the
of earlier prophets such as Elijah (i Kings 18:46) and Elisha (2 wheels, 'a wheel within a wheel', may indicate either con-
Kings 2:15; see EZEK D.I). The correlation between the year centric circles in the same plane or wheels at right angles to
specified in v. 2 (593 BCE) and the thirtieth year of v. i has long one another, thus facing, like the living creatures, in all direc-
puzzled interpreters. Speculation has included the possibility tions at once. The wheel rims are full of eyes so that, like the
that Ezekiel himself was 30 years old (in his thirtieth year) creatures, they may be both omnipresent and all-seeing.
when he began to prophesy, or that the call actually occurred Whereas the living creatures move at the impulse of 'the
(or the book was composed) in the thirtieth year of the exile, spirit' (of YHWH) the wheels are themselves moved (verti-
568 BCE. The Targum of Ezekiel, however, suggests that Eze- cally as well as horizontally) by the spirit of the creatures.
kiel received his call in the thirtieth year after Josiah's reform, In w. 2 2-8 a Ezekiel sees a crystalline dome stretching over
a dating that would yield 593, and so correlate with the date the creatures' heads (cf. Gen 1:6), and notes the sound made
given in v. 2. This early understanding has gained little cre- by the creatures' wings as they move, 'like the sound of mighty
dence among scholars, but given that Josiah's reform took waters, like the thunder of the Almighty' (v. 24). A voice
place in a Jubilee year (cf. Hayes and Hooker 1988), Ezekiel sounds from over the firmament; the creatures halt and let
might well be reckoning his vision according to the Jubilee. In down their wings. Ezekiel now looks above the dome to see the
this case, both his initial and his final vision are dated accord- 'likeness of a throne' with what appears to be 'something that
ing to their relation to the Jubilee (EZEK 40:1). seemed like a human form' (v. 26). The form shines as if with
(1:4-280) The Vision of the Throne-Chariot Ezekiel watches hasmal, fire, and even a rainbow (w. 27-8), and upon seeing it
as a stormy wind blows in from the north, bringing with it a Ezekiel falls prostrate, recognizing 'the appearance of the
shiny cloud that in turn contains YHWH's chariot borne by likeness of the glory' of YHWH (v. 28).
supernatural creatures (identified in 10:20 as cherubim). Ezekiel's vision report, for all its claims to describe only the
YHWH's approach from the north carries implications rang- remotest representations of things divine, employs what for
ing from the mundane to the mythical. Although summer an Israelite reader would have been unmistakable symbols of
storms do in fact come into Babylon from the north, Ezekiel YHWH's presence. Zoomorphic throne guardians formed
more probably reflects the Ugaritic traditions according to part of both Israelite and Babylonian iconography, as did the
which the storm-god Baal made his home in the far north transformation of the divine throne into a war chariot, borne
(cf. Ps 48:2 [MT v. 3]) or to a tradition describing an unnamed by its winged guardians and accompanied by fire, storm, and
'enemy from the north' (cf. Jer 1:13; Ezek 39:2) arriving to the thundering voice of the god (Ps 68; 77:16—19 [MT w. 17—
destroy Israel. In the light of YHWH's appearance riding his 20]). The throne's location above the crystalline dome reflects
war chariot and Ezekiel's role warning Israel of YHWH's YHWH's location 'above the heavens' (Ps 8:1 [MT 8:2]; 11:4;
approach, the northerly storm wind of 1:4 probably fore- 57:11 [MT v. 12]), while the repeated emphasis on the mobility
shadows the approaching destruction of Israel. Ezekiel sees of the creatures and wheels may serve to explain YHWH's
in the storm a shining cloud containing fire and 'something unexpected presence in Babylonia.
like hasmal' (v. 4). The identity of hasmal is not known, (1:28^-3:15) Ezekiel's Commissioning Ezekiel hears a voice
though the Akkadian cognate dmesu is also used in describing addressing him, commanding him to rise. Ezekiel is called
a god's shining appearance (see Greenberg 1983: 43). The 'son of man' (2:1 RSV) here and throughout the remainder of
details of Ezekiel's vision, while tantalizing, are also inten- the book, not as an honorific title, but as a mark of the distance
tionally obscure. Ezekiel claims only to see 'the appearance of between this 'mere mortal' and his divine interlocutor (see
the likeness of the glory' of YHWH (v. 28), and while the Vermes 1981; ABD, 'Son of Man'). The prophet is then set on
vision is described in minute detail, it is likewise understood his feet by the spirit (cf. 37:10), moving, like the living crea-
that what the prophet describes so fully remains essentially tures, only at YHWH's behest. Ezekiel receives a commission
indescribable. to go to the 'rebellious house' of Israel and speak for YHWH.
In w. 5-14 Ezekiel sees 'something like four living crea- YHWH's emphasis on Israel's stubborn rebellion, and even
tures' in the midst of the cloud. The designation of the crea- his reassurance that Ezekiel need not fear the people's words
tures as hayyot, living beings, may emphasize that he is not and looks, suggest that Ezekiel's message will be rejected;
experiencing a vision of the temple furniture, the carved none the less he will serve as evidence of YHWH's will, so
cherubim bearing the ark, but of the living original (cf. the that the people 'will know that there has been a prophet
seraphim of Isa 6:1—8). The description of the four creatures is among them' (2:5). Ezekiel is now shown a scroll containing
garbled in MT, with repetitions, sentence fragments, and even 'words of lamentation and mourning and woe' (2:10) and
changes in the creatures' gender. While the uncertain prose instructed to eat it (cf. Jer 15:16). Henceforth, Ezekiel speaks
creates translational difficulties, and may well reflect a corrupt YHWH's words, which have literally been put into the
text, the result is a strangely enhanced sense of awe and prophet's mouth. The scroll's contents, lamentation and woe,
 539 EZEKIEL
confirm the earlier suggestion that YHWH has come as an the people. YHWH's command is puzzling, as its effect is to
enemy from the north: Ezekiel will prophesy destruction to render Ezekiel incapable of communicating with the people,
Israel. In 3:4—11 YHWH offers Ezekiel the ironic consolation and thus seemingly to negate his commission as prophet. The
that he will not be sent to foreigners whose speech he cannot restriction is particularly alarming in the light of 3:16-21 in
understand. Rather than going to foreigners, who might lis- which Ezekiel is told that he must warn the people on peril of
ten despite the language barrier, Ezekiel will go to his fellow his life. The problem is compounded by the fact that imme-
exiles, who, understanding his words, will simply refuse to diately following the announcement of his binding and
listen. dumbness YHWH commands Ezekiel to perform symbolic
Ezekiel then reports that as the divine chariot departed he actions requiring both mobility and speech. While Ezekiel
himself was lifted up by the spirit and returned to the exiles rarely reports his own fulfilment of YHWH's command the
living at the Babylonian settlement of Tel Abib (3:12—15). problem remains as to why YHWH would command actions
Ezekiel depicts his visionary experience as entailing pain he himself has rendered impossible to perform. One trad-
and consternation. The intensity of YHWH's hand upon itional solution has been to label w. 22-7 a late addition, or
him causes Ezekiel 'bitterness' and 'rage' (3:14, my tr.). Fol- out of place in its current setting. Such a solution merely
lowing the vision Ezekiel sits stunned for seven days. Ezekiel introduces the new problem of what the difficult passage is
is not unique in experiencing the prophetic role as galling (cf in fact doing out of place—how it got there and how it
Moses in Ex 4; and Jeremiah in Jer 15:15-18); Ezekiel feels the functions now. One less radical possibility is that Ezekiel's
burden even before receiving orders or learning the commu- confinement and dumbness symbolize his status as a writing
nity's response. 'Rage' (hemd) in Ezekiel is most often char- prophet. If in fact Ezekiel's prophecies were produced
acteristic of YHWH (see inter alia 5:13,15; 6:12; 7:8) and it may substantially in writing (while seated, silent and immobile,
be that Ezekiel is overwhelmed by his empathic experience of indoors) rather than orally, this novel practice might have
YHWH's fierce emotion. In his later sign-acts (beginning required both explanation and theological justification in a
with 4:1—3) the prophet frequently takes on YHWH's role. culture regarding prophecy as primarily an oral genre. In v. 27
Ezekiel is thus stunned not only by the fact of his encounter YHWH declares that when he addresses Ezekiel he will open
with the divine glory, but also by his internalization of divine the prophet's mouth to tell the people, 'Thus says the Lord
rage. God'. This emendation could refer to YHWH's removal of the
(3:16—21) The Sentinel (See also EZEK 33:1—9.) After his dumbness in 33:21—2 but more likely means that YHWH will
seven days' recuperation, Ezekiel receives in effect a second relieve the prophet's dumbness whenever YHWH gives
commissioning, this time couched in metaphoric language. Ezekiel oracles to deliver in YHWH's name.
Ezekiel is to serve as the sentinel for Israel. The sentinel is
posted on the city wall to watch for and give warning of Signs and Oracles of Doom (4:1-7:27)
enemies without. The metaphor refers obliquely to Jeru- (4:1—8) The Siege of Jerusalem Ezekiel is commanded to per-
salem, the walled capital whose 'rebelliousness' (2:5) should form his first sign-act, a symbolic representation of Jerusalem
give it reason to expect retaliation by Babylon. In fact, however, under siege. After inscribing a map of Jerusalem on a mud
YHWH is the enemy approaching the city, and although brick (examples of mud maps are known from the ancient
YHWH, speaking through Ezekiel, warns the people, it is Near East) Ezekiel is to construct a model siege apparatus
also YHWH against whom the people must be warned. The surrounding the model city. Finally, he is to set up an iron
image of YHWH attacking the city is consistent with Ezekiel's plate as a wall between himself and the city, set his face against
vision in ch. i of YHWH riding on his war chariot, confirming the city, and lay siege to it. Ezekiel's action straightforwardly
the uneasy possibility that it is Israel against whom the Divine predicts a siege against Jerusalem, but the siege is not ini-
Warrior rides. Ezekiel's commission as sentinel employs mili- tiated by Babylon. Rather, it is YHWH, as represented by
tary imagery to convey Israel's moral accountability. As senti- Ezekiel, who is setting his face against the city, and, intent
nel Ezekiel is responsible for conveying YHWH's warning to on Israel's destruction, erecting a barrier between himself and
the people. While it is the people who will be judged, the them. Ezekiel, appointed in 3:16—21 as lookout against
passage focuses on Ezekiel and his own accountability as YHWH's attack, now changes roles, playing the part of
sentinel. Thus, if Ezekiel warns the wicked to repent but YHWH. The iron plate between Ezekiel's face and the city
they do not, they bear responsibility for their own sins. Should recalls the hardening of the prophet's face in 2:8-9. Th£
Ezekiel fail to warn them, however, they will receive the death hardness that kept Ezekiel from being harmed by the people's
sentence for their actions, but he will be held responsible for rejection apparently also keeps YHWH from being softened
their death. Regardless, then, of the people's response, Eze- by their pleas. YHWH now commands Ezekiel to lie, first on
kiel's own life is at stake as he is charged with a message of his left side and then on his right, symbolically bearing the
life-and-death importance. punishment of Israel and Judah respectively (w. 4—6). The
(3:22—7) Binding and Dumbness In the final episode of Eze- prophet is to lie 390 days on his left side, signifying 390 years
kiel's call the prophet is sent out to 'the valley', where he again of punishment for the Northern Kingdom, and 40 days on his
sees the divine glory. As in the earlier vision, Ezekiel falls right side, signifying 40 years of punishment for Judah. The
prostrate but the spirit stands him upright. YHWH now numbers are baffling. While Judah's 40 days may predict 40
restricts both Ezekiel's mobility and his speech. He is to con- years of exile (cf. Jeremiah's prediction of 70 years, Jer 25:11;
fine himself to his house, where he will be bound with cords, 29:10), creating a symbolic correlation to the wilderness
and YHWH will strike him dumb and thus unable to reprove wanderings (cf. Ezek 20:36), a corresponding 3go-year exile
EZEKIEL 540

for Israel (beginning in 722 and lasting until 332 BCE?) is not Israelite countryside, in which idols are worshipped 'on every
easily explained. In w. 7—8 YHWH recapitulates 4:1—3 and high hill, on all the mountaintops, under every green tree and
3:25, namely that Ezekiel is to set his face against Jerusalem under every leafy oak' (v. 13; cf. e.g. Jer 2:20; for discussion of
and that YHWH will bind and so immobilize him during the these practices see Ackerman 1992). As in 5:13, YHWH will
siege. This summary implies that it is the siege, not the exile, spend his rage against the people (v. 12), dividing them as in
that will last 40 days (a day for each of forty years' iniquity), 5:1—4 into three parts (w. 11—12) to be destroyed by famine, by
corresponding to a 3go-day siege of Samaria. Unfortunately, plague, and by the sword (cf. Jer 14:12; Lev 26). The judge-
neither Assyrian nor Israelite records permit the kind of close ments against the mountains (and the people who worship
dating that would prove or disprove this possibility. there) continue to be depicted, like those of ch. 5, as a fulfil-
(4:9-17) Famine Ezekiel, now acting out the part of Jerusa- ment of the covenant curses set forth in Lev 26. In addition to
lem's citizens, is commanded to eat meagre rations during the the levitical stipulation of punishment by famine, sword, and
time that he lies on his side. He is to bake cakes made of a plague, ch. 6 predicts the fulfilment of the prediction in Lev
mixture of poor grains, baking them on defiling human ex- 26 that the idolaters will be slain at the feet of the very idols
crement in public as a sign of the coming siege conditions. they serve (w. 5, 13), thus simultaneously destroying the wor-
The discrepancy between the public actions prescribed in shippers and defiling the idolatrous altars (cf. 2 Kings 23:20).
4:9—17 and the seclusion and immobility commanded in YHWH stretches forth his hand (v. 14), a gesture invoking
3:24-5 and 4:8 may be the result of editorial insertions here his triumph over Pharaoh in the Exodus (see e.g. Ex 3:20; Deut
or may simply reflect modern scholarship's continued failure 4:34), but here emphasizing that YHWH will fight not for, but
to penetrate the meaning of Ezekiel's dumbness and binding. against, his own people (cf. Jer 21:5; see EZEK 20:33). As in ch.
In v. 14 Ezekiel emerges briefly as a character independent of 5, the goal of YHWH's punishment is acknowledgment of
YHWH's actions and words, to resist carrying out YHWH's YHWH's person and sovereignty. The recognition formula
defiling commands. YHWH relents, allowing Ezekiel to bake (they/you shall know that I am YHWH) appears four times in
the cakes on animal dung instead of human, thereby main- this brief chapter (see EZEK F.2). Structurally, ch. 6 provides an
taining his ritual purity. excellent example of the 'halving' technique described by
Greenberg (1983: 25-6) with w. i-io forming the primary
(5:1—17) The Coming Judgement In ch. 5 Ezekiel is assigned a
and 11—14 me related, secondary section of a two-part oracle.
sign-act that both summarizes the eventual fate of Jerusalem
and introduces the theological questions to be worked out (7:1—27) Judgement against the Land Judgement by sword,
over the remainder of the book. The prophet is told to shave pestilence, and famine, pronounced against Jerusalem in ch. 5
his hair, an action that in itself symbolizes wartime captivity and against the mountains of Israel in ch. 6, is extended to
(cf. Isa 7:20) and then to divide the hair into three sections, every corner of the land in Ezek 7. Building on the emotional
one for burning, one for destruction by sword, and one for intensity of the previous two chapters, Ezek 7 announces
scattering. From the third section a tiny remnant is to be urgently that the expected judgement has now arrived. The
preserved, though some even from this will be burned, w. 5— MT is difficult, written in strong but sometimes erratic poetic
17 explain that the hair represents the citizens of Jerusalem, metre, riddled with hapax legomena, repetitions, and untrans-
some of whom will be consumed by plague and famine within latable phrases. As with the chariot vision of Ezek i, however,
the besieged city, others of whom will be slain after the city so also here the disjointed syntax lends an uncanny urgency to
falls, and the rest of whom will be 'scattered' in exile where the passage, so that both form and content express Ezekiel's
further destruction will pursue them. Although YHWH gives (and the people's) panic at YHWH's approach.
no explanation of the preserved fragments of hair, they pre- The chapter consists of three sections, w. 1—4, 5—9, and 10—
sumably represent some small fraction of those sent into exile 27, each announcing Israel's doom and concluding with the
who will be kept safe throughout the ordeal. Jerusalem, mean- recognition formula. The three sections seem to build on
while, will be subjected to famine, plague, wild beasts, and the Amos's announcement (Am 8:1-10) of the day of YHWH
death of children, the punishments prescribed in Lev 26 for (ABD, 'Day of the Lord'), a day traditionally celebrating the
breaking YHWH's covenant. YHWH's description of Jerusa- Divine Warrior's conquest of his enemies, but which the
lem's rejection of the law and of its shame at being punished prophets re-envisioned as a day of judgement against Israel.
in sight of other nations prefigures the lengthy account in Thus, Amos's declaration that 'the end' (qes) had come upon
EZEK 20:1-44 of YHWH's futile attempts to establish his rule Israel (8:2) reappears in Ezek 7:2. The second doom saying
over Israel and his ultimate decision to expose the nation to begins in v. 5 with the addition of 'disaster after disaster'
public humiliation in order to vindicate his divine name. v. 13 before the repeated notice that 'the end' has arrived. Images
marks the first occurrence of YHWH's assertion repeated in drawn from Ezek 5 and 6 are built into a concatenated recital
various forms throughout Ezekiel, that the goal of Jerusalem's of YHWH spending his anger, spilling out rage against the
destruction is recognition of YHWH and his name: 'They will people (v. 8; cf. 5:13; 6:12), mercilessly punishing their abom-
know that I, the LORD, have spoken' (see EZEK F.2). inations (v. 4, 8-9; cf. 5:9, n; 6:9, n). 'Then,' says YHWH,
(6:1—14) Judgement against Israel's Mountains In ch. 6 Eze- 'you will know that it is I, the Lord, who strike' (v. 9). God's
kiel is directed to prophesy against the mountains of Israel, a revelation is one of naked power, a warrior unleashed in battle.
message of destruction that will be mirrored by promises of The final section, w. 10—27, °Pens with the explicit announce-
restoration directed to the mountains in 36:1—15. Ch. 6 con- ment of 'the day' (v. 10). People are paralysed with fear as
sists of variations on themes introduced in ch. 5, as the earlier YHWH brings the sword, plague, and famine upon them
judgement against Jerusalem is extended throughout the (w. 14-18).
 541 EZEKIEL
w. 19-23 predict in veiled language the Babylonian capture visionary realms (37:1; 40:1—2). Here Ezekiel's experience is
and desecration of the Jerusalem temple. YHWH speaks first ambiguous since he seems to describe both actual conditions
of silver and gold which were the occasion of the people's sin, and activities in the Jerusalem temple (8:5—16) and also divine
out of which they had made 'abominable images' and siqqusim responses such as the work of the heavenly executioners in
(in this context 'idols', v. 20), using YHWH's treasures for 9:5-8, that seem to be occurring only at a visionary level.
idolatry. YHWH will make these objects 'like a menstruant Ezekiel's vision begins just outside the north gate of the
woman' (leniddd, v. 20; cf v. 19), that is, repulsively unclean to temple's 'inner court', a phrase reflecting the double court-
the people, a prefiguration of YHWH's rejection of Jerusalem yard of the late monarchic temple (see ABD, 'Temple, Jerusa-
as an unclean wife in ch. 16 (and cf. 36:17). YHWH will bring lem'). Ezekiel identifies the spot as the location of'the image
foreigners into his 'treasured place' to profane it (w. 21—2), an of jealousy which provokes to jealousy' (v. 3). The idol's iden-
oblique reference to the Babylonian destruction of YHWH's tity is uncertain, though Asherah (see Olyan 1988; ABD,
private abode within the Jerusalem temple. YHWH explains 'Asherah') is generally assumed (and cf. 2 Chr 33:7, 15). The
in v. 23 that destruction will occur because of the people's fact that Ezekiel need not name the idol, but refers to its
violent crimes (not their idolatry), and goes on in w. 26—7 to location as a means of orienting the reader, suggests that
describe the breakdown of established order. In vain will this figure was not a shocking innovation, but a familiar and
people seek a vision from the prophet, law from priests, or perhaps longstanding feature of the Jerusalem temple (cf.
advice from elders. This triad of religious leaders in v. 26, all NJPS 'that infuriating image').
now defunct, is paralleled in v. 27 by a secular order, similarly Ezekiel notes that 'the glory of the God of Israel was there'
dismantled: the king mourns, the prince despairs, and the (v. 4). The precise relationship between the hasmal figure, the
people of the land shake with fear. All of society is in chaos. glory of YHWH, and YHWH himself is not entirely clear,
Ezekiel's mention of the people of the land is intriguing, as though the former two figures seem to make visible the
they are structurally parallel to 'the elders' in the list of reli- invisible presence of YHWH. As in the inaugural vision
gious authorities, a usage suggesting that the term meant (1:28), however, the voice of YHWH himself addresses Eze-
'petty officials' rather than the more widely accepted mean- kiel, in this case describing four scenes in different parts of the
ings of either 'peasantry' or 'landed gentry' (see ABD, 'Am temple, each more offensive than the last. YHWH begins in
Ha'arez'). The third section of the chapter, like the two pre- v. 5 by directing Ezekiel's attention to the 'image of jealousy'
ceding, concludes with the recognition formula: YHWH's Ezekiel himself had just noted. This statue, according to
violent attack against people and temple will ultimately result YHWH, is among Israel's 'great abominations' that 'create
in acknowledgment of YHWH (v. 27). distance' (my tr.) from YHWH's sanctuary (v. 6). The object of
the verb rhq (to make distant) is not specified, and the phrase
The Vision of the Defiled Temple (8:1-11:25) could suggest that the people are distancing themselves (either
spiritually, through idolatry or literally, via their exile) from
(8:1-18) The Temple Tour Ezek 8 begins with a date formula, YHWH's temple, or that YHWH will distance himself from
introducing a new section of the book. The date is September his temple, i.e. by his departure in chs. 10 and n. Interpret-
592 BCE. The timing, approximately three weeks after the 390 ation is further complicated by the apparent indusio formed
days of immobility prescribed in 4:5, may indicate the pro- with 11:15-16, in which the current exiles are described as
phet's release from confinement and renewed ability to proph- 'distanced' from YHWH.
esy, although the 40 days prescribed in 4:6 would not yet Having condemned the jealousy-provoking statue, YHWH
have elapsed. Historical circumstances may also have pro- informs Ezekielthathe will see'still greater abominations'(v. 6)
vided the occasion for the oracle (see EZEK B.2). Pharaoh and leads him into the north gateway. Ezekiel now burrows
Psammeticus's victory tour of Palestine, bringing along the through a hole in the outer wall of the inner court, into a room
priests of the 'great gods' of Egypt, took place during the (or series of rooms) whose walls are covered with engravings
second half of 592, and this violation of both cultic and depicting unclean animals. Seventy elders, symbolically re-
political loyalties may lie behind Ezekiel's vision of depravity presenting all Israel (cf. Ex 24:1, 9) offer incense before the
at the heart of Jerusalem. images. The hidden rooms engraved with animal figures re-
Ezekiel is depicted sitting in his house with the elders of call the iconography of Egyptian tombs but the reference in
Judah seated before him, a scenario repeated in 14:1 and 20:1; 23:14 to Judah's infatuation with engraved images of Baby-
apparently the community recognized Ezekiel's prophetic lonians may indicate that the elders are in fact practising a
status and regularly sought YHWH's oracles through him. Babylonian ritual. Among the seventy elders Jaazaniah ben
On this occasion Ezekiel experiences 'the hand of the Lord' in Shaphan is named, probably because of his family's promin-
much the same form as in his inaugural vision. A form made ence (2 Kings 22:3; Jer 29:3; 36:12). YHWH now brings the
of gleaming hasmal (MT's 'Is 'fire' is probably an error, cor- prophet to 'the entrance of the north temple gate' (v. 14), a
rected by LXX's reflection of 'is, 'human') appears, reaches location not otherwise known (for an attempt at reconstruct-
out, and lifts Ezekiel by the hair, transporting him within the ing the temple layout assumed in 8:1—18 see Zimmlerli 1979:
vision to the Jerusalem temple (w. 2—3). Physical translocation 237—43), but clearly another step closer to the temple itself.
seems to have been an accepted element of prophetic experi- The sanctity of the location and the gravity of the abomination
ence in some Israelite circles (cf. 2 Kings 2:16 and Obadiah's progress simultaneously, so that the worst offences take place
complaint to Elijah in i Kings 18:12). In Ezekiel's case the in the holiest areas. The third abomination consists of women
divine spirit's actions range from merely setting the prophet weeping for Tammuz (ABD, 'Tammuz'), the Sumerian god
upright (Ezek 3:24) to transporting him into exclusively whose descent into the underworld and subsequent return to
EZEKIEL 542

life represented the annual renewal of the earth's fertility. The by the cherubim?), and the relative movements of the glory
cult of Tammuz was widespread throughout the ancient Near and cherubim. The overall effect of the vision is clear: the
East, though the god's death and rebirth were re-enacted glory leaves its seat within the holy of holies and mounts
during the fourth month, not the sixth, as represented in the living chariot, departing in stages from the temple.
Ezekiel's vision. By the chapter's end the glory of YHWH is mounted over the
The final abomination takes place between the sacrifice cherubim, stationed at the door of the temple's east gate, and
altar and the temple entrance, where men are worshipping poised to depart.
the sun in the east, thus presenting their backsides to YHWH.
(11:1—25) The Glory Departs The Twenty-five Men (w. 1—13):
Sun worship could be either Egyptian or Babylonian in prov-
the spirit now carries Ezekiel to the temple's east gate, follow-
enience (see ABD, 'Sun'; Smith 1990). YHWH emphasizes to
ing the progress of the divine glory on its chariot. At the
Ezekiel the gravity of all Judah's abominations, and adds the
gateway Ezekiel sees twenty-five men (v. i), apparently a separ-
unexpected charge of violence. Finally, YHWH concludes,
ate group from those described in 8:16. These are accused of
'they are putting the branch to my nose' (v. 17). This last
giving 'wicked counsel' (v. 2), probably advocating revolt
accusation is entirely enigmatic, but clearly represents the
against Babylon and reliance on Egypt. They are quoted as
ultimate affront to YHWH. MT reads (and NRSV follows)
saying, 'It is not time for building houses; the city is the pot
'they put the branch to their nose', but this almost certainly
and we are the meat' (v. 3). The second half of the saying is
reflects a tiqqun soperim (see ABD, 'Scribal Emendations'), a
given as the reason not to build houses and the metaphor
scribal emendation, apparently intended to defend YHWH
seems to have clear implications for Ezekiel's original audi-
against the insulting gesture. While the specific rituals al-
ence. Unfortunately, the meaning is no longer self-evident.
luded to in ch. 8 remain obscure, the overall effect is that the
Some interpret the meat as the choice portions chosen for
full gamut of religious cults is present in the Jerusalem tem-
inclusion. In this case the speakers would disdain to build
ple, from the local Canaanite Asherah (presented as the least
more housing for the less 'select' members of society, since
offensive) to Mesopotamian and Egyptian rituals. As a result,
they themselves, having been spared exile, are now the elite of
YHWH will show no mercy in punishing the people.
the city. Such an interpretation is precarious given the meta-
(9:1-11) The Divine Avengers As Ezekiel looks on, YHWH phor's obvious extension (made explicit in 24:1-5), that even
summons seven executioners to carry out his sentence against the most select cuts are in the pot only to be cooked, clearly not
the city. Meanwhile, the divine glory moves from the holy of a desirable fate. The saying, then, must reflect the men's
holies out to the threshold of the temple. In a recapitulation of dismay at inhabiting a 'cauldron'. No time now for building
the Exodus narrative, those to be spared are given an identify- houses or any other peacetime pursuit (cf. Jer 29:4-6); all
ing mark (the Hebrew letter taw) to protect them as the energy must go to defence lest they be 'cooked' in an upcom-
destroyers pass through the city. The destroyers are explicitly ing siege. YHWH answers in effect that cooking is too mild a
told to defile the temple with corpses and then proceed out- fate for these men. The city is indeed a pot, but it is the bodies
wards, killing throughout the city (w. 5-6). In a rare instance of those whom the speakers have killed (whether as a result of
of self-expression Ezekiel protests (v. 8) that YHWH will their 'wicked counsel' or through some other abuse) that will
destroy all that remains of Israel, but YHWH remains implac- be the meat. Whether Ezekiel is here holding the twenty-five
able. This vision of Jerusalem's destruction is a symbolic, not men responsible for people already killed or anticipates the
literal, fulfilment ofYHWH's judgement. It maybe, however, people's death during the siege (for which the 'counsellors'
that here the prophetic vision has the same efficacity else- are indirectly responsible) is uncertain. The men, however,
where attributed to the prophetic word (cf Isa 55:11), so that will be removed from the city and judged at the border of
the vision itself seals the fate of Jerusalem. Israel (v. n). The reference to judgement at the border may be
(10:1—22) Reappearance of the Chariot After the avengers a later addition, reflecting Nebuchadrezzar's punishment of
have completed their killing, Ezekiel sees again the chariot Zedekiah and his entourage at Riblah following the siege of
vision that he earlier received by the Chebar river. While Jerusalem in 586 BCE. Ezekiel then reports that even as he was
occasional details differ from those of ch. i, the living crea- delivering this prophecy Pelatiah, one of the twenty-five men,
tures, now explicitly called cherubim, the wheels, and their fell dead, at which point Ezekiel again (v. 13, cf. 9:8) objects
motion are again described in exhaustive detail. Now, how- that YHWH seems to be destroying even the remnant of
ever, the divine throne chariot assumes a role in the ongoing Israel.
drama of Ezekiel's temple vision. One of the destroyers is The Chariot Departs (w. 14-25). YHWH responds to Eze-
instructed to bring coals from the midst of the cherubim kiel's protest of v. 13 with an oracle directed to the exiles.
and scatter them over the city. The coals may represent either Although all Ezekiel's oracles are perforce delivered to the
the city's destruction following the death of its inhabitants or exilic community, this is the first directly addressing their
the beginning of purification (cf. Isa 6:6—7). Th£ avenger fate. The current residents of Jerusalem, says YHWH, claim
takes the coals but no account of the city's destruction (or that having been spared the exile they are the (righteous)
purification) follows. Instead, the prophet focuses on the inheritors of the land, while the (unrighteous) exiles have
cherubim bearing the divine throne and on the movement been removed from YHWH's presence (v. 15; cf. 8:6; cf. Jer
ofYHWH's glory out of the temple. The details of this second 24). YHWH, however, refers to the exiles as 'the whole house
chariot vision are confusing, making it impossible to follow of Israel', and says that though the exiles have been removed,
precisely where the glory is (if the glory begins its journey in he has in fact been to some extent their sanctuary in exile
the holy of holies, who is seated above the firmament carried (v. 16). The image is striking. Not only does YHWH claim to
 543 EZEKIEL
have been present outside the land of Israel, but he identifies (v. 12). YHWH will capture him, however; he will be taken to
his presence as itself a sanctuary (miqdas) in the temple's Babylon 'but shall not see it' (v. 13). The prophecy gives a
absence. YHWH then promises that the exiles will in fact substantially accurate description of Zedekiah's fate in the
return and be given the land. Moreover, YHWH will replace upcoming siege of Jerusalem. According to 2 Kings 25:4-7
their heart of stone with a new and unified heart, a heart of (Jer 52:4-11), after the Babylonians took the city Zedekiah
flesh willing to follow YHWH's covenants and ordinances escaped via a gate near the palace. He was captured, taken to
(w. 19—20; cf 36:26). YHWH then invokes the covenant Nebuchadrezzar at Riblah, and witnessed his own sons' exe-
formula, 'They will be my people and I will be their God', cution before being blinded and taken to Babylon. The de-
promising a new covenant with Israel upon their return. The tails of Zedekiah first escaping, then being captured and taken
promise combines elements from Jer 31:31—4 and 32:36—41. to Babylon, but unable to see, match the actual events of 586
Strikingly, while YHWH in Jer 32:39 gives the people a BCE so closely that the passage is commonly considered
'single', i.e. unified, heart and in Jer 31:33 inscribes the law 'prophecy after the event', a later addition posing as a
on the people's hearts, in Ezekiel YHWH must replace the prediction. The case, however, is far from simple, since in
people's heart altogether. Humankind must be recreated if fact Zedekiah did not burrow through the wall, and the
they are to be capable of obedience. blinding of rebellious vassals was common and perhaps
Following this complete repudiation of Jerusalem and the even stipulated in Zedekiah's vassal treaty. The oracle gives a
corresponding promises to the exiles, in w. 22-3 YHWH plausible description of what might happen should Zedekiah
departs the temple and city altogether, flying to 'the mountain attempt to escape the impending siege. The sign-act ends with
east of the city', the Mount of Olives. Commentators widely the recognition formula: those who survive will acknowledge
assume that the divine glory merely pauses at the Mount of YHWH in their exile (v. 16).
Olives on its way to Babylonia, but such an assumption is (12:17-20) Quaking with Fear Ezekiel performs a second sign
without textual support. On the contrary, the Mount of Olives depicting the siege of Jerusalem: this time not an escape scene
was the traditional goal of the ark's procession at the New Year but a symbolic portrayal of those remaining during the siege.
Festival and the site from which the Divine Warrior waged his He is to eat bread and drink water while trembling. Similar to
battles (see ABD, 'Olives, Mount of). YHWH has left the the sign-act of4:g-i7 demonstrating the people's deprivation,
Jerusalem temple riding on his war chariot, having effectively eating and drinking while trembling shows the extent to
declared war against Judah and Jerusalem. Ezekiel concludes which all of life will be dominated by fear of the upcoming
with the notice that after the glory's departure the spirit destruction. Here, as in 8:17 and 9:9, it is violence rather than
returned Ezekiel to Babylon, the vision ended, and he reported cultic or treaty infidelity for which YHWH will punish Judah
to the exiles what he had seen (v. 25). (v. 19).
(12:21-8) Prophecy and Fulfilment The final section of ch. 12
Rulers, Elders, Prophets, and a Few Virtuous Individuals addresses the people's self-serving belief that prophetic or-
(12:1-14:23) acles and visions are fulfilled only in the distant future if at
(12:1—16) Escaping the City Ezekiel is now commanded to all, and their resulting complacency in the face of Ezekiel's
perform a sign-act directed at 'the rebellious house who have prophecy. Twice YHWH cites the people's words: first, a
eyes to see but do not see and ears to hear but do not hear' (v. 2). proverb indicating that longstanding prophecies remain
The reference to the people's wilful incomprehension recalls (and presumably will continue to remain) unfulfilled (v. 22)
similar characteristics in Isa 6:9 and Jer 5:21. Ezekiel is to and second, the opinion that Ezekiel's prophecies deal only
prepare 'baggage for exile', presumably the barest necessities, with the distant future (v. 27). The two sayings dovetail
then dig through the wall and depart at night, covering his conveniently, allowing people to write off new prophecy as
face so as not to see the land. In v. 7 Ezekiel carries out the not yet due for fulfilment and ancient prophecy as having
symbolic action. The action seems to represent a resident of 'expired'. YHWH responds to both sayings with the grim
Jerusalem during a siege who has decided to escape the city by assurance that no prophecy will be delayed any longer; all
night rather than suffer siege conditions or be forcibly re- will soon be performed.
moved by the attacking army. The symbolism of covering (13:1—23) Varieties of False Prophecy Following YHWH's de-
the face so as not to see the land is enigmatic, especially since fence of authentic prophecies that remain embarrassingly
the action is undertaken at night, when the land would not be unfulfilled, in Ezek 13 he condemns three separate groups of
visible in any event. Most likely the gesture represents the false prophets in Israel: self-appointed men who prophesy
successful escapee's new condition—safe, but no longer able despite having heard nothing from YHWH; men who create
to see the land. a false sense of security through platitudinous promises of
In w. 8-16 Ezekiel responds to the people's questions well-being; and women whose magical practices endanger
regarding his actions. Ezekiel explains, 'As I have done, so their clients' lives, w. 2—9 are directed against men who
shall it be done' to the residents of Jerusalem (v. n). This prophesy 'from their own imagination' (v. 2), who fabricate
response deviates somewhat from the action itself, since Eze- prophecies, having in fact seen nothing. In implicit contrast to
kiel has represented someone escaping the city furtively, Ezekiel, stationed in 3:16-21 as lookout on the city walls, these
while the niphal ye 'aseh ('it shall be done') indicates that the prophets are scavengers in the ruins of Jerusalem, having
exile will be imposed upon the people. Ezekiel's response neither filled in the breaches nor erected a wall on which to
focuses on 'the prince in Jerusalem' (v. 10), that is, Zedekiah, stand on the 'day of the Lord' when the Divine Warrior attacks.
who will pack a bag, dig through the wall, and cover his face Instead they announce, 'Says the LORD', when YHWH has not
EZEKIEL 544
spoken (v. 6). These prophets receive ironically fitting punish- assure the wicked and dishearten the righteous. Ironically, it
ment. YHWH responds to their false prophecy with a genuine is the prophet farthest from Jerusalem's walls and apparently
oracle (appropriately beginning, 'thus says the LORD'; v. 8), in the least danger who must stand guard on the walls and risk
announcing that his hand is against ('d) these prophets (not, his life.
as in Ezekiel's case, 'upon them'; cf. 1:3), and they will be
(14:1-11) The Idolatrous Elders Ezekiel is approached, as in
expelled from both the people and the land of Israel. The
8:1 (and cf. 20:1) by a group of elders, this time having come to
recognition formula in v. 9 wryly attests that only after their
'enquire' of YHWH. That is, rather than simply receiving
complete rejection will these prophets 'know the LORD'.
whatever word of YHWH Ezekiel might speak, here the elders
The second group of prophets (w. 10-16) predict only peace
engage in the traditional practice of using the prophet as
when in fact destruction awaits the people. These so-called
mediator to convey specific questions to YHWH (cf. Judg
'peace prophets' are documented throughout the book of
18:5). YHWH, however, refuses to co-operate in the enquiry
Jeremiah as a major presence in Jerusalem, a group whose
because of the seriousness of the elders' idolatry (cf. 20:3—4).
message is understandably better received than are Jeremiah's
Remarkably, the elders are not condemned simply for idolatry,
predictions of disaster (Jer 6:14; 8:11; 14:13—16, el passim).
but for 'lifting up' their idols 'into their hearts' (v. 4, my tr.).
These prophets, like the deluded prophets of w. 2—9, are
This accusation is far from clear, but seems to focus on the
also depicted via imagery contrasting their actions with Eze-
depth of the elders' attachment to idolatrous images (cf. the
kiel's role as lookout on the city wall. In this case the people
Jerusalem elders described in 8:9-12, who maintained secret
build a patently insubstantial wall, namely their hope of suc-
'picture rooms' inside the temple itself). YHWH's only re-
cessful rebellion, and the prophets, whitewashing the mud-
sponse to the elders' enquiry is to warn them to turn back
brick wall, validate the people's false hopes. YHWH counters
from idolatry or suffer death at his hands (w. 6—8). When the
by declaring that he will bring rain and wind, attributes of the
idolater is 'cut off, an expression denoting sudden death as a
Divine Warrior, and wash away the wall and the prophets with
punishment for sin, then the people will acknowledge YHWH
it. Only in their death will these prophets acknowledge
(v. 8). YHWH goes on to say that if a prophet should in fact
YHWH, who will shower, not peace, but rage upon the city
deliver a response to the idolater's enquiry, that response
(w. 13,15).
would be a deceitful one, planted by YHWH. The oracle
Finally, in w. 17—23 YHWH directs Ezekiel to prophesy
thus serves as a warning to the prophet as well as a rebuke
against a group of women charged, like the men of w. 2—9,
to the elders. Should a prophet persist in presenting the
with making up their own prophecies and also with practising
idolatrous elders' enquiry, which YHWH has already refused
divination. The women sew items of fabric to be placed on the
to hear, then that prophet would in fact receive a word in
people's arms and heads, either as amulets or for divination.
response, but the word would be an intentional lie sent by
The women are further accused of 'profaning' YHWH by
YHWH. YHWH would then destroy the prophet as well as the
means of barley and bread (v. 19). The exact nature of the
enquirer. YHWH's threat to entrap the people by sending
women's activities is debated; whether the grain represents a
deceitful oracles foreshadows the 'bad laws' of 20:25. Here
payment for divination or an offering, and if an offering, to
and in ch. 20, however, YHWH's deceit and punishment of
what deity. Because the grains are able to 'profane' (Ml)
the people is not absolute, but preparation for his renewed
YHWH, they were probably offered to him, but in a manner
rule over the covenant people (cf. 20:33, 4O~4J 11:20).
capable of profaning his name. Divination, a practice forbid-
den in Ex 22:18 and Deut 18:10, might have been understood (14:12—23) Noah, Dan'el, and Job In the second half of the
to defile YHWH if performed in his name. The women who in chapter YHWH addresses the question of individual respon-
Jer 44:17-19 report having offered cakes to the queen of sibility for sin. The issue was touched on in ch. 9 when the
heaven (probably Astarte) during this period may provide a righteous Jerusalemites were marked so as to escape the city's
parallel. Not only is this divination a forbidden practice; it also destruction (9:4; and see EZEK 18:1—30). The number of citi-
serves the opposite purpose from Ezekiel's own prophecy. zens to be spared was apparently quite small, as Ezekiel pro-
While he is commissioned to warn the wicked and support tests that YHWH is destroying the last remnant of Israel (9:8).
the righteous (3:16-21), the female prophets' divination en- Now the question arises of whether a few righteous indi-
courages the wicked while discouraging the righteous (w. 19, viduals might not suffice to save an entire city (as proposed
22). If Ezekiel's authentic prophetic calling places his own life by Abraham in Gen 18:22—33) or at least members of their own
at stake (EZEK 3:16-21), how much more so the lives of these family (as Abraham was able to do; Gen 19:29). YHWH there-
diviners who work at cross-purposes to YHWH. YHWH an- fore puts forward for consideration the hypothetical example
nounces that he will tear off the female prophets' magical of a land inhabited by three legendary paragons of virtue:
coverings and release the people whose lives have been cap- Noah, Dan'el, and Job. Noah was the most (or only) righteous
tured by these false prophets (w. 20-1). Then, says YHWH, person of his generation (Gen 6:9), and was consequently
they will acknowledge him. spared along with his family in the Flood. Dan'el is known
The prophets currently in Israel are uniformly depicted by from the Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat (the biblical Daniel's name
means of a negative comparison with Ezekiel, prophesying in does not occur in Ezekiel), in which Dan'el is a king famed for
Babylon. Whereas in his commissioning in 3:16-21 Ezekiel is his wisdom and righteousness (see ABD, 'Daniel, Book of).
posted on the wall to deliver YHWH's word, these prophets Job was 'blameless and upright, one who feared God' (Job 1:1),
refuse either to build or to stand on the wall, and have received but his offerings on his children's behalf failed to save them.
no word from YHWH. While Ezekiel must warn the wicked to YHWH next posits a hypothetical land that has committed
repent and the righteous to stand firm, Israel's prophets re- trespass (m'l, v. 13) against him, that is, defiled sancta (objects
 545 EZEKIEL
dedicated to temple service and therefore holy; see ABD, forgive Jerusalem. The metaphor of the city as wife has deep
'Holiness, OT') or broken an oath sworn in YHWH's name roots in the ancient Near East. Capital cities were routinely
(see Milgrom 1976). YHWH further posits that should the considered goddesses, often the consorts of resident male
three aforementioned paragons of virtue inhabit this land, deities and mothers to their inhabitants. The Israelite proph-
even they would be helpless to save their own children from ets continued to personify both Israelite and foreign capitals,
YHWH's punishment of famine, wild beasts, sword, and but ordinarily presented them as debauched and unfaithful
plague. It is allowed to go without saying that the prospects (Galambush 1992; cf. Hos 1—4; Isa 1:21—6; 23; 54; Jer 2; el
for anyone saving the current generation are slim indeed. passim).
The scenario recalls YHWH's predictions in ch. 5 and 7 that YHWH commands Ezekiel to inform Jerusalem of the
he is about to bring these four levitically prescribed punish- accusation brought against her, and in w. 3—34 provides a
ments against Jerusalem and Israel. The use of the technical 'biography' for his bride. Jerusalem, he says, is Canaanite,
term for trespass against sancta (m'l, translated 'acting faith- the daughter of an Amorite and a Hittite (v. 3; Jerusalem's
lessly' in NRSV) suggests Jerusalem's own defilement of Canaanite origins are well attested in OT: Jebusites, as per
YHWH's sanctuary by idolatry and his name by treaty Judg 1:21; 2 Sam 5:6—10). The reference to Amorites and
violation. The chapter's conclusion thus comes as no surprise: Hittites is best taken as in apposition to 'Canaanite' (and
Jerusalem (which is patently not inhabited by Noah, Dan'el, or thus referring to the Hittites of Palestine (Gen 15:20), not
Job) will not be spared, whether for the sake of some few those of Anatolia), an example of Canaanite peoples generally
righteous citizens, or by the righteousness of those exiles rather than a specific claim about the city's founders. As an
whose children will now share in the city's doom (v. 21). infant Jerusalem was abandoned in a field, a common method
YHWH adds the ironic note that some will in fact survive in antiquity for disposing of unwanted children. YHWH finds
the city's destruction and be brought into exile. These will serve her lying in the field, still covered with placental blood. His
as consolation to the exiles, not because they were spared, but command for her to live apparently constitutes legal adoption
because their obvious wickedness will make it clear that (see Malul 1990), though he gives her no care until she
YHWH did not destroy the city without reason (w. 22-3). reaches adolescence. When YHWH visits the girl again she
has reached puberty; YHWH provides a graphic description of
The Twisted Symbols ofjudah's Pride (15:1-20:44) the still-naked and still-bloody girl's breasts and pubic hair
(v. 7). YHWH now covers and bathes the girl, entering a
(15:1-8) The Useless Vine Ch. 15 ironically subverts the trad- marriage covenant. The imagery is disturbing to the modern
itional metaphor of Israel as a luxuriant vine, lovingly tended reader; YHWH's behaviour seems lecherous, even incestu-
by YHWH (cf. Isa 5:1-7; Gen 49:22; Jer 2:21). The chapter ous, and the reader, like the prophet, is enlisted as a witness to
marks the first in a series of bitter parodies based on Israel's Jerusalem's perverse sexual history. YHWH adorns his new
national symbols: Israel as a vine (here and in ch. 17), as the bride lavishly, and her clothing of linen and tahas, a material
bride of YHWH (chs. 16 and 23), and as a proud lion (ch. 19). mentioned elsewhere only as a covering for the tabernacle,
This deconstruction of Israel's national identity climaxes in reflects the true significance of the city as bride: she is home to
ch. 20, where even the Exodus story is transformed into a YHWH's holy of holies, the sanctuary in which YHWH's
history of Israel's degradation and YHWH's rejection. honour will be either maintained or defiled.
YHWH begins in 15:2 by posing a riddle to Ezekiel: how YHWH bestows perfect beauty upon his regal bride, but
does the vine wood differ from any other wood? He continues she has plans of her own. In w. 15—22 Jerusalem system-
with a series of rhetorical questions, proving that vine wood is atically takes YHWH's gifts—clothing, food, gold, even chil-
distinctive only in its utter uselessness. Thus, this inferior dren—and uses them for idolatrous purposes, described in
wood serves only to be burned, or perhaps merely charred, a the metaphor as prostitution. The charge of child-sacrifice is
process rendering it even less useful than it had been initially. supported by similar charges in Jeremiah (e.g. 7:31, and see
The figure of the vine wood's complete inutility patently con- EZEK 20:25—6). In addition to 'adulterous' relations with other
tradicts Israel's self-styling as a fruitful vine. YHWH's com- gods, Jerusalem seeks liaisons with other nations, the sexually
ment on the further uselessness of charred vinewood is potent Egyptians and the Babylonians. The charge that Jeru-
explained in w. 6—8 as a metaphor for Jerusalem which has salem's foreign alliances constituted infidelity to YHWH is
now been partially burned by Babylonia. Like the charred rooted, not in the marriage metaphor, but in the metaphor of
vinewood, Jerusalem will be burned again. The punishment, YHWH as king. Israel has entered a vassal treaty (see ABD,
says YHWH, will result from the people's trespass (m'l). v. 8, 'Covenant') with YHWH and is therefore forbidden to give
the defilement of holy objects or of the divine name already loyalty to any other king. Here the competing kings are pic-
condemned in 14:13. tured as Jerusalem's lovers, copulating with YHWH's bride
(16:1-63) YHWH's Unfaithful Wife In Ezek 16 YHWH takes and thereby violating his sexual honour. Jerusalem, mean-
up the metaphor of Jerusalem as the bride of YHWH, declares while, is portrayed as a 'perverted prostitute' who pays her
her to be thoroughly unfaithful, and passes the death sentence clients; that is, she pays tribute to the foreign nations with
upon her. Thus, as in the metaphor of the vine in ch. 15, so which she consorts (v. 34). The sequence of events roughly
here too a symbol of national pride is transformed into a corresponds to Jerusalem's political history. Jerusalem en-
symbol of national shame. The chapter is divided into three tered an anti-Assyrian alliance with Egypt in 705 BCE (v. 26),
sections: w. 1-43, a biography of Jerusalem; w. 44-52, an after which Sennacherib in 701 BCE awarded Judahite territory
unfavourable comparison of Jerusalem to Samaria and to Philistia (v. 27). 'Unsatisfied' by the Assyrians (v. 28), Judah
Sodom; and w. 59—63, in which YHWH promises at last to became a Babylonian vassal in 605 BCE (v. 29), but remained
EZEKIEL 546

unsatisfied (v. 29), as witnessed by her numerous attempts at in w. i—10, but a point-by-point explanation in w. 11—21 be-
revolt. comes the occasion for YHWH to give his own perspective on
In w. 35—43 YHWH announces his wife's punishment: the events described. Finally, in w. 22—4 YHWH provides a
exposure and stoning, common punishments for adultery in new ending for the story, an allegory predicting YHWH's
the Bible and ancient Near East (Hos 2:10 [MT v.i2]; Jer 13:22; restoration of Judah.
and cf. Westerbrook 1990). The punishing agents, however, In the allegory of w. i—10 a great eagle takes the top off a
are not the husband or community as would be expected, but cedar of Lebanon and transports it to another land. He then
Jerusalem's former lovers. Here Ezekiel must shape the meta- takes some of the local seed and plants and waters it until it
phor to suit historical reality. YHWH's rivals, the foreign grows into a luxuriant vine spreading towards him. When a
nations, now become his agents in Jerusalem's destruction. second eagle arrives, however, the vine turns and grows to-
In addition to being exposed and stoned, Jerusalem is hacked wards him, and he in turn transplants and waters the vine.
with swords and her houses burned (w. 40-1), actions reflect- Ezekiel's original audience would have had no trouble follow-
ing actual warfare. This, says YHWH, will satisfy his rage, ing the story. The first eagle is Nebuchadrezzar and the head
ease his jealousy, and leave him calm. The husband's visceral of the cedar (considered a royal tree) is Jehoiachin, taken to
satisfaction over his wife's death is presumably appropriate in Babylonia. Meanwhile, some of the royal 'seed', Zedekiah, is
its ancient Near-Eastern context, and the vocabulary parallels planted in Jerusalem. Zedekiah initially shows loyalty to Baby-
that used elsewhere in Ezekiel to describe YHWH's satisfied lon (growing in his direction), but when Psammeticus of
rage (cf. 5:13). To the modern reader, however, the scene is Egypt arrives he abandons Babylon for Egypt (see EZEK B.2).
horrifying, the more so because the wife-killing husband is Ironically, whereas Jehoiachin was depicted as the top of a
God. cedar, Zedekiah remains a creeping vine (cf. ch. 15). YHWH
In w. 44-58 YHWH describes Jerusalem's place within an asks rhetorically whether such a vine will survive or be pulled
entire family of sinful women (cf. Jer 3:6—11). Her Canaanite out by its planter and desiccated by the harsh 'east wind'.
mother, says YHWH, hated her own husband and children, In w. ii—21 YHWH explains the oracle as depicting Nebu-
just as Jerusalem has hated hers. YHWH goes on to claim that chadrezzar's capture of Jehoiachin and Zedekiah's wavering
Jerusalem is the second of three sister cities, of which Samaria loyalty, again concluding with a series of rhetorical questions:
is the eldest and Sodom the youngest. The anachronism of Can Zedekiah succeed, breaking covenant and yet escaping?
portraying Sodom as 'younger' than Jerusalem may reflect the Now YHWH gives explicit answers to his questions. Zedekiah
former city's relative unimportance or may be an adjustment will die in Babylon, the land of the king for whose oath he had
necessary to preserve Samaria as Jerusalem's immediate role contempt by breaking covenant (w. 16,18; cf. 16:59). Indeed,
model (cf. ch. 23). Compared with two infamously wicked says YHWH, it was 'my oath that he despised, and my coven-
cities Jerusalem is found to be the worst. Contrary to the ant that he broke' (v. 19, emph. added), committing trespass
account of Gen 19, here the sin of Sodom is described as (m% v. 20; cf. 14:13, et passim) against YHWH. It is YHWH
neglect of the poor despite the city's prosperity (cf. Isa 1:10- whose honour has been defiled and he who will avenge it.
17), while Samaria is accused simply of'abominations' (v. 51). Finally (w. 22—4), YHWH adds his own ending to the story: he
Both sisters, however, look righteous in comparison to Jeru- himself will take a sprig from the top of the cedar and plant it
salem. Surprisingly, YHWH goes on to say he will restore all on a high mountain of Israel. This plant will at once bear fruit
three cities and their daughters (suburbs or dependent (as the vine, Zedekiah, did not) and grow into a towering cedar
towns), but that Jerusalem will be shamed before her two (like Jehoiachin). What earthly kings attempted YHWH will
sisters (v. 54). Just as Sodom had been a byword connoting accomplish, and Israel will thrive under an upright ruler of
wickedness in the past, so now Jerusalem serves as an in- the Davidic house. If Israel's destruction vindicated YHWH's
famous object-lesson to her neighbours (w. 56-7). power before his own people (v. 21), Israel's restoration will
In w. 59—63 YHWH summarizes Jerusalem's sin and both demonstrate his sovereignty before the world (v. 24). This
his punishment and his restoration of the city. Here Jeru- idyllic ending to the allegory, while unexpected in the midst
salem's sin is described simply as 'showing contempt for the of oracles of punishment, may none the less be original to
oath by breaking covenant' (v. 59, my tr). All Jerusalem's sin Ezekiel, as it fits the pattern that will be repeated over the
fits under the rubric of covenant-breaking, but the specific entire course of the book: YHWH will first destroy and then
charge of contempt for the oath introduces an issue that will restore, both destroying and restoring in order that his sover-
be more fully explored in EZEK 17, namely, that in breaking his eignty might be acknowledged (v. 24; cf. 20:1-44; 36:16-32).
treaty oath to Nebuchadrezzar, Zedekiah has committed a (18:1-30) On Individual Responsibility In this chapter Eze-
trespass (mfl) against YHWH. T will deal with you as you kiel responds to the Israelite tradition that 'the sins of the
have done', says YHWH (v. 59), that is, ignore his own coven- parents are visited upon the children' (cf. Ex 34:7; Jer 32:18),
ant obligations to Jerusalem just as she has ignored hers to arguing instead that each individual is responsible for his or
him. Yet, he goes on, he will ultimately establish an eternal her own sins. The question of responsibility would have been
covenant with Jerusalem. Although Samaria and Sodom will crucial during the Exile, and Ezekiel has already touched on
become her 'daughters', Jerusalem herself will be overcome the subject in the commissioning in 3:16—21 where the relative
with shame when at last she acknowledges YHWH (w. 61-3). responsibility of Ezekiel and his hearers is discussed, and in
(17:1-24) The Allegory of the Cedar In this chapter Ezekiel is ch. 14, in which YHWH denies that one person's virtue might
instructed to 'propound a riddle', another in a series of ex- save another. The chapter is a rhetorical tour deforce formu-
tended metaphors. The metaphor is easily understood already lated in response to a proverb current in Israel (see Jeremiah's
 547 EZEKIEL
citation of it in 31:29) and presumably among the exiles as person should be judged by their own actions—and an-
well: 'The parents have eaten sour grapes, and the children's nounces that he will now judge his hearers, each according
teeth are set on edge' (v. 2). The proverb deflects responsibility to their deeds. The rhetorical shift marks the climax of a
for the exile away from the current generation and into the speech that has progressed from discussion of multiple gen-
past, a view of history shared by the editors of 2 Kings, who erations to evaluation of individuals within a generation, and
held both Manasseh (ch. 21) and Hezekiah (20:17—18) respon- finally to the current behaviour of the specific individuals at
sible for the Babylonian Exile. The proverb, whether used by hand. 'Turn', says YHWH, 'from all your evil deeds ... Why
those still in the land or by the exiles, serves simultaneously as would you die, O house of Israel?' (w. 30-1, my tr.). Whereas
complaint and reassurance; YHWH maybe punishing us for the people have implicated themselves by their own objec-
sins we did not commit, but at least we are not to blame for our tions to YHWH's judgements, YHWH has proved not only
condition. The prevailing tone is one of complacent self-pity. his justice but Israel's guilt and the very real danger of punish-
YHWH responds with an oath, forbidding the proverb's use ment facing the people. Urging them to get themselves 'a new
and announcing that only 'the person who sins shall die' (v. 4). heart' (v. 31; note the contrast with 11:19 an(^ 36:26 in which
He then (w. 5—20) describes a family of three generations: a YHWH himself must replace the people's heart), YHWH
righteous father, an evil son, and a righteous grandson. reminds them that he has no stake in their death, which
The righteous father, says YHWH, having kept the command- now seems inevitable according to the standards he has just
ments, shall live; the violent, idolatrous son shall die bearing delineated. Like the wicked person of w. 21-2, however,
sole responsibility for his own death; the righteous grandson YHWH's hearers face not simple condemnation but a
shall live, free from responsibility for his father's sins. Eze- decision. T have no pleasure in the death of anyone,' says
kiel's audience challenges this distribution of justice, asking, YHWH (v. 32). 'Turn, then, and live.'
'Why shouldn't the son suffer for the father's sin?' (v. 19, my
tr). The objection reflects both the people's comfort with the (19:1—19) The Dirge for the Rulers of Israel In ch. 19 Ezekiel
tradition of retribution and their discomfort at the most ob- is instructed to sing a dirge for Israel's ruler (emending MT's
vious application of YHWH's words: if the exile does not nesi'e to sing, with LXX). Israelite prophets frequently em-
reflect their parents' sins, it must reflect their own. YHWH, ployed the dirge (qind) form, with its distinctive 3-2 metre (cf.
however, reiterates that if the son has done what is right, then Am 5:2), addressing the dirge directly to the person being
he shall live; the person that sins shall die (w. 19/7—20). 'mourned', thus simultaneously predicting his or her down-
YHWH next changes the terms of the argument, taking up fall and lamenting it as an accomplished fact (cf. Ezek 26:17;
in w. 21-4 the question of how a person is to be judged who 27:2, ct passim). This dirge has two sections, each describing
turns within their own lifetime from wickedness to righteous- the ruler's mother. In w. 2—9 she is presented as a lioness and
ness or from righteousness to wickedness. That is, instead of in 10—14 as a vine> both common symbols for Judah and the
discussing retribution from generation to generation YHWH Davidic dynasty.
moves to the case of a single generation. Within a culture The 'prince' addressed is probably Zedekiah, not Jehoia-
focused not on individuality but on tribal continuity YHWH's chin, as Ezekiel ordinarily calls Jehoiachin 'king' (melek) and
separation of the generations in w. 5—20 might well have Zedekiah 'prince' (nasi'). The dirge focuses on the prince's
raised the question of how and when, if not from generation mother, probably the city of Jerusalem as seat of the royal
to generation, YHWH did in fact parcel out retribution for family and 'mother' to her inhabitants (cf. Ezek 16:1—63)
sins (cf Job 18:19; 20:10; 21:7—13,19). In the specific context of rather than on an actual or idealized queen mother. The dirge
the exile, however, the change in topic from cross-gener- depicts the Judean royal house as lions, a tradition established
ational behaviour to sin and repentance within a single life- in Gen 49:9. The mother lion raises a cub to maturity; he
time effectively ends the people's speculation about who learns to hunt and, we learn, becomes a man-eater. This
sinned in the past and focuses the argument squarely on their grotesque distortion of Judah's national symbol follows the
own choices in the present. A wicked person, says YHWH, pattern set in chs. 15—17. The luxuriant vine is worthless and
who repents, keeping YHWH's laws and statutes, shall not die charred (EZEK 15:1-8); the bride sleeps with every passer-by
but live (v. 21). YHWH's goal is not the death ofthe wicked but (EZEK 16:1-63); and the proud lion now devours human
their repentance. A righteous person, however, who turns beings. The lion, having turned man-eater, is captured and
from righteousness to sin will be held responsible for their led off to Egypt. The lioness now takes another cub and raises
trespass (m'l, v. 24) and shall die. him to maturity, at which point he, too, becomes a man-eater.
The people complain in v. 25 that YHWH's conduct as set Indeed, this lion ravages cities (the difficult term 'widows' in
forth in this passage is 'unruly' (Id yittaken, my tr.), presum- v. 7 occurs in parallel with 'cities', and probably reflects appli-
ably because it does not conform to established standards cation of this term to devastated cities; cf. Cohen 1973) and
governing sin and its punishment. YHWH responds that it terrorizes the coutryside. Soon he, too, is apprehended and
is not his conduct but theirs that is unruly. Re-emphasizing taken to Babylon (v. 9). The identity ofthe first lion cub is
the logic of punishing a righteous person who turns to evil but clear: Jehoahaz, the son of Josiah, crowned by the people in
sparing a wicked person who turns to righteousness, YHWH 609 BCE but immediately deposed and deported by Pharaoh
repeats that it is not his conduct, in judging the people, that is Necho II (610-595 BCE) is me only Judean monarch exiled to
unruly, but theirs (v. 29). The people's discomfort reflects only Egypt. The second cub is more difficult to identify; Jehoiachin
their suspicion that judged by these standards they deserve and Zedekiah are both possibilities, but Jehoiachin is the
not only exile but death. In w. 30—2 YHWH abandons theoret- more likely candidate. Jehoiachin had indeed been led before
ical discourse about hypothetical behaviour—whether each the king of Babylon, though he ruled only three months
EZEKIEL 548

during which time he was hardly the international threat repeating three times in two verses (5—6) that he took an
depicted here. Commentators who seek a literal queen of oath (lit. raised my hand) declaring that he was their God
Judah as the two cubs' mother rather than the personified and would bring them out of Egypt into their own land.
Jerusalem identify the second cub as Zedekiah because his YHWH demanded that his people discard their Egyptian
mother, Hamutal, was also mother of Jehoahaz (2 Kings idols, but his demands were ignored. Ezekiel's claim of Is-
24:17-18). rael's initial election and subsequent rebellion while still in
The second half of the dirge (w. 10—14) is based, like chs. 15 Egypt is unique, but consistent with strands in the Exodus
and 17, on the vine as a symbol of Israel. Now the prince is told narrative suggesting that the Israelites in Egypt were not
that his mother was like a vine, fruitful and lush, bearing acquainted with YHWH as their god and were reluctant to
boughs from which sceptres were made (unlike the useless follow him, even in exchange for freedom (Ex 6:9; 14:11—12).
wood of ch. 15). The vine climbed to a tremendous height, but YHWH, faced with Israel's rebellion, decides to destroy the
was then uprooted, thrown to the ground, desiccated by the people already in Egypt (v. 8). Upon realizing, however, that by
east wind, and then burned. Now, says YHWH, she has been breaking his oath he would profane his own name—and that
transplanted in the wilderness and no bough remains from in plain sight of all the surrounding nations—he instead leads
which to make a sceptre. As in w. 2—9, the mother is Jeru- Israel out into the wilderness, where he provides statutes and
salem. Her strong boughs, made into sceptres, represent the ordinances for Israel's benefit (w. 10-12). Israel shamelessly
Davidic dynasty. The proud city, however, has now been torn violates YHWH's statutes; YHWH again considers destroying
down, stripped, and burnt with fire. Her prominent citizens them but again chooses not to profane his own name by doing
exiled, she has been 'transplanted' to Babylon. The figure so. Instead, he swears a new oath, namely, that he would not
could describe Jerusalem's condition following the Babylon- bring the people into the land (v. 15). This decision to reject the
ian capture in 597 BCE or could look forward to devastation wilderness generation parallels the punishment decreed in
yet to come. The prophetic convention of 'mourning in ad- Num 14, though the causes for YHWH's anger differ there.
vance' allows either possibility, though the references to the YHWH next commands the generation of the children not to
devastating east wind (v. 12) predicted in 17:10 and to a time emulate their parents, but to follow his statutes. The children
when no Davidic ruler remains (v. 14) suggest that the dirge also rebel, and once again YHWH considers destroying them
predicts Zedekiah's downfall and the destruction of Jerusa- but relents because of the danger to his own honour. Instead,
lem. YHWH devises a solution to the difficulty in which his loyalty
oath has placed him. First, YHWH swears that rather than
(20:1-44) Israel's Perverse Exodus Ezek 20 opens with a date giving the people the land he will actually scatter them into
formula (v. i), the first since 8:1, dating the oracle to August exile in other lands (v. 23). YHWH then gives the people bad—
591 BCE, just over a year after the temple vision of chs. 8—n. As even deadly—statutes. YHWH entraps the people by com-
in 14:1 (and implied in 8:1) a group of elders has approached manding them to sacrifice their firstborn to him, thereby
Ezekiel, hoping to enquire of YHWH. As before, YHWH justifying his destruction of Israel (w. 25-6). The logic is not
refuses, this time by solemn oath (v. 3), to participate in their entirely clear, but seems to argue that child-sacrifice to
enquiry. Instead, he commands Ezekiel to judge them. YHWH was such a grave offence that it justified YHWH's
YHWH proceeds by retelling the story of Israel's sojourn in violation of his covenant with Israel. The historical data is
and exodus from Egypt. The story forms a climax to the incomplete, but supports Ezekiel's claim here and elsewhere
allegories in chs. 15—17 and 19, in which symbols of Israelite (16:20—1; 23:39) that child-sacrifice was practised in Jerusa-
national identity are ironically recast into emblems of national lem during this period. The ambiguous wording of Ex 22:29
shame. In ch. 20 the nation's founding myth, the Exodus [MT v. 28] may reflect a period in which Israelite law de-
narrative, undergoes an analogous subversion, becoming a manded or at least permitted such sacrifices, and YHWH's
tale of YHWH's endless rage against an Israel that cannot be passionately repeated denial in Jeremiah (7:31; 19:5; and 32:35)
ruled. The narrative is framed by YHWH's solemn oath in w. 5 that he ever commanded (or even dreamt of commanding)
and 31 that he will not allow the elders to enquire of him. The child-sacrifice seems calculated to respond to worshippers'
problem of YHWH's oath and the honour of his name, prom- claims that YHWH had indeed commanded the sacrifices
inent throughout Ezekiel, forms the core of this twisted they offered. YHWH's description of the sacrifice in Ezek
history of Israel. 20:25—6 serves as the ironic climax to a perverse retelling of
The history of Israel is depicted as a repetitious cycle in the Exodus. Instead of sparing Israel's firstborn YHWH now
which YHWH first acts on the people's behalf and then sets commands their slaughter; in place of liberation he decrees
out laws for them to follow. The people, however, rebel against new enslavement for the people.
YHWH, who considers destroying them, but instead acts for In w. 27—38 YHWH concludes his bitter historical survey
his 'name's sake', that is, for the sake of his honour, bound by by addressing the current generation of Israel. Despite his
the covenant with Israel. The history begins in v. 5, on the day vow not to bring the people into the land (v. 15), YHWH here
YHWH chose Israel. Remarkably, Israel's election is said to describes the behaviour of those whom he did in fact bring
have taken place in Egypt. The earlier covenants with Abra- into the land of Israel. This apparently is the generation who
ham, Israel, and Jacob are not mentioned, suggesting either received the 'bad laws' of w. 25-6, and the charge of child-
that Ezekiel deliberately changes the traditional story or, sacrifice is repeated in v. 31. The current generation, says
equally likely, that he is acquainted with an alternative YHWH, continue their parents' sins, and YHWH vows, as
version, still current in the period before the Pentateuch's he did at the recital's beginning (v. 31; cf. v. 3), not to honour
canonization. YHWH emphasizes his early vow to Israel, their enquiries. Nevertheless, Israel's involvement with
 549 EZEKIEL
YHWH is far from ended. On the contrary, any fantasy on flesh', from south to north. The image of YHWH wielding his
Israel's part that they can now freely engage in idolatry is sword recalls again the mythology of YHWH as Warrior,
rejected. YHWH once again enters a solemn oath, swearing introduced in the vision of chs. 1—3. YHWH will destroy right-
that 'with a mighty hand and outstretched arm', in rage he will eous and wicked alike, a startling inversion of the judicious
at last rule over Israel (v. 33). Israel's joyful acclamation of discrimination promised in ch. 18 (and cf. Gen 18). Here,
YHWH's rule announced in Ex 15:18 now becomes the War- however, Ezekiel draws an image of cosmic war, in which 'all
rior's conquest of his own people. In a reversal of the first flesh', that is, all creation must be subdued before coming to
Exodus YHWH will gather the people out of exile and judge acknowledge YHWH (cf. Gen 6:12-13). Th£ puzzling image of
them in the wilderness. Those who rebel against YHWH will YHWH destroying people in order to gain their fealty is
be purged, but the rest included in YHWH's covenant (w. 37— presumably not to be taken literally, but assumes a scenario
8; cf. Lev 27:32). in which 'all flesh' as a whole suffers divine retribution, after
In w. 39-44 YHWH portrays Israel's future after YHWH which 'all [remaining] flesh' acknowledges YHWH's sover-
has established his reign. YHWH harshly dismisses those eignty (cf. the analogous claims in Ex 14:17-18; Ezek 25:7,
who persist in idolatry: 'Go serve your idols ... if you will not inter alia). As in 12:17—20, Ezekiel is instructed in w. 6—7
listen to me; but my holy name you shall no more profane (MT w. 11—12) to act out the response to YHWH's actions, in
with your gifts and your idols' (v. 39). Those continuing to this case moaning pitifully in order to provoke the people's
practice idolatry will no longer defile YHWH's name in so curiosity and so provide further opportunity to warn them of
doing, having been excluded from the covenant. This expul- the coming disaster.
sion of the idolaters seemingly contradicts YHWH's insist- In 21:8—17 (MTw. 13—22) Ezekiel is commanded to deliver
ence in v. 32 that he will never allow Israel simply to 'be like the an oracle in the form of a poem describing a sharpened sword.
nations ... [worshipping] wood and stone', and may mark v. 39 Israel has despised the rod, the traditional punishment for
as a late addition to the book. Faithful Israel is described in disobedient children (Prov 13:24; Isa 1:5—6). The sword is
w. 40—4, serving YHWH with acceptable offerings on his presumably YHWH's own, and it is handed over to a 'slayer'
'holy mountain', Zion. YHWH's sanctity (not, as before, his (understood as Nebuchadrezzar). Ezekiel is to wail over Israel
dishonour) will be revealed before the nations after he has (v. 12; MT v. 17) but also to clap his hands together and to chop
vindicated his name (cf. EZEK 39). Indeed, YHWH will act, not and slash with the sword (v. 14; MT v. 19), acting out the
for Israel's sake, but for the sanctity of his name (cf. 36:22). enemy's satisfaction (cf. 6:11; 25:6) as he slaughters the
Israel will be overwhelmed with shame (cf. 16:59-63) as it people. Israel's true enemy, however, is not the 'slayer' to
acknowledges YHWH. whom the sword is given, but YHWH himself, who in v. 17
(MTv. 22) joins Israel's attacker in clapping his hands as he
The End Approaches (20:45-24:27; MT 21:1-24:27) satisfies his rage against Israel.
In 21:18-32 (MTw. 23-37) Ezekiel is commanded to erect a
(20:45-21:32; MT 21:1-37) Fire and Sword against the Land A signpost designating two roads: one to the Ammonite capital
series of four brief oracles all announce the impending de- of Kabbah and the other to Jerusalem. The signpost repre-
struction of Judah and Jerusalem. The description of sents the decision currently faced by Nebuchadrezzar of
YHWH's punishment as a raging fire in 20:45—9 (MT 21:1— which of these two capitals to attack. Nebuchadrezzar engages
5) is followed by three oracles focusing on the sword by which in divination to determine his course, shaking arrows, con-
YHWH will destroy the people. In 20:45-9 (MT 21:1-5) Eze- sulting teraphim, and inspecting a sheep's liver (v. 21; MT
kiel is commanded to set his face and prophesy against the v. 26). The arrows apparently functioned like lots, first
forests of the Negeb ('Negeb' here refers to southern Palestine labelled and then shaken together in a quiver, after which
generally, rather than the modern Negeb). YHWH is sending one was drawn out. The exact use of teraphim, though attested
a fire that will consume the green and the dry trees alike; that in the OT (Gen 31:19; i Sam 19:13—16; Hos 3:4), is unknown.
is, every tree. Ezekiel objects, pointing out that the people call Hepatoscopy, divination based on the analysis of sheep livers,
him a 'metaphor maker' (v. 49; MT v. 5; my tr.; cf. NJPS, was widespread in the ancient Near East (see ABD, 'Omens in
'riddlemonger'). The prophet's complaint may be that people the Ancient Near East'). Jerusalem is chosen for destruction,
do not take his oracles seriously; Ezekiel is 'only' making v. 23 (MT v. 28) is difficult, claiming that some unspecified
metaphors, which will not come to pass. Such a complaint group ('they') will doubt the results of divination, having
would be consistent with the people's earlier attitude towards sworn oaths. Most likely, this describes the Babylonians'
prophecy expressed in 12:22 and with YHWH's observation in initial reluctance to believe that they are in fact to destroy
33:31-2 that Ezekiel is treated as a mere singer of love songs. Jerusalem, 'having sworn oaths', i.e. entered a covenant with
Alternatively, Ezekiel may be expressing the people's com- Zedekiah. However, says YHWH, Israel's guilt will be
plaint that since he speaks only metaphors he cannot be remembered, an event that will result in their capture.
understood. YHWH then addresses the Jerusalemites in v. 24 (MTv. 29),
The oracle of 21:1-7 (MT w. 6-12) seems to come in re- repeating to them that their transgression (presumably their
sponse to Ezekiel's complaint in 20:45—9 (MT 21:1—5), violation of the vassal oath with Nebuchadrezzar) will indeed
whether to enforce the seriousness of the prophet's words or become known and they will be taken.
to explain their subtlety. Ezekiel is instructed to prophesy A brief oracle (w. 25-7; MTw. 30-2) is then directed speci-
against the sanctuaries of Jerusalem and the land ('adama, fically against the 'prince' (Zedekiah), whose downfall is fore-
not 'eres) of Israel, announcing that YHWH himself is draw- told (cf. 17:24). A final note in v. 27 (MTv. 32) hints at a post-
ing his sword to kill both the righteous and the wicked, 'all exilic restoration of the Davidic dynasty, a promise made
EZEKIEL 55°
explicitly in 37:24-5. Following the oracles against Judah and rulers prey like wolves upon the people (v. 27). The prophets
Jerusalem, the sword song of w. 9—12 (MTw. 14—17) is recap- embody the faults described in ch. 13, covering over reality
itulated in w. 28—32 (MTw. 33—7), but this time in an oracle with whitewash, seeing and divining messages YHWH never
addressed to Ammon, predicting that the Ammonites, too, sent (v. 28). The people of the land (see EZEK 7:27) have
will be destroyed. The oracle, which may be a later addition, oppressed the powerless (v. 29). No one has built up or stood
recalls the divination performed in w. 18—22 (MTw. 23—7) in in defence on the wall (see EZEK 13) to stave off the coming
which Jerusalem was designated for the Babylonian attack. disasters. YHWH now claims that his rage has been poured
Ammon's reprieve was temporary; it will now be so utterly out upon Jerusalem; Jerusalem's destruction is no longer a
devastated as to be 'remembered no more' (v. 32; MT v. 37). In threat, but has already been set in motion.
fact, Nebuchadrezzar destroyed Ammon shortly after the fall
of Jerusalem in 586 BCE. The oracle against Ammon prefig- (23:1-49) Oholah and Oholibah: YHWH's Faithless Wives
ures the Oracles Against the Nations in chs. 25-32, describing Like ch. 16, Ezek 23 catalogues the behaviour of YHWH's
YHWH's destruction of a nation that was spared momentarily unfaithful wife. Here, however, the conceit of 16:44—63 (also
during Judah's destruction, but now will feel the full weight of used by Jeremiah, 3:6—10) that Samaria is Jerusalem's elder
YHWH's wrath. sister is developed at length. The two cities are portrayed as
(22:1—16) Indictment of the Bloody City Ezekiel is called 'daughters of one mother' who spent their youth in Egypt,
upon in v. 2 to indict Jerusalem for her abominations (cf. where they were sexually molested. The verb znh, used exten-
20:4). A general announcement of the city's crime and pun- sively throughout the chapter, should not be understood in its
ishment appears in w. 3—5, followed by a detailed list of literal sense, 'to act as a prostitute', but as a pejorative describ-
accusations in w. 6—12, and the city's sentences in w. 13—16. ing any illicit sexual behaviour, and thus secondarily, as a
All the crimes of the 'bloody city' are described in terms of metaphor for cultic infidelity to YHWH. The two girls, already
bloodshed: social injustice (w. 6-7); cultic impurity (w. 8-n); accustomed to illicit sexual practices in their youth, become
and abusive financial practices (v. 12). The list of Jerusalem's YHWH's wives and bear him children. The women's Egyptian
wrongs resembles the list of sins committed by the evil man origin and history of illicit behaviour predating YHWH's
and avoided by the righteous in the legal test case of ch. 18. election accords with the account of Israelite origins provided
Jerusalem is accused of the entire gamut of social and cultic in 20:5—7.
sins. Consequently, YHWH will scatter the people in exile, The two sisters are given names: Samaria is Oholah and
purifying Jerusalem but in the process defiling himself. The Jerusalem Oholibah. The names probably refer to the
reading of the versions in v. 16, T shall be profaned', is almost women's 'tents', that is, the cities' sanctuaries. Oholah ('she
certainly preferable to the MT's 'you (fern, sing.) shall be has a tent') represents the northern kingdom, with its own
profaned'. The niphal form should probably be translated worship centres, and Oholibah ('my tent is in her') represents
even more strongly as a reflexive: T shall profane myself. the southern kingdom, which contained YHWH's chosen
By exiling Israel YHWH can purify land, temple, and people, dwelling in Jerusalem (cf. the renaming of the city as
but the concomitant violation of his covenant oath defiles the YHWH samma, 'YHWH is There', in 48:35). Oholah was
divine name even as it vindicates and ultimately purifies it (cf. unfaithful to YHWH, becoming infatuated with the Assyrians
EZEK 16:59-60; 36:16-38). and their gods, a reference to Samaria's alliance with Assyria
beginning in 842 BCE. As in ch. 16, both foreign alliances and
(22:17-22) The Smelting of Israel The image of YHWH as idolatry are considered 'infidelity', though here the emphasis
smelter and refiner was used as early as Isa 1:21-5 to describe is on the political liaisons. Idolatry is described as merely a
YHWH's purification of the corrupt city (and cf. Jer 6:27-30). side-effect of these alliances, while the strong and handsome
This oracle, apparently delivered shortly before the beginning foreigners are described with a tone bordering on envy. Egypt,
of the siege of Jerusalem (24:1—2), employs the image of a which for centuries encouraged both Samaria and Jerusalem
smelting furnace, in which metals are brought together and to revolt against their Mesopotamian overlords, is depicted as
heated to the melting-point, to describe the populace crowded a constant temptation to the two women. Their early
into the city, which is about to undergo the Babylonian attack experiences of abuse are seen as addictive, creating a constant
(cf. the image of the city as a cooking pot in 11:3—7; 24:3—I3)- desire for repeated encounters with Egypt. Thus, Oholah is
The metaphor, which aptly depicts the upcoming ordeal, is unfaithful to Assyria, having continued her sexual contact
ironic, since YHWH announces at the outset that all the with Egypt (on whom the northern kingdom did in fact rely
people have become dross (v. 18), the base metals discarded in Hoshea's 725 BCE revolt against Assyria), and YHWH
at the end of the process. They will be heated to the melting- hands Oholah over to her offended Assyrian lovers for
point, but no silver will emerge. The recognition formula in revenge. The death of Oholah and her children recapitulates
v. 22 provides the oracle's only positive note; in their own Samaria's destruction by Assyria in 722/20 BCE.
destruction the people will recognize YHWH's wrath at work. Oholibah (Jerusalem) witnesses her sister's fate, but in-
(22:23—31) Jerusalem's Destructive Leaders YHWH con- stead of amending her ways becomes even worse than Oholah
demns Jerusalem's offences as committed by various groups had been (w. 11—35). Oholibah continues to lust after the
of leaders: princes, priests, rulers, prophets, and people of the handsome Assyrians, but soon becomes distracted by etch-
land (cf. the similar list in 7:26-7). The princes (reading, with ings depicting Babylonians from Chaldea. Oholibah invites
LXX, 'whose princes' for MT's 'a conspiracy of its prophets') the Babylonians to her bed, but soon tires of them also. The
are the ravening man-eaters described in 19:1—9. The priests description of Oholibah's liaison with Chaldeans is reminis-
have defiled YHWH's sancta and failed to teach his ways. The cent of the Chaldean Merodach-Baladan's visit of 714 BCE,
 551 EZEKIEL
cited in 2 Kings 20:12-18 as the cause of the temple's destruc- (the residents of Jerusalem) have been cooked and burned,
tion in 586 BCE. The following description of Oholibah's then the pot itself must be purified in the fire. The gruesome
return to the Egyptians (w. 19—21), however, represents Jeru- metaphor aptly describes YHWH's double concern: the pun-
salem's illicit alliance with Egypt both before and after the ishment of Jerusalem's sinful inhabitants and the purification
Exile of 597 BCE. In retaliation YHWH will now enlist both of the holy city and its sanctuary. YHWH laments in w. 12—13
Babylonians and Assyrians along with their allies to punish that previous attempts to purify the sanctuary have failed; only
Oholibah's infidelity. Like ch. 16, so also ch. 23 is alarming to after his rage has been fully spent upon it will the city again be
the modern reader. Sexually abused young women are la- cleansed.
belled tainted, and their later sexual deviance punished by Ezekiel's Wife's Death (24:15-27). YHWH now informs
still further sexual violence against them. Ezekiel that 'the delight of [Ezekiel's] eyes' is to be taken
In w. 32—4 Oholibah is sentenced to drink from Oholah's away, in response to which Ezekiel is to refrain from mourn-
cup, i.e. to undergo her punishment (cf. Jer 25:15-19; Hab ing. Ezekiel relates this word to the people 'in the morning'
2:16). YHWH then begins a new indictment (w. 36-49), now and that evening his wife, the delight of his eyes, dies. The
directed simultaneously against Oholah and Oholibah. people ask for an interpretation of Ezekiel's sign-act and
Oholah's inclusion is unexpected within the terms of the YHWH responds that he is about to profane his own sanctu-
metaphor (she was killed in v. 10), but may reflect the ary and kill the exiles' children in Jerusalem (v. 21). Ezekiel
historical reality of displaced northerners present in Jeru- thus acts out both YHWH's and the people's loss. The use of
salem and active in the cult. The crimes described in w. 36— Ezekiel's wife to symbolize the Jerusalem sanctuary recalls the
49 are primarily cultic, defined as adultery (n'p, the technical personification of Jerusalem as YHWH's wife, as depicted in
term for adultery, is used) and bloodshed. The women are said chs. 16 and 23, where the death sentence has already been
to have committed adultery with their idols, sacrificing their passed upon her. With Jerusalem's destruction the people will
children to them. Moreover, the child-sacrifices were carried suffer both the loss of the temple and the death of beloved
out in conjunction with worship in the Jerusalem temple children, yet they are commanded not to mourn. Ezekiel's
(w. 38-9), thus defiling the sanctuary. YHWH then describes sign-act, including the countermand against mourning
a scene in which foreign men were invited into the sanctuary (v. 22) implies that it is not only the prophet and the people
(w. 39/7—42) and lavishly entertained by the women, probably but also YHWH who will stifle his natural grief over the city,
a reference to Psammeticus's entourage (see EZEK B.2; EZEK knowing the justice of its fall. The sign-act simultaneously
44:7), whose presence in the Jerusalem sanctuary simultan- evokes both the intimacy of YHWH's loss and his implacable
eously defiled the temple and violated YHWH's covenant. In determination. With the exception of a simile in 36:38 recall-
v. 46 YHWH calls for the avenging Babylonians to advance, ing the temple flocks, Jerusalem is never again mentioned by
thus setting the stage for the announcement in 24:1—2 that the name in Ezekiel.
siege of Jerusalem has begun. The notice (v. 48) that Oholah Finally (w. 25-7), YHWH informs Ezekiel that after the city
and Oholibah will serve as warnings to 'all women' should be and temple have been destroyed a fugitive will bring him the
understood within the terms of the metaphor; other cities will news, after which the prophet's dumbness will be removed.
be warned against rebellion. The motif of dumbness connects the passage with Ezekiel's
call in 3:24-7, creating a loose indusio and concluding the first
(24:1—27) Jerusalem under Siege The Cooking Pot (24:1—14). half of the book. The prediction regarding the fugitive simi-
The chapter opens with a date formula, January 588 BCE, the larly creates a bridge to ch. 33, which relates the fugitive's
beginning of Nebuchadrezzar's siege of Jerusalem. Ezekiel is arrival and marks the resumption of prophecies regarding
instructed to record the date, either to underscore its signifi- Israel after the oracles against the nations in chs. 25-32.
cance, or as evidence of his prescience. He then delivers an
oracle in which the besieged city is figured as a pot on the fire Hope for the Future (25:1-48:35)
(w. 3—14), after which he performs the sign-act of stifling his
grief when his wife is stricken dead (w. 15-27). Oracles against Foreign Nations (25:1-32:32)
Ezekiel is commissioned to recite a song for the exiles, in Collections of oracles against foreign nations appear in all
which a pot is filled with choice meat and water and then three major prophets (cf. Isa 13—23; Jer 46—51) as well as
boiled (w. 3—5). The context of Jerusalem's siege makes the some minor prophets (e.g. Am 1-2). Such oracles, delivered
song's meaning self-evident: the residents of Jerusalem are before an Israelite audience and announcing YHWH's judge-
currently being 'pressure cooked' within the city walls (cf. ment on enemy nations, served primarily as oracles of reas-
11:3). YHWH next announces doom to the pot itself (w. 6— surance for Israel (see ABD, 'Nations'): YHWH could and
13), that is, the destruction of the personified city rather than would act on Israel's behalf to punish his people's enemies.
the death of its inhabitants. The 'bloody city' is described as a In Ezekiel the oracles serve as a transition between the first
'diseased' pot (v. 6). Whether the disease symbolizes mere half of the book (chs. 1—24), which is preoccupied with
corrosion or an actual infirmity such as the leprosy that infects YHWH's judgement against Judah and Jerusalem, and the
clothing and houses in Lev 13:47—59 and 14:34—53, the pot is second half (chs. 33-48), in which promises of restoration
ritually unclean, and so the meat must be removed from it. predominate. Spanning the gap between the announcement
YHWH identifies bloodshed as the source of Jerusalem's im- in 24:1—2 that Jerusalem is under siege and the notice of the
purity, and he now exposes the shed blood and punishes the city's fall in 33:21, the oracles reveal the universal reach of
city for its crimes (cf. Lev 17:11—13; see ABD 'Blood'). In w. 9— YHWH's power. Having first gone forth against his own
14 YHWH describes the pot's purification. After its contents people, the Divine Warrior will not stop until all nations
EZEKIEL 552
have been brought to justice. The oracles thus place Jeru- come), but to the Israelites themselves. Israel will act as
salem's destruction within the larger context of YHWH's YHWH's agents in devastating Edom, after which they will
authority over all the earth. Each of the oracles against a 'know my vengeance' (v. 14), says YHWH.
foreign nation includes YHWH's claim, 'You shall know (25:15—17) Against the Philistines Like the Edomites, the Phil-
that I am YHWH'; each nation in turn will be brought to istines are accused of 'taking vengeance' against Judah. The
acknowledge his sovereignty. Philistines are not recorded in Jer 27 as participating in the
Of the seven nations singled out in chs. 25—32, five (Edom, anti-Babylonian alliance nor is their vengeance against Judah
Moab, Ammon, Tyre, Sidon), are known to have participated described, like Edom's, as an 'asam (see EZEK 25:12—14). It is
in rebellion against Babylon, while a sixth, Egypt, provided therefore likely that the Philistines had continued as loyal
support for this rebellious activity. Ezekiel's concern not to Babylonian vassals (they had been conquered by Nebuchad-
defile YHWH's honour by a revolt violating 'YHWH's coven- rezzar as recently as 601 BCE) and had been rewarded for this
ant' with Nebuchadrezzar (EZEK 17) is often considered suf- loyalty with a gift of Judean territory. In any case, their treat-
ficient justification for labelling all the rebellious nations ment of Judah is described as vicious, and YHWH swears to
enemies of YHWH and appropriate objects of his wrath. take vengeance against them. The mention ofthe Cherethites
Two problems mar this interpretation. First, in their rebellion in v. 16 probably refers to the Philistines' origins from the
against Babylon, the foreign nations do not violate YHWH's island of Crete (see ABD, 'Philistines'). After he takes ven-
covenant as Judah does, but covenants presumably sworn in geance on them, says YHWH, the Philistines also will ac-
the names of their own gods. Second, nowhere in chs. 25—32 knowledge his sovereignty.
are the foreign nations condemned for joining in rebellion
against Babylon; rather, they are punished for their miscon- (26:1-28:19) Against Tyre Tyre's Downfall (26:1-21). Ezekiel
duct towards Judah and Jerusalem. Even as he orchestrates devotes nearly three chapters to oracles against the Phoen-
Jerusalem's destruction by Babylon, YHWH is shown aven- ician city-state of Tyre. An island fortress located off the coast
ging the scorn shown to his people (and, presumably, of Lebanon, Tyre was the immensely prosperous centre of a
himself) by their lesser enemies, who gloat over the city's fall. vast Mediterranean trade network. Although paying tribute to
Babylon, Tyre had thus far avoided outright conquest by Nebu-
(25:1-7) Against Ammon Ezekiel delivers a two-part oracle
chadrezzar. Nevertheless, Tyre was among those plotting re-
against Ammon (w. 3-5, 6-7; cf 21:28-32). In each, Ammon
bellion as per Jer 27 against even this nominal submission.
is accused of malicious glee at the temple's destruction and
Tyre's apparent exemption from the harshest consequences of
the exiles' deportation. Ammon, itself a Babylonian vassal,
Babylonian rule and its continued prosperity, both due to its
will therefore also be utterly destroyed by these 'people of the
commercially and strategically favourable location, seem to
East'. Each section of the oracle concludes with the recogni-
have singled Tyre out (along with Egypt) for Ezekiel's particu-
tion formula; after being themselves vanquished, the Ammon-
larly harsh judgement.
ites will acknowledge YHWH. Note that the reference to the
Ezek 26 consists of a four-part oracle in which the first two
temple's desecration (v. 3) requires that the oracle be dated to
sections (w. 1—14) describe the city's destruction while the
586 BCE or thereafter.
latter two (w. 15-21) describe the aftermath of Tyre's fall. The
(25:8-11) Against Moab Moab is accused simply of consider- oracle opens with an incomplete date formula, placing
ing Judah to be 'like all the other nations' (v. 8). The claim may the oracle sometime in 587/6 BCE. A date towards the end
represent a Moabite response to the destruction of the Jerusa- ofthe year would be appropriate since the oracle implies (v. 2)
lem temple: the Davidide claim to YHWH's special protection Nebuchadrezzar's successful capture of Jerusalem, and prob-
of Zion (see ABD, 'Zion Traditions') has been proved false. As ably anticipates his siege of Tyre, begun around this time.
punishment for its gloating, Moab will be given along with Nebuchadrezzar maintained his siege for thirteen years be-
Ammon to 'the people ofthe East' (v. 10). Particularly, the area fore reaching a negotiated settlement (see Jos. Ant. 10.11.1).
of northern Moab (Beth-jeshimoth, Baal-meon, and The oracle opens quoting Tyre's satisfaction with Jerusa-
Kiriathaim) whose possession was a subject of dispute lem's capture. The merchant city sees Jerusalem's destruction
between Moab and Judah, here referred to as 'the glory of in strictly economic terms; Jerusalem's loss will become Tyre's
the country' (v. 9), will now belong to foreigners. Having gain. YHWH responds that he will hurl ships like so many
denied Judah's special status, Moab will lose its own 'glory'. waves against the island fortress. Tyre (Heb. sor) will be
Even its punishment will not be unique to it, but shared with scraped down to the bare rock, a punishment that plays in-
Ammon, its neighbour. Then, says YHWH, the Moabites will directly on the Hebrew sur, 'rock', after which Tyre will ac-
recognize his sovereignty. knowledge YHWH's sovereignty (v. 6). YHWH continues in
(25:12—14) Against Edom The oracle against Edom is espe- w. 7-14 with a more detailed and literal prediction of Nebu-
cially vehement (cf. an additional condemnation of Edom in chadrezzar's siege ofthe city. After destroying Tyre's coastal
ch. 35). Edom is apparently singled out because, having joined dependencies, the Babylonian monarch will muster his im-
with Judah in rebellion against Babylon (Jer 27:3), it then acted pressive battery of horses, troops, and siege equipment. The
as a Babylonian ally, perhaps taking over Judean holdings in city will be taken and plundered; the comparison between
the Negeb (cf. Jer 49:7-22, Ob 1-14; but see the discussion in Tyre and a bare rock reappears to conclude the oracle (v. 14).
ABD, 'Edom'). The 'asam (grievous offence) referred to in v. 12 In w. 15—18 YHWH describes the horror ofthe coastlands
presumably refers to Edom's violation ofthe oath forming the and 'the princes of the sea' (v. 16), probably Tyre's coastal
anti-Babylonian alliance. YHWH thus hands Edom over, not settlements and its Mediterranean outposts. Tyre's bereaved
to the Babylonians (whose newly loyal vassal they have be- allies raise a lament (w. 17-18) over the ruin of the once-
 553 EZEKIEL
glorious city. Finally, in w. 19-21 YHWH explains Tyre's Israel. First (v. 24), Israel will cease to be provoked by these
demise in cosmic terms. It is he who has vanquished the contemptuous neighbours. Second (w. 25—6), having pun-
city, covering the maritime capital with 'the great waters' ished Israel's neighbours, YHWH will then restore Israel to
(v. 19) of chaos and bringing it down to Sheol. Thus, not its land and his presence to Israel. As in w. 20-3, YHWH
only will Tyre 'never again be rebuilt' (v. 14); it will vanish twice repeats his goal: that the nations will acknowledge his
and 'be no more' (v. 21). sovereignty. This first group of oracles against the nations
The Shipwreck of Tyre (27:1—36). The whole of ch. 27 con- thus fulfils the traditional role of reassuring Israel of YHWH's
stitutes a single oracle, an extended allegory describing Tyre as favour. At the same time the oracles reaffirm that Judah's
a ship. Like the allegories against Judah in Ezek 15,16,17, and current humiliation is taking place within the wider context
19, so also in the case of Tyre Ezekiel employs stock symbols of of YHWH's self-vindication before all the world.
national identity, ironically transforming them into symbols
(29:1—32:32) Against Egypt The seven oracles against Israel's
of national shame. The city, bordered on all sides by the sea,
smaller neighbours in chs. 25—8 are balanced in chs. 29—32 by
making its living by commerce, is depicted as a merchant ship,
seven oracles directed against Egypt. The object of condemna-
setting forth on a voyage. As Tyre enjoyed luxury goods from all
tion equal to that directed against all other nations combined,
corners of the world, so also the ship is fitted out with the finest
Egypt is represented as the great enemy of Israel and of
materials from Senir, Lebanon, Bashan, Cyprus, and Egypt
YHWH. Unlike the other nations, however, Egypt is nowhere
(w. 5-7). An international crew sails the ship, which is 'perfect'
accused of mocking Israel or of taking advantage of its de-
in its beauty. The ship trades with numerous lands, from
struction. Rather, Egypt is condemned for its grandiose pre-
Tarshish to Arabia, and carries a cargo of exotic wares. After
tensions—the power that rendered it a fatal lure for Israel (see
lovingly describing the Good Ship Tyre's embarkation Ezekiel
EZEK B). As described in chs. 20 and 23, Israel had since
abruptly informs her that her rowers have brought her into
earliest times demonstrated a weakness for 'the idols of Egypt'
deep water, where she has been shipwrecked (v. 26). Riches,
(20:7; cf. 23:8, 19). More recently, Judah had repeatedly d
crew, army, and cargo sink together into the sea. All the mar-
pended on Egypt to support rebellion against Babylon. Egypt,
iners on shore lament the great ship's utter devastation.
then, is the enemy making possible Judah's violation of
Against the Ruler of Tyre (28:1-19). Ezekiel delivers an
YHWH's covenant with Nebuchadrezzar. Egypt has
oracle against the ruler (negid) of Tyre (w. i—10) followed by
presented itself as protection against the wrath of Nebu-
a lament over the destruction of the king (melek) (w. 11—19). m
chadrezzar and of YHWH, and YHWH must therefore
the initial oracle the prince is accused of calling himself a god
avenge his honour against the challenge of Egypt.
(perhaps playing on the theophoric name of Ittoba'al III (man
Pharaoh the Sea-Serpent (29:1-16). In an oracle dated to
of Baal), who ruled Tyre from 590—575 BCE). Although he is
January of 587 BCE, YHWH addresses Pharaoh as a great sea-
indeed wiser than the legendary king Dan'el (v. 3; see EZEK
serpent (tannin', reading sing, for MT's pi.) stretched out in the
14:14) and has prospered through his wisdom, yet YHWH will
Nile surrounded by fish (w. 3—4). Like the king of Tyre, Phar-
bring 'the most terrible of the nations' (Babylonia, v. 7) against
aoh is condemned for claiming divine status (in this case, as
him. Tyre's prince will be relegated to Sheol, where he will be
the Nile's creator), and YHWH announces that he will fish out
unable to boast divine status. The ensuing lament over the
the serpent along with its dependent fishes (Egypt's allies) and
king of Tyre strikingly combines imagery drawn from the
fling them out to rot in the field (w. 4—5). Thus, says YHWH,
Israelite cult and from the Eden tradition, depicting the mon-
the Egyptians will acknowledge YHWH's sovereignty.
arch simultaneously as the first man and as high priest. Like
In w. 6b-ga a new metaphor describes the political back-
the primordial man (cf. Gen 2:4/7—3:24) he was in Eden, until,
ground for the oracle. Egypt is a reed on which Israel has leant
having become corrupted, he was cast out by the guardian
for support, but which has broken and injured those who
cherub. Like the Israelite high priest (Ex 28:6-14; 24:I3)» he
trusted its strength (cf. Isa 36:6). The image encapsulates
wore a breastplate encrusted with precious stones and resided
Israel's political and military situation. The January 587 BCE
on the holy 'mountain of God'. Having profaned his sanctu-
date locates the oracle in the aftermath of Pharaoh Hophra's
aries, however, he was consumed by fire. The king of Tyre is
aborted attempt of 588 BCE to lift Nebuchadrezzar's siege of
thus depicted as having enjoyed God's favour to an unpreced-
Jerusalem. The staff on which Judah had depended for sup-
ented degree, having become corrupted by his immense
port had broken easily under Babylonian pressure. YHWH
wealth, and finally being destroyed forever. The oracle's sym-
will punish Egypt for the harm done to Judah, with the result
bolism is puzzling, as no known tradition links Tyre directly
that the Egyptians will acknowledge YHWH. In w 9/7—16
with either the Eden or the priestly traditions.
YHWH repeats Pharaoh's pretensions as the Nile's creator,
(28:20-3) Against Sidon A brief oracle announces YHWH's responding that Egypt and the Nile will be devastated, and the
judgement against Sidon, another member of the anti- land made uninhabitable. Like Judah (4:6; cf. Num 14:34),
Babylonian alliance mentioned in Jer 27. No direct accusation Egypt will be exiled for forty years and then restored as only a
against Sidon is made, and its punishment is described in the minor kingdom (w. 13—15). Israel, recalling its former reliance
most general terms. More significant than either Sidon's sin on this now humble nation, will then acknowledge YHWH's
or its punishment, however, is YHWH's ultimate goal, sovereignty.
repeated twice in this brief oracle: they shall acknowledge Nebuchadrezzar's Consolation Prize (29:17—21). This or-
YHWH's sovereignty. acle, dated to January 571 BCE, is the latest-dated oracle in
(28:24-6) Promises to Israel The catalogue of Israel's smal- Ezekiel (the 573 BCE date assigned to the concluding vision
ler neighbours concludes with two brief oracles of promise to of chs. 40—8 is the next latest). Separating oracles dated to
EZEKIEL 554
January 587 BCE (29:1-16) and April 587 BCE (30:20-6), 29:17- Pharaoh to a great cedar. The point of comparison is actually
21 seems to disrupt the chronology thus far established in between Egypt and Assyria, depicted here as a cedar of cosmic
Ezekiel. The oracle can, however, be dated with some certainty proportions. Despite the common scholarly practice of
to 571. The oracle's message is peculiar in that it depends on emending 'assur (Assyria) to fassur (cypress tree) with the
the inaccuracy of Ezekiel's earlier oracles against Tyre. In chs. result that Pharaoh is likened to the cosmic cedar tree, MT's
26—8 (dated to 586 BCE) Ezekiel had predicted Tyre's downfall 'assur should be maintained; Pharaoh's power is compared to
in a series of oracles, including specific notice in 26:7—14 that that of Assyria, which despite its former glory has now been
YHWH's agent for Tyre's destruction would be Nebuchadrez- laid low by Babylon. The comparison between Egypt and
zar of Babylon. Nebuchadrezzar had in fact mounted a pro- Assyria is intriguing, since towards the end of the sixth cen-
longed siege against Tyre following his successful campaign tury BCE Egypt had gained influence on the eastern Mediter-
against Jerusalem. After a thirteen-year siege, however, in 572 ranean seaboard as Assyria's influence in the region waned
Nebuchadrezzar proved unable to take the island fortress. (see Miller and Hayes 1986: 383-5). Egypt could therefore
Apparently in response to Nebuchadrezzar's failure (and so style itself as heir to the western portion of the Assyrian
also the failure of his own earlier predictions), Ezekiel now empire. Ezekiel plays out this flattering comparison. Assyria,
offers Egypt to the Babylonian king as compensation for his he says, was not only great among all other 'trees'; it surpassed
fruitless efforts on YHWH's behalf in the aborted siege of even the trees of Eden (v. 8). Assyria is depicted as the 'world
Tyre. Egypt, says YHWH, will serve as Nebuchadrezzar's tree', known from Babylonian and Sumerian sources as a tree
payment for services rendered during the siege of Tyre connecting heaven and earth, with roots extending down into
(v. 20). Egypt's demise will bring honour to Israel, who in turn the cosmic waters. Beautiful and fruitful, this tree provided
will recognize YHWH. Ezek 29:17-21 is remarkable for its shade in which all the nations flourished. The tree's greatness,
open acknowledgement of unfulfilled prophecy. In fact, Nebu- says YHWH, was its downfall. Because of its excessive pride,
chadrezzar did invade Egypt in 568 BCE (ANET 308), but YHWH handed over this greatest of all trees to 'the most
even his own annals do not claim victory. While disrupting terrible of nations' (v. 12), Babylonia. Now the tree lies broken,
Ezekiel's overall chronology, the oracle's contents—predict- stretched out across the countryside. Indeed, says YHWH, the
ing Nebuchadrezzar's conquest of Egypt—explain its inser- tree has descended into Sheol, along with all its allies (w. 14-
tion into a collection of oracles condemning Egypt and 17). The unrivalled splendour of Assyria is matched only by
announcing Nebuchadrezzar's triumph over Pharaoh. the shock felt among the nations over its utter collapse. The
The Day of YHWH against Egypt (30:1-19). This oracle moral of the story is tersely stated in v. 18: And you, asks
announces YHWH's judgement on Egypt in three sections. YHWH, which of the trees of Eden were you like in your
In w. 1-5 YHWH announces that the day of YHWH (see EZEK splendour? No matter; you will have plenty of company
7:10) has come for Egypt. YHWH's sword will be unsheathed among the many trees of Eden in Sheol. 'This', says YHWH,
and the nation will be utterly destroyed. The final section, 'is Pharaoh and all his horde.'
w. 13-19, presents YHWH as an ancient Near Eastern Concluding Laments over Egypt (32:1-32). Ezekiel's final
monarch publishing his conquest list—the list of cities oracles against Egypt are assigned a range of dates in the
vanquished during a successful military campaign. The various MSS, with most locating them in March of 586 or
oracle's central section, w. 6-12, announces the instrument 585 BCE. The oracles thus address Egypt in the context of
by which YHWH will devastate Egypt; YHWH will conquer Jerusalem's destruction, whether immediately following the
Egypt 'by the hand of King Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon' (v. 10). event, or on the first anniversary of the city's fall. In either
This central section combines the cosmic imagery of w. 1—5 case, Ezekiel's oracles against Egypt cover a span of over two
(YHWH will dry up the life-sustaining waters of the Nile; years (excluding 29:17-21, which reflects the situation over a
v. 120) with descriptions of normal, human warfare and its decade later). The oracles thus begin during the siege of
consequences (w. n, I2b). The oracle thus reinforces its claim Jerusalem, condemning Egypt for misleading Israel into re-
that victory over Egypt belongs to the Divine Warrior. Nebu- bellion (29:6—7), and conclude after the city's fall with two
chadrezzar's army represents merely the human aspect of 'laments' (32:1-16,17-31), one summarizing all the preceding
YHWH's triumphant day. oracles, the other celebrating in advance Egypt's arrival in
Pharaoh's Broken Arm and Nebuchadrezzar's Strong Arm Sheol. The concluding oracles address an Egypt that has
(30:20-6). In an oracle dated to April 587 BCE YHWH reiter- apparently emerged unscathed after luring Israel to its de-
ates both his condemnations of Pharaoh (see ch. 29) and his struction, and express the prophet's determination that
announcement that he will place his own divine sword in YHWH (and therefore Nebuchadrezzar) has yet to conclude
Nebuchadrezzar's hand (cf. 30:10—11; ch. 21). The date, like his dealings with Pharaoh.
that of 29:1, locates the oracle in the aftermath of Apries's w. i—16 present a recapitulation of the punishments desig-
withdrawal from Jerusalem. The current oracle may reflect nated for Egypt over the course of the previous three chapters.
Nebuchadrezzar's renewal of the siege. YHWH claims that, YHWH begins in w. 1-6 by saying that although Pharaoh
having already broken one of Pharaoh's arms, he will now considers himself a lion, he is in fact a sea-serpent, fouling the
shatter the other. By contrast, he will strengthen Nebuchad- waters of the Nile. As in 29:1—5, YHWH will trap the serpent
rezzar's arms, arming him with YHWH's own sword. As and fling it out to die in the open field. The earlier image of
Babylon is fortified and Egypt dispersed into exile, the nations animals feeding on Pharaoh's corpse appears here in even
will acknowledge the sovereignty of YHWH. greater detail. YHWH's victory over Pharaoh will, like the day
The Fall of the Great Cedar (31:1—18). This oracle, dated to of YHWH described in 30:2—5, reverberate throughout the
June of 587 BCE, consists of an extended metaphor comparing cosmos, as YHWH blots out the light of the sun, moon, and
 555 EZEKIEL
stars (w. 7-8). Egypt, as predicted in 29:9/7-12, will be exiled they would abandon their sins in time to avert YHWH's
from its land (w. 9, 13) because of YHWH's sword and the judgement against them. In ch. 33 YHWH again asserts,
sword of Nebuchadrezzar (w. 10—12; cf. 29:8; 30:2—12, 20—6). now in the aftermath of Jerusalem's destruction, that Ezekiel
In the aftermath of Jerusalem's destruction YHWH renews is to stand as sentinel over Israel (v. 7). Ezekiel must warn the
his earlier threats against Judah's attractive but deceitful ally. people to repent, lest when destruction comes he should bear
The oracle departs from the course set by earlier condemna- responsibility for their death, having failed to warn them. The
tions of Egypt only in its depiction of Egypt's restoration. people, for their part, must heed the sentinel's warning and
Whereas the oracle dated to 587 BCE could envision Egypt's repent, lest they die and, having been forewarned, bear respon-
humble return following its forty-year 'exile' (29:13-16), in the sibility for their own deaths (w. 8-9). The image of Ezekiel as
aftermath of Jerusalem's destruction Ezekiel promises only sentinel is startling in context, since it assumes that the sentinel
that the land itself will be restored. After Egypt's land has been will be posted on the wall of a city that has already been de-
'stripped' of its inhabitants, YHWH will restore its luxuriant stroyed. Some scholars assume the oracle is intended for an
streams (w. 14-16). The oracle concludes with the recognition audience that does not yet know of Jerusalem's destruction, an
formula (v. 16), the seventh and final declaration within the event not announced until 33:21. The large block of oracles
oracles against Egypt that finally, in their utter devastation, the against foreign nations, however, which immediately precede
Egyptians will recognize YHWH. ch. 33, depend on the reader'sknowledge of Jerusalem's fall (see
In w. 17-32 Ezekiel laments Egypt's descent into Sheol (see e.g. 25:3; 26:2). Thus, in the current arrangement of chapters,
ABD, 'Dead, Abode of the'). No longer a great sea-serpent or a whether Ezekiel's own or an editor's, the reader hears Ezekiel
mighty tree, Egypt is assigned to share the fate of all other commissioned to watch over a city that has already been de-
former military powers; namely, the leaders and warriors who stroyed. Such a commission is ironically apt for Ezekiel, who
fill the vast underworld, each in its assigned corner of the Pit. even while Jerusalem anditstemple were standing could deliver
After introducing in w. 18—21 the theme of Egypt's descent, in his prophecies only to those who had already been exiled. In ch.
w. 22—30 Ezekiel enumerates the nations with whom Egypt 33 Ezekiel hears that just as earlier he was called to prophesy
will share the grave: Assyria, Elam, Meshech and Tubal, despite his distant location in Babylon, so now he must con-
Edom, and Sidon. Each of these nations was once able to tinue in his calling despite the city and temple's destruction.
create terror in the land of the living. Now they populate the Israel's moral responsibility and Ezekiel's prophetic role re-
land of the dead, their graves laid out in orderly array, rank main, even in exile, even after Jerusalem's fall.
upon rank, shamed, murdered, sharing an unclean grave. The Possibility of Repentance (33:10-20). Ezekiel is given
Pharaoh, the most recent arrival in this realm (w. 31-2), will specific instructions on how to warn the wicked; in effect, the
be 'consoled' for the loss of his army, presumably when he content of the warning he was commissioned to deliver as
perceives that his fate is not unique, but shared with many sentinel in w. 1—9. The warning rephrases the argument of ch.
who were once proud and powerful. Ezekiel's final oracles 18 regarding individual responsibility for moral behaviour. In
against Egypt, 'lamenting' Egypt's downfall at a period when ch. 33, however, the implicit debate concerns not whether one
Egypt appeared impervious to Babylonian incursions, serve as generation bears the punishment for another's sins, but
predictions, celebrating in advance the destruction YHWH whether repentance has any effect. 'Our transgressions and
would finally bring against Egypt, the power whose alliance our sins weigh upon us', say the people, 'and we waste away
with Judah had proved disastrous for the smaller nation. because of them' (v. 10). The Judeans now accept that they are
being punished for their own sins. Acknowledging the justice
Images of Restoration and Return (33'-i-39'-2$) of their punishment, however, they continue to see no use in
repentance. If judgement has already been passed, then re-
(33:1-33) Ezekiel's New Commission Following Ezekiel's con- pentance must be futile. As in ch. 18, YHWH asserts that his
demnations of Judah and Jerusalem in chs. 1-24 and his goal is not the death of the wicked but precisely their repent-
announcement in chs. 25—32 of YHWH's wrath against ance. 'Turn back, turn back!' YHWH calls (v. n), assuring the
nations variously implicated in Judah's destruction, in ch. 33 people that although prior righteousness will not help right-
Ezekiel begins a series of oracles (chs. 33-9) promising eous people who turn to wickedness, neither will past wicked-
YHWH's restoration of the people and land of Israel. This ness trip up the wicked who turn to the path of righteousness.
new beginning is signalled in ch. 33 by a complex interweav- As in ch. 18, so here also YHWH attempts to shake the people
ing of themes imported from the first twenty-four chapters of out of moral lassitude and awaken belief in their present
the book. Specifically, the chapter addresses in various forms accountability. Despite YHWH's obvious judgement against
the question of responsibility, both Ezekiel's responsibility as Judah and Jerusalem, he urgently claims, T will judge all of
prophet and the people's responsibility for their own moral you according to your ways!' (v. 20). YHWH's judgement is
and religious choices. The question of how to assign moral ongoing and so, therefore, is Israel's responsibility.
responsibility takes on special poignancy in the light of the Jerusalem's Fall (33:21-2). Following the notices in w. 1-9
announcement in the middle of the chapter (w. 21-2): the city and w. 10—20 of Israel's continued moral responsibility—and
has fallen. hence its ongoing relationship with YHWH—in w. 21—2
Ezekiel as Sentinel over Israel (33:1—9). Ezekiel was first Ezekiel learns of Jerusalem's destruction. In January 585
commissioned in 3:16-21 as sentinel over Israel in the context BCE, nearly six months after Nebuchadrezzar had breached
of Judah's rebellion against Nebuchadrezzar (and thus also the city walls and five months after the city's burning (cf Jer
against YHWH). The prophet's role was to warn the 52:12—13; 2 Kings 25:8—9), a refugee reaches Ezekiel to inform
people against YHWH's impending attack in hopes that him of the city's fall. Babylonian messengers would presum-
EZEKIEL 556
ably have carried the news back to Babylon prior to this date, flock and its leaders as shepherds. The image of a god, king, or
but the refugee's arrival and report of events fulfils the pro- other ruler as shepherd was traditional throughout the an-
phecy of 24:26. Also in accordance with the earlier prophecy, cient Near East, and is extended in the OT to include YHWH
Ezekiel's mouth is 'opened' after the refugee's arrival. The as shepherd of his people (see Ps 23:1-4; 95:7; ABD, 'Sheep,
meaning of Ezekiel's newly regained speech is no more clear Shepherd').
than the meaning of the dumbness imposed on him in 3:26— Against the Shepherds of Israel (34:1—16). Ezekiel is in-
7. The strongest possibility remains that now the prophet is structed to prophesy against the shepherds of Israel; that is,
able to speak in his own right, rather than uttering exclusively the leaders, now presumably in exile in Babylon. Ezekiel
oracles relayed to him by YHWH (see EZEK 3:26-7). distorts the traditional metaphor to highlight the Israelite
The Sinful Remnant in Judah (33:23-9). Inw. 23-9 YHWH leaders' abuse of their power (cf. his use of the same technique
responds to the Judean survivors' claim to be the new heirs to in chs. 15—17; 19—20). Far from caring for the sheep, these
the land of Israel. Just as Abraham, though only one man, was shepherds have slaughtered and eaten them (v. 5). The Israel-
given the entire land, so now the few remaining Judeans ite leaders' callous harshness left the people with 'no shep-
have been given the land to possess (v. 24). The survivors' herd', and in consequence they were scattered, first on to
claim is the logical extension of the argument reported in 'every high hill' as idolaters (see 6:13; Jer 2:20) and then
11:14-21 that YHWH had expelled the exiles from the land, 'over the face of the earth' in exile (v. 6). YHWH, meanwhile,
rejecting them in favour of those who remained. Whereas casts himself as the owner of the sheep, who will demand
earlier YHWH had responded with an oracle of promise to from the shepherds an accounting for their neglect and loss of
the exiles, now he pronounces its converse: judgement against the sheep (w. 8—10). The rulers will be held accountable for
the Judean remnant. Enumerating their various sins, YHWH Israel's destruction, and will be removed from leadership.
swears that even those who have survived thus far by hiding in Instead, YHWH will himself act as shepherd, seeking the
the desert or in caves, he will now hand over to be killed by lost and scattered sheep and returning them to their own
sword, plague, and wild animals (v. 27). The sins of the Judean land. The metaphor is a complex one, combining images
survivors—bloodshed, idolatry, adultery, eating blood—recall of YHWH as shepherd with the implicit, underlying
the list of abominations committed by the 'wicked son' of image of YHWH as king. The reference in v. 12 to a day of
18:10—13, wh° is condemned to die for his sins. YHWH's clouds and thick darkness recalls the day of YHWH with its
judgement against the Judean remnant in w. 23—9 thus imagery of YHWH as Warrior (cf. 32:7-8; Ps 77:17-18
mirrors his call in w. 10-20 for the remnant of Israel to avert (MT 18-19); 97:2~5)- Finally, literal language clearly
further condemnation by turning from their sins. anticipates a return from exile to the land of Israel (v. 16).
Ezekiel the Minstrel of Israel (33:30—3). These verses afford Israel as YHWH's Flock (34:17—31). Having dismissed Is-
an unusual glimpse (albeit from the hand of Ezekiel or his rael's previous shepherds in w. i—16, YHWH addresses his
sympathetic editors) of how an Israelite prophet was per- flock in w. 17-31. Speaking now not as shepherd but as judge,
ceived by the people. Remarkably, Ezekiel was popular among YHWH announces that he is about to judge the sheep for their
the people, even a source of gossip (v. 30), and a trip to sit and abuse of one another (v. 17). The fat sheep have taken the best
hear a word of YHWH takes on the flavour of a social event. pasture, trampled the remainder, and shoved out the weaker
The problem with this amiable state of affairs is that the sheep to be scattered (w. 18-21). The location of this mixed
people 'hear [Ezekiel's] words, but they will not obey them' flock of weak and strong sheep, whether Judah or Babylon, is
(v. 31, NJPS). Indeed, the prophet who was commissioned in uncertain. The metaphor is often taken to describe inequities
w. 1—9 to blow the warning trumpet for his people finds that within the exilic community; if this is accurate, then 34:17—31
the people enjoy his musicianship (v. 32) but ignore his is the sole occasion upon which Ezekiel addresses struggles
message. None the less, says YHWH, when judgement among the exiles. Imagery depicting YHWH feeding and
comes, then the people will realize the prophetic significance watering his flock, however, is strongly associated with the
of Ezekiel's word. land of Israel as YHWH's pasture (Ps 78:52-5; Isa 49:9-13;
Ch. 33 displays a chiastic pattern: Mic 7:14; cf. Jer 13:17), and the passage is probably best under-
A (w. 1-9) Ezekiel, as sentry, warns the people, who may or stood in this sense. Thus, in w. 23-4 YHWH promises to
may not listen. restore (a descendant of) David as Israel's shepherd, and in
B (w. 10—20) The wicked can escape judgement if they w. 25—31 pledges to provide blessings and security for the
abandon their sins. sheep in the land, rather than return to the land. The conse-
C (w. 21-2) Ezekiel receives word of Jerusalem's fall. quent picture of conditions within the land of Israel is bleak,
B' (w. 23-9) The wicked Judeans continue to sin. with the stronger citizens bullying the poor, who wander home-
A' (w. 30—3) The exiles fail to hear Ezekiel's warning. less (cf. w. 21, 27), 'consumed with hunger' (v. 29). YHWH
News of Jerusalem's fall in w. 21—2 is thus surrounded by claims only the weak as his 'flock', and pledges a berit salom
oracles certifying that the people, both the exiles and those (v. 25) with them. In context, this 'covenant of peace' assures
remaining in the land, have been fully warned but have re- salom in the sense of general well-being and prosperity. When
fused to listen. They thus bear full responsibility for Jerusa- those who remain homeless in Judah can dwell secure in their
lem's destruction, an accountability that continues beyond the land, they will acknowledge YHWH (v. 27), that he is among
city's fall. them, and that they, his flock, live under his care (w. 30-1).
(34:1-31) Judgement of Shepherds and of Sheep This chapter (35:1-36:15) Mount Seir and the Mountains of Israel Two
combines several oracles based on the metaphor of Israel as a oracles in chs. 35—6 pair judgement against Mt. Seir in
 557 EZEKIEL
Edom with promises of restoration to the mountains of Israel. YHWH then explains (v. 19) that he punished the people
The oracles effectively reverse the judgements pronounced for their sins by scattering them in exile. Unfortunately,
against Israel's mountains in Ezek 6. The choice of Mt. Seir this punishment itself involved additional defilement of
(35:1-15) as the counterpart to the mountains of Israel is the divine name, in that YHWH was made to appear
puzzling. Ezekiel's oracle against Edom in 25:12-14 is a brief, either weak or unfaithful in allowing his own people to be
virtually pro forma condemnation of Israel's neighbour for exiled (cf. EZEK F.2). 'These', say the nations, 'are the people
taking advantage of Israel's broken condition. The motivation of the LORD, and yet they had to go out of his land' (v. 20).
for locating a second, more vehement condemnation here is YHWH is therefore forced to act yet again to vindicate his
obscure. Edom is accused in ch. 25 of'handing over' Israel to name.
its enemies, a possible reference to a last-minute shift in In w. 22—32 YHWH enunciates not only his promise to
Edomite loyalties (see EZEK 25:12—14). Edom is here further restore Israel to the land, but also his motives for doing so: 'It
berated for planning to take possession of YHWH's own is not for your sake, O house of Israel, that I am about to act,
homeland following the Israelites' deportation. YHWH's re- but for the sake of my holy name' (v. 22). YHWH's assertion
minder that he has been present in Israel all along (v. 10) may that he is not acting for Israel's sake is repeated in v. 32,
provide a clue as to why Mt. Seir is singled out for condemna- creating an indusio framing YHWH's discussion of his mo-
tion. Ancient traditions, both biblical and extrabiblical, associ- tives. YHWH's holy name—his honour—has been profaned
ate YHWH with Seir as his residence (see Judg 5:4; ABD, 'among the nations' by Israel's exile (v. 21); therefore he will
'Seir') and YHWH's emphatic rejection of Seir and blessing now display his holiness before the nations by bringing Israel
of Israel's mountains (36:1—15) may serve to refute any Edom- back from exile and restoring a purified people to a fruitful
ite claim to YHWH (or to his land). YHWH's determination land. The underlying logic is consistent with the discussion of
to 'desolate' Seir is repeated five times in this brief oracle, Israel's history in ch. 20 (and cf. 22:16): by allowing Israel to
reflecting an acute awareness that in fact it is Israel's moun- be exiled YHWH violates his own covenant and injures his
tains that have been desolated (w. 12, 15; cf 6:14), while Seir reputation. YHWH is apparently incapable of protecting his
remains inviolate. The Edomites are informed that once they people or even his own temple, and his land has been dev-
too have been desolated, they will then acknowledge YHWH astated. It is therefore imperative that YHWH restore land,
(v. 15). temple, and people, not for their sake, but for his own. Here
In 36:1—15 Ezekiel is instructed to deliver an oracle of con- Ezekiel's overriding concern with the divine honour (EZEK F.2)
solation to the mountains of Israel. YHWH cites the humili- comes to the fore. Whatever tenderness might be evident in
ation endured by Israel's mountains as the reason for his images such as the 'good shepherd' of Ezek 34, Ezekiel's
special promise to restore them. Specifically, Edom's gloating urgent task remains the vindication of YHWH's honour,
and its encroachment on Israel's territory are cited. Whether power, and holiness. Just as in 20:33—5 YHWH announces
or not Edom annexed parts of Israel following Jerusalem's that he will rule over the people whether they will or no, so
destruction is debated (see EZEK 25:12-14), but YHWH's point here YHWH re-establishes his people, not only regardless of
is clear; whatever humiliations the land suffered will now be their worthiness, but, indeed, regardless of their needs or
turned against those who celebrated Israel's fall. Israel's desires. It is YHWH's stature, not theirs, that is at stake and
mountains, by contrast, will grow luxuriant and fruitful that must be confirmed. YHWH will bring back his people
branches to sustain the people soon to return. In a final from exile and, before returning them to the land, will first
promise (w. 13—15) YHWH assures the personified mountains purify them and then render them incapable of defiling his
that they will no longer cause Israel to stumble by devouring name further (w. 25—7). Whereas Jeremiah had promised that
the nation's children. The reference is awkward, but seems to God's law would be inscribed on the people's hearts (31:33),
recall Ezekiel's charge elsewhere (16:20-1; 20:25-6; 23:37-9) Ezekiel requires that the people's hearts be replaced al-
of child-sacrifice practised in the period immediately preced- together (cf. 11:19). YHWH will make the people obey his
ing Jerusalem's destruction. laws by means of new hearts directed by YHWH's spirit
(v. 27). Then Israel will again become YHWH's covenant
(36:16-38) YHWH's Honour Restored In w. 16-38 YHWH people (v. 28), and inhabit a land blessed with fertility
moves from a bitter reminiscence on Israel's pre-exilic sinful- (w. 29—30). The restoration that vindicates YHWH's name,
ness to promises of its restoration. The predominant concern however, will cause shame for Israel (cf. 16:63) as mey realize
voiced throughout the passage, however, is not for Israel's the gravity of their sins.
history, but for YHWH's. Whether punishing or forgiving, Proof that Israel's cleansing and restoration have been
YHWH acts, not for Israel's sake, but to protect the sanctity of effective is found in the new reputation YHWH enjoys
his name. In v. 17 YHWH summarizes Israel's past behaviour among 'the nations that are left' (v. 36), presumably those
with a single phrase: they acted lenidda, like a menstruant remaining after the day of YHWH described in the preced-
woman. The simile is intended to capture the intense defile- ing oracles against the nations. The nations will credit
ment characterizing all of Israel's actions (cf. 7:20), but the YHWH with making the desolate land 'like the garden of
image also recalls the striking personification of ch. 16 in Eden' (v. 35) and so will acknowledge his sovereignty.
which Jerusalem begins life weltering in placental blood YHWH will favour Israel by increasing its population,
(v. 6), matures to menarche (w. 7-9), and finally sheds the making it 'like the flock at Jerusalem during her appoint-
blood of her own children (w. 20-2). The designation 'like a ed festivals'—that is, both multitudinous and holy—
menstruant' thus aptly recapitulates the deeds of the 'bloody so that Israel also may acknowledge YHWH's sovereignty
city' (22:2) Jerusalem. (v. 38).
EZEKIEL 55«
(37:1-14) The Vision of the Dry Bones As in Ezekiel's earlier kingdoms, but will rule over both. He will appoint David (that
visions (1:3; 3:22; 8:1—3) me prophet experiences the 'hand of is, a descendant of the Davidic house) as 'shepherd', reigning
the Lord' and is transported in a vision. The vision of 37:1—14 is over the reunited kingdom of Israel. The purified people will
unique in that YHWH's chariot does not appear. The focus is follow YHWH's laws and inhabit the land (v. 25). YHWH
not on heavenly realities but on Israel's despair and God's will establish an eternal covenant of peace with the people
response. Ezekiel is placed in a valley (or 'plain'; cf 3:22) filled and will dwell in his sanctuary in their midst (v. 26). The oracle
with bones. As in his vision of the defiled temple in chs. 8—n combines images from previous oracles of promise and then
(and cf. chs. 40-8) Ezekiel is led about as a witness, in this extends those promises still further: the appointment of David
instance a witness to the number of bones and their desic- as 'shepherd' and the promise of the covenant of peace echo
cated condition. YHWH asks the prophet whether the bones YHWH's promise of ch. 34. The cleansing of the people, who
can live; given Ezekiel's role certifying the bones' utter life- will then follow YHWH's laws, recalls 36:25-7 (and cf. 11:19-
lessness, the obvious answer is 'no'. Ezekiel, however, answers, 20). YHWH's promised restoration of northern Israel as well
'O Lord GOD, you know' (v. 3), an ambiguous response that can as Judah is foreshadowed in the restoration of Oholah
signify either, 'You already know they cannot', or more likely a (Samaria) in 16:53—5 an(^ perhaps already in the instructions
more open-ended deference to YHWH's sovereignty: 'You for Ezekiel to 'bear the punishment' of both kingdoms in
alone know what is possible.' YHWH then instructs Ezekiel 4:4-6. YHWH's promise to restore the northern tribes none
to prophesy to the already dead and desiccated bones, assuring the less comes as a surprise here, it being nearly 150 years since
them that YHWH will cause them to live, and, living, to the northern kingdom's destruction. YHWH's restoration,
acknowledge YHWH (w. 4—6). The prophecy has ironic over- however, is primarily the restoration of his own kingdom, not
tones in context: for years Ezekiel prophesied to living Israel- Judah's, and he will reign over his entire land and his entire
ites who proved as unable to respond as any dry bones. Now he people. The final sign of YHWH's renewed sovereignty is the
must prophesy to the bones themselves. re-establishment of his sanctuary, the throne-room from
Ezekiel prophesies and at once the bones come rattling which he will reign over the land. The promise of a new
together. Sinews, flesh, and skin cover them, effectively revers- sanctuary looks forward to the vision of chs. 40-8, in which
ing their decayed state (w. 7-8). The bodies are still lifeless, YHWH is at last re-enthroned forever over an obedient Israel.
however, and YHWH commands Ezekiel to prophesy now to (38:1—39:29) Gog of Magog Chs. 38—9 form the climax of
'the breath' (v. 9), calling it to bring life to the corpses before Ezekiel's promises of restoration in chs. 33—9. Vividly depict-
him. Again Ezekiel prophesies, the breath enters the bodies, ing the Divine Warrior's victory over his ultimate enemy, the
and they stand, alive, before him. Wordplay based on the word triumph of Ezek 38-9 paves the way for YHWH's re-
ruah (breath, wind, spirit) lends a mystical ambiguity to the enthronement in the restored temple of chs. 40—8. The two
scene. A wind blowing across the valley floor enters the bodies chapters comprise two related oracles (38:1—23 and 39:1—29)
to endow them with breath. This breath, however, is in fact against Gog of Magog, a figure otherwise unknown from
YHWH's own spirit, which will not only enliven the Israelites, biblical or extrabiblical sources (though providing the basis
but make possible their fidelity to YHWH (w. 13—14; cf 36:27; for the Gog and Magog of Rev 20:7—10). The oracles envision a
39:29). In w. 11—14 YHWH explains the vision to Ezekiel. The period after Israel has been restored to the land, at which point
bones are Israel in its current, hopeless condition (v. n; cf. YHWH will incite Gog to attack them (38:4; 39:2). YHWH will
33:10). The image of unburied corpses, now turned to then engage and defeat Gog in battle, thus displaying his
parched, dislocated, and scattered bones, simultaneously glory and holiness before the nations. Once the land has
evokes the remains of Israelites killed in the Babylonian inva- been cleansed following the carnage a sacrificial feast will be
sions, the dislocated and disoriented Israelites still living in celebrated, the people will receive YHWH's long-promised
the land, and the exiles whose hopes have at last been utterly spirit, and the nations will recognize YHWH.
crushed. To this devastated people YHWH promises that he One of the most vexed questions in the interpretation of
will act beyond their despair; he will open their very graves in Ezekiel remains the identity of Gog. The seventh-century king
order to give them life and restore them to their land (w. 13- Gyges of Lydia has often been suggested but is not a convin-
14). Although later interpreters, both Jewish and Christian, cing candidate. Gyges had been dead over a century by Eze-
saw in Ezek 37:1—14 a promise of the resurrection of the dead kiel's time and had never commanded power anything like
(see ABD, 'Resurrection (OT)'), here the image is clearly that attributed to Gog. The only points of connection are the
metaphorical. The people who find themselves 'cut off com- similarity in names and the location of each in (different areas
pletely' (v. n) will be rejoined and given a new life in the land. of) Anatolia. Recent scholarship prefers to see Gog as an
(37:15-28) The Two Sticks Connected YHWH commands embodiment of chaos, a designation that suits his role as the
Ezekiel to take two sticks, inscribing one 'for Judah' and the ultimate force opposing YHWH's people and defying his
other 'for Joseph', that is, one for the southern and one for the universal sovereignty. A third possibility is that Gog repre-
northern kingdom, and to join the sticks in his hand. YHWH sents Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon, elevated here into an en-
goes on in w. 19-28 to explain the meaning of the symbolic emy of cosmic significance. Several factors support reading
action and to deliver further promises to Israel. The two sticks Gog as a cipher for Nebuchadrezzar. First, the role played by
represent the northern and southern kingdoms of Israel. Nebuchadrezzar elsewhere in Ezekiel poses serious disson-
Though both kingdoms have now been destroyed, YHWH ances within Ezekiel's overall theological outlook. Nebuchad-
says he is about to make them one 'in my hand' (v. 19). The rezzar is depicted in exclusively positive terms in Ezekiel, as
sticks are thus sceptres. YHWH will not only restore the two YHWH's covenant partner (see Ezek 17) and his agent in
 559 EZEKIEL
destroying both Israel and its smaller neighbours (see e.g. his people and put a new spirit within them, thereby creating a
Ezek 21:18—23; 26:7—14; 29:17—20). Nebuchadrezzar's role people worthy of his name. In Ezek 38—9 it is precisely Gog's
parallels that played in Isaiah by Assyria, who is employed defeat that will accomplish YHWH's self-vindication, remov-
by YHWH as 'the rod of [YHWH's] anger' against Israel (Isa ing the stigma of the exile. YHWH will display his holiness
10:5-11). In Ezekiel, Babylonia's role as ally and agent of (38:16, 23; 39:7, 21—3, 27—8), causing nations to acknowledge
YHWH reflects the reality of YHWH's invocation as guaran- his sovereignty. Israel will be cleansed (39:11—16) and gifted
tor of Zedekiah's vassal-treaty, as well as providing YHWH with YHWH's spirit (39:28-9). Gog is the monarch whose
with a human agent to carry out his warfare in the world. power continues to defile YHWH's name and whose destruc-
Nebuchadrezzar's capture of YHWH's land and destruction tion opens the way for YHWH's re-enthronement. Gog is the
of his temple, however, imply the de facto superiority of the enemy who cannot be named but must be overcome: Nebu-
Babylonian god Marduk over the Israelite YHWH. 'These', say chadrezzar of Babylon.
the nations, 'are the people of the Lord, but they had to leave Both Ezek 38 and 39 depict Gog's destruction; ch. 38 fo-
his land' (NJPS), a situation that in and of itself defiles cuses on events leading up to YHWH's battle with Gog while
YHWH's holy name (Ezek 36:20). Nebuchadrezzar's military ch. 39 centres on the aftermath of YHWH's victory. In 38:1—16
superiority together with the implicit supremacy of Marduk YHWH informs Gog as to the circumstances surrounding
over YHWH thus continue to compromise YHWH's honour Gog's attack against Israel. Even before the predicted
despite all claims that the Babylonian monarch acts only as battle Gog will be YHWH's vassal; YHWH will put a hook
YHWH's ally or agent. Isaiah had faced the same theological through Gog's nose to lead him and his minions out to war. At
problem in his use of Assyria and resolved it by claiming that the time of Gog's invasion Israel will already have been
ultimately YHWH would punish the over-proud king of 'restored from war', a land where people have been 'gathered
Assyria for believing himself YHWH's conqueror rather from many nations' (v. 8). This gathering of Israel from 'many
than his servant (Isa 10:12—19; 3O:I9~33)- Ezekiel, writing in nations' may well envision the restoration of the scattered
Babylon, would have had strong reasons to seek a means of northern tribes (cf. 37:15-23; 48:1-7) as well as Judah. The
predicting YHWH's triumph over Nebuchadrezzar. As a restoration is apparently not contingent on the prior destruc-
Babylonian vassal living in Babylonian territory, however, he tion of Israel's enemies, and so YHWH's final battle against
would have had equally strong reasons for predicting this Israel's enemies and his own takes place in the land of Israel,
triumph covertly rather than, as Isaiah had, overtly. 'at the centre of the earth' (v. 12). Like Pharaoh in the Exodus
Gog's true identity as Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon is sup- narrative (Ex 14:4, 17-18), Gog will serve as a foil whose real
ported by strong verbal parallels between the description of purpose is to demonstrate YHWH's prowess. YHWH himself
Gog in chs. 38—9 and depictions of the Babylonian monarch will instigate Gog's attack in order to gain renown and display
elsewhere in Ezekiel. Like Gog, Nebuchadrezzar is described his holiness by crushing the enemy. YHWH announces that
as coming from 'the north' (23:24; 26:7; cf. 38:6, 15; 39:2; Jer Gog is the enemy whom YHWH had for years prophesied that
25:9). Both monarchs are rulers over 'many peoples' (26:3; he would bring against Israel (v. 17). If Gog is to be understood
31:11; cf. 38:6, 9) and arrive with horses and riders bearing as Babylon, then Ezekiel may in part be referring to his own
shield, buckler, and helmet (23:23—4; 26:10; cf. 38:4—5) to earlier prophecies. Now the battle with Gog is revealed as 'that
terrify and devastate their enemies. For Ezekiel the 'king of day', the day of YHWH's wrath, on which the earth will quake
kings' (26:7), leader of 'the worst of the nations' (7:24) is and YHWH will rain down fire and sulphur (w. 17—23). Gog's
Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon. Gog's title of nesi' rd's mesek defeat is thus not so much a literal, military victory as the day
wetubal (38:2; NRSV 'the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal') of YHWH, the triumph of the Divine Warrior.
may point indirectly to Nebuchadrezzar. Traditional designa- Ezek 39 opens as did ch. 38 with an announcement to Gog
tion of Gog as 'chief prince' ignores the construct relation, that YHWH is about to lead him 'against the mountains of
nesi'ro's, that literally yields 'prince of the head', that is, ruler Israel' (v. 2), where he and his troops will die and be devoured
over the leader of Meshech and Tubal. The location of Gog's by wild beasts. This, says YHWH, will remove the defilement
home, Magog (cf. Gen 10:2), is unknown, but Meshech and from YHWH's holy name and vindicate him before both
Tubal were regions of north-central Anatolia. Early in the sixth Israel and the nations. 'This', says YHWH, 'is the day of which
century Nebuchadrezzar gained control over Cilicia in south- I have spoken' (v. 8). The day of YHWH is no longer a 'distant
ern Anatolia, and so functioned as a leader in the region. When vision' (12:27); Tthascome! It has happened' (v. 8;cf 7:2,5—6).
a dispute broke out between the Lydians and Medes over con- YHWH's announcement has rendered Gog as good as dead.
trol of Meshech and Tubal Nebuchadrezzar's deputy success- In w. 9—16 YHWH describes the aftermath of Gog's defeat.
fully brokered a peace in the region (Wiseman 1956). Gog's The invaders' weapons will suffice for firewood for seven
designation as 'prince over the leader' of Meshech and Tubal years, not only providing for the people's needs, but also
could thus covertly designate the Babylonian Nebuchadrezzar sparing the trees (cf. Lev 19:23-5; 26:34-5). Meanwhile, seven
in his role as the principal powerbroker in northern Anatolia. months will be required to cleanse the land from the pollution
The final factor pointing to Gog as a cipher for Nebuchad- created by the slaughtered army's corpses (w. n—16). The
rezzar is the former's role in YHWH's vindication and in people will search out the corpses and bury them in a mass
paving the way for his enthronement in Ezek 43. In 36:20- grave in the 'Valley of Gog's Multitude' (v. n, NJPS).
32 YHWH admits that Israel's exile has caused defilement of In w. 17-20 Ezekiel is commanded to assemble the birds
the divine name. He therefore announces his intention to act and animals, inviting them to a sacrificial banquet to be held
for his name's sake, to sanctify his name, display his holiness, on the mountains of Israel. The animals will eat and drink
and gain recognition from the nations. He will then cleanse their fill of human flesh and human blood—the flesh and
EZEKIEL 560

blood of YHWH's slaughtered enemies. The victorious god's (40:1-42:20) The Temple Measurements Ezekiel reports re-
sacrificial banquet on the mountain was a stock element of the ceiving his final vision 'in the twenty-fifth year of our exile'
Divine Warrior traditions of both Canaan and Mesopotamia. (40:1), 573 BCE. Although often interpreted as a 'half-Jubilee'
Here, however, the image is distorted to make human sacri- (that is, half of a theoretical jubilee cycle taking the exile as its
fices, not animal, the main course. At first glance YHWH's starting-point), the year should be understood as a Jubilee
grisly banquet would seem to defile both the participants and year. Just as the vision of ch. i was dated according to the
the land, as it violates the levitical prohibition against 'eating Jubilee ('in the thirtieth year' (of the Jubilee) = the fifth year of
blood' (see Lev 17:11). In this case, however, the utter defile- the exile; see EZEK 1:1), so this climactic vision of restoration
ment of YHWH's enemies (whose corpses are fed to the birds takes place in the Jubilee year, the twenty-fifth year of Judah's
and animals; cf. 32:4) serves to restore the mountains that exile. The further specification, 'the beginning of the year, on
earlier had been defiled by idolatrous sacrifices (6:1—7). Text- the tenth day of the month' (v. i) confirms the year's Jubilee
ually, the banquet of w. 17-20 seems out of place since the status, the Jubilee being the only year beginning on the tenth
corpses of Gog's army are already burned in w. 11-16. It is rather than the first of the month (see Lev 25:9), that is, on the
possible that either w. n—16 or w. 17—20 are later additions, as Day of Atonement. The date, in October of 573, is thus the
is commonly assumed. It is equally possible that logical con- proper moment to declare both the enthronment of YHWH as
sistency is set aside here in order to depict the events normally king and Israel's restoration to the land according to the law of
preceding the god's enthronement: the cleansing of the land Jubilee (Lev 25:10).
(w. ii—16); the sacrificial banquet (w. 17—20); the triumphant As in 8:3 Ezekiel is transported in his vision to the land of
procession into the temple (43:1—5); and last, the enthrone- Israel. He is placed on 'a very high mountain, on which was a
ment (43:6). The description of YHWH's triumph over Gog structure like a city to the south' (v. 2). The mountain is
concludes (w. 21-9) with YHWH's explanation of the theo- evidently Mount Zion, now exalted as in the prophecies of
logical significance of his triumph. YHWH's victory Isa 2:2 and Mic 4:1. The unnamed city replaces the devastated
manifests his glory (v. 21) and holiness (v. 27) before all Jerusalem. A man gleaming 'like bronze' (v. 3; cf. 1:7 and the
nations; both the nations and Israel will acknowledge figure of hasmal in 1:27; 8:2), evidently the heavenly guide
YHWH's sovereignty. Moreover, with Gog's defeatthe nations from the vision of chs. 8-n, appears with a measuring rod and
will at last understand that 'Israel went into captivity for their instructs Ezekiel to pay close attention so as to be able to pass
iniquity', because of their treachery (mfl) against YHWH (v. 23) on what he sees to the Israelites. The whole of 40:5—42:20
and not because of weakness or infidelity on YHWH's part. comprises a tour in which Ezekiel witnesses as his guide
After YHWH has restored Israel to its land and displayed his measures the various dimensions of the temple complex,
holiness by destroying Gog, then the people will be allowed beginning at the outer wall, proceeding inwards to the holy
to forget their sins and their shame (w. 25—8). When the of holies, and then returning to the complex's outer wall.
people fully understand YHWH's control over both exile Unlike the Solomonic temple, Ezekiel's is provided with two
and restoration, then he will pour out his spirit upon Israel courtyards, thus allowing an additional buffer-zone separat-
(w. 28—9), promising never again to abandon them. ing the holy from the common. Both the outer and inner
courtyards include gates on the north, east, and south sides.
YHWH's Re-enthronement (40:1-48:35) Within the inner courtyard are various chambers for the wash-
The last nine chapters of Ezekiel comprise a single vision, the ing and slaughter of sacrificial animals and for the use of
last of Ezekiel's three visions of YHWH on his chariot (cf. chs. Levites and other temple servants. Ezekiel's tour of the new
i; 8—n). The vision parallels the vision of chs. 8—n in which temple, witnessing its structures and dimensions, parallels his
Ezekiel is led on a tour of the defiled temple before watching tour of the defiled temple in ch. 8. Now, however, he watches as
the Divine Warrior's departure. In chs. 40-8 Ezekiel tours the his guide measures and thus certifies the perfection of the new
restored, pure temple and then watches the Warrior's return structure. Everything is quite literally in order, creating a phys-
and re-enthronement. In each case Ezekiel seems to serve as a ical boundary between sacred and profane space (42:20).
witness, certifying both the abominations committed in the (43:1—12) The Enthronement of YHWH Following his tour of
old temple and the purity maintained in the new, and then the temple precincts Ezekiel is brought to the outer east gate,
perceiving YHWH's response as he first departs warlike from where he sees the glory of YHWH coming from the east.
the old and finally returns victorious to the new temple. Some- Ezekiel identifies this vision specifically as being 'like the
times considered Ezekiel's blueprint for a new, post-exilic vision that I had seen when [YHWH] came to destroy the
Jerusalem temple and cult (a blueprint ignored or rejected city, and like the vision that I had seen by the river Chebar'
by the post-exilic community), in fact the vision gives no (v. 3), that is, like his earlier visions of YHWH as Warrior.
instructions for building the temple. Rather, the new temple Following the pattern of the Israelite enthronement ritual, the
is revealed as completed, whole and pristine, awaiting only triumphant Warrior returns in procession to take his throne
YHWH's formal accession to his throne. Israel's role will be to within the holy of holies. Ezekiel is brought only as far as the
observe the 'law of the temple' (43:12), not to build it. While inner court, while, recapitulating YHWH's first possession of
the vision's arid details of architecture and ritual praxis often the newly built wilderness sanctuary (Ex 40:34—35; cf. i Kings
lead commentators to consider chs. 40—8 a secondary 8:10; Isa 6:1), the glory of YHWH fills the temple.
addition, the vision's crucial role in completing the plot of In v. 6 Ezekiel is addressed by YHWH himself, who pro-
YHWH's return and re-enthronement argues for its original claims his own enthronement within his eternal dwelling, the
congruence with the rest of the book (see EZEK A.3). place of his footstool (v. 7; cf. Ps 99:5). YHWH announces
 S 6i EZEKIEL
both his eternal presence among the people and the condition meticus II, who in 592 BCE visited Palestine and stationed his
making that presence possible: Israel will cease to defile priests there, thereby breaking YHWH's covenant with Nebu-
YHWH's holy name. Israel's past offences are described as its chadrezzar (see EZEK 17; Galambush 1992).
'whoring' (zenut, cf chs. 16; 23) and its royal pegarim, both in YHWH goes on in 44:10-31 to outline the respective duties
closeproximitytothetemple(v. 8). The pegarimaie probably not of the Levites and Zadokites (see ABD, 'Levites and Priests').
royal corpses (as e.g. in NRSV) but royal memorial stelae (see The Levites, designated as priests in Deut 18:1—18 but 'given'
Neiman 1948), perceived as threatening YHWH's exclusive as assistants to Aaron and his descendants in Num 3:5-10, are
kingship over Israel. Israel's 'whoring' comprised idolatry and here presented as being demoted to the rank of servant as
foreign alliances, both of which violated YHWH's honour (cf. punishment for previous idolatry. The Zadokites, however,
Ezek 16). Here Israel's exaltation of its own (former?) kings is are designated 'levitical' priests (v. 15) and alone are author-
grouped with idolatry and foreign alliances; all are seen as ized to present offerings and to enter the temple proper.
compromising YHWH's sovereignty and thus his honour; Regulations governing the dress and conduct of the priests
none may be allowed in the restored temple precincts. generally follow the prescriptions of Lev 10 and 21, though
In w. 10—12 YHWH instructs Ezekiel to explain the tem- with some variation. The priests are charged with teaching the
ple's layout to the house of Israel in order to bring about their people the distinction between clean and unclean, and with
repentant shame. The causal relation posited between know- maintaining the holiness of feasts and sabbaths (w. 23-4). As
ing the temple plan and obedience, seemingly implies thatthe also specified in the Priestly legislation, the priests will inherit
people (perhaps as a result of YHWH's outpoured spirit; no land but will be maintained from temple offerings.
39:29) are now fully ready to obey and need only instruction In 45:1-8 the land surrounding the temple is allocated; the
as to 'the law of the temple' (v. 12). Zadokite priests live in a 'most holy' area immediately adja-
cent to the temple with the Levites to their north and the city to
(43:13—46:24) Laws Governing Land and Cult Following the their south. The areas to the east and west of these holdings
sequence displayed by Exodus and Leviticus, Ezekiel first will be royal property. The royal holdings are strictly limited by
describes the temple itself and then witnesses the arrival of a sharp command in v. 8 for the prince to allow the people
the divine glory before detailing the routine of ritual obser- their land. The prince is commanded to establish justice and
vance (much as the laws of Leviticus follow immediately upon righteousness, the traditional responsibility of divine and
Ex 40:34). With YHWH enthroned in his new sanctuary, human rulers. Legislation in w. 10-17 specifying legal
Ezekiel proceeds in 43:13-17 to describe the sacrificial altar weights and measures as well as the prince's duty to supply
and in w. 18-27 to detail the procedures for its purification. various offerings seems aimed at curbing abuses by the ruler.
The altar consists of three square tiers with 'horns' at its four The ritual calendar is set forth in 45:18—25, beginning with
corners (see ABD, 'Altar'). Its purification, performed by Za- the cleansing of the temple in 'the first month' (v. 18), appar-
dokite priests, follows the procedures set out in Lev 8:14-15 ently assuming a spring new year. This annual cleansing of
and Ex 29:36-7. the temple is similar to the Yom Kippur of Lev 16, but with
Ezekiel is next (44:1—3) brought from the inner court to the important differences. First, the cleansing is confined to the
east gate of the outer court. Here he is informed that the east court and exterior of the temple, perhaps indicating that grave
gate is to remain closed because YHWH, 'the God of Israel, sins that would contaminate the temple proper are not com-
has entered by it' (v. 2). Although the commandment suggests mitted in the restored community. Second, the cleansing is
the special holiness attributed to, so to speak, YHWH's private linked to the observance of the Passover two weeks later
entrance, the permanently locked gate also symbolizes the (w. 21—4) rather than to the New Year or enthronement
permanence of YHWH's presence in the temple. Having festival. In v. 25 offerings are prescribed for 'the seven days
vanquished his final enemy and established an obedient of the festival' in the seventh month (cf. i Kings 8:2-11),
people, YHWH will have no further need either to conduct apparently a reference to the old New Year/enthronement
full-scale purification of the temple or to re-establish his festival. No Yom Kippur cleansing of the temple is envisioned,
supremacy in an annual battle beginning with his departure and no ark procession (indeed, the east, processional gate was
from the temple. The 'ruler' (nasi', or prince), who is never sealed in 44:1-3). The Autumn Festival's apparent truncation
called 'king' in Ezek 40—8, is alone permitted to enter the may reflect simultaneously the desire to de-emphasize the
east gate (from the courtyard side) in order to 'eat food', role played by the human king (cf. 43:6—9) and to accentuate
presumably taking part in a ritual meal (v. 3). the unchallenged kingship of YHWH. Following Gog's defeat
In 44:4 Ezekiel again approaches the temple and is again in chs. 38-9 YHWH no longer needs annually to re-establish
overwhelmed by the glory of YHWH present in the sanctuary. his reign by subduing his enemies. YHWH is now enthroned
This additional notice ofYHWH's presence probably serves to continuously within the temple.
reinforce the instructions of w. 1-3; YHWH no longer pro- In 46:1-18 the logistics governing the access of ruler and
cesses out or in; his location is known and it is eternal (cf. people to the temple are laid out. On occasions when the ruler
437)- is required to offer sacrifice he is allowed to enter the east gate
In 44:5—9 YHWH prescribes that no foreigners are to be of the inner courtyard (not the outer, as in 44:3) and stand 'by
admitted to the temple. This prohibition is specifically in the post of the gate' (v. 2; cf. 2 Kings 11:14; 23:3) while me
response to Israel's former 'abominations', including break- priests present his offering. While the east gate is standing
ing YHWH's covenant and failing to watch over the temple open the 'people of the land' (v. 9) are to pass by it and so
sancta, instead giving foreigners charge of the temple. The (albeit obliquely) 'come before the Lord', w. 16—18 provide for
charge is obscure, but may refer to the Egyptian ruler Psam- royal property to remain in royal hands, meanwhile prohibit-
EZEKIEL 562

ing the ruler from 'thrusting' the people off their own prop- each of the twelve tribes, are described in w. 30—4. Here the
erty. The various rules in Ezek 40—8 prohibiting the ruler tribes of Manasseh and Ephraim, listed as separate tribes in
from abusing the people (45:8—9) and limiting his cultic the boundary list (48:4—5), are replaced by Joseph in order to
function (43:8; 44:3) as well as the avoidance of the title allow for the inclusion of Levi as one of the twelve tribes. This
'king', suggest Ezekiel's distrust of the monarch and his apparent inconsistency may reflect the very practical need for
determination not to allow secular authority to erode YHWH's the Levites and Zadokite priests (considered descendants of
sovereign power. Concern to advance cultic over secular author- Levi in 44:15) to enter and exit the city despite their lack of
ity may, of course, also have motivated this priest-in-exile. tribal inheritances per sc.
(47:1-12) The Life-Giving River In 46:19-24 Ezekiel is shown Ezekiel concludes with the naming of the city in 48:35. The
various outbuildings in the inner and outer courts and in 47:1 new name, 'YHWH is There', plays on the name 'Jerusalem'
he is returned to the temple door. Water flows out from the (YHWH samma instead of yerusalaim), but proclaims the
south side of the temple threshold and then heads eastward central triumph of the temple vision: YHWH is present, reign-
from the temple complex, deepening into a great river that ing from his temple and dwelling amid his people forever.
finally empties into the Dead Sea. Along the river's banks
grow trees always laden with fruit and medicinal leaves (v. 12;
cf. Rev 22:1—2). The river itself'heals' the Dead Sea (v. 8) so REFERENCES
that it becomes full offish and thus able also to sustain human Ackerman, S. (1992), Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Sixth
life. This life-giving river recalls not only the rivers of Eden in Century Judah (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
Gen 2:10—14 and me Gihon spring originating from the Jeru- Carley, K. W. (1975), Ezekiel amongthe Prophets (Naperville, 111.: Alec R.
salem temple mount (i Kings 1:33), but also the widespread Allenson).
ancient Near Eastern traditions of rivers flowing from a Clifford, R. J. (1972), The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old
cosmic mountain to the ends of the earth (see Clifford 1972). Testament, HSM 4 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).
Cohen, C. (1973), The Widowed City', JANESCU 5: 75-81.
As in the Psalms, YHWH sits enthroned 'above the waters' (Ps
Davis, E. F. (1989), Swallowing the Scroll: Textuality and the Dynamics of
29:3; 104:3), having both defeated chaos and ordered the fruit- Discourse in Ezekiel's Prophecy (Sheffield: Almond).
ful world. Fruitful trees similarly characterize Eden (Gen 2:9) Galambush, J. (1992), Jerusalem in the Book of Ezekiel: The City as
as well as the gardens of ancient Near-Eastern gods generally Yahweh's Wife, SBLDS 130 (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
(see ABD, 'Garden of God'; Levenson 1976). Greenberg, M. (1983), Ezekiel 1—20: A New Translation with Introduction
and Commentary, AB 22 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday).
(47:13—48:35) Boundaries and Tribal Allotments Following (1997), Ezekiel 21-37: A New Translation with Introduction and
the outward movement of the miraculous river, the vision's Commentary, AB 22A (New York: Doubleday).
focus turns outwards. Like the plan of the temple complex in Griffith, F. L. (1909) (ed.), Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri in the John
chs. 40-2, the regular division of the land expresses the rule of Rylands Library (3 vols.; Manchester: Manchester University Press).
divine order. In 47:13—23 the boundaries for all of Israel are Halperin, D. J. (1993), Seeking Ezekiel: Text and Psychology (University
laid out: the Brook of Egypt (Wadi el-'Arish) on the south, the Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press).
river Jordan on the east, the Mediterranean on the west, and a Hayes, J. H., and Hooker, P. K. (1988), A New Chronology for the Kings
line running through Lebo Hamath on the north (cf. the of Israel and Judah (Atlanta: John Knox).
Holscher, G. (1924), Hesekiel: Der Dichter und das Buch. Eine literarkri-
similar boundaries of Num 34:1—12). No trans-Jordanian hold-
tische Untersuchung, BZAW 39 (Giessen: Topelmann).
ings are envisioned and the northern border is drawn not far Levenson, J. D. (1976), Theology of the Program of Restoration of Ezekiel
north of Dan (see ABD, 'Hamath, Entrance of). The borders 40—48, HSM 10 (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press).
are apparently realistic rather than idealized, as is often as- Malul, M. (1990), 'Adoption of Foundlings in the Bible and Mesopo-
serted. That is, if the location of Lebo Hamath at the southern tamian Documents: A Study of Some Legal Metaphors in Ezekiel
end of the Anti-Lebanon mountains is accepted, then the 16:1-7', JSOT^6: 97-126.
territory outlined is considerably smaller than that claimed Milgrom, J. (1976), The Concept ofma'al in the Bible and the Ancient
in various other texts (Gen 15:18; i Kings 4:21 (MT 5:1)). Near East', JAOS 96: 236-47.
The land is divided into twelve equal portions, excluding Miller, J. M., and Hayes, J. H. (1986), A History of Ancient Israel and
Judah (Philadelphia: Westminster).
that allocated for the temple, Zadokites, Levites, and ruler
Neiman, D. (1948), 'Pgr: A Canaanite Cult-Object in the Old Testa-
(45:1-7). Each of the tribes is to receive a strip of territory ment', JBL 67: 55-60.
extending across the entire land from west to east, with seven Olyan, S. M. (1988), Asherah and the Cult ofYahweh in Israel, SBLMS 34
to the north and five to the south of the central, holy portions. (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
Judah, located immediately north of the Levites' territory, Smith, M. S. (1990), The Near Eastern Background of Solar Lan-
occupies the holiest position among the twelve tribes, fol- guage for Yahweh', JBL 109: 29-39.
lowed by Benjamin to the immediate south of the city and Vermes, G. (1981), Jesus the Jew: A Historian's Reading of the Gospels
its territory. The city itself is described last (w. 30—5). The fate (Philadelphia: Fortress).
of the holy city, which preoccupied Ezekiel throughout the Westerbrook, R. (1990), 'Adultery in Ancient Near Eastern Law', RB
97: 542-80.
first twenty-four chapters of the book, returns to centre stage
Wiseman, D. J. (1956), Chronicles ofChaldaean Kings (626-556 B.C.) in
at the book's conclusion. The restored city, however, is not the British Museum (London: British Museum).
given the name 'Jerusalem', a name made infamous by the Zimmerli, W. (1979), Ezekiel, tr. R. E. Clements, Hermeneia (Phila-
wild infidelities of YHWH's earlier 'bride' (Ezek 16; 23). The delphia: Fortress), i; German original, 1969.
purified city is as far removed as possible from the defilement (1983), Ezekiel, tr. J. D. Martin, Hermeneia (Philadelphia: For-
of its pre-exilic counterpart. The city's twelve gates, one for tress), ii; German original, 1969.
 26. Daniel P. R. D A V I E S

INTRODUCTION
A. The Two Forms of the Book of Daniel. 1. Daniel exists in a rulers and empires, but also rescuing his people from the
Hebrew-Aramaic version, that of the Hebrew (Jewish) Bible power of those kings and teaching them the limits of their
which forms the basis of most modern English translations; sovereignty. He is thus the only sure source of knowledge
and also in Greek versions: an Old Greek translation and the about the future, and through him Daniel can predict what
one which became the standard Christian text, ascribed to will happen in the future. All these stories, set in a foreign
Theodotion. The HB, of which fragments have been found court and concerning the success of a wise courtier over his
among the Dead Sea scrolls, does not include certain passages rivals, represent a well-known genre in the ancient Near East
and stories that are found in the Greek versions. These Greek (see Wills 1990). In the Bible the genre is also represented in
additions are usually found in English Bibles in the Apoc- the stories of Esther and Joseph.
rypha, as three separate books, under the names Prayer of 3. The visions of chs. 7-12 focus on that future. Already in ch.
Azariah, Susannah, and Bel and the Dragon. In the Greek 2 Daniel has foretold a sequence of four mighty kingdoms
versions, however, Azariah's prayer comes after what is 3:23 in which will culminate in a great and everlasting kingdom. In
the canonical book of Daniel, while Susannah and Bel and the four visions (chs. 7, 8, 9, and 10—12) he narrates how he saw
Dragon form chs. 13 and 14. Apart from these, however, the visions which are subsequently interpreted to him by a heav-
Old Greek text often differs significantly from the HB (e.g. in enly being as being symbolic of the rise and destruction of
chs. 4 and 5) implying more than one Hebrew—Aramaic text of these kingdoms. The one exception here is ch. 9, where
Daniel at some stage. Daniel is puzzled not by a vision but by a word of the prophet
2. Another major difference between the two forms of Jeremiah concerning the length of the desolation of Jerusa-
Daniel is that the (canonical) HB version belongs with the lem. The final vision consists for the most part of a monologue
third section, Writings, while in the Greek (and Eng.) Bibles it from the interpreting heavenly messenger, Gabriel, about the
occupies a pivotal point in the prophetic section of the canon, history of the last kingdom, which will culminate in great
between the three major prophetic books and the twelve distress for Daniel's people, though they will in the end be
minor prophets. It is the shorter HB version that is being saved—or at least the righteous of them.
dealt with here. 4. The visions, at any rate, may accurately be called 'apoca-
lypses', the main feature of which is the revelation of heav-
B. Original Language. The HB version of Daniel opens in
enly secrets, usually to a great figure of the past. These
Hebrew, the original language of the Old Testament, but
secrets may be about the origin of evil, the workings of the
switches in 2:4 to Aramaic, a related language increasingly
universe (sun, stars, winds), or the future. The prime example
spoken and written by Jews from the Persian period onwards
of this in the Bible is Revelation, which draws some of its
(from the middle of the yth cent. BCE). But chs. 8-12 revert to
inspiration from Daniel. However, Daniel as a whole is not an
Hebrew. It is unclear whether the book was originally written
apocalypse.
in one language only and partly translated; if so, then the Ara-
5. Of the history of the composition of the book we have
maic is more likely to be the original because chs. 2-7 seem to
numerous clues but little consensus. Most of the stories ap-
contain the older parts of the book. But no one explanation of
pear once to have been independent compositions. One attract-
this curious feature has yet been generally accepted.
ive theory is that chs. 2-7 formed an Aramaic collection (in a
concentric pattern, ch. 2 matching ch. 7, ch. 3 matching ch. 6,
C. Literary Form and Structure. 1. Two genres are contained in
and ch. 5 as a centre). There are signs of editorial expansion in
Daniel. One is the story, narrated in the third person, repre-
most chapters, and linking between them, such as the addition
sented by chs. 2—6; the other is the vision report, narrated in
ofch. i, and the provision of datings to each chapter, so that both
the first person (with Daniel the speaker). Ch. 4 is unusual in
stories and visions run from Nebuchadnezzarto Cyrus. Chs. 8-
being a story narrated in the first person by Nebuchadnezzar,
12 must have come from a fairly narrow period, between the
king of Babylon, and ch. i, which contains a little story about
desecration of the Temple (167 BCE) and its restoration (163).
Daniel and his friends, seems to have been composed espe-
cially to link Daniel with the biblical history and to introduce D. Historical Context. 1. After the Exile, and the return of exiles
the characters in the following stories. to Judah, the Judeans lived under Persians (until 331) then
2. The stories fall into two types: deliverance stories and under Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic-Egyptian king-
interpretation stories. Deliverance stories (chs. i, 3, 6) relate dom of the Ptolemies. In 199 Judah was captured by the
some miraculous preservation or rescue of the hero or heroes. Hellenistic-Syrian kingdom of the Seleucids. Daniel deals
Interpretation stories (chs. 2,4,5) f°cus on the hero's remark- simultaneously with the beginning and end of that timespan.
able ability to explain a puzzling sign, whether a dream or Daniel's lifetime lasts from the beginning of the exile of
writing on a wall. The two genres combine in important ways Judeans under Nebuchadrezzar (always called Nebuchadnez-
to present a single theme: the God of Daniel is the omnipotent zar in Daniel) until the reign of Cyrus. Daniel's actual dates
lord who controls history, setting up and removing earthly of birth and death are not given, but the fact that his life
DANIEL 564

coincides with the exile of the Judeans is the significant point. chronological settings: the stories are assigned individually to
The other period is that which the visions clearly point to: the the kings from Nebuchadnezzar to Cyrus, and the visions
time of the last kingdom, the final persecution and ultimate recapitulate this sequence. An important structural role is
deliverance of the righteous: in other words, the end of history. also played by ch. 7, which is bound to the preceding stories
Is the book, then, a prediction of events centuries ahead of its through its language (Aramaic) and its similarities with ch. 2,
time, or a history veiled in the form of prediction? Those who while it shares the same form as chs. 8—12 and indeed sets the
dislike the idea of what one commentator called a 'fraud' agenda for the visions that follow. Hence the HB book of
argue for a sixth-century BCE date, and a real Daniel as Daniel seems to have an intentional unity—obscured by the
the author. The majority of scholars, however, accept that the Greek book with its closing 'detective stories'.
visions, at least, betray a knowledge of the time at which
the 'end' is set, which can be deduced as the reign of the
Seleucid (Syrian) king Antiochus IV, known as Epiphanes. COMMENTARY
Antiochus banned Jewish practices, desecrated the temple,
and provoked a war of resistance under the leadership of the Setting the Scene (1:1-21)
Maccabees which, after his death, succeeded in restoring the (1:1^7) The 'third year of the reign of Jehoiakim' is hard to
temple and traditional Jewish religious practices. reconcile with 2 Kings 24:1-6, Jer 25:1, and the Babylonian
2. The main reasons for assigning a Maccabean date to the Chronicle, and may be based on a misunderstanding of other
book (at least in its final form) are (a) some inaccuracies that a biblical texts. But the point here is to note the vessels taken
sixth-century writer ought not to have made, (b) the presence (ch. 5), the Babylonian names of the four youths (ch. 3), and
of a genuine prediction at the end of the book which we now their introduction to the court, thus anticipating key elements
know to be incorrect, and (c) the popularity of a kind of of the stories, as well as Daniel's knowledge of Aramaic. Note
pseudo-historical writing among Jews of the Maccabean also how the theme of'the Lord' (Heb. 'adonay: 'YHWH' is
period and later, in which figures of antiquity were made to used in Daniel only in ch. 9) giving kings into the power of
foretell the future (e.g. Enoch, Noah, the twelve sons of Jacob). other kings is introduced immediately.
3. However, it seems probable that while the visions come (1:8-21) Many scholars think that the issue here is the ob-
from the second century BCE, the stories (chs. 2—6) may be a servance of Jewish dietary laws, but no Jewish laws prescribe
good deal earlier. For they represent foreign kings as foolish vegetarian diet. Either meat (and wine) are avoided for fear
but ultimately persuaded, while Jews are promoted to high that it has been offered to Babylonian gods (thus implicating
office at court. The climax of the tale is usually the king the youths in idolatry) or as a demonstration that the youths
learning his lesson. In the visions, however, we are presented do not need the favours of the king, for they serve another
with an ever-increasing hostility towards the Jewish God and heavenly king. Note how, although they have been educated in
his people, which only their total destruction will solve. The the Babylonian school (v. 5), they are said to have learned from
perspective of the stories seems to be that of Jews living under God (v. 17), and in the case of Daniel, specifically the under-
a relatively benign rule (the Persians ?) while that of the visions standing of'visions and dreams'. Thus, the theme of conflict
suggests Jews in Judah under a malign ruler. It is therefore between earthly and divine kingship and wisdom is neatly
likely that the book of Daniel has a long and complex history. brought out, and the chapter has served its purpose as an
This possibility is supported by the discovery of a story about introduction either to the whole book of Daniel or at least
an unknown Jewish exile and the Babylonian king Naboni- to a cycle of Daniel stories that may have once existed inde-
dus, found among the Dead Sea scrolls and remarkably simi- pendently.
lar to the story of Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar in Daniel ch. 3
(4QPrNab). Yet, the story of Belshazzar's feast (ch. 5) marks a Daniel's First Success (2:1-49)
contrast to the theme of the other stories with its negative
This story does not quite hang together. Is Daniel known to
portrayal of the king who dies for his insolence, and may well
the king or not? And why does Daniel's interpretation of the
have been inspired by the figure of Antiochus.
dream introduce new details? Is it the original interpretation?
4. Finally, it is worth contrasting the relatively serene and
The story shows signs of some editing (Davies 1976).
optimistic mood of the stories, in which one High God is in
supreme control and succession from one kingdom to an- (2:1—12) In Daniel dreams typically leave the dreamer
other passes smoothly with the very different world-view of troubled (cf 4:5; 5:6; 5:9; 7:15, 28). The list of interpreting
the visions, where the succession of power is violent—not just professions is also often repeated (cf. 1:20; 2:27; 4:7; 5:11),
on earth but in the heavenly realm too, as the celestial patrons perhaps to contrast the single figure of Daniel. The require-
of each nation fight it out among themselves. The departure of ment to tell the dream as well as the interpretation is a unique
the one supreme God from participation in this scenario element, and the underlying message, that this cannot be
(marked by ch. 7 where he hands power to another figure) is done through human wisdom but only through 'the gods', is
both remarkable and disturbing, suggesting an underlying emphasized in w. 10—n; the Babylonian interpreters are made
view of the world's subsequent history that is rather pes- to confess that they are not truly inspired from heaven.
simistic. (2:13—23) According to this section, Daniel is one of the royal
wise men, and a companion of Hananiah, Mishael, and Aza-
E. Structure. Despite the differences between the two halves riah. He is thus sought to be killed with the rest, presupposing
of the book (language, form, setting, mood), there are features the events of ch. i. But why was he not summoned at first or, if
that bind the book together. The two most obvious are the he was, could not give the interpretation? And why does v. 24
 565 DANIEL
repeat v. 14? The reason is probably that the writer of ch. i has originally meant the Babylonians of Nebuchadrezzar's time,
inserted w. 13—23. The original story presented Daniel as a but under the Persians came to mean a class of mantic inter-
hitherto unknown Jewish exile who had to be introduced to preter. It is generally used in this later sense in Daniel (1:4; 2:2,
the king by one of his officers. It seems, then, that this story 4, 5,10; 4:7; 5:7, n) but in 5:30 and 9:1 has its earlier meaning,
was once an independent tale, which has been integrated by w. 17-18 are important in raising the uncertainty of being
means of this inserted passage. As the story now stands, rescued, perhaps hinting that the story arose or was applied to
Daniel and his friends act to preserve their lives and those of a time of persecution when not every loyal Jew could be sure of
the wise men, and to pray for the 'mystery' from God. 'Mys- escaping suffering and death. (It is perhaps to meet this case
tery' here refers to the secret message (given by dream or any that the hope of resurrection is finally raised in ch. 12.)
other means) which needs interpreting, and such a scheme (3:19-27) v. 22, punishment of persecutors also needs to be
reflects the mantic culture of Babylonia in which various included! Cf. 6:24 and Esth 7:9—10. v. 25, the fourth person
guilds of diviners attempted to learn the will of the gods by having the 'appearance of a god' suggests one of the heavenly
means of the interpretation of natural phenomena taken as emissaries such as found in the visions (the Greek text here
signs. Although the book of Daniel apparently opposes Baby- has an angel quenching the flames). Note that it is this fourth
lonian mantic practices, it in fact adopts them. The prayer person (whom Nebuchadnezzar identifies as an angel), as
(20-3) nevertheless stresses that such interpretation is not an much as the preservation of the other three, that amazes the
art but is possible only by direct intervention from the true king and prompts him to summon the youths out.
God.
(3:28-30) The king's reaction is told in as exaggerated a
(2:24—45) Presented now as a hitherto unknown 'exile of manner as the rest of the account. He does not yet convert to
Judah', Daniel surprises the king by telling him both dream the Jewish God (see the end of ch. 4), but makes another royal
and interpretation. The sequence of metals may reflect an decree, involving equally violent sanctions—for he remains a
ancient belief in which the ages of the world were symbolized typical foreign king!—prohibiting offences against the God of
by metal, the course of time showing a gradual deterioration the youths. Their promotion to even higher office is part of the
in quality. Interpreting the successively baser metals as king- genre (see DAN 2:46—9).
doms contrasts with chs. 7-8 where each kingdom is more
powerful than its predecessor. The interpretation flatters Nebu- Nebuchadnezzar Learns a Lesson (4:1-37 J
chadnezzar, and the statue may originally have referred to Written in the form of a royal decree, this story may well have
his own dynasty, which degenerated quickly under his succes- its origin in the activities of Nabonidus, the last king of
sors until it fell to Cyrus. That makes better sense of the Babylon, who withdrew to the desert oasis of Teima, provok-
destruction of the statue in one moment. If so, the story is ing strange rumours about him in Babylon. A text from
indeed an old one. As it stands, the interpretation offers the Qumran called the Prayer of Nabonidus, also written in the
only hint in the story part of the book that human kingdoms first person, tells how the king had a disturbing dream, and
will eventually be supplanted by a final eternal one. But it also how he was 'afflicted... for seven years ... and an exorcist
shows some differences from the account of the dream, such as pardoned my sins. He was a Jew...' When the story was
'and the toes' (v. 41) and the stone being cut from a moun- incorporated into the Daniel cycle, and expanded, the lesser-
tain instead of becoming one. known king was replaced by a better-known one, and the
(2:46-9) It is characteristic of wise-courtier stories that the anonymous Jew became Belteshazzar and then Daniel.
hero's success leads to advancement at court. Such an ending The story contains two episodes: the king's dream with its
in the Daniel stories serves to show (a) that Jews may legit- interpretation (w. 1-27), and the fulfilment of the interpret-
imately seek high office in foreign courts, (b) Jews can contrib- ation (w. 28—37).
ute to the welfare of non-Jewish regimes, and (c) Jews will be (4:1—27) The opening doxology starts where the stories
rewarded by their God for loyalty to him (a theme taken up on usually end, with the king praising the power of the Jewish
a grander scale in ch. 12). The use of the Babylonian names God (usually given the title Most High, 'dyori). v. 8, the story
(contrast v. 17) is an editorial device to prepare us for these presumably originally featured another hero named Belte-
names in the next chapter. shazzar, whose name occurs in this chapter 6 times, 4 times
The Golden Image and the Fiery Furnace (j.'i-joj on its own without 'Daniel'; elsewhere, the two names (always
together) are to be found once in each of chs. i, 2, 5, and 10.
This is not a story about Daniel. His inexplicable exclusion is Belteshazzar has the position of 'chief of the dream inter-
probably due to this being originally an independent story preters' (2:48 uses entirely different terms of Daniel). 'Spirit
adapted for the Daniel cycle, v. 12 may indicate its having been of the holy gods' (w. 8, 9, 18) is also confined to this story,
edited for this purpose. except for 5:11 (which recapitulates this story), v. 10, the 'tree at
(3:1-18) The golden image resumes the golden-headed statue the centre of the earth' is a well-known and worldwide mythic
of ch. 2. The lists of officials in w. 2—3 echo the lists of motif, here perhaps representing the power of the king who
interpreters in other stories. The phrase 'all... peoples, na- rules the world, providing for his subjects (animals, birds). Cf.
tions, and languages' (w. 4 and 7) is picked up in subsequent Ezek 31:3-9, which likens Pharaoh to a cedar of Lebanon, or
stories (4:1; 5:19; 6:25; 7:14) and emphasizes the Babylonian 17:10, similarly of the Davidic dynasty, v. n, 'reaching to
kingdom as the first of several world empires. The king is heaven' invokes the tower of Babel and human ambition, the
depicted here as a foolish and arrogant self-idolater, but the reason for Nebuchadnezzar's collapse, v. 13, 'a holy watcher':
enmity of rivals is also a factor, as in ch. 6. 'Chaldeans' both 'holy' and 'watcher' are terms for heavenly beings in
DANIEL 566

Jewish writings of the Hellenistic period, especially the 'Book ises political advancement; but they are unable to deliver. The
of the Watchers', i Enoch 1—36. 'Decree of the watchers' re- queen (his mother and wife of Nebuchadnezzar, who, as said,
inforces the deterministic outlook of the book of Daniel as a was not the father of Belshazzar) is the vehicle for the reintro-
whole: all that happens in human history is the result of duction of Daniel, who is presumably no longer among the
heavenly dictates. This is the basis of both mantic lore and court favourites. The interpreters (v. 8) are unable even to read
apocalyptic writing, w. 19—27, the interpretation makes it the writing, let alone interpret it. Here is an echo of ch. 2; both
clear that Nebuchadnezzar's kingdom is not to be destroyed sign and meaning have to be constructed.
(v. 19, and the meaning of the stump, w. 26-7), but the king (5:13-30) In w. 17-23 Daniel rejects the king's offer of reward
needs to learn a lesson; the summons to atone for his pride (but see v. 29!), and before he interprets the writing proceeds
(v. 27) recalls the Nabonidus text. As with the previous stories, to admonish the king by comparing him with Nebuchadnez-
the aim and outcome is the conversion of the king from zar, whose story (ch. 4) he relates. The writing is deciphered as
arrogance to recognition of the complete power of the god MENE, MENE, TEKEL, and PARSIN. The words are Aramaic but
'elyon. During this interpretation, the image of the tree fades their meanings are ambiguous. All three terms might denote
and the focus moves to the animal-like fate of the king. measures of weight. It is interesting to speculate about mean-
(4:28—37) The decree comes about atthe moment when Nebu- ings other than those given; the authors may well be playing
chadnezzar, apparently forgetful of the dream, is at his most (as in w. 12 and 16) with multiple meanings. Daniel's inter-
arrogant. Appropriately he comes to resemble the very oppos- pretation is linguistically possible: the verb m-n- can mean
ite of power and splendour, losing his human form and his 'number'; t-q-l (Heb. 'shekel') 'weigh'; and p-r-s can
human reason, his palace, his food. The lesson is learned mean 'divide'. But other allusions may also be present: t-q-l, for
when the king 'lifts his eyes' (v. 34) and his reason returns; instance, might suggest q-l, which means '(s)light' and hence
also 'when the period was over' exactly! The coincidence of 'wanting'; while parsin also means 'Persians'. The king's reac-
human free action and divine decree, the core difficulty of any tion seems untypical of a despot: he rewards the bearer of the
theory of predestination, is glossed over. Does Nebuchadnez- bad news as promised! We are not told how Belshazzar was
zar confess his arrogance because his reason is restored, or killed, whether by human or divine means. 'Darius the Mede',
vice versa? The repetition in v. 36 'my reason returned' creates despite ingenious attempts by some scholars to identify him
the ambiguity. In v. 37 the king appears at last to become a with some other historical character, is a mistake. Darius was
worshipper of the 'king of heaven' (a term found only here in the name borne by several kings of Persia. It is not a Median
the OT, but cf. the NT expression 'kingdom of heaven'). name. There was a Median empire, which Cyrus incorporated
in his own Persian realm (we might accurately speak of a
Desecration Brings Death fj.'i-Jij Medo-Persian empire). In the four-kingdom scheme of Daniel
This story's allusions to preceding chapters (borrowing the Media comes between Babylon and Persia, which is chrono-
same phrases), in w. 10—12 and 17—21 may be editorial pas- logically correct. But the Medes never ruled Babylon, and the
sages intended to integrate this story into the cycle. But they city passed from Belshazzar directly to Cyrus. This notice is
go well beyond what is required, and this factor, together with therefore not from the hand of a contemporary, or even a
the killing, rather than persuading or converting, of the king reliable historian. But that hardly matters; the point being
and also the clear allusion to temple desecration suggest it made is that the one divine kingdom has been transferred
may have been composed after the story cycle was in existence by its owner from one king and nation to another, and all
(with or without ch. 6), in the time of Antiochus IV who Darius has to do is 'receive' it.
desecrated the temple and whose death is predicted in 11:45.
(5:1—4) For a long time Belshazzar was regarded as one of the The Den of Lions (6:1-28)
fictions of this book. But he is now known from Babylonian The last of the stories about Daniel introduces a benign king
texts as the son of Nabonidus the last king of Babylon, who deceived by jealous officials (as in Esther), who is delighted
ruled in the city while his father was in Teima (see ch. 4), when Daniel is rescued. Hence the political setting of this
though he was apparently not ever the king as he is named story is of a benevolent regime, where the only danger to Jews
here. The impious act of the king is cleverly and economically comes from those resentful of their success. The Darius of
set out. The plunder of the vessels alludes to the opening of this story looks more like a Persian monarch (see v. i—his
Daniel, and the gold and silver vessels are used in the worship description as 'the Mede' (5:31) is not mentioned in this chap-
of gods of gold and silver but also of bronze, iron, wood, and ter). If so, his portrait conforms to that of Persian kings
stone, consciously or not invoking the idolatrous statue of ch. throughout the OT (Isaiah, Nehemiah, Ezra, Esther): neither
2. The mention of women touching these holy Jewish vessels they nor their gods are attacked, and they are consistently well-
only compounds the horror! disposed towards the Jews.
(5:5-12) 'Next to the lampstand' suggests the illuminated (6:1-9) According to Herodotus, Darius organized the Per-
spectre in a semi-darkened room but also perhaps hints at sian empire into twenty satrapies (later enlarged by Xerxes;
the temple lampstand, the menorah, symbol of the presence see Esth 1:1). A position such as Daniel's is implausible, since
of God in the Holy of Holies. There is a wonderfully comic the empire was centrally governed by a small number of
pun (in Aramaic) in the phrase 'his limbs loosened' (lit.), since families. But Daniel's ever higher office is a uniting thread
the same phrase means 'solving riddles' and is so used in in the stories. The word for 'law' in v. 5 does not mean the
w. 12 and 16. Thereafter we are given the familiar ingredients: Torah, the book of Moses, but is a general word for 'religion' or
the king summons all the varieties of interpreter and prom- 'religious custom'. 'Prays for thirty days': 'pray' here is better
 567 DANIEL

translated as 'make a request', whether of gods or humans. (see Gen 1:2). We are perhaps meant to be witnessing the
Why not a permanent ban? Presumably because Jews were beginning of time and history (as well as, later, their end).
known to pray daily in any case, while a permanent ban on The description of the four beasts (w. 3—8) no doubt also
requests to gods or humans besides the king would be im- draws on mythological resources. The myth of dragon(s)
practical. We know nothing about any practice of keeping in the sea is alluded to in Isa 27:1, 51:9-11, and is pre-Israelite
lions in dens to kill people under any ancient Near-Eastern in origin. Hos 13:7—8, mentioning a lion, a leopard, a bear, and
regime. a 'wild beast', has been noticed by Collins (1993: 295). Hellen-
(6:10-28) v. 10 describes Daniel as praying three times a day istic astrology is another suggestion (Caquot 1955).
in an upper room, facing Jerusalem. We have little informa- (7:9-14) 'Ancient One' (lit. ancient of days) is a title used of
tion about Jewish praying customs from the Persian period. the 'father of the gods' El in the Ugaritic texts. His description
The Mishnah prescribes three times a day, and synagogue fits closely with that of the deity in Ezekiel's vision (Ezek i),
architecture suggests an orientation of prayer and worship and was possibly drawn from older mythology (see Emerton
towards Jerusalem. But the point is that Daniel did not make (1958), and for the mythological motifs in general, Day (1985:
his habit secret; the conspirators knew when and where to 151-78)). The heavenly king sits enthroned in the court sur-
find him. w. 14—15, the portrait of a benign king duped into rounded by the other gods and by attendant heavenly servants.
making an edict which, according to the law of the Medes and The 'books' are those in which sins (and good deeds) are
Persians' is irrevocable, recurs in Esther. The issue presented recorded (see 12:1). The last and most vicious beast is con-
here, then, is a conflict between two sets of irrevocable laws, demned to immediate death, while the others have a stay of
one Medo-Persian, the other the law of 'the God of Daniel'. execution. The implication of this judgement is unclear. 'One
Prominent in Esther, too, is the theme of the 'law of the Medes like a human being' receives the kingdom from the 'Ancient
and Persians' by which the king is trapped into acting. In One'. Is this second figure a symbol of the nation that will
w. 16-20, the king's virtue is strongly emphasized: he prays exercise the dominion (the Jewish people), depicted as a
for Daniel's deliverance by his God, spends the night fasting, human rather than an animal? Or is he a divine figure (such
and hurries back, calling out as if he expects Daniel to be figures represented as in human form, Dan 8:15; 10:5)? If so, is
delivered, w. 22-4 repeat the motifs of the rescuing angel he Michael, who 'stands' for the Jews in 12:1? The title (lit. son
and the punishment of the instigators (see 3:22, 28), with of man) was adopted in the NT as a title for Jesus Christ,
the added ingredient of the wives and children. The final though how far it derives from Daniel alone is disputed. Since
decree (w. 25—7) is a feature of chs. 2—6; a comparison will we are dealing with a book that has a long literary history, both
show that they successively broaden their acclaim of the interpretations may be valid; and in any event the ambiguities
Jewish God. This doxology is a fitting climax to the sequence of this book are not always best served by insisting on one
of stories, encapsulating its recurrent theme: eternal exclusive meaning. Surrealism is no respecter of logic.
kingship, power to deliver, v. 28 extends Daniel's lifetime (7:15—28) In the visions it is Daniel's turn to be perplexed and
into the next kingdom (according to the book's historical dismayed and to seek the interpretation. The beasts are said to
scheme), that of the Persians. No story, but the final vision be kings and not kingdoms—whereas the 'little horn' on the
(chs. 10—12) is set under Cyrus. fourth beast is clearly one king and the beast a kingdom! Is
The Vision of the Four Beasts and the Final Judgement this a sign of an earlier story about kings (as suggested for ch.
(7:1-28) 2) ? Another question is whether the 'holy ones of the Most
High' who 'receive the kingdom' are human or heavenly.
In this chapter the narrative passes from third person to first, 'Holy one' is often applied in biblical and post-biblical writ-
and instead of interpreting signs given to others, Daniel re- ings to angelic beings. Is the envisaged final kingdom earthly
ceives the signs and has them interpreted by a heavenly being, or heavenly? Chs. 10—12 portray each nation as having its own
in the manner of the book of Zechariah. The first vision takes angelic 'prince', suggesting that kingdoms have both heav-
up the four-kingdoms sequence of Dan 2 and focuses on the enly and earthly aspects. What would a kingdom of all the
final judgement and annihilation of these kings/kingdoms. angels mean in this context? But Daniel is not consistent
Again, however, we find signs of an earlier account being throughout and plays with different conceptions of the gov-
revised, particularly with regard to the 'little horn' on the fourth ernment of the earth and also of the final state of affairs. The
beast, suggesting a more ancient story being updated to fit the focus quickly moves to the fourth beast (v. 19). Several dis-
time of Antiochus IV. The chapter utilizes many mythical crepancies with the vision report also appear. The beast has
themes, possibly of Judean rather than Babylonian origin. now acquired bronze claws, and the 'little horn' wages war
(7:1-8) v. i links the vision to the preceding stories with its with the 'holy ones' (v. 21). In v. 26 it is the little horn that is
smooth transition to first person, and its reuse of the phrases judged, not the fourth beast. We have details of this king's
'visions of your head as you lay in bed' (see 2:28; 4:5, 10, 13). career intended, no doubt, to identify him as Antiochus IV.
Since the apocalyptic visions of chs. 7—12 are pseudonymous, There are many candidates for the 'three kings' of v. 24
due care must be taken to explain how Daniel's words were depending on whether succession or conquest is meant; the
preserved, so 'he wrote down the dream'; see 12:4 also. The 'changing of sacred seasons and the law' presumably refers to
four winds... the great sea' (v. 2): the sea symbolizes chaos Antiochus' imposed reforms of the Jerusalem cult, and the
before creation (see Gen 1:2), and the winds may represent (a) 'time, two times and half a time' (the first of a series of oblique
the four corners of the earth, from which the kingdoms come, reckonings in the book) predicates three and a half years for
(b) forces stirring up a storm, and/or (c) a divine creative force his domination of the 'holy ones'.
DANIEL 568
The Vision of the Ram and Goat (8:1-27) and deals with confession of sin rather than a request for
(8:1-14) Curiously, although dated to the reign of Belshazzar, illumination. Here distress appears to be due not to a pre-
ruler of Babylon, the vision is set in the capital of the subse- ordained plan but to Israel's sin, and divine intervention will
quent Persian empire (see Esth 1:2, 5; 2:3, 5), and describes occur not when the timetable prescribes but once Israel has
conflict between two beasts, one with two horns from the east repented. The importance of the dating (v. i) is that Darius
(?) charging north, west, and south, the other from the west. comes to the throne after seventy years have passed from
The goat overcomes the ram (w. 5—7), and, following ch. 7, Jerusalem's destruction. The prayer, in better biblical Hebrew
horns representing kings sprout from its head, with one little than found in the rest of Daniel, is similar in content and
horn distinguished for its aggression, especially towards structure to the prayer contained in i Kings 8:15-53, Ezra 9:6-
the 'beautiful land', i.e. Judah (w. 8-9). It defies the 'host' 15, Neh 9:6—37, and in other early non-biblical Jewish texts as
(the heavenly beings). In particular this horn confronts the well as in the present Jewish Day of Atonement liturgy. Apart
'prince of the host', removes his daily sacrifice and overthrows from 1:3 'Israel' occurs in Daniel only in this prayer. However,
his sanctuary: a clear reference to the Jerusalem cult, of which w. 3, 21, and 23 make it clear that a prayer (whether or not
the twice-daily offering (the tamid) was the regular basis—and actually recorded) belonged to the story. Whether originally
which figures prominently in the remainder of the book. Also incorporated or inserted later, it was probably composed in-
prominent will be the question of the duration of the desecra- dependently. The prayer expresses a typical Deuteronomic
tion, here defined in an angelic conversation (w. 13-14). The theology: Israel has ignored the warnings of prophets, aban-
calculation is expressed in tamid sacrifices (which were offered doned the covenant, and been exiled accordingly. The curses
morning and evening): 2,300 means 1,150 days, or three years of Deut 27 are referred to in v. n. The reference to the Exodus
and about three months (not quite the three and a half years of (v. 15) is also a Deuteronomic theme, as is the notion of the
7:25, and different from subsequent calculations inch. 12). divine 'name' being present (v. 18).
(9:21-3) Again, 'the man' Gabriel is the messenger and as in
(8:15—27) The interpreting angel is now named as Gabriel, ch. 8 comes at the time of the second twice-daily temple
depicted in human form (g-b-r in Hebrew can mean 'man', sacrifice. The explanation involves interpreting a week of
though the whole name means 'God is my strength'). As in seven days as a 'week' of seven years. The total period is thus
Zech 2:8 he is instructed to speak by a second voice. The two 490 years. This formula is implicit in the notion (Deut 15, Lev
animals are interpreted as the kingdoms of (Media-)Persia 25) of a 'sabbath year' in every seven. Calculations of epochs in
and Greece, who warred from the sixth to the fourth centuries, history according to sabbath-years are found in other contem-
until Alexander the Great (d. 323; the goat's one horn) con- porary Jewish literature such as Jubilees (a jubilee is seven such
quered the whole Persian empire. He had four successors, cycles, forty-nine or fifty years).
reducing to three and finally two kingdoms, Egypt (Ptolemies)
and Syria (Seleucids). The 'prince of the host' of v. n, inter- (9:24-7) marks the seventy years with crucial events: a prob-
preted as the 'prince of princes' is probably Michael, not the lem is that the calculation that follows begins only with the
High God himself (see 10:21—11:1; 12:1); see also v. 25 'prince of decree of Cyrus (by which time Jerusalem had been desolate
princes'. Two meanings of'people of the holy ones' are pos- for about fifty years. Even then the total number of weeks is
sible: (a) the nation belonging to the angels (angels = 'holy seventy and a half (493^ years)! The end of seven weeks
ones') or, more probably, since all the nations have their (forty-nine years) pass before a high priest ('anointed prince')
angels, (b) nation of holy people. But in attacking the Jews is installed (since there were no kings, only high priests were
he rises up against their patron Michael and will be destroyed anointed). After 434 more years a high priest is killed (this
by heavenly force (v. 25). The vision is referred to (v. 26) as 'the would seem to refer to the murder of Onias III, recorded in 2
vision of the evenings and mornings', alluding to the twice- Mace 4:23—8), and the sanctuary destroyed. For seven years
daily tamid sacrifice, and Daniel is told to 'seal up' the vision, the destroyer, who is to be identified with Antiochus IV (Epi-
i.e. to roll up the scroll on which it is written and fasten it, to be phanes) makes a pact with 'many' and for three and a half
opened only at the time to which it refers (see 12:9). years the temple is desolated. The 'abomination that deso-
lates' is the altar to Zeus that Antiochus has erected in place of
The Mystery of Jeremiah's Prophecy (cj'.i-2'j) the altar. 9:27, the end itself is not described, but it represents
the end of Jerusalem's desolation, and of the sin that brought
(9:1—3) In 5:31 'Darius the Mede' takes the kingdom from it, the beginning of eternal goodness, the fulfilment of proph-
Belshazzar; here he is said merely to be Median 'by descent' ecy, and the reconsecration of the temple: this is equivalent to
and succeeds Xerxes (Ahasuerus), the name borne by several the end of the historical sequence foreseen in chs. 2 and 7, but
Persian kings (as was Darius). Nevertheless, since ch. 10 dates focused on temple, holiness, and Jerusalem, not on world
from Cyrus, the first Persian king, the book is still dealing empires.
with a Median empire between the Babylonian and the Per-
sian. The mystery to be solved here lies not in a vision but in a The History of the World as a Heavenly Conflict
scroll of Jeremiah's prophecies which Daniel is studying and (10:1-12:13)
which contains a prediction that Jerusalem's devastation will This final section is in poor Hebrew, and may represent a
last seven years (see Jer 25:11—12; 29:10). Daniel seeks an rather poor translation from an Aramaic original. Several dif-
answer by praying, using symbols of penitence. ficulties in interpretation may be due to translational errors.
(9:4—20) The prayer is thought by many scholars to be a later The section, covering three chapters, barely sustains the
insertion because its theological attitude is unique in Daniel, vision-interpretation scheme, and runs more like a lightly
 569 DANIEL

disguised narrative of historical events, which the modern Seleucids (Syria) and Ptolemies (Egypt), whose kings Daniel
historian (and ancient reader, no doubt) can identify. But it refers to as respectively the 'king ofthe north' and 'king ofthe
also offers an interpretation of history as a 'great conflict' south'. Judah was first ruled by Ptolemies, though the Seleu-
(10:1) that combines the idea of a preordained sequence and cid kingdom was larger (v. 5); in about 250 BCE an alliance by
a struggle between nations: heavenly beings representing marriage of the two kingdoms was made (v. 6) but later
each nation fight for the supremacy of their people. The idea Ptolemy III (called Euergetes) made huge inroads into the
of each nation having its own divine patron is found in Deut Seleucid territory (w. 7—8). Seleucus II recovered the territory
32:8-9 (following, with most scholars, the reading ofthe LXX (v. 9).
'sons of God' rather than 'sons of Israel'), and the idea that (11:10-13) describes the efforts of Seleucus II and Antiochus II
heavenly politics determine events on earth is also found in ('the Great') to conquer the Ptolemaic kingdom. In 200 BCE
several Jewish writings ofthe Graeco-Roman period. For ex- Antiochus defeated the Ptolemies and took Samaria and
ample, according to i Enoch 1-6 and Jubilees 5:1-11, sin came Judah.
into the world as a result of rebellion in heaven and the
descent (voluntary or enforced) of some angels to the earth (11:14—19) In the struggle over control of Judah, Judeans were
(see also Gen 6:1—4). That human fate is determined by divided in their allegiance. Who the 'violent' or 'lawless' ofv. 14
heavenly events is in any case generally a common notion in are is unclear, and what they tried to do ('fulfil the vision'); but
the ancient world, though in monotheistic Judaism it ac- the writers of Daniel (who may have been pro-Ptolemaic)
quired particular features, such as the emergence of an arch- presumably opposed them. w. 16—17 allude to Antiochus'
rebel or opponent, variously called Satan, Mastema, and Be- arrival in Jerusalem as its ruler and another marriage alliance
lial. But in Daniel this figure makes no appearance; his role is with Egypt. Antiochus' ambitions were frustrated by the Ro-
taken by the rebellious human king. However, the effective mans who forced him to leave Asia Minor (the 'coastlands',
agent on Israel's behalf is now no longer God but its own v. 19).
angel, Michael. (11:21—9) Antiochus IV is the 'contemptible person' ofv. 21,
(10:1—9) w- I—4 date me final vision from the first Persian who tries to restore the kingdom reduced by the Romans. The
king, Cyrus (see 1:21 and 6:28) after a three-week fast. The 'ruler/prince of the covenant' (v. 22) is probably the high
bank ofthe river as the site of revelation may depend on Ezek priest Onias III, murdered by a pro-Seleucid rival (see 9:26).
1:1. The description ofthe heavenly messenger (w. 5—9) is His campaign against Egypt is referred to in v. 25, and the
influenced by various texts in Ezekiel (especially chs. i and 9); abortive peace negotiations in w. 26-7. Peace will not come
Acts 9:7 may in turn be influenced by the account of Daniel's because the allotted time for the denouement of history has
reaction here. not come (v. 27). At the centre of this denouement is the 'holy
(10:10-11:1) w. 10-12 point out that understanding of mys- covenant' (v. 28). But the final events are taking place as and
teries is given only to those who desire it and prepare for it, when decreed: 'at the time appointed' (v. 29).
whether by praying or fasting. It is not bestowed without (11:30—5) records Antiochus' measures against Judah. After
merit. Even though wisdom according to Daniel does not being driven from Egypt by the Romans (Kittim, v. 30), he
mean acquisition of knowledge by study or instruction (as in stopped the twice-daily burnt-offering sacrifice, dismantled
Proverbs) but by revelation of heavenly secrets, it none the less the altar and replaced it with one to Zeus (the 'abominating
demands a religious discipline (as already shown in ch. 9). desolation', as in 9:27), and forbade practice of traditional
The first hint of heavenly warfare comes in v. 13: the angel Jewish religion, making alliances with like-minded Jews
(Gabriel, according to 11:1) was prevented from coming (for (whom the writer calls 'violators ofthe covenant', v. 32). How-
the same time Daniel was fasting!) by the Persian 'prince' ever, those who remained loyal, led by 'the wise' (who must
(angel), now fighting against Israel's patron Michael (who include the writers of Daniel), would resist, suffering punish-
appears only here in the OT). Thus, while in chs. 1-6 the ment and death (w. 32-4). The'little help'they received (v. 34)
one divine kingdom is that which passes from nation to na- may have been the violent (and ultimately successful) resist-
tion, here sovereignty is continually contested, now between ance led by the Maccabees. But the writers are not interested
Jews and Persians and soon between Jews and Greeks (v. 20). in such military actions. The end would come about by divine
w. 15-20 perhaps relate a commissioning of Daniel in a quasi- intervention, and meanwhile the 'wise' suffered so as to be
prophetic role (cf Isa 6:7 for the touching of lips). Daniel is to 'purified' (v. 35). The goal of history, earlier in the book identi-
assume a prophetic role as writer of a book of predictions fied with the supremacy ofthe nation (ch. 2) is now focused on
(12:4). 'Do not fear' and 'be strong' are frequently reassur- the destiny of righteous individuals.
ances in time of war (e.g. Deut 31:6, Josh 10:25); war, as Daniel
(11:36—45) merely summarizes the preceding account. The
learns, is now the perpetual state of things until the end. v. 21
account ofthe end of Antiochus' career (w. 40-5) does not
introduces the 'book of truth' in which all preordained history
correspond to the actual course of events. 'At the time ofthe
is inscribed (see 12:1).
end' (v. 40) appears to denote what for the authors still lies
(11:2—4) mentions three more Persian kings after Cyrus: immediately ahead. It envisages an attack from the 'king of
although historically there were many more, the OT mentions the south' (Egypt), with huge retaliation. The 'king of the
only four in all. The last, who campaigns against Greece, may north' will enter the 'beautiful land' (Judah, v. 41), and though
be Xerxes. Judah's traditional enemies will be spared, he will extend his
(11:3—9) clearly refers to Alexander the Great, who died in 323 power into and beyond Egypt (w. 42—3), but reports of trouble
and from whose empire evolved (v. 4) the two kingdoms ofthe from the north and east will force him angrily to retrace his
DANIEL 57°
steps. Pitching his war-tent in Judah, between the Mediterra- the 'desolating abomination'. In w. 5—13 Daniel witnesses,
nean and Jerusalem (v. 45) he will meet his end. In fact then joins, a conversation about the calculation of the remain-
Antiochus died campaigning in Persia and did not conquer ing time. At first he overhears it (as if it were a secret not to be
Egypt. On the basis of this passage scholars assign the directly told to humans, even to him). Although only one of
composition of Daniel to between 167, when the 'desolating the persons he sees is explicitly said to be 'clothed in linen'
abomination' was set up, and 163, when Antiochus' death (angelic dress, see 10:5) both are presumably heavenly beings.
must have been known in Jerusalem. (But for evidence that Forthe 'bank of the stream' see DAN 10:4. The formula 'a time,
the book was updated during this period, see DAN 12:5-13.) two times, and half a time', repeats 7:25 and corresponds to
(12:1) The death of the great and final oppressor and the end of the last half-week (three and a half years) of ch. 9. True to the
the last kingdom is no longer of interest. Rather, the character of the book, Daniel does not understand this (fairly
final resolution now concerns the respective fates of right- transparent!) calculation and so yet another interpretation is
eous and wicked and the calculation of the time when the asked for. The rather puzzling question (we would expect him
end will come. On the death of Antiochus, the patron angel to ask for the 'explanation' rather than the 'outcome') is one
Michael will 'stand' or 'arise', which may mean not more possible instance of a defective translation from an original
than 'appear' or 'act'. Reference to a 'time of distress's/blowing Aramaic text into Hebrew. In fact we get a repeat, though not
this is curious, but may refer to prophecies of such a time just of the conversation in w. 6-7. First come the contents of
in Isa 33:2; Jer 14:8; 15:11; 30:7, all of which associate the v. 4, reiterating the sealing of the book (v. 9), then a repetition
phrase with a decisive divine rescue, and intend to identify of the 'refining' of 11:35, then a resumption of 12:4 where the
Michael's rise with that promised divine intervention 'running back and forth' and increase of evil is changed so that
rather than predict fresh misery. But the deliverance will now the wise do understand, but not the wicked, while the
only be for some, not all: 'everyone found written in the wicked continue to act wickedly. Finally comes a more detailed
book', presumably in a heavenly record of the names of the calculation of the time of the end, in terms of days, and dating
righteous. The possibility that these names were written from the day on which the tamid sacrifice was abolished and
beforehand, the righteous being predestined, cannot be the 'abominating desolation' set up. But there are two differ-
ruled out, given Daniel's strong attraction to predetermin- ent answers in w. n and 12, and both differ from the 1,150 days
ation. of 8:14 and at least one differs from the three and a half years
of 9:27 (and 12:7). An obvious explanation is that someone,
(12:2-4) Resurrection is explicitly affirmed only here in the
after 1,290 days had elapsed, recalculated, while still hoping
OT, though belief subsequently spread, until it finally became
(or insisting) that the time was near. The sense of a disap-
orthodox Jewish doctrine. But who is to be revived? 'Many'
pointment is perhaps conveyed by the phrasing of v. 12:
appears to mean only 'some', but it includes righteous and
'Happy is the one who waits' (cf Ps 1:1).
wicked. The scenario makes best sense if we see the problem
being addressed as one of justice. There are those who have (12:13) The exilic past with its author Daniel, and the future
suffered undeservedly and those who have sinned without are finally sewn together in v. 13 as Daniel himself is told to go
punishment. Both groups must be revived so that justice and die, awaiting his reward as he rises along with his succes-
can be administered. But those outside these two categories sors, the 'wise' of the present (i.e. end) time. For Daniel, of
will remain dead. The 'land of dust' (as the Heb. has it) may be course, serves throughout this book as the archetype of the
a poetic expression for the grave (Gen 3:19 has both words) or authors, the maskilim, of the time of distress under Antiochus,
mean Sheol, the place where the dead exist as shadowy spirits who saw their duty, as had Daniel, in withstanding persecu-
(see Ps 16:10; 55:15; 86:13). Among those to live forever the tion and 'making many righteous'.
'wise' have a special place, for they are the religious leaders. The book of Daniel is generally thought to have bequeathed
The language of'wise' (Heb. maskil) and 'making many right- to its obviously literate and knowledgeable second-century
eous' is derived from the description of the Servant in Isa 52-3. BCE readers, whether or not they were supposed to accept its
Wisdom and righteousness are virtually equated (Daniel ancient origin and recent 'discovery', an affirmation that an
being the paragon of each). 'Like the stars' is probably a end had been set and that suffering was not in vain. Yet the
metaphor rather than indicating an angelic status, since it is lack of specific information about the manner and time of the
parallel to 'shine like the brightness of the sky'—though the end, the disappearance of the orderly regime of chs. 1-6, and
idea of the righteous dead being like angels is found in 12:25 with it the High God who made and sustained order, and the
(Mt 22:30; Lk 20:35). Th£ notion of a hidden book, revealed retreat from historical triumph into trans-historical vindica-
just before the end time, is a common feature of apocalyptic tion all seem to betray an anxiety that suggests hope, rather
and apocryphal literature in which books attributed to authors than conviction, in an imminent happy ending. Paradoxically,
of antiquity appear only recently to have been publicized. in a book compiled in the middle of a confrontation between
Hence the author is commanded to hide the book until its Hellenistic and traditional models of Judaism, the notion of
contents need to be known, and thus is Daniel commanded a personal ethical responsibility, an interest in the meaning
in v. 4 (and v. 9). In the meantime, evil will increase, and (or lack of it) of history, and a hope for personal survival
few will understand what is happening; if 'run to and fro' is beyond death mark it as anything but a reactionary and con-
taken from Am 8:12, it probably refers to a lack of divine servative book; its authors were learned and innovative, and
guidance. very much a product of the age of cultural change which
(12:5—13) The other theme of ch. 12, 'how long?', occupies Hellenism brought to Judah as well as to the rest of the ancient
most of w. 5-13. Ch. 9 suggested three and a half years from world.
 571 HOSEA
REFERENCES Day, J. (1985), God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press).
Caquot, A. (1955), 'Sur les quatre betes de Daniel VII', Semitica 5: Emerton, J. A. (1958), The Origin of the Son of Man Imagery', JTS NS
5-J3- 9:225-42.
Collins, J. J. (1993), Daniel, Hermeneia (Minneapolis: Fortress). Wills, L. M. (1990), The Jew in the Court of the Foreign King (Minnea-
Davies, P. R. (1976), 'Daniel Chapter Two', JTS 27: 392-401. polis: Fortress).

27. Hosea J O H N DAY

INTRODUCTION
A. Historical Background. 1. Hosea prophesied in the second injustice, corruption, and hypocritical religiosity, Hosea
half of the eighth century BCE from the reign of Jeroboam II of hoped for restoration after judgement and concentrated his
Israel (£.787—747) to that of Hoshea (£.731—722), the last king anger on the religious syncretism of the Baalized YHWH cult
of Israel. Although ch. i and perhaps ch. 4 reflect the long, and the political follies of coups d'etat and foreign alliances.
peaceful reign of Jeroboam II, much of the book dates from Whilst the differing historical circumstances of the two
the period of coups d'etat which afflicted the northern king- prophets partly explain these differences, some of them are
dom in its last decades following his death. Cf 7:7, 'All of them attributable to their differing temperaments.
are hot as an oven, and they devour their rulers'.
2. Jeroboam II was succeeded by his son Zechariah, who B. Hosea's Marriage and its Meaning. 1. One important ques-
was murdered after only six months' rule (£.747-746) and this tion the book of Hosea raises is the problem of the prophet's
ended the dynasty of Jehu, which had ruled for almost a marriage: how do chs. i and 3 relate to one another? Ch. i is a
century. His slayer Shallum was himself struck down after third-person narrative in which God commands Hosea to take
only one month (£.746) and was succeeded by Menahem a wife of whoredom and have children of whoredom. He
(£.746-737), who paid tribute to the newly aggressive Assyrian subsequently marries Corner, who bears three children, their
ruler Tiglath-pileser III (745—727). His son Pekahiah ruled sign-names symbolizing judgement for Israel. Ch. 3 is a first-
£.737—736, but was assassinated by his captain Pekah, who person narrative in which Hosea is told to 'love a woman who
reigned £.736-731. This event is probably reflected in 6:7-9, is beloved of a paramour and is an adulteress, just as the Lord
with its reference to bloodshed in Gilead, since Gilead is loves the people of Israel, though they turn to other gods and
where the rebellion started. love cakes of raisins' (RSV). The woman is unnamed. We then
3. Pekah made an alliance with Rezin, king of Syria (the read that the prophet bought her and put her under discipline
Syro-Ephraimite alliance) in order to besiege Jerusalem under for a while (prior to the full restoration of the relationship).
King Ahaz with the intention of putting on the throne one 2. An explanation common among the Church Fathers and
willing to join an anti-Assyrian alliance. Ahaz (rejecting medieval Jewish rabbis, but no longer followed, was that
Isaiah's advice, cf Isa 7) appealed to Tiglath-pileser III, who Hosea's marriage was not a literal event, but purely symbolic,
intervened, annexing Galilee, Gilead, and much of the coastal either an allegory or a dream. However, it does not read like an
plain from Israel and exiling part of the population in £.733, as allegory or a dream, and some details, such as the name
well as destroying Damascus in 732. The internecine strife Corner, have no obvious symbolic significance.
between Judah and Israel then is reflected in 5:8—15. 3. One minority view maintains that chs. i and 3 are parallel
4. Next Hoshea (£.731-722) assassinated Pekah, and pur- narratives, one concentrating on the children, the other on the
sued a pro-Assyrian policy for a few years, paying tribute to the wife. But against this (i) 3:1 seems to represent this chapter as
Assyrian king, Shalmaneser V (727—722), but later paid trib- the sequel to ch. i. Whether we read 'The LORD said to me
ute to 'So king of Egypt' instead (2 Kings 17:4). Consequently, again, "Go, love a woman..." ' (NRSV) or 'The LORD said to
the Assyrians invaded Israel, imprisoned Hoshea (possibly me, "Go again, love a woman..."' (RSV), we seem to have a
alluded to in 13:10), and besieged Samaria for three years, reference back to ch. i, suggesting that ch. 3 follows on from it.
capturing it in 722. Thus ended the northern kingdom of (2) The analogy between YHWH's love for Israel, though the
Israel; 27,290 prisoners were exiled by Shalmaneser V's suc- people have been faithless to him, and Hosea's love for the
cessor, Sargon II, in 720. These last years of the northern woman in 3:1, makes sense only if the woman had previously
kingdom are echoed in Hosea's references to the changing been his wife and subsequently been unfaithful to him. This
shift of alliances between pro-Assyrian and pro-Egyptian pol- implies that 3:1 is not describing the beginning of the mar-
icies, e.g. 7:11, 'Ephraim has become like a dove, silly and riage, which the view that it is parallel to ch. i requires. (3) In
without sense, they call upon Egypt, they go to Assyria'. 3:3—4 the woman undergoes a period of discipline before the
5. The northern kingdom's end was predicted by Hosea, marriage is (re)consummated, which does not fitch, i (cf. 1:2—
who saw this as YHWH's judgement on Israel's sin. Hosea 3, which reads as if sexual relations were established immedi-
has often been compared with Amos, who a little earlier ately).
(£.760-750) likewise prophesied judgement on Israel. 4. Another minority view holds that Hos 3 describes Hos-
Whereas Amos had little hope for the future (Amos 9:11-15 ea's relations with a woman other than Comer (Rudolph
is a later addition) and concentrated his invective on social 1966; Davies 1992). This seems unlikely, again in view of
HOSEA 57 2

3:1. Hosea's loving the woman is parallel to YHWH's loving 3. The Hebrew text of Hosea has often been thought one
Israel, though they turn to other gods. Therefore, for the of the most corrupt in the OT Nowadays, the amount of
symbolism to work, the woman must have been Hosea's emendation thought necessary is less than was often
wife and previously unfaithful to him. believed in the past. However, we should not go to the other
5. The most commonly accepted and natural view is that extreme, like Macintosh (1997), who avoids emendation at
ch. 3 is the sequel to ch. i (Rowley 1963; Mays 1969; Wolff all costs.
1974; Macintosh 1997). Hosea, we are to understand, married
Corner and had one or more children by her. At some stage
COMMENTARY
she committed adultery, but eventually Hosea succeeded in
wooing her back, though the marriage was not reconsum- (1:1) Superscription This is a typical editorial addition to the
mated until after a period of discipline. The theological sig- beginning of a prophetic book. The divine origin of Hosea's
nificance of these events for Israel is spelled out in ch. 2, message is affirmed, and Hosea's ministry is dated to the
which depicts Israel as YHWH's wife, who goes whoring after reigns of Judean and Israelite kings. The Judean kings are
her lovers (the Baals), bearing children of whoredom, but listed first, even though Hosea was a northerner, suggesting
eventually YHWH succeeds in wooing her back, whilst im- Judean redaction. Strangely, Jeroboam (II) is the only north-
posing a disciplinary period before the relationship is fully ern king listed; Hosea prophesied many years after his death
restored. down to the 7203. But Jeroboam's successors had short reigns
6. Hosea has been much studied recently by feminist and to have listed them all would have required adding an-
scholars (see Brenner 1995). The prophet's references to other six names.
'whoring' have been much criticized, but his use of this image (1:2—9) The Children of Hosea's Marriage with Corner Here
is not anti-women, since it is applied to the nation as a whole Hosea marries Comer and three children are born bearing
(e.g. Hos 5:3, 6:10), and presumably had particular reference sign-names of judgement for Israel. Comer is described (v. 2)
to the male political and religious leaders. as a wife of whoredom bearing children of whoredom, v. 2,
C. The Book and its Redaction. 1. Probably most of the book of probably the description of Comer as 'a wife of whoredom' is
Hosea goes back to the prophet himself, his words having proleptic and describes her future behaviour. Cf. 2:4, where
been first gathered together either by himself or his disciples. the term is applied to Israel following her abandonment of
The book is in the form of poetic oracles apart from the two YHWH. Another view is that Hosea married a common or
narratives about Hosea's marriage in 1:2—9 an(^ 3:I~5> an(^ me cult prostitute. In 1:3 Hosea's wife is called Comer, the daugh-
introductory and concluding verses 1:1 and 14:9. The third- ter of Diblaim. Neither name has any apparent symbolic
person narrative in ch. i clearly betrays the hand of an editor. significance, which supports their historicity and argues
The book falls into two broad sections, chs. 1-3 relating to the against a merely allegorical or visionary understanding of
prophet's marriage and what it symbolized for Israel, and chs. the events. The first child, Jezreel, is the only one explicitly
4—14, which contain oracles of judgement (and later salvation) stated to be Hosea's (cf. w. 6, 8), which may or may not be
for Israel. Chs. 4-14 may have some broad chronological basis significant. Jezreel, the first son (v. 4), is named after the city of
for their ordering. Jezreel, the scene of Jehu's bloody massacres, £.842, that
2. After the fall of Samaria Hosea's words were preserved ended Omri's dynasty (2 Kings 9:1—37; 10:1—n). Jehu's actions
and edited in Judah. A first stage of redaction was added, were supported by the prophet Elisha and his followers, but
probably sometime after 700 BCE, indicating that unlike Is- Hosea condemns this sanctified murder. Jezreel (modern
rael, Judah was still faithful and would be preserved (1:7; Zer'in) has been excavated.
n:i2fc). Then, either after or just before the fall of Judah in Lo-ruhamah, the name of the daughter, means 'not pitied'
586, a few glosses were added proclaiming that Judah too (v. 6). v. 7 is a pro-Judean gloss. Its reference to God's saving
would fall because of its sins. Hosea's original words of judge- Judah without military force may well reflect Jerusalem's
ment were thus given a new lease of life by being applied deliverance from the Assyrians in 701 (cf. 2 Kings 19:35—7).
specifically to the southern kingdom (4:150; 5:5/7; 6:na; io:nfc; Lo-ammi, the name of the second son, means 'not my people'
I2:2»). Other glosses envisage a future united kingdom of (v. 9).
Judah and Israel under a Davidic monarchy, clearly betraying (1:10-2:1 (MT 2:1-3)) Oracle of Salvation: The Reversal of
a Judean outlook (Hos 3:5; cf 1:10-2:1, esp. 1:11), and were Judgement These verses primarily reverse the negative mean-
presumably added in the sixth century or later. Other addi- ings of the names of Hosea's children and apply them to the
tions are the superscription (1:1), believed to derive from nation. They resemble the hopeful message of 2:21—3, though,
Deuteronomistic circles; n:ioc, predicting the return of the unlike the latter, are generally considered redactional. The
western exiles, an idea surprising in the eighth century; and promise in 1:10 of numerous progeny echoes the promises
the Wisdom-type saying concluding the book in 14:9. It has to the patriarchs (Gen 22:17; 32:12). The name of Hosea's son,
occasionally been supposed that passages expressing future Lo-ammi, 'not my people', is now reversed and the people are
hope for northern Israel after judgement in Hosea are also to be 'children of the living God'; cf. 2:23. v. n predicts 'one
later editorial additions, and not authentic to the prophet head' for Judah and Israel. Cf. 3:5, where another Judean
himself. However, the passages do not stand out awkwardly redactional addition anticipates a future united Davidic mon-
like the happy ending in Amos or the pro- and anti-Judean archy, which could be in mind here. Although it is sometimes
glosses in Hosea itself. (For some different ideas on the supposed that v. n reflects Hosea's own ideas, it is more
redaction of Hosea see Emmerson 1984.) probably redactional, since Judah is mentioned first and the
 573 HOSEA
idea is absent in Hosea's salvation oracles in chs. n and 14. will no longer call YHWH 'my Baal', but 'my husband', and
'For great shall be the day of Jezreel' reflects Hosea's reversal the names of the Baals will be mentioned no more (w. 16—17) •
of the negative implications of the name for the nation—cf The second speaks of YHWH as the mediator of a covenant
2:22-3. m 2:I me names Lo-ammi, 'not my people', and Lo- with the animals and the abolition of war from the land, when
ruhamah, 'not pitied', are reversed to Ammi, 'my people', and YHWH will take Israel as his wife forever (w. 18—20). Finally,
Ruhamah, 'pitied', and applied to the people as a whole; cf. the implications of the names of Comer's three children are
2:23. The people addressed, following LXX, are 'your brothers' reversed, thus signifying the restoration of fertility to the land,
and 'your sisters', i.e. the nation, not 'your brother' and 'your YHWH's pity, and Israel as YHWH's people (w. 21-3).
sister' (NRSV, etc.), which might suggest simply Hosea's Inv. 16 the future Israel will call YHWH 'my husband' ('isi),
children. not 'my Baal' (befall). This indicates that in Hosea's time
(2:2-15 (MT 4-1?)) Indictment of Israel, the Unfaithful Wife YHWH could be called 'Baal' and was in danger of being
YHWH's relationship to Israel is here depicted as one of confused with him. Cf. the personal name Bealiah, 'Baal is
husband and wife. Israel has been unfaithful to YHWH and YHWH' (i Chr 12:5). In v. 18 YHWH is the mediator of a new
gone whoring after her lovers, the Baals, from whom she covenant with the animal world. This could imply either the
expects to receive grain, wine, oil, and other products, not banishment of wild animals from the land (Ezek 34:25-8; Lev
realizing these come from YHWH (w. 5, 8). Consequently, 26:6), or the paradisal transformation of wild animals (Isa
YHWH will strip her naked (w. 3, 9-10), block the way to her 11:6-9). 'Take as wife for ever...', v. 19: the verb refers to the
lovers so she cannot find them (w. 6—7), withdraw the grain, legally binding agreement that preceded the wedding. In
wine, etc. (v. 9), and put an end to her religious festivities w. 22-3 the significance ofthe names of Hosea's three children
(w. n, 13). She will then seek to return to him and YHWH will is reversed, so as to symbolize hope for Israel (cf 1:10-2:1).
allure her in the wilderness, cause her to respond to him Jezreel ('God sows') will betoken fertility for the land.
there, as at the Exodus, and bring her into Canaan anew YHWH will have pity on Lo-ruhamah ('not pitied'), and will
(w. 14—15). Some think the more hopeful note in w. 14—15 say to Lo-ammi ('not my people'), 'You are my people'.
implies that it belongs rather with w. 16—23, but against this (3:1—5) Hosea and his Wife This chapter is a first-person
stand the third-person form of address found also in w. 2-13 narrative (unlike the third-person ch. i) in which Hosea is
and the 'Therefore' in v. 14 (cf. w. 6, 9). Furthermore, hope is told to love an adulterous woman, just as the Lord loves Israel,
already anticipated in v. 7. The words of v. 2, 'for she is not my though they turn to other gods. As noted (HOS 8.3, 4), the
wife, and I am not her husband', are not a divorce formula, parallelism here only makes sense if the woman had pre-
contrary to the view of some. There would be no point in viously been married to Hosea and gone astray from him,
divorce, since the point of the proceedings was to regain the i.e. she was Corner. That she is unnamed, unlike in ch. i, is
wife (v. 2b, 'that she put away her whoring from her face'). not significant, since the first-person ch. 3 comes from a
Stripping a wife naked (v. 3) was a punishment the wronged different hand from the third-person ch. i. Hosea bought
husband could inflict, mentioned also in w. 9-10. The phrase the woman and put her under discipline for a while, symbol-
'children of whoredom' (v. 4) occurs at 1:2, of Comer's chil- izing Israel's lack of cultic paraphernalia (cf. God's luring
dren, but now it refers to the Israelites. Some scholars place Israel, bringing her into the wilderness in 2:14).
w. 6—7 between w. 13 and 14, but though this position might v. i can be translated either 'The Lord said to me again, "Go
seem more logical, it is unjustified; Hosea's thought some- love a woman..."' (NRSV) or 'The Lord said to me, "Go
times flits around. again, love a woman..." ' (RSV). Either way there is a clear
Grain, wine, and oil (v. 8) were the chief agricultural pro- reference back to ch. i. 'Other gods' corresponds to 'Baals' in
ducts of Israel but the people did not realize they came from 2:13, 17; 11:2, whilst the raisin cakes that Hosea condemns
YHWH, attributing them rather to Baal who was the great must have been associated with Baal worship. In 2 Sam 6:19
Canaanite storm and fertility god, believed to be dead during they are eaten in a Yahwistic cultic context. The reference in
the hot, dry summer season and risen from the dead in the v. 2 to Hosea buying the woman probably alludes to the bride-
wet, winter season. The words 'that they used for Baal' are price. A homer equalled 10 ephahs (between 15 and 40 litres).
probably a gloss, because we have 'Baal', not 'Baals' here, and NRSV, REB, NEB 'a measure ofwine' is based on LXX; MThas
the third-person plural verb is foreign to the context. The 'a lethech of barley' (RSV etc.). A lethech was half a homer, v. 4
Baals (v. 13) were local manifestations of the god Baal, also describes Israel's temporary deprivation of king, prince, sac-
mentioned in 2:17,11:2. This is the first time Hosea alludes to rifice, pillar, ephod, and teraphim. Scholars debate whether
Israel's 'lovers' as the Baals, v. 15, the Valley of Achor (lit. Hosea considered them legitimate or not, but the parallel
trouble) was associated with the stoning of Achan (Josh deprivation of God's good gifts (2:9, n) suggests that at least
7:24—6). Its precise location is uncertain, but it was near some, and maybe all, were held legitimate. The ephod is here
Jericho, at the entrance into Canaan, and is perhaps at Wadi probably an object used in divination (cf. i Sam 23:6; 30:7).
Qilt. Elsewhere it can be the name of a priestly garment (i Sam
(2:16-23 (MT l8~25)) YHWH's Remarriage with Israel and 2:18; 22:18), and eventually it became part ofthe high priest's
the Restoration of Well-being Here, the imagery of YHWH dress (Ex 25:7). Teraphim were figurines of gods in human
and Israel as husband and wife continues, but the dominant form used in divination, at first regarded as legitimate (i Sam
note is hope. YHWH will renew his marriage bond with Israel 19:13, 16), but later disapproved (2 Kings 23:24). v. 5 finally
and everything will be well. There are three units here, each describes Israel's return to YHWH, and corresponds to the
containing the words 'on that day'. The first predicts that Israel hopeful conclusion of ch. 2. Israel's return to 'David their
HOSEA 574
king' is probably a Judean redactional addition, since the associated with the calf-cult (10:5). The words 'Do not let
northerner Hosea is unlikely to have supported the Davidic Judah become guilty' are probably a gloss. In v. 16 Israel is
monarchy. Also, 'in the latter days' probably reflects later like a stubborn heifer: this is one of a number of Hosea's
Judean eschatology. sayings employing nature imagery. The text of w. 17-19 is
uncertain in parts.
(4:1-19) YHWH's Indictment of Priest and People This
chapter begins (w. 1—3) with a general divine indictment (5:1—7) Judgement on a Faithless Nation and its Leaders w. 1—7
against Israel for its lack of knowledge of God. The indictment continue ch. 4's description of the apostasy of the leaders
is continued in w. 4-6 specifically against the priests, who are and nation, w. 1-2 condemn not only the priests (mentioned
blamed for the people's lack of knowledge of God, and a in ch. 4), but also the 'house of the king', w. 3-7 then describe
further oracle against the priests continues in w. 7—10. the apostasy of the whole nation.
w. 11-14 f°cus on the cult, which is condemned for being v. i oddly includes the 'house of Israel' between the specific
pervaded by a spirit of whoredom as well as literal cult prostitu- groups of the 'priests' and the 'house of the king', w. 1-2
tion, w. 15—19 also condemn Israel's whoredom, manifested employ hunting images to describe the leaders' entrapping
in the cult and idolatry. the people at Mizpah, Tabor, and Shittim. Probably there were
'Indictment', v. i (rib) is a legal term. The absence of know- sanctuaries at these sites and cultic sin is alluded to, though
ledge of God in the land is an important theme in Hosea (4:6; precise information is lacking. Mizpah is probably Tell en-
5:4; 6:6). 'Knowledge of God' is not mystical knowledge of Nasbeh in Benjamin. Tabor is a striking dome-shaped moun-
God (as in the NT), but an awareness of his basic moral laws, tain in Galilee. Shittim in Transjordan was associated with
and a practical keeping of them—summed up in hesed, 'stead- apostasy to Baal of Peor (Num 25:1—5), with which Hosea was
fast love', v. 2 castigates 'murder', 'stealing', and 'adultery', the familiar (9:10). w. 3-7, the leaders having set a bad example
same terms used in the sixth, eighth, and seventh command- (w. 1-2), Hosea now describes apostasy amongst the whole
ments of the Decalogue (Ex 20, Deut 5); also mentioned are people, v. 5/7 extends the judgement to Judah, and is doubtless
'swearing' and 'lying', equivalent to the sins found in the third a gloss.
and ninth commandments. Scholars debate whether Hosea (5:8—6:3) Israel's Sickness unto Death and Hosea's Exhort-
refers specifically to the Decalogue. If it is older than Hosea ation to Repentance This section concerns the period of the
(and Ex 20 has traditionally been ascribed to the Elohist Syro-Ephraimite war (735-733 BCE) and its aftermath (733-731)
source, £.750), he could have done so, but recently some (see HOS A.3). In 5:8—15 Hosea describes the internecine strife
scholars have dated it later. By way of judgement 'the land of that period between Judah and Israel and expresses divine
dries up'—'dries up' is a better translation of the verb 'bl here judgement on both. YHWH will inflict sickness and death on
than the usual 'mourns', v. 5, 'the prophet also shall stumble the nation, but in 6:1-3 predicts it will revive if they accept his
with you by night' is probably a gloss; prophets are nowhere exhortation to repent.
else mentioned in this chapter and some other glosses contain 5:8—10 reflects the movement north of Judean troops into
'also' (5:5; 6:11). northern-Israelite/Benjaminite territory during the Syro-
'Thing of wood' or 'staff, v. 12 (RSV) is probably an abusive Ephraimite crisis, and this is condemned. At the same time,
description of a wooden idol used in divination, possibly the the northern kingdom is condemned for its self-inflicted
Asherah. Though sometimes seen as rhabdomancy (divin- wound in going after 'vanity' (Heb. uncertain), which refers
ation by sticks), this is unlikely since it is only rarely attested in to its attack under Pekah (with the Syrians under Rezin) on
the ancient Near East. REB 'diviner's wand' and NRSV 'divin- Judah in the time of Ahaz. At 5:12 translate 'Therefore I am
ing rod' are unlikely, v. 13 alludes to the sanctuaries known in like a moth to Ephraim', as traditionally (RSV), not 'maggots'
the OT as 'high places' (Hos 10:8) and the description of (NRSV) or 'festering sore' (NEB, REB), which have bee
sacrifices taking place on mountains and under trees recalls proposed for 'as on the basis of an alleged Arabic cognate.
the frequent phrase 'on every high hill and under every luxuri- Certainly 'as means 'moth' in Job 13:28, where it is parallel
ant tree' (cf Jer 2:20; NRSV's 'green tree' is incorrect). Con- with raqab, 'rottenness', as here. The thought is compressed:
tinuing with the high places, v. 14 alludes to 'cult prostitutes' just as a moth is to a garment, so will YHWH be to Israel. 5:13
(RSV) there. The word literally means 'holy ones' (qedesot) and mentions Ephraim's going to Assyria, which refers to Hos-
the parallelism with 'harlots' (zonot) here and elsewhere (Deut hea's submission to Tiglath-pileser III in 731. Judah under
23:17-18; Gen 38:15, 21-2) establishes the meaning as 'cult Ahaz appealed to the Assyrians too (even though this is not
prostitutes'. We cannot say much about their precise role, but explicit here), following the northern Israelite and Syrian
they seem to have had some connection with the Baal fertility invasion of Judah (2 Kings 16:7-8; cf. Isa 7). The Assyrian
cult. There is no reason to doubt their existence, as some ruler is referred to as 'the great king' (similarly Hos 10:6): the
scholars have done recently—in addition to the OT we have Hebrew is unusual (mdck yarlb), rendered incorrectly by AV
references to them in many (admittedly mostly late) classical and RVas 'King Jareb'.
sources, as well as in Mesopotamia, where they were particu- Israel's hoped-for restoration is depicted in 6:1—3, which
larly associated with the goddess Ishtar. In v. 15 Hosea rejects raises two highly debated questions. First, with regard to who
Gilgal and Beth-aven (i.e. Bethel), both sites of sanctuaries. is speaking it has been suggested: (i) that these are the words
Gilgal (Khirbet el-Mefjir, near Jericho) is also condemned in of the Israelites, but that they are insincere. However, the
9:15 and 12:11, there specifically in connection with sacrifices. language is so full of genuine Hoseanic images and the
Beth-aven, literally 'house of evil', is a derogatory name for sentiments so similar to Hosea's exhortation to repentance
Bethel (modern Beitin; cf. 5:8, 10:5), the leading sanctuary in ch. 14, that it is difficult to regard the words as insincere. (2)
 575 HOSEA
Some suppose these are the words that Hosea hopes the ness. The words reapply Hosea's message to Judah at a later
Israelites will say, but 'saying' (RSV) is lacking in the Hebrew date. 'Harvest' is an image for judgement. In 6:11/7—7:2
at the end of 5:15 and the parallel with ch. 14 also tells against YHWH states his willingness to restore the fortunes of Israel,
it. So (3) is most likely—this is Hosea's own exhortation to the but cannot because of their wickedness. Samaria (7:1), first
people, like 14:1-3. mentioned here in Hosea, was the capital of the northern
The second debated question is whether Hosea's imagery is kingdom since the ninth-century King Omri (it has been
of resurrection from death or simply healing of the sick. In excavated); sometimes it stands for the remaining rump
favour of the former are: (i) elsewhere when the verbs 'revive' northern kingdom (cf. 10:5).
(hiphil ofhyh) and 'raise up' (hiphil of qum) appear together, The treachery involved in one of the coups d'etat is reflected
they denote resurrection (Isa 26:14, J 9> J°b I 4 :I2 > 14); ( 2 ) 6:5 in 7:3—7, possibly when Hoshea overthrew Pekah (£.731). The
speaks of Israel as slain; (3) there are impressive parallels passionate intrigue of the conspirators is compared to the heat
between chs. 5-6 and 13-14 (lion image, 5:14, 13:7-8; exhort- of a baker's oven (cf. 7:4, 6, 7). It has sometimes been sup-
ation to return, 6:1; 14:1; dew or rain imagery, 6:3; 14:4), and posed that Hosea was opposed to kingship in principle, but it
since in ch. 13 it is clearly a case of death (w. i, 9, 14), this is more likely that it was the behaviour of contemporary kings
should also be the case in chs. 5—6 (cf. Ezek 37 for death and that he opposed.
resurrection as symbolic of exile and restoration). Probably The section 7:8-12 returns to condemning Israel's foreign
Hosea has appropriated the imagery of Israel's death and alliances. These devour Israel's strength (7:8), a probable
resurrection from the dying and rising god Baal. This is allusion to Assyria's annexing some of Israel's territory in
supported by 13:1, 'he incurred guilt through Baal and died', 733. The fact that Israel calls upon Egypt as well as Assyria
and the association of the resurrection with rain in 6:3. 'After (7:11) probably indicates a date after Hoshea's appeal to Egypt
two days... on the third day' means 'after a short while'; cf. in £.725. At 7:13-16 Israel's religious apostasy is again con-
'etmdl silsom, 'formerly', literally, 'yesterday, the third day'. demned. There is an interesting reference in 7:14 to the ritual
(6:4^7:16) Israel's Corruption, Political and Religious This practice of people gashing themselves for grain and wine.
section contains loosely connected oracles mostly concerned (The translation 'they gash themselves' follows LXX and
with Israel's political, but also religious, corruption. 6:4-6 some Heb. MSS instead of MT, 'they assemble themselves'.)
enunciates Israel's failure to live up to YHWH's demand for Lacerating oneself is prohibited in Deut 14:1 (cf. i Kings
steadfast love and knowledge of God; 6:7—10 recalls crimes 18:28), but was part of the Baalistic cult. The beginning of
perhaps associated with Pekah's rebellion; 6:na is a Judean 7:16 is unclear: perhaps emend to 'They turn to Baal', which
gloss, applying YHWH's judgement to the southern kingdom; fits the context, though other suggestions have been made.
6:11/7-7:2 explains how Israel's corrupt deeds prevent YHWH (8:1—14) A Catalogue of Israel's Sins Here Hosea recounts the
from restoring her; 7:3—7 describes vividly the court intrigues sins which will lead to judgement on Israel, w. 1—3 begin in
leading to the overthrow of a king; 7:8—12 rejects foreign general terms, proclaiming that Israelhas broken God's coven-
alliances; finally, 7:13-16 condemns religious apostasy. ant and transgressed his law. The specific sins are unauthor-
The statement at 6:4-6 has often been thought to be ized changes of rulers (v. 40), making of images, especially the
YHWH's response to Israel's insincere repentance in 6:1—3, (golden) calf cult (w. 4/7—6), Israel's foreign alliances (w. 8—10),
but, as noted, it is not insincere, but contains Hosea's own sacrificial worship (w. 11—13), an(^ trust in fortifications rather
exhortation to repentance. Rather, 6:4-6 reflects Hosea's re- than YHWH (v. 14).
sponse to the people's current plight prior to any possible v. i is significant because, along with Hos 6:7, it contains
repentance such as that depicted in 6:1—3. Hosea's famous the only explicit mention of the word 'covenant' (Heb. berit)
words in 6:6 elevate the importance of right moral behaviour to describe YHWH's relationship with Israel in the eighth-
above ritual. As in similar passages in other prophets (Isa century prophets. Although some have argued that the notion
1:10-17; J er 7:2I~3; Mic 6:6-8), it is probably not sacrifice per of covenant was a later invention ofthe Deuteronomists, there
se that is rejected, but hollow and meaningless worship (and are good grounds for seeing it as authentic to Hosea here and
syncretistic worship in Hosea's case). 'Not this but that' can in 6:7 (Day 1986). Also in v. i 'trumpet' is better rendered
mean, 'That is more important than this'. Obscure allusions 'ram's horn'. 'One like a vulture' is the probable translation
to crimes at various locations are contained in 6:7-10. Gilead (retaining MT) and seems to be an image for the invader's
(v. 8) was in Transjordan and Adam (v. 7, read with NRSV 'at swiftness, v. 43 refers to the frequent coups d'etat of Israel's
Adam', not 'like Adam') was a town in the Jordan valley in the final years after the death of Jeroboam II. Then, in 8:4/7-6, in
region of Gilead. Since Pekah's rebellion in £.735 started in condemning images, Hosea focuses especially on the calf
Gilead (2 Kings 15:25), we may have allusions to it here. v. j's cult, claiming that the calf is not a god and will be destroyed
words, 'But at Adam they transgressed the covenant' are sig- (cf. 10:5—6; 13:2). In referring to the calf as Samaria's (w. 5, 6)
nificant, since, together with 8:1, we have here the only explicit the prophet probably means the province of Samaria (i.e. the
reference to YHWH's covenant with Israel in any of the northern kingdom), not the capital city (cf. 10:5). Jeroboam I
eighth-century prophets. It has sometimes been supposed had set up golden calves in Bethel and Dan in £.930 (i Kings
that the covenant referred to here is rather a political treaty, 12:28—30) to lure the north away from the Jerusalem temple.
but against this note that elsewhere 'transgress a (political) The calf cult at Dan probably ended in 733 when Assyria
treaty' is heperu berit, not 'aberu berit as here. (See Day 1986.) annexed part ofthe northern kingdom. Probably the golden
v. ua is an anti-Judean gloss. Other glosses also contain 'also' calves were originally symbols of YHWH, not a pagan god,
(cf. 4:5 and 5:5) and its lame brevity challenges its genuine- and had been acceptable to many Israelites. It is sometimes
HOSEA 576

maintained that they were merely pedestals of the deity, but evil of theirs began at Gilgal; there I came to hate them.' It is
this is unlikely. Hosea insists, 'it is not God', which would be uncertain whether we should translate as past tense (as
meaningless if everyone regarded it as simply a pedestal. NRSV) or with present tense. Also, the evil referred to at Gilgal
Probably the calf image goes back to the supreme Canaanite is unclear. Elsewhere Hosea refers to cultic misdemeanours
god El (called 'Bull El' in the Ugaritic texts) with whom there (4:15; 12:11) so that may be the case here. If the tense is
YHWH was equated (cf. Bethel, 'house of El'). Aaron's golden past, the reference may be to the Baal-peor incident alluded to
calf (Ex 32) is probably a back projection from i Kings in v. 10, which Mic 6:5 says extended 'from Shittim to Gilgal'.
12:28-30. Others envisage political misdemeanours, whether referring
w. 8-n condemn Israel's foreign alliances, a repeated in the past to Saul, who was made king at Gilgal (i Sam 11:14—
theme of Hosea's (5:13; 7:8—9, n; 12:1; 14:3). In particular he 15), or to some contemporary event, as might be suggested by
condemns the alliance with the Assyrians: this probably refers 'all their officials are rebels'.
to Hoshea's submission to the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser (10:1-8) The Coming Downfall of Cult and King Hosea here
III in 731. This fits v. 9, 'Israel is swallowed up; now they are anticipates the downfall of the nation's institutions, both re-
among the nations as a useless vessel', as Tiglath-pileser III ligious and political. Characteristically, he flits from one to the
exiled part of Israel in 733 (2 Kings 15:29). The translation of other: w. 1—2, 5—6, 8 envisage the end of the cult and w. 3—4,7
8:iofc is uncertain: RSV follows LXX, 'And they shall cease for highlight the futility of the monarchy and its foreign alliances
a little while from anointing king and princes.' w. 11-13 reject and anticipate the end of Israel's king.
Israel's sacrifices on account of the people's sin; probably For the image of Israel as a vine (v. i), cf. Isa 5:1—7, Ps 80:8—
sacrifices are not rejected per se (cf. HOS 6:6). Finally, v. 14 16 (MT 9—17). The 'pillars' (massebot) of w. 1—2 were sacred
rejects Israel's trust in fortifications rather than in YHWH. pillars at the high places, and symbolic of the male deity.
(9:1—9) Exile will Bring an End to Israel's Festal Worship Originally they were acceptable (Gen 28:22), but later they
These verses form a prophetic diatribe, unlike 9:10—13,15—16 were condemned (Deut 16:22). The covenants opposed in v. 4
and most of ch. 8, where YHWH speaks in the first person. The are probably treaties made with foreign nations (cf. 12:2). w. 5—6
prophet condemns the festal worship and predicts that exile in predict judgement on the calf of Beth-aven, i.e. Bethel (see
Assyria and Egypt will bring it to an end. Hosea's words lead HOS 8:5-6). 'Calf (v. 5) follows Greek and Syriac—Hebrew,
the people to think he is a mad prophet (v. 7), to which he strangely, has feminine plural, feglot. For v. 6's 'great king',
replies in v. 8. Israel's return to Assyria and Egypt is predicted see HOS 5:13. The 'high places' (Heb. bamot) of v. 8 were local
in v. 3, whilst v. 6 emphasizes simply the return to Egypt. This sanctuaries where the syncretistic practices condemned by
latter verse's detail suggests it is meant literally, not symbolic- Hosea took place. Strangely, in Hosea the term occurs only
ally. In the light of Hosea's message of doom, v. yb quotes the here. Some (e.g. NRSV) take 'awen as a place-name (Aven,
popular view of him as a mad prophet. (Cf. 2 Kings 9:11 and Jer short for Beth-aven, i.e. Bethel), but more likely it has its
29:16 for the perception of other prophets as 'mad'.) v. 8 then normal meaning 'wickedness', because of the plural 'high
presents Hosea's response to this charge with his claim that, as places'.
a prophet, he is rather God's watchman over Ephraim. Inter- (10:9-15) Predictions of War and Disaster This section begins
estingly, this passage challenges the proposal of some recent and ends with judgement oracles (w. 9—10, 13/7—15); in
scholars that the pre-exilic prophets did not actually see them- between are sayings about Israel, using agricultural imagery
selves as prophets and that this was a later Deuteronomistic (w. 11-130).
understanding. The reference at v. 7 to Hosea as 'the man of For 'the day of Gibeah' (v. 9) see HOS 9:9. w. 11-130 illustrate
the spirit' is also of interest, since unlike the 'word' of God, the Hosea's fondness for agricultural images. Within v. n the
'spirit' is mentioned only rarely in the pre-exilic canonical reference to 'Judah' is probably a gloss, extending the words
prophets. to the southern kingdom. Some think v. 14 refers to an inva-
The reference to the people as corrupt 'as in the days of sion of Irbid (Arbela) in Transjordan by King Salamanu of
Gibeah' (v. 9, cf. 10:9) probably alludes to the outrage in Judg Moab, whilst others identify Beth-arbel with a place in north-
19-20, when a Levite's concubine was raped and murdered in ern Israel and see Shalman as the Assyrian King Shalmaneser
Gibeah, which made a notable impression (Judg 19:30). The V. The latter would be a more effective image, since Shalma-
combination of violence and sexual sin makes it appropriate neser V eventually destroyed the northern kingdom as antici-
for this to be paradigmatic for Hosea. A reference to Saul, pated by Hosea (HOS A.4). In v. 15 MT has 'Bethel', but the
whose capital was at Gibeah, is less likely. context of w. 13—15 supports 'house of Israel' with LXX. 'At
(9:10—17) Israel's Sinful History Begets a Barren Future dawn' (NRSV follows MT): RSV 'in the storm' is based on
These verses are primarily in first-person divine speech, un- debatable emendation.
like the preceding and following sections. They describe how, (n:i-n) YHWH's Inextinguishable Love for Israel and Israel's
though YHWH found Israel in the wilderness like grapes Ingratitude This is one of the high points in the OT, depicting
or the first ripe figs, they committed apostasy with Baal-peor God's love in the face of Israel's continued ingratitude, w. i—n
(v. 10), and following in the same train ever since, they are appear to be a unity, apart from v. 10, which is probably a later
destined to infertility (cf. w. 11-14, I ^)- Since Baal was a addition, w. 1-4 depict YHWH's love for Israel from the
fertility god, there is evident irony here. Exodus and Israel's ingratitude, sacrificing to the Baals, w. 5—7
v. 10 speaks of Israel's apostasy to Baal-peor, recalling Num prophesy the divine judgement and Israel's exile, w. 8—9
25:1—5. 'Shame' (Heb. boset) is a euphemism for 'Baal', v. 130 is then mark a shift, not only in the move from YHWH's speak-
difficult and various renderings have been given, v. 15, 'Every ing of Israel in the third person to addressing it directly, but in
 577 HOSEA
its poignant depiction of the anguish of YHWH's love so that (J). A second allusion to Jacob's ambition comes in 12:3/7—40,
he cannot totally destroy Israel. Finally, w. 10—n depict Israel's recalling Jacob's wrestling with God/an angel at Penuel (Gen.
subsequent deliverance from exile. 32:22—32), though Hosea's reference to Jacob's weeping there
v. i speaks of YHWH's call of Israel, his son, at the time of is unattested in Genesis. The third allusion is to God's meet-
the Exodus (cf Ex 4:22; Deut 14:1). In w. 3-4 YHWH's tender ing with Jacob at Bethel (12:4/7), attested in both Gen. 28:10—
care for the infant Israel is more characteristic of a mother, 22 (J) and 35:9-15 (P).
and feminist scholars have suggested YHWH is depicted with At 12:7—8 the theme of Israel's deceit is continued, but
female imagery (cf. Isa 66:12-13). This maybe, though the OT without explicit allusion to Jacob. With their condemnation
never directly calls YHWH mother, but only father, v. 5, the of Israel's commercial corruption these verses are reminis-
threat of exile in Egypt and Assyria is a repeated theme in cent of Amos. 12:11 condemns two sites, Gilead, perhaps as in
Hosea (7:16; 8:8—10,13; 9:3, 6). v. 7 contains a textual problem: 6:8 for its part in Pekah's rebellion, and Gilgal for its sacrificial
NRSV has 'To the Most High (fal) they call', but 'al is possibly a cult. 12:12 returns to citing the tradition about Jacob, this time
corruption from ba'al (Baal). in connection with his flight to Aram (Syria), where he served
In w. 8—9, one of the most moving passages in the OT, for his wives (Rachel and Leah—cf. Gen 29:15—30). The point
YHWH struggles with himself, and the anguish of his love is not wholly clear, but it probably hints at Israel's embroil-
finally dictates that he cannot totally destroy Israel as he did ment in foreign alliances and exile, since 12:13 contrasts
Admah and Zeboiim (these being two cities of the plain Moses' leading of Israel out of Egypt. Moses is called a 'proph-
destroyed alongside Sodom and Gomorrah: Deut. 29:22—3; et' (taking up the theme of prophets in 12:10), the first time in
cf. Gen 10:19; I 4 :2 > 8). This does not negate the promise of the OT he is so called. Moses is later called a prophet in Deut
judgement, but means that Hosea foresees it as not final; 18:15, J8; 34:10, one of a number of instances in which Deu-
rather it has a chastening effect on Israel. In the literal sense teronomy stands in the tradition of Hosea.
this contradicts some other passages where YHWH says he (13:1—16 (MT 14:1)) Death for Israel Ch. 13 is pervaded by
will destroy Israel (13:9, 16), but even there subsequent re- Israel's death. This is primarily future, but in v. i is already
storation is envisaged (ch. 14). Interestingly, Hosea implies a present. This is a metaphor for Israel's end, specifically with
degree of divine suffering; contrast the denial of divine suffer- reference to exile. The chapter divides into three sections,
ing in some early Church Fathers, v. 10 is probably a later w. 1—3, 4—8, and 12—16, beginning with a historical retrospect
addition, alluding to a return of Israel's western exiles: other establishing Israel's guilt (w. 1—2,4—6,12—13) an(^ concluding
prophetic references to an ingathering of western exiles are with a declaration of judgement (w. 3, 7-8, 14-16). To the
post-exilic (Isa 11:11; 60:9; Joel 3:6-7; Ob 20). v. 10 is probably second oracle is appended a mocking condemnation of the
a later amplification of Hosea's authentic prophecy of return monarchy (w. 9—11).
from exile in v. n (reversing the threat of v. 5). The statement in v. i that Israel'incurred guilt through Baal
(11:12—12:14 (MT 12:1—15)) Israel's Perfidy and Kinship with its and died' is ironical. Baal was a dying and rising fertility god,
Ancestor Jacob In the MT ch. 12 begins with 11:12 of the and Israel has died through worshipping him (to be followed,
English versions and this represents a better chapter division. after repentance in ch. 14, by resurrection). The current 'death'
Allusions to Israel's lies and deceit in 11:12 clearly belong with probably alludes to Tiglath-pileser Ill's exile of part of the
ch. 12 (cf. w. i, 3, 7). Much of ch. 12 is pervaded by Israel's northern kingdom in 733. The end of v. 2 is a little uncertain:
deceit and unfaithfulness, and interestingly, Hosea associates NRSV is probably right, with partial LXX support, to read
this with the character of Israel's ancestor, Jacob (w. 2-4,12). ' "Sacrifice to these", they say. People are kissing calves!' For
Hosea here shows knowledge of traditions about Jacob very the calf cult, cf. 8:5—6 and 10:5—6. In devouring Israel (w. 7—8)
similar to those contained in the J source in Genesis. In YHWH is compared with various wild beasts. YHWH as a lion
contrast stand God's prophets (12:10), including Moses, who (w. 7-8) is found also in the similar passage in 5:14. v. 10
led Israel out of Egypt (12:13). Th£ chapter is essentially a possibly refers to the period after £.725 when King Hoshea
unity, though there are later glosses, both pre- and anti- was imprisoned by the Assyrians. There may be a play on his
Judean, in 11:12/7 and 12:20. The translation of 11:12/7 is uncer- name (meaning 'salvation') in the words 'that he may save
tain, but it seems to contrast Judah's faithfulness with Israel's you'.
infidelity. That 'Judah' is a gloss in 12:2 is supported by the In v. 14 YHWH declares he will hand Israel over to the
play on the name Israel as well as Jacob in v. 3, which supports power of Death (Sheol). The interrogative particle ha is lack-
'Israel', not 'Judah' being original in v. 2. In 12:1 the oil carried ing, so the ancient versions (followed by Paul in i Cor 15:33)
to Egypt probably alludes to an Israelite gift to induce Egyp- understood the sentiments positively: T shall ransom them
tian support, rather than being part of the ritual of treaty- from the power of Sheol...', but this does not fit the context
making. 12:2 introduces the verses about Jacob with 'The (cf. 'compassion is hid from my eyes' at end of verse). In v. 14
Lord... will punish Jacob according to his ways', indicating Israel is in the grip of Death (mawet) and Sheol, whilst in v. 15
the remarks about Jacob are intended to be critical. Jacob's Israel's 'fountain will dry up, his spring will be parched'. This
overweening ambition was first manifested in the womb ultimately reflects Baal mythology, for in the Ugaritic Baal
when he sought to supplant his brother Esau (12:30). The myth, after Baal goes down into the realm of Mot (Death), the
word 'supplant' (ycfdqob) here plays on the name of Jacob. land becomes dry and parched.
Cf. Gen 25:26 (J), where Jacob takes Esau by the heel ('aqeb), In v. 15, read probably 'among the rushes' ('ahu) with NRSV
and 'aqab (supplant) is used rather in connection with rather than MT's 'among the brothers' ('ahim), as it fits the
Jacob's taking Esau's birthright and blessing in Gen 27:36 nature-based imagery better.
JOEL 578
(14:1-8 (MT 2-9)) Repentance and Restoration As is charac- rejected in the same context and that the Canaanite goddess
teristic of OTprophetic books, the final chapter of Hosea ends Asherah, worshipped by the Israelites, was symbolized by a
happily, anticipating Israel's future repentance and restor- stylized tree, may indicate that Hosea is appropriating her
ation, w. 1-3 are the prophet's exhortation to the people to role as a source of fertility to YHWH. The words 'It is I
repent. Following this, in w. 4-8 YHWH promises to restore who answer and look after him' (faniti wa'asurennu) could
Israel; the passage employs striking images from the blos- be a word play on the names of the goddesses Anat and
soming of nature to depict this. Asherah.
In w. 1-3, following the prophecy of Israel's death (exile) in (14:9 (MT 10)) Epilogue This is an editorial postscript in the
ch. 13, there is a call to repentance, just as 6:1-3 has a call to style of the Wisdom writers, reflecting on the message of the
repentance following the description of Israel's illness/death book. It implies that, rightly understood, its words bring bless-
in 5:12—16. In repenting, the people are to confess their guiltto ing, but to the wicked they bring disaster.
YHWH, renouncing their faith in Assyria, military might,
and idolatry (v. 3). Following its repentance, v. 4 gives a beau-
tiful depiction of Israel's future national restoration, depicted REFERENCES
under the imagery of the growth and blossoming of nature.
Brenner, A. (1995) (ed.), A Feminist Companion to the Latter Prophets, A
Somewhat similar imagery is used of the restoration of Israel
Feminist Companion to the Bible, 8 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
in Isa 27:2-6, which is probably dependent on Hos 14 (see Press), 240-1.
Day 1980). Davies, G. I. (1992), Hosea, NCB (London: Marshall Pickering).
The passage has several textual problems. In v. 5 probably Day, J. (1980), A Case of Inner Scriptural Interpretation', JTS NS 31:
retain MT 'Lebanon' (NRSV, etc.) rather than reading libneh, 309-19.
'poplar' (RSV, etc.). In v. 7 probably retain 'his shadow' (1986), 'Pre-Deuteronomistic Allusions to the Covenant in
rather than emending to 'my shadow' (contra NRSV, etc.), Hosea and Psalm Ixxviii', VT^,6:1—12.
and also in this verse read 'they shall grow grain' with MT Emmerson, G. I. (1984), Hosea: An Israelite Prophet injudean Perspec-
(similarly RE B) rather than emending to 'they shall flourish as tive, JSOTSup 28 (Sheffield: JSOT).
Macintosh, A. A. (1997), Hosea, ICC (Edinburgh: T. &T. Clark).
a garden' (contra RSV, NRSV); also, zikro should be rendered
Mays, J. L. (1969), Hosea, OTL (London: SCM).
'their fame' (cf. REB), not 'their fragrance', v. 8 is best Rowley, H. H. (1963), The Marriage of Hosea', in Men of God (London:
translated 'What has Ephraim to do with idols? It is I who Nelson), 66—97.
answer and look after him. I am like a luxuriant cypress, Rudolph, W. (1966), Hosea, KAT (Giitersloh: Mohr).
from me comes your fruit.' It is unique in the OT for Wolff, H. W. (1974), Hosea, ET, Hermeneia (Philadelphia: For-
YHWH to be compared to a tree. The fact that idolatry is tre).ss

28. Joel CARL-A. K E L L E R

INTRODUCTION
A. Structure. We may divide the book into twelve literary units. God Announces the Effusion of his Divine Energy Amidst
Units are identified by two criteria: subject-matter and the Disruptions of Cosmic Order; the Prophet Adds an
identity of the speaker. The style of prophetic oracles is quite Exhortation (2:28-32)
particular in so far as sometimes God himself is the speaker of God Announces the Restoration of Judah and Jerusalem,
a message, the prophet being nothing but his mouthpiece, and Judgement over the Nations (3:1—8)
whereas on other occasions it is the prophet who explains the God and the Prophet Describe the Final Battle Against the
plans and actions of his Master. In the first case, the T' of the Nations (3:9-17)
text refers to God, and in the second, the T' is the prophet, who The Prophet Announces a Glorious Future for Judah and
refers to God in the third person. With the aid of these prin- Jerusalem (3:18—21)
ciples we obtain the following units:
The first eight units, mostly words of the prophet,
The Prophet Announces Destruction by Locusts (1:2-4) concern Jerusalem and Judah, whereas the last four,
The Prophet Describes the Invasion of a Strange 'Nation' mostly words of God, treat the relationship between
and Exhorts People to 'cry to YHWH' (1:5-14) God and all the nations. They are divided up differently in
The Prophet Describes the Drought Caused by the Day of the HB: 3:1—5; 4:1—8; 4:9—17; 4:18—21. The book is made
the Lord (1:15-18) up of two parts: is it a unity or the work of at least two
The Prophet's Prayer (1:19—20) authors? But the idea of the day of the Lord is central to
The Prophet Praises the Day of the Lord: the Lord is both parts and establishes a strong link between them;
Coming at the Head of his Army (2:1-11) moreover, there are some expressions and ideas ('Judah
The Prophet Explains a word of YHWH (2:12-14) and Jerusalem', 'to sanctify'; the question of fertility) which
The Prophet Summons the People to Fast (2:15—17) occur in both sections. So we may consider the whole as
God and the Prophet Announce Mercy and Prosperity one in thought and speech. There is no reason either to
(2:18-27) doubt that it is a single author's work.
 579 JOEL
B. Background. Nothing is known about Joel (which means and fear. Joel has splendid and awful visions of this manifest-
'YHWH is God'), son of Pethuel (which perhaps means 'Man ation which strikes the people of God and all the nations.
of God'). Most scholars think that he lived in the middle of the Moreover, the theophany has cosmic dimensions: it is 'thick
fourth century BCE, but their arguments are open to criticism. darkness' and brings about the disappearance of the sun, the
The following observations pointto a date shortly before 600. moon, and the stars (2:10; 3:3-4; cf. 3:16). On earth, it causes
Israel, the northern kingdom, has disappeared, but Judah and drought, famine, and sheer anguish. Similar descriptions of
Jerusalem still exist (3:1): this detail agrees with the situation the 'day' are found in Am 5:18—20; Zeph 1:7—18; Isa 13:6—16;
of the seventh century BCE. Moreover, the expression 'Judah Ob 15-16; Mai 4:5).
and Jerusalem' alludes to the political status of the city and the 2. The effusion of divine energy (of the spirit of YHWH) 'on
countryside which were not the same: the city, conquered by all flesh' is one of the phenomena which concur with the
David, was more closely related to the reigning dynasty than divine manifestation, and causes profound changes to the
the province which had freely submitted to David and his minds and behaviour of humans (see JOEL 3:1-2).
successors (see Alt 1953: 116-34). Th£ absence of an allusion 3. But with Joel, the destructive power of the manifestation
to the king is not surprising, as there are many oracles which is merely the unavoidable background for renewed blessings.
do not mention a king (though see the collection in Isa 1:1). On The theophany is an invitation to 'return to God', to pray and
the other hand, 3:1-8 offers arguments which suggest the end to implore God's mercy (1:13-14; 2:12-14). And God responds
of the seventh century (between 630 and 600). During the faithfully to faithful prayer. Thus Joel confirms the central
final years of the seventh century, the declining power of the structure of OT thought: the experiential movement which
Assyrians encouraged the small states along the Mediterra- leads people from darkness to light, from suffering to joy,
nean coast, Tyre, Sidon, and the Philistine towns, to join from death to life.
hands in order to make incursions into Judaean territory, to
D. The Abiding Value of the Book. 1. The prophecy of Joel was
carry away whatever they found and to sell the booty, includ-
probably occasioned by the devastating incursion of a huge
ing men, women, and children, to the Greeks (3:4—6).
swarm of locusts (1:2-12), but the oracles are essentially the
Archaeological evidence testifies to trade relations between
utterances of a man whose word has the creative power to
Phoenicia and Greece at the end of the seventh and the
make things happen (see JOEL 1:2—4). Many incidents of Is-
beginning of the sixth century. The language of the book is a
raelite history prove that prophetic discourse was a means to
final and decisive argument in favour of an early date. It is
change destinies. It aroused fear and repulsion when it was
throughout classical, living, pre-exilic Hebrew. The Hebrew of
gloomy, and happiness when it promised a bright future.
the fourth century (Nehemiah; Ecclesiastes) is rather rigid
Joel's prophetic word creates calamities; it is effective when it
and gives the impression that it was no longer a living idiom.
describes the day of the Lord, and when it indicates the path to
We consider the Book of Joel in its entirety as a piece of
salvation.
creative prophetic discourse (see JOEL D. i). Other interpret-
2. In that sense, Joel stands as a creative word which over-
ations have also been offered. Some scholars divide the book
rules all contingencies. Not dependent on a particular event,
into at least two parts. They think that chs. 1—2 contain the
it is non-historical and can exercise its powers anywhere and
reactions of the prophet to an invasion of locusts, whereas
at any moment. Later readers internalized this and found that
2:28-3:21 was added by a later author who belonged to the
it led them from suffering and feelings of deprivation,
'apocalyptic' tradition, describing events of the end times.
through repentance and prayer, to the joy of renewed com-
This 'apocalyptic' author is also thought to have enriched
munion with the merciful Lord.
chs. i—2 with allusions to the Day of the Lord. But the divide
between prophetic and apocalyptic discourse is extremely
tenuous and the notion of the Day of the Lord is an ancient COMMENTARY
one found also in pre-exilic prophecy. On the other hand, Joel
(1:1) For the names, see f DEL B. The word of the Lord 'came': it
features none of the characteristics of the great apocalyptic
is active, and even the prophet's own words are powerful
texts such as books of Enoch: ascensions and periodizations of
because the Lord's word is acting through them.
history. The announcement of a judgement is not specifically
apocalyptic, it is rather an essential part of prophetic literary (1:2—4) The Locusts The 'elders', citizens with full rights,
resources. Other scholars read Joel as a liturgy used on the and the entire population must listen: the prophetic word
occasion of an invasion of locusts. There are undoubtedly concerns everybody. 'Has this [Heb. contra NRSV 'such a
liturgical elements in it (see JOEL D. 2), and the book (at least thing'] happened in your days': no, it has never happened
chs. 1—2) might indeed have been used as a liturgy, but there is but it happens now, through the very word of the prophet.
no indication that this was actually the case. This newly created event is a thing to be remembered (and
thus re-enacted) by future generations, v. 4 presents an
C. The Message of Joel. 1. The pivot of the prophet's message unsolved riddle: do the four terms for 'locusts' stand for
is the announcement of the day of YHWH. Many scholars four varieties of insects, or for various stages in the develop-
think that this latter notion is rooted in the ideology of ment of one, or do they represent vernacular differences?
YHWH's holy wars; according to this view, the 'day' is the Whatever the answer, it is clear that the accumulation of
great day when YHWH vanquishes his enemies. This hypoth- terms creates the certainty of total devastation.
esis being admitted, we must insist that the Day is above all (1:5-14) Incursion of a Strange 'Nation' The prophetic word
a theophany, a glorious and intruding manifestation of God evokes the havoc wrought by a swarm of locusts and asks
and his uncanny army (2:1—11) which creates feelings of awe drunkards, farmers, growers of fruit-trees, and priests to
JOEL 580
'awake', to fast, to assemble in the temple, and to pray. The asking for is a total engagement of the human being: fasting,
devastation is undoubtedly attributed to locusts, none the less weeping, and mourning as over one's own death, w. 13—14, the
the swarm is called a 'nation' (v. 6), perhaps on account of its prophet, expatiating on this invitation, encourages the people
strict 'political' organization, but more probably in order to and develops some very pertinent theological considerations.
suggest something more than locusts: the attack by a strange (2:15—17) The Prophet Organizes the Ritual Mourning Not
power of which the locusts are but the visible forms. In 2:25, content with a general sermon on God's mercies, the prophet
this 'nation' is, in almost mythological terms, called 'the great orders precise action: a holy ceremony uniting the whole
army of God'. 'Sanctify a fast' (v. 14): the fast is a holy rite people, including children and infants, sanctified by holy rites
which requires mental preparation, an attitude of prayer, and and by holy intentions, assembled for prayer in the temple,
the fully assumed intention to consecrate oneself entirely to under the leadership of the priests (w. 15-170). The prayer he
communion with God. suggests (v. 17/7) corresponds to the prayers of collective
(1:15—18) The 'Day of the LORD' Causes Drought and Despair mourning found in the Psalms.
The 'day of the LORD', the awful manifestation of God (see (2:18-27) With One Voice, the Lord and the Prophet An-
JOEL c), elicits a sigh of despair even from the prophet who is nounce Salvation This passage introduces the final reversal
compelled to evoke it: 'Alas!' In normal times, rich harvests fill of things. The Lord who has manifested the terrible effects of
the temple with joyful songs and dances; the manifestation of his coming, announces now his mercy in favour of Judah and
the 'day' transforms laughter into subdued groaning. Jerusalem. The main thrust of his revelation comes to its end:
(1:19-20) A Prayer of the Prophet The prophet experiences abundant blessings and joy. The proclamation is pronounced
pain along with all those who suffer. The desolation he had alternately by the prophet (w. 18, 21—4, 260) and the Lord
helped to bring about by his prophetic word stirs up feelings of (w. 19-20, 25, 26/7-27). Th£ prophet introduces the
compassion and he is moved to prayer. The prophetic minis- statements by declaring that the Lord has felt 'passionate
try had two sides: to address the people in the name of God, love' (rather than 'jealousy'—a term which does not render
and to talk to God on behalf of the people. Joel does not fail in the real meaning of the Heb. verbal root q-n'). His promise of
this twofold task. He acts in communion with the animals blessings is the answer to the people's ritual mourning.
(v. 20); prophetic prayer never ignores the moaning of the The Lord confirms the prophet's sayings and announces
animal world (cf Jer 14:5-6; Rom 8:19). the blessings the people are waiting for. Moreover, he is going
(2:1-11) The Lord at the Head of his Dreadful Army This is the to 'remove the northern army [northerner] far from you [ from
most vivid description of the 'day of the LORD', that is, of the over and against you]' (v. 20). The 'northerner' (the Heb. does
Lord's theophany or manifestation (see JOEL B). It is like a not have 'army'!) is a mythological term which designates a
terrifying army marching against Jerusalem under the cover superhuman power (note its gigantic dimensions: from sea to
of cosmic darkness (v. 2: the 'thick darkness' mentioned in sea!) residing on a mythological mountain somewhere in the
another foundational theophany, Ex 20:21; Deut 4:11; 5:22; cf. 'north'. Here, the term refers probably to the mythological
also Zeph 1:15). God's action and the action of his army are forces accompanying God's theophany.
invisible to human eyes stricken with blindness. The army is a In w. 21-4 the prophet enlarges on God's promises, inviting
mysterious one. The prophet does not dare to give a clear soil, animals, and trees (note again his solidarity with the non-
description of it. It is anonymous, 'like blackness spread human world, as in 1:20) not to fear but to rejoice over God's
over the mountains' (v. 2), surrounded by fire burning in front loving-kindness. Hethenaddressesthe sameexhortationtothe
of it and behind it (v. 3); the 'soldiers' are something like inhabitants of Jerusalem (w. 23-4). In v. 25, God declares that
horses or like war-chariots (w. 4-5). The prophet avoids clear he will 'repay' (cf. 3:18—21) the damage caused by the swarms
terms, everything is vague and suggests an event which oflocusts, his 'great army', during several years: the cata strophe
eludes human language. But these ghastly warriors are every- is not a momentary one, it strikes serious and lasting blows. In
where, on the roofs, on the walls, through the windows, in the w. 260-27, which may have received additions by a later
houses (v. 9), everyone his own commander, resisting all hand, God reveals the true intention of all his actions: that his
attempts to halt him (w. 7—8). Heaven and earth tremble, people may come to know him and his faithfulness. This
sun, moon, and stars lose their light—darkness everywhere is expressed with the ancient formula which sums up the
(v. 10). But a voice is heard in the night and amidst the terrors: covenental relationship: YHWH is Israel's God, none other.
the voice of the divine commander, the Lord himself (v. n). (2:28—32) The Outpouring of the Lord's Energy The Hebrew
Scholars wonder whether Joel is speaking of a human army or word riiah usually translated by 'spirit', means first of all
of locusts. This question seems out of place. In the passage 'wind' or even 'storm-wind'; ruah is an energy whose effects
under discussion the prophet tries to describe or rather to can be felt and seen. Theologically, this energy is the very life-
provoke a supra-human and cosmic event which is beyond energy of God. In OT history we learn that this divine
human imagination. In so doing, he chooses language which life-energy may suddenly fall on a human—a military hero
seems to allude to the activities of soldiers and of locusts. or a prophet—and enable him to work extraordinary things.
(2:12—14) A Sermon Based on a Word of God This passage Whenever God pours out his divine energy, people are trans-
represents a literary form which we find elsewhere in the formed; they behave like madmen, they dance frenziedly;
prophetic books: the prophet quotes a word of God (v. 12) seized by ecstasy they undress and lie naked on the ground.
and unfolds the meaning of it in his own words (w. 13-14). Moreover, they have visions and enter the heavenly realms. In
In the midst of the terrors of his manifestation, the Lord our text, this divine energy is poured 'on all flesh', on every
invites his people to 'return to him'. The repentance he is member of the chosen people; or on all humans? perhaps
 581 AMOS
even on animals? For this event is a new manifestation of the nations' in the valley Jehoshaphat ('YHWH judges' or
'day of the LORD' (v. 31) and it leads up to yet another manifest- 'YHWH is judge'): the Assyrians who have dispersed Israel,
ation which will be the final judgement over all the nations broken up the northern country, and ill-treated boys and girls;
(3:14). This universal action of God colours the outpouring of and the small nations along the Mediterranean coast who
his energy 'on all flesh'; it changes radically the mind and the have pillaged Judah and Jerusalem and who are guilty of sell-
behaviour of those who are touched by it. 'Sons and... daugh- ing prisoners as slaves to the Greeks. God has decided to
ters' will 'prophesy': possessed and pushed on by this energy, release the victims and to punish the guilty according to the
they will do strange things—things which we see Saul and his principle of the lex talionis.
servants do when they are seized by the same divine energy (i (3:9-17) The Final Battle in the Valley Called 'YHWH judges'
Sam 10:10—13; 19:20—4). Old people will have dreams heavily The programme mentioned in the preceding passage is
laden with meaning, and young men visions giving fresh being carried out: YHWH assembles the armies of all the
spiritual insight (v. 28). The social order will be disturbed or nations and rouses them to fight against his own warriors
rather abolished as everybody, including male and female (v. n). These latter are probably the mythological soldiers
slaves will suffer the same transformations of mind and be- described in 2:1-11. The prophet (it is he who speaks in
haviour (v. 29). While the outpouring of the divine energy w. 9—11) calls upon YHWH to bring down this army again,
produces mad behaviour and social disorder on earth, the at a specific place: 'there'. Further, he does not hesitate to
whole cosmos undergoes frightening transformations: reverse the prophecies announcing the transformation of
'blood, fire, and columns of smoke' (v. 30); the sun loses its swords into ploughshares (Isa 2:4; Mic 4:3), for now the
light and the moon is changed into blood (v. 31). The 'great and atrocious final battle is unavoidable: YHWH has decided to
terrible day of the LORD' brings the world order to its end. manifest his triumph. In v. 12 YHWH adds a word to say that
In the context of the whole passage, the outpouring of he 'will sit to judge' while the battle is raging: the judgement
divine energy is an ambiguous event. People are filled with determines the outcome of the fight. In w. 13—17 the prophet
divine presence and God is revealed to them, but nothing is gives a terrifying picture of the contest which is nothing less
said about the contents of the dreams and visions. The pro- than the manifestation of the day of the Lord with its cosmic
phecy inspires embarrassment and awe. Perhaps we ought to dimensions (w. 14-15). Finally, he reminds his audience that
understand the story of the first Christian Pentecost (Acts 2, YHWH is definitely dwelling in Zion and that he will manifest
where our text is quoted) more in the light of eschatological this fact to all who survive the battle (v. 17). In passing he
revolutions than in that of the current Christian concept of the quotes an exclamation which is also found in Am 1:2, probably
Spirit. a liturgical formula.
The revelation of the Day being terrifying, the prophet feels
(4:18-21) Final Benediction It is a message of prosperity,
compelled to give some concrete advice (v. 32). He proposes a
happiness, and peace for Judah and Jerusalem, whereas
two-sided attitude. First, in the midst of the disturbances,
there is no hope for the enemies of the people of God (v. 19;
continue to invoke the name of the Lord, remain faithful,
see JOEL B).
and trust in YHWH. Secondly, stay in Jerusalem, for there
the Lord will save those whom he chooses. Even this advice is
thus tainted with uncertainty: who will be chosen? REFERENCE
(3:1-8) The Judgement in the Valley Called 'YHWH judges'
Alt, A. (1953), Kleins Schriftenzur Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Munich:
This passage gives concrete information about the historical
C. H. Beck), ii.
background of Joel (see JOEL B). The Lord assembles 'all the

29. Amos J E N N I F E R M. DINES

INTRODUCTION
4:18; Am 9:2-3 echoes Jon 1:3. These and other links suggest
A. Canonical Context. 1:1 sets Amos the prophet in the eighth deliberate arrangement (Collins 1993; Nogalski 1993; Cog-
century BCE, just prior to Assyria's conquest of Israel (Soggin gins 1994).
1987: i; Andersen and Freedman 1989:18—19). Further inter-
B. Outline. From Jerusalem, YHWH judges surrounding na-
nal evidence (e.g. 6:13—14) suggests a period slightly antedat-
tions, Judah, and Israel for 'transgressions'; Israel's crimes
ing Hosea and Isaiah (cf. Hos 1:1; Isa 1:1); hence Amos is often
include oppressing the poor, perverting justice, and resisting
called the earliest 'writing' prophet. But in the Twelve
prophets (1:1-2:16). Mistaken religious attitudes are exposed
('Minor') Prophets, the book of Amos never comes first, either
(3:1—4:13). Israel's only hope lies in 'seeking' YHWH through
following Hosea and preceding Micah (LXX) or following
justice and compassion (5:1—27). Mistaken confidence is
Hosea and Joel and preceding Obadiah (MT). MT's canonical
exposed (6:1-14). Visions, threats, and narrative reinforce
order is perhaps by supposed historical period (Amos is con-
YHWH's judgement; eventually restoration is promised
temporary with all prophets from Hosea to Micah) but not
(7:1-9:15).
chronological priority. Books are linked verbally and thematic-
ally; Amos dovetails with Joel (Am 1:2; Joel 4:16) and Obadiah C. Style and Structure. Amos is mainly poetic in form; see
(Am 9:12; Ob 1-4); Am 9:13-15 resembles Hos 14:4-8, Joel especially 1:3—2:6; 3:3—8; 4:6—11; 9:2—4; other sections are held
AMOS 582
together by various literary devices (e.g. 3:9-15; 5:1-17; 6:1-7). COMMENTARY
Later passages often echo earlier ones (e.g. 6:1—7114:1—3;
7:i5-i6||2:n-i2; 8:4-6||2:6-8; 9:3||i:2), with many cross- Judgement on Nations, including Judah and Israel
references (e.g. 9:7||i:5; 3:2; 9:14115:11), suggesting deliberate (1:1-2:16)
symmetry (Smalley 1979). Other comprehensive structures (1:1) Title Uzziah (Azariah) of Judah reigned (including co-
have been suggested (e.g. Andersen and Freedman 1989: 26; reigns) £.783—735 BCE; Jeroboam II of Israel £.786—746 (Sog-
Paul 1991: 6—7; Bovati and Meynet 1994: 237—8); none ex- gin 1987: i; King 1988: 8). Uzziah's literary priority indicates a
hausts all the possibilities. The outline followed here is: Judean perspective: Amos's prophecy 'concerning Israel' in-
Judgement on Nations, including Judah and Israel (1:1-2:16) volves both kingdoms. The referent for 'Israel' is often un-
Indictment of, and Appeal to, Israel (3:1-6:14) clear; alone, 'Israel' properly refers to the northern kingdom,
Visions, Interpretations, Words of Judgement and Salvation but wider usage, denoting all descendants of Jacob/Israel,
(7:1-9:15) means that Judah is often included, or intended (Andersen
and Freedman 1989: 98-139). NRSV's 'shepherd' is a guess;
D. Composition. The present surprising form of the text (it
emphasizes judgement, but ends with salvation) has been MT's noqed perhaps means 'sheep-farmer' (cf 2 Kings 3:4).
Effectively, Amos is presented as a Judean countryman (cf.
accounted for by several theories, (i) It reflects Amos's real
7:14-15). 'Saw' (haza) is a technical term in prophecy (cf. 7:12,
preaching. His oracles were preserved by disciples; almost
'seer' hozeh). Formally, visions occur only in chs. 7-9; chs. 1-6
everything dates from the eighth century (e.g. Paul 1991).
(2) An eighth-century stratum of judgement oracles against consist of speeches ('words'): both are prophetic. Zech 14:5
echoes this verse, but there is no firm external evidence for
Samaria hasbeen progressively expanded, particularly by a pro-
Judean, anti-Bethel redaction in the seventh century, and an dating the earthquake. Earthquake imagery is, however, im-
portant throughout Amos, symbolizing YHWH's judgement.
idealistically hopeful redaction in post-exilic times (e.g. Wolff
1977; Coote 1981). This is the majority position. (3) Most of the (1:2) Epigraph Amos's first 'word', a hymnic couplet, is partly
writing was done in the post-exilic period, utilizing earlier shared with Joel 4:16, melding the two books and setting
(possibly anonymous) poetic collections and traditions; his- Amos's theme: YHWH's supremacy. YHWH's 'roar' is lion-
torical and biographical information is not necessarily to be like (cf. 3:8); 'utters his voice' suggests thunder (cf. Ps 29).
taken at face value (e.g. Davies 1989: 278, 289). Option (i) Emanating from Jerusalem, this 'voice' reinforces the Judean
seems unlikely, given Amos's integration with the Twelve perspective. The effect is devastation of naturally fertile coun-
which must belong, finally, to the post-exilic period. Option tryside; 'the top of Carmel' (cf. 9:3) is explicitly contrasted with
(2) is plausible, though difficult to establish in detail (e.g. the Zion/Jerusalem, YHWH's power-base.
same verses in 1:3—2:6 have been assigned to different editor- (1:3-2:16) Oracles against the Nations (cf. Num 21:27-30; Isa
ial stages by different scholars). Option (3) plausibly empha- 13-23; Jer 46-51; Ezek 25-32; Zeph 2). 1:3 initiates a collection
sizes the creative role of post-exilic editors; but marked of eight quasi-legal arraignments for war-crimes (Barton
differences between individual prophetic books, and circum- 1980); six nearby nations are accused (see map), then Judah
stantial details (e.g. the description of Amos as noqed in 1:1) and Israel. The numerical expression is idiomatic, probably
perhaps point to the survival of ancient historical elements. indicating an unspecified, cumulative number. The composi-
This commentary takes the position that the received text is tion-history of this passage is disputed; the judgements on
essentially a post-exilic literary work, produced, in the form in Tyre, Edom, and Judah are often thought to be later than
which we have it now, during the Persian or early Hellenistic the rest. Literary features, however, show that the whole
period (6th—4th cents. BCE); it assumes that there are traces of poem is carefully constructed. Even if individual oracles
earlier sources and traditions within 'the words of Amos' (1:1), were composed at different times, starting in the eighth
but is agnostic as to whether, or how much, these can be century, the passage can be read as an integrated whole
identified. In what follows, it is assumed that 'the words' are where Tyre, Edom, and Judah play significant roles. The
understood by the book's author to apply to the whole text. historical allusions are obscure, as are reasons for geographic
E. Method. A step-by-step reading of the received text high- and ethnic sequence (Andersen and Freedman 1989: 208-10;
lights its verbal and thematic interconnections, and its shift- Paul 1991: 11—15), but the Oracles against the Nations
ing moral and theological perspectives. As far as possible, the significantly shape what follows: YHWH's control of
text is interpreted within its own literary context, in an attempt historical destinies.
to do justice to it as a whole. Historical issues, although (1:3-5) Damascus Capital of Israel's traditional enemy Aram,
addressed where appropriate, are not the main focus. This is Damascus represents the whole country (v. 5). Its crime, real
not because they are unimportant but because they interrupt or metaphorical, is an atrocity against the fertile Transjordan-
the sequence of the text, and also because, within the limits of ian territory fought over by Israel and Aram in the ninth/
a short commentary, it is impossible to discuss them thor- eighth centuries BCE, and prominent again in Maccabean
oughly. For further information see e.g. Wolff 1977; King times. 'Threshing sledges' symbolize military victory also in
1988: Andersen and Freedman 1989. Speculation about com- Isa 41:15, where Israel is to do what Am 1:3 condemns! Punish-
positional process is, for the same reason, generally avoided. ment is imprecise; 'fire' may be metaphorical for warfare, or
As part of the Twelve, Amos necessarily reflects Second Tem- suggest supernatural intervention (cf. 1:7, 10, 12, 14; 2:2, 5).
ple shaping; an understanding of the text against this back- 'House of Hazael' is a double entendre: 'house' represents both
ground is a necessary preliminary to considering questions of building and dynasty (cf. 7:9). Hazael and Ben-Hadad were
historical origins and redactional development. ninth/eighth century Aramean kings. The 'strongholds' (a
 583 AMOS
recurring term in chs. 1-6), belong to powerful leaders in (2:1—3) Moab (cf. Gen 19:30—7); despite this literary closure,
Israel and abroad; they are special targets for YHWH's anger. the poem continues, suggesting a larger pattern ('sound', v. 2,
The word translated 'inhabitants' could also mean 'ruler', is qol, cf. 1:2). The catchword is 'king'; surprisingly, Edom is
matching 'the one who holds the sceptre' (cf. 1:8). 'Valley of victim of an atrocity. The crime probably hinges on sacrilege
Awen' (lit. of nothingness, futility) and 'Beth-eden' (House of (cf. Jer 8:1—3; cf. 2 Kings 23:16—20). Bones figure again in 6:9—
Pleasure) are sarcastic punning allusions, perhaps to real 10 (also obscure). Burning the bones 'to lime' (NJB: ash)
places. 'Awen' appears again (5:5) describing Bethel (NRSV: precludes burial, or suggests savagery, v. 2b echoes 1:14/7.
nothing). 'Eden' perhaps hints at luxurious living (cf. 4:1; 6:1- The trumpet reappears in 3:6, in a similar context (cf. Ex
7). The threat of mass deportation ('go into exile') introduces 19:13, 16,19).
an important theme. In 9:7 Kir (location unknown, probably
(2:4-5) Judah Little links this oracle with what precedes but,
in Mesopotamia) is Aram's place of origin (cf. 2 Kings 16:9;
as it separates two blocks (1:3—2:3; 2:6—16), it may reflect the
Ezek 21:30).
post-exilic writer's central interest (Bovati and Meynet 1994:
(1:6-8) Gaza 'Carried into exile' links w. 6-8 with 1:3-5: the 59-62). Formally, it follows the standard pattern. Judah's sin,
reference is probably to Philistine slave-raids (cf. NJB). Ironic- however, is religious not political. 'Lies' suggest idolatry; 'an-
ally, what YHWH does to punish Aram (1:5) is Gaza's cause cestors' extend it backwards in time (cf. 1:11).
of punishment! The unidentified victims are destined for
Edom, the nation traditionally descended from Esau (Gen (2:6-16) Israel Finally, Israel is accused like the rest (v. 6). The
36). In pre-exilic times Edom lay south-east of the Dead Sea mention of Judah (2:4—5) defines Israel as the northern king-
(slavers used the port of Ezion-Geber on the Gulf of Aqaba); dom, though the distinction soon blurs. This 'transgression'
but later Edom/Idumea occupied the south of erstwhile too differs from that of the foreigners; it is primarily social.
Judah, close to the Philistine cities. Ashdod, Ashkelon, and The 'righteous' (saddiq) is either 'an honest man' (cf. REB),
Ekron are other Philistine city-states; Gath is not mentioned sold into debt-slavery, or the 'innocent' party (Soggin 1987:
till 6:2. Philistia's punishment is severer than Aram's. A 47—8), unjustly convicted. The reference to 'sandals' is ob-
remnant which itself is devastated recurs elsewhere (esp. scure (see Andersen and Freedman 1989: 310-13 for sugges-
9:4; cf. Isa 6:11-13). tions), w. 7-8, instead of sentence immediately being passed,
Israel's crimes are elaborated. The verdict comes in w. 13—16,
(1:9-10) Tyre Of the Phoenician cities, only Tyre is men-
but from v. 7 on, the form of the Oracles against the Nations
tioned; by implication all are probably covered. The crime
dissolves. There are difficulties in v. ja, but the link between
resembles Gaza's; in addition, some contract or treaty has
economic poverty and corrupt legal practice seems to be
been broken; the word berit (covenant) occurs, but not theo-
maintained (cf. NJB; 8:4). v. yb is obscure (lit. a man and his
logically of a 'contract' between God and Israel. The deportees
father go to a/the girl), but the accusation appears to be sexual.
are not explicitly Israelites, though Judeans might remember
The juxtaposition with v. ja perhaps suggests exploitation.
dealings between Solomon and Hiram (i Kings 5; 9:11—14).
The result is profanation of YHWH's name: there is a reli-
Historically, Tyre survived until Alexander's conquest. If this
gious dimension (cf. 2:4). 'On garments taken in pledge' (v. 8;
is ex eventu prophecy, it dates from after 332 BCE at the earliest.
cf. Deut 24:12—13; Ex 22:26—7) implies a night-time setting
Otherwise, it may express traditional convictions about na-
and a wrong done to the poor. Drinking the proceeds of fines is
tional enemies, as with the rest of the Oracles against the
not obviously illegal; the objection is presumably to callous-
Nations, and could be earlier.
ness. 'House of their God/god/gods' ('elohehem permits all
(1:11-12) Edom Twice implicated in others' crimes, Edom now three interpretations) indicates a sanctuary setting; the ac-
faces judgement. The catchword is 'brother', but the atrocity cused are wealthy and powerful over against those from
does not refer to dealings with Gaza and Tyre; nor do tradi- whose plight they profit, w. 9-10, YHWH reminds Israel of
tions in Gen 27:41 or Num 20:14—21 really fit. Edomite expan- his benefits when they entered the land. 'Amorites' is a blan-
sion during the sixth century (Ezek 25:12—14; Ob 10—14; P S ket term for the original inhabitants of Canaan who, under
137:7) provides a likely context, if'brother' means 'Israel' (i.e. many names, are often described as giants (e.g. Deut 2:10,
Judah, cf. 9:12); v. ub underlines Edom's continuing aggres- 20-1; 9:2; Num 13:32-3); though only here are the Amorites in
sion. 'Cast off is literally 'destroyed'; the word translated 'pity' general so described. As in the Oracles against the Nations
possibly means 'womenfolk' (Paul 1991: 64—5; cf. LXX), YHWH controls the destinies of all. The past annihilation of
which would create a link with 1:13 (cf. 1:3 LXX; 5Q Amos). the Amorites balances 1:8, the future annihilation of the
'Anger' and 'wrath' (virtually personified) are better taken as Philistines. History is extended even further back, to the
subjects; the verb rendered 'maintained' (tarap) is used of wild Exodus (v. 10, cf. 3:1; 9:7) and the Wilderness Period (cf.
beasts tearing their prey (cf. 3:4). Teman (N) and Bosra (S) 5:25). 'Inheriting' recurs in 9:12, where the restored Davidic
represent the whole of Edom/Idumea. kingdom will 'inherit' the 'remnant of Edom'. There is
(1:13-15) Ammon 'Gilead' knits Ammon's crime with 1:3, so no mention of the lawgiving at Sinai/Horeb (evoked only
Israelites are victims. For Ammon's kinship with Israel, see in 2:4).
Gen 19:30—8. The motive is territorial gain, through a form of w. ii—12, prophets and nazirites were further divine gifts
genocide (cf. 2 Kings 8:12; 15:16; Hos 13:16), doing to Gilead (cf. Deut 18:15-19; the same verb, 'raise up', occurs). They are
what YHWH threatens to do to the Philistines. Military action the central element in w. 6-16 (Bovati and Meynet 1994: 45).
becomes a tempest (suggesting YHWH as the epiphanic war- For the nazirite vow, see Num 6:1—21. The rhetorical question
rior), a merging of themes typical of Amos. 'Says the Lord', leads the addressees to condemn their own actions (cf. 5:14;
and 'exile' constitute an indusio with 1:5, tying 1:3-15 together. 9:10): Israelites (the inclusive 'people of Israel' occurs for the
AMOS 584

first time) stand accused of corrupting nazirites and silencing implication may be that YHWH's speech is not heard because
prophets (the two groups are linked only here), i.e. neutraliz- prophets have been ignored.
ing potential saviours. Nazirites are not mentioned again; (3:9—15) Destruction for Powerful Oppressors The threat of
prophets are central to chs. 3 and 7. w. 13-16, YHWH's 3:8 unfolds (w. 9-12). Enemies are summoned for a grand-
verdict, expected since v. 6, is of a new kind: instead of fire, stand view, or as witnesses in a trial. Some scholars emend
an obscure picture involving a wagon. The verb (NRSV: press 'Ashdod' to 'Assyria' (e.g. Andersen and Freedman 1986:406;
down) may mean 'tremble' or 'split', and refer to an earth- cf. LXX); this is possible: together, Assyria (N) and Egypt (S)
quake (Soggin 1987: 49); if so, this resembles the Oracles would imply 'all foreign powers' (cf. 1:12; 6:14). Egypt was
against the Nations' supernatural fire. An ominous use of named in 2:10; 3:1, in connection with the Exodus; here it is a
apparently positive imagery is typical (cf 8:1). What impresses contemporary. This is also the first naming of Samaria, the
is the initial vagueness of Israel's punishment. The image of a northern capital. The situation is ironic: instead of foreigners
defeated army (w. 14-16) is clearer: no escape, no survival (cf. contemplating their own crimes (1:3-2:3), they are now to
9:2-4). The situation is, however, quite general: many histor- witness Israel's. The simile in v. 12 suggests the situation
ical events could fit. Nor is the victor named: perhaps Assyria, covered by Ex 22:13, but now me shepherd finds only scraps
perhaps Babylon, certainly YHWH. MT contains much asson- as evidence. The point is not that there will be survivors, but
ance and wordplay: repetitions create a sense of inexorable that practically nothing will remain at all. v. 12 b is obscure;
doom, dramatically ending 1:3-2:16. NRSVadopts a plausible conjecture, implying that only scraps
Indictment of, and Appeal to, Israel (3:1-6:14) of luxury items enjoyed by Samaria's warlords survive as
evidence of their demise.
'Hear this word', introducing chs. 3-5 (3:1; 4:1; 5:1; cf. 3:13; 8:4), w. 13—15, a further summons again presumably addresses
creates one literary unit (3:1-5:17). Two 'woes' (5:18; 6:1) struc- foreigners. 'House of Jacob' occurs for the first time, probably
ture another (5:18—6:14). involving all Judah/Israel (Andersen and Freedman 1989:
(3:1-5:17) 410); it recurs only in the pivotal 9:8/7. A new theme appears:
(3:1-8) YHWH's Control of Israel's History, and the Role of YHWH's decision to destroy the northern sanctuary of Bethel.
Prophets, Reinforced (cf. 2:9—11). The 'family' of Israel (w. i— Cutting off the 'horns' of altars (for illustrations, see King
2) is distinguished from other national 'families' (cf. Gen 1988: 93) means that blood cannot be smeared on them to
12:3); this is contradicted in 9:7. The logic of Israel's punish- make sacrifices valid (Lev 4:30; 16:18); nor can they be grasped
ment now depends on the exclusivity of the historical relation- for sanctuary (i Kings 1:50—3; 2:28). No explanation is given
ship with YHWH, not on violations of human rights (2:6—8, for the threat. Perhaps the link is with 2:8, where sins are
though from either perspective Israel stands condemned). committed in the 'house of their God/god(s)'; Bethel means
Aphoristic questions (w. 3-8) draw obvious conclusions 'House of El/God'. The desecration of Bethel is recounted in 2
(w. 3—6) until an important theological point is made (w. 7— Kings 23:15. Coote (1981: 46—53) connects this and other
8). NRSV's 'made an appointment' (v. 3) interprets the Heb- passages with a seventh-century redaction; Soggin (1987:
rew verb 'know' again (v. 2; 'know each other' perhaps). The 65) thinks an earthquake is intended. 'Falling' is an important
lion's 'roar' (v. 4) echoes YHWH's (1:2). The 'young lion' motif (5:1; 8:14; 9:11). 'Winter house' and 'summer house'
literally 'gives its voice', again cf. 1:2. 'Prey' (terep) comes (v. 15) are conjectures; MT's 'house of ?harvest' and 'house
from the same root as the verb in 1:11 (NRSV: kept); the of ?fruit' possibly have cultic overtones, which would fit well
implications are menacing. 'Taken' is the same word as with v. 14; most, however, suppose the magnificent houses of
'caught' in v. 4, linking both situations. The trumpet is a siren, the rich are meant (see King 1988: 64—9). 'Great' could also be
proclaiming enemy attack; it recalls the panic in 1:14, 2:2. 'many'; the word is that used in v. 9 of 'tumults', effectively
YHWH's control of history is again underlined (cf. 1:3—2:16; providing an indusio: the 'tumults/oppressions' come from
w. 1-2). The solemn title 'my Lord YHWH' (NRSV: the Lord 'houses' (cf. v. 10, 'strongholds').
GOD), last met in 1:8, suits imagery of the divine council: (4:1-13) The Fate of Wealthy Women and Religious Enthu-
YHWH in his heavenly palace discusses plans (NRSV: secret) siasts w. 1—3, wealthy women: their crimes recall 2:7 (cf. 6:1—
with his ministers. To this cabinet meeting prophets are 7); 'oppress' echoes and makes specific 3:9. 'Cows of Bashan'
occasionally admitted (e.g. i Kings 22:19-23; Isa 6:1-8). The suggests affluence (Deut 32:14; Ezek 39:18; cf. Ps 22:12). 'Let's
prophet as servant (i.e. high-ranking minister or ambassador) drink' (nistdi; cf. 2:8, 12) is countered by 'has sworn' (nisba',
occurs only here in Amos but is presupposed by the 'messen- 4:2). This wordplay introduces YHWH's first oath (cf. 6:8;
ger-speech' form ('Thus says YHWH') from 1:3 onwards, v. 7 is 8:7). YHWH swears by his 'holiness' (cf. 2:7), rendering the
crucial for the theme of prophecy, introduced in 1:1; 2:11-12 outcome inevitable, although the time-formula is imprecise
(cf. 7:14-15). However, it undermines the point made in w. 3- (cf. 8:11; 9:13). MT is difficult, but 4:3 pictures women being
6, that God's action is self-evident; different views of deported. The imagery suggests warfare, perhaps also earth-
revelation are combined, perhaps reflecting earlier stages in quake; the fall of Samaria in 722 BCE is related in 2 Kings 17:6,
composition (Auld 1986: 31-2.) or an ongoing debate on the but other similar situations could be evoked. The final threat
nature of prophecy (Carroll 1983: 26). v. 8 links YHWH's roar is obscure: 'the Harmon' appears to be a place-name, perhaps
(1:2) with the divine/prophetic speaking of 1:1; 1:3—2:16, and a mountain. 'Flung out' is the verb used in the Oracles against
forms an indusio with the beginning of v. i. The parallelism the Nations of YHWH 'sending' fire. The savage punishment
equates the inevitability of prophecy (cf. Num 11:29) and of predicted for these guilty women contrasts with 1:13, where
Israel's punishment. However, in the light of 2:11-12, the perpetrators of atrocities against women are condemned.
 585 AMOS
w. 4-5, a summons to sin. The command (countermanded logical centre, begins and ends with mourning, around ex-
in 5:5) is a trick: obedience leads to 'transgression', sin equiva- hortations to possible survival through justice and compassion,
lent to that of the Oracles against the Nations. Gilgal's location w. 1-3, lament for Israel, v. i introduces a funeral dirge (cf. 2
is uncertain; it is again paired with Bethel in 5:5. Cultic faux Sam 1:19-27; 3:33-4). The image is startling: Israel (mascu-
pas are highlighted, or excesses are mocked; the latter suits line) is a dead girl, with no one to bury her! This image of the
Amos's style, and the context. The offerings are voluntary, fallen nation is reversed only in 9:11. The decimated armies
additional to the major sacrifices, but sin-offerings are con- (v. 3) recall the remnant of 3:12, reinforcing, rather than contra-
spicuously absent (cf Lev 1-7); the ironic exclamation in v. 5/7 dicting, v. 2 (cf. 6:9). The end of v. 3 (omitted by NRSV) reads
suggests religious fervour which may be genuine; its useless- 'for the House of Israel'. This phrase is functional: it clinches
ness is underlined in 5:21—4. Further irony is suggested by the identity of the 'cities' and forms an indusio with v. i. w. 4—
'proclaim', used in 3:9 to advertise Samaria's sins. w. 6—n, 9, seeking YHWH; 'live' (i.e. 'survive') slightly tempers the
fruitless warnings: this poetic set-piece functions as YHWH's language of death; 'seek', a technical term for visiting a cult-
response to the enthusiasm of w. 4-5 and suggests the atti- centre with a request, resumes the cultic language of ch. 4, but
tude which should have prevailed (cf. Joel 2:18—27, where with a contradiction in terms: Israel is not to go to cult-centres!
people do, apparently, 'turn'). The point is that Israel failed An explicit distinction is made between YHWH's presence
to grasp the meaning of the five disasters instigated by YH WH and the doomed sanctuaries. The addition of Judean Beer-
(cf. 3:3-6), i.e. their dependence on YHWH's favour, sheba is puzzling. It is not threatened with destruction,
(i) Famine (v. 6; cf. 8:11). 'Places', paired with 'cities', may although its literary centrality may mean it shares the others'
indicate cult-centres (cf. Gen 13:3—4; 28:18—19); if so> 'lack of fate; it is mentioned again, negatively, in 8:14. 'House of
bread' includes sacrificial offerings (cf. Joel 1:9, 13). 'Return' Joseph', supposedly referring to the northern kingdom (An-
perhaps suggests public mourning rituals (demanded in 5:16) dersen and Freedman 1989: 99), is unique to Amos (cf. v. 15;
to elicit YHWH's mercy. (2) Drought (w. 7-8; cf. 8:13). 6:6). In v. 7 cultic yields to legal language (cf. 2:6). Two
'Drinking' is no longer the heartless indulgence of 2:7; 4:1 important words appear: 'justice' (mispat) and 'righteousness'
(cf. 6:6), but a matter of survival. (3) Other natural disasters (sedaqd, cf. saddiq, 2:7); together, they suggest 'universal order'
(v. 9). Curiously, locusts are mentioned only in passing; they (Murray 1992: 42-3; Barton 1995: 56). 'Turn' is hdpak, the
usually constituted a major disaster (cf. 7:1—3; Joel 1—2). opposite of order (cf. 4:11, 'overthrow'). This creates powerful
(4) Plague (v. 10). 'Pestilence' either emanates from the associations: 'they' are doing to 'justice' what YHWH did to
rotting corpses or is a supernatural attack (cf. 5:3; Isa 37:36). Sodom and Gomorrah. The second doxology (w. 8-9; cf. 4:13;
The reference to Egypt is obscure; possibly an allusion to the 9:6) again highlights YHWH's activity in creation and human
plagues tradition; possibly a proverbial saying. Typically, the affairs. The catchword with v. 7 is again 'turns' (hapak). The
imagery switches from agriculture to war, another area where phenomena evoked are natural, although hapak, the imagery
Israel should have recognized YHWH's hand (cf. 6:13). of darkness and light, and the suggestion of a flood (cf. 8:8;
(5) Earthquake (v. n). The climactic event is of a different 9:5), are menacing. There is also irony: YHWH transforms
order: the allusion to Sodom and Gomorrah suggests punish- elemental forces; people overthrow justice.
ment rather than warning. As in Gen 19:24—9, where only Lot w. 10—13, the wages of sin: perversion of justice (v. 7)
and his daughters escape, the emphasis is on the few sur- becomes explicit. The gate(way) is where, in an Israelite
vivors. 'Snatched' (mussal) echoes 3:12 ('rescues', yassil). In walled town, legal cases were conducted (cf. Ruth 4:1-12).
Gen 19:24 YHWH 'rained' sulphur and fire (cf. Am 4:7; The objects of 'their' hatred are not the innocent poor, as in
7:4). In the context of Amos, an earthquake may be intended; 2:6—7, but honest judges. 'Hate' recurs later with YHWH as
but any 'act of God' is possible. 'Overthrow' (hapak, cf. Gen subject (5:21). The consequence of disregard for honest speak-
19:25, 29) introduces an important new verb. ing is that the poor continue to be exploited (v. n); it is for this,
v. 12, summons to Israel: the solemn address suggests a ultimately, that punishment is decreed. The form is con-
cultic occasion (cf. w. 4—5). 'Your God' (eloheka) reinforces nected with treaty and law-code curses (e.g. Deut 28:30; Mur-
this; the title is used for the first time (cf. 8:14; 9:15; contrast ray 1992: 62-7). 'Gate' forms an indusio, so that w. 10, 12
2:8). But the God awaiting them is not a benevolent deity frame v. n, with its assurance of punishment for oppressors,
gratefully accepting gifts. The true nature of the religious v. 13 is enigmatic. It may be related to what precedes, i.e.
situation, with its reversal of expectations, merely hinted at honest men know they will not succeed in giving or receiving
here, is spelled out in 5:18-20. v. 13, doxology: in the style of a justice ('evil' (ra'd) implies 'disastrous'); or a general com-
liturgical praise-song, YHWH is celebrated as Creator and his ment, perhaps from the writer's perspective (it is Amos's
'name' evoked (cf. 2:7). This is the first of three 'hymnic/ central verse; contrast Hos 14:9). w. 14—17, 'it may be...':
judgement doxologies' (Crenshaw 1975; cf. 5:8; 9:6). Prov- YHWH and 'good' are now equated, so Bethel and Gilgal
enance and dating are disputed; they function to demonstrate constitute 'evil'. Israel's complacent 'speaking' contrasts
YHWH's supremacy over nature, as well as in history, v. 13 is with YHWH's words of judgement, v. 15 sums up the situa-
so structured that the central element, flanked by two power- tion: hating bad and loving good do not require cultic acts, but
ful acts, is YHWH's 'revealing' of his 'thoughts'. This univer- justice. The tentative hope for mercy (v. 15/7) is reminiscent of
salizes 3:7 (although with different vocabulary). 'Darkness' Jon 3:9. 'It may be' occurs in Amos only here and may be
prepares for the Day of YHWH in ch. 5. ironic: historically, the northern kingdom did not survive.
Alternatively, it may point forward to 9:8/7—10, the survival of
(5:1—17) Death and Life This complex chiastic passage (de a (Judean) 'remnant', 6:1, 6 having universalized the scope of
Waard 1977; Smalley 1979: 121-2), Amos's literary and theo- 'house of Joseph'. If so, this verse is of crucial importance to
AMOS 586

the thought of the book of Amos. w. 16-17, a penitential Sakkuth...' (cf. Harper 1904/1979: 137). There may be a
ceremony (cf. Joel 1—2): the theme of mourning is resumed, deliberate link with 2:4: 'your images which...' perhaps
forming an indusio with w. 1—2. The Hebrew could mean 'let supplies names for Judah's 'lies'. The identity of the deities
there be wailing'; this makes sense of 'therefore' (v. 16) is uncertain. NRSV's 'Sakkuth' assumes an Akkadian astral
and reinforces 'perhaps' (v. 15). Punishment, certainly, is deity perhaps associated with Saturn (Borger 1988; Paul 1991:
unavoidable (v. 17). YHWH's presence, confidently presumed 195); 'Kaiwan' is better attested as Saturn; both names require
in v. 14, is now terrifying (cf. Ex 12:12, 23). us to repoint MT The picture is probably of carrying statues in
(5:18-6:14) Cultic and Political Triumphalism Attacked a procession, v. 27 gives the most explicit statement of Israel's
Although there is continuity, a new section is established by fate so far (contrast with 2:13). 'Beyond Damascus' is, however,
two 'woe' exclamations (5:18; 6:1; cf 5:16/7). still vague, suggesting somewhere north-east of Samaria/
Jerusalem, appropriate to both an Assyrian and a Babylonian
(5:18-20) The Day of YHWH This originated as a cultic
deportation.
celebration of YHWH as Israel's victorious king (see ABD ii.
82-5). But triumphalist expectations are reversed. As in 2:13, (6:1-7) Callous Carousing and its Outcome In 1:2 YHWH's
normal and abnormal combine. 'Fled' (v. 19) echoes 2:14. The 'roar' reverberated from Sion; now, Sion merits YHWH's an-
simile suggests inescapability (cf. 9:2—4), reinforced by the ger: both kingdoms commit the same sins (contrast 2:4 with
repetition (5:18, 20) of the light/dark motif (cf. 4:13; 5:8). 2:6). v. i repeats the 'woe' of 5:18, with a vivid picture of a feast;
(5:21—7) Repudiation of Heartless Religion (cf. Isa 1:11—17). If the theme of misused wealth is resumed (2:6, 4:1). v. la
the day of YHWH belonged with the cult, the abrupt return to accuses the complacent: 'feel secure' suggests ill-judged con-
rituals makes sense. 'Despise' has occurred before (2:4), of fidence ('trust', cf. Hos 10:13; PS 146:3). v. ib is difficult; it
Judah's 'despising' (NRSV: reject) YHWH's law. The annual perhaps suggests ordinary Israelites approaching their lead-
pilgrim feasts are categorically rejected, although in other ers for justice. 'First of nations' (re'sit haggoyim) is sarcastic;
texts they are said to be divinely ordained (Ex 23:14-17; Deut 'nation' recurs with great effect in 6:14. In 3:9 foreigners were
summoned to 'see' Samaria's sins. Now (v. 2), Israelites are to
16:16); the technical term hag (implied in 4:4-5; 5:4-5) occurs
for the first time (cf. 8:10). The text of v. 22 is uncertain, but go abroad ('abar, cf. 5:5, 'cross over'; 7:8; 8:2, 'pass by') and 'see'
rejection of various sacrifices continues, together with accom- foreign places (cf. 1:3-2:3). Calneh and Hamath are (north-
panying hymns and music, anticipating 6:4-6, especially 6:5. ern) Aramean city-states, Gath a (southern) Philistine city: a
new all-inclusive 'pilgrimage' balances the three forbidden
The lessons of 5:4-7, 10-15 are again summed up in an all-
embracing demand for justice and righteousness (v. 24; cf. shrines (two northern, one southern) of 5:5. The Hebrew is
5:7). w. 25—7 are often regarded as an intrusion, presupposing uncertain; probably the idea is that Israel should learn from
a different cultural and historical background, but in the the downfall of once powerful nations (Calneh, Hamath, and
literary organization of both section and book they are signifi- Gath fell to Assyria in 738, 720, and 711 respectively; see NJB
cant. With w. 21—3 they form a cultic envelope, within which note). As in 1:3—2:6, Israel is assessed as other nations (cf. 9:7).
v. 24 is central. 'Exile' recalls the defeat of 5:1—3. v. 25 mentions The reference to David (v. 5) is obscure, but may suggest
the Exodus period, midway between 2:10 (cf. 3:1) and 9:7. hubris. Wine flows freely (cf. 4:1); 'bowls' suggest drinking
Clear references to idolatry occur only here and in 2:4; 8:14. 'by the bowlful' (REB) or sacrilegiously using containers re-
In v. 25 YHWH addresses the 'house of Israel' directly, as in served for sacrificial drink-offerings. 'Finest' (re'sit) echoes v. i
5:4. The problem is whether the answer 'yes' or 'no' is expected (NRSV: first) and anticipates v. 7 (ro's, 'head'; NRSV: first); it
(cf. Ezek 20:10-26, a positive evaluation; Jer 7:21-3, a negative provides a double entendre, as re sit are often 'first fruits' (e.g. Ex
one; Exodus and Leviticus suppose all legislation to have been 23:19). This concentration of vocabulary capable of cultic
given at Sinai; cf. Ex 24:3—8). As Jer 7:22 is the only text which usage suggests that the 'orgy' is a marzeah, a ceremonial
could be taken to deny a desert cult, it is likely that a post-exilic meal associated with funerals (Barstad 1984: 128-42; King
writer/reader would understand v. 25 as inviting the answer 1988: 137-61; cf. Andersen and Freedman 1989: 566-7). A
'yes'. The Hebrew word order makes 'sacrifices and offerings' funeral-feast here should be for the 'ruin' of Joseph/Israel
emphatic ('was it only sacrifices ...'). In the wider context of (5:1—2,16—17; cf. 5:15; ?Gen37:23~8), but this feasting is, again,
Amos this may reinforce the motif of orthodox practices at the expense of the most vulnerable. The punchline (v. 7)
rejected by YHWH because they were not backed up by 'jus- delivers the verdict expected since v. i. The theme of exile
reappears; punishment fits crime through wordplay and
tice and righteousness' (w. 23-4; cf. 4:4-5; 5:5). So apparently
virtuous activities have only merited a grimly appropriate assonance: 'revelry' (mirzah) puns on 'bowls' (mizreqe)', the
punishment (the chiastic structure of w. 25—6 equates 'Sak- 'loungers' (w. 4, 7) are the 'first to go into exile' (herd'sgolim);
kuth' and 'Kaiwan' with 'sacrifices' and 'offerings'). But the this echoes 'first of nations' (re'sit haggoyim, v. i) and forms an
verb-tense in v. 26 and the thrust of the sentence remain indusio for the whole passage.
unclear and much debated (see Harper 1904/1979: 136—8). (6:8-14) Futile Success v. 8, YHWH's second oath (cf. 4:2);
NRSV understands a future judgement oracle: Israel will wor- Jacob's 'pride' (only here, and, differently, 8:7; see Andersen
ship foreign deities as a punishment (cf. Deut 4:28). Others and Freedman 1989: 410) is probably the arrogance of the
understand a past tense, suggesting idolatry in the post- addressees of 6:1-7. YHWH specifically 'hates' (cf. 5:21) the
wilderness period (e.g. Stuart 1987: 355); there could even be 'strongholds' (their final appearance), the symbols of oppres-
a hint of the 'sin in the desert' motif (cf. Num 25:1—5). But sion last mentioned in 3:11 (hence 'pride' is made specific).
judgement may come only in v. 27. A statement about YHWH's action, 'delivering up' the whole city, resembles the
the present is more likely in v. 26: 'nowadays you take up act for which Gaza was to be annihilated (1:6). Realistically,
 587 AMOS
guilty and innocent perish together (contrast with 9:10). w. 9- fulfilment of 6:14. In v. 2 the locusts have done their worst
10, bringing out the dead (cf 5:3). It is unclear how many (for 'eat', 'akal, cf. 1:4, 7,10,12,14; 2:2, 5). Amos considers the
people are trying to remove 'bones' (MT; NRSV: body), and affliction excessive. Previously he has been YHWH's ambas-
why (some think, unconvincingly, of plague); what 'burning' sador to guilty Israel; now he is Jacob/Israel's ambassador to
implies (cf. 2:i?);and why YHWH's name may not be invoked an angry God. 'Jacob' deserves pity, like 'Joseph' (6:6). Amos
(contrast 4:13; 5:8; 9:6); but evidently burial proceedings are sees 'Jacob' as 'small'—very different from the nation's self-
involved. 'Taking up' recalls 'taking away' in 4:2; perhaps also perception (6:13). 'Stand' (lit. arise) recalls 5:2; also 6:14, where
'taking up' the dirge in 5:1 (nasa' each time). YHWH 'raises' not Israel but a foe. The result of Amos's
Linked to w. 9-10 by the catchword 'house', v. n expands intercession is the cancellation of what might have happened
v. 8. The destruction of the houses, suggesting earthquake, (cf. Moses, Ex 32:9—14), reversing previous threats. Scholars
fulfils 3:15: 'great' and 'little' are a merismus, meaning 'every', who assign the visions to a historical Amos usually date them
w. 12-14 resume the themes of political overconfidence and before the prophecies in chs. 1-6 (e.g. Andersen and Freed-
perversion of justice. The questions in v. 12 (formally match- man 1989: 65-9); there are, however, no temporal links with
ing 3:3—6, the second involving an emendation) suggest self- what precedes; the visions, whatever their prehistory, are
evidently stupid activity. Perverting justice is equally counter- satisfactorily read as parallel accounts of Israel's judgement.
productive: it turns things upside-down (hapak, again, cf. 4:11, (7:4—6) Fire NRSV's 'shower offire' adopts a plausible emend-
'overthrew'; 5:7, 'turn'). 'Poison' is rd's, a homonym of the ation of difficult Hebrew. 'Fire' may represent summer heat,
word for 'head' or 'first', which dominated 6:1—7: a grim pun. drought, or lightning, but is also YHWH's punishing fire,
The perverters of justice (v. 13) are apparently boasting about promised in the Oracles against the Nations (cf. i Kings 18:38;
military successes. Lo-debar and Karnaim are Transjordanian Ex 9:23—4). Here, not merely buildings are 'devoured' but the
towns recaptured from Aram in the eighth century by Jero- world-ocean ('the great deep'), the source of the waters (cf. 5:8;
boam II (cf. 2 Kings 14:25—8). For an evaluation of this period 9:6). The dialogue in 7:1-6 is something new in Amos:
of Israelite recovery, in which Amos's activity is set (1:1), see previously YHWH has either made decisions or explained
Miller and Hayes (1986: 307-9). Lo-debar sounds like 'Lo- actions. Now Amos glimpses YHWH's forward planning (cf.
dabar', 'No-Word/Thing' (MT's vocalization); Karnaim means 3:7) and intervenes to object. YHWH gives no reasons for his
'horns', a symbol of strength (cf. i Kings 22:11). There is a (temporary) change of heart: Amos's reasoning suffices.
blasphemous ring to the first-person forms; such hubris dis-
(7:7-9) Tin YHWH resumes control; there is no further
counts YHWH's responsibility for Israel's success (cf. 2:9-
intercession or reprieve. The Hebrew is difficult to interpret;
10). 'Strength' recalls 2:14 where Israel's army is already
MT's 'anak probably means not 'plumbline' (NRSV) but 'tin'
doomed. Punishment is by surprisingly normal means: in-
(Auld 1986:18-20). YHWH stands 'near' or 'on' a city wall (cf.
stead of intervening personally, YHWH incites another 'na-
1:7, 10, 14), plated with metal (?). The wall suggests super-
tion' (goy). Lebo-hamath and the Wadi Arabah represent the
natural strength (cf. Jer 1:18; 15:20; Zech 2:5), but the actual
northern and southern limits of Israelite territory, encom-
substance in YHWH's hand is the puzzling focus. Auld
passing both Israel and Judah (2 Kings 14:25). The 'nation' is
(1986: 20) suggests that as 'anak is a Mesopotamian loan-
unnamed (only with hindsight to be identified with Assyria or
word, not the usual Hebrew word for tin, it might suggest the
Babylon; but see AM 7:1). Also surprising is the relatively mild
military capability of an invader. Tin was a precious metal
punishment: Israel will be 'oppressed', not annihilated. The
needed for the manufacture of bronze weapons; here, God
end of national expansion is, however, certain. The dramatic
has the potential to destroy his people. But the vision's inter-
placing of goy forms an indusio with goyfm (6:1), marking the
pretation may also involve punning on similar sounding
end of the immediate section and, with the stress on foreign-
words for 'groaning', so that T am setting 'dnak' might sound
ers, perhaps the wider one (chs. 1-6).
like T am setting groaning in the midst...' (Andersen and
Freedman 1989: 756-9; Stuart 1987: 373); this interpretation
Visions, Interpretations, Words of Judgement and is reinforced by the wordplay in 8:1-3, verses which are for-
Salvation (7:1-9:15) mally close to w. 7—8. v. 9 switches to the cult-centres, des-
First four interpreted visions explore Israel's fate (7:1—9; 8:1—3; tined for destruction in 3:14. 'High places', originally
a 'mantological anthology', Fishbane 1985: 447-59; 520-1; cf. Yahwistic shrines, became synonymous with forbidden prac-
Jer 1:11-14; Zech 1:7-6:8; Dan 7-12). A central narrative (7:10- tices; 'sanctuaries' suggest major cult-centres (7:13). Tradition
17) demonstrates why judgement is irrevocable. associates Isaac with Beersheba (cf. 5:5; 8:14). v. 9 ends with an
(7:1—3) Locusts Amos now speaks in his own voice. The explicit threat, different from earlier ones. The dynasty of
setting is late spring; with no rain expected until autumn (cf. Jeroboam II (cf. 1:1) foundered in £.745 BCE (Soggin 1993:
4:7), locusts are catastrophic. If the 'king's mowings' were a 238). In line with the Oracles against the Nations (but unlike
tax, it would ruin the rural population; but the king's advan- 6:14), YHWH himself is the aggressor.
tage is short-lived (7:9). Although starting a new section, v. i con- (7:10—17) Amos and Amaziah Alternating first- and third-
nects with 6:14. There is assonance between 'oppress' (laqas, person material occurs also in Hos 1—3; Isa 6—8. Such narra-
6:14) and 'latter growth' (kqes, v. i), between 'nation' (goy, 6:14) tives, in their received form, are literary rather than (auto)bio-
and 'locusts' (gobay, v. i). Here, the connection is more than graphical; they are a recognizable genre, functioning to
aural: the locusts could be the goy; they symbolize invading establish a prophet's authority (Auld 1986: 25), though they
armies (and vice versa) in Joel 1:4, 6—7; 2:2—11 (esp. 1:6 where may, of course, be based on earlier, and authentic, material.
they are called goy). v. i perhaps functions as immediate An 'adversarial centrepiece' also occurs in other mantological
AMOS 588
anthologies (e.g. Zech 3:1-10; 11:4-16; see Larkin 1994: 223- 25:13—15), another perversion of justice, v. 6 quotes 2:6; more
33); for the relationship of these verses with i Kings 13, 2 Chr self-condemnation.
25:14—16, see Ackroyd (1977: 71—87). Here, the confrontation (8:7-10) YHWH's Final Oath (cf. 4:2; 6:8), 'pride' is probably
between Amos and Amaziah justifies YHWH's decision to a divine title, so meaning 'himself; but it also ironically
punish. The central theme is again opposition to prophets (cf. echoes 6:8 where YHWH 'hates' Jacob's 'pride' (i.e. arro-
2:12). In v. 10 'sent' contrasts with what YHWH intends to gance). 'Never' occurred in 1:11 (Edom's undying enmity);
'send' in chs. 1—2. Ironically, Amaziah places Amos 'in the again YHWH exhibits a trait elsewhere condemned (1:9,
very centre' of the kingdom, YHWH's position in 5:17; 7:8. 6:8). YHWH's oath establishes cosmic order (Murray 1992:
Amaziah introduces Amos with the 'messenger' formula 1-13); here, sin undoes this order with disastrous effects:
('Thus ... has said'), giving his words prophetic authority. He earthquake ('tremble') and flooding (cf. 5:8; 9:6). v. 9 picks
acknowledges Amos's prophetic standing, addressing him as up 4:13; 5:8, 18—20, perhaps evoking a solar eclipse. The
'seer' (cf. 1:1), but by forbidding him to prophesy at the na- mourning theme reappears (v. 10; first in 1:2, where 'wither'
tional shrine (v. 13), Amaziah effectively silences him in the could also be 'mourn'; so NJB, cf. 5:16/7). 'Turn' is hapak, cf.
very place about which the prophetic word was given. Amos's 4:11; 5:7, 8; 6:12. 'Feasts' (haggim) are those repudiated in 5:21,
refusal (v. 14) of the name 'prophet' (naW—not used by so it is cult-centres that are overthrown. A different kind of
Amaziah, nor in 1:1; cf. Hab 1:1; Hag 1:1; Zech 1:1) is discon- ritual results (cf. Joel 1:5-14; 2:12-17; burlesqued in Jon 3:4-
certing, whether the ambiguous Hebrew refers to present 9); praise-hymn becomes dirge (cf. 5:1). The inclusion of
(NRSV, NJB) or past (REB). In 2:12 a nabi' is one of YHWH's 'baldness' (i.e. shaving of forelocks) indicates a stance differ-
greatest gifts; he knows YHWH's thoughts (3:7). Amos seems ent from Deut 14:1. For 'mourning for an only child', cf. Jer
to distinguish between prophecy as paid profession (cf. 'earn 6:26; Zech 12:10.
your bread', v. 12), and individual call (v. 15; cf. 2:11-12; 3:8;
(8:11-14) A Theme Reworked Drought and thirst are now
Zech 13:5; Auld 1986: 34), though he accepts the activity of
related to prophetic silence and misdirected oaths. The time-
'prophesying' (v. 15). His occupations situate him outside
formula of v. ii recurs only in 9:13 (see Wolff 1977: 324—5).
court and cult (cf. 1:1). The shepherd called from his flock
'Send' echoes 1:4, 7,10, 12; 2:2, 5; 'famine' evokes 4:6—8. But
has intertextual echoes with Moses (Ex 3), perhaps also David
this famine is spiritual, not physical, perhaps to be connected
(Ps 78:70; 2 Sam 7:8); cf. Elisha (i Kings 19:19-20). But a
with 2:12, 7:12-13, a powerful comment on the importance of
tension remains between this passage and chs. 2—3. This is
the prophetic words without which YHWH's designs cannot
characteristic of other places in OT which deal with the nature
be known (3:7). w. 12—14 rework 4:6—11 (cf. 'wander', 4:8).
and role of prophets; at the time of the formation of the
'Seeking' interprets 5:4, 6, 14, and identifies 'living' with
prophetic corpus the problem was evidently not resolved
YHWH's prophetic word. But, as often in Amos, people
(see Carroll 1983: 25—31; Overholt 1990: 3—29, 51—4; Auld
come to their senses too late. Those destined for punishment
1990: 31-2, for an ongoing debate.) Amos's commission is
are not perverters of justice (8:4—8), but 'young women' (betu-
surprising: he must prophesy to 'my people' (rare in Amos, cf.
lot, cf. 5:2, 'maiden') and 'young men' (bahurim, cf. 2:11,
7:7), yet the addressees of 2:6—6:14 are the powerful rich, not
'youths'). Their 'fall' recalls 5:2. They, like YHWH, have been
the whole people (contra Carroll 1992: 38, 275). Finally
swearing oaths (in reaction to YHWH's silence?). NRSV's 'by
(w. 16-17), Amos demonstrates the effects of opposing
Ashimah' adopts an emendation giving the name of an Ara-
YHWH's prophet: he prophesies! Amaziah must 'hear'
mean goddess, cf. 2 Kings 17:30 (Barstad 1984: 157-81). MT
(cf. 3:1, 13; 4:1; 5:1): his own words, echoing 2:12, convict
has 'asmat, 'sin/guilt(-offering)'; this also fits, either suggest-
him. His children suffer the fate prophesied for Jeroboam's
ing the 'calves' at Bethel and Dan (i Kings 12:28—30); or
family ('house', 7:9); their 'fall' recalls 5:2. His own exile will
constituting a sarcastic Judean comment on the ineffective-
take him where he (rather than the land) will be ritually
ness of any northern sin-offerings. In any case, 'asmat would
unclean (cf. his wife's defilement), incapable of exercising
sound like 'asimdh (NJB). Dan appears only here in Amos (cf.
priesthood. His own words (v. n) form an indusio with v. 17:
Judg 18). For 'your god', cf. 2:8. For Beersheba, cf. 5:5. 'Way'
Israel will indeed be exiled.
(derek) is obscure; emendations give 'beloved' (a divine title) or
(8:1-3) Ripe Fruit Formally and thematically this vision 'pantheon'. If derek is retained, it could mean either 'power'
matches 7:7-9. 'Summer [i.e. ripe] fruit' (qayis) sounds posi- (another divine title, Soggin 1987:140-1), 'processional route'
tive (cf. 2:13). But 'end' is qes; the pun on qayis effects the (REB), or 'pilgrimage' (NJB). The general sense is clear: het-
meaning. 'Songs' recalls 5:23; 6:5, but are now shrieks over erodox or idolatrous practices at sanctuaries (even southern
the dead (cf. 5:16-17). 'That day' suggests the day of YHWH ones) lead to death: a new emphasis.
(5:18-20). 'Be silent!' recalls 6:10, suggesting a scene so ter-
(9:1-10) Final, but Mitigated, Judgement
rible that even mourning must cease.
(9:1-4) A Fifth Vision (cf. Ezek 9), this differs formally from
(8:4—14) Judgement Re-Emphasized the others, though there are links with 7:7-8 (cf. Isa 6:1-4; I
(8:4—6) Sharp Practice Condemned 'Hear' links v. 4 with 3:1, Kings 13:1); cf. 2:8. The sanctuary is unnamed, so could be
13; 4:1; 5:1, but, by picking up vocabulary from 2:7, also recalls either Bethel or Jerusalem, or both. 'Shake' is the verb from
Israel's first indictment (cf. 5:11). Self-condemnation is typical which earthquake (1:1) is derived. YHWH's attack on sur-
of this book (5:14; 6:13; 7:10). Impatience with cultic con- vivors recalls 1:8; the impossibility of escape 2:14 (cf. g:8a).
straints contrasts with enthusiasm for religious observance w. 2—4 are comparable in artistry to 1:1—2:6; 3:3—8; 4:6—11. The
(4:4—5). 'Be over' is fabar, cf. YHWH's refusal to 'pass by' (7:8; language is hyperbolic (cf. Ps 139:7—12), with many cross-
8:2). The practices envisaged are illegal (Lev 19:35-6; Deut references. 'Carmel' recalls 1:2, its 'top' (ro's) as vulnerable
 589 AMOS
as the 'heads' (ro's) in v. i. 'Taking' (v. 2) contrasts with 7:15, 'Who does this' perhaps authenticates a daring eschatological
where YHWH 'took' Amos. The 'sea-serpent' recalls the prophecy (cf. Isa 9:7?).
'snake' in 5:19 (both nahas). For YHWH 'commanding', cf. (9:13—15) Paradisal Promise v. 13 chiastically reverses 8:11 (cf.
6:11. YHWH's gaze for 'harm' (ra'd) and not 'good' recalls 9:11; 8:13). Finally, harvest language is entirely positive. For
'good' and 'evil' (raf) in 5:14-15. For YHWH's eyes cf. 9:8 unending fertility cf. Lev 26:3-6 (where, however, obedience
(usually a sign of favour, e.g. Ps 33:18—19; 34:15; their with- to Torah is required). For the richness of the promised land cf.
drawal spells disaster, e.g. Isa 8:17). This passage intensifies Deut 8:7—10; for 'overtake', now used positively, cf. 6:3; 9:10.
the theme of YHWH's all-embracing power (cf the Oracles 'Flow' comes from the same root as 'melt' in 9:5; again, a
against the Nations and doxologies). peaceful image substituted for a terrifying one (cf. Hos 14:5-7;
(9:5-6) Final Doxology The appropriate response to 9:1-4 is Joel 4:18). v. 14 reverses 9:4: 'my people' are no longer objects
'mourning' (cf. 5:16). v. 6a is obscure but has creation ele- of wrath. YHWH restores, but the people rebuild (contrast
ments. 'Upper chambers' requires emendation (MT lit. stair- with 9:11); the curse of 5:11 is annulled ('cities' replace
ways). In Hebrew cosmology this is the region above the sky, 'houses'); the replanting of vineyards brings the drink motif
where YHWH lives and controls the waters, v. 6b repeats 5:8/7; to a happy conclusion. The third promise puts right all the
cf. 4:13. damage detailed in 4:9; 'eat' loses its menace. Finally (v. 15)
YHWH himself'plants' Israel; a farmer God balances a herds-
(9:7—80) Exodus Revisited Key moments from earlier sec-
man prophet (1:1). 'Upon their land' reverses 7:17. Resettle-
tions are reworked. Israel is addressed directly for the first
ment is permanent (cf. Ezek 39:25—9); the gift of the land
time since 6:14. 'People of Israel' last occurred in 4:5; before
recalls 2:10. The final prophecy (salvation) is authenticated by
that only in 2:11; 3:1. The comparison with the 'Ethiopians'
'says YHWH' as was the first prophecy (judgement 1:3, 5). The
subverts 3:2, as do the exodus stories, relativizing Israel's
ultimate word is 'your God' (eldheka). This title first occurred
trump card. Israel's exodus recalls 2:10; 3:1; Aram's 1:5.
in 4:12, a summons to a terrifying encounter. In 8:14, it was
Philistine origins have not appeared earlier ('Caphtor' is
addressed blasphemously to other deities. Now it can be used
usually identified with Crete), v. 7 reinforces chs. 1-2: Israel
without presumption or fear.
will be treated no differently from other nations (does this
Epilogue From the perspective of post-exilic Jews, centred
also annul 3:1*8 rationale for punishment, opening the way for
on the Jerusalem cult, the northern kingdom had been des-
v. Sfo's escape-clause?), v. 8a echoes 9:2-4. 'The 'sinful king-
troyed for ever, Judah was part of the Persian empire, but
dom' may be Israel (cf. 7:13) or, generically, any sinful
life beyond judgement had been experienced, and better
kingdom (cf. 6:2).
things were hoped for (even if 5:13 hints at the reality; cf.
(9:8^-10) Selective Punishment v. 8fc, with the abrupt and Neh 9:36—7?). Yet the past remains relevant; hence, in this
unique 'except' fulfils the hope of 'it may be...' (5:15/7). The prophetic book, judgement is not softened with unconditional
'House of Jacob' (cf. 3:13), the 'remnant of Joseph' (5:15), will, hope until the end (unlike Hosea, Micah), although it is
after all, survive. Harvest imagery reappears (cf. 2:13). 'Shake' hinted at occasionally. By reading their own history as an
is nucf as in 4:8; 8:12 ('wander'). The image is of winnowed eighth-century prophecy about the northern kingdom, those
grain (cf. 1:3) passed through a sieve which retained pebbles responsible for Amos as we know it were able to express
and dross (Sir 27:4); v. 10 explains the 'sieving' as war. A convictions about past, present, and future. Amos is a bril-
distinction is now made between sinners ('pebbles') and (by liantly crafted text; when it is read backwards from its post-
implication) the innocent. The 'sinners' are those of 6:1-6 exilic closure (whatever its earlier stages), and outwards from
('overtake' is the same verb as 'bring near', 6:3); cf. 8:4—6. its theological centre (ch. 5), it works on several levels simul-
(9:11—15) Future Glory taneously; this, despite tensions and ambiguities, substan-
tially makes sense of its unique blend of warnings,
(9:11—12) National Restoration Judgement now unequivocally exhortations and promises.
yields to salvation. When 'on that day' last occurred (8:14; cf.
2:16; 8:3), the sinful young people had 'fallen', never to 'rise'.
Here, YHWH himself'raises' the 'fallen', reversing 5:2, 8:14. REFERENCES
Hence, the mysterious 'booth of David' matches 'maiden
Ackroyd, P. R. (1977), 'A Judgment Narrative between Kings and
Israel'; both represent the nation. Perhaps restoration of the Chronicles: An Approach to Amos 7.9-17', in G. W. Coats (ed.),
united kingdom is suggested (2 Sam 8; cf. Hos 1:11; 3:5). Canon and Authority (Philadelphia: Fortress Press), 71—87. Repr. in
'Booth' may continue the harvest motif, referring to tempor- P. R. Ackroyd, Studies in the Religious Tradition of the Old Testament
ary shelters at harvest-time (Isa 1:8; cf. Jon 4:5); but a military (London: SCM Press, 1987), 196-208.
context is also possible (2 Sam 11:11; i Kings 20:12). 'Breaches' Andersen, F. I., and Freedman, D. N. (1989), Amos: A New Translation
(cf. 4:3), 'ruins' and 'rebuild' suggest reconstruction of a city. with Introduction and Commentary, AB 2^A.
'Rebuild' is the same as 'build' in 9:6: YHWH constructs Auld, A. G. (1986), Amos, Old Testament Guides (Sheffield: JSOT).
places for himself on earth as in heaven. The purpose (v. 12) (1990), 'Prophecy in Books: A Rejoinder', JSOT48: 31-2.
Barstad, H. (1984), The Religious Polemics of Amos: Studies in the
is to 'possess' (lit. inherit, cf. 2:10) the territory of others. The
Preaching of Am. yb-8; 4, 1-3; j, 1-27; 6,4-7; 8,14, VTSup 34 (Leiden:
situation of chs. 1-2 is radically changed. Edom (cf. Ob 1-4; in Brill).
post-exilic times a quite substantial 'remnant'!) replaces the Barton, J. (1980), Amos' Oracles Against the Nations: A Study of
'Amorites' (2:10). 'All the nations' echoes 9:9, reversing that Amos 1.3-2.5, SOTS MS 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
situation. 'Calling by name' can be a legal formula expressing Press).
ownership: as all nations are YHWH's, he has them in his gift. (1995), Isaiah 1—39 (Sheffield: Academic Press).
OBADIAH 59 0

Borger, R. (1988), 'Amos 5,26, Apostelgeschichte 7,43 und surpu II, King, P. J. (1988), Amos, Hosea, Micah—An Archaeological Commen-
180', ZAWioo/i: 70-81. tary (Philadelphia: Westminster).
Bovati, P., and Meynet, R. (1994), La Fin d'lsrael: Paroles d'Amos (Paris: Larkin, K. (1994), The Eschatology of Second Zechariah: A Study of the
Cerf). Formation of a Mantological Wisdom Anthology (Kampen: Kok
Carroll, R. (1983), 'Poets not Prophets', JSOT27: 25-31. Pharos).
(1990), 'Whose Prophet? Whose History? Whose Social Reality? Miller, J. M., and Hayes, J. H. (1986), A History of Ancient Israel and
Troubling the Interpretative Community Again: Notes Towards a Judah (London, SCM).
Response to T. W Overholt's Critique', JSOT48: 33-49. Murray, R. (1992), The Cosmic Covenant, Heythrop Monographs, 7
Carroll R., M. D. (1992), Contexts for Amos: Prophetic Poetics in Latin- (London: Sheed & Ward).
American Perspective, JSOT Sup 132 (Sheffield: JSOT). Nogalski, J. (1993), Literary Precursors to the Book of the Twelve (Berlin:
Coggins, R. J. (1994), 'The Minor Prophets: One Book or Twelve?' in S. de Gruyter), 74—122.
Porter et al. (eds.), Crossing the Boundaries: Essays in Biblical Inter- Overholt, T. W. (1990), 'Prophecy in History: The Social Reality of
pretation in Honour of Michael D. Goulder (Leiden: Brill), 57-68. Intermediation', and '"It is Difficult to Read"', JSOT 48: 3-29,
Collins, T. (1993), The Mantle of Elijah: The Redaction Criticism of the 51-4.
Prophetical Books (Sheffield: JSOT), 59-87. Paul, S. M. (1991), Amos, Hermeneia (Philadelphia: Fortress).
Coote, R. B. (1981), Amos amongthe Prophets (Philadelphia: Fortress). Smalley, W. A. (1979), 'Recursion Patterns and the Sectioning of
Crenshaw, J. L. (1975), Hymnic Affirmation of Divine Justice: The Dox- Amos', The Bible Translator, 30/1:118—27.
ologies of Amos and Related Texts in the Old Testament, SBLDS 24 Soggin, J. A. (1987), The Prophet Amos: A Translation and Commentary
(Missoula, Mont: Scholars Press). (London: SCM).
Davies, P. R. (1989), 'Prophetic Literature', in J. Rogerson and P. R. (1993), An Introduction to the History of Israel and Judah, 2nd edn.
Davies (eds.), The Old Testament World (Cambridge: Cambridge (London: SCM).
University Press), 274-92. Stuart, D. (1987), Hosea-Jonah, WBC 31 (Waco, Tex.: Word), 274-400.
Fishbane, M. (1985), Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Waard, J. de (1977), 'The Chiastic Structure of Amos V 1-17', VT27:
Clarendon). 170-7.
Harper, W. R. (1904/1979), A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Wolff, H.-W. (1977), Joel and Amos, Hermeneia (Philadelphia: Fort-
Amos and Hosea (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark). ress), 89-392.

30. Obadiah REX MASON

INTRODUCTION
A. The Prophet. 1. The Man. Perhaps it is fitting that the 2. Literary Connections. One of the remarkable features of
prophet who has given his name to the shortest book in the Obadiah is the number of connections with other biblical
OT has the briefest Press Notice—merely his name. Indeed, books. The closest is between w. 1/7—5 an(^ J er 49 : 9> 14—16
we might not even know that, since it means 'One who serves with more general connections between v. 9 andjer4g:22 and
(or worships) YHWH', and so it might be a descriptive title. v. 16 and Jer 49:12. For a synoptic arrangement of these
Perhaps this brevity is because he was unknown to the latest passages see Mason (1991: 89—90). Scholars have often de-
editors of the book, or they thought he was so well known to bated which one of these is the original. However, it is now
his readers that no details were necessary (Ben Zvi 1996: 14— recognized that it is much more likely that there was a stock of
19). It is also possible the title was given to an anonymous prophetic oracles (perhaps current in temple worship) and
prophecy to bring the number of the smaller prophetic collec- that prophets drew from such a common source and adapted
tions up to twelve (Ackroyd 1992). it for their own use. This is the view of Ben Zvi who has most
2. His Times. No biographical or chronological details are fully and recently explored the issue (Ben Zvi 1996: 99—114).
given to us. Nor is it easy, for reasons explained below, to Another close parallel is between v. 17 and Joel 2:32 (HB 3:5).
deduce the historical situation of his activity from the contents Other echoes of more general prophetic concepts are exam-
of the book. ined in the commentary.
3. Allusive and Ambiguous Characteristics. Apart from
B. The Book. 1. Genre. The title 'The vision of Obadiah' places actual textual problems (dealt with as they occur in the com-
the book firmly within the category of 'prophecy' in the Old mentary) there is a strange 'allusive', sometimes even ambig-
Testament canon (e.g. Isa 1:1; Nah 1:1). The phrase 'concern- uous quality to Obadiah. It was said above that it is difficult to
ing Edom' allies it with the Oracles Against the Nations pinpoint historical events from the text. This is partly because
(OAN), a type of prophetic oracle which occurs in most of it is often unclear whether a past or future event is being
the prophetic books of the OT. The fact that at v. 15 the book described. The tenses of the Hebrew verbs are not much
switches to promises of salvation for Jacob in no way conflicts help here since a perfect tense, usually denoting an event
with this designation since oracles of judgement upon Israel's completed by the time of speaking, can be used in the sense
foes and salvation for them frequently occur together and, of a 'prophetic perfect', a future event which is seen by the
indeed, the OAN is (usually) a form of 'salvation oracle' for prophet as so certain that it can be described as if it has already
the people of God (Barton 1980: 3—7). If they were sometimes happened. Again it is not always easy to know if a future tense
used in a cultic setting they may not only have been intended is alluding to what is yet to happen, or is a colourful way of
to announce such promises but actually to help bring them describing a past event. We shall see this is a particular prob-
about (see Bic 1953 and, more temperately, Coggins 1985). lem in w. 12-14 where the Eng. versions differ considerably
 59i OBADIAH

in their rendering. Nor is it always clear who is addressing especially the reference about being 'driven to the border' by
whom. Further, attacks on apparently particular peoples such her enemies (v. 7). So e.g. Wellhausen (1892); Bewer (1911).
as Edom/Esau turn out to be attacks on very general human Wellhausen's suggestion that Obadiah might be 'commen-
attitudes such as self-confidence, boasting of one's own wis- tary' on Mai 1:2-5 is interesting. For a detailed history of
dom, betraying promises, while a specific nation appears to be Edom and the Edomites see Bartlett (1989), and for the place
taken as some kind of symbol for pagan nations in general. of Edom in the biblical literature see Dicou (1994). The fact is,
Ben Zvi makes a good deal of this aspect of the book arguing as has been said, that the text is not detailed enough to locate
that it means we cannot use it for making historical inferences its historical context, and we have to allow for a development
(1996: esp. 260-7). of the text in which material that once related to one situation
4. Contents and Structure. There is some disagreement on is found to have relevance and force in others, and in which
the subdivisions to be found within this short text, but the the lessons of one incident are found to have more general and
plan I follow is set out in the commentary. This, broadly, even universal significance.
agrees with Snyman's divisions (1989). Slightly different ana-
lyses may be found in Dick (1984), Clark (1991), and Ben Zvi
COMMENTARY
(1996). These are based on their recognition of literary and
rhetorical markers. It is open to question whether or not, (i ah) Superscription See OB B.I. 'Vision' is a technical term
where earlier prophetic material is being used later, some of meaning 'prophetic revelation' or 'prophetic message'.
these markers may have achieved a purely conventional force, (ic-5) An oracle threatening (or reporting) an attack against
and so it seems better to divide by the development of the an apparently impregnable enemy.
argument as far as this can be traced. Whatever the date and
(i bed) Although the parallel in Jer 49:14 and LXX have the
origin of the individual sections, they have been crafted to-
singular, 'I have heard', the plural 'we' suits this context better.
gether skilfully by means of link-words and other literary
It may suggest the sense of the prophet's identity with his
devices, probably well on in the post-exilic period.
hearers but is far more likely to be an allusion to the 'council of
5. Theology. The book of Obadiah has often been dismissed
Heaven', admission to which was the sign of a true prophet (cf.
as purely a piece of vindictive hate against Edom, a hatred
Jer 23:22; i Kings 22). The call to battle is a literary device
incited by memories of Edom's failure to help when Judah was
(Bach 1962).
in trouble. We may presume this certainly lies behind some of
the original prophetic material which has been incorporated (v. 2) First-person speech of YHWH shows it is he who is
into the book, but we shall see how the issues have been actually attacking the power: the human confederates, 'the
broadened out, so that 'Edom' has become a symbol, not nations', are only his instruments.
only of all pagan nations, but of certain sinful human char- (v. 3) This human power typifies human pride. The height and
acteristics (Coggins 1985; Cresson 1972; Mason 1991; Ben Zvi apparent inaccessibility of its strongholds which God brings
1996). Ultimately, what is hoped for is the rule, not so much down is a familiar prophetic theme, particularly of Isaiah
of Israel as a nation, but of God, in whose kingdom such (2:6-19, cf- Ezek 35). The power is unnamed in these verses
things will have no place. but some see in the use of the word 'rock' an allusion to the
6. Place in Canon. In the HB the book is placed immedi- name of the Edomite city Sela (cf. 2 Kings 14:7). Irony marks
ately after Amos and this is often thought to be because it was the question of the power 'Who will bring me down to the
seen as a commentary on Amos 9:11—12. ground?'—the answer comes in v. 4.
(v. 4) For the same imagery see Num 24:21 and cf. Isa
C. Israel and Edom. The relations between Judah and Edom 14:12—15.
were turbulent over a long period, yet there was a strong note
in the patriarchal traditions of their relatedness. Here, and (v. 5) NRSV follows many when it marks a break between w. 4
elsewhere, Esau and Jacob are depicted as brothers (Bartlett and 5 because of the 'concluding' prophetic formula at the end
1977). David is said to have subdued Edom (2 Sam 8:12). of v. 4, 'says the LORD'. Yet see OB 8.4. v. 5 really continues the
There is a record of their successful rebellion in the time of thought of the threatened downfall of the apparently
Jehoram in the ninth century BCE (2 Kings 8:20-2). Some impregnable city. There is a play on words here. The verb
early conservative scholars dated Obadiah to this occasion which gives the noun 'grape-gatherers' also means to fortify
(e.g. Keil 1866; von Orelli 1893). The Chronicler records a city or, literally, to make it 'cut off, inaccessible'. It also forms
Edom as taking advantage of pressure on Ahaz in the eighth the first three letters of the name 'Bozrah', an Edomite town
century (2 Chr 28:16-19). A sense of betrayal by Edom when (Am 1:12; Isa 34:5—7).
the Babylonians invaded Judah and captured Jerusalem in (w. 6—9) The application of the threat to Edom The tenses
586 BCE is marked in some exilic and post-exilic literature, throughout are past, but see OB 8.3, c. v. 6, Edom is here called
e.g. Ps 137:7, Lam 4:21. A considerable number of commenta- 'Esau' just as Judah/Jerusalem is referred to as 'Jacob' thus
tors have assigned Obadiah to this occasion, usually dating it linking the relations between the two countries to the patri-
shortly after the event (e.g. Rudolph 1971; Weiser 1974; Allen archal stories which portray them as brothers. In these Esau is
1976). Later, the Edomites were subject to pressures from the the 'elder brother' and it is Jacob who cheats him. Yet this book
incursions of the Nabateans and were pushed up into the shows that God 'chooses' the younger and the trickster, and
region of the Negeb, a region therefore later known as Idu- why. It is a theme also found in Mai 1:2-5 and in the NT (Rom
mea. Some scholars have dated Obadiah to this time in view of 9:6—13 and, in a general way, in the parable of the Prodigal
the (future, as they see it) threat to Edom in w. ic—io and Son), w. 7-9, it is an irony that Edom's allies betray them.
OBADIAH 59 2

Edom, for all its wise men (v. 8) has shown extraordinary folly those who dispossessed them' (so NRSV). v. 18, God, in his
in its military alliances, the futility of which in the face of judgement against 'Esau' and all she stands for will make use
YHWH's judgement is another familiar prophetic theme (e.g. of'the house of Jacob' and (for the first time in this book) 'the
Isa 31:1-3). The Hebrew has only 'your bread' in v. jd. NRSV house of Israel'. Perhaps this is to suggest that the 'remnant'
follows a suggestion of Davies (1977) here, but the word alone will represent the 'true Israel'.
may suggest this anyway. The meaning of the word 'trap' is
(w. 19-20) Geographical details of the possessions of God's
uncertain but there is no doubt of the general thrust. The last
people This is a prosaic and laboured addition to the book
phrase, 'There is no understanding of it', is another ironic dig
trying to give the readers some details of just what will be
at Edom's vaunted wisdom, and is echoed in v. 8, which says
'their possessions'. NRSV renders the text as it stands, but it
that God will destroy such wisdom and understanding as
appears to be in such disorder that it is very difficult to know
might be there. 'Teman', another Edomite town, gives its
just what is being predicted. There is a similar expansion in
name to Edom as a whole here.
Zech 14:10—11, in a chapter which also stresses the 'kingship
(w. 10-14, I5^) The reasons for Edom's fate Usually the ofYHWH' as v. 21 does here. Parallels with Joel and Zech 9-14
grounds of accusation are given before the announcement may suggest that this represents the latest part of Obadiah.
of judgement in prophetic oracles of this nature (Westermann
1967:142—62), but this order gives added dramatic force, v. 10, (v. 21) Conclusion Again a Hebrew word may be pointed
NRSV follows many in seeing the last word from v. 9, 'for the differently to mean 'those who have been saved', so NRSV,
slaughter' as really the beginning of v. 10. Note that it is or 'saviours' (NRSV marg.). It is interesting thatthe author, in
the betrayal of fraternal obligations which is at the heart of the his picture of the future, goes back to the era of the Judges
accusation. This opens up a wider concern of YHWH's judge- before the monarchy in Israel. The only king here is YHWH.
ment than any merely one-off historical incident between two The kingdom is his, not Israel's.
nations. The irony is that Edom's 'allies' behave in the same
way to her. v. n, Edom is charged with lack of action so perhaps
the 'slaughter and violence' done to Jacob (v. 10) was that
REFERENCES
Edom allowed it to happen by such callous indifference,
w. 12-14 have a series of lines all beginning with a construc- Ackroyd, P. R. (1992), 'Obadiah, Book of, ABD, v. 2-4.
tion which would normally be rendered as a prohibition, 'Do Allen, L. C. (1976), The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah,
not gloat' etc. (see REB, JB, and NIV). Since most commenta- NICOT (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans).
tors feel that this reflects a situation which has happened and Bach, R. (1962), Die Aufforderungen zur Flucht und zum Kampf im
alttestamentlichen Prophetenspruch, WMANT 9 (Neukirchen: Neu-
of which the prophet was an eyewitness they translate it as
kirchener Verlag).
NRSV has, 'You should not have gloated'. Again, however, Bartlett, J. (1977), The Brotherhood of Edom', JSOT 4: 2-27.
there may be a studied ambivalence here suggesting that (1989), Edom and the Edomites, JSOT Sup 77 (Sheffield: JSOT).
this now embodies a timeless truth about just and compas- Barton J. (1980), Amos's Oracles against the Nations, SOTSMS 6 (Cam-
sionate behaviour towards 'brethren' (see Ben Zvi 1996: bridge: Cambridge University Press).
144-6). Ben Zvi, E. (1996), A Historical-Critical Study of the Book of Obadiah,
Note also the recurrent theme of'the day' in these verses. In BZAW 242 (Berlin: de Gruyter).
this case it is YHWH's 'day' of judgement against Judah for Bewer, J. A. (1911), 'Obadiah,' in J. M. P. Smith, W. H. Ward, and J. A.
their sins. But that in no way excuses Edom or the 'nations' Bewer, Micah, Zephaniah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Obadiah and Joel, ICC
(Edinburgh: T. £T. Clark).
who will know their own 'day' (w. 8,15»), which will also be a
Bic, M. (1953), 'Zur Problematik des Buches Obadja', Congress Volume,
'day' of salvation for God's people ('my people', v. 130, my Copenhagen, VTS (Leiden: Brill), 11-25.
emphasis), v. 15/7, the simplest explanation is that this sum- Clark, D. J. (1991), 'Obadiah Reconsidered', Bible Translator, 42: 326-
marized w. 10-14 wrth its theme of a divine lex talionis against 36.
Edom. Coggins, R. J. (1985), 'Judgement between Brothers: A Commentary
(w. 150, 16-18) The day of YHWH Now 'the day' is a day of on the Book of Obadiah', in R. J. Coggins and S. P. Re'emi (eds.),
Israel among the Nations: A Commentary on the Books of Nahum,
judgement for 'the nations', of which Edom is taken as typical,
Obadiah, Esther, ITC (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, and Edin-
and of salvation for the people of God. v. 16, Judah is now
burgh: Handsel), 65-100.
addressed. The imagery of judgement as 'drinking a cup' is a Cresson, B. C. (1972), 'The Condemnation of Edom in Postexilic
familiar one, cf Ps 75:8 (HB 9). In a reversal of roles it will Judaism', in J. M. Efrid (ed.), The Use of the Old Testament in the
now be 'the nations' which drink it. v. 17 parallels Joel 2:32 (HB New and Other Essays: Studies in Honor of William Franklin Stine-
3:5). The Hebrew word for 'remnant' is a feminine singular spring (Durham, NC: Duke University Press), 125—48.
noun. By rendering it as 'those who escape' NRSV makes 'it Davies, G. I. (1977), 'A New Solution to a Crux in Obadiah 7', VT27:
shall be holy' refer to the city. The text, however, here and in 484-7.
Joel, suggests that it is the 'remnant' which will be holy. Thus Dick, M. B. (1984), 'A Syntactic Study of the Book of Obadiah', Sem-
the reader is not being incited to wallow in a sense of nation- itics, 9:1—29.
Dicou, B. (1994), Edom, Israel's Brother and Antagonist, JSOT Sup 169
alistic revenge and superiority but in a belief in the overthrow (Sheffield: JSOT).
by God of all that is represented by Edom/the nations, that is Keil, C. F. (1866), Commentary on the Minor Prophets, BKAT 4. ET
of all evil, and the establishment in his kingdom of only that (1880).
which is holy. The same Hebrew word, pointed differently, Mason, R. (1991), Micah, Nahum, Obadiah, Old Testament Guides
can mean either 'will possess their possessions' or 'dispossess (Sheffield: JSOT).
 593 JONAH
Orelli, C. von (1888), Die zwolf Ueinen Propheten ausgelegt. ET (Edin- Weiser, A. (1974), Die Propheten Hosea, Amos, Obadja, Jona, Micha,
burgh: T. &T. Clark, 1893). ATD 24 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Rudolph, W. (1971), Joel, Amos, Obadja, Jona, KAT 13/2 (Giitersloh: Wellhausen, J. (1892), Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, v. Die Kleinen Proph-
Mohn). eten (Berlin: Reimer).
Snyman, S. D. (1989), 'Cohesion in the Book of Obadiah', ZAW101: Westermann, C. (1967), Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech, tr. H. White
59-71- (London: Lutterworth); German original, 2nd edn. (Munich: Chr.
Kaiser, 1964).

31. Jonah P E T E R J. M. S O U T H W E L L

INTRODUCTION
1. We read in 2 Kings 14:23-7 of a Galilean prophet called Other prophets had addressed foreign nations (cf. Am 1:3-
Jonah, son of Amittai, who successfully predicted a national 2:3; Jer 46-51, etc.) but none had been sent in person to preach
expansion for Israel in the reign of Jeroboam II (786—746 exclusively to a powerful foreign city. For our writer, God's
BCE). The book of Jonah, which appears on literary, linguistic, concern is not with the Jews only but with Gentiles also (cf.
and historical grounds to have been written in the fourth Zech 8:23; Mai 1:11). However, the task was daunting: 'arise',
century, tells a story about this prophet designed to show Jonah was told, and so he did, but only to flee in the opposite
the limits of mere nationalism as an expression of the pur- direction (1:3)! Tarshish may have been Tartessus in Spain, in
poses of God. Faced with the challenge of addressing God's the far west, and there is humour in the way the writer depicts
word to the great Assyrian city of Nineveh, Jonah flees the outcome of the prophet's encounter with God, in such
the task. Brought back and recommissioned by God he at contrast with e.g. Isaiah (6:8 'Lord, here am I; send me').
length undertakes it, only to be dismayedbythecomprehensive The humorous note is maintained as the chapter develops,
repentance of the Ninevites and consequent forgiveness by depicting a constant succession of descents. Thus the Lord
God, whose nature is always to have mercy. Jonah's error was 'hurled a great wind' down to the sea (1:4); the cargo was
to magnify God's wrath at the expense of his compassion. hurled into the sea (1:5); Jonah had gone down to Joppa,
2. Passages of the Old Testament known to our author then down into the heart of the ship (1:2, 5) and was thrown
appear to include Jer 18:8 ('if that nation, concerning which down into the sea (1:15), only to descend into the belly of a
I have spoken, turns from its evil, I will change my mind about great fish (1:17; 'the belly of Sheol' 2:2), all to indicate the
the disaster that I intended to bring on it')—cf. Jon 3:10—and invincible power and purpose of the Lord in heaven over the
Joel 2:13—14, which significantly includes the phrase 'and lives of those who disobey him. The sailors begin to discern
relents from punishing' cited in Jon 4:2 (cf. 3:9) despite its this, for Jonah was not reticent about telling them of his God
being absent from the original Hebrew formulation of God's 'the LORD ... who made the sea and the dry land' (1:9, a bold
character in Ex 34:6-7. There are also echoes of the Elijah statement of faith under the circumstances), and when the
story (i Kings 19:4—5, cf. Jon 4:6—8) and of Ezekiel's lament tempest ceased they worship Jonah's God with vows and
over Tyre (Ezek 26:16, cf. Jon 3:6; Ezek 27:25—9,cf. Jon 1:3—6). sacrifices offered not in the sanctuary in Jerusalem but (by
That the book is hazy about the details of the city of Nineveh traditional Heb. standards irregularly) on board ship—the
and also contains a sufficient number of Aramaic expressions reluctant prophet's first 'converts' (1:16), whose allegiance to
to locate it comfortably after the period of Ezra (see below) his God he had won by his willingness to offer his life for them
both indicate, as also do its quotations, a context in the post- (1:12). Gradually the character of his God was becoming
exilic era, more particularly in the period of Judah's increasing clearer to, and delineated in, the prophet himself.
awareness and acceptance of foreigners in and after the fourth The world of our writer is a cosmopolitan one, in which
century. This book is of a different order from the other fleeing from one's god (v. 10), offering prayers to many gods
prophetic books, having the form of a story rather than being (v. 5), casting lots (v. 7), propitiatory human sacrifice (v. 14),
a collection of prophetic oracles. and offering heterodox worship to an alien deity (v. 16) are all
part of the life of the seagoing people of whom he writes with
COMMENTARY such sympathetic insight and perhaps also with experience of
the life of a busy port. Little of the narrative of the OT relates to
(1:1-16) Like the book of Joel and unlike those of e.g. Hosea
life at sea—the Hebrews were not a seafaring nation (cf. i
and Amos this book lacks any biographical or chronological
Kings 9:27 where Phoenicians had to teach them seafaring
background to the divine commission. The word of the Lord
skills)—but it is the author's aim to tell his readers that
came: how, when, and where are less important than its
amidst all the superstition and, by Jewish standards, religious
startling content—Jonah is to preach judgement to Nineveh.
irregularity of such a way of life, the God of Israel, maker of
At the time of Jeroboam II Nineveh was not the capital city of
sea and dry land alike, is sovereign over the affairs of men, and
Assyria, though later (in the reign of Sennacherib, 704—681) it
may attend to their prayers.
became so, but in the mind of our author it stood for all the
wickedness which had been endemic in the Assyrian empire. (1:17-2:10) As we might expect with this God who is gracious
Its 'king' (3:6) is not named and its size (3:3) is expressed in and merciful, deliverance from the sea was provided for the
appropriately exaggerated terms. The text here is focused not runaway prophet (v. 17), in the form of a 'large fish' which
on history but on morality. swallowed him. This is the best-known of all the episodes in
JONAH 594
the story, and the one which occasions Jesus' prediction in Mt in the narrator's vivid phrase (reminding us of the depths to
12:38—41 that the Son of Man would also be delivered after which the prophet had been sent by God), spewed out upon
three days and nights in the heart of the earth, as a sign to his the dry land, presumably near his Galilean home (v. 10).
generation of God's favour upon him. Jesus' imagery, and that
(3:1—10) We now reach the heart of the story. God persists in
of Jonah here, is brutal in its intimation that before deliver-
his gracious purpose towards sinful Nineveh and again calls
ance there may come humiliation and agony, but though
Jonah to the task of warning its people of impending judge-
'weeping may linger for the night... joy comes with the
ment. This time he obeys the call and reaches the outskirts of
morning' (Ps 30:5). God is perceived in his role of creator
the fabulously large city (w. 1—3), 'a three days' walk' across.
both here (of the fish) and in 4:6-7 (the bush and the
Our writer has already exhibited considerable narrative skills,
worm), ever active in achieving his redemptive purposes for
using irony, humour, assonance, and alliteration, and to these
the human race, just as he is perceived in Deutero-Isaiah (Isa
he now adds hyperbole. Faced again with so vast a task, this
43:1) and in Jn 5:17 ('My Father is still working, and I also am
time Jonah, undaunted, faithfully proclaims the message he
working'). 'He who keeps Israel will neither slumber nor
was given in what must be the shortest prophetic oracle on
sleep' (Ps 121:4).
record (and the only one in this book): 'Forty days more, and
Jonah's ensuing prayer presupposes his deliverance (2:2,6)
Nineveh shall be overthrown' (v. 4). Interestingly, the Greek
and has been thought by some to be a later insertion into the
tradition here reports 'three more days' but is unsupported by
book. Certainly, its poetic structure interrupts the prose nar-
any other versions or Hebrew MSS. The variation may be
rative sequence of 2:1, 10. There are precedents, however, for
caused by the Greek translator's awareness of the three-day
proleptic anticipations of deliverance in the Hebrew psalter
journey with which Jonah was faced. (For a suggestion that 4:5
itself (e.g. Ps 40:1, 13), and this provides an appropriate in-
belongs here see below.) His preaching had its effect (v. 5) in
dication of the prophet's new, grateful, and ultimately more
city-wide repentance indicated by a fast. Even the city's king
obedient frame of mind in the ensuing sections of the story.
(w. 6-9), whom the narrator may have believed to have been
The language of his song of thanksgiving is derived largely
one of Assyria's emperors (though he never says so), sits in
from existing psalms (e.g. cf. 3:4; 120:1; 118:5 wrth J on 2:2 > and
sackcloth and ashes ordering repentance, fasting (even for
Ps 31:22 with 2:4; 69:1 with 2:5, etc.) thus reminding the
animals), and prayer, to attract the compassion of Israel's
reader that the God of our deliverance is the God whose
God and to avert his wrath. In Mt 12:41 Jesus cites this
promises were daily sung in Zion.
story to shame his own impenitent Jewish contemporaries.
The phrase 'the belly of Sheol' (meaning the very depths of
The result here was, as Jer 18:8 would lead the post-exilic
the earth, where the shades of the dead are assembled) is not
reader to expect, that God 'changed his mind about the
to be found elsewhere in Hebrew poetry, and vividly expresses
calamity that he had said he would bring upon them; and he
the poet's despair in his life-threatening predicament. Even
did not do it' (v. 10). The king's words in v. 9 ('Who knows?
there, however, God has heard him (cf. Ps 139:8 'if I make my
God may relent and change his mind...') echo those of the
bed in Sheol, you are there'). In w. 3-6 the writer piles
only slightly earlier Joel, where (2:13-14) we learn that because
metaphor upon metaphor to accentuate the horror and terror
God 'relents from punishing' there is hope for the penitent
of his plight, echoing some traditional formulae (e.g. Ps 88:7,
and fasting sinner. Jonah's mission, which was God's also,
'you overwhelm me with all your waves'; Ps 69:1, 'the waters
was a success, despite his original fears and the narrow
have come up to my neck'; Ps 103:4, 'who redeems your life
nationalism ascribed to his prophetic ministry in 2 Kings
from the Pit') as well as his own vivid imagery. His faith
14:25, upon which the rest of this story depends for its
stands in contrast to that of other psalmists, who doubt God's
dramatic effect.
ability to reach into the realm of death (cf. Ps 6:5; 88:5-7,
10-12). Our writer believes that God dwells in the temple in (4:1-11) This nationalism, however, has notyetbeen cured, for
Jerusalem (v. 7) and from there hears those who pray towards Jonah is hurt and angry at the non-fulfilment of his prediction
his house (for this practice cf. Dan 6:10, where thrice-daily (w. 1—3) and, in a rebuke to his God reminiscent of Jeremiah's
prayer is offered), a view particularly appropriate to the daring accusations (e.g. 20:7), he claims that from the begin-
scattered Jewish communities of the post-exilic Diaspora. ning he had known that God's proverbial compassion (Ex
Idolatry (v. 8) was a mark of apostasy amongst Jews living 34:6—7) detracted from his justice. Unfulfilled prophecy is a
abroad, but vows and sacrifices could still be offered to the problem addressed by biblical writers in a number of places,
God of Israel in Zion (v. 9), just as the mariners had done in but it is unwarranted to see it as the principal subject-matter of
1:16, and as Jonah appears to be intending here. He echoes Ps the book, the climax of which (4:11) is about God's universal
50:14 ('Offer to God a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and pay your compassion. Like Elijah (i Kings 19:4) he prays for death, but
vows to the Most High'), with its ensuing note of deliverance his reasons are less noble than Elijah's, being marked by self-
('Call on me in the day of trouble; I will deliver you, and you pity and petulance. There is also a hint of sheer exhaustion in
shall glorify me') and its prior dismissal of the necessity of v. 5, which some have thought to transfer between 3:4 and 5 as
animal sacrifice ('Do I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood it suits that context well, whereas here it interrupts the narra-
of goats?'). 'Deliverance belongs to the Lord' (v. 9) is an echo of tive sequence (God himself is about to create a shelter for him,
Ps 3:8 and is a triumphant climax to this remarkable v. 6) and we have already been told (3:10) what Jonah is here
expression of faith against all the odds. All this God heard; waiting to learn. No surviving manuscript or version makes
he spoke to the fish (this is not the only place in the OT where the transposition, however, and if accepted it would be a copy-
he uses a sub-human creature to achieve his purposes, in the ing error at a very early stage of the story's literary transmis-
life of a recalcitrant prophet, cf. Num 22:28-30), and Jonah is, sion.
 595 MICAH

God, however, challenges Jonah to review his attitude (v. 4), present in the NT (e.g. Lk 23:34 'Father, forgive them; for they
and, being Lord both of the sea and of the dry land by Jonah's do not know what they are doing'; i Tim 1:13 T received
own admission (1:9), now uses the fruits of the dry land ('a mercy because I had acted ignorantty in unbelief), and
bush', v. 6, which translates a Heb. word of uncertain mean- implied in Ezek 18:28 'because they considered and turned
ing, though attested in Assyrian also; and a worm, v. 7) as he away from all the transgressions that they had committed,
had earlier used a creature of the sea, to teach Jonah a lesson. they shall surely live; they shall not die', where the word
The lesson was that Jonah cared more about his pleasure in 'considered' implies seeing the truth of the situation at
the sheltering plant which he had not cultivated than about last. The prophet's task, as that of all God's people, is
God's concern for a huge city of people and their livestock simply to speak his message wherever he may be sent.
which he had cared about for years (w. 9—11). As claimed for The outcome, so the book of Jonah is telling its readers, is
Assyrian kings (and attested on their building inscriptions), God's responsibility, and his alone. As another Jewish
the Lord is the good shepherd of all his sheep, as the Hebrew writer with a similar theological problem was led to
kings themselves recognized (e.g. Ps 23), and Jonah here, like conclude, 'O the depth of the riches and wisdom and
Jesus' followers in Jn 10:16, needs to learn he has sheep in knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgements
other folds also. Their sin is born of ignorance ('who do not and how inscrutable his ways! "For who has known the
know their right hand from their left', v. n), and their repent- mind of the Lord? Or who has been his counsellor?" ' (Rom
ance was welcome to a merciful God. Such theology is also 11:33-4, cf- 13340:13).

32. Micah H. G. M. W I L L I A M S O N

INTRODUCTION
A. The Man and his Message. 1. Very little can be deduced at a number of points in the text (Jeremias 1971). Such a living
from the book of Micah about the man who stands behind it. 'word ofthe LORD', however, could never be exhausted by a
There is no account of a 'call', and at 3:5—8 he even seems to single event, and so new material which looked beyond the
deny to himself the title of prophet. From the few details at 1:1 judgement (not instead of it) came to be added. The explicit
(see Commentary) and elsewhere we may surmise that he development and reversal of Micah's own themes (see esp.
spoke on behalf of his fellow landowners and elders of a ch. 4) indicate that this was not an arbitrary extension, but was
typical country town against the excessive burdens which regarded as a development of what lay already latent in the
the centralized militarizing policy of the Jerusalem establish- book.
ment was imposing upon the people. Against surface appear- 2. Finally, the whole was set in a universal and proto-apoca-
ances, he denounces these policies as leading to injustice (2:1- lyptic context (see esp. 1:2 and 5:15), the word to Judah now
2; 3:1—3) and so interprets them as 'transgression' and 'sin' (1:5; being applied to the whole earth and all its peoples. It is in this
3:8). Appeal to only one aspect of the nation's religious trad- final context that the book reaches us, and we do best to read it
itions (2:6-11; 3:11) will not prevent them from receiving their from that perspective. It is not that later additions to Micah's
just deserts. words need to be stripped away, but rather that the words of
2. Such a message fits most comfortably in the first part ofthe Micah need to take their place as a historical example ofthe
reign of Hezekiah, when intensive preparations for rebellion timeless 'word ofthe LORD' (1:1), which is the book's true title.
against Assyrian domination were undertaken. Yet it seems
that Micah may earlier have spoken out against the northern
C. Outline
kingdom (1:6), whose capital Samaria fell some twenty years
Title (1:1)
previously. An extended ministry may thus be envisaged
God's Dealings with his People as a Warning to the Nations
(again, see MIC 1:1), but the way in which such earlier material
(1:2-5:15)
is reused to address the later situation in ch. i suggests that
One Nation's Judgement is Another Nation's Warning
what we have now of Micah's words comes from a relatively
(1:2-16)
brief period at the very end ofthe eighth century BCE.
Judah and Jerusalem Condemned (2:1-3:12)
B. The Book and its Formation. 1. Much ofthe book as we now Man Proposes, but God Disposes (2:1—5)
have it comes from periods long after Micah's day. This is not A Prophetic Disputation (2:6-11 with 12-13)
based on a dogma that someone like Micah could not envisage Cannibalism in Court! (3:1-4)
any future hope, but rather on the style and thematic content Prophets for Profit (3:5-8)
of the work which suit later periods best. (Recent attempts, Concluding Judgement (3:9—12)
such as Hillers (1984) and Shaw (1993), to defend authorial Israel among the Nations (4:1-5:15)
unity do not seem convincing.) Micah's uncompromisingly Peace at the Last (4:1-5)
negative message (3:12) was still remembered at the time of A Positive Role for the Remnant (4:6-7)
the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians and the exile of part of The Instrument of God's Rule (4:8—5:6)
its population (cf Jer. 26:17—19), and his words began to be A Negative Role for the Remnant (5:7—9)
read as having found fulfilment at that time, leaving its mark No Peace for the Wicked (5:10-15)
MICAH 59 6

God and Israel (6:1-7:20) been reinterpreted in the second half of the verse to apply to
God's Requirement (6:1—8) the northern and southern kingdoms respectively (see too
Crime and Punishment (6:9—16) v. 13/7), while the sin is described as more narrowly religious
Lament for the Loss of Society (7:1-7) (w. 5/7, 7), thus aligning it with the causes of the eventual
Concluding Confession, Appeal, and Confidence (7:8-20) Babylonian Exile as perceived by the Deuteronomists. w. 8-9
are the hinge on which the chapter turns. 'For this' refers back
to the fall of Samaria, but Micah's lament is due to the fact that
COMMENTARY a like fate awaits Judah and Jerusalem (v. 9), as vividly
portrayed in w. 10-16. The Hebrew text of w. 10-16 is
Title (1:1) exceptionally difficult (cf. the different Eng. translations),
Although Micah often appears to speak on his own authority but its general sense is clear enough; cf. Na'aman (1995).
(e.g. 3:1), the book as a whole is characterized by its editor as About twelve towns in the vicinity of Micah's home in
'The word of the LORD'. 'Micah' is a shortened form of Moresheth in the Judean Shephelah are listed, and threaten-
mikayd (cf. Jer. 26:18), meaning 'Who is like Yah?', a name ing remarks made about them on the basis of wordplay, e.g.
possibly echoed at the end of the book (7:18). His identifica- 'in Beth-leaphrah' (faprd) roll yourselves in the dust (fdpdr)'.
tion by domicile, Moresheth(-gath; cf. 1:14), suggests that his This feature probably accounts for the selection of towns, so
ministry was mainly conducted away from home, almost that it would be hazardous to try to construct a military line of
certainly in Jerusalem. On the basis of the material which advance out of them. In 701 BCE Sennacherib destroyed most
can most plausibly be ascribed to him, it has been suggested of the towns of Judah and threatened Jerusalem (w. 9,12), so
that he was a local elder, responsible in particular for justice that Micah's distress (v. 8) at this impending doom is
(Wolff 1990: 6-8), and perhaps also one of the 'am-hd'dres, intelligible. There was a partial exile to Assyria at this time
'the people of the land' (Rudolph 1975: 22), a conservative (v. 16), but inevitably later readers will have seen a more
group of small landowners with a particular concern for con- complete fulfilment of this prophecy in the Babylonian Exile.
stitutional stability (e.g. 2 Kings 21:24). Th£ remainder of the
title seems to be deduced from the information in ch. i in (2:1-3:12) Judah and Jerusalem Condemned These two chap-
particular, and is unlikely to be of independent historical ters basically comprise five paragraphs in which various
value. groups within the Judean population are condemned for
social injustice and rejection of the prophetic word. In sub-
God's Dealings with his People as a Warning to the Nations stance they derive from Micah himself and form the securest
(1:2-5:15; basis for reconstructing his historical message. Within the
(1:2—16) One Nation's Judgement is Another Nation's Warn- broader structure of the book (see MIC 1:2—16), however, they
ing Although this lengthy passage includes material of di- function more in retrospect as background to the broader
verse origins, it has been developed by stages into a single international vision of chs. 4-5.
literary unit with clear connections between the various parts
Man Proposes, but God Disposes (2:1-5). Accusation (w. 1-2)
(e.g. 'For lo', v. 3; 'All this is for', v. 5; 'For this', v. 8). The
and threat ('therefore', w. 3, 5) are here perfectly balanced: as
prophecy against Samaria (v. 6) is likely to be the earliest part,
the accused 'devise... evil' (v. i), so does God in return (v. 3);
but its fulfilment is already reused by Micah (w. 8-9 with
'they covet fields' (v. 2), while God parcels out theirs to others
10—16) as background to his warning that a similar fate awaits
(v. 4); they seize others' 'inheritance' (v. 2) only to bewail the
Judah and Jerusalem. His words were partially realized at the
loss of their own (v. 4). But who are 'they'? Rather than simply
time of Sennacherib's invasion of Judah in 701 BCE (cf. 2 Kings
avaricious capitalists, who dispossess the small landholders of
18-19) but, as Jer 26:18-19 reminds us, it was not until the fall
their supposedly inalienable property, they may rather be
of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in 587 BCE that Micah's words
official administrators under the crown (cf. 3:1, 9) who were
found complete vindication, and this may be reflected in v. 16.
obliged to tax the rural population heavily and sometimes to
Finally, by extension of the same process and in the light of
appropriate land and property as part of Hezekiah's military
this vindication, v. 2 (post-exilic) elevates these lessons from
preparations for Sennacherib's invasion (cf. Isa 22:7—11),
history into a warning to all the nations. This universal per-
which struck Micah's home territory first (cf. Dearman 1988;
spective then gives shape to chs. 1—5 as a whole, with the words
Wolff 1990: 74-5). For Micah, T was only doing my job' is no
of Micah to Jerusalem in chs. 2—3 giving way to an emphasis
excuse: his ethical interpretation of their exercise of power is
on the nations in 4-5, and concluding (5:15) with a clear
that it amounts to a breach of the Ten Commandments (v. 2).
reprise of v. 2. Thus the historically bound words of Micah
The threat is therefore directed initially against a relatively
become in later reflection a timeless and universal word of the
small circle in Judean society, who will have no part in the
Lord. w. 3—4 are a characteristic description of a theophany,
future reconstruction after the Assyrian devastation is over
but unlike earlier passages, where this theme heralds God's
(v. 5). Again, however, the later addition of'against this family'
deliverance (e.g. Judg 5:4—5; Ps 18:6—19), hgre it presages
(v. 3; cf. Am 3:2) suggests that the passage has subsequently
judgement (v. 5). Appropriate to an introduction to the book,
been reread after the Babylonian exile in terms of national sin
v. 5» reflects Micah's basic message (cf. 3:8/7). Elsewhere,
and judgement.
'transgression' and 'sins' apply particularly to the ruling elite,
while 'Jacob' and 'the house of Israel' invariably refer to Judah A Prophetic Disputation (2:6—11 with 12—13). Th£ plural
(e.g. 2:7, 12; 3:1, 8, 9), and both may originally have done so imperative 'do not preach' indicates that a new paragraph
here. In line with the theme of this chapter, however, they have starts here (and obviously concludes with the use of the
 597 MICAH

same verb in v. n). Nevertheless, it follows closely on the does not regard himself as a prophet. As already noted, the
preceding, and illustrates how Micah and his associates verse is a succinct summary of the basis of his condemnation
were opposed by those whom they condemned. There are (see MIC 1:5; 3:1), just as 3:12 will epitomize its consequences.
considerable obscurities in the Hebrew text, so that it is not
Concluding Judgement (3:9—12). This paragraph gathers up
always clear where a change of speaker occurs; the following
the themes of chs. 2-3 as a whole: form, addressees, and
outline (which differs from NRSV) can only be tentative.
accusations are broadly the same. v. 10 may well reflect for
Micah's preaching is rejected (w. 6—7) on the basis of an
Jerusalem the same circumstances as 2:1—5 did for the coun-
orthodox view of God's patience and promises (cf 3:11/7) (read
tryside, v. ii refers to the same misplaced confidence as 2:6—7,
'his words' instead of'my words' in v. 7). Micah retorts (w. 8-
n, but clarifies that this was based on the so-called tradition of
10) that such confidence is misplaced because his opponents
Zion's inviolability; see especially Ps 46, which is more or less
do not, in fact, 'walk uprightly'. They violently seize what is
quoted here. Micah's uncompromising judgement is there-
not theirs (v. 8, not a reference to the law of Ex 22:26-7; Deut
fore appropriate (v. 12) and was remembered more than a
24:10-13), and again, perhaps because of the national emer-
century later as the epitome of his preaching (Jer 26:18). The
gency (see MIC 2:1—5), they appropriate others' property, v. ioa
fulfilment of his words at that time doubtless stimulated
is the heartless command of the evictors, while lob, 'because
renewed attention to his work, leading to its reworking in
of [your] uncleanness [ = moral defilement; cf. Isa 6:5; Am
redaction, as already seen, and in development, as follows
7:17] you will be destroyed...' (my tr.), is Micah's riposte, v. n
immediately.
is a sarcastic conclusion. 'Wine and strong drink' are an
attractive part of the covenant blessings (e.g. Am 9:13); these
(4:1—5:15) Israel among the Nations This section presupposes
people like preachers who focus on the promises without
the reality of the judgement already described, but opens up
reference to the conditions of obedience which accompany
the prospect of a glorious restoration beyond it. While several
them. w. 12—13 are usually interpreted as a promise of God's
of the previous themes are thus reversed, a consistent new
restoration of his exiled people, in which case their present
element is the effect of Israel's restoration on the nations,
setting remains a puzzle, awkwardly anticipating the sharp
whether for good or ill. This connects with ch. i and sets the
change in mood between chs. 3 and 4. However, there has
words of the historical Micah in a more universal context. The
always been a minority of commentators (recently Mays 1976:
material is of diverse origin and date, but it has been welded
73—6; Hagstrom 1988: 51—7, 85—6; Brin 1989) who see them
together to show how the vision for a new order (4:1—5) will be
rather as an announcement of judgement: the 'gate' of v. 13
realized through the rule of God (4:6—7), exercised by a re-
naturally suggests Jerusalem (hardly Babylon!), where the
stored monarchy in Israel (4:8-5:6). For this to come about,
people have been gathered by God for a siege (v. 12). It is he
both the nations and Israel will need to be forcefully purged
who breaks down the defensive wall (cf. Ps 80:12; 89:40) and
who, in a reversal of the Exodus, leads his people away into (57-15)-
exile. On this view, 4:6-7 deliberately reverses this judgement Peace at the Last (4:1—5). The section opens with a vision (of
saying, just as 4:1—5 reverses 3:9—12. late-exilic origin at the earliest) of universal, eschatological
peace. Several verbal associations with the concluding para-
Cannibalism in Court! (3:1-4). Three closely related para-
graph of ch. 3 demonstrate that God's destruction of Zion is
graphs in ch. 3 bring the catalogue of judgements to a climax
not his last word, but rather the necessary first step in his far-
in v. 12. In this section, the 'heads' and 'rulers' (the ruling elite
reaching purpose. It should be emphasized that the peace of
of Judah and Jerusalem) are condemned for manipulating the
verses 3^—4 can only be achieved as the nations willingly
judicial process in a manner which results in a denial of true
submit to God's instruction: 'The theological integrity of the
'justice' (v. i), a fundamental term in Micah's critique (cf. 3:8,
prophecy lies in its unity' (Mays 1976: 93). A concluding
9). As in 2:1—5, neither they nor the courts regarded their
(liturgical?) response (v. 5) invites the people of God to exem-
actions as illegal, but if the outcome is an intolerable oppres-
plify just such a submission, w. 1—3 have a close parallel in Isa
sion of the ordinary citizen (so the grotesque metaphor of
2:2-4, and each passage concludes with a verse (Isa 2:5; Mic
w. 2—3), then the system itself stands condemned. As a result,
4:5) which integrates the material into its new context. Mic 4:4
they themselves will call to God at some time of unspecified
(lacking in Isaiah) is probably an original part of the oracle,
distress (v. 4, perhaps amplified by 3:12), only to find that he
and has Isaianic characteristics. It therefore looks as though
will no more answer them than they have the people.
the material has come independently into each book from a
Prophets for Profit (3:5-8). Just as 3:1-4 has a certain parallel common original which was developed in Isaianic circles.
in 2:1—5, so t°° does 3:5—8 in 2:6—11. Now, however, the objects
A Positive Role for the Remnant (4:6-7). The realization of the
of Micah's polemic are explicitly called 'prophets' (w. 5—6),
vision (cf. 'in that day') will begin by God's rule in Zion over
'seers', and 'diviners' (v. 7)—and there seems to be little
the restored remnant. As 4:1—5 reverses 3:9—12, so here the
difference between them; the latter are no worse than the
judgement of 2:12-13 is overturned (see too Zeph 3:11-20).
former (indeed, in 3:11 the prophets 'divine'), but all alike are
This absolute use of the word 'remnant' is post-exilic, and
condemned because the substance of their message is deter-
helps to locate the setting of the redaction of this section as a
mined solely by their wages (v. 5). The judgement, therefore, is
whole.
another case of poetic justice (w. 6-7): 'vision', 'revelation',
and an 'answer from God' will all be withdrawn, leaving them The Instrument of God's Rule (4:8—5:6). This passage has a
looking foolish and ashamed. Micah adds a concluding and clear and balanced structure. 4:8 and 5:2 (introducing 5:2—6)
contrasting note about himself (v. 8), which implies that he are exactly parallel, and between come three short paragraphs
MICAH 59 8

introduced by 'now' (4:9, n; 5:1). The whole is closely tied to tions only as a foil to Israel, not as a subject in their own right.
the preceding by way of detailed development of the theme of At the same time, it is Israel as a collective whole which is
God's rule. 4:8 makes clear that God's rule over Zion will be addressed rather than particular sections within the popula-
exercised through a restoration of 'the former dominion', tion. Whatever the material's origins (most of 6:1-7:7 could be
which 5:2-6 confirms will be in the person of a new Davidic as early as Micah), these features certainly suit its later use
figure. His insignificant place of origin parallels that of the within the worshipping community, towards which the clos-
remnant among the nations; in neither case does God's rule ing verses of the book clearly point.
follow the normal course of power politics. Whether or not the
reference to the Assyrians in 5:5-6 points to a pre-exilic origin (6:1—8) God's Requirement In w. 2—5, God takes his people to
for 5:2—6 (in part, at least), its redactional setting and hence court to accuse them of ingratitude. His treatment of them
use in the book as a whole are clearly post-exilic. For readers at over the course of their long history is characterized as 'saving
this later time, 'Assyria' will be a sobriquet for the world acts' (v. 5), some examples of which are supplied (w. 4-7b).
powers in general (cf Ezra 6:22 etc.), an interpretation re- They, however, consider only that he has 'wearied' them (v. 3);
inforced by the unprecedented use of the parallel 'land of they focus exclusively on his demands without seeing them as
Nimrod' (cf. Gen 10:8—12). The period of suffering which a response to his prior grace. This is unnatural behaviour, as
precedes his rule (5:3) is thus the Exile (cf. 4:10); as throughout the call to the mountains and foundations of the earth to act
this section, restoration follows, and does not replace, as witnesses implies (v. 2).
judgement. This emphasis is also the focus of the three short The first verse is a separate introduction, characterizing the
paragraphs in 4:9—5:1. The first two (and so probably also the text as 'what the LORD says'. As we saw in 1:1 and 1:2-16, no
third, 5:1; the Heb. text, however, is too obscure for certainty) matter who the speaker was in the original text (and there are
may have their origin in the immediate aftermath of the fall of frequent changes in person throughout chs. 6—7), it is now all
Jerusalem to the Babylonians (so Wolff 1990), but they are presented as God's word to the reader or hearer.
developed by future promises which loosen them from any Although there is a sharp change of form at v. 6, it cannot be
strictly bound historical setting. The gathering of the exiles read in isolation from what precedes: an unidentified indi-
(4:10/7) and the overthrow of enemies (4:12-13; 5:1 is developed vidual is chastened by God's indictment, and in order to put
by the promises of 5:2—6) link up with what has been seen the relationship right offers a crescendo of cultic responses.
elsewhere in the section, so that again God's 'thoughts' and God's reaction (v. 8) is in effect to say, 'It is not what I want, but
'plan' (4:12) are to use his now judged people as his agents and whom I want, that counts'. It is a summary of early prophetic
instruments of eventual universal rule. and Deuteronomic ethics (cf. Deut 10:12—13). 'Justice> was the
key theme of Micah's preaching (3:1, 8, 9), so that the earlier
A Negative Role for the Remnant (5:7-9). In 4:6-7 the chapters have given specific examples of what is here elevated
remnant was restored as a sign of the positive benefits of into an abstract principle. 'Kindness' is its frequent partner
God's rule. Here, we see the other side of the coin—as his elsewhere (though not in Micah), and refers primarily to the
instrument of judgement on the nations which oppose it. For necessary conditions for the forging of a community which
this use of the 'dew' image (v. 7), see 2 Sam 17:12 (Rudolph justice then regulates. 'To walk humbly' would be better
1975; Hillers 1984); the two similes of w. 7 and 8 are thus translated as 'to walk carefully, prudently'; it includes humil-
closely parallel in both structure and thought. ity, but goes very much further (cf. Eph 5:15).
No Peace for the Wicked (5:10—15). A probably pre-exilic oracle (6:9-16) Crime and Punishment The main thrust of this
in lob—14 (which some scholars ascribe to Micah) is here textually difficult passage is clear. The accusation (w. 10—12)
reused to stress again that 'in that day' the rule of God will not is of dishonest business practices which result in the amas-
be thwarted by either military or religious opposition. As 5:7-9 sing of ill-gotten gain. The punishment (w. 13-15), which
was the negative counterpart of 4:6—7, this maybe regarded as closely imitates ancient Near-Eastern forms of treaty curses,
the downside of 4:1—5. (With 4:8 and 5:2 in parallel, the whole is that God will ensure that this activity will all be in vain. v. 16
of chs. 4-5 thus displays a certain symmetrical arrangement.) repeats this two-part form, summarizing and extending it
The content of w. 10-14 points to Israel as the object of God's now in terms reminiscent of the Deuteronomic History.
judgement here, but v. 15 extends this to the nations. The clear Judah has imitated the evil ways of the northern kingdom of
echo of 1:2 ('obey' in 5:15 is the same word as 'hear' in 1:2) is the Israel, and so will share her fate of national disaster. The
clue to the purpose of the whole, and shows again that the development of thought is closely comparable with 1:3—7,
final form of Mic 1-5 is ultimately concerned with God's just as the prophet's response in 7:1 echoes 1:8-9.
dealings with all the nations, to whom Israel is presented as
an example. The prospect of peace and blessing is set before (7:1-7) Lament for the Loss of Society The description in
them (4:1-4), but persistence in their rebellion will lead to their w. 2—6 of a society which has lost all sense of cohesion has
overthrow. As with Israel, however, this need not be God's last so many parallels in the book of Proverbs that in itself it could
word, for 'that day' (4:6 and 5:10) can include his rule over a stem from almost any point in the later pre-exilic or earlier
remnant just as much as vengeance on the disobedient. post-exilic periods. Here in Micah, however, it is closely inte-
grated into its surrounding context. First, it illustrates the
God and Israel (6:1-7:20) consequences of ignoring the requirement of 6:8. Secondly,
A major new section of the book begins at 6:1. Like chs. 1—5, its it follows as a prophet's lament on the announcement of
general shape is of warning and threat (6:1—7:7) followed by national disaster in 6:16, just as 1:8 follows 1:7, so that it
promise (7:8-20), but in contrast the latter refers to the na- may be applied in particular to the consequences of life in
 599 NAHUM

such a time of dire emergency. Thirdly, v. 7 provides a transi- political rehabilitation. The community (cf. 'our God' in v. 17)
tion to the last part of the book; even now, there are those who presses this with a petition that this restoration should be as
maintain faith, and that faith will be vindicated (cf Isa 8:17— glorious as at the time of the Exodus when the nation knew
18). The first person speaker of w. i, 7 could thus be the God's care and when their enemies were overwhelmed. The
respondent of 6:6, the personified figure of Zion (6:9 and closing verses (18—20) reflect the calm of a restored relation-
especially 7:8—10), or the prophet. The ambiguity may be ship with God (contrast 6:1—8), no matter what the external
conscious, since all three embody or represent the community circumstances. 'Iniquities', if not enemies, may be trodden
of those who look to the LORD' (v. 7) in contrast to the un- 'under foot', and 'sins', if not Egyptians, cast 'into the depths
righteous. The reader, of course, is thus drawn in to identify of the sea' (v. 19). The members of the assembly have reposi-
him- or herself with the speaker and so to appropriate person- tioned themselves as the spiritual heirs of the patriarchs, and
ally and in community the faith of the concluding psalm-like so anticipate a return to the experience of God's 'faithfulness'
passage (7:8-20). and 'unswerving loyalty'.
(7:8-20) Concluding Confession, Appeal, and Confidence
The four short paragraphs in this passage can each be
REFERENCES
paralleled formally by elements found in the psalms of lam-
ent, so that the suggestion has often been made that the Brin, G. (1989), 'Micah 2, 12—13: A Textual and Ideological Study',
piece is liturgical. It lacks rubrics, however (contrast Hab 3), ZAWior. 118-24.
the changes of person of the participants (e.g. from first Dearman, J. A. (1988), Property Rights in the Eighth-Century Prophets:
person singular in w. 8—10 to plural in 19—20) are liturgically The Conflict and its Background, SBLDS 106 (Atlanta: Scholars
awkward, and the order of paragraphs (esp. w. 11—13 before Press).
Hagstrom, D. G. (1988), The Coherence of the Book of Micah: A Literary
14-17) is not what would be expected (Wolff 1990). The
Analysis, SBLDS 89 (Atlanta: Scholars Press).
arrangement is thus more likely to be literary and redactional, Hillers, D. R. (1984), Micah, Hermeneia (Philadelphia: Fortress).
though intended to draw the reader in, as seen already at 7:7 Jeremias, J. (1971), 'Die Deutung der Gerichtsworte Michas in der
(Mays 1976). Exilszeit', ZAW&y. 330-54.
The first-person speaker in w. 8-10 is feminine, and so Mays, J. L. (1976), Micah: A Commentary, OTL (London: SCM).
probably Zion/Jerusalem as a personification of the commu- Na'aman,N. (1995)' "The House-of-No-Shade Shall Take Away its Tax
nity. The setting is one of defeat, distress, and darkness (which from You" (Micah i n)', VT45: 516-27.
applied to Jerusalem as much after as during the Exile), but for Rudolph, W. (1975), Micha—Nahum—Habakuk—Zephanja, KAT
the first time in Micah this is acknowledged as being due to (Giitersloh: Mohn).
Shaw, C. S. (1993), The Speeches of Micah: A Rhetorical-Historical
sin, which is frankly confessed. This is a first step on the road Analysis, JSOTSup 145 (Sheffield: JSOT).
to the repentance which so many of the prophets saw as a Wolff, H. W. (1990), Micah: A Commentary (Minneapolis: Augsburg);
precondition for restoration. German original BKAT 14/4 (Neukirchen-Vluyn; Neukirchener
Appropriately, this is met by a reassuring oracle (w. 11-13) Verlag, 1982).
which promises a regathering of the dispersed exiles and

33. Nahum J U L I A M. O B R I E N

INTRODUCTION
The superscription of Nahum bluntly and tersely confronts its the book a more universal frame, shifting the exclusive atten-
reader with the theme and tone that will dominate the book. tion on the downfall of Nineveh to a larger vision of God's
The sole focus on Nineveh underscores that the book will awesome power. Numerous links with other parts of the
pointedly address the fate that is to befall Assyria, and indeed prophetic corpus, especially Deutero-Isaiah, suggest a late
all who stand in opposition to YHWH and YHWH's people. exilic or perhaps post-exilic editing. Given Nahum's catchword
Its self-description as a 'burden' (massif', usually translated connections to Micah and Habakkuk (which envelope it in the
'oracle'), well describes a collection that is textually, histor- canon) (see Nogalski 1993), redaction may have been under-
ically, and theologically 'heavy', one filled with difficulties, taken with an eye to the book's canonical placement. Clearly, a
ironies, and harsh pronouncements. book so focused on a single enemy would need tobe generalized
in some way for later generations to appropriate its message.
A. Text. Textually, Nahum is notoriously difficult, as notes to
the NRSV and other translations attest. Its vocabulary is un-
common, its text at times seems ill-preserved, and its pro- C. Dating. The recognition of the multilayered character of
nouns shift repeatedly in number and gender with rare the book complicates its dating. While most scholars accept a
indication of their antecedents. general time-frame between 663 BCE (the fall of Thebes, Nah
3:8) and 612 BCE (the fall of Nineveh), the final form of the
B. Redaction. Most commentators have attributed the book's book is probably exilic or even post-exilic, given allusions to
disjointedness to an extensive redactional history. Several Isa 40—55 and other prophetic materials. Further problemat-
clues indicate editing. The semi-acrostic in 1:2-8 bears little izing the dating of Nahum is the possibility that Assyria may
connection to the rest of the material but does serve to offer represent less a historical entity than a symbolic enemy, much
NAHUM 600

as Edom serves as a symbol of evil in many of the prophets, sequence) has enticed many commentators to emend it to
and Babylon stands for Rome in Revelation. The readiness various degrees. Nogalski (1993: 104—7) convincingly argues
with which Nahum's language could be read symbolically is that a redactor incorporated and altered a 'loose' acrostic in
attested in the Nahum pesher from Qumran, in which the order to apply an earlier Nahum corpus to a new situation in
writers' contemporary foes are labelled 'Assyria'. the exilic or post-exilic period; the effect of its inclusion is to
stress God's universal sovereignty beyond the book's specific
D. Literary Features. 1. Disagreements regarding the material historical context. This powerful poem imputes to YHWH
that would have constituted the 'original' Nahum also relate to strong feelings and awesome power. Alluding to the credo
discussions of the book's genre. Those who maintain that the found in Ex 34:6-7 and elsewhere, the author highlights the
semi-acrostic in 1:2—8 was composed for, or incorporated early deity's insistence on vindicating his friends and ensuring that
into, the book often attribute it to cultic circles. The tone and his enemies do not escape punishment. The dichotomy of the
vocabulary of Nahum also indicate affinities with the Oracle fate of friends and enemies is especially strong in v. 3: God is
against the Nations genre utilized by other prophets. A suc- 'slow to anger' and 'will not acquit'. Similarly, w. 6-7 explain
cinct discussion of the history of scholarship on Nahum is that no one can withstand the inferno of God's anger and that
found in Mason (1991). he is a place of safety for those who take refuge in him.
2. Despite its textual difficulties, Nahum manifests evident YHWH's ability to effect his will is underscored by the
literary skill. Its acrostic—whether original or not—demon- strongly mythological language of the passage. Ancient
strates literary playfulness. Assonance, alliteration, repetition, Near-Eastern motifs of storm gods and geological upheaval,
and wide-ranging metaphors abound. as well as epithets commonly used for other deities, reinforce
E. Theological Concerns. 1. Engendering perhaps even more the image of the powerful, vindicating God.
discussion, however, is what readers are to make of a book (1:9-11) The shift from the previous hymnic description of
dominated by anger and violence. While late nineteenth- God to an address to 'you', as well as cryptic references to
century commentators lambasted the book's bloodthirsty concrete events, indicates the beginning of a new section.
celebration of revenge, mid-twentieth-century scholars According to Nogalski (1993), these verses serve as a transi-
attempted to vindicate the book, by arguing (i) that a god tion from the imported acrostic to the original Nahum corpus
who did not punish evildoers would not be a good god; and/ which begins in 1:11-14. Th£ 'you' of v. 9 is the first of many
or (2) that the book's final form reframes the original unspecified pronouns in this section and the next. Ambiguity
celebration of revenge into a call for celebration of God's attends v. n ('from you an evil plotter came out') both in terms
universal sovereignty. Recent feminist critiques have found of the pronominal antecedent and in the identification of the
these latter rationalizations of the deity's behaviour in Nahum 'plotter', though Isa lo's designation of Assyria as the 'plotter'
unsatisfying and have pointedly focused attention on the may serve as a close parallel. 'Belial', both in 1:11 and 1:15 (HB
graphic sexual violence of Nah 3, directly attributed to 2:1), seems a generic reference to evil rather than indication of
YHWH the Divine Warrior. a personified demonic power. The lack of antecedents to the
many pronouns of this section, as well as the lack of any
F. Outline. While the clearly composite nature of Nahum pre- reference to Assyria so far (apart from the superscription),
cludes agreement on the delineation of its sections, a thematic has been variously assessed. It may indicate that much trad-
outline is as follows: itional, generic material has been gathered for later applica-
Superscription (1:1) tion to the Assyrian context; or, conversely, it may indicate that
Theophanic Hymn in Semi-Acrostic Style (1:2—8) the superscription itself is presupposed by and integral to the
The Futility of Assyria's Resistance (i:g—n) remainder of the book. v. 10 introduces a literary technique
The Contrasting Fates of Judah and Assyria (1:12-2:2) (HB 2:3) frequent in Nahum: the concatenation of similes/metaphors.
The Assault of Nineveh (2:3-13) (HB 2:4-14) Within the course of one verse, 'they' are interwoven thorns
An Oracle against Nineveh (3:1—ig) and drunkards who will be burned like chaff.
(1:12-2:2) (HB 2:3) While 'you' in 1:12-13 refers to Judah (T
will afflict you no more,' T will break off his yoke from you'), in
COMMENTARY
1:14 God addresses an individual 'you' whom most commen-
(1:1) The designation of this anti-Assyrian prophecy as a tators identify as the king of Assyria. 1:15 (HB 2:1) again
'burden' (massif) parallels closely the similar designation of addresses Judah, while 2:1 (HB 2:2) announces to Assyria
Oracles against the Nations in Isa 13—23, as well as the super- that a 'scatterer' (variously considered an epithet of YHWH
scriptions of Zech 9:1; 12:1; and Mai 1:1. 'Nahum', which or an allusion to the Babylonians) has arrived. This volley of
means 'comfort', echoes the beginning of Deutero-Isaiah, a addressees betrays, as do earlier verses, the book's extended
somewhat ironic designation for the harsh voice to follow. redactional history. 1:15 is a clear reference to Isa 52:7, one of
The significance of the description of the prophecy as a 'book' the many connections between Nahum and Deutero-Isaiah.
is debated, but may indicate final redaction in a period in which (2:3—13) (HB 2:4—14) This unit portrays the attack of Nineveh,
prophetic books (and perhaps collections) were being formed. identified in 2:8 (HB 2:9) for the first time since the super-
(1:2-8) That Nahum opens with an acrostic has been noticed scription. Well-dressed warriors storm the city, their chariots
at least since the mid-nineteenth century, though its origin is dash in madly, and the city walls cannot hold them back.
debated. The acrostic's incomplete state (it continues only as While some mythological motifs are evident in this section
far as the letter kap and manifests two breaks in the alphabetic ('waters run away', 2:8, HB 2:9), various literary devices
 6oi HABAKKUK
attempt to capture the feel of an actual siege: staccato sen- rape/war connection arises and its problematic character for
tences, some without verbs; and alliteration in 2:10 (HB 2:11) modern readers, highlights the irony of this passage: Assyria's
(buqd iimebuqd iimebulldqd, 'Devastation, desolation, and de- brutal warfare was perpetrated by men, and when women
struction'). 2:7 (HB 2:8) has proved problematic for inter- were involved at all they were victims. Facetiously, w. 13-14
preters. The MT reads 'she is exiled'. While NRSV links 'she' encourage the Assyrians to try to defend themselves, though
to the city Nineveh, Sanderson (1992: 218) relates the refer- v. 15 makes clear that all resistance is futile. Locust vocabulary
ence to Ishtar, the city goddess of Nineveh. Others have sug- is used extensively in w. 15—17, where three different Hebrew
gested that the reference to 'handmaids' later in the verse words are used to describe these devourers. In this regard,
suggests that 'she' is an Assyrian princess. The lion imagery Nahum shares with Joel (esp. ch. i) the comparison of invad-
in 2:11—12 (HB 2:12—13) draws upon the iconographic connec- ing armies with locust plagues.
tion of Assyria with the lion. Nahum ends with a mock funeral dirge for the Assyrian
(3:1—19) v. i begins with hoy ('woe'), a form-critical marker of king in w. 18-19, in which the Assyrian leaders are called
the 'woe-oracle'. While this genre often bears funerary con- 'shepherds' (cf. Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Zech 9-14). v. 19 per-
notations, Roberts (1991: 118) well demonstrates its utiliza- forms an important theological function, forcefully remind-
tion in other contexts. As in Nah 2, literary devices attempt to ing the reader that the preceding exultation in Assyria's
capture the feel of attack; 3:2—3 strings together phrases with- downfall issues not from free-floating hatred but from the
out verbs, heaping up images of the devastation of Nineveh. community's own suffering. This concluding rhetorical ques-
While other prophets frequently compare sinful Israel and/or tion leaves the reader with another, implicit one: is delight in
Judah to a prostitute, Nahum directs this imagery towards an oppressor's defeat morally justified?
Nineveh in 3:4. The sexual violence in 3:5—6 is graphic:
YHWH himself uncovers the woman's genitals for all nations
to see and throws filth upon her. w. 8-n taunt Nineveh, REFERENCES
asking it to compare itself to Thebes, a well-defended Egyptian
city conquered by the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal in 663 BCE. Mason, R. (1991), Micah, Nahum, Obadiah, Old Testament Guides
Even Thebes went into exile, even her children were dashed to (Sheffield: JSOT), 56-84.
Nogalski, J. (1993), Redactional Processes in the Book of the Twelve
pieces, and Assyria can expect to fare no better than its own
(Berlin: de Gruyter).
victim, v. 13 again turns to derogatory feminine imagery: Roberts, J. J. M. (1991), Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah: A Com-
Assyrian warriors are shamefully compared to women, and mentary, OTL (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox).
the double entendre of 'gates opened wide to your enemies' Sanderson, J. E. (1992), 'Nahum', in Carol A. Newsom and Sharon H.
promises the horror of sexual violation. Sanderson (1992: Ringe (eds.), Women's Bible Commentary (London: SPCK; Louisville,
219), who explains both the social setting from which the Ky.: Westminster/John Knox), 217—21.

34. Habakkuk D O N A L D E. GOWAN

INTRODUCTION
A. The Subject of the Book. 1. Habakkuk is different from all in general terms (Childs 1979: 447—55) may perhaps make it
the other prophetic books, in subject-matter and in its choice all the more valuable as an early contribution to the perennial
of forms of literature. It questions whether the earlier question of theodicy (ABD vi. 444-7): whether God's justice
prophets' explanation of the disasters that befell Israel and can really be seen at work in the world.
Judah can be true: that YHWH has sent the armies of foreign
nations to punish them for their crimes. The crimes of those B. Unity and Method. 1. We know nothing about Habakkuk
armies are manifestly worse than those of Israel or Judah, so except that 1:1 gives him the title 'prophet' (elsewhere only
how can this be called God's just judgement? Hag 1:1; Zech 1:1). This, plus the extensive use of liturgical
2. The reference to the Chaldeans (the ruling class that forms and wisdom terminology, suggests that he may have
established the Neo-Babylonian empire in the late 7th cent.; been a 'cult prophet', functioning in some formal way in the
ABD i. 886—7) in I;6 suggests that the book is a reaction to the worship of the Jerusalem temple (Murray 1982: 200-16;
approach of Nebuchadnezzar's army as it made its way Coggins 1982: 77-94). The book begins with the language
through Syria and Phoenicia, and it shows no awareness of used in the psalms of lament (cf. 1:2—4 with Ps 13:1—2; 74:10;
the fall of Jerusalem in 597 BCE, so may be dated in approxi- 89:46; and 1:12-13 with Ps 5:4-5), indicates that the prophet
mately 600 BCE. Jehoiakim was king of Judah (2 Kings 23:34— could seek an oracle from YHWH (cf. 2:1 with 2 Kings 3:11-
24:7; Jer 22:13—19) and it may have been the injustice of his 20), speaks explicitly of YHWH's presence in the temple
reign that led to the complaints in Hab 1:2-4, although some (2:20), and concludes with a psalm that uses technical terms
think the wicked in these verses are the foreign armies. For found also in the Psalter (3:1, 9, 13, 19), all showing that the
the history of the period, see Miller and Hayes (1986:402—15). prophet knew well the language of worship and may have
Neither the wicked in 1:4, 13; 2:4—19 nor the righteous in 1:4, even been an official participant. He was also well acquainted
13; 2:4 are explicitly identified, and this has led to much debate with the concerns and vocabulary of the sages in Jerusalem:
over the date and setting of the book, but the fact that it speaks his questions about the justice of God remind us of Job and
HABAKKUK 602

Ecclesiastes, and he uses favourite words of the sages, such as 17). But like Job, Habakkuk does not give up on God, and
'complaint' (2:1), 'taunt', 'mocking riddles' (2:6), and others insists there must be an answer, using the imagery of the
(Morgan 1981: 63—93). Th£ only uniquely prophetic form in watchman on a tower to representhis persistence (2:1). NRSV
the book is the 'woe' (or 'alas') poem in 2:6-19. has emended 'what I will answer' to 'what he will answer', but
2. The book is clearly divided into three partas: 1:2-2:5 is a the MT is understandable as a reference to the way Habakkuk
complaint of the prophet, quoting two oracles from God (1:5— may react to the answer he awaits from God. His reaction is
n; 2:4—5); 2:6—20 is a poem consisting of five 'woes' over some recorded in 3:17—19.
unnamed tyrant; 3:1-19 is a psalm of thanksgiving. Since ch. 3 God's answer (2:2-5) is brief. and in many respects
has its own introduction many have suggested it did not cryptic. He affirms the need for persistence, assuring Habak-
originally belong with chs. 1—2, but most commentators now kuk that waiting will not be futile (v. 3), and speaks of
agree that even though it may once have been used separately writing a vision (without indicating what its contents will be)
it now forms an appropriate conclusion to the book (Roberts on tablets (v. 2), one of the few references in the prophetic
1991: 141; Robertson 1990: 212; Smith 1984: 95). books to putting their words in written form (cf. Isa 8:1; 30:8;
Jer 36). 'So that a runner may read it' (NRSV and most trs.)
COMMENTARY suggests a message written large, but the Hebrew literally
says 'so that one who reads it may run'. Royal messengers
(1:1) The oracle was a word from God directly spoken to an
normally carried a written copy of the text they were to declare,
inspired person. Habakkuk is said to have 'seen' it (also Isa 2:1;
and since the prophets functioned as messengers of God
Am 1:1) because it was known that sometimes revelation came
(cf. the frequent occurrence of the 'messenger formula':
to the prophets via visions (cf. Hab 2:2; Isa 1:1; Ob 1:1), even
'Thus says the Lord'; Westermann 1967: 98-128) this may
though no vision is recorded in this book.
be an allusion to the delivery of God's message by his
(1:2—2:5) Whereas other prophets announced that God was prophet.
about to bring judgement upon his people because of the 2:4 is the thematic centre of the book, but the first half of the
injustice in their society (e.g. Isa 5; Am 5:11-12; 8:4-8), verse is difficult. NRSV paraphrases, using 'proud' to repre-
Habakkuk complains to God, using the language of the sent a word that occurs only here in the OT, but which seems
psalms of lament (Westermann 1981: 165—213), that God to be formed from a root meaning 'to swell', so others translate
appears to have done nothing to alleviate the violence he it 'puffed up'. 'Spirit' is not the best choice for nepes, which is
sees around him (1:2-4). Without introduction a new speaker better rendered 'life'. 2:412 must be a contrast of some sort to
appears in 1:5-11. The speaker is clearly God himself, as 1:6 2:4/7, but every translation proposed so far involves some
reveals. This is usually taken to be a response to the complaint, guesswork. 2:4/7 is composed of three potent words in Heb-
with a new message that God intends to use the Chaldeans as rew. According to Habakkuk the righteous have been suffer-
his agents of judgement for the sins of his people, the way he ing unjustly (1:4, 13) and the issue is when and whether God
had used the Assyrians in the eighth century (Isa 10:1-19; Mic will do something about it. As used in ch. i, 'righteous' would
i; etc.). If so, this is a dialogue between the prophet and his seem to mean 'innocent', as in many other occurrences of the
God, similar to the complaints of Jeremiah that God answered word (ABD v. 724—36). Here, God does not say what he
(Jer 11:18-20, 21-3; 12:1-4, 5~6; 15:10-18, 19-21). Isaiah and intends to do for them, but assures them that life is possible
Micah may have accepted the idea of Assyria as agent of in the meantime, and in Hebrew to be alive means more than
judgement, but Habakkuk knows too much about what an merely to exist or survive; it connotes full vitality, health, and
invading army does to conquered people to accept that as even reputation (IDE iii. 124—6; TDOTiv. 324—44). The last
evidence for God's justice. His rejoinder in 1:12—17 puts the word is more appropriately translated 'faithfulness' than
issue bluntly: how can a righteous God do nothing about 'faith' since that is its usual meaning in the OT (cf. 2 Chr
wrongdoing, treachery, and wickedness? Rather than a dialo- 19:9; Hos 2:20), and the root has the sense of'belief only in
gue, 1:2—2:1 may be a single complaint, however, in which 1337:9 (ABDii. 744—9). Paul thus used the verse in an original
Habakkuk quotes an oracle he had received earlier (1:5—11). If way in Gal 3:11: 'Now it is evidentthat no one is justified before
so, this oracle was already the cause of the protest in 1:2-4. God by the law; for "The one who is righteous will live by
TheMT's 'we shall not die' (1:12) is identified in the rabbinic faith'" (cf. Rom 1:17). Faith and faithfulness are not to be
literature as one of the tiqqune hassopherim (emendations of sharply distinguished, for one can scarcely be faithful without
the scribes), a few very early changes of texts that were offen- faith, and mere belief without faithful behaviour would be a
sive for some reason. Rabbinic tradition recalled that the mockery, as Paul makes clear in Rom 6 and elsewhere. God's
original reading was 'you shall not die', a good parallel to brief answer insists the puffed up (proud or presumptuous)
'Are you not from of old...?' in 1:120, and NRSV has adopted will not endure, but offers no explanation for their present
that tradition. Apparently the scribes found the very thought success in a world supposedly ruled by a just God. The answer,
of the death of God to be shocking enough to alter the sen- so far, is an existential one, putting the responsibility on the
tence, even though it negated the idea. 1:12-13 represents one shoulders of the righteous, but containing the promise that
of the OT's starkest contrasts between belief in a just and holy they may live by their faithfulness. The pronoun with
God and the realities of this violent world, comparable to 'faithfulness' is singular in Hebrew (not 'their', NRSV). The
some of Job's speeches (Job 21, 24). Habakkuk elaborates on usual translation has been 'his faithfulness', referring to the
the impossibility of accepting the cruelties of an invading righteous, but some prefer 'its faithfulness', i.e. the reliability
army as God's way of establishing justice on earth, likening of the vision promised in 2:2 (Janzen 1980: 53—78; Roberts
the enemy to a fisherman and the defeated to his catch (1:14— 1991: 104).
 603 HABAKKUK
(2:5) serves as a transition verse between the first and second (3:1—19) The separate title given to this poem, similar to those
major sections of the book. It introduces the theme of 2:6—19; attached to some of the Psalms (Ps 7:1; 17:1; 86:1; 90:1),
the inevitable downfall of the arrogant who (like the Chal- suggests that this may originally have been a separate piece,
deans) 'gather all nations for themselves'. It may thus be an a psalm produced for use in temple worship, but it now forms
elaboration of 2:40. MT reads 'wine is treacherous', which an appropriate conclusion to the book (Hiebert 1986). Its use
does not seem a natural move from 'the righteous live by their of theophanic language is similar to that of Ps 18, and it may
faith', and NRSV has preferred the reading 'wealth', found in thus have been written as a psalm of thanksgiving. Several
the commentary on Habakkuk at Qumran. The reference to lines are extremely difficult to translate, because of their use of
wine in MTmay look ahead to 2:15-16, however. The metaphor rare words. Apparently Habakkuk either quoted extensively
of Death as a monster with a gaping mouth was well known from earlier poetry, or deliberately chose to use archaic lan-
in the ancient Near East (Prov 27:20; 30:15—16; Isa 5:14; also guage to express the awesomeness of the coming of the Lord,
intheBaalepic found at Ugarit in Syria; ANET 1955:138). v. 2 is an effective introduction, including a prayer for divine
intervention recalling ch. i, a confession of awe (lit. fear) at
(2:6—20) Clearly this is a distinct section of the book, with an God's work, anticipating the terrifying theophany of w. 3—15,
introduction in 6a and with v. 20 making the transition to ch. and the key words 'wrath' and 'mercy'.
3. It is a poem of five stanzas, the first four of which are w. 3-15 are one of the impressive theophanies (ABDvi. 505-
introduced by hoy ('woe' or 'alas'). The same word occurs in n; OCB 740-1) of the OT, a term used of descriptions of the
the middle of the fifth stanza (v. 19). It may be that v. 18 appearance of God that make extensive use of the most awe-
originally followed v. 19 and became dislocated in the copying inspiring of natural phenomena in order to convey the sense
of the text, or perhaps the poet chose to vary the shape of the of God's overwhelming power (cf. Ex 19; Ps 18:7-19; 50:3;
last stanza. In Hebrew the entire poem speaks of a tyrant in 77:16-20; Nah 1:2-8). Its archaic character is reflected not
the third person; NRSV has changed the references to second only in its vocabulary, but also in the echoes of ancient Near-
person. The exclamation hoy was originally a cry of grief, as i Eastern myths involving conflict between a hero god, such as
Kings 13:30 shows. The element of grief appears in some Marduk or Baal, and the watery chaos, Tiamat or Yam (ANET
prophetic uses (Jer 22:18; 30:7; 34:5; Am 5:16), but the word 1955: 60-72, 129-31; and cf. Ps 74:13-15; Isa 27:1; 51:9).
is used here in a context of rejoicing over the death of a tyrant, Habakkuk also used the old traditions of YHWH as a warrior
and Isaiah uses it to introduce a series of accusations (5:8-23; in order to speak of God's coming to save his people. Teman
10:1-4). Some have claimed the word was just a cry to get and Mount Paran (v. 3) are places south-east of Judah and are
attention, like 'Hey!', but that scarcely explains its uses in probably intended to recall the Sinai tradition, as in Deut 33:2.
mourning the dead and the fact that it is usually followed by Cushan maybe a poetic shortening of Cushanrishathaim, one
a third-person reference (ABD vi. 945—6; TDOTiii. 359—64). of the oppressors of Israel during the period of the Judges
Other elements in Habakkuk's poem show that he had con- (Judg 3:8-10), and Midian may thus refer to the story of
structed a mock funeral song, using the traditional cry of grief Gideon (Judg 6-8). Israel's use of terrifying language to
in a new way, and emphasizing the theme of reversal of describe the saviour God, as in w. 5—15, may be disturbing
fortune that is typical of dirges (cf. 2 Sam 1:19—27). The to modern readers, but it is properly understood as an effort to
introduction, with the words 'taunt' and 'mocking riddles', convey the awareness that God is 'wholly other', whose
alerts us that Habakkuk is making a radically new use of a presence is both daunting and intensely attractive; the
traditional genre. God has thus told the prophet to authorize religious experience best described by Rudolf Otto as the
his suffering people to celebrate the death of the tyrant in 'numinous' (Otto 1958; Gowan 1994: 25—53). These two
advance, for his downfall is inevitable. aspects of the sense of God's immediate presence then appear
Five of the ways the tyrant has brought suffering to many in Habakkuk's description of his reaction, in w. 16-19. He is
people will soon rebound upon him, the prophet says. He has physically shaken by it (v. i6a), but the presence of God
enriched himself by impoverishing others; soon his own has given him not only the ability to endure trustfully (v. i6fc)
debts will be called in (w. 6fc-8). He has sought to ensure but a sense of rejoicing that transcends all suffering. In the
his own security at the cost of others; his own palace will economy of ancient Israel, the failure of all that is listed in v. 17
testify against him (w. 9—11). He thought the greatness of would mean starvation, but in w. 18—19 Habakkuk affirms
his building programmes justified bloodshed and iniquity; that he has found in the saviour God the strength to become
when the earth is filled with the knowledge of the Lord that 'more than conqueror' (Rom 8:37; cf. 2 Cor 4:8-10). He has
will be shown to be folly (w. 12-14). The use of drunkenness to not found rational answers to the 'Why?' and 'How long?'
accomplish his purposes (w. 15—17) maybe literal (cf. Isa 28:7; questions with which the book began, but he has learned how
Prov 31:4—5), but the cup in v. i6h is the metaphorical cup of to live without the answers, and how to live rejoicing.
wrath found also in Jer 25:15-19. The violence done to Lebanon
(v. 17) refers to the frequent invasions of Phoenicia by Meso-
potamian conquerors in order to obtain its valuable cedars (cf. REFERENCES
Isa 14:8; 37:24). The gods who have authorized the empire-
Childs, B. S. (1979), Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture
building of the tyrant are mocked as mere idols (w. 18-19), (Philadelphia: Fortress).
using wordplays in Hebrew, one of which may be echoed in Coggins, R. (1982), 'An Alternative Prophetic Tradition?', in Richard
English as 'stolid statues'. Then the rude mockery is brought Coggins, Anthony Phillips, and Michael Knibb, (eds.), Israel's Proph-
to a sudden end with the call to silence (v. 2 o), for Habakkuk is etic Tradition: Essays in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd (Cambridge:
about to speak of the way YHWH comes to save his people. Cambridge University Press).
ZEPHANIAH 604
Gowan, D. E. (1994), Theology in Exodus: Biblical Theology in the Otto, R. (1958), The Idea of the Holy: An Inquiry into the Non-Rational
Form of a Commentary (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox), Factor in the Idea of the Divine and its Relation to the Rational (Oxford:
ch.2. Oxford University. Press).
Hiebert, T. (1986), God of My Victory: The Ancient Hymn in Habakkuk Roberts, J. J. M. (1991), Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah: A Com-
3, HSM 38 (Atlanta: Scholars Press). mentary. Old Testament Library (Louisville' Ky.: Westminster/John
Janzen, J. G. (1980), 'Habakkuk 2:2-4 in the Light of Recent Philo- Knox).
logical Advances', HTR 73: 53-78. Robertson, O. P. (1990), The Books of Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zeph-
Miller, J. M., and Hayes, J. H. (1986), A History of Ancient Israel and aniah (Grand Rapids Mich.: Eerdmans).
Judah (Philadelphia: Westminster). Smith, R. L. (1984), Micah-Malachi, Word Biblical Commentary
Morgan, D. F. (1981), Wisdom in the Old Testament Traditions (Atlanta: (Waco, Tex.: Word Books).
John Knox). Westermann, C. (1967), Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech (Philadelphia:
Murray, R. (1982), 'Prophecy and the Cult', in Richard Coggins, Westminster).
Anthony Phillips, and Michael Knibb (eds.), Israel's Prophetic Trad- (1981), Praise and Lament in the Psalms (Atlanta: John Knox).
ition: Essays in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press).

35. Zephaniah REX MASON

INTRODUCTION
A. The Prophet. 1. For all the lengthy pedigree given for Zeph- reference to the 'remnant of Baal', which suggests Josiah had
aniah in i: i we know nothing about him. His descent is traced done his work, or on the identification ofthe prophet with the
back to 'Hezekiah'. Commentators offer the mutually cancel- exiled priest of the same name, or on the basis of Deuter-
ling views that either Hezekiah was so well known he did not onomic parallels in the book (e.g. Hyatt 1948, Williams 1963,
need to be called 'king' or that, if it were really the Hezekiah he Robertson 1990). However, the phrase in 1:4 may just mean
would have been called king! We cannot use either view for 'every vestige of Baal' (Ben Zvi 1991: 67) while the Deuter-
evidence as to why Zephaniah did not criticize the king in his onomic parallels are general and we do not know which
prophecy (e.g. at 1:8). It is, perhaps, difficult to believe that one influenced the other. The identification ofthe two Zephaniahs
who criticized the political and religious establishment of his is purely hypothetical. The most extreme dating of
day so severely was ofthe royal line. Zephaniah seems to know Zephaniah in the second century BCE (while allowing for a
Jerusalem well and to be familiar with the language and 6th-century origin for 1:4-13, Smith and Lacheman 1950) has
practices of its temple worship. The deduction from this that received little support. However, many would argue for a post-
he was a 'cult prophet' runs into the same difficulties as the exilic date for the present form ofthe book (e.g. Ben Zvi).
view that he was royal: could an official temple servant have
been so devastating in his critique of it? He draws on very B. The Book. 1. The outline and division of contents which we
similar prophetic traditions to those found in Amos, Hosea, follow in the commentary is one which is generally and
and Isa 1-39. The suggestion that he is to be identified with an broadly accepted (variations are noted). The book, small as it
exiled priest ofthe name (2 Kings 25: 18—21, Williams 1963) is, shows the whole range of prophetic material including
lacks both foundation and probability. oracles of judgement against Israel/Judah, oracles against
2. The superscription sets Zephaniah's ministry in the time the nations, oracles of salvation for Israel or a remnant within
of King Josiah (640-609 BCE). Many commentators have her, and more cosmic or universal pictures of YHWH's future
accepted this and seen his attacks especially on the religious action tending towards what is sometimes called 'apocalyptic'.
syncretism of Judah as predating Josiah's reform of 621 BCE. It General prophetic themes, especially as found in Amos,
is argued that such abuses would not have existed after the Hosea, and Isa 1-39, include the 'day ofthe LORD', whether
clean-up described in 2 Kings 23:4-24 (e.g. Roberts 1991: seen as a day of darkness and judgement for God's people or
163). We may suspect that the account of Josiah's reform has as salvation for Israel and judgement ofthe nations; a critique
been somewhat exaggerated, especially in the light of the of both social injustice and religious apostasy; and calls for
subsequent fierce attacks of Jeremiah and Ezekiel on the repentance in humble submission to and dependence upon
religious life of Judah. Even if that is so, however, it is true YHWH. In addition, there are echoes of psalms and other
that the book would suit a general movement of unrest follow- worship material from the temple cult. There is a dearth of
ing the period of Assyrian domination in the time of Manas- unambiguous references to historical events and, as we shall
seh such as gave rise to the Deuteronomic reform movement. see, there appears to be a tendency towards a more general-
(For a brief survey ofthe history ofthe period and assessment izing interpretation of earlier prophetic material, which may
ofthe account of Josiah's reform, see Mason 1994: 35—43; for a suggest a complex redactional process as earlier oracles were
recent questioning ofthe account of Josiah's reform in Kings, edited, exegeted, and found to have relevance in new situ-
see Clements 1996: 10-13.) Some have argued for a post- ations. It is difficult to be precise about the exact stages of
reform Josianic date, or even a date in the reign of his succes- such redaction. Some commentators see the book as mainly
sor Jehoiakim, sometimes on the grounds of 1:4 with its the work ofthe seventh-century prophet Zephaniah (e.g. Kel-
 605 ZEPHANIAH

ler 1990, Roberts 1991). Many assume a redaction process, sons' may be a generic term like 'sons of the prophets', here
usually incorporating what they view as an exilic or Deuter- signifying the whole royal establishment. Sabottka's (1972)
onomic stratum and later post-exilic material, especially in idea that 'the king' is Baal and the reference is to his priests
3:9-20 (e.g. Renaud 1987, Irsigler 1977, Krinetzki 1977). whose 'foreign attire' is their officiating robes is unlikely.
Ben Zvi (1991) has argued strongly that the book, while in- Their fault seems to be that they are a foppish and effete
corporating earlier material—he identifies three composi- wealthy class, whose wealth is obtained (v. 9) by robbery and
tional levels—must be read as a post-exilic literary work violence. Whether they leap out of their own doors on unsus-
from which we can deduce nothing certain of the historic pecting passers-by or leap into the houses of their victims is
prophet or his ministry. House (1988) attempts to read the not clear, w. 10-12, it seems to be the city of Jerusalem which
book as a 'prophetic drama' based on alternating speeches will bear the brunt of YHWH's judgement 'on that day'.
of YHWH and the prophet, but this founders on the dubiety Priests, royals, and now wealthy merchants and traders are
of his distribution of some of the speeches between the singled out (v. n). Various places in the city are specified, and
protagonists and the lack of any obvious dramatic plot or, its inhabitants are addressed as those who live in 'mortar', i.e.
indeed, any literary parallel for such a form. buildings within a walled city. God will search out the com-
2. The text itself does not present major problems. The more placent and indifferent who are virtual (if not theoretical)
important difficulties are noted in the commentary. atheists. God may exist but they do not think they need take
him into the reckoning of practical life and politics. They are
like wine which deteriorates if it is never disturbed (Jer. 48:11).
COMMENTARY They will reap no long-term profit from their oppression
(1:1) Editorial Superscription See Ai, 2. (v. 13). w. 14-16, the day of wrath: this passage, the basis of
(1:2-18) The Day of YHWH's Judgement against Judah and the medieval hymn 'Dies Irae', stands in the tradition of the
Jerusalem The main indictments of the Judean community teaching of Amos and Isaiah about the day of YHWH as a day
and warnings of YHWH's judgement appear in w. 4—16. of darkness, a day which sees invasion and defeat. It may
These are now set in a framework, w. 2—3 and 17—18, which already mark a widening of the original attacks on Jerusalem
extends God's judgement against Judah and Jerusalem on to a by its threat to 'cities' in the plural. Its description of them
universal, more cosmic stage, w. 2-3, what is announced is a emphasizes them as places of strong fortifications and secur-
complete reversal of the act of creation as described in Gen. ity. All human might is helpless before God's power, however,
ch. i. All the main aspects of the created order will be swept w. 17-18, the threats here have become quite general, against
away. To drive the point home, the word rendered in NRSVas 'humanity', the same word 'adam as in v. 3, NRSV masking the
'humans' and 'humanity' is 'adam (as in Gen. 1:26-7), and 'framework' effect of this with its translation, 'people'. Now no
there is the same paronomasia with the word 'earth', 'ddama, specific crimes are mentioned, they have 'sinned against the
as in Gen. 2:5, 6, 7, 9. In a general reversion to chaos from LORD'. Again, it seems to be those who confide in human
created order human beings will lose their divinely given rule resources—here their wealth—who are singled out, but the
of the earth (see de Roche 1980). w. 4-6, for the phrase threat is now universal, to 'all the inhabitants of the earth'. The
'remnant of Baal' see A.2. The word rendered in NRSV as effect of w. 2—3 and 17—18 is therefore to make the threats of
'idolatrous priests' is rare and relates only to those who serve w. 4-16 against the people of Jerusalem for specific sins
other gods (2 Kings 23:5; Hos 10:5). This may have led a applicable to all people of all times.
glossator to add an explanatory 'with the priests' showing (2:1-3) A Call to Penitence There have been those who see
that, in his view, God would judge his own priests as well. v. 5 this oracle as belonging with the oracles against the nations
links this with astral worship (see 2 Kings 23:4—5 for an which follow (J. M. P. Smith 1911: 211). This would be more
account of how this cult was overthrown in Josiah's reform). likely if v. 3 were the late addition many have argued (Taylor
'Milcom', NRSV, is a version of the name of the Ammonite 1956: 1022; Elliger 1964: 69; Seybold 1991: 103). However,
god (i Kings 11:5 etc.). The Hebrew is pointed to read 'their although a call to penitence might seem illogical to us coming
king' (malkam), which might refer to Baal worship. The point after such threats of total disaster, it is quite normal in the
is that Judeans combine worship of YHWH with that of other prophetic books (e.g. Am 5:4-5). The book of Jonah is con-
deities. Either these are contrasted with yet others (v. 6) who cerned to show that penitence can avert even a prophetic
have simply abandoned the worship of YHWH without em- prediction of disaster. Further, Zephaniah may articulate
bracing that of any other god, or religious syncretism is seen something which may well be implicit elsewhere in the
as in fact abandoning YHWH anyway. prophetic canon. While the 'organized state' will disappear
w. 7-9, the day of YHWH: the call 'Be silent' was used in there is hope for 'the humble' if they seek YHWH. v. i, the verb
the cult to announce the theophany (Hab 2:20; Zech 2:13) but rendered 'Gather together' is related to the word for gathering
here YHWH's appearance among his people is not for salva- stubble. The adjective 'shameless' seems to be from a verbal
tion but for judgement. There will be a festal sacrifice but the root meaning 'to desire' and so mean 'undesired'. In God's
people of Judah will find no substitutionary victim, they eyes the nation and its establishment have become as worth-
themselves will be the victims (whoever the 'guests' may be). less, and little wanted, as stubble in a harvested field, v. 3, note
But just as the priests were singled out for attack in v. 4 so here that the prophet's call is to the 'poor' or 'humble' as opposed to
the royal establishment is held responsible. The failure to the priests, the royal establishment and the wealthy mer-
specify the king might be because Josiah was still a minor chants and traders. The word 'humble' is almost a technical
(so several, e.g. Roberts 1991: 178), but the phrase 'the king's term in the psalms for the downtrodden and oppressed, those
ZEPHANIAH 606

who have no hope of help from any but God. The 'perhaps' nations. If originally it was his intention to gather nations to
suggests that his mercy is sovereign. act as his agents of judgement (a familiar prophetic theme,
(2:4—15) Oracles against the Nations (OAN) Many commen- e.g. Ob i, Zech 14:2) we would expect the verse to read 'to pour
tators have spent a lot of time trying to ferret out the historical out upon you', an emendation some have suggested (e.g.
context of these oracles. The reason for their widely differing Renaud 1987: 243). Roberts (1991: 215) suggests thatthe verse
conclusions is that references are of the most general kind. is addressed to 'the faithful' and the 'them' on whom YHWH
This renders dubious the claim of those such as Christensen is to pour out his wrath are the faithless, corrupt officials of
(1984) that they all fit neatly into the year 628 BCE. Even the w. 3-4).
apparent allusion to the fall of Nineveh (v. 13) must be treated (3:9—13) Salvation for Judah and the Nations v. 9, this is
with caution (see below). The nations represent Israel's en- unexpected and seems far removed from the threat in v. 8 of
emies at the four points of the compass. In the ancient Near judgement against the nations, which suggests that v. 8 was
East new kings had to earn by their victories the right to call read, at least by some, in one ofthe ways suggested above. The
themselves 'Lord of the Four Quarters of the Earth' (Liverani idea that the nations will be given a 'change of speech' (cf. Isa
1981). One function of these oracles may therefore be to 6:5-7; !9:I8) so that they call on YHWH suggests a somewhat
establish YHWH's claim to be Lord of the whole world. (For late universalism. Its position here probably shows an editor's
a detailed study see Ryou 1995.) w. 4—7, no special crime of view that the salvation of Israel will have universal conse-
Philistia is mentioned. Perhaps it symbolizes 'the uncircum- quences, w. 11—13 return to the strong contrast drawn
cised' par excellence, v. 7 introduces the idea of the 'remnant', throughout this book between the 'proud', and the 'humble'
one way of easing the tension between threats of judgement and 'lowly', or 'poor', another term from the Psalms. Note the
against the nation of Israel and yet of God's purpose for future complete reversal of the state of such people from that de-
salvation, w. 8-n, note that the crime of Moab and Ammon is
scribed in 1:4—13 and 3:1—4.
human pride and enmity against God's people. God's judge-
ment against all human pretensions is a familiar prophetic (3:14—20) YHWH's Reign as King in Jerusalem Again in
theme, and it may well be the function of this oracle to express familiar cultic terms the faithful are called upon to rejoice
this truth rather than recall some specific historical occasion, already in YHWH's victorious kingship (cf. Isa 12:6; Zech
v. 12, the brief mention ofthe Ethiopians is a mystery. Perhaps 2:10; 9:9 etc.). Now judgements are taken away and YHWH
it is a fragment of a longer oracle, w. 13—15, Nineveh fell in 612 really is in their 'midst' (v. 15, cf. the irony of 3:5). Many have
BCE and it might be that this oracle, or some form of it, was pointed to the strong parallels between this whole passage and
once uttered by the prophet Zephaniah in the early period of the 'Psalms of YHWH's Enthronement' (e.g. Ps 47, 93, 96-
Josiah's reign. But note again it is her pride and confidence in 9). He alone will be king—there is no mention of any renewed
her own power (v. 14) which is the reason for her downfall. In experiments with human kings—and it is again stressed that
later times Nineveh could, and did, become a symbol of all it is the 'lame' and the 'outcast' whom he will bring in as his
that is opposed to God, as in Jonah. subjects, having ousted their 'oppressors' (v. 19). Zephaniah is
a thoroughly radical prophetic book—a charter for the 'little
(3:1—8) Further Indictments against the Jerusalem Commu- people' of all corrupt societies, v. 20 is probably a later addition
nity The switch to Jerusalem in v. i is so abrupt, with only the whose purpose is to extend to Jews living in all kinds of
introductory 'Woe' of the judgement oracle in the form of a difficulty the assurance that God will bring them back from
lamentation (Westermann 1967: 189-94), mat some have their own particular 'Babylon'.
taken it as a continuation ofthe threat against Nineveh. But
the paralleling may well be deliberate (Renaud 1987: 235-6).
Jerusalem is no better than these 'pagan' nations. This would REFERENCES
echo Amos's use of OAN (Barton 1980: 3-15). It further
strengthens the view that the 'nations' now typify that kind Barton, J. (1980), Amos's Oracles against the Nations, SOTSMS 6 (Cam-
of sin which God will judge, wherever he finds it. w. 3—4, note bridge: Cambridge University Press).
Ben Zvi, E. (1991) A Historical-Critical Study ofthe Book of Zephaniah,
again the attack on the figures ofthe establishment, both civil
BZAW 198, (Berlin: de Gruyter).
and religious, v. 5, the contrast is between YHWH who gives Christensen, D. L. (1984), 'Zephaniah 2:4-15: A Theological
real justice 'in the morning' (when the king heard legal ap- Basis for Josiah's Program of Political Expansion', CEO 46:
peals, Jer 21:12) and the corrupt exercise of power by those 669-82.
who claim his authority. The statement 'The LORD within it is Clements, R. E. (1996), The Deuteronomic Law of Centralization and
righteous' may well parody the claims ofthe Jerusalem cultus, the Catastrophe of 587 B.C.', Afterthe Exile: Essays in Honour of Rex
'God is in the midst of her' and 'The LORD of hosts is with us' Mason (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press), 5—25.
(Ps 46:5, 7, 11, HB w. 6, 8, 12). w. 6-7, YHWH's actions Elliger, K. (1964), Das Buch der zwolf Kleinen Propheten, ATD 25/2
against other nations should have shown Israel his power (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
House, P. R. (1988), Zephaniah: A Prophetic Drama, JSOTSup 69,
and his demands for righteousness (again, the function of
(Sheffield: Almond Press).
the OAN in ch. 2), but they refused to pay any heed. v. 8 is a Hyatt, J. P. (1948), The Date and Background of Zephaniah', JNES 7:
totally unexpected denouement. One would expect w. 1—7 to 25-9.
culminate in the announcement of God's judgement against Irsigler, H. (1977), Gottesricht undjahwetag: Die Komposition Zefi, 1—2,
Jerusalem for all her sins, but instead, v. 8 appears to switch to }, untersucht auf der Grundlage der LiteraAritik des Zefanjabuches,
the theme ofthe announcement of his judgement against the ATAT 3 (St Ottilien: Eos).
 607 HAGGAI
Keller, C. A. (1990), Nahoum, Habacuc, Sophonie, CAT lib 2nd edn. Ryou, D. H. (1995), Zephaniah's Oracles against the Nations: A Synchro-
(Neuchatel: Delachauxet Liestle). nic and Diachronic Study of Zephaniah 2:1—3:8, Biblical Interpreta-
Krinetzld, G. (1977), Zefanjastudien. Motiv- und Traditionskritik + tion Series, 13 (Leiden: Brill).
Kompositions- und Redaktionskritik, Regensburger Studien zu Theo- Sabottka, L. (1972), Zephanja, Versuch einer Neuilbersetzung mit philo-
logie, 7 (Frankfurt: Lang). logischem Kommentar, BibOr25 (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
Liverani, M. (1981), 'Critique of Variants and the Titulary of Senna- Seybold, K. (1991), Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja, ZB, (Zurich: Theolo-
cherib', in F. M. Pales (ed.), Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Hor- gischerVerlag).
izons (Rome: Istituto perl'Oriente). Smith, J. M. P. (1911), 'Zephaniah', in Micah, Zephaniah, Nahum,
Mason, R. (1994), Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Joel, Old Testament Guides, Habakkuk, Obadiah and Joel, ICC (Edinburgh: T. £T. Clark), 159-
(Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). 263.
Renaud, B. (1987), Michee-Sophonie-Nahum, SB (Paris: Gabalda). Smith, L. P., and Lacheman, E. R. (1950), 'The Authorship ofthe Book
Roberts, J. J. M. (1991), Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah, OTL of Zephaniah', JNES 9:137-42.
(Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox). Taylor C. L. (1956), "The Book of Zephaniah', IB 6 (New York: Abing-
Robertson, O. P. (1990), The Books of Nahum, Habakkuk and Zepha- don), 1007—34.
niah, NICOT (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans). Westermann C., (1967), Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech, tr. White
Roche, M. de (1980), 'Zephaniah 1:2, 3: The "Sweeping" of the Crea- (London: Lutterworth); German original, 2nd edn., (Munich: Chr.
tion', and 'Contra Creation, Covenant and Conquest (Jer. viii 13)', VT Kaiser, 1964).
30 (1980), 104-9, 280-90. Williams, D. L. (1963), The Date of Zephaniah', JBL 82: 77-88.

36. Haggai D. L. P E T E R S E N

INTRODUCTION
A. Historical Background. 1. Haggai is one ofthe shortest of sented a problem, namely, security at the empire's perimeter.
the prophetic books. Still, these thirty-seven verses offer a All the dates in the book of Haggai refer to 520 BCE, a year
significant vantage point from which to observe a nodal mo- during which Darius was making plans for a campaign
ment in Israelite history, the creation ofthe Second Temple against Egypt (Meyers and Meyers 1987; Berquist 1995). It
community out of which Judaism emerged. The book's was in the Persians' interest to have a secure and stable Judah.
chronological markers (1:1; 2:1; 2:10) fix the literature to one Having the local populace focused on the rebuilding of their
year, 520 BCE, and to the issues of restoration for those in temple, supported in part by the Persians, would have pla-
Persian-period Judah (also known as Yehud). cated some of their dismay at imperial overlords. The Persians
2. Many propheticbooks begin with references to Israelite or needed food for their armies, and it is probably no accident
Judahite kings during whose reign the prophet was active (e.g. that Haggai refers more than once to food supplies. Hence,
Isa 1:1; Jer 1:3; Hos 1:1; Am 1:1). Haggai could not commence one should understand the rebuilding ofthe Jerusalem temple
with such references since there was no longer a king in I srael. as consistent with and supported by Persian imperial policy.
Still, the author/editor of this book decided to situate the litera- As governor, Zerubbabel was, after all, a Persian official.
ture with reference to a king's reign. The natural candidate was
B. Date and Place of Composition. Although the book of Hag-
Darius, the Persian emperor, who reigned from 522 to486scE.
gai refers explicitly to Persian chronology, it was almost cer-
3. The Persian empire was vast, reaching from the Medi-
tainly written in Judah. Haggai himself may well have been
terranean sea to territory far beyond the eastern borders ofthe
among those Yahwists who remained in the land during the
classical Mesopotamian civilizations (Assyria and Babyloniaa)aaa.
Babylonian Exile. Since the book includes chronological for-
The empire was divided into larger and smaller administra-
mulae, all of which refer to the year 520 BCE, it is difficult to
tive areas, called satrapies and districts. Whether the territory
imagine that the book was written much later than this pivotal
known as Judah was a province separate from a larger district,
moment. Given the special prominence of the temple for
Samaria, during the time of Haggai is disputed. That dispute
Haggai, one would have expected him to refer to its comple-
affects our understanding ofthe title 'governor of/for Judah',
tion, which took place in 515 BCE. Since the book does not refer
which is applied to Zerubbabel (Hag 1:1 etpassim). The phrase
to this event, itwas probably written between 520 and 515 BCE.
could in theory refer to either a temporary assignment or a
more permanent office. C. The Literature and its Formation. 1. Haggai is an odd book,
4. Darius was not the first Persian king to affect the fate of difficult to characterize. If one consults the NRSV, one finds a
those who venerated YHWH. Cyrus, whom the exilic Isaiah text translated entirely as prose. Were such the case, Haggai
viewed as a messiah (Isa 45:1), had issued an edict that enabled and Malachi would be the only prophetic books to include no
the restoration of communities destroyed and displaced by the poetry (at least according to NRSV). By contrast, the editors of
Babylonians (Kuhrt 1983). During his reign, some Yahwists the MT deem 1:4—11; 2:3—9, J4> an(^ portions of w. 22—3 as
had apparently returned from exile to Judah and attempted to poetry, a judgement also followed in part by NAB. Although
rebuild the temple. But the efforts associated with their leader the boundary between poetry and prose in classical Hebrew is
Sheshbazzar in £.538 BCE came to nought (Ezra 1:8; 5:14—16). notably difficult to discern, it is reasonable to follow those who
5. Things changed with Darius. Soon after he acceded to the have identified some poetry in the book, notably, many of
throne there were rebellions throughout the empire. Though those verses in which Haggai or others are speaking (cf
he was able to quell most of them readily, such activity repre- Christensen 1993).
HAGGAI 608

2. The book initially appears to be a collection of oracles, e.g. authorities (cf. Ezra 2:2). Zerubbabel held the political title of
1:7—11 or 2:21—3, mat have been integrated by complex dating governor, while Joshua bore the religious title, high priest.
formulae, e.g. 1:1; 2:10. But there is also material very much They symbolize a new governance structure in Israel. Both
like a chronicle, i.e. 1:12-14. It is possible to view the entire offices were new ones. Zerubbabel may have been a member
book as a brief historical account (Petersen 1984). This ac- of the Davidic house, though this matter is the subject of
count memorializes the building of the temple and empha- scholarly debate (see Berquist 1995). He was governor of or
sizes the importance of Haggai, along with Zerubbabel and for Judah, which means he was a Persian official. Both Joshua
Joshua, in accomplishing this task. the high priest and Zerubbabel are mentioned by Haggai's
3. Scholars have offered various theories about the compos- contemporary, Zechariah (Zech 3:1-10; 4:6-7). Joshua's
ition of the book. Beuken (1967) thinks the oracles were edited grandfather was chief (but not 'high') priest just before the
by someone such as the Chronicler. Mason (1977) pursues a defeat of Jerusalem in 587 BCE (2 Kings 25:18—21). Zerubbabel
similar argument, though without equating the redactor with and Joshua are harbingers of a religious and political pattern
the Chronicler. Wolff (1988) discerns three stages of growth: attested also in the later Persian period, one in which major
the prophetic speeches, sketches of scenes (e.g. 1:12/7—13), and leadership and power are exercised by those who had been in,
the word occurrence formulae (e.g. 2:10). Meyers and Meyers or could trace their roots to, the Exile. The genealogies pro-
(1987) and Tollington (1993) think similar hands were re- vided for both these individuals enable them to affirm this
sponsible for both Haggai and Zechariah 1-8, whereas Bauer exilic heritage.
(1992) and Pierce (19840, 1984/7) see Haggai and Zechariah Although it begins with the formulaic 'thus says the LORD
i—8, together with Malachi, as forming a compositional group. of Hosts', thereby suggesting that a divine speech will follow,
Although there is no scholarly consensus, most discerna rather the text itself provides a report about what people are saying,
complicated process of literary formation, according to which questions based on such talk, and admonitions. Everything
Haggai's own words have been preserved and edited by others. focuses on 'the LORD'S house', the temple in Jerusalem. For
whatever reason, the populace has demurred at rebuilding
D. Religious and Theological Issues. 1. To speak of Haggai is to
Yahwism's central shrine. Worship was taking place, so they
speak of the temple and its manifold significance (cf Clines
may have found the status quo acceptable. Haggai's question
1993). To read the Hebrew phrase, 'YHWH's house', and to
(v. 4) implies, though does not state explicitly, that the people
contemplate a time without such a house presents the prob-
have worried about their own houses, and not YHWH's
lem with which this book is concerned. How is YHWH to be
house. This indictment is made specific in v. 9. The impera-
present with the people if the deity's residence is in ruins? To
tive admonition, 'Consider how you have fared' might be
be sure, God could not be encapsulated by the temple, but
translated literally, 'Set your heart upon your ways', a phrase
without that earlier and powerful religious symbol, Israel's
repeated in v. 7. Haggai challenges the people to reflect about
notions of both the immanence and transcendence of the
their material existence, which must have been meagre (v. 6).
deity stood in crisis. Further, Haggai reveals that there was a
The language is that of a fulfilled futility curse (cf. Deut 28:38;
debate about whether 520 BCE was the time for such a crisis to
Hos 4:10; Petersen 1984). v. 8 challenges the people to rebuild
be resolved, so Hag 1:2 (see Bedford 1995).
the temple. But immediately thereafter the prophet resumes
2. Haggai refers at numerous points to the weal that will
his analysis of the current plight. The people now learn that
ensue when the temple is rebuilt. Such promises encourage
their difficulties are not due to simple crop failure but to
the leaders and the populace to undertake the task of rebuild-
YHWH's punitive action, namely, a drought. (In the ancient
ing the temple. According to this prophetic historical account,
Near-Eastern flood story, the angry deity calls for a drought
Haggai was successful; the temple was rededicated during his
before summoning the deluge.)
period of prophetic activity. One can only surmise about the
reaction of the people to the various promises uttered by the
(1:12—150) They Worked on the House of the Lord This prose
prophet (2:6-7,19> 2I-2)- Still, both the exilic Isaiah (Isa 40-
section chronicles the impact of Haggai upon those who
55) and Haggai offered exuberant rhetoric on behalf of the
heard him. That group is, however, larger than his initial
return and reconstruction of Judah; and both prophets' words
audience. Along with Zerubbabel and Joshua, the text refers
remain in the canon even though Jerusalem's gates were not
to 'all the remnant of the people' (w. 12, 14; 2:2). The word
made of jewels and her walls of precious stones (Isa 54:12).
'remnant' requires comment. By implication, the author
claims that not everyone in Judah participated in the work of
E. Outline
temple rebuilding. But who did? Based on texts such as Zech
Build the House (1:1—11)
6:9 and Ezra 2:1, both of which highlight the special role
They Worked on the House of the Lord (i:i2-i$a)
exercised by those who had been in Babylon, one may theorize
Take Courage (i:i$b-2:g)
that the remnant refers to those who had only recently re-
Holy—Unclean (2:10—14)
turned to Jerusalem (cf. Wolff 1988). Such an inference is
A Stone in the Lord's Temple (2:15—ig)
consistent with Ezra 3:8, 'and all who had come to Jerusalem
Zerubbabel, my Servant (2:20-3)
from the captivity', and the more general prominence of 'the
congregation of the exiles' (Ezra 10:8) or 'returned exiles'
(Ezra 8:35). The chronicle is stylized using traditional reli-
COMMENTARY
gious vocabulary: 'the people feared the LORD' (v. 12), 'the
(1:1—n) Build the House Haggai addresses two individuals, LORD stirred up the spirit of...' (v. 14). The date formula in
both of whom were Yahwists sent to Judah by the Persian v. 150 has vexed scholars. Such formulae in Haggai normally
 6og HAGGAI
occur at the beginning of a section in the book. Hence some make a garment holy, i.e. is holiness contagious in this case?
have suggested that v. 150 be relocated to precede 2:15—19, The priests negative answer is appropriate, given what we
which is prefixed by no such formula (so initially Rothstein know about Israelite ritual. However, the second case is dif-
1908). However, one may read the formula in its canonical ferent, v. 13 broaches corpse uncleanness, cf. Num 19:13. Here
position with benefit. The formula at this place indicates that the uncleanness is more powerful than the aforementioned
some time elapses between the utterance of Haggai's words holiness. Haggai uses this dialogue with the priests to make a
and the actual work on temple reconstruction. The people do point. The people are now worshipping at the temple site.
respond, but it takes time, a little over three weeks. This is no However, it had been profaned and hence is unclean. Without
Utopia in which the prophet's words are immediately effica- the purification of that holy place, all that the people of Judah
cious. Still, Haggai ranks as a 'successful' prophet, since his now offer is, from Haggai's perspective, unclean (cf. Linger
words inspire the people to rebuild the temple. 1991). Rebuilding the temple would solve the problem, since
(1:15^-2:9) Take Courage Almost a month passes before the rebuilding of a holy site involves rituals of purification (see
Haggai's next utterance. His public is the same as that in the HAG 2:15-19). (This text does not condemn Samaritans or any
previous chronicle: Zerubbabel, Joshua, and the remnant. other particular group for their participation in the work of
Moreover, he uses interrogative rhetoric as he did earlier temple construction, e.g. Rothstein 1908; Wolff 1988.)
(1:4, 9). 2:3 presents questions that surely explore the sens- (2:15-19) A Stone in the Lord's Temple If the book of Haggai
ibilities of those who were in a position to compare the emer- has a climax, it occurs in this section. These verses attest
ging Second Temple with the Solomonic Temple. The new building activity of a special form, the laying of a foundation
structure must have seemed a pale copy. Ezra 3:12 notes that stone (w. 15,18; see Petersen 1974). Texts from other ancient
reaction was mixed to the dedication of this rebuilt temple; Near-Eastern cultures describe a ritual (kalu), which was used
some shouted for joy while others 'wept with a loud voice'. for the rededication of destroyed sanctuaries. At one point in
Haggai is addressing the latter audience and their apparent the ritual—'this day' (w. 15, 18)—a foundation stone or de-
concerns about the glory (kabod) of the temple, i Kings 6—7 posit was placed in the building being purified or rededicated
make clear that the 'glory' refers to the ritual ornamentation of (cf. Zech 4:9; Ezra 3:10—11). Haggai takes this ritual moment
the temple. After offering general admonitory language 'take as an occasion to ask more questions (w. 16, 19). The first
courage' (v. 4), Haggai avers that YHWH is with Israel even question, 'how did you fare?', refers back to the discourse in
now, before the temple has been completed: T am with the first section (w. i—n). But Haggai again reminds the
you... My spirit abides among you'. Allusion to the Exodus people (though they are not so identified) of the specific
tradition is apt (v. 5), since that too was a time when YHWH agricultural problems that they have encountered (v. 16) and
was with Israel, but not with benefit of a temple. that YHWH caused these misfortunes (v. 17). Their cursed
w. 6—7 strike a new note, YHWH's forthcoming action on existence is destined to change after 'this day'. The second
behalf of the temple. The scale is cosmic, as the diction of question (actually two questions) alludes to the day when
heavens and earth, sea and dry land suggest. However, the there will be seed in the barn and the various vines and trees
shaking of the nations will prove pivotal, since it is from them will yield abundantly. A time of blessing rather than curse will
that riches to endow the temple will come. (The word kabod, ensue due to the rebuilding and rededication of the second
variously translated as 'glory' and 'splendour', occurs in w. 3, temple.
7, 8.) Haggai defines such splendour through the symbolism (2:20-3) Zerubbabel, my Servant The twenty-fourth day of the
of various metals, though the silver and gold are ambiguous. sixth month in 520 BCE was doubly important, as this second
They might signify the use of these metals in the decoration of oracle from that day signifies. Whereas earlier oracles had
the temple (cf. i Kings 6). They might refer to ritual objects been delivered to both Zerubbabel and Joshua, this one is
made from these metals (e.g. Ezra 1:6-11; Zech 6:9-11). Or addressed only to Zerubbabel. The oracle begins with lan-
they might signify the wealth of the temple treasury (cf. Ezra guage very similar to that in 2:6-7. However, the conse-
2:6 8—9). Whatever the case, Haggai promises greater glory for quences of the 'shaking' of the nations are now made more
the second temple than there was in the Solomonic version. concrete. The nations are to be destroyed, v. 22 picks up the
As if to modify the language of precious metals, Haggai con- traditional imagery of YHWH's holy war, in which the enemy
cludes by proclaiming that salom, the Hebrew word translated self-destructs ('every one by the sword of a comrade'). Just as
by 'prosperity', will be present in this place, presumably the the shaking of the nations in 2:6-7 had an impact on Judah—
temple. the provision of material wealth—so too the shaking in v. 22
(2:10—14) Holy—Unclean A little over two months passes has an effect: the creation of a power vacuum that will allow
before Haggai speaks again as prophet. Now the audience is for a political leader to arise in Israel, v. 23 commences with
limited to the priests. Haggai makes use of questions again, the enigmatic 'on that day', a phrase that elsewhere in late
and of a sort that requires special knowledge about Israel's prophetic literature refers to what YHWH will do at an escha-
ritual norms. Haggai asks for a priestly ruling (tora). Offering tological moment, cf. Zech 14. However, in Haggai, with all its
such rulings was one of the basic tasks of priests, cf. Deut references to specific days, this phrase bears special import.
33:10; Lev 10:10-11. However, Haggai's questions are odd. He It cannot be too far off. Moreover, unlike all the previous
asks whether something is holy (v. 12) and then whether days in Haggai, this one will not be a day of Darius; it will be
something is unclean (v. 13). One normally thinks about YHWH's day.
holy v. profane, and clean v. unclean. In any case, the first Zerubbabel, as an apparent member of the Davidic line, is
question (v. 12) involves the power of the holy. Does holy food heir to promises of a lineage that many Israelites believed
ZECHARIAH 610

would last forever. The book closes with language redolent of (eds.), Verse in Ancient Near Eastern Prose, AOAT 43 (Kevelaer:
Israel's monarchic traditions. Kings could be called 'servant' Butzon & Bercker), 17—30.
(see 2 Sam 6:5; Ps 132:10), the 'signet ring' could refer to the Clines, D. (1993), 'Haggai's Temple, Constructed, Deconstructed, and
Reconstructed', SJOTj: 51-77.
special status of the king (see Jer 22:24; Ezek 28:12), and the
Kuhrt, A. (1983), 'The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial
verb 'take' (b-h-r) was used earlier to describe YHWH's choos- Policy', 750725:83-97.
ing ofboth David (Ps 78:70) and David's city (Isa 14:1). In sum, Mason, R. (1977), 'The Purpose of the "Editorial Framework" of the
Haggai appears to propound a special role for the house of Book of Haggai', VT27: 413—21.
David. He does not call outright for the coronation of Zerub- Meyers, C, and Meyers, E. (1987), Haggai, Zechariah 1-8, AB 256
babel, since such an act might have antagonized the Persians (Garden City, NY: Doubleday).
as well as Judah's neighbours. Still, Haggai envisions a Judah- Petersen, D. (1974), 'Zerubbabel and Jerusalem Temple Reconstruc-
ite polity quite different from the Persian status quo. tion', 05(336:366-72.
(1984), Haggai and Zechariah 1-8, OTL (Philadelphia: Westmin-
ster).
REFERENCES Pierce, R. (198412), 'Literary Connectors and a Haggai/Zechariah/
Malachi Corpus', JETS 27: 277-89.
Bauer, L. (1992), Zeit des Zweiten Tempels: Zur sozio-okonomischen (1984!?), 'A Thematic Development of the Haggai/Zechariah/
Konzeption im Haggai-Sacharja-Maleachi-Korpus, BEATAJ 31 (Ber- Malachi Corpus', JETS 27: 401—11.
lin: Peter Lang). Rothstein, J. (1908), Juden und Samaritaner: Die grundlegende Schei-
Bedford, P. (1995), 'Discerning the Time: Haggai, Zechariah and the dung von Judentum und Heidentum: Eine kritische Studie zum Buche
"Delay" in the Rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple', The Pitcher is Haggai und zur jiidischen Geschichte im ersten nachexilischen Jahr-
Broken: Memorial Essays for Gosta W. Ahlstrom, JSOTSup 190 (Shef- hundert. BWAT, 8 (Leipzig: Hinrichs).
field: Sheffield Academic Press), 71—94. Tollington, J. (1993), Tradition and Innovation in Haggai and Zechariah
Berquist, J. (1995), Judaism in Persia's Shadow: A Social and Historical 1-8, JSOTSup 150 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
Approach (Minneapolis: Fortress). Linger, T (1991), 'Noch einmal: Haggais unreines Volk', ZAW 103:
Beuken, W. (1967), Haggai-Sacharja 1—8: Studien zur Ueberlieferungs- 210-25.
geschichte derfruhexilischen Prophetic, SSN 10 (Assen: Van Gorcum). Wolff, H. (1988), Haggai: A Commentary, trans. M. Kohl (Minneapolis:
Christensen, D. (1993), 'Poetry and Prose in the Composition and Augsburg).
Performance of the Book of Haggai', in J. de Moor and W. Watson

37. Zechariah KATRINA J. A. L A R K I N

INTRODUCTION
relate to history, and that the messenger formula 'Thus says
A. Text and Language. The oldest complete MS is a second- the LORD' introducing first-person speech from YHWH is
century leather scroll of the Minor Prophets from Wadi Mur- hardly used. Much is in the third person, and the whole of
abba'at in the the Judean desert (DJD 2). Fragments of seven ch. 14 is an extended descriptive piece. The forms of classical
older Hebrew M S S of the Minor Prophets were found at prophecy are breaking down. The interest in Jerusalem and
Qumran in cave 4, but only three are sufficiently well pre- the leadership is maintained, but there are no references to
served to offer meaningful comparison with the Masoretic the temple building programme, and the hopes of the im-
Text (OCB s.v), and no significant variants emerge. A Greek mediate restoration period appear to have been soured; there
translation ('Translations, Ancient Languages', OCB) of the are tensions within the community, and hope is deferred until
second century CE found at Nahal Hever confirms the above the final day of the Lord, which must be preceded by further
picture. However, Zechariah is a cryptic book, and the fact that suffering. No dates are given, and a great range of historical
the MS tradition is reliable and textual problems are few does contexts has been suggested, from the seventh century (chs.
not mean that it is always easy to translate. 9—11 only, Otzen 1964) to the third century, after the con-
quests of Alexander the Great ('Alexander III', OBC). The
B. The Two Main Parts. William Newcombe in 1785 first noted
latter view, put forward by Stade (1881-2), is probably now
that the second half of Zechariah (chs. 9—14) differs from the
the majority view. Certainly nothing predates 450 BCE. For a
first in authorship, date, and circumstances. Proto-Zechariah
full study of the continuities and discontinuities between the
comprises an anthology of visionary material in 1:7-6:15, two halves of Zechariah see Mason (1976).
surrounded by an editorial frame in 1:1—6 and chs. 7—8 con-
taining oracles and preached material. The whole concerns C. The Social and Religious Context. Proto-Zechariah can fairly
the restoration of Jerusalem and its temple after the Exile, and be called a 'theocratic' or establishment work because of its
is dated over a brief period, 520-518 BCE, though the editorial institutional subject-matter and occasionally its tone, particu-
additions may not have been completed until 450 BCE. Zech larly in the oracular additions to the visionary material. It has
9—14 opens with a secondary heading in 9:1 and is subdivided sometimes been accused (e.g. by Hanson 1979) of compla-
by another at 12:1. The same occurs at Mai 1:1. This may cently assuming that the promises made in classical prophecy
indicate that three small booklets were appended to Proto- were completely fulfilled in the restoration of Jerusalem in the
Zechariah at different dates. In literary genre Zech 9—14 looks sixth century, leaving nothing further to be hoped for. In
at first sight more akin to classical prophecy than to Proto- contrast Zech 9-14, which contains controversy material
Zechariah, but closer inspection reveals that it is very hard to criticizing the leadership, has been characterized as anti-
 6n ZECHARIAH
establishment and dissatisfied with the restoration (Hanson F. The Religious Teaching. Zechariah develops a theology that
1979; Ploger 1968); it is more eschatological in outlook is eschatological and ultimately hopeful. Proto-Zechariah's
('Eschatology', OCB). However, if the two halves really had picture of the restored Jerusalem, its temple and leadership,
such opposing interests it would be odd that the work is feeds into the later concept of the New Jerusalem, and chs. 12-
as unified as it is. Rather they are complementary: Proto- 14 contribute to the developed picture of the final day of the
Zechariah knows his own time is the 'day of small things' Lord. Zechariah contains important material on the subject of
and his work does have an eschatological dimension. Zech the Messiah (OCB). A number of passages which may refer to
9-14 stems from a later time in which the community such a person or role are found in both parts. The historical-
required to be challenged rather than consoled, and much of critical tendency to limit the reference of such passages to
chs. 12—14 in fact has a liturgical background; according to specific historical settings has recently been challenged (Du-
Ploger (1968) in ch. 12 the establishment criticizes itself. One guid 1995). Zechariah offers a number of different pictures of
plausible explanation for the ambivalence of Deutero- leadership and of the relationship between the leader and the
Zechariah is that it was written and edited over an extended led, so that their relationship to Christian doctrine is not
period of perhaps two centuries (450—250?) by and for the straightforward. However, ideal leadership is shown as intim-
kind of traditionists who would later emerge into the light of ately related to the problem of how to break the hold of sin
history as the community at Qumran: separatists who and be free from the endless repetition of a sin, punishment,
criticized mainstream Judaism for its perceived loss of purity repentance, restoration cycle. The problem is not, however,
and its political compromises. fully resolved within the OT
D. Relation to Apocalyptic. Some scholars regard the visions of G. Outline
Proto-Zechariah as proto-apocalyptic because their literary The Restoration of Jerusalem (1:1—8:23)
form is similar to that of the later apocalypses such as the Preface (1:1—6)
second half of Daniel ('Apocalyptic Literature', OCB): they are The Vision Cycle (1:7-6:15)
clearly revelatory literature ('Revelation', OCB). A contrary Oracles and Sermons (chs. 7-8)
school of thought says that Proto-Zechariah does not have Hope Amid Conflict and Sin (9:1—14:21)
the dramatic and calamitous eschatological content normally Foreign Nations Oracles (9:1—8)
associated with apocalyptic. Rather, 9-14 has the better claim The Hopes of Judah and Israel (9:9-10:12)
to be proto-apocalyptic because it does have this type of con- The Shepherd Allegory (ch. n)
tent, especially in ch. 14. The background of controversy Judah and Jerusalem on the Day of the Lord (chs. 12—13)
detectable in 9—14 is the seedbed of this type of thinking on The Cosmic Day of the Lord (ch. 14)
the part of disadvantaged groups in a situation of political
crisis. Clearly in this debate the framing and handling of
definitions is very important. Each school of thought has COMMENTARY
perhaps detected one of the origins of apocalyptic (North
1972), but it has many origins. A third origin, studied more The Restoration of Jerusalem (1:1-8:23)
recently (Larkin 1994; Tigchelaar 1996), is in the learned, (1:1-6) Preface With chs. 7-8 this forms an editorial frame
interpretative tradition which underlies both halves of (Beuken 1967). Darius the Persian has allowed the Jews to
Zechariah. There are numerous allusions to older parts of the return home from exile. The date is mid-October to mid-
prophetic tradition, particularly Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Isaiah, November 520 BCE. In recent history the covenant curses
and some allusions to the Pentateuch and Psalms; familiarity have justly been invoked, the land is unclean, the glory de-
is also shown with Ugaritic literature ('Ugarit', OCB). parted, and the community still partially disbanded. The
fathers of the present generation and the prophets who ad-
E. The Relation to Older Prophecy. Zechariah affirms the
monished them are all dead, but their words and their experi-
validity of the words of the 'former prophets' (1:6), either
ence stand as a lesson for all time. Zechariah is concerned
explicitly or implicitly throughout, but particularly in the
with full restoration: his very name means 'YHWH has re-
non-visionary material. A new exegetical principle can be
membered', which is foundational to the book. On the human
seen to have emerged: that all prophecy should be read as a
side, returning and repenting (the Hebrew is the same) are
unity, and that it holds the key to understanding any political
equally basic. Zechariah is a contemporary of Haggai and
situation. For a study of the new character of prophecy in
comes of a priestly line that had been exiled. There are two
Proto-Zechariah and Haggai see Tollington (1993); for Zech
other Zechariahs in the OT (Isa 8:2 and 2 Chr 24:20—2) and
9-14 see Larkin (1994). The ultimate outcome of these
biblical tradition sometimes confuses them; 'son of Bere-
changes can be seen in the Qumran commentaries or pe-
chiah' may be part of this confusion. His oracles often reinter-
sharim (see under 'Interpretation', OCB) which treat all Scrip-
pret the 'former prophets' (v. 4); he may have had access to the
ture as cryptic and its interpretation as requiring a special gift
early collections of prophecies from Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
of insight. The motif of the 'eye' which is the ancient symbol of
the interpreter and seer (e.g. Num 24:3—4) now occurs 16 (1:7—6:15) The Vision Cycle Zechariah's eight night visions
times throughout Zechariah (it is not always apparent in (perhaps originally seven) are his primary and most distinct-
translation, either because it is not idiomatic in English, e.g. ive feature. They exist betwixt and between the mundane
at 2:1, or because the text is corrupt, e.g. 5:6; but see 4:10; 9:8; world and the heavenly world where history is made and
11:17; I2: 4)> and this is a further sign of the text's editorial where Jerusalem's restoration is being ordained. The vision-
unity. ary form is highly literary and has a standardized format; the
ZECHARIAH 612

cycle is structured in a concentric pattern (though Butter- mon (OCB s.v.) founded the first. The two leaders are both
worth (1992) argues for caution in looking for, and finding, 'anointed ones' (v. 14; lit. sons of oil, vocabulary from the same
detailed literary structures). In contrast to his predecessors root as 'messiah'; see 'Anoint', OCB). Although there is real-
the prophet has an angelic interpreter as intermediary be- ized eschatology here, the people and events of the restoration
tween himself and God, whose communications have become are not mistaken for those of the golden age; Zerubbabel's is
cryptic. Much of the imagery has cultic roots, drawn particu- the 'day of small things' (v. 10) and he is utterly reliant on the
larly from the liturgies of temple foundation ('Temple', OCB) work of the Lord's spirit. The Lord's favour is still contingent
and with a general background in Ugaritic (OCB) texts. The on the fitness of his people (v. 7) and therefore the fullness of
vision cycle is now studded with brief oracles, in more than blessing is still deferred.
one redactional layer, preoccupied with leadership and tem- (5:1—4) The sixth vision of the flying scroll, shows the word of
ple. These, like the editorial frame, could be summaries of the Lord in materialized form, i.e. 'scripture' beginning to
relevant sermons by the prophet and reuse themes from older emerge as a concept, a gold standard by which to assess and
prophecy (Mason 1990). The cycle is dated mid-January to cleanse the community. The invocation of the covenant curse
mid-February 519 (v. 7). shows that the covenant does remain in force despite having
(1:8—17) I n me nrst vision the earth is peaceful and expectant. once been broken.
The four patrolling horsemen ('Number Symbolism', OCB) (5:5—11) The seventh vision is of a woman in a basket (Heb.
are the first of numerous symbols (OCB s.v.) from Zechariah 'epa,) personifying the people's iniquity (Heb. 'eye'; the
which would be reused in Revelation. The seventy years of the emendation only requires the alteration of one consonant
Lord's withholding mercy (cf Jer 25:11) are over (the Exile is for another which looks similar). It is no coincidence that a
loosely held to have lasted from 587 to 519 BCE); he has feminine idol (OCB s.v.) (to be stood 'on its base' in a 'house',
returned and the temple is to be rebuilt. i.e. a temple), should be symbolically exiled to Babylon (OCB
(1:18-21) The second vision bizarrely symbolizes both the s.v.) just as Judaism truly became a YHWH-alone religion,
powerful nations that have terrorized the chosen people, and abjuring feminine deities such as the Queen of Heaven, about
the counterforces (blacksmiths) raised by YHWH; black- whom Jeremiah complained (see 'Women, Second Temple
smiths are supposed to be skilful in spells (Tigchelaar 1996). Period', OCB).
(2:1-5) Th£ third vision shows the restoration of Jerusalem in (6:1-8) The eighth vision forms an indusio with the first; it
the cosmic realm which must precede mundane restoration specifies the pacifying of the north country because that is the
(cf. Ezek 40:3—4; Isa 49:19—21); it points forward to the New direction from which the majority of attacks on Israel were
Jerusalem of Rev 21:15—17. The formerly negative image of a made (cf. Jer 1:14).
city without walls becomes a positive one, and the symbolism (6:9—15) To the visions is appended a sign-act of the crowning
of Sinai (the fire, cloud, and direct vision of God) is added to of a 'messianic' leader or leaders, which concludes the whole
that of Zion (see 'Glory', OCB). The appended oracles (w. 6— cycle. The text has been altered at the cost of some ambiguity.
13) are still encouraging a return to Jerusalem after Zechariah Originally, a blatant presentation of Zerubbabel as the prom-
and his community were already there; possibly not everyone ised leader probably occurred here (esp. w. 12—13); but if so
had returned, and possibly the oracles have an eschatological his name has been removed, possibly to square the record
dimension. For 'apple of the eye' (v. 8) see OCB. With v. 10 cf. with the facts of history; only that of Joshua remains, though
Zech 9:9—10. v. 13 is thought to be liturgical. confusingly a second priest stands beside his throne, and he is
(3:1—10) The fourth vision shows the high priest Joshua the wearer of two crowns. This is one of the roots of the
accused by Satan (lit. the Satan, or the Adversary, i.e. the concept of a priestly Messiah and of joint messiahship. On
prosecuting counsel in the heavenly court) but acquitted (for 'peace' (v. 13) see OCB.
a contrasting confrontation see Am 7:10—17). His subsequent (Chs. 7-8) Oracles and Sermons The epilogic editorial frame
cleansing ('Purity, Ritual', OCB) signifies the renewal of the returns to the mixture of oracles and condensed sermons seen
temple services which make provision for the cleansing of in the prologue (the sermon forms of Chronicles are compar-
the community. The high priest has expanded powers and able). It has grown from an enquiry to the prophet about
duties in the functioning of a temple without a king, and these fasting (OCB s.v.) (7:2-3). The date is mid-November to mid-
are sanctioned in the appended oracles (w. 6—10). Arguably December 518 BCE (7:1) and the temple is presumably com-
v. 8 is a messianic reference ('my servant the Branch'), and plete. The question arises whether the fast of the fifth month
does not merely refer to the Davidic governor of the time. commemorating the destruction of the first temple is still
Although the complete 'removal of guilt' is also promised necessary. There are two views as to the meaning of the
(v. 9), the mechanism is unclear and the matter is actually answer (7:4—7; amplified in 7:8—14), which is negative and
left unresolved by Proto-Zechariah and returned to in an sweeps in the fast of the seventh month also (v. 5): it could be
atmosphere of some bitterness in Zech 12; meantime, it anti-cult, but that would be alien to the spirit of Proto-
appears that priests and sacrifices will still be needed. Zechariah; more likely it means that in the ideal world which
(4:1—14) The fifth vision, of the golden lamp and the olive-tree the prophet envisages, fasting, like punishment, should no
people, uses seal imagery to symbolize joint leaders who can longer be necessary. For 'the alien' and 'the poor' see OCB.
be identified from the context as Joshua and the Davidic Zech 8:1-8 returns to the renewal theme of earlier oracles in
governor Zerubbabel (OCB s.v). The primary function of the the vision cycle (cf. 1:14,16); likewise 8:9-13 returns to temple
latter (w. 6—ioa) is to build the second temple, just as Solo- building (cf. Hag 2:15—19). 8:14—17 emphasizes the need for
 613 ZECHARIAH
right living. In 8:18-19 the fasting theme resurfaces and now The next picture is that of God as a warrior (9:11—17), who
two more fasts are added (those of the fourth and tenth will bring ultimate victory to his oppressed people against the
months) with exhortations to rejoice reinforcing the view Greeks (an indication of date). The imagery is reminiscent of
that the prophet is speaking idealistically and positively. The the enthronement psalms. 10:1-2 is a link passage containing
booklet closes with a picture of universal pilgrimage to Jeru- controversy material (in common with 11:1—3; II:I7J T5'-7~9>
salem (8:20—3), forming an indusio with 7:2 and indeed the and the whole of ch. n). It is critical of the community's
more universalistic 2:11 and 14:16. This is one indication that leaders (symbolized as shepherds) whose guidance is false
it is legitimate to read Proto-Zechariah, as edited, in the light ('Dreams', OCB); such tensions would surface later in the
of the more developed eschatology of chs. 9-14. 'Ten men' formation of the Qumran community. The passage shows
(v. 23) is the number required to form a synagogue; for 'Jew' Deuteronomic influence, in common with the passage of
see OCB. Scripture it harks back to (Jer 14:14). Polemic against the
'bad shepherds', continuing a tradition found in Jer 23 and
Hope Amid Conflict and Sin (9:1-14:21) Ezek 34, persists into the first verse of the next unit, 10:1-3. It
(9:1-8) Foreign Nations Oracles The heading 'An Oracle' denies their ultimate authority and affirms the Lord's control
(Heb. massa') appears again at 12:1 and Mai 1:1 suggesting of history, and care for Judah and Ephraim. Ephraim (named
that three separate booklets have been appended to Proto- after one of the two sons of Joseph) was the principal tribe of
Zechariah. Some wisdom influence is apparent in this section the old northern kingdom of Israel (OCB s.v). The principal
(Larkin 1994: 54-67; 'Wisdom Literature', OCB). It makes promise made to him in Jacob's blessing (Gen 49:22) was that
numerous allusions to older prophets including Amos, Eze- of fruitfulness, but for that to remain valid the principal need
kiel, and Isaiah, v. i may allude to a tradition later developed by of Ephraim was to be restored to existence after their disper-
the community at Qumran, that Damascus (OCB s.v.) would sion by the Assyrians in the eighth century. Such restoration is
be the place of God's eschatological sanctuary (i.e. be merged here promised. It has been called the most conspicuous ex-
with the concept of Zion); however, NRSV's 'capital of Aram' ample of false prophecy in the OT; but the references to the
(v. ib) is an emendation of the Hebrew 'eye of man', i.e. great hostile powers of Assyria (OCB s.v.) and Egypt (OCB s.v.)
another corrupt 'eye' reference. The other places referred to are not historical so much as typological and should not be
have symbolic or typological rather than historical signifi- interpreted too literally. As the passage unfolds it contains a
cance ('Typology', OCB). If this is a 'foreign nations' section, mixture of first-person and third-person speech. In older
such as appears in the majority of prophetic collections, then prophetic collections this is often an indication of exegesis
it is the only passage of its kind in the whole of the Haggai, being added to the original revelation at a later date. Here,
Zechariah, Malachi corpus. It contains a summing up of however, the exegesis may be contemporary and the passage a
thought on the future of the foreign nations, in surprisingly literary unity. In chs. 9—10 overall the future is pictured as an
positive terms (e.g. the Philistines in v. jb; OCB s.v), while improved version of Israel's past in which everything will be
also guaranteeing the safety of the holy land and city. The made new. Eschatology cannot be solely a question of deferred
motif of the 'eye' which binds the book together, appears not ideals, since utter failure is unlikely to provide a picture of the
only in 9:1 but also in 9:8, which draws on the wisdom ideal future. History therefore provides some of the content of
tradition (Job 42:5); the anonymous successor to Proto- eschatology.
Zechariah claims that he has received revelations of his own, (Ch. n) The Shepherd Allegory 11:1-3 is a link passage (the
which he reports together with his reinterpretation of trad- 'stitch words' are 'Lebanon' (cf 10:12; 11:1) and 'shepherds'
itional material. (10:3; 11:3, 4). It alludes to Jer 25:36. It is in the form of a
(9:9—10:12) The Hopes of Judah and Ephraim 9:9—10 is the taunting song against the leadership and probably the temple
first of several linking passages which bind chs. 9—14 together. itself: in rabbinic tradition 'Lebanon' can signify the
Like 10:1-2; 11:1-3; II:I7; and 13:7-9 it is compact, metrical, temple (as it often does in the Dead Sea scrolls). The passage
uses opening imperatives and vocatives, and links the mater- was certainly understood to refer to the second temple after
ial that precedes and follows it. It pictures the king of peace, in that was destroyed in AD 70. 11:4—14 is the major controversy
terms drawn partly from Jacob's blessing of Judah (Gen passage and is central in the anthologizing process that
49:10-11) (quoted in Mt 21:1-9 and par.), and partly from the brought chs. 9-14 together. It has baffled interpreters more
royal theology of Ps 72:8. The adjectives used to describe the than any other part of the OT, because it cannot be pinned
king are significant for later Christology and it should there- down historically (there have been over 40 different identifi-
fore be noted that several are capable of more than one trans- cations of the three shepherds of v. 8), and its symbolism is no
lation. 'Triumphant' (Heb. saddiq) could be rendered longer fully comprehensible. Even its literary genre is unclear,
'righteous' (see OCB s.v), 'vindicated', or even 'legitimate'; it neither purely allegorical (though it is often called an alle-
is also used of the Branch (referring to a Davidic ruler) in Jer gory), nor visionary, nor parabolic. It is most like an acted
23:5, and of the Servant in Isa 53:11. 'Victorious' could equally parable, and is certainly a learned piece, w. 4—6 introduce the
be 'saved'. 'Humble' (or 'poor', see OCB) is found on a victory dramatis personae, namely the prophet who plays a shepherd
inscription of King Zakar of Hamath; though evidently part of and is strongly identified with YHWH ('shepherd' is a descrip-
the ancient kingly ideal, its exact significance is not known. tion normally reserved for YHWH or the king, though Moses,
This king is evidently a numinous figure. The whole reiterates who is the prototype of the good prophet, is also called shep-
an important promise made to the tribe of Judah, which had herd); the people of Israel who are the flock; and their leaders
seemed subverted by history. who are merchants. The passage is written with Ezek 37:15-28
ZECHARIAH 614

in mind, though the nature of the relationship is controver- sial; they have been held to spring from intra-community
sial. In turning Ezekiel's image of unity into one of threefold conflict (perhaps Judah v. Jerusalem), but if so there is no
disunity (w. 9, 10, 14) Zechariah could be repudiating the agreement as to whether the establishment or an alienated
complacency of a theocratic leadership pictured as greedy group is behind them (Hanson 1979 v. Ploger 1968). Actually
and ruthless (Hanson 1979); or reflecting contemporary ten- there is a strong possibility that an originally Jerusalemite
sion between Jerusalem and Samaria ('Samaria', OBC) (a vision has been elaborated with references to Judah. The
possibility favoured in German scholarship); or simply pictur- most theologically distinctive material is in v. 10. The Zechar-
ing the relationship between God, prophet, and people typo- iah tradition here returns to the problem of how to remove
logically. A prophet's mission is, as here, typically both human guilt (cf. 3:9). The people beholding the death of a
divinely supported and also frustrated. The negativity of the martyr are moved by a spirit of grace (OCB s.v.) from YHWH,
imagery then stems from this propet's intuition that the enabling them to mourn their sinfulness unselfishly, thus
people do not in fact welcome good shepherding, and that preparing them for cleansing ('Mourning', OCB). The verse
prophetic leadership therefore entails suffering in which God contains an interpretative crux: literally 'when they look on me,
himself partakes. Israel repudiates grace, and as a result there on him whom they have pierced'. This is both ambiguous and
is no unity even among the people of God, but unfitness for implies a paradox, i.e. that it is God who is pierced; both
the task of mediating grace to the nations. Thus Zechariah ambiguity and paradox are probably deliberate. It is possible
may not be repudiating Ezekiel's ideas so much as explaining that there is an echo here of a ritual of the humiliation and
why, in the face of the 'givens' of human nature, those ideals vindication of the king, from the autumn New Year festival of
have not been, and will not be, actualized. The report of the monarchical Israel (e.g. Day 1985). However, there is no
action over the prophet's derisory wages in w. 11-12 (possibly direct evidence for this in the OT One can only say with
fragmentary; 'Money', OCB) contains a phrase ('Then you will certainty that the scene combines elements from mythology
know...') that links this material with the oracles of Proto- (Hadad Rimmon, v. n, is the Syrian name for the dying and
Zechariah (2:13,15; 4:9; 6:15). v. 12 is wrongly attributed by Mt rising vegetation god Baal); from history (e.g. the good king
27:9 to Jeremiah, w. 15-16 contain a horrifying image of an Josiah (OCB s.v.) died at Megiddo (OCB s.v.)); and from older
antitype to the good shepherd. Because the passage seems prophecy (so Lamarche 1961; cf. the fourth Servant Song, Isa
deliberately to pervert the imagery of Ezek 34:3—4, which 52:13—53:12). The apparently arbitrary names of the mourners
pictures Davidic leadership as good, it has been called anti- in w. 12—14 are in fact aU f°und in the stories about Absalom
establishment as well as anti-messianic. This time, however, (who died leading a rebellion against his father David, see 2
the prophet is not asked to perform the role assigned to him. Sam 15-19), and are predominantly priestly and royal. The
v. 17 counteracts w. 15—16 with an oracle of woe against the final picture of the fountain cleansing the people's sin (13:1,
worthless shepherd. Zechariah's favourite 'eye' motif re- see 'Sin', OCB) harks back to Ezek36.13:2—6 attacks prophecy,
appears. Blindness (OCB s.v.) symbolizes loss of spiritual remarkably bracketing together 'the prophets and the unclean
sight and spiritual potency (cf 12:4). The withered right arm spirit', though it is usually interpreted as applying to false
symbolizes loss of might, and would render the person unable prophecy. Person (1993) argues that Zechariah shows Deu-
to hold sacred office. The verse is another one of the link teronomic influence, including hostility towards false pro-
passages, and rounds off the little anthology of passages phecy (Deut 18:15-11) and that it was the disillusion of this
with a theme of shepherding that now forms Zech n. movement with the temple authorities that led to the mission
(12:1-13:9) Judah and Jerusalem on the Day of the Lord 12:1, of Ezra. Deutero-Zechariah is himself a prophet, but one who
the heading 'An Oracle' seems to cover the whole of the rest of sets great store by tradition. He may in consequence regard
the book; the doxology on creation, which is possibly liturgical the ability to pronounce anything new as restricted to a
in origin, provides an example of ideas about creation and learned class who can ensure its consistency with tradition.
origins (the Urztit) being projected forwards onto the end of Such an attitude contributed to the closing down of prophecy.
time (the Endzeit). 12:2—13:6 comprises the next major section 13:7—9 is the last of the controversy passages which link the
of the book, compiled on different principles from chs. 9—10 main blocks of material and is not to be relocated after 11:17 as
or n, and relying on introductory and continuation formulae attempted by the editors of the NEB. Its description of the
containing the phrase 'in that day', whose origin is controver- stricken shepherd is quoted in Mt 26:31 and par. Its severity
sial. It has a range of meanings, although in Zechariah it is towards the sheep, the remnant (OCB s.v.) who appear to be
eschatological, referring to the coming 'day ofYHWH' (OCB). martyrs as much as sinners, is remarkable.
This is a relatively late usage. Further distinctive features of (Ch. 14) The Cosmic Day of the Lord This chapter, like 12-13,
chs. 12-13 are their cultic flavour, using motifs from the depicts the day of the Lord but in more cosmic terms; it has a
autumn festivals, especially Booths; their focus on Judah liturgical dimension and is related to the Festival of Booths
(OCB s.v), Jerusalem, and the house of David (OCB s.v); (w. 16,18,19). It is learned and resonates with older Scripture,
universalism; and the lateness of the three major themes: having a special preference for earlier 'apocalyptic' material
the final onslaught of all nations on Jerusalem (12:2-9), the (Ezek 37-8; Joel; Isa 60), from which scattered references to
outpouring of the spirit (12:10; see 'Holy Spirit', OCB) and of the final day of YHWH are gathered into a coherent pro-
cleansing water (13:1; see 'Water', OCB); and the end of true gramme, though it is not known whether this is an authorial
prophecy. However, the interest in leadership shown in ch. n or an editorial achievement. Mention of David or Judah dis-
is maintained with mysterious references in w. 8 and espe- appears, but Jerusalem has an honoured place founded on
cially 10—14. Th£ motivation behind chs. 12—13 is controver- cult and law, and the New Jerusalem is pictured as the focal
 615 MALACHI
point of all the nations, and indeed of creation. The chapter is Feast. These verses are comparable to the ending of the book
written almost entirely in third-person prophetic discourse, of Isaiah.
punctuated with references to 'that day' seven times. The
arrangement gives prominence to the centre of the chapter
rather than to the end: in v. 9 the fourth use of 'in that day' REFERENCES
accompanies an affirmation of the coming to reign ofYHWH. Beuken, W. A. M. (1967), Haggai-Sacharja 1-8: Studienzur Uberliefer-
w. 1—5 picture the coming of the 'day' with YHWH summon- ungsgeschichte derfruhnachexilischen Prophetic (Assen: Van Gorcum).
ing the nations to attack Jerusalem, terrifying upheavals in the Butterworth, M. (1992), Structure and the Book ofZechariah (Sheffield:
natural world, and a theophany (cf. Am 9:1-4; see Theo- JSOT).
phany', OCB) on the Mount of Olives (OCB s.v.) as YHWH Day, J. (1985), God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea: Echoes of a
enters the city in triumph. 'Azal' is mysterious and not to be Canaanite Myth in the Old Testament (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
confused with Azazel (OCB s.v). It is not apparent whether versity Press).
Duguid, I. M. (1995), 'Messianic Themes in Zechariah 9—14', in P. E.
the remnant that will be saved from Jerusalem consists of the
Satterthwaite, R. S. Hess, and G. J. Wenham (eds.), The Lord's
righteous (ethical dualism) or is simply a de facto remnant Anointed: Interpretation of Old Testament Messianic Texts (Carlisle:
such as would be historically realistic, w. 6—8, picturing Paternoster).
changes in the laws of nature, have been said to contain Hanson, P. D. (1979), The Dawn of Apocalyptic: The Historical and Socio-
ontological dualism, i.e. a complete abrogation of the old logical Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic Eschatology (Philadelphia: Fortress).
natural order as established in Genesis, to be replaced by Lamarche, P. (1961), Zacharie IX—XIV: Structure litteraire et messia-
something totally new, with the implication that the old order nisme (Paris: Gabalda).
was too hopelessly corrupt to be redeemable. Such an extreme Larkin, K. J. A. (1994), The Eschatology of Second Zechariah (Kampen:
intention seems improbable bearing in mind that historical Kok Pharos).
Mason, R. A. (1976), 'The Relation ofZechariah 9—14 to Proto-Zechar-
realities (such as the importance of the city of Jerusalem) have
iah', ZAW88: 227-39.
been allowed to shape the picture of the day of the Lord. There (1990), Preachingthe Tradition: Homily and Hermeneutics after the
is a two-era view of time such as is characteristic of full-blown Exile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
apocalyptic, but there is not complete discontinuity with what North, R. (1972), 'Prophecy to Apocalyptic via Zechariah', SVT22:47~
has gone before, v. 9 acclaims the universal kingship of God 71-
(see 'Kingdom of God', OCB) and w. 8, 10—n, describe the Otzen, B. (1964), Studien uber Deutero-Sacharja (Copenhagen: Pro-
New Jerusalem in terms drawn both from mythology (its slant Apud Munksgaard).
imaginary height and the river of life flowing from it) and Person, R. F. (1993), Second Zechariah and the Deuteronomic School
from history (the description of its gates and boundaries), (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
Ploger, O. (1968), ET, Theocracy and Eschatology (Oxford: John Knox).
w. 12—19 consider the fate of the nations, and here it is more
Stade, B. (1881-2), 'Deuterozacharja: Finekritische Studie', ZAWr. i-
obvious than elsewhere in the chapter that it is the righteous 96 and 2:151-72, 275-309.
who are to be saved and to enjoy the privilege of making Tigchelaar, E. J. C. (1996), Prophets of Old and the Day of the End:
pilgrimage to Jerusalem to take part in the eschatological Zechariah, the Book of Watchers and Apocalyptic (Leiden: Brill).
Feast of Booths (at which the coming of rain is celebrated). Tollington, J. E. (1993), Tradition and Innovation in Haggai and Zechar-
w. 20-1 describe Jerusalem crowded with pilgrims at the iah 1-8 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).

38. Malachi J. ROGERSON

INTRODUCTION
1. 'Malachi' in Hebrew means 'my messenger', from which book to have closest affinity with other texts of around 480
many commentators have concluded that the book stems BCE. All of these claims can be—and have been—contested. In
from an anonymous prophet to whom its editors gave the any case, so little is known about the history of Hebrew
name 'my messenger' on the basis of Mai 3:1. Meinhold language and society in the Persian period that any date
(1991) maintains that the actual name is found on an down to 350 BCE is possible. There is also uncertainty about
Ostracon from Arad from the seventh century (Davies 1991: the social setting of the book, with plausible suggestions as
no. 2.097). If Malachi is a name it is a shortened form of widely opposed as seeing Malachi as a priest or as an eschato-
Malachiah, meaning 'messenger ofYHWH'. logical prophet addressing the aspirations of an oppressed
2. Little can be said with certainty about the date and setting underclass. A radical view, expressed by Utzschneider
of the book, except that it belongs to the Second Temple (1992), is that Malachi is Schriftprophetie, that is, prophecy
period. It is common to place it in the early part of the fifth by means of the literary interpretation of older traditions.
century BCE on the grounds (i) that it mentions abuses that 3. What is certain is that Malachi contains a unique set of
were later dealt with by Ezra and Nehemiah (i.e. before £.458), dialogues in which the complaints and fears of the people are
(2) that it assumes, with Deuteronomy, that there is no dif- expressed, and in which God reproves the people, answers
ference between priests and Levites and generally seems to be their complaints, and stresses his trustworthiness.
closer to the spirit of Deuteronomy than the later Priestly The Hebrew and English chapter divisions diverge at the end
Code, and (3) that linguistic analyses of Malachi show the of the book, with 3:19—24 in Hebrew being 4:1—6 in English.
MALACHI 616
COMMENTARY w. 2:1 and 3—9 (v. 2 is secondary) continue the original
dispute from 1:10, and contain a rebuke to the priests, v. 3
(1:1) The heading: cf. Zech 12:1. Both headings are the work of
implies that the priests and their descendants will be removed
a later editor or editors, which is why some commentators
from office and Levi, the ancestor of the tribe from which all
hold that the name Malachi is taken from Mai 3:1.
priests come, is held up as the true example of the mediator of
(1:2—5) First Disputation The charge that God has not loved a covenant between God and his people. Commentators are
his people is answered in two ways. First, appeal is made to the divided over whether the background to these verses is Deut.
story of Jacob and Esau in which Jacob, the ancestor of the 33:9 or Num 25:10-13 (see Glazier-McDonald 1987). What is at
Israelites, outwits his elder brother Esau (Edom, cf. Gen issue is whether or not Malachi is aware of the distinction
25:19—34). Second, an apparent recent disaster that has be- between priests and Levites, the point being that the book
fallen Edom is cited as evidence for God's control of human would be early fifth century if it could be shown that, with
affairs, backed by the promise that, if Edom rebuilds its ruins, Deuteronomy, Malachi knows no such difference. In fact,
God will destroy them. Scholars who date Malachi early in the 2:4-9 emphasizes the teaching and not the sacrificial role of
fifth century see a reference to Babylonian campaigns against Levi. Does the prophet envisage the suspension of the sacrifi-
southern Jordan (which had been occupied by Edomites) after cial cult until the coming of his messenger (3:1)?
552 BCE (see Bartlett 1992) but this is too distantfrom the early
fifth century to be convincing. The uncomfortable saying that (2:10—16) Third Disputation Attention shifts from the priests
God hates Esau is softened by some commentators to mean to Judah and Jerusalem as a whole (Israel in v. n is a later
simply that God loves Esau/Edom less than Jacob/Israel—an gloss). The accusation is that the people have not lived out the
interpretation hardly supported by v. 4. Yet as the oracles implications of having one God and father, in two ways. First
continue it becomes clear that if God indeed has a special they have profaned the covenant and the temple by worship-
love for Israel it will not spare the people from forthcoming ping a goddess (NRSV 'daughter of a foreign god'). Most
judgement (cf. 3:5). commentators take v. n to refer to marriages with foreign
wives, but this is not obvious from the text nor from the
(1:6-2:10) Second Disputation The implications of God's
continuation in w. 13—16. The reference may be to a female
special love for Israel are now worked out in a powerful
consort for YHWH. Although the idolatry interpretation is
condemnation of the priests. They are charged with dishon-
not free of difficulties—it implies that Judah is a bridegroom
ouring God by offering polluted food (Hebrew lehem, a gen-
and that therefore God is the rejected bride—it makes best
eral term for offerings including animal sacrifices) on the
sense ofw. 10—12. The words 'any to witness or answer' (v. 12)
altar. This surprises them. The answer to the question
have yet to be convincingly translated or explained.
'How'? (v. 6) in w. 7—8 is not easy to understand. They are
The second charge is that men have been too ready to
accused of saying (NRSV 'thinking') that the altar may be
divorce the wives that they first married (i.e. wives who are
despised; but presumably this 'saying' is not speech but ac-
now old), that this violates the notion that man and wife are
tions, as they allow blind or sick animals to be sacrificed.
one flesh (v. 15, cf. Gen 2:24) and undermines the loyalty to the
Against NRSV, 'is not that wrong?' in v. 8 (twice) should be
covenant expected by God from his people. The text ofw. 13-
translated 'it is not wrong'. Either the priests give this advice to
16 contains many difficulties. T hate divorce' (v. 16 in NRSV
ordinary worshippers, some of whom may be unable to offer
and many modern trs.) is a correction of the Hebrew 'he hates'
healthy animals, or the priests deliberately procure for the
without any support from the ancient versions, and cannot be
temple service animals that do not conform to the rules (cf.
correct. In fact, the ancient versions took the words to mean
Lev 22:22—4). Whatever the motivation, such an attitude
that God approved the divorcing of wives who were hated! The
values God less highly than the (probably foreign) governor
Babylonian Talmud (b. Gittin gob) rightly understands the
(v. 8). If the priests cannot honour God properly, how can they
logic of the passage (if not its Heb.) by arguing that it means
mediate between God and the people (v. 9) ? It would be better
that God hates the man who divorces his first wife. The
to have no offerings than dishonourable ones (v. 10).
Hebrew is best repointed and rendered 'if one hated [his
At this point a later addition to the text (w. 11-14) seeks to
wife and] divorced [her]... he covers his garment with vio-
clarify the situation. The main criticism is now directed to-
lence' (cf. Redditt 1995).
wards the ordinary people who bring stolen as well as sick
animals as offerings, when they have healthy animals (read- (2:17—3:5) Fourth Disputation The complaint that evildoers
ing zakeh 'clean' for zakar 'male', v. 14) available. But the prosper materially in a world in which, according to covenant
criticism is preceded by the noble statement (v. n) that God's ideas, they ought to suffer misfortune, is common in the OT
name is great among the nations and that incense and pure (cf. Deut 28:15—44 and PS 73)- Here, it gives rise to the charge
offerings are (or will be) made to him 'in every place'. Most that the complainants have wearied God, and occasions the
commentators deny that this envisages the worship of the promise that God is about to act decisively. His messenger will
God of Israel by all the nations, and see a reference to the prepare for God's coming, which will result in judgement
worship of Jews in the Diaspora, or to the worship of the God against the evildoers (v. 5). Two later expansions of the text
of heaven in the Persian empire (cf. Ezra 6:9). However, as blur the focus of the passage, while indicating that the prom-
Rudolf (1976) points out, the idea that foreign nations recog- ise was taken seriously by the users of Malachi. The second
nize the God of Israel is not unknown in the OT (cf. Jonah). expansion (v. 3 from 'and he will purify' to v. 4) concentrates
The seemingly obvious sense of the verse should not be dis- the divine coming upon a purification of the temple cult, and
missed too hastily, and it becomes a corrective to the exclu- in connection with v. 5 implies that a reform of the temple will
sivist tendency of Mai 1:2-5. have to precede the divine judgement of social abuses. The
 617 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE A P O C R Y P H A
first expansion (v. i from 'The messenger of the covenant') is Lord (4:1) that will destroy the evildoers and bring healing and
an attempt to clarify who is meant by the Lord (Hebrew 'adori). life to the faithful (4:2).
Although certainty is impossible here, it is likely that the The fact that this may have not been entirely reassuring
original oracle envisages the imminent coming of God, while brings us to the expansion in w. 16-17, which has the effect of
the expansion implies that the Lord will be a heavenly being bringing the hope of future vindication into the present. The
(cf the angel of God in the Exodus narratives, Ex 14:19—23:20, opening word 'then' makes no logical sense in its context, and
the Hebrew mal'ak meaning both 'messenger' and 'angel'). has been emended to 'thus' (i.e. in this way) but this is
This introduces us to the central problem in Malachi that is unnecessary if v. 16 is regarded as an expansion. The faithful
taken up again in ch. 4. The book in its first main draft and in are reassured that even now their names are being recorded in
its final form urges faithfulness to God upon a society in a book (cf. Esth 6:1—3) an(^ that they are a special possession.
which there were social abuses, indifferent worship, and Thus, their words of complaint do not occasion God's anger,
even idolatry, and in which a speedy divine intervention had but his mercy.
not materialized. How those who advocated faithfulness to (4:4-6) Closing Words The last three verses are a later con-
God coped with the situation is indicated in the remainder of clusion to Malachi and the Book of the Twelve. The reference
the book. to the coming of Elijah both amplifies 3:1, which expects a
(3:6—12) Fifth Disputation A new strategy is brought into play. forerunner to precede the day of the Lord, and subverts 3:16-
In direct address by God it is implied that the people's mis- 4:3, which envisages an imminent day of judgement which
fortunes are due not to God's indifference but to Israel's fail- will spare those whose names have been written in the book of
ure to observe God's laws. It is because God does not change remembrance. The reference to Moses (v. 4) echoes Deut 34:5,
that the children of Jacob (the name is a pun on a root that can where Moses is called the Lord's servant. Tradition dislikes
also mean 'trickster' or 'crooked') still survive despite their anonymity, which is why the anonymous 'messenger' of 3:1
waywardness. The people are challenged to show that they has become the named Elijah here. Elijah has been chosen
have returned to God by fulfilling their obligations to render because of the tradition that he did not die but was taken up to
tithes to the temple. They are invited, indeed, to put God to the heaven (2 Kings 2:11). On the other hand, the designation
test (v. 10), who promises that he will then bless their agricul- 'messenger of the covenant' and the picture of him coming
tural labours (w. 10-11). This is a positive attitude to the to the Jerusalem temple (3:1) hardly fits the Elijah of i and 2
temple compared with 1:7—2:3, but not necessarily at variance Kings.
with it. Tithes could be used for social purposes (Deut 14:28— In the HB Malachi concludes the Law and the Prophets,
9) and if the people who had something were, through the which is why the references to Moses and Elijah in 4:4-6
tithe, to provide for the socially oppressed (v. 5), this would are apposite. In the Christian Bible Malachi ends the
show practical commitment to the implications of being the Old Testament, and the reference to the coming of Elijah is
children of one creator father (2:10). taken up in the story of the Elijah-like figure of John the
(3:13-4:3) Sixth Disputation The complaint first heard at 2:17, Baptist.
that God is indifferent to justice, is taken up again and ex-
pressed even more forcefully. Not only do the evildoers pros-
per; those who try to keep God's commandments see no REFERENCES
benefit. The day belongs to those who treat the things of Bartlett, J. R. (1992), 'Edorri, ABD ii. 287-95.
God with dismissive arrogance. It would be wrong to suppose Davies, G. I. (1991), Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions, Corpus and Concord-
that the complainants are interested in religion merely for ance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
what they can get out of it. We have here rather the anguished Glazier-McDonald, B. (1987), Malachi: The Divine Messenger, SBLDS
cry of those who want to live in a world where goodness and 98 (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press).
not evil is paramount. The second-person dialogue between Meinhold, A. (1991), 'Maleachi/Maleachibuch', Theologische Realen-
God and the people is broken at 3:16-17 by a prose passage in zyklopadie (Berlin: de Gruyter) xxii. 6—n.
Redditt, P. L. (1995), Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, New Century Bible
the third person. While switches from second to third person
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans).
and back are not necessarily signs that verses have been Rudolf, W. (1976), Haggai, Sacharja 1—8, Sacharja 9—14, Maleachi, KAT
interpolated, the logic of the passage becomes clear if it is 13/4 (Giitersloh: Mohn).
assumed that v. 18 originally followed v. 15. The God-fearers Utzschneider, H. (1992), 'Die Schriftprophetie und die Frage nach
are assured that they will see a difference between themselves dem Ende der Prophetie. Uberlegungen anhand von Mai i, 6-2,16',
and the wicked. The occasion will be the coming day of the ZAWio^: 377-94.

39. Introduction to the Apocrypha MARTIN GOODMAN

A. Definition. 1. The term 'apocrypha' was never used in an- ing these books, which were standard in Catholic Bibles, from
tiquity to denote the separate corpus of disparate books which canonical biblical writings. This use reflected more general
are printed under this heading in some modern Bibles. The uses of the term in late antiquity.
current use of the term was popularized through the practice 2. The Greek word 'apocrypha' means books that have been
of Protestant scholars during the Reformation in distinguish- hidden away in some sense. The term was sometimes used in
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE A P O C R Y P H A 618
antiquity to refer to books that contained mysterious or secret deal of interpretation and (to a lesser extent) elaboration; the
teachings, but although many such esoteric writings were authors both inspired and were part of a much wider move-
known and highly regarded by both Jews and Christians (cf. ment of translating Jewish texts into Greek in this period,
2 Esd 14:45-6) the description of them as apocryphal was rare. often producing work so distinctly Hellenic that they should
Other Christian writers described as 'apocrypha' those books be treated as compositions in their own right. It is in this
which were reckoned to be spurious or heretical and thus context that the material now found in the Apocrypha was
unfit for Christian use (e.g. Athanasius and Rufinus, both in composed.
the 4th cent. CE). The use of the term to refer to the corpus of 2. The transmission of the Septuagint in antiquity was
books that now forms an appendix to the OT began with almost entirely through Christian rather than Jewish copyists.
Jerome in the early fifth century. Jerome was concerned to Some fragments of the Pentateuch, the minor prophets, and
define the limits of the OT canon and elected to exclude those indeed some of the apocrypha survive in Jewish MSS from
books found in the Greek and Latin versions but not in the pre-Christian times, and further papyrus fragments including
Hebrew. He did not condemn these books as unworthy but parts of Wisdom and Sirach from the second to third centuries
only as non-canonical and hence useful for general edification CE was found at Antinoopolis in Egypt, butthe main witnesses
rather than to define church dogma. to the text are the Christian MSS of the fourth century, the
3. Since the MSS of Greek and Latin Bibles do not all Codex Vaticanus and the Codex Sinaiticus, and the rather later
contain precisely the same works, but all contain the writings (between the late fourth and early sixth centuries) Codex
included in the OTas defined by Protestants, the extent of the Alexandrinus. Christians from the beginning treated the Sep-
Apocrypha is not entirely fixed. Some biblical MSS include 3 tuagint as a sacred text in its own right and not simply as a
and 4 Maccabees and Ps 151 which, since they are not part of translation of the Hebrew.
the HB, have therefore sometimes been treated as part of the 3. At the time when the Septuagint translations and the
Apocrypha. Conversely, during disputes in the Reformation apocrypha were composed, books were written on papyrus or
about the religious importance of the Apocrypha, some theo- leather scrolls and each book would normally have been writ-
logians declared unfitting for the corpus those writings that ten on a separate scroll. Thus the issue of what was to be
seemed to them to lack value; thus Luther excluded from his included together with the other books of the Greek Bible only
version of the Apocrypha both i and 2 Esdras. The books really arose with the Christian adoption of the Codex. Most of
discussed in this Commentary are those commonly found in the books of the apocrypha are to be found in each of the great
those Protestant English Bibles in which the Apocrypha is codices of the Septuagint from late antiquity without any
printed. indication that they are not part of the canon of Scripture,
but they are found in different places within the text and not
B. History. 1. Septuagint. The creation of the Apocrypha is
all are consistently included. Thus, for example, the Prayer of
part of the history of the translation of the HB into Greek. The
Manasseh is not in any of our ancient copies of the Septuagint,
Septuagint, so-called because of the foundation legend that it
but some Septuagint MSS include 3 and 4 Maccabees and Ps
was the work of seventy (or seventy-two) translators, was
151, which were not to be treated as part of the Apocrypha
produced gradually during the third and second centuries
when the corpus was defined in the Reformation, and by
BCE. According to the Letter ofAristeas, the translation of the
contrast 2 Esdras is not found in any Greek codex of the
Pentateuch was produced by translators sent to Alexandria
Septuagint. From all this it is clear that Christians in late
from Jerusalem by the high priest Eleazar at the behest of
antiquity on the whole treated the Apocrypha as part of the
King Ptolemy II Philadelphus (283-246 BCE) and, although
canon of sacred Scripture, but since the limits of the canon
the detailed historicity of this legend is dubious, and it is more
were still disputed, some books were more consistently trea-
likely that the work was commissioned by Greek-speaking
ted in this way than others.
Jews, the Alexandrian origin of the work is plausible since a
4. Confirmation of this view can be found in the lists of
festival to celebrate the translation was held there regularly in
canonical works of the OT compiled by Christian authors in
the first century CE (Philo, vit. Mas. 2.7 (41)). But the other
late antiquity, in which the books of the apocrypha are found
books were translated piecemeal and quite possibly in other
in varying numbers and order. Many Greek Christian writers
parts of the Greek-speaking diaspora. All that is certain is that
of the second and third centuries regularly cited apocryphal
the main body of the Writings and the Prophets were available
books, using the same formulas to introduce quotations that
by the late second century BCE, when the grandson of the
they used to cite texts from the OT. However, a few Christian
author of Ecclesiasticus, Jesus son of Sira, referred, in the
authors, such as Melito of Sardis in the second century and
prologue to his translation of his grandfather's work, to
Origen in the third, were aware that although the apocryphal
the existence of Greek versions of 'the Law, the prophecies
books were to be found in the Septuagint and were therefore
and the rest of the books'. In the same passage the grandson
'Scripture' they were not in use among Jews as part of the HB,
of Jesus son of Sira referred to the impossibility of precise
and in the fourth century Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of
translation: 'What was originally expressed in Hebrew does
Nazianzus, and Amphilochius did not include any of the
not have exactly the same sense when translated into another
apocrypha in the lists of canonical books that they drew up.
language.' In this he was quite correct, and the translators of
different books in the Septuagint varied between those who C. Use of the Apocrypha in the Early Church. 1. There is no
aimed at a very literal rendering and those who apparently direct quotation from the apocrypha in the NT, and it is
aimed more at reproducing the mood of the original. In the difficult to be certain whether parallel expression and allu-
latter case the Greek version often necessarily included a great sions, of which many can be identified, show use of the
 619 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE APOCRYPHA
apocrypha by the authors of the NT or the influence of a in the Hebrew OT, from Nicholas of Lyra and Wycliffe in the
common tradition. Thus, for instance, many expressions in fourteenth century to Cardinal Ximenes, editor of the Com-
the letters of Paul and in Hebrews use imagery close to that in plutensian Polyglot edition of the Bible in 1514—17.
Wisdom of Solomon (e.g. Heb 1:1-3 = Wis 7:25-7), and Heb 2. The attitude of Protestant scholars in the Reformation
11:35-7 alludes to the martyrdom story found in 2 Mace 6-7. was thus not entirely a break with recent Christian practice. In
Direct borrowing is not, of course, impossible, but these 1520 Andreas Bodenstein of Karlstadt published a tracture
themes may have had much wider currency than just the distinguishing the apocryphal books from those in the Heb-
surviving literature. rew OT and dividing the apocrypha itself into two groups of
2. In contrast numerous quotations from the apocrypha can non-canonical but holy books (e.g. Tobit, Wisdom, and Sirach)
be found in patristic writings. Among Greek-speaking Chris- and foolish writings 'worthy of the Censor's ban' (i.e. i and 2
tians, Wisdom of Solomon was quoted by i Clement at the end Esdras, Baruch, the Prayer of Manasseh, and the Additions to
of the first century and in the Epistle of Barnabas from the early Daniel). Following this lead, many Protestant Bibles in the
second; Ecclesiasticus and 2 Esdras were also quoted by Bar- vernacular, most influentially Luther's German translation
nabas', Tobit was quoted by Polycarp in the mid-second cen- completed in 1534, placed the books of the Apocrypha in a
tury; the stories of Susanna and the other apocryphal separate appendix after the books of the OT, with a preface
Additions to Daniel were included by Hippolytus of Rome in stating that these books 'are not held equal to the sacred
his commentary on Daniel. These citations generally treated scriptures, and yet are useful and good for reading'. The
the text of the apocrypha as inspired like the rest of Scripture. treatment of the Apocrypha as a separate corpus became
In the fragmentary Muratorian Canon, to be dated probably to standard in Protestant Bibles, although there continued to
C.2OO, the Wisdom of Solomon actually appears as part of the be rare exceptions, such as the place of the Prayer of Manasseh
NT, albeit with an indication that this is not certain. Among in the Geneva Bible published in English in 1560, between 2
Latin Christians, such as Tertullian and Cyprian, the apo- Chronicles and Ezra, with a note about its apocryphal status.
cryphal books were accorded even higher esteem, doubtless 3. This attitude in Protestant churches provoked a vigorous
encouraged in the view by their inclusion in the Old Latin response by the Catholic church, with the declaration in the
version of the OT, which was translated from the Septuagint. Council of Trent in 1546 of an anathema on anyone who did
The main dissenting voice was that of Jerome, who made not recognize as sacred and canonical all the books found in
much use of the HB in creating his new Latin translation, the Vulgate, although the same Council rather inconsistently
the Vulgate, in the early fifth century. Jerome was persuaded denied the canonical status of the Prayer of Manasseh and
to include some of the apocrypha in the Vulgate on the i and 2 Esdras; as a result, these books were after 1593 reg-
grounds that these were popular books, but in the margins ularly printed as a separate appendix, while the rest of the
he marked as missing in the Hebrew the Additions to Daniel books treated by Protestants as the apocrypha continued to be
and Esther, and, although he translated Tobit and Judith, later printed as part of the biblical text as in older editions of the
MSS of the Vulgate imported into Jerome's corpus the Old Vulgate. None the less it remained useful for Catholics to
Latin versions of the other books. This ambivalent attitude distinguish the Apocrypha as a separate corpus and these
was best summed up by Jerome himself in the Prologues to a books were thus often termed by Catholics 'deutero-
number of these books: in his view the apocryphal books canonical'.
might be read by Christians and contained much of value, 4. The books of the Apocrypha do not play a major role in
but they were not canonical and thus should not be used to contemporary Christianity even among Roman Catholics.
establish the doctrines of the church. This view coexisted Among Protestants the lower status given to these books early
unhappily among Latin Christians with the powerful advo- led to their omission altogether in many printed Bibles.
cacy of the canonical status of these books urged by Jerome's Among Calvinists the Apocrypha was rejected altogether as
contemporary Augustine. Among Greek Christians canonical wholly without authority, and arguments about the value of
status was generally taken for granted, but early Syriac patris- these books continued among Protestants in many countries
tic authors used an OT even more restricted than the Heb- through the nineteenth century. Among the Protestant
rew—of the apocrypha they knew only Ecclesiasticus, which churches, the most positive attitude towards the apocrypha
they treated as canonical. is found in the Anglican church, in which extensive use is
made of these books in the liturgy.
D. Identification of the Apocrypha as a Distinct Corpus. 1. Treat-
ment of the apocryphal books as quasi-Scripture precluded E. Jewish Attitudes to the Books of the Apocrypha. 1. The late
recognition by patristic authors of these books as constituting Second Temple period, when the apocrypha were written, was
a distinct literary corpus. Even Jerome, who applied the term a time of intense literary activity among Jews (see below, G.i6).
'apocrypha' to these writings (above, A.2), treated them only The basis of that activity was the books now found in the
negatively: the apocrypha were defined as the books found in HB, but it is unclear when and how precisely Jews came to
Greek and Latin Bibles but not in the Hebrew. The insights of agree on the limits of a canon of inspired Scripture. Thus it is
Jerome were for the most part ignored during the Middle entirely possible that soon after their composition the writ-
Ages. Most Christians treated all the books found in the ings now found in the Apocrypha were treated by Jews as
Septuagint and the Vulgate as of equal value, and many of similar in nature and authority to the books in their Bible.
the books of the apocrypha were widely read and popular. On the other hand the statement by Josephus (Ag. Ap. 1.43)
None the less some scholars continued to distinguish the that 'there are not with us myriads of books, discordant and
apocrypha from the distinctive authority of the books found discrepant, but only twenty-two, comprising the history of all
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE APOCRYPHA 620

time, which are justly accredited' almost certainly refers to the Renaissance, when scholarly Jews became aware of the exist-
biblical books and shows that, even if a fixed canon was not yet ence of a large Jewish literature in Greek, and a translation of
generally agreed, the idea that there might be such a canon the apocrypha into Hebrew was published in the early six-
was familiar. The discovery among the Dead Sea scrolls of teenth century. Since then Jewish scholars have made much
fragments of Ecclesiasticus (also found at Masada), the Letter use of these books in the study of Jewish literature and history,
of Jeremiah (in Greek), and Tobit shows that these books were but these writings have never reverted to their original status
read by some Palestinian Jews before 70 CE, and the lack of the as sources of religious edification.
other apocryphal books among the finds may be accidental,
although it is worth noting in contrast the discovery at Qum- F. Description of the Books of the Apocrypha. 1. Size The
ran of parts of every book of the HB except Esther. Josephus corpus of the Apocrypha is about one-fifth of the length of
used i Esdras, i Maccabees, and the additions to Esther, but the OT and over two-thirds that of the NT. The books are of
his failure to refer to the other books of the Apocrypha may in very unequal length. Sirach is the longest, almost as long as
some cases be only because they were not sufficiently histor- Exodus. The Prayer of Manasseh consists of one brief chapter.
ical to be of use to him. It should be noted that, if Josephus 2. Genres The books included in the Apocrypha show no
really meant to insist that Jews used a fixed number of histor- generic uniformity, i Esdras, i Maccabees, and 2 Maccabees
ical texts (see above) but himself follows the version of Jewish are, or purport to be, historical works. Tobit, Judith, and the
history in i Esdras, either he did not possess the biblical books Additions to Daniel are essentially moralizing romances.
of Ezra and Nehemiah or he believed i Esdras to be canonical Sirach is a work of wisdom literature similar to Proverbs;
and the biblical books to be lacking in authority. Wisdom of Solomon is a more high-flown and philosophical
2. Early rabbinic literature shows no awareness of any of the instance ofthe same genre. 2 Esdras is apocalyptic. The Prayer
books of the Apocrypha apart from Sirach. This is unsurpris- of Manasseh is an example of devotional literature.
ing for those books that existed only in Greek, but more 3. Dates of Composition The only book in the Apocrypha
surprising for Tobit and Judith, which certainly existed in whose date of composition can be ascertained fairly precisely
Aramaic and perhaps in Hebrew, and i Maccabees, which is Sirach, since the grandson ofthe author, who translated the
was probably originally composed in Hebrew; at any rate a book into Greek, stated in the prologue to the translation that
Hebrew version was known to Origen and to Jerome (see he had arrived in Egypt 'in the thirty-eighth year ofthe reign of
below, F.6). Citations of Sirach (under the name 'Ben Sirah') Euergetes', i.e. in 132 BCE; his grandfather must therefore have
in early rabbinic texts are quite frequent and are sometimes composed the original Hebrew in the first half of the second
preceded by the same introductory formula ('as it is written') century BCE. For some of the other writings (i Esdras, the
which was used to introduce passages from the Writings, the Additions to Esther, i Maccabees) a final terminus ante quern
third part of the OT (cf. b. B. Qam. g2b). It is clear from this is the end ofthe first century CE because Josephus knew and
that Sirach was highly regarded, but not that the rabbis treated used them; the date ofthe translation ofthe Hebrew book of
this text as equal in status to those in the biblical corpus; the Esther into Greek is given by a colophon which probably fixes
rabbinic discussions over which texts 'render the hands un- it to 114 BCE, but it is possible that the Additions that are found
clean' reveal doubts about the status of a number of books that only in the Greek text (and hence are now found in the
are included in the biblical corpus (e.g. Song of Songs and Apocrypha) were composed separately after the completion
Ecclesiastes), but not about Sirach. The rabbis may not have ofthe main translation and were only later inserted into the
used most of the apocryphal texts but they were aware of some narrative. Composition before c.ioo CE is also likely for the
of the traditions referred to in those texts. Most important was bulk of 2 Esdras since the book was early cited by Christians. It
the festival of Hanukkah, which celebrated the events de- is in any case unlikely that any Jewish writing would have
scribed in i and 2 Maccabees, but there are also occasional been adopted by Christians with the enthusiasm accorded to
rabbinic references to the martyrdom story of Hannah and the Apocrypha if it had been composed much after that date.
her sons found in 2 Maccabees (cf. b. Git. 5yb) and to the 4. The earliest date that most of these books could have been
stories found in the Additions to Daniel. written is in most cases less easy to state, i and 2 Maccabees
3. The contents of some of the books of the Apocrypha came cannot have been composed before the events they describe;
back to the attention of Jews in the Middle Ages through the the author of i Maccabees thus wrote after 134 BCE, the author
wide dissemination of Hebrew versions of some of the stories. of 2 Maccabees after 163 BCE. In theory all the other books may
The narratives of Tobit and Judith were popular, as was Me- have originated much earlier, in the Persian period; this is
gillat Antiochus, which repeated in outline some of the mater- entirely possible, for instance, of Tobit. Arguments for a later
ial found in the books of Maccabees. Ecclesiasticus, known to date, after £.300 BCE, are commonly advanced, but they rely
the rabbis as Ben Sira, was presumably still known to some upon the general nature of these writings, and especially
Jews in the original Hebrew even in the high Middle Ages, alleged reflections of political events, rather than any specific
since large portions of the text were found in the Cairo Geni- temporal indication in the texts, and they are thus only hypo-
zah in 1896, but the uniqueness of this manuscript find, and thetical.
the scarcity of references to the work in rabbinic literature 5. Places of Composition There is no reason to assume that
after antiquity, suggests that the book was not widely read, all these books were either written or (in some cases) trans-
although the composition in the medieval period of a new lated in the same place; only the translation of Sirach can be
work, the Alfabet of Ben Sira, demonstrates the continuing confidently located in Alexandria in the Egyptian delta. Those
prestige thought to attach to the work of Ben Sira himself. The writings originally composed in Hebrew or Aramaic (see 0.5)
real revival of Jewish interest in the apocrypha came in the may have been written either in the Land of Israel or in
 621 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE APOCRYPHA
Babylonia or Syria or even in Egypt (e.g. Tobit). Those written whatever the aims of the authors, there is no evidence that any
in or translated into Greek may originate from any part of the ancient pagan in fact read any of these works.
Eastern Mediterranean world, including quite possibly Judea,
since some knowledge of Greek can be presumed among G. Historical Background. 1. Political Events In the Hellenistic
educated circles in Jerusalem from at least the third century World The political event of most significance in the shaping
BCE (see below, 0.15). of the Apocrypha was the conquest of the Levant by Alexander
6. Original Languages Because of the process of transmis- the Great of Macedon in 331 BCE. For nearly two centuries
sion of this corpus of texts (see B.I, 3-4), all of them have been before the arrival of Alexander, the Land of Israel lay under
preserved in Greek, but this does not mean that all were Persian rule. The Persian state was on the whole content to
therefore originally composed in Greek. The Hebrew or Ara- interfere little with the lives of its subjects, and the small
maic origin of the book of Tobit is now certain because of the province of Judah was allowed to develop its own distinctive
discovery of five Tobit MSS, four in Aramaic and one in culture around the temple city of Jerusalem. This quiet, paro-
Hebrew, among the Dead Sea scrolls. In contrast the original chial existence was shattered by Alexander, who brought
Semitic version of Judith and of i Maccabees can only be Greek culture in all its forms to the Jews.
hypothesized from the nature of the Greek text, although an 2. Alexander inherited the throne of Macedon from his
Aramaic version of Judith was known to Jerome in the early father Philip at the age of 20 in 336 BCE and almost immedi-
fifth century and a Hebrew text of i Maccabees was known to ately embarked on an ambitious campaign to conquer the
Origen in the third century. There is no reason to doubt that Persian empire. Astonishing success in a series of battles
both 2 Maccabees and the Wisdom of Solomon were origin- brought him by the time of his death in 323 BCE control of
ally written in Greek, but for the rest of the Apocrypha the the whole of the Near East up to the borders of India. Within
original language is uncertain. In the third century CE Julius his new empire lay not just the Jewish homeland and temple
Africanus argued that the play on words in the Greek text of but also the great centre of Jewish exile in Mesopotamia. For
Susanna shows that this narrative was originally composed in the next 200 years Jewish history was continually affected by
Greek, but it is also possible that this was the work of an the intrigues and ambitions of Alexander's Macedonian suc-
ingenious translator. cessors. After a period of turmoil following Alexander's death,
7. Authors Most of the authors of the apocryphal books are his generals eventually parcelled out his huge conquests
anonymous or pseudonymous and their identities can only be among themselves. Of the great dynastic empires that thus
surmised from the contents of their writings. The exceptions came into existence by 301 BCE, the two most to affect the Jews
are Jesus ben Sira, author of Ecclesiasticus, who identified were the dynasty founded by Ptolemy I Soter, with its base in
himself in the text (50:27) as a Jerusalemite, and his grandson, Egypt, and the rival dynasty of Seleucus I Nicator, which had
who translated his work and, according to his statement in the essentially two main bases, one in Mesopotamia and the other
prologue, wrote in Egypt. 2 Maccabees is an abridgement of a in northern Syria.
larger work in five volumes by a certain Jason of Gyrene (2 3. From 301 to 198 BCE Jerusalem lay under the rule of the
Mace 2:23), but beyond the facts that his name indicates that Ptolemys, lying at the northern fringes of the Ptolemaic state,
he came from Cyrenaica (modern Libya) and that the details in but the territory of the Land of Israel was disputed by the
the narrative suggest (if they derive from Jason) that he had Seleucids in six wars in the course of the third century, and
spent some time in Judea, nothing else can be said about him. eventually the Seleucid king Antiochus III in 198 BCE wrested
Despite the preservation of the Apocrypha eventually through control of the southern Levant into his own hands as part of a
Christian rather than Jewish copyists since the end of the first general expansion of his kingdom. The result was a change in
century CE (see B.2), there is no reason to doubt that most of the method of state control of Judea. In essence the Ptolemaic
what is found in these books was written by Jews except for 2 dynasty ruled through a large bureaucracy, in part a necessity
Esd 1—2; 15—16; these passages, which are found in the Latin because of the reliance of Egyptian agriculture on irrigation
Vulgate, are missing in the oriental translations and appear to which depended on state regulation; in contrast the much
be additions by a Christian author. Christian interpolations more diffuse empire of the Seleucids relied heavily on co-
into the texts of other books of the Apocrypha are possible but operation by local elites, who were given incentives to admin-
seem to have been rare, presumably because these texts were ister their regions on behalf of the state. Hence in the Seleucid
from early on treated as Scripture. empire there were more (or more openly recognized) routes to
8. Readership So far as is known, everything in the Apoc- advancement for non-Greeks than in the Ptolemaic state, but
rypha, apart from the Christian interpolations (see c.6), was with the proviso that non-Greek elites were expected to behave
written originally primarily for a Jewish readership. Only in in Greek fashion if they were to be granted such control over
the case of the Wisdom of Solomon is it reasonable to specu- their own communities. In Jerusalem the Jewish ruling elite
late that the author may in part have had in mind also was essentially the high priest and his associates. During the
Gentile readers: the address to the 'judges and kings of the course of the first quarter of the second century BCE some
earth' (Wis 1:1; 6:1) is a literary fiction, but the attack on the members of this elite proved sufficiently attracted to the pro-
foolishness of idolatry (chs. 13—15) may have been genuinely spect of power to adopt Greek names and some Greek cus-
aimed at Gentile pagans, although its prime intention may toms. It is possible (although it is hard to tell whether this was
more plausibly have been to guide Jews away from any temp- actually their intention) that the gradual adoption of this alien
tation to indulge in such worship, and the book as a whole culture would have led in time to the end of a distinctively
contains so many veiled allusions to biblical history that only Jewish culture and religion. In any case the process was
Jewish readers could have appreciated it fully. In any case, and abruptly halted by the Maccabean revolt.
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE APOCRYPHA 622

4. The Maccabean Revolt In 168 BCE the Seleucid king the Hasmoneans with their Jewish subjects at times became
Antiochus IV Epiphanes ordered the abolition of the ancient stormy.
cult in the temple in Jerusalem and the conversion of the 7. The decline of the Hasmonean dynasty was a direct
shrine to pagan worship. Neither the new divinity to whom product of the ambitions of Rome. During the 703 BCE the
the temple was dedicated nor the precise causes of this highly remnants of the Seleucid state fell into Roman hands and in
unusual attack by a Hellenistic king on an ancestral religion 63 BCE the Roman general Pompey the Great took advantage
can be stated with certainty; the main sources of evidence are of quarrels between Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, the two sons
the books of Maccabees in the Apocrypha, which provide as of Alexandra Jannaea Salome, to intervene ostensibly on the
explanation the internal divisions within the Jewish ruling side of Hyrcanus. Thus Pompey besieged Jerusalem and in-
class, and in particular the desire of some high priests to augurated the ensuing history of misunderstandings between
embrace Hellenism as a route to political power, but the wider Jews and Romans by desecrating the Holy of Holies in the
policy of Antiochus, who first expanded his power through a temple simply out of curiosity to know whether it was true that
dramatic campaign south into Egypt and was then compelled there was no cult image in the shrine. From that date Judea lay
to withdraw by the threat of Roman intervention, may have in effect within the Roman empire, although for much of the
been equally or even more responsible. At any rate this attack next century Rome preferred to exercise control through proxy
provoked an uprising led by Mattathias, a priest from Modiin, Jewish rulers, a procedure common in Rome's administration
north-west of Jerusalem, and his five sons, of whom Judas of her empire elsewhere.
Maccabee emerged in the course of the struggle as supreme 8. Herodian Rule The transfer of Roman patronage from
leader. By 164 BCE guerrilla warfare had succeeded and the the Hasmonean dynasty to Herod the Great in 40 BCE was not
temple was purified and rededicated. a result of standard Roman policy, for Rome usually sought
5. Hasmonean Rule Control of the temple did not auto- client kings from within the ranks of existing native dynasties.
matically bring political independence. There continued to be Nor was it remotely to be expected on the Jewish side, since
a Seleucid garrison in Jerusalem until probably 129 BCE. Nor Herod was an Idumean, descended on his father's side from
did the family of Mattathias and Judas immediately reap in the people converted to Judaism less than a century before by
full the fruits of their victory: when the temple cult was John Hyrcanus and on his mother's side from a Nabatean
restarted by Judas, the new high priest was a certain Alcimus, Arab, and thus ineligible for the high priesthood. Herod was
an associate of the high priest from before the war; Mattathias proclaimed king of Judea by the Roman senate and consuls
died during the war and Judas himself was killed in battle in out of desperation caused by the internal disintegration of the
161 BCE. On the death of Alcimus in 159 BCE there was a hiatus Roman state.
in the high priesthood until 152 BCE, when Judas's brother 9. The period of civil war that had first engulfed the Medi-
Jonathan had himself appointed to the post. From that date to terranean world in 49 BCE with the struggle of Pompey and
37 BCE all the high priests came from this family. The dynasty Julius Caesar did not abate until the victory of Octavian, the
was called by the name 'Hasmonean', a reference back to an future emperor Augustus, in the battle of Actium in 31 BCE. In
ancestor of Mattathias. At first the Hasmoneans ruled Judea the meantime the Roman state was in turmoil and in 40 BCE
as vassals, in effect, of the Seleucid kings, but they took the Parthians, whose empire in this period was based in
advantage of the disintegration of the Seleucid state through Mesopotamia, took advantage of Roman disarray to invade
internal dissension and the machinations of the Romans, the southern Levant. The Hasmonean ruler and high priest
whose interest in the eastern Mediterranean increased Hyrcanus (67—40 BCE) was carried off into exile in Babylonia
during the second century BCE. By the I2OS BCE the Hasmo- and replaced by his nephew, the pro-Parthian Antigonus. The
nean high priest John Hyrcanus was sufficiently independent Romans, who had no Hasmonean adult male to put forward
to commence campaigns to expand the region of Jewish in opposition, chose Herod instead simply because he had
rule outside Judea, and by 112 BCE the whole region of already proved himself an energetic aide to Hyrcanus and a
Idumea, to the south of Judea, had been forced by him to loyal friend to Rome.
convert to Judaism. A similar policy of expansion and 10. Herod's first act once proclaimed king was to join his
incorporation was followed by his son Aristobulus, who in Roman patrons in a sacrifice to Jupiter on the Capitol, and
104—103 BCE compelled the Itureans who lived in Galilee to when he eventually captured his capital in 37 BCE it was
become Jews. through the efforts of Roman legionaries commanded by a
6. The brief rule of Aristobulus (104-103 BCE) marked Roman general. It is not surprising that, after this inauspi-
something of a shift in the nature of Hasmonean rule. Aris- cious start, Herod's relationship with his subjects was never
tobulus was still high priest, and his right to power was still easy. He ruled until 4 BCE through repression, constantly
justified by the dynasty's role as the leaders of the revolt in the fearful of plots, not least by members of his own family. His
i6os, but he liked to be known as 'philhellene' (a lover of grandiose building plans, which included the massive recon-
Greek culture) and he had himself declared king. In his rule, struction of the Jerusalem Temple, did not succeed in endear-
and that of his successor Alexander Jannaeus (103—76 BCE), ing him to his people. His success in ruling through fear was
the Hasmonean dynasty behaved much like other Hellenistic demonstrated by the eruption of widespread revolts when he
rulers, using mercenary soldiers to establish themselves as a died. His son Archelaus, appointed ethnarch of Judea by the
regional superpower. When Jannaeus died, his widow Alex- Roman emperor Augustus, proved incapable of imposing
andra Jannaea Salome became queen (76-67 BCE), in a fash- control in the same way, and in 6 CE he was sent by Augustus
ion found elsewhere in the Hellenistic world but not into exile in the south of France. Judea came under the direct
previously among Jews. In the process the relationship of rule of a Roman governor.
 623 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE APOCRYPHA
11. Roman Rule Judea was controlled directly by Rome for found in all the coastal areas in the eastern Mediterranean
many centuries from 6 CE, with the exception of the glorious from Greece round to Gyrene in Libya as well as in the city of
three-year rule from 41 to 44 CE of Agrippa I, Herod's grand- Rome, in the interior of western Asia Minor on the Anatolian
son, who owed his throne to his machinations in Roman plateau, and in large numbers in the countryside in Syria and
politics and his role in bringing to power the new emperor in Egypt, while the largest diaspora communities were in the
Claudius, and the periods of Jewish revolt in 66—70 and great Hellenistic capital cities of Alexandria and Antioch.
132-5 CE. After the defeat of 70 CE Jews were ever more dispersed, but
12. There was a revolt in 6 CE when a census was imposed as the emergence of a diaspora in the western Mediterranean
part of the organization of the new province, but this phenom- cannot be attested until late-Roman times.
enon can also be observed in other provinces in this period. 15. Cultural Developments Jews in this period were pro-
Despite a mass protest in 40 CE when the emperor Gaiaus foundly affected both in the Land of Israel and in the Medi-
Caligula attempted to have a statue of himself erected in the terranean diaspora by the Greek culture spread and promoted
temple, and occasional disturbances in Jerusalem at the times by Alexander the Great and his successors. In this respect
of mass pilgrimage on the festivals, the Romans left Judea Jews were part of a much wider phenomenon in which native
lightly garrisoned down to 66 CE and evidently did not con- cultures throughout the Near East fused to a greater or lesser
sider the Jews a particular threat. The revolt in 66-70 CE may extent with the culture of the Graeco-Macedonian dynasties
thus have come as something of a surprise. At any rate it which ruled over them; the amalgamated cultures which
appears that Roman war aims changed during its course: a resulted have been termed 'Hellenistic' by scholars since the
war which began as an attempt to make the Jews give sacri- nineteenth century. Thus the use of the Greek language was
fices in their temple on behalf of the emperor ended with the widespread in the Land of Israel by the first century CE,
total destruction of the temple. It is probable that the excep- although it was probably in more common use in towns and
tional ferocity of the final Roman assault on the temple owed in cities. Jews also adopted Greek architecture, political forms,
much to the need of the Roman commander Titus to win literary genres, and, to a limited extent, philosophical ideas.
rapid prestige in Rome for himself and his father Vespasian, Much of this adoption was apparently both gradual and un-
since Vespasian had seized power in a bloody civil war the selfconscious: Hellenistic culture was simply the milieu in
previous year and, lacking any other qualifications for su- which Jews from the time of Alexander found themselves
preme office, used the victory over the Jews as evidence of living. Only with regard to the events preceding and during
his beneficence to the empire. Hence the superfluity of monu- the Maccabean revolt did the adoption of Greek culture and
ments in Rome to commemorate the defeat of the Jews, and opposition to it acquire wider significance because of the
the impossibility of an immediate rebuilding of the temple. preference of the Seleucids to give greater political power to
13. The destruction in 70 was a terrible disaster for all Jews, natives who Hellenized (see above 0.4). It is thus only in the
but the temple had been destroyed before and eventually books of the Maccabees that Judaism is explicitly contrasted to
rebuilt, so it is wrong to imagine universal Jewish despair. Hellenism. The Hasmonean rulers themselves, despite their
The institution of national Jewish leadership, the high priest- dynasty's founding myth based on their opposition to Hellen-
hood, was now gone, and the Roman state probably saw no ism, adopted much of Greek culture. It is probable that the
need for any new Jewish spokesman. Most Jews probably degree of Hellenization varied among Jews of different places
continued in their old beliefs and hoped for the temple to be of origin and different classes of society. Richer Jews, and
restored. Eventually the rabbis evolved a new type of Judaism those from big cities, especially Jerusalem, were more likely
which could flourish without a temple, and the Roman state to speak Greek and operate easily within Greek cultures. In
formally recognized the rabbinic patriarch as the political most diaspora communities, apart from Babylonia, Greek was
leader of the Jews, but, so far as is known, neither of these probably the main language of religious as well as secular
processes took place until long after the temple's destruction. discourse, and there was little knowledge of Hebrew or Ara-
14. Jewish Settlement Judea was the homeland of the Jews maic. In the Land of Israel, both Hebrew and Aramaic were in
throughout this period, and by its end Jerusalem was one of general use down to the end of the Second Temple period, but
the greatest cities of the eastern Mediterranean, but there was the native Jerusalemite Josephus proved capable at the end of
also a large Jewish population in the diaspora. Some of these the first century CE of writing complex literary works in Greek,
Jews had been carried into captivity in Babylonia at the time of albeit in a style for which he felt it necessary to apologize (Jos.
the destruction of the First Temple and the Babylonian com- Ant. 20. 263-4).
munity remained considerable throughout the Second Tem- 16. Religious Developments By the time the books of the
ple period, although little is known of its history. The diaspora Apocrypha were composed there had emerged many different
in the eastern Mediterranean world outside Israel grew rap- varieties of Judaism, but Jews did have a common core to their
idly from the third century BCE to the first century CE, partly religion. All pious Jews had in common their devotion to the
because of the settlement of descendants of slaves taken one God who was worshipped in Jerusalem, and the belief
captive in the numerous wars which affected the region, partly that God had both chosen his people for care and (all too often)
because of the use of Jews by Hellenistic monarchs as mer- chastisement, and that God's instructions for the correct way
cenaries settled in Asia Minor and in Egypt, partly through for a Jew to live were contained within the Torah, which was
economic migration in the face of overpopulation in the itself encapsulated within the Pentateuch. Judaism had be-
homeland, and partly (but to an unknown degree) through come a religion of the book, and there was a general (but not
the accretion to Jewish communities of Gentile proselytes. By universal) consensus that real prophetic inspiration was no
the early first century CE Jewish communities were to be longer possible. The main grounds for disagreement lay in
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE A P O C R Y P H A 624

differing interpretations of what precisely the Pentateuch becomes so much more detailed from precisely this period,
requires, and religious leaders, whether priestly or lay, tended but it is also possible that the development of sectarianism
to gain their authority from their expertise in such interpret- was a product of the complexities of Jewish life in the land of
ation. Israel during the second century BCE.
17. Many of the disputes attested in writings of this period 19. Literary Developments The new kinds of literature
concerned the conduct of the temple cult in Jerusalem. Since produced by Jews in this period were, like the religious in-
Jews held that there should be only one such temple (although novations of the time, mostly the product of an intense attach-
in fact a second temple existed in Leontopolis in Egypt down ment to the biblical text on the one hand, and the influence of
to 72 CE), the correct performance by the priests of the sacri- the wider Hellenistic world on the other. The books contained
fices and other offerings made in the temple was of immense within the Apocrypha comprise only a very small portion of
importance to all. There was widespread interest in, and dis- the total literary output of Jews in this period. Many other
agreement about, the notion of physical purity both as a Jewish writings were preserved by Christians for religious
requirement for worship in the temple and as a metaphor edification and instruction independently from the biblical
for spiritual purity. Among some Jews this led to high value corpus; such texts included the writings of Josephus and Philo
being placed on an ascetic lifestyle. Jews debated also more as well as the heterogeneous collection of other works known
philosophical and theological questions such as whether to modern scholars (rather misleadingly, since not all are
there is life after death (a tenet in which most but not all pseudepigraphic) as the 'Pseudepigrapha'. A quite different
Jews came to believe from around the mid-second century body of writings in Hebrew and Aramaic were handed down
BCE); the nature of the events to precede the end of the world through the Jewish rabbinic tradition; although none of the
towards which history was generally agreed to be leading; the extant rabbinic texts, including the Mishnah, the foundation
nature and role of a messianic figure in those events; the document of rabbinic Judaism, originated in its present from
relationship between human free will and divine interven- before C.2OO CE, they incorporate much earlier literary mater-
tion; the role of angels as intermediaries between man and ial. Since the writings preserved by Christians and those
God; the extent to which customary interpretation of the preserved by Jews overlap to such a small extent, it is a reason-
Pentateuchal laws could itself be taken to reflect the divine able assumption that both traditions selected the material
will. These debates were sometimes acrimonious but by no they found valuable from a much larger pool. That this is so
means always so, since the areas of agreement among Jews far was confirmed by the discovery at Qumran of the Dead Sea
outweighed the areas in dispute: thus Josephus (Ag. Ap. scrolls which included many religious texts about whose ex-
2.179-81) could state that, in contrast to Greeks, a character- istence there had previously been no trace. This highly fluid
istic of Jews was their 'admirable harmony... Unity and iden- literary tradition provides the background for understanding
tity of religious belief, perfect uniformity in habits and the literary and religious aims of the authors of the Apocrypha.
customs, produce a very beautiful concord in human charac- 20. Some at least of the works composed in the late Second
ter. Among us alone will be heard no contradictory statements Temple period continued within the genres to be found in the
about God... Among us alone will be seen no difference in HB; thus there was religious poetry in the style of the Psalms,
the conduct of our lives.' wisdom literature comparable to Proverbs, and so on. But
18. The Emergence of Sects It is all the more surprising there were also new kinds of writing The main literary innov-
that this same author, Josephus, provides the best evidence ations in the post-biblical period were the development of
that a characteristic of Judaism in this period which distin- different types of commentary on the Bible, including rewrit-
guished it from the biblical age was the emergence within the ten versions such as the book of Jubilees, systematic expan-
religion of groups or parties that defined themselves by their sions of biblical lemmata, as in some rabbinic midrashim,
distinctive theologies. In many passages he referred to and many other forms of bible interpretation; the genre of
the three, or sometimes four, haireseis (lit. choices) among the apocalyptic, in which a story is told of the revelation of a divine
Jews, which he defined as the Pharisees, the Sadducees, the message to a sage; philosophical treatises, most notably in the
Essenes, and the Fourth Philosophy (aboutwhich Josephus is writings of Philo of Alexandria; the composition of tragedies
the sole witness). These groups were not strictly sectarian, in the Greek style but on Jewish themes, of which only one, a
since they all appear to have participated in mainstream Jew- play on the Exodus by a certain Ezekiel, is partially extant; the
ish life, but they all had special doctrines of their own; at least development of communal rules, as at Qumran; and, perhaps
in the case of the Essenes they had a strong communal most importantly, the adoption of Greek genres of historiog-
organization; and in each case they defined themselves as raphy to describe the past. In all these cases it is probable that
different from other Jews. More clearly sectarian in the sense the literary form had some connection to the ideas expressed
that they viewed themselves as legitimate in contrast to the in the text—so, for instance, it is not accidental that eschato-
rest of Israel were the group which produced the communal logical speculation is to be found quite frequently, although by
writings among the Dead Sea scrolls found at Qumran. It is no means always, in apocalyptic writings. Similarly, the trans-
possible that these Dead Sea sectarians are to be identified mission of many quasi-prophetic texts in this period either
with one or other of the groups known from the classical under a pseudonym ('pseudepigrapha') or anonymously must
sources, but it is no less possible that this group was a separate be connected to the belief that genuine prophecy belonged to
sect unknown until the chance discovery of the scrolls in 1947. an earlier age.
These groups are first attested in the Hasmonean period. This
may be through chance, and the groups may have existed H. The Apocryphal Books and History. 1. Our lack of precise
before this time since the narrative in Josephus' histories knowledge about the date and place of composition of many of
 625 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE APOCRYPHA
the books of the Apocrypha (1.3-5) precludes any certain 3. Additions to Biblical Books The passages inserted into
deduction about the relationship between most of these writ- the Hebrew book of Esther and now found in Greek Esther
ings and the historical background outlined in G. It is thus serve to enhance the dramatic and religious appeal of the
possible that the Additions to Daniel, Tobit, and the Letter of original version and to bolster its historicity through the cit-
Jeremiah should be understood against the background of the ation of verbatim copies of royal edicts. The author of these
Babylonian Diaspora, and that Wisdom of Solomon and the additions has made no attempt to alter or comment on the
additions incorporated in the Greek Esther were products of biblical story, but only to increase its impact in the spirit of the
the Jewish community in Egypt in the late Hellenistic age (so original. The Prayer of Manasseh, in which the king admits
e.g. Nickelsburg 1981), but since the circumstances in which his sins and begs forgiveness from God, was similarly in-
these writings were produced can only be deduced from their tended to supplement the biblical account in 2 Chronicles
contents, any argument that the contents reveal the impact of because 2 Chr 33:18—19 mentions that such a prayer is re-
the circumstances in which they were composed is danger- corded elsewhere. The difference in this case is that the prayer
ously circular. was not preserved in the text of Chronicles in the Septuagint
2. However, some books in the Apocrypha can be more but only as a separate text.
precisely located. Thus Sirach was composed in the Land of 4. Imitation of Biblical Books Baruch is a hortatory proph-
Israel in the first quarter of the second century BCE when the ecy so similar in tone and content to the Hebrew book of
country lay under Seleucid control and Greek culture was Jeremiah that it was treated by some Christians from the
being enthusiastically adopted by the upper class of Jerusalem second century CE as a supplement to the biblical book.
for whom Jesus ben Sira wrote. It is thus significant that, This notion was doubtless aided by references in the book of
although his thought contains elements apparently derived Jeremiah to Baruch as the prophet's secretary and references
from Hellenistic philosophy, and especially Stoicism, ben Sira to the Babylonian exile in Baruch itself. The book of Baruch
wrote in Hebrew and within the traditional Jewish genre of contains rather disparate material (narrative, prayer, instruc-
wisdom literature. On the other hand the book contains no tion in the form of a poem about Wisdom, and comfort for the
explicit polemic against Greek culture, so if he wrote in oppos- people in a poem about Zion), but all the elements are familiar
ition to Hellenism he did so only indirectly. From the period from the prophetic books of the Bible.
following the Maccabean revolt originate of course both i and
J. The Apocrypha as Independent Compositions. 1. Most of the
2 Maccabees, i Maccabees appears to be an attempt by a
books in the Apocrypha are self-standing compositions and
Judean Jew to justify the assumption of power by the Hasmo-
can be appreciated without reference to the Bible; this in-
nean dynasty by referring back to their great deeds at the time
cludes even those stories, like that of Susanna, which survive
of the rebellion. 2 Maccabees contains an edifying reminis-
only through incorporation into a Greek translation of a bibl-
cence for diaspora readers of the heroic deeds of the rebels,
ical book. These works thus reflect many of the literary devel-
putting these comparatively recent events into the same cat-
opments attested in Jewish society in the late Second Temple
egory of the revelation of divine care for Israel to be found in
period (see 0.19—20), although it is worth noting that many of
biblical stories about the distant past. The book of Judith, with
the religious concerns expressed in other Jewish texts of this
its interest in political as well as religious freedom, may also
time (an interest in purity, temple ritual, asceticism, life after
belong to this period, but the evidence is uncertain. The only
death, and so on, see G.i6—18) are not as prominent in the
other work in the Apocrypha for which a moderately sure
Apocrypha as might be expected.
origin can be postulated is 4 Ezra, the Jewish apocalypse
2. Wisdom Literature Sirach can be assigned to the same
incorporated into 2 Esd 3—14, which appears to have consti-
wider genre of wisdom literature to which the biblical book of
tuted a reaction by a Judean Jew to the destruction of the
Proverbs belongs, but although it is close both in form and in
temple in 70 CE.
content to the biblical model, it includes also much that is
I. The Apocrypha and the Bible. 1. Some of the works in the novel. Like other Jewish wisdom texts, Sirach deals with prac-
Apocrypha derive their literary form primarily from their tical advice and religious problems, but this work is the earli-
relationship to biblical texts. In no case is this relationship est extant writing of its kind explicitly to identify divine
in the form of a phrase-by-phrase commentary, unlike some wisdom with the Torah (24:8—29) and to provide a historical
rabbinic midrashim (see above, 0.19), but the types of associ- perspective by alluding to the laudable deeds of previous
ation are different in each case. generations in Israel (chs. 44-9).
2. Rewritten Bible i Esdras is a Greek translation of a 3. Philosophy On the surface, the Wisdom of Solomon
version of the biblical book of Ezra incorporating material appears to be another offshoot of the biblical genre of wisdom
from Chronicles and Nehemiah. It is uncertain whether it is literature, but it often diverges from that genre into philo-
best to explain the book by suggesting that the author pos- sophical rhetoric, using sophisticated Hellenistic rhetorical
sessed something like the Masoretic Hebrew text of Chron- devices in order to present both a general attack on godless-
icles, Ezra, and Nehemiah before he wrote and then adapted it ness and a novel picture of Wisdom as an independent
for his own purposes, or that he translated an independently hypostasis alongside God. In the process of describing the
preserved Hebrew text of the biblical books, but if the former nature of this hypostasis and in his picture of the nature of
is the case, i Esdras constitutes a free reworking of the biblical mankind the author makes use of concepts borrowed from
account similar to the relationship of the book of Jubilees to Stoicism and perhaps Middle Platonism. The result is a work
Genesis and relationship of the Temple Scroll found at Qum- of philosophy, albeit on a level rather unsophisticated in
ran to Deuteronomy. comparison to, for example, the writings of Philo.
TOBIT 626

4. Historical Works i Maccabees is a straightforward narra- extrapolation from verses in Jeremiah or Isaiah. The third
tive history, and in that sense it is similar to and undoubtedly Addition to Daniel, the Prayer of Azariah and the Song of
deliberately imitates biblical historiography, but in contrast to the Three Jews, is a rather different writing from the other
the biblical books the author of this work emphasizes two. It consists of two poetic compositions, both of which
the competence and wisdom of the human figures in the probably existed as separate works before their insertion into
study, especially those of the Maccabean dynasty, rather than the Daniel corpus.
the effects of divine intervention. 2 Maccabees is a work firmly 7. Apocalyptic 2 E sdras is the sole example in the Apocrypha
within the Greek tradition of 'pathetic' history in which of a literary genre whose popularity in this period has been
dramatic events were written up in an attempt to induce confirmed by the discovery of fragments of apocalyptic texts
the reader to empathize with the characters, although among the Dead Sea scrolls (see 0.19—20). The original Jew-
this work too is specifically Jewish in the moral and ish part of the extant text (2 Esd 3-14) is divided into three
religious lessons explicitly derived by the author from his dialogues and four visions, all described by Ezra himself. Ezra
story; how many of these characteristics were the work is taught by an angel a divine theodicy for the world which
of Jason of Gyrene and how much the work of the makes sense of the disaster of the destruction of the temple by
epitomator who produced the current text of 2 Maccabees is reassuring him of the coming judgement and the beginning
unknown. of a new age.
5. Didactic Stories The Apocrypha includes a number of
K. The Impact of the Apocrypha. The books of the Apocrypha
stories which, despite their historical setting, seem to have
have been little read in any tradition over recent centuries,
been intended not for instruction about the past so much as to
particularly because they are no longer printed in most trans-
give ethical and religious guidance, and to instil in readers an
lations of the Bible, but their influence is pervasive (Metzger
awareness of the power of divine providence, despite the
1957: 205—38). In particular, European art, literature, and
problems faced by even the most pious. Among such stories
music contain numerous allusions to the stories of Tobit,
are the book of Judith (which deals with the delivery of Jeru-
Judith, Susanna, Judas Maccabee, and the Maccabean
salem from the Assyrian Holophernes through the intrigues
martyrs, and sententious sayings culled from Sirach have
of the beautiful and good eponymous heroine) and the book of
become cliches in many languages. Among Jews the most
Tobit, which deals with the trials and tribulations of the charit-
obvious impact of the Apocrypha, apart from the festival of
able and pious hero and his son Tobias.
Hanukkah which celebrates the events described in i and 2
6. Of the Additions to Daniel, the story of Susanna and the
Maccabees (but without most Jews knowing the original
story of Bel and the Dragon have similar qualities as edifying
books), has been in the popularity among Jews from medieval
fictions. Neither tale is particularly well integrated into the
to modern times of the names Judah, Susanna, Judith, and
biblical text of Daniel, and these writings thus served a very
Raphael.
different purpose to the additions found in the Greek Esther
(see 1.3.). The story of Susanna illustrates the wisdom of
Daniel, who saves her from the wicked lechery of the elders
who accused her of adultery, and the correctness of her deci- REFERENCES
sion to trust God even when she appeared doomed. The Metzger, B. M. (1957), An Introduction to the Apocrypha (New York:
narrative of Bel and the Dragon reveals the foolishness of Oxford University Press).
idolatry; in this case the story may have originated not just in Nickelsburg, G. W. (1981), Jewish Literature between the Bible and the
the imagination of its pious author but also in midrashic Mishnah (London: SCM).

40. Tobit J O S E P H A. FITZMYER, SJ

INTRODUCTION
A. Text and Language. 1. The book of Tobit is preserved in four 3. The Greek version of Tobit is known in three forms: (a)
fragmentary Aramaic texts (pap4QToba ar, 4QTobb ar, 4QTobc The Long Recension (G11), preserved in the fourth-century
ar, 4QTobd ar) and in one fragmentary Hebrew text (4QTobe), Codex Sinaiticus (discovered in 1844), and part of it in both
which together preserve about one-fifth of the book. These the eleventh-century MS 319 (Vatopedi 513), and sixth-century
copies date roughly from mid-first century BCE to mid-first MS 910 (Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1076). Sinaiticus has two
century CE. The full form of the book is preserved mainly in major lacunae, 4:7—19/7 and 13:61—10/7, the first of which is
Greek and Latin versions, but also in various derivative ver- covered by MS 319; also a number of minor omissions of
sions (Arabic, Armenian, Coptic (Sahidic), Ethiopic, and Syr- phrases or clauses, which sometimes make the comprehen-
iac). Derivative forms are also found in medieval Aramaic and sion of its context difficult, but which can be supplied from
Hebrew versions of the book. other Greek forms or the Old Latin version. This recension is
2. The Qumran fragmentary Aramaic and Hebrew texts used in the NRSV; the numbering of verses here follows that
have been published in DJD 19. In general, these Semitic of this recension in the critical text of Hanhart (1983). (b) The
forms of the book are related to the long recension of the Short Recension (G1), preserved mainly in the fourth-century
Greek and Latin versions. Codex Vaticanus, the fifth-century Codex Alexandrinus, and
 627 TOBIT
the eighth-century Codex Venetus, and also in a host of min- came back to Nineveh, to his father's house, where he used
uscule MSS. This form of the Greek text was used before the the fish's gall as a medicament to remove white films from
discovery of Sinaiticus. (c) The Intermediate Recension (G111), Tobit's eyes. Then, when Tobit and Tobias wanted to pay
preserved in MSS 44,106,107. It may have some pertinence Raphael for his aid, the angel revealed who he was and dis-
for Tob 6:9-13:8; for the rest it reproduces the text of Vati- appeared, having instructed Tobit to offer thanks to God. Tobit
canus. composed a hymn of praise, instructed Tobias to leave the
4. The Latin version is likewise known in two forms: (a) The wicked city of Nineveh, once his mother had died, and then
Long Recension, preserved in the Vetus Latina (VL), for which passed away. After Tobias buried his mother beside his father,
there is no modern critical text. One must use the eighteenth- he departed with Sarah for Media, where he continued to
century text of P. Sabatier and supplement it with readings dwell with his parents-in-law. There he learned of the destruc-
from MSS that have subsequently been published or come to tion of Nineveh.
light. This long recension is related to G", but sometimes it is 2. Though some modern scholars (Miller 1940) have ar-
closer to the Qumran Aramaic and Hebrew texts than that gued for a historical kernel in the story, most commentators
Greek recension, (b) The Short Recension, preserved in the regard the Book of Tobit as a Semitic novel composed for an
Vulgate (Vg) and found in the critical edition of the Monks of edifying and didactic religious purpose. Its fictional character
San Girolamo (1950). The relation of this form of the book, is seen in various historical and geographical improbabilities
long used in the Roman Catholic tradition, to a Greek version (see comments on 1:2, 4,15, 21; 6:2; 9:2; 11:1; 14:15) and in its
is problematic; at times it differs considerably from the VL use of folkloric motifs ('The Grateful Dead' and 'The Monster
and Greek recensions. Jerome admitted that he dashed off the in the Bridal Chamber').
translation of it in one day (unius did laborem arripui), having
C. The Religious Teaching. The purpose of the book is clearly
found a Jewish interpreter who could read Aramaic and trans-
didactic edification. Jews faithful to God, to obligations im-
late it for him into Hebrew, which he then rendered in Latin
posed by the Mosaic law, and to their ancestral customs, even
(Ep. ad Chromatium el Heliodorum; PL 29. 23—6). As a result it
in the time of persecution and deportation, are rewarded for
differs notably from the Qumran Aramaic form known today
their loyalty and fidelity. God is thus seen not to have aban-
and from G".
doned his faithful servants. The book inculcates the teaching
5. Other versions of Tobit and the medieval Aramaic and
of Deuteronomic retribution (see Deut 28), mutual respect for
Hebrew forms are considered secondary because they seem to
tribal relations, support for family life, monogamous mar-
be derived from G1.
riage, and the giving of alms. It incorporates numerous max-
6. The book was probably composed originally in Aramaic,
ims characteristic of wisdom literature.
because the Qumran Hebrew form now known has peculi-
arities relating it to a late post-exilic form of the language and D. Date and Place of Composition. The Aramaic of the Qumran
contains words and syntagmemes that argue for an Aramaic form of Tobit relates it to other second/first-century Aramaic
substratum. This issue is debated, and some have been trying compositions known from the Dead Sea scrolls. The Qumran
to maintain that the original was Hebrew. The matter is still copies thus support the generally recognized date of composi-
unresolved. tion of the book in the early second century BCE. Although the
Tobit story recounts events of the eighth-century deportation
B. Subject-Matter and Literary Genre. 1. The book is named of Jews from Israel, the post-exilic customs of tithing, the
after its principal character, Tobit, a model of Jewish piety. He recognition of prophetic writings as sacred, and the absence
was a law-abiding Israelite, who had been captured and de- of any awareness of the Maccabean revolt support that dating
ported with his wife Hannah and his son Tobias from the of the composition of the book. Whether it was composed in
northern kingdom of Israel to Nineveh. There he suffered in the Mesopotamian diaspora or in Judah itself, or even else-
various ways and was finally blinded. Praying to die, but where, cannot be determined.
recalling in his old age that he had deposited a considerable
E. Canonicity. Tobit is not part of the canon of the Hebrew
sum of money in far-off Rages in Media, he decided to send
Scriptures or of the Protestant OT canon. It is found in the
Tobias to get the money. At the same time at Ecbatana in
collection of Alexandrian Jewish writings (LXX), and is re-
Media, a young relative, Sarah, was also praying to die, be-
garded as a deuterocanonical book in the Roman Catholic
cause she suffered from the vituperation of maidservants,
church; it is also used as canonical in Eastern Orthodox
since all seven men to whom she had been given in marriage
churches. Jerome did not regard it as canonical and dashed
were slain by an evil demon Asmodeus, as they sought to
off his Latin version of it only at the insistence of two bishops
approach her. In answer to the prayers of the two of them,
(who apparently did consider it canonical).
Tobit and Sarah, God sent the angel Raphael to Nineveh.
Raphael accompanied Tobias on his journey to Media to get F. Outline
his father's money. En route, when Tobias bathed in the Tigris, The Double Situation in Nineveh and Ecbatana (1:1-3:17)
a large fish tried to swallow his foot. Raphael told Tobias to Title (1:1-2)
catch the fish and extract its gall, heart, and liver for use as Tobit's Background (1:3—22)
medicine. At Ecbatana in Media Tobias married his kins- Tobit's Troubles and Prayer (2:1—3:6)
woman Sarah and used the fish's heart and liver to smoke Sarah's Troubles and Prayer (3:7-15)
the demon away on his wedding night. Tobias then sent God's Commission of Raphael to Go to Their Aid (3:16-17)
Raphael on to Rages to fetch the money. When Raphael Preparations for Tobias's Journey (4:1—6:1)
returned, Tobias took the money and Sarah his wife and Tobit's Speech (4:1—21)
TOBIT 628

Raphael Engaged to Accompany Tobias to Media (5:1-6:1) fidelity, whence arises his loneliness in the face of the apostasy
Tobias's Journey to Media (6:2—18) of the rest of Israel; 'first fruits of the crops', see Ex 23:16;
Marriage of Tobias and Sarah (j:i—10:14) 34:22; Num 18:21—30; Deut 14:22—3; 18:4; 'firstlings of the
Tobias Arrives at Raguel's House and Marries Sarah flock', see Ex 13:2; 34:19; Lev 27:26; Deut 14:23. The first and
(7:1-16) best part of crops and flocks were to be dedicated to God and
Sarah is Cured of the Demon (8:1—21) his service, v. 7, 'the tenth', or 'the tithe', mentioned in Num
Raphael is Sent to Get Tobit's Money (9:1—6) 18:21—30; Deut 18:1—5; 26:12; Lev 27:30—1; 'second tenth', this
Tobias Prepares to Return to Nineveh (10:1-14) tithe could be converted to money and brought to Jerusalem
Homecoming of Tobias and Cure of Tobit's Eyes (11:1-18) every seventh year and spent there (Deut 14:24—6). v. 8, 'third
Revelation of Raphael's Identity (12:1—20) year' tithe, see Deut 26:12; 14:28—9; cf. Josephus, Ant. 4.8.22
Tobit's Song of Praise (13:1—18) §240. Tobit is depicted as religiously carrying out the tithe-
Epilogue (14:1-15) regulations as they were interpreted in post-exilic Israel; 'Deb-
orah', Tobit credits his grandmother with his religious train-
ing, v. 9, 'Anna', called Hannah ('grace') in Qumran Aramaic
COMMENTARY texts; 'Tobias' is the Greek form of the son's name, Tobiyah, see
TOE 1:1. v. 10, 'food of Gentiles', Mosaic law prescribed what
The Double Situation in Nineveh and Ecbatana (r.i-y.ij) foods were clean and unclean for Jewish people (Lev 11:1-47;
Deut 14:3—20). Unclean food, eaten by Gentiles, caused ritual
(1:1-2) Tobit Tob(e)it is the Greek form of Aramaic Tobi, the
impurity for Jews. So Tobit is depicted faithfully observing
father's name, which is a shortening of Tobiyah, the son's
dietary regulations even in captivity, v. 12, 'mindful of God',
name, meaning, 'YHWH is my good'. The name characterizes
Tobit is motivated in his fidelity by the Deuteronomic ideas of
what God does for both in the book. Tobiel, the name of Tobit's
divine retribution (Deut 28:1—68); whence his prosperity and
father, means, 'El (God) is my good'. The tribe of Naphtali was
prominent status in Assyria, v. 13, 'Shalmaneser', see TOE 1:2.
named after its eponymous ancestor, son of Jacob and second
v. 14, Media was a realm south-east of Nineveh, situated today
son of Bilhah, the maidservant of Rachel (Gen 30:8). The tribe
in northern Iran. It was under Assyrian domination 750-614
resided in northern Galilee, near Beth-shemesh and Beth-
BCE; 'ten talents', this great sum of money becomes an im-
anath (Judg 1:33). 'Shalmaneser' (Gk. Enemessaros): the Assyr-
portant motif in the story, providing the background for To-
ian king Shalmaneser V (727-722 BCE) began the siege of
bias's journey to Media, his catching of the fish, and his
Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom (2 Kings 17:5), but
marriage to Sarah, who along with Tobit is eventually cured
it capitulated only after his death (721), to his successor, the
by the fish's innards. Rages was a town in Media; it is not
usurper Sargon II (722-705), who eventually deported Israel-
mentioned in Sinaiticus, but read in G1. Its ruins are found
ites to captivity in Assyria (2 Kings 17:6; cf. 18:9-13). Thisbe
today about 5 miles south-east of Teheran in Iran. v. 15, 'his son
was a Galilean town otherwise unknown. Kedesh Naphtali
Sennacherib', Sennacherib (705-681 BCE) was actually the
was a town in Upper Galilee, mentioned in Josh 20:7. From it
son of Sargon II, who succeeded Shalmaneser V. v. 16,
Tiglath-pileser III (745-727) had earlier (733-732) deported
'many acts of charity', lit. T made many alms', v. 17 makes it
Jews to Assyria (2 Kings 15:29). Asher was probably Hazor
clear that eleemosynai has to be understood in a broad sense,
(Josh 11:1; 2 Kings 15:29). Phogor was another Galilean town
including food, clothing, and even burial. Tobit's generosity is
otherwise unknown.
extolled, for he practised it even when it was dangerous for
(1:3—22) Tobit's Background Until 3:6 the story is recounted in him, in his status as a captive. His activity in burying the dead
the first person singular. Tobit tells of his piety and struggle to reflects the Jewish horror of corpses left unburied, especially
lead an upright Jewish life both in Israel and in exile, v. 3, the those of fellow Jews. v. 18, 'when he came fleeing from Judea',
ancient city of Nineveh became the capital of Assyria under i.e. Sennacherib, who had unsuccessfully attacked Jerusalem
Sennacherib (705—681) and functioned as such during the last (2 Kings 18:13—19:37; cf. Isa 36:1—37:38). Sennacherib's fate is
decades of the Assyrian empire. It was located on the east duly ascribed to a decree of heaven; 'put to death many Israel-
bank of the Tigris River, a site today opposite part of the town ites'. This was done in retaliation for the king's failure to take
of Mosul in northern Iraq. See Jon 1:2; 3:2—7; 4:11; Nah 2:7—8; Jerusalem. 'Looked for them'. Perhaps to expose them to
3:1—19; Zeph 2:13. v. 4, 'deserted the house of David and further ridicule and disgrace, v. 21, 'forty days', or 'forty-five
Jerusalem', according to i Kings 12:19-20 the revolt of the days' (VL), or 'fifty days' (G1, Peshitta); 'killed him', see 2 Kings
northern tribes occurred in the days of Jeroboam in 922 BCE, 19:37, where his sons are named as Adrammelech and Share-
but Tobit speaks of it taking place in his youth. 'Chosen zer; 'Ararat', also mentioned in 19:37, the traditional spot
from... all the tribes', see Deut 12:1—14; 2 Sam 6:1—19; J Kings where Noah's ark landed (Gen 8:4) is today in modern Arme-
5:5; 2 Kings 23:23. v. 5, 'on all the mountains', high places are nia; 'Esar-haddon', another son of Sennacherib (2 Kings
mentioned in Hos 10:5, 8; Ezek 6:1-14. 'Calf, see i Kings 19:37), he reigned 681-669 BCE - Rightly named in 4QToba
12:26-33, where Jeroboam setup shrines in Dan and Bethel so 'srhdwn, he is called Sacherdonos in Greek versions and
that people would not have to go to Jerusalem to celebrate Archedonassar or Archedonosor in VL; 'Ahikar', in Aramaic
feast-days. The calf was probably intended as a base for 'Ahiqar, a well-known counsellor of Assyrian kings. See Story
YHWH's throne, but soon it came to be an object of worship and Wisdom of Ahiqar, partly preserved in fifth-century Ara-
itself. Jeroboam also encouraged the offering of sacrifice on maic papyri from Elephantine (ANET 427-30); and in later
high places (i Kings 14:9). v. 6, 'everlasting decree', see Deut legends of many languages (APOT ii. 715—84). Tobit here
12:11, 13—14; 2 Chr 11:16. To such a decree Tobit affirms his makes him a 'son of my brother [kinsman] Hanael', thus
 629 TOBIT
giving him a Jewish background, v. 22, 'appointed him as protests her innocence, her purity, and her lack of responsi-
Second to himself (my tr.). The Greek ek deuteras is unclear; bility for the death of the seven husbands, begging God to
NRSV renders it, 'reappointed him'. However, 4QToba reads deliver her from continued life and vituperation, v. 15, T
tnyn Ih, 'second to him(self)', i.e. made him an Assyrian should keep myself as a wife', Sarah apparently does not
turtanu/tartanu, an official mentioned in 2 Kings 18:17; Isa know of Tobias, but recognizes the duty, emphasized in this
20:1. book (1:9; 4:12—13; 6:12; 7:10) to marry within her ancestral
(2:1—3:6) Tobit's Troubles and Prayer 2:1, 'Pentecost', the family; cf. Gen 24:4, 38, 40; Num 36:6-8.
Greek name for the wheat-harvest feast that followed 'fifty (3:16-17) God's Commission of Raphael to Go to Their Aid
days' or 'seven weeks' after Passover (Ex 23:16; 34:22; Lev v. 16, 'At that very moment', see 3:7. The prayers of Tobit and of
23:15-21; Deut 16:9-11). 2:2, 'poor person', Tobit shows his Sarah are heard simultaneously by God. v. 17, the angel's
concern to carry out the injunction of Deut 16:11 about stran- name, Rdpd'el, means 'God has healed', a name indicating
gers, widows, and orphans on the feast. 2:3, 'lies there the source of the cures to come to Tobit and Sarah; 'At the
strangled', another Israelite executed, see 1:18. 2:4, burial after same time', again the note of simultaneity.
sunset would be less likely to be detected. 2:5, 'washed my-
self, to remove the ritual defilement from contact with a Preparations for Tobias's Journey (4:1-6:1).
corpse (Num 19:11—13). 2:6, see Am 8:10. 2:10, 'white films', (4:1—21) Tobit's Speech v. i, 'That same day', the simultaneity
a primitive description of a cause of blindness; 'four years', see is joined with the motif of the money (1:14). v. 2, T have asked
14:2; Elymais, the Greek name for ancient Elam, a district for death', see 3:6. w. 3-19, to Tobias Tobit delivers a speech,
north-east of the head of the Persian Gulf; see i Mace 6:1. which is a cross between a farewell discourse (so DiLella 1979)
2:12, 'Dystrus', the Macedonian month Dystros corresponded and a sapiential exhortation, with a group of maxims inculcat-
to the Jewish winter month of Shebat, roughly Jan.-Feb. ofthe ing the virtues ofthe life that Tobit has himself been leading.
modern calendar. 2:14, 'flushed with anger against her', Tobit, These maxims recommend filial duty to parents (4:3-4), pur-
otherwise so righteous, could get angry with his wife, even suit of uprightness (4:5-6), giving of alms (4:7-11, 16-17),
over a supposed theft, in which she might have been only avoidance of fornication (4:12), marriage within the ancestral
indirectly involved; 'your righteous deeds', Anna's rebuke of family (4:12), love of kindred (4:13), avoidance of pride, sloth,
Tobit and his righteousness reminds one ofthe taunt of Job's and drunkenness (4:13,15), prompt payment of wages (4:14),
wife (Job 2:9). Her vituperation finds a parallel in that ofthe the Golden Rule (4:15), and the praise, reverence, and trust
maid in 3:8. 3:1—6, Tobit's prayer: in this first formal prayer of of God (4:5, 19). Many of these counsels can also be found
the book, Tobit begs God for pardon from offences unwit- in Proverbs, Sirach, and other collections of ancient Near-
tingly committed and for release from this life, which he finds Eastern wisdom, v. 3, 'Honour your mother', cf. Ex 20:12. v.
so greatly burdened with affliction, distress, and insult. 3:6, 6, 'will prosper in all', the Deuteronomic doctrine of virtue
'eternal home', i.e. Sheol, described in Job 7:9—10; 10:21—2; rewarded by earthly prosperity and of sin recompensed by
14:12 as an abode from which no one returns; 'it is better for disaster (Deut 28:1—68; cf. Ps 1:1—3; Prov 10:27—30). v. 7, a
me to die', cf. Jon 4:3, 8; also Num 11:15 (Moses); i Kings 19:4 lacuna in Sinaiticus begins here and lasts until v. 19; 'give
(Elijah); Job 7:15 (Job). alms', this counsel constitutes a major teaching of this book
(3:7—15) Sarah's Troubles and Prayer The narrative shifts to (see 12:8—9; 14:10—11), as also of Sirach (4:3—5; 7:10/7; 29:9—13;
the third person, v. 7, 'on the same day', this temporal note will 35:9—10; 40:17, 24); 'your face', cf. Sir 4:4—6; Prov 19:17; Deut
dramatically join various parts ofthe story together (see 3:16, 15:7-8. v. 9, 'treasure', cf. Sir 29:11-12. v. 10, 'darkness', Sheol;
17; 4:1). Ecbatana was the capital of ancient Media, on the site see TOB 3:6. v. 12, 'marry a woman', see comment on 3:15;
of modern Hamadan in northern Iran. 'Sarah', her name 'Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob', Noah's wife is not named
means 'princess'. Her plight parallels that of Tobit in Nineveh. in the OT, but in Jub. 4:33: 'Her name was Emzara, daughter of
Ragouel is the Greek form of Aramaic Re'ffll, 'friend of El Rakeel, his father's brother.'Abram married Sarai/Sarah (Gen
(God)', the name of Moses' father-in-law (Ex 2:18); 're- 11:29); Isaac married Rebekah (Gen 24:67; 25:20); and Jacob
proached', in this case the vituperation comes from a maid, married Rachel (Gen 29:28). v. 13, 'pride', see Prov 16:18;
who blames Sarah for the death of seven husbands-to-be, v. 8, 'idleness', see Prov 19:15; Sir 22:1—2. v. 14, 'pay them at
'wicked demon Asmodeus', probably a Persian name (Aesma once', see Lev 19:13^ Deut 24:15. v. 15, 'what you hate', a
daeva, 'demon of wrath') used for the spirit that afflicts Sarah; negative form of the Golden Rule; 'Do not drink wine to
cf. the folktale, 'The Monster in the Bridal Chamber'. See Tob excess', see Prov 23:29—35; Sir 31:25—31. v. 17, 'bread on the
6:14—15. v. 10, 'intended to hang herself, Gen 9:5—6 was grave ofthe righteous', the meaning of this counsel is dis-
usually understood as a prohibition of suicide. Sarah thinks puted. It seems to recommend what is otherwise prohibited:
better of it, realizing the reproaches that would come upon her the pagan practice of putting food on graves (Deut 26:14^ cf.
father; 'in sorrow to Hades', Sarah echoes a biblical refrain; Sir 30:18). Yet it may be an echo of Wisdom ofAhiqar, Syriac A
see Gen 37:35; 42:38; 44:29, 31; 'pray the Lord that I may die', 2.10 (APOTii. 730): 'My son, pour out your wine on the graves
her prayer parallels that of (Tobit 3:6). v. n, 'With hands out- ofthe righteous rather than drink it with evil people.' Hence it
stretched towards the window', Sarah prays facing Jerusalem, is sometimes understood to refer to meals brought to mourn-
as does Daniel (Dan 6:11); cf. i Kings 8:44, 48; Isa 28:2; ers (the 'cup of consolation', Jer 16:7) as a sign of sharing in
'Blessed are you', she uses the traditional beginning of Jewish their grief at the death of a good person (cf. Ezek 24:17, 22).
prayer, as will Tobias (8:5) and Raguel (8:15); cf. Ps 119:12; Others think that it recommends the giving of alms in honour
i Chr 29:10; Jdt 13:17. In this second formal prayer, Sarah ofthe deceased, v. 19, 'bless the Lord God', Tobit commends
TOBIT 630

prayer to his son as the basis of a good and upright life, cerned to set marital intercourse in a proper perspective; 'she
realizing that God freely disposes of his creatures, v. 20, 'ten was set apart for you', i.e. in God's providence; cf. Gen 24:14,
talents', the speech ends with the money motif, see comment 44; 'You will save her', i.e. from a lonely and unmarried future.
on 1:14.
(5:1-6:1) Raphael Engaged to Accompany Tobias to Media v. 3, Marriage of Tobias and Sarah (7:1-10:14)
'bond', Greek chtirographon denoted a 'handwritten docu- (7:1-16) Tobias Arrives at Raguel's House and Marries Sarah
ment', often composed in duplicate, which could be torn in The arrival scene may be modelled on that of Jacob at Haran
two so that it might guarantee the obligation to repay and later (Gen 29:4—6). v. 2, 'Edna', she is called Anna in VL, a confu-
be matched on payment, v. 4, 'found the angel Raphael', as the sion with Tobit's wife's name. v. 5, 'in good health', no mention
reader realizes, Tobias does not recognize him as an angel; is made of Tobit's blindness, even though Raguel later speaks
this folkloric technique is used also in Gen 18:2—22 (cf Heb about it in 7:7. To get around this discrepancy, w. 4—5 are
13:2). v. 6, 'two days', from Ecbatana to Rages was actually omitted in the Peshitta and Vg; G 1 adds in v. 7: 'Hearing that
about 185 miles. Arrian tells that Alexander took n days of Tobit had lost his sight, he was griefstricken and wept.' v. n,
forced march to go from one to the other (Anab. 3.19.8- 'seven... kinsmen', see 3:15; 'she is your sister', see comment
3.20.2). The storyteller uses 'two days' to imply a far-away on 5:21. v. 12, 'gave her to Tobias', in marriage, v. 13, 'marriage
place, v. 12, 'Why do you need to know', heavenly messengers contract', this ancient Jewish custom is not mentioned in the
were reluctant to reveal their identity; cf. Gen 32:29. v. 13, OT For an example, see the Elephantine contract of Mibta-
'Azariah', his name means, 'YHWH has helped', a covert hiah's marriage (Cowley 1923: 44 §15; ANET222): 'She is my
identification of his role, which will be played out in the story; wife, and I am her husband from this day forever'; 'to which
'son of... Hananiah', the patronymic means, 'YHWH has he affixed his seal', this clause is omitted in G1, abridged in G11,
been gracious', v. 14, 'Nathan', a shortened form of Nathaniah, but read in VL at the end of the verse; 4QToba has preserved
'YHWH has given', a form found in some MSS; 'Shemeliah', one word of it, whtm, 'and he sealed [it]', v. 16, 'the Lord of
probably a corrupted form of Shelemiah, Selemyah(u), heaven', God, in whose providence Sarah has been kept for
'YHWH has recompensed'; other texts read Shemaiah, Se- Tobias, will assure the joy of their marital life; 'Take courage',
ma'yah(u), 'YHWH has heard'; 'Jerusalem', see 1:6. v. 15, lit. 'be brave', an encouragement used in the book in contexts
'drachma', a craftsman's normal daily wage. v. 18, 'his mother', mentioning healing (5:10; 11:11).
again Anna does not approve of Tobit's decision to send Tobias (8:1-21) Sarah is Cured of the Demon v. 2, 'incense', used
to Media. Her disapproval will play itself out in the rest of the domestically to fumigate or perfume a house. In obedience to
story, v. 19, the meaning of this verse is disputed. Pcripscma Raphael's instruction (6:17), Tobias burns the fish's heart and
may mean, not 'ransom' (NRSV), but 'refuse'. VL: 'Nunquam liver on its embers to create a smoke that will drive Asmodeus
esset pecunia ilia, sed purgamento sit', to which MS G adds away. v. 3, 'Egypt', the demon flees to Egypt, traditionally
'filio meo'. v. 21, 'my sister', a term of affection, used even by considered the home of magic (see Ex 7:11; iQapGen 20:20),
husbands of their wives; see 7:11, 15; 8:4, 7, 21; 10:6. v. 22, 'a where Raphael, having pursued Asmodeus, binds and ren-
good angel', i.e. a guardian angel. Tobit does not recognize ders him ineffective, w. 5-7, Tobias's prayer, the third formal
what Raphael is. prayer, is uttered in obedience to Raphael's instruction (6:18):
he praises God, the creator and author of human marriage
Tobias's Journey to Media (6:2-18) (Gen 2:24), and begs the grace of a long life together with
v. 2, 'The dog', the dog appears again in the story only when Sarah, v. 5, 'Blessed', cf. Song of Thr 3. v. 9, 'went to sleep', the
Tobias begins to come home (11:4), probably acting there as a presumption is that they consummated the marriage. The Vg
herald of the return of the travellers. The Tigris was actually of 8:4 speaks of three nights of continence before consumma-
west of Nineveh (see comment on 1:3) and would not have tion: 'Sarra, exsurge; deprecemus Deum hodie et eras et se-
been crossed en route to Media, v. 3, 'large fish', Tobias's cundum eras, quia istis tribus noctibus Deo iungimur; tertia
wrestling with the fish is part of the romantic thrust of the autem transacta nocte in nostro erimus coniugio.' That addi-
story; the fish is subdued, and its heart, liver, and gall become tion is not found in the Qumran texts, Greek versions, Pe-
vital elements in the narrative, which uses folklore about the shitta, or VL but corresponds to another addition in the Vg of
curative qualities offish organs, v. 6, 'ate', in the Qumran texts 6:18. 'Dug a grave', for Tobias, in fear that he too might have
and G11 the verb is singular. In many of the other forms of the succumbed to Asmodeus, for Raguel knows nothing of the
story it is plural, meaning that the angel also ate; see 12:19.v- 9> flight of the demon, w. 15-17, Raguel's prayer, the fourth
'the gall', Pliny notes that fish gall 'heals scars and removes formal prayer, on learning of Tobias's safety, begins as Sarah's
superfluous flesh about the eyes' (Nat. Hist. 32.24.69). v. n, did; see TOE 3:11. Raguel thanks God for his mercy and com-
'Sarah', Tobias now first learns of Sarah as his kinswoman; see passion, v. 20, 'fourteen days', Raguel doubles the usual time
TOE 3:15. v. 12, 'who loves her dearly', this clause is omitted in of a wedding celebration; see 11:18; cf. Judg 14:12. In Gen
G1, G", and the Peshitta, but is found in 4QTobb and VL 24:54—5 Rebekah's brother and mother insist on her staying
instead of the last clause in NRSV, v. 12. v. 13, 'book of Moses', for ten days after the marriage; from it probably comes the 'ten
see Num 36:6—8, which does not mention a death penalty, days' in some MSS of the Peshitta here.
v. 14, 'demon.. .killed them', see 3:8. v. 15, 'to bury them', a (9:1-6) Raphael is Sent to Get Tobit's Money v. 2, 'Travel to
major concern of this book (1:17; 4:3-4; 14:2, 10). v. 16, 'your Rages', this was a lengthy journey (see TOE 5:6), but Tobias
father's house', see 4:12—13. v. 18, 'pray', prayer too may be trusts Azariah. v. 3, 'oath', see 8:20. In the NRSV and some
needed to get rid of the demon, but the author is more con- other Bibles v. 3 follows v. 4. v. 5, 'counted out... the money
 631 TOBIT
bags', so Gabael is depicted as another trustworthy and way here. v. 17, 'Tobit acknowledged that God', this expresses
dependable person in the story, v. 6, 'wedding celebration', the expected reaction of the upright Tobit, who now under-
the author gives the impression that it was but a short distance stands that the affliction of blindness has led only to good for
to the wedding in Ecbatana; 'blessed him', Gabael repeats the him and his whole family, v. 18, 'Ahikar', see TOE 1:21; 'his
blessing of Raguel; see 7:7. nephew Nadab', 4QTobd bears the correct form of Ahiqar's
nephew's name, Nadin. It so appears also in the Elephantine
(10:1-14) Tobias Prepares to Return to Nineveh v. i, 'kept
version of the Ahiqar story. G1, however, reads Nasbas; G11,
counting', Tobit knows nothing of Tobias's marriage and the
Nadab; the VL, Nadab or Nabal; the Peshitta omits the name;
two-week wedding celebration but speculates about the de-
'seven days', see TOE 8:20.
layed return of Tobias, v. 4, 'My child has perished', Anna gives
the most pessimistic interpretation of the delay. Again, she Revelation of Raphael's Identity (12:1-20)
rebukes Tobit; cf 2:14; 5:18. v. 7, 'Tobias', he understands his
v. i, 'see to paying the wages', Tobit had advised prompt
parents' fears, even as Raguel tries to dissuade him from
payment of wages (4:14); now he summons Tobias to carry
departing so soon. v. 10, 'half of all his property', Tobias, as
out that counsel, and with a bonus (recall 5:15—16). v. 4, 'half of
the husband of Sarah, Raguel's only child, has become his
all that he brought back', this is usually regarded as a folkloric
heir. Thus the story has joined the two families, of Tobit and
motif derived from 'The Grateful Dead', in which a guide is
Raguel. v. n, Raguel's farewell includes a prayer, invoking 'the
rewarded with half of all the hero acquires, w. 6-10, Raphael's
Lord of heaven', a title often used of God in the post-exilic
answer begins with a didactic, sapiential discourse, in which
period (see 10:13-14; Ezra 1:2; Jdt 5:8). The farewell prayers of
he urges Tobit and Tobias to praise God (cf. Isa 38:16—20), to
Raguel and Edna sound yet again the religious chords of the
pursue good and not evil, to pray, fast, and give alms, and
entire story, as Tobias undertakes his return journey with joy
practise righteousness, v. 8, 'Prayer with fasting', so G1 and
and happiness.
VL; but G11 reads, 'Prayer with fidelity', v. 9, 'almsgiving saves
from death', see 4:7—10, 16 and comment there, v. 10, 'their
Homecoming of Tobias and Cure ofTobit's Eyes (11:1-18) own worst enemies', Raphael's closing verdict on sinners,
v. i, 'Kaserin... opposite Nineveh', G" omits a preceding sen- w. 11-15, Raphael reveals his identity as one of the seven
tence that VL has: 'They set out and travelled until they came Angels of the Presence; so he appears in i Enoch (Gk.) 9:1;
to Haran', a place half-way between Ecbatana and Nineveh. G 1 20:3. The other six are Michael (Dan 10:13, 2I > I2:I )> Gabriel
gives Nineveh itself as the place they have reached and the (Dan 8:16; 9:21), Uriel (2 Esdr 4:1), Sariel, Raguel, and
scene where Raphael, not mentioned in ch. 10, reappears. The Remiel. The seven names appear together in i Enoch (Gk.)
diversity of location is probably owing to the problematic 20:2—8, where they are called 'archangels', v. 12, T who
'Kaserin opposite Nineveh'. No such place is known. Torrey brought', Raphael functions as the intercessor for praying
(1922) argued that Kaserin and Nineveh were respectively mortals and as one who tests them. w. 16-18, Raphael seeks
Ctesiphon and Seleucia, towns farther south on the Tigris to dispel fear of himself by ascribing all to God, whose mes-
on the caravan-route from Mesopotamia to Media. If he were senger he has been. v. 19, 'a vision', the text of this verse is
right, Tobias and Raphael would have travelled from a town on garbled in the versions. G11 has: 'You saw me that I ate noth-
the west bank and would have had to cross the Tigris; see ing'; G1: T was seen by you all the days as neither eating nor
TOE 6:2. v. 4, 'the gall', Tobias is to use it on the eyes of drinking anything'; VL: 'You saw that I was eating, but you
Tobit; 'the dog', see TOE 6:2. Sinaiticus reads rather ho saw with your sight.' Fragmentary 4QTobb preserves only, T
kyrios, 'the Lord'. The Peshitta of 11:6 depicts Anna seeing did not drink', v. 20, 'acknowledge God', i.e. give God the
the dog coming, and the Vg of 11:9 reads: 'Then the dog that praise that is due.
was with them on the road ran ahead and coming on as a
herald took delight in the charms of its tail.' So Anna was Tobit's Song of Praise (13:1-18)
apprised of the coming of her son. v. 5, 'the road', see 10:7. The sixth formal prayer in the book imitates Ex 15:1—18. Tobit
Despite her belief that Tobias has perished (10:4), Anna con- obeys the angel's instruction to praise and thank God for his
tinued her vigil, v. 7, 'Raphael', again the angel's instructions deliverance. He expresses concern for deported Israelites still
are important, and Tobias obediently does what he has been in Assyria and prays for the restoration of Jerusalem. All of
told: he uses the fish's gall to restore Tobit's sight, v. 9, 'Anna this is done with words and phrases echoing Psalms and
ran up to her son', reading Hanna edramen instead ofanedra- Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah (esp. 54:11—12; 60:1—4; 66:10—14).
men. v. n, 'blew into his eyes', so Tobias cures his father's The song has two parts: w. 1-8 laud God's mercy and sover-
blindness, and the peak of the story is reached; 'Take courage', eignty; w. 9-18 proclaim the rebuilding of Jerusalem. Some
see TOE 7:16; 'made them smart', G11 reads epedoken (corrupt); commentators have thought that chs. 13—14 were a later addi-
read rather epedake, which would agree with momordit (VL). tion to the book, but they appear in both the Aramaic and
v. 14, 'light of my eyes', said of Tobias, it sums up the sense of Hebrew copies from Qumran; so they must be an original part
the entire story, in which the contrast of darkness and light of the composition, v. 2, 'Afflicts, and... shows mercy', God is
has played a significant role; recall 2:10; 3:17; 5:10; 10:5; 11:8; recognized to be in control of all. v. 3, 'before the nations',
14:10. w. 14/7—15, Tobit's prayer of praise, the fifth formal Israel is called on in its exile to acknowledge God even there.
prayer of the book, ascribes both affliction and cure to God, v. 6, Sinaiticus lacks w. 6i-iofc, for which one must follow G1.
and ends, 'Now I see my son Tobias!' v. 15, 'reported to his w. 5-6, the theme of Deuteronomic retribution reappears; see
father', Tobias's report sums up the success of his trip: he has comments on 1:12; 4:6. v. 9, 'Jerusalem, the holy city', cf. Isa
brought the money, he has married Sarah, and she is on her 52:1; 48:2; Neh 11:1; 'deeds of your hands', idols, v. 10, 'tent',
JUDITH 632

God's tabernacle, the temple, w. 12-14, Tobit utters a curse alms', this sums up Ahiqar's life, as it did Tobit's (14:11); see
and a blessing on people as they will react to the future of TOE 4:7—10; 12:9; 14:2. v. 12, 'Buried her', Tobias obeys Tobit's
Jerusalem, w. 16—17, 'Jerusalern will be built', Tobit's song last instructions, v. 14, 'One hundred and seventeen', some VL
echoes the vision of the new Jerusalem in Isa 54:11-12. MSS read 118. v. 15, 'destruction of Nineveh', in 612 BCE Nine-
veh fell after a three-month siege to the combined forces of
Epilogue (14:1-15) Babylonians and Medes, under kings Nabopolassar and Cyax-
The conclusion recounts the last advice given by Tobit before ares. The fall of Nineveh likewise exemplifies Deuteronomic
he dies. v. 2, 'Fifty-eight years old', so his age is given in retribution: the wicked are punished. See TOE 1:12; 4:6. 'Cyax-
4QToba, 4QTobb, VL, and G1, whereas G" reads 'sixty-two ares', Sinaiticus and G1 strangely read Nabouchodonosor kai
years old'; 'after regaining it', G11 gives no length of time Asoueros; Hanhart (1983) reads Achiacharos, reflecting the VL
that Tobit lived, but VL reads 'fifty-four years', which seems Achicar, which seems to be a confusion of the name with
to be what 4QTobe once read; 'giving alms', again Tobit's life Ahiqar.
is so summed up. v. 3, 'seven sons', so the VL, which may be
supported by 4QToba and 4QTobc; but this is not clear, be-
cause the final t could also be the ending of'six', which would REFERENCES
then agree with G1, 'six sons'. G11 omits the number, v. 4, Brooke, A. E., McLean, N., and Thackeray, H. St J. (1940), The, Old
'Nahum', see Nah 1:1; 2:8-10, 13; 3:18-19; cf. Zeph 2:13. Tobit Testament in Greek (3 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
is made to speak from the eighth-century perspective about 1906-40), iii. 123-44 (VL of P. Sabatier).
the coming destruction of Nineveh and the exile of 'all the Cowley, A. (1923), Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. Edited with
inhabitants of the land of Israel' (after 587 BCE). G1 substitutes Translation and Notes (Oxford: Clarendon; repr. Osnabriick: Zeller,
'Jonah' for 'Nahum'. 'Samaria and Jerusalem', the capitals of 1967).
DiLella, A. A. (1979), 'The Deuteronomic Background of the Farewell
Israel and Judah are mentioned in 4QTobc and G11, whereas G1
Discourse in Tob 14:3-11', CBQ41: 380-9.
omits Samaria, and VL omits both. The theme of desolation Gerould, G. H. (1908), The Grateful Dead: The History of a Folk Story,
and rebuilding emphasizes what has happened in Tobit's own Publications of the Folklore Society, 60 (London: D. Nutt; repr.
life. v. 5, 'the temple', its rebuilding is foretold in Isa 66:7-16; Folcroft, Pa.: Folcroft Library Editions, 1973), 45-7.
Ezek 40:1—48:35; Zech 14:11—17. v. 6, 'will all be converted', Hanhart, R. (1983), Tobit, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum graecum,
Tobit reflects a widespread post-exilic Jewish conviction (see 8/5 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Isa 45:14-15; Zech 8:20-3). v- 9> 'leave Nineveh', Tobit repeats Miller, A. (1940), Das Buch Tobias ubersetzt und erUdrt, Die Heilige
his advice (14:3); v. 10 explains why. v. 10, 'Nadab', or Nadin; Schrift des Alien Testaments, 4/3 (Bonn: Hanstein), 1-116.
see TOE 11:18; 1:21. As the villain of the Ahiqar story, Nadin Monks of San Girolamo (1950), Biblia Sacra iuxta latinam Vulgatam
versionem ad codicum fidem... cura et studio monachorum Sancti
epitomizes what is wrong with Nineveh. Ahiqar had educated
Benedicti... edita (Rome: Vatican Polyglot), viii.
his nephew Nadin to succeed him as counsellor of Assyrian Porten, B., and Yardeni, A. (1933), Textbook of Aramaic Documents
kings, but he treacherously plotted to have his uncle put to from Ancient Egypt Newly Copied, Edited and Translated into Hebrew
death. Ahiqar hid and was finally vindicated (came into the and English: iii. Literature, Accounts, Lists (Jerusalem: Hebrew Uni-
light), whereas Nadin died in a dungeon (in darkness). Again versity; distrib., Winona Lake, Id.: Eisenbrauns), 23—57 (Story of
the motif of light/darkness is used to characterize the relation Ahiqar).
of good Ahiqar and evil Nadin; see comment on 11:14; 'gave Torrey, C. C. (1922),' "Nineveh" in the Book of Tobit', JBL 41: 237-45.

41. Judith AMY-JILL LEVINE

INTRODUCTION
By combining theological convictions and narrative motifs the throne. The same chapter claims that Ecbatana was cap-
familiar from the HB with Hellenistic literature's increasing tured by Nebuchadnezzar; it fell instead to Cyrus of Persia in
attention to character development, pathos, and personal 550 BCE. Disrupting even the internal attempts at verisimili-
piety, the book of Judith epitomizes Second Temple Judaism's tude, the Ammonite Achior's recitation of Jewish history in-
attempt to define itself in the light of Greek culture. Along cludes reference to both the destruction of the Jerusalem
with other Jewish narratives in the OT Apocrypha such as Bel temple by Nebuchadnezzar and its rebuilding, following Per-
and the Dragon, Susanna, and Tobit, the book of Judith pro- sia's defeat of Babylon.
vides instruction on Jewish identity even as it inspires and 2. Consistent with the fictional genre is the absence from
entertains. any other ancient sources of several major figures, of whom
Arphaxad the ruler of the Medes (1:1-6) is the most conspicu-
A. Genre. 1. Whether labelled novella, novel, historical fiction, ous example, as well as of several nations, such as the Che-
or romance (see details in Wills 1995), Judith should be leoudites (1:6) and the Rassites (2:23). Although Judith
regarded as fiction, as the opening lines clearly signal. The includes several specific dates and times, such as the year of
more blatant errors include the identification of Nebuchad- a king's reign (1:1, 13) and the number of days of a particular
nezzar as ruler of Assyria rather than Babylon, and of his siege (7:20; 15:11), the enumerations function more to convey
capital as Nineveh (1:1), which had been destroyed by the a sense of verisimilitude—this is what ancient historiography
Babylonians in 612 BCE, before Nebuchadnezzar ascended looks like—than they do to demonstrate historicity.
 633 JUDITH
B. Date. 1. The date by which the book of Judith must have As a fictional study rather than a historical report, Judith
been written is the late first century CE; its first external obtains its value in great measure because it can represent
reference is not, as might be expected, the Jewish historian problems faced by the covenant community throughout the
Josephus nor any of the Dead Sea scrolls. Rather, it is in the ages. The almost supernatural evil of Holofernes, a general
Christian text, i Clement 55:4-5, which lists Judith as among who marched his army from Nineveh to Cilicia, a 3OO-mile
several women empowered by divine grace to accomplish journey, in three days, permits him to become the model of
'many manly deeds' and who 'asked from the elders of the any villain. Moreover, detached from history, the volume
city permission' to enter the enemy camp. serves various allegorical purposes; Martin Luther, for ex-
2. Establishing the date of composition is more difficult, in ample, regarded the book of Judith as an allegory of Jesus'
part because of the book's genre. The first three chapters may Passion.
show knowledge of the Achaemenid king Artaxerxes III
C. Language and Culture. 1. Best preserved in two of the three
Ochus (358-338 BCE), who did mount western campaigns (in
major uncial Greek codices, Vaticanus and Alexandrinus, as
350 and 343), did attack Sidon (cf Jdt 2:28), and had both a
well as in the uncial Basiliano-Vaticanus (the third major
general named Holofernes and a courtier named Bagoas. Yet
codex, Sinaiticus, shows signs of later editing), Judith may
knowledge of such events does not preclude the author's
have an Aramaic or Hebrew original (Moore 1985); scholars
adapting this information for a fictional retelling.
have argued that in preparing his translation of the book into
3. The majority of today's scholars who regard the volume
Latin for his Vulgate, the Christian author Jerome utilized an
as fiction offer much later datings than the fourth century.
Aramaic source: he speaks of translating only the texts found
While Volkmar argued that the book reflects the events of 70
in 'Chaldean'. However, one could equally argue that the
CE, with Nebuchadnezzar representing Trajan and Judith the
author of Judith wrote in an elegant, Hebraicized Greek (Cra-
faithful Judean population, and Caster associated Nebuchad-
ven 1983).
nezzar with Pompey's entry into Jerusalem in 63 BCE, Ball's
2. Other ancient versions rely either upon the Septuagint
association of Judith with Judah Maccabee and Nebuchadnez-
(e.g. the Old Latin) or upon the Vulgate (e.g. various Hebrew
zar with Antiochus IV Epiphanes is probably correct (details
versions as well as, from the Middle Ages, midrashic iter-
in Moore 1985).
ations).
4. The Maccabean connection is supported by several plot
3. Whether Second-Temple Aramaic or Greek, the book of
motifs. First, whereas Antiochus Epiphanes and his support-
Judith is permeated by Hellenistic motifs. In the wake of
ers banned circumcision, Achior, Holofernes' erstwhile gen-
Alexander the Great (d. 323), Jewish communities in both
eral, submits to the operation in his conversion to Judaism.
Israel and the Diaspora developed new forms of self-definition
Second, and more suggestive, the death of Holofernes resem-
under pressures to assimilate and acculturate. Such struggles
bles Judah Maccabee's defeat of the Syrian general Nicanor; i
are noticeable in the OT Apocrypha; the volumes reflect in-
Mace 7:47 states, 'Then the Jews seized the spoils and the
tense concerns for Jewish practices (e.g. dietary observances,
plunder; they cut off Nicanor's head and the right hand that he
circumcision, conversion), relationship to the Gentile world,
had so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and dis-
and personal piety. Yet the books are also preserved in
played them just outside Jerusalem' (for additional connec-
the Greek language and reflect Greek culture. For example,
tions, see Moore 1985).
in the book of Judith, Greek culture underlies the wearing of
5. The geographical centre of the book of Judith, the town of
olive wreaths (15:13) and the custom of reclining to dine
Bethulia, is another possible clue to the book's Hasmonean
(12:15). The thyrsus Judith carries recollects Bacchantes, who,
date. Bethulia appears to be located in Samaritan territory,
like Judith, confound gender roles, take heads from unwitting
which was annexed by the Hasmonean ruler, John Hyrcanus,
men, and celebrate their god, despite threats against their prac-
in 107 BCE. By this time, Hyrcanus had destroyed the capital,
tice, through dancing and prayer. Scholars have even found
Shechem, and torched the Samaritan temple on Mt. Gerizim.
allusions in the book to Herodotus' account of the Persian inva-
Given the positive attitude the book of Judith displays towards
sions of Greece in the fifth century BCE (Camponigro 1992).
Samaritan territory, the book's date may well be several gen-
4. The location of composition is, like the date, debated.
erations after the conquest.
Most scholars argue for a Palestinian provenance; if the
By invoking the outrages of Antiochus and his minions and
original version were in Aramaic rather than Greek, this
the successful insurrection against his forces, Judith cele-
argument would be strengthened. However, just as the fic-
brates Jewish independence, praxis, and theology. As a new
tional nature of the tale foils any secure attempt at dating, so
Judah (whose name means 'Jewish man'), Judith ('Jewish
its fictional depictions of geography undermine any secure
woman') corrects the priestly leaders' weak theology, defeats
attempt at establishing provenance.
the Syrian king, and preserves the temple for Jewish worship.
Unlike Judah's successors, the Hasmonean dynasty that even- D. Religious Beliefs and Practices. 1. Although the book of
tually assumed the roles of both king and high priest, how- Judith has few references to divine intervention (4:13),
ever, Judith serves more in the model of the biblical judges theological concerns are paramount. Sounding somewhat
than she does either as monarch or cleric. Dying childless, she like Rahab (Josh 2), Achior the Ammonite gives a relatively
passes on no dynastic legacy. Perhaps then the volume praises complete summary of God's relationship to Israel and con-
Judah even as it subtly critiques his heirs. That Judith's age at cludes with the warning, 'their Lord and God will defend
her death, 105 years (16:23), is me number of years of inde- them' (5:21).
pendent Jewish rule may be a clue to a first-century BCE dating 2. Notable are the volume's depiction of personal piety and
for the volume. struggle for a faithful approach to the problem of theodicy.
JUDITH 634

Concerning the former: Judith, like her sisters in the OT the corrective by emphasizing Judith's personal history (e.g.
Apocrypha (Susanna, Esther of the Greek Additions, Sarah her genealogy), clever strategizing, deception, and the power
of the book of Tobit) prays; like them as well, she is pious, well of the individual. For these reasons and others, commentators
schooled in the traditions of her community, and chaste even typically divide the book between the first and second eight
in the presence of lecherous threat. chapters (Craven 1983). One notable exception is the theory of
3. The innocence of these women leads directly to the Ernst Haag (1963), which suggests the Book of Judith forms a
question of theodicy. Esther, Susanna, and Sarah are all tested tripartite structure (1—3; 4—8; 9—16).
and are all found worthy; so too, Judith argues against the 3. Characterization serves to yoke the two parts. In the first
Deuteronomic theology mouthed by Uzziah, the Bethulian seven chapters, Achior provides the transition. His speech
leader, which insists that the onslaught of the enemy general relates Assyrian plans and Jewish abilities, and his forced
Holofernes is punishment for the people's sins. Judith re- removal from the military camp to the outskirts of Bethulia
sponds that the Assyrian campaign is not a punishment but shows the division between the two areas both geographically
the means by which God proves the people's fidelity. More, and ideologically. This most unlikely of heroes will enter
she condemns Uzziah's willingness to put God to the test by Israel not only as an involuntary exile, but as a willing convert,
stating that, if divine help does not come within five days, he as his circumcision attests. Judith is Achior's opposite: the
will surrender. second section of the book depicts her traversing from
4. Like Greek Esther and, especially, the book of Daniel (a Bethulia to the enemy camp, but through her own will rather
work probably composed during or immediately after the than as an outcast. Whereas Achior truthfully summarizes
Maccabean revolt), the book of Judith emphasizes Jewish Jewish history and is not believed, Judith dissembles about
self-definition by accentuating dietary concerns: Greek Esther plans for the temple sacrifices and is believed. While Achior
speaks of avoiding the Persian king's libations; Daniel refuses undergoes circumcision and therefore changes both identity
to dine at Nebuchadnezzar's table (Dan 1:8) and so, along with and appearance, Judith only feigns change: her make-up
his friends, resorts to a vegetarian regime; Judith eats only can be washed off and her festive clothes replaced by sack-
kosher food (10:5; 11:13; I2:2 )- Finally, like the story of Tobit, cloth.
the book of Judith emphasizes the Jerusalem Temple (4:2-3, 4. Judith is also the opposite of Holofernes. The Assyrian
12; 8:21, 24; 9:8, 13; 16:20) as a place to be protected, to be general insists that everyone worship Nebuchadnezzar as
entered undefiled, and to serve as the location for votive offer- divine, although the king had not actually given this order
ings, celebrations, and worship. (Craven 1983). That is, Holofernes interprets his task theo-
5. Such concerns for piety have been regarded both as logically. Judith does the same: she invokes God through
indicative of Pharisaic piety and as in contravention of it. prayer, but her actions are of her own devising. Furthermore,
The former suggestion can also be supported by Judith's unlike Greek Esther, Susanna, orTobit's Sarah, who explicitly
calendrical observances and ritual washings; the latter sugges- receive divine aid, Judith's prayers are answered by the machi-
tion is premised upon the conversion of the Ammonite nations of the plot rather than the entry of the supernatural.
Achior, despite Deuteronomy's prohibition of Ammonites 5. Just as the book of Judith is frequently regarded as
(and Moabites) entering the covenant community (Deut aesthetically uneven, so it is often condemned as ethically
23:3). However, lack of secure information on Pharisaic untenable. Interpreters have excoriated the heroine, who
thought of the Hasmonean period makes any suggestion lies, who lulls her victim into a false sense of security,
tentative. who kills. Such a focus misses the narrative's irony even as it
6. Similar problems apply to explanations for Judith's ab- displays sympathy for Holofernes, who is a ruthless
sence from the canon of the synagogue. Justifications ranged butcher. The irony accompanies the assassination motivated
from the conversion of the Ammonite, to his conversion apart by self-defence: Judith decapitates the general, with his own
from ritual immersion, to the volume's universalism seen as sword no less, by the 'hand of a woman' (the phrase
incompatible with (hypothetical) Pharisaic exclusiveness, to appears several times). Nothing could be more ignominious
the (more likely) arguments that the book was known to be (see Judg 9:53). Enhancing the irony are the numerous doubles
late (Daniel gained entry because of its back-dating to the entendres, the fainting of the seasoned soldier Achior at the
Babylonian Exile), fictional, and/or composed originally in sight of Holofernes' head, and the name of the theologically
Greek. Again, any argument on the absence of Judith from weak Bethulian leader, Uzziah, which means 'God is my
the canon of Judaism must remain tentative. defence'.
6. Yet irony and self-defence do not preclude the fact that the
E. Aesthetics and Ethics. 1. Because the titular heroine does book, and its heroine, can be regarded as dangerous. More
not appear until midway through her story, the volume has cunning than Jael (Judg 4—5), who dispatches the enemy gen-
been regarded as unbalanced. However, closer reading indi- eral Sisera by tucking him into bed, giving him milk, and then
cates substantial connections and correctives between the first pounding a tent peg into his temple, Judith seeks out her
and last seven chapters (Craven 1983). Paragraphs 2-4 below victim, takes the head as a trophy, and then facilitates the
are examples of the balance: slaughter of the Assyrian army and the looting of their camp
2. Chs. 1—7 emphasize military campaigns, fear engendered (White 1992). More dangerous than Jael, the 'wife of Heber
by overt show of strength, and success based on armaments, the Kenite' and therefore distanced from the covenant com-
numbers of soldiers, and male dominance; at the end of this munity, Judith is 'one of us'. More threatening to traditional
section, Achior appears condemned, Nebuchadnezzar gender roles than Deborah, who is aided by Barak and is called
triumphant, and the Bethulians doomed. Chs. 8—16 provide a 'mother in Israel', Judith as book and as character subverts
 635 JUDITH

the social expectations for men and women. Judith remains empire which in 722 destroyed the northern kingdom of
independent, her female slave runs her estate, she refuses all Israel. He is depicted as ruling from Nineveh, the Assyrian
sexual advances, the men she encounters are at best inept, capital which his father had sacked in 612 BCE. This mythic
even her donkey is female (Craven 1983). Perhaps then it is setting makes the story always relevant: Nebuchadnezzar
not surprising that the book insists upon its fictional status, represents any who seek to obliterate the Jewish community.
that Judith finally retires to her house, and that she does not The conceit also allows the horror of the scene to be contained;
produce children. from the opening sentence, irony and not the destruction of
7. The connection of the books of Judith and Judges is, Jews will be the dominant motif.
however, a helpful corrective to those who find her story Reinforcing this pattern, the first chapter continues to miti-
unethical or unladylike. Judith is, in terms of narrative genre gate the ominous references to Nebuchadnezzar by means of
and character development, in the model of the judges: she is exaggeration. Arphaxad, identified as the king of Media but
resourceful and brave like Jael; she is a mother figure in her unknown to history, prepares to defend his lands against
protection of the community, like Deborah; she is sly (and Nebuchadnezzar by constructing major fortifications around
even conveys a possible hint of sexual scandal) like Ehud. As his capital, Ecbatana: the towers are 150 ft. high, with founda-
with the judges, the land remains at peace until her death. tions 90 ft. thick; the gates, 60 ft. wide, permitted entire
8. The book of Judith evokes more than the stories of the armies to parade through. Contributing to the exaggeration
judges, and herein lies a major part of its aesthetic import. of the fortifications is the language: the opening sentence in
Throughout, by drawing upon other texts, it adds to its own Greek is several lines long, which English translations typic-
literary richness even as it contributes to the tradition-history ally break up.
of its literary predecessors. Most significant is Judith's con- Nebuchadnezzar also seeks strength in numbers: he rallies
nection to Gen 34, the rape of Dinah. From the (probably) much of what is now southern Turkey. However, the popula-
Samaritan setting of Bethulia, to Judith's descent from tions from Persia to Jerusalem to Egypt to Ethiopia refuse to
Simeon, to her promise to protect the 'virgin' (Heb. betuld), join him, for they regarded him as 'ordinary' or, literally, 'as an
to the deceitful conquest, and even to the suggestions in each equal' (v. n). The irony continues: Nebuchadnezzar is more
story of castration, the Apocryphal narrative recapitulates the than the average king, as recognition of his name even today
earlier story. Indeed, the character of Judith redeems that of demonstrates. Increasing the irony, Holofernes will insist that
Simeon (as do two other Second-Temple texts, Jubilees 30, and Nebuchadnezzar be worshipped as a god.
the Testament of Levi), condemned for his violence by Jacob Prompted by Arphaxad's insult to his military strength,
(Gen 49:5-7). Nebuchadnezzar seeks revenge; among his targets are Judea,
9. Like Jacob, Judith travels from her home, cleverly defeats Egypt, Moab, Ammon; thus Judea is now threatened together
an enemy who has been feigning friendship, and escapes with, rather than by, its traditional enemies.
enemy territory unnoticed. Judith may also be compared to The battle begins with the despoliation of Ecbatana. The
Moses: both faced lack of water and a suffering people with Greek literally states that the city's beauty was 'turned to
weakening theological grounding (Ex 17; Num 20; Deut 33); shame' (v. 14). Here the motif of shame appears for the first
both, with divine help, preserve and strengthen the covenant time (recurring at e.g. 4:12; 5:21; 8:22; 9:2), anticipating
community (Van Henten 1995). Like Abigail, Judith descends Judith: by placing herself in a situation of seduction that
a mountain, takes her own food, humbles herself before a would traditionally be considered shameful for a woman,
military leader (David), and is involved with a drunk man who she will succeed in humiliating the Assyrian men.
dies (Nabal); see i Sam 25 (Van Henten 1995). Like Esther, Nebuchadnezzar's army returns to Nineveh for four months
with whom she is typically paired in both ancient manuscript of recuperation. With the fall of Ecbatana, the fate of the rest of
collections and modern interpretation, Judith uses her phys- the Mediterranean and Asia Minor is, apparently, sealed.
ical charms along with her clever words and loyalty to her
people to defeat a genocidal enemy. Like the Maccabees, she Nebuchadnezzar's Plan (2:1-13 J
rescues her people from false worship as well as military Irony continues as Nebuchadnezzar broadcasts his 'secret
conquest. strategy' (v. 2) to his ministers, nobles, his general Holofernes,
10. Given Judith's composition during the Hellenistic era, it and the readers. His self-appellation, 'Great King, lord of the
is not inappropriate to compare her also with Greek figures. whole earth', continues the hyperbole of ch. i even as it estab-
Like Medusa, her looks prove deadly (see Bal 1994 for art- lishes the theological challenge of the book. Holofernes is
historical and literary connections); like Euripides' Bacchae, ordered to take 'experienced soldiers' (v. 5; lit. men confident
she carries a thyrsus and produces the decapitated head of a in their own strength; the inference is that one should be
ruler. For more on connections between Judith and Greek confident in God's strength (Moore 1985)) to occupy all the
fiction, see Wills 1995. territories, slaughter the rebellious, and capture the rest for
Nebuchadnezzar to kill later. The general, ordered to follow
his 'lord's' commands (v. 13) is thus a parallel to Judith, who
COMMENTARY will follow her 'lord's' commands. That the number of infan-
try soldiers Holofernes takes, 120,000, matches the number
Nebuchadnezzar's Threat (1:1-16) of Antiochus' troops (i Mace 15:13) appears more than coin-
Judith opens with an overtly fictional conceit: Nebuchadnez- cidental.
zar, the infamous king of Babylon who destroyed the Jerusa- Nebuchadnezzar orders Holofernes to have 'all the land to
lem temple in 587 BCE, is named the ruler of Assyria, the the west' prepare for him 'earth and water' (v. 7), traditional
JUDITH 636

Persian tokens of submission. Should they fail, he promises, The Judeans together with the neighbouring peoples fortify
again hyperbolically, the destruction of their peoples until their villages and stock food, but given Arphaxad's un-
the rivers overflow with corpses. The repetition of terms successful preparations their efforts appear hopeless. Joakim
concerning water anticipates again the second half of the the high priest, together with the Jerusalem council (Gk.
book, where Holofernes attempts to enforce Bethulia's glrousia) orders the populations of Bethulia and its environs
submission by severing its water supply. The king con- to guard the hill-country passes and thereby protect Judea.
cludes his orders first by taking the oath, 'as I live, and by This Joakim is otherwise unknown. Neh 12:26 mentions a
the power of my kingdom', and then by promising that he will high priest Joiakim, but he did not have the military authority
accomplish his plans 'by [his] own hand' (v. 12). The oath is that this figure does. The first leader of the post-exilic period
reminiscent of the divine proclamation of Deut 32:39—41; with both temple and military control was the Hasmonean
Nebuchadnezzar is again seen to be setting himself up as a Jonathan (see i Mace 10:18—21). The indication that the high
false god. The promise augurs Judith's repeated point that priest was in Jerusalem 'at the time' (v. 6) would be gratuitous
vengeance will be taken 'by my hand'—that of a woman except during Hasmonean times, when priest-kings involved
(8:33; 12:4). with military manoeuvres did leave Jerusalem. That the
gerousia (see also 11:14; I5:^) is replaced by the Sanhedrin
Holofernes' Campaign (2:14-3:10) (Synedrion) under John Hyrcanus II in about 67 BCE may
narrow the date of composition.
Holofernes begins his campaign by mustering an army com-
The Israelites comply with Joakim's request. The men,
parable in its exaggerated description to the fortifications of
women, and children of Jerusalem and the resident aliens
Ecbatana (1:2-4). Contributing to the numbers, and the
and servants also fast, don sackcloth, prostrate themselves
threat, of his army, are its multifarious followers; like a locust
before the temple, and drape the cattle and even the altar
plague (2:20) they demolish all in their path: Put and Lud, the
(v. 10) with sackcloth. This public expression of religiosity,
Rassisites and Ishmaelites, Cilicia and Arabia, Midian and
especially fasting, becomes increasingly common in the post-
Damascus. Their amazing feats are matched by their miracu-
exilic period, as Esth 4:1-3 and i Mace 3:44-8 attest. The
lous, or at least humorously exaggerated, feet: the army tra-
people's prayers are both personal and communal: they seek
verses 300 miles, from Nineveh to Cilicia, in three days (2:21).
protection lest children be carried off, women raped (lit. for
Hearing of Holofernes' victories, the coastal cities, including
booty), towns destroyed, and the temple profaned. However,
Tyre and Sidon, Jamnia and Ascalon, petition for peace. The
reference to cows in mourning is probably here, as it is in Jon
reference to Jamnia (2:28) may recall Judah Maccabee, who
3:8, a touch of humour.
burned the city in 164 BCE. The local populations offer
The Lord hears their prayers, but it will take several chap-
everything: land, livestock, even the people as slaves. They
ters before the people recognize this response. Meanwhile,
greet Holofernes with garlands (Gk. 'crowns'), dancing, and
they continue to fast and wear sackcloth while the priests
tambourines. He, however, mercilessly demolishes their
make burnt as well as votive and voluntary offerings for the
sanctuaries and 'woods' (groves dedicated to a goddess?) so
house of Israel.
that all nations worship Nebuchadnezzar alone, 'that all
their dialects and tribes should call upon him as a god' (3:8). Achior Recounts Jewish History (5:1-24)
This scene will be reversed in ch. 12, when Judith, with
Holofernes is furious upon learning of the Israelite fortifica-
garlands, dancing, and tambourines, brings Holofernes'
tions, including the closing of mountain passes, the garrison-
head to Jerusalem and her God. Holofernes next advances
ing of hilltops, and the laying of traps in the plains.
towards the Esdraelon plain, near Dothan. Camping for a
Summoning the rulers of Israel's traditional enemies,
month between Geba and Scythopolis, he readies his army
Moab and Ammon, he seeks information from these
to attack Judea.
'Canaanites' concerning the resistance: their identity, num-
bers, the size and resources of their army, the source of
Israel Threatened (4:1-15) their power, and their king (v. 3). Achior the Ammonite
Hearing of Holofernes' attacks, including his sacking of sanc- leader responds with a recitation of Jewish history. However,
tuaries, the Israelites in Judea are terrified; in particular they aside from identifying the people, he answers none of the
are 'alarmed both for Jerusalem and for the temple of the Lord other questions. The omission is pregnant: their numbers
their God' (v. 2). The concern is, moreover, poignant: the are irrelevant given what one woman can accomplish; their
people had recently returned from exile and recently rededi- king and the source of their power is, as readers well know,
cated the temple (v. 3). Although some scholars look on this God.
verse as a gloss, its date is consistent with the purification of Locating I srael internationally, Achior begins by recounting
the temple by Judah Maccabee and his supporters (i Mace its Chaldean origins, its rejection of local gods in favour of the
4:36-61; 2 Mace 10:3-5). 'God of heaven' (v. 8), and its consequent expulsion. He re-
That the Judeans warn their neighbours, including 'every counts that, fleeing to Mesopotamia the people, upon divine
district of Samaria' (v. 4), poses another historical quandary. command, settle in Canaan where they prosper. Next, moving
Samaria, the former northern kingdom of Israel, was in the to Egypt because of a famine, they again prosper until their
post-exilic period commonly Judea's enemy (Neh 4, 13; Ezra numbers prompt the king to enslave them. Answering their
4). The Hasmonean John Hyrcanus conquered Samaria in prayers their God afflicts Egypt with plagues. Israel's divine
107 BCE; it remained in Judean hands until 63 BCE, when protection will continue as a theme through the speech: it is
Roman hegemony began. again confirmed when, as the Israelites flee Egypt, God dries
 637 JUDITH

up the Red Sea and leads the people through the Sinai. Driv- Under a rain of stones from the Israelites, Holofernes'
ing out the desert peoples, the Israelites inhabit Amorite land. slaves bind Achior and leave him near the springs below
They then cross the Jordan, take the hill country, and expel the Bethulia. Achior is then taken by the Israelites to their rulers,
Canaanites, Perizzites, Jebusites, Shechemites, and Gerge- Uzziah the Simeonite, Chabris, and Charmis. The rulers
sites (v. 16). With the exception of the Shechemites, the list summon the elders, and all the young men and women
matches the summary statements of Gen 15:20; Ex 3:8, 17; assemble as well. Questioned by Uzziah, Achior relates Ho-
Deut 7:1; Josh 9:1; 11:3; Ezra 9:1; and Neh 9:8. Perhaps the lofernes' plans and his own recitation of Israelite history. The
inclusion of the Shechemites is meant to anticipate Judith's Bethulians respond by praying that the enemy's arrogance be
reference (9:2) to Simeon's conquests in Gen 34. Ironically, punished and the people's plight be pitied. They also com-
the existence of Achior, the Ammonite narrator, along with his mend Achior; Uzziah takes him home and gives a banquet
Canaanite allies, belies any total conquest. (v. 21, lit. drinking party; one that will stand in contrast to
Achior observes that the Israelites are protected as long as Judith's encounters with Holofernes) where, together with the
they remain faithful to their God. When they sin, they are elders, he prays for help.
defeated and taken into exile; their temple is destroyed, and
their towns occupied by enemies. Having repented, the Bethulia under Siege (7:1-32)
people have returned to their lands. Thus Achior advises Holofernes' forces, 170,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry, as
that, if the Israelites are faithful, Holofernes should change well as soldiers with the baggage train, begin the siege; the
his plans lest he be defeated and his army become a laughing- Israelites stand guard in fear. On the second day, Holofernes
stock. Although Achior spoke truthfully, Holofernes' officers secures the city's water source. Returning to his main forces,
reject his advice: viewing Israel as weak they assert to 'Lord he is then visited by the rulers of Israel's traditional enemies,
Holofernes' that his army 'will swallow them up' (v. 24). the 'children of Esau' (v. 8), the Moabites, and others who urge
Ironies abound. First, the people do lack military strength; him to forgo a battle. (The reference to Esau probably refers to
the officers are correct. Second, it is an Ammonite general, the Edomites, who were defeated by Judah Maccabee in 164
rather than the Israelite high priest, who recognizes the BCE (see i Mace 5:1-5) and then converted to Judaism under
connection between faithfulness and security, sin and war. John Hyrcanus around 120 BCE.) They advise that he wait
Third, Achior proves prophetic: his comments foreshadow until thirst and starvation leave the Bethulian men, women,
the plot. Fourth, the image of the rapacious army plays upon and children dying in the streets. Prolonged death will be, in
the trope of food common throughout the book: the people in the enemy's view, appropriate punishment for the city's re-
Bethulia fear starvation, but Judith will avoid Holofernes' bellion. Agreeing, Holofernes places the area surrounding
table and her servant will transport Holofernes' head in a Bethulia under guard by thousands of Assyrians, Ammonites,
food bag. Finally, whereas Achior's truthful statements are and the children of Esau. The plan was to prevent any man
not believed, Holofernes and his troops will trust the deceiv- (Gk. andros) from leaving (v. 13); keeping the gender-specific
ing Judith. Greek permits irony, for no man will leave Bethulia, but only
Judith and her female slave.
Achior's Fate (6:1-21) As Holofernes' generals predicted, the children grow list-
Holofernes' reaction ironically recalls biblical traditions. First, less, and young men and women faint in the streets. Their
he questions not only Achior's advice, but his association with courage depleted, and convinced that God has abandoned
Ephraimite mercenaries (v. 2). Ephraim is another name for them for their (unnamed) sins and the sins of their ancestors,
the northern kingdom of Israel, destroyed in the eighth cen- the population condemns Uzziah and the elders for not mak-
tury by Assyria. Rhetorically, Holofernes thus begins recon- ing a treaty with the Assyrians. Better to be slaves, the men
stituting the covenant community. Second, he accuses Achior insist, then to watch their wives and children die from thirst.
of playing the prophet; whereas biblical prophets typically The choice of slavery or death evokes the Exodus generation
encourage the repentance of Israel, Achior seeks the pro- (Ex 14:10—12; 16:3) as well as that of the Jews facing the
tection of the Assyrian general; yet both speak the truth and campaign of Antiochus Epiphanes (i Mace 1:52—3). The cry
are usually not believed by rulers. Finally, Holofernes asks, that 'God has sold us into their hands' (v. 25; see Esth 7:4) will
'What god is there except Nebuchadnezzar?' (v. 2). This god, be corrected by the saving ability of Judith's hand. As the
Holofernes insists, will erase the memory of Israel. Thus people cry to heaven, Uzziah exhorts courage. He promises
Holofernes threatens even more than Nebuchadnezzar com- that if there is no rescue after five days, he will accede to their
manded. wishes. Dejected, the men return to their posts, the women
For his words, Achior is banished from the Assyrian camp and children to their homes. For the moment kept apart
and delivered (v. 7, lit. 'they will bring you back') to the hill from men and military concerns, the women will later join
country of Israel; perhaps the expression indicates that Holo- Judith as well as their male relatives in the celebration of
fernes thought Achior was already on the Judeans' side. Ho- victory (15:12-13).
lofernes then vows to kill him during the siege. The
conversation ends with the general's snide observation that Judith's Introduction (8:1-3 6j
if Achior believed his own words he would not be depressed. News of the siege finally reaches the widow Judith; separate
The Greek is literally 'do not let your face fall' (v. 9); Holo- from the community, she has not been affected by the lack of
fernes unknowingly prophesies his own fate. Achior's pre- water nor involved in the political discussions. The narrative
sence in Bethulia will in turn prove fortuitous: he will be able keeps her even more detached by inserting a very long geneal-
to identify the severed head (14:6—8). ogy, the longest of any biblical woman, immediately after her
JUDITH 638

introduction: interest shifts from the dying population, who given Bethulia's strategic location, its fall would entail the
believe they suffer for the sins of their ancestors, to Judith's sack of Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple. Were
(righteous) forefathers. With names among the sixteen the people then taken captive, they would become a disgrace
generations such as Merari, who was a son of Levi (Gen in the eyes of all. Therefore, she concludes, Bethulia must be
46:11); Shelumiel, a Simeonite leader who aided Moses an example for the rest of Judea: the people should thank God
(Num 1:6; 2:12; 7:36, 41; 10:19); Gideon, a judge; Elijah, a for putting them to the test, just as Abraham was tested at
prophet; Hilkiah, a prophet; Nathaniel, a prophet; and Israel, Isaac's near-sacrifice (Gen 22) and Jacob at Laban's house
Judith appears destined for greatness. However, the majority (Gen 28).
of these names do not represent the well-known figures; at Uzziah acknowledges Judith's wisdom yet fails to recognize
best they are evocative. It is Judith herself who brings the glory the import of her words: he first makes the excuse that he
to her line. was 'compelled' (v. 30) to acquiesce by the people, and then
Even Judith's name, meaning 'Jewish woman', is portent- he urges her, perhaps condescendingly, to pray; since she is
ous: this only named woman in the story will both protect and a 'God-fearing woman' (v. 31), God will send rain at her re-
embody the covenant community (Levine 1992). A widow, quest. Judith does not deign to respond to these comments.
Judith recalls the God known as the protector of widows (Ps Instead, she announces she will do something memorable
68:5; Sir 35:15), even as the covenant community is depicted as 'through all generations' (v. 32). But she refuses to divulge
a widow (Isa 54:4; Lam 1:1; 5:3-4). However, Judith's mourn- her plans. Again, the leaders acquiesce; whether out of
ing, unlike that of the Judeans in Babylon, is not caused by sin; desperation, because they are cowed by her resolve, because
rather, her husband Manasseh, also from the tribe of Simeon, they trust her judgement, or because, as some more cynical
had died from sunstroke while supervising his servants as commentators suggest, they are happy to be rid of her, is
they bound barley sheaves. His inglorious death will be re- unclear; saying, 'may the Lord God go before you, to take
peated by Holofernes, who is also wounded in the head, takes vengeance on our enemies', they depart for their posts.
to his bed, and dies (cf 8:3; 13:2). Manasseh's disgrace may be That Judith acts while the ostensible leaders react reverses
exacerbated by his name, which he shares with the Judean gender roles; psychoanalytic readers would even suggest
king to whom is attributed Jerusalem's destruction (see 2 that the leaders were symbolically castrated. They will, of
Kings 21:12—15; 23:26—7; 24:3—4). course, find a better application for this insight a few chapters
By marrying endogamously, Judith conformed to recom- later.
mended practice (Num 36; Tob 1:9). She does not, however,
submit to levirate marriage, even though she is childless and Judith's Prayer (9:1-14)
the Bethulian leader, Uzziah, is a fellow Simeonite. Yet Uz- Extended prayers, particularly by women, feature promin-
ziah is weak, and Judith neither needs nor desires a spouse. ently in Hellenistic-Jewish literature; examples include Sus-
Given her actions, perhaps her widowhood is fortunate; the anna, Esther (in the Greek Additions), Sarah of the book of
shame her actions might cause a husband would be enor- Tobit, and the martyr mother of 2 and 4 Maccabees; compar-
mous. Judith's mourning epitomizes radical piety. She lives able models include the prayers of Daniel, his friends, and
in a rooftop shelter, wears sackcloth around her waist, and Tobit.
dresses in widow's clothes. Every day save sabbaths, new Judith prays at the time of the incense offering in the
moons, and Jewish festivals, she fasts. Nevertheless, she re- Jerusalem temple; the note anticipates her pilgrimage
mains 'shapely and beautiful' (v. 7; see Gen 29:17 concerning there following Holofernes' defeat. The prayer begins by
Rachel) as well as rich in gold and silver, male and female invoking the God of her ancestor Simeon, omitted from
servants, livestock and fields, all inherited from her husband. her genealogy. Just as Simeon took revenge on the 'strangers
Finally, so well known was her piety that 'no one spoke ill of who had... polluted [a virgin's] womb' (v. 2)—the reference
her' (v. 8). This too is ironic; few maintain such spotless is to the sacking of Shechem following the rape of Dinah
reputations. The specified length of her mourning, three (Gen 34)—so Judith seeks to protect Bethulia: the city's
years and four months (v. 4) or forty months, may suggest name evokes the Hebrew word betuld, meaning virgin, even
the number of years Israel spent in the wilderness; it also as it sounds like bet-'el ('house of God') and bet-'aliyd (house
parallels the thirty-four days of the siege of Bethulia (7:20) of ascents). Dinah's name goes unmentioned, and this
even as Judith's sackcloth mirrors that of the townspeople omission highlights the connection to Bethulia even as it
(and cattle). places increasing emphasis on Simeon. Finally, in a reversal
Upon hearing of the people's protest and Uzziah's re- of the episode of Dinah, who 'went out' (Gen 34:1) to visit the
sponse, Judith sends her slave, the one in charge of all her women of the land but instead was attacked by Shechem, the
property, to summon the town elders. Stereotypical gender local prince, Judith will go out to the Gentile camp, where
roles are reversed: a female slave commands a major estate; a she will 'unman' the general who had planned her seduction.
widow demands obedience from city officials. The Bethulian The mention of deception in v. 3 (the prayer utilizes forms of
elders receive from Judith strong rebuke: how do they dare the term 'deceit' four times) hints at Judith's yet unnamed
test, place conditions upon, or presume to know the thoughts plan.
of God? Rather, the people should continue to pray and await Her unabashed celebration of the rape (see 4:12) of the
deliverance. Then, like Achior, Judith recites the history of Shechemite women, the selling of their daughters into slav-
Israel: their ancestors had been punished for worshipping ery, and the distribution of their property among the Israelites
idols, but the present generation has remained faithful. Con- recollects the fear of the Bethulians. That such militaristic
sequently they must have hope. Judith next observes that, ideology appears in the context of theological egalitarianism
 639 JUDITH

(Judith notes that God 'strikes slaves as well as princes', v. 3) is fernes exhorts her to courage (11:1), for he has never hurt
typical in ancient narrative. anyone who chooses to follow Nebuchadnezzar. The com-
Following the recitation of Simeon's victory, Judith prays ment is disingenuous, given his earlier massacres (2:10; 3:7—
that God now help her, not a warrior but a widow (v. 4), since 8). He apparently assumed, mistakenly, that she would be
God is the ally of the weak (v. n). Then, typical in Hellenistic- afraid of him. As for the siege, he asserts that the Israelites,
Jewish prayers, she celebrates God's omnipotence, omnis- refusing such loyalty, have brought about their own situation.
cience, and creative powers. Against these attributes, the Judith's response is a masterpiece of double entendre. She
boasts of the Assyrians are empty and insulting. Because, states she will speak nothing false to '[her] lord'; she claims
Judith says, the Assyrians plan to desecrate the temple, to that if he follows her advice, 'my lord will not fail to achieve his
knock off the horns of its altars with a sword, so God should purposes' (11:6). She then moves to mocking, in stating that
strike them down. Like Esther, who asks for 'eloquent speech' because of Holofernes, not only people, but also beasts, cattle,
(Add Esth 14:13), Judith asks for a beguiling tongue ('deceitful and birds, serve Nebuchadnezzar (11:7). Mentioning Achior in
words', v. 13). Deceit will be her weapon, so that Holofernes the one verse of this dialogue in which she does not in some
will be killed 'by the hand of a woman' (v. 10; the 'hand' motif degree dissemble, Judith acknowledges the truth of his state-
appears 9 times more: 2:12; 8:33; 9:2, 9; 12:4; 13:14, 15; 15:10; ments; however, she lies in stating that the people have re-
16:5), as was Sisera by the deceitful Jael (Judg 4-5, see 9). To solved to sin by eating the first fruits and tithes consecrated to
emphasize the insult, in the Greek Judith speaks not of a the priests, which the people are forbidden even to touch; they
'woman' but uses the generic 'female' (see also Judg 9:54 on are but waiting for permission from the Jerusalem council
Abimelech's fear of the shame of being killed by a woman). (11:12—13). No law forbids such touching, but Holofernes
would not know in any case.
Judith's Plan (10:1-17) Finally, Judith states that God sent her to accomplish with
As Esther transforms from mourning to magnificence (Add Holofernes 'things that will astonish the whole world' (11:16).
Esth 15:1), so Judith removes her sackcloth, bathes (how she Claiming loyalty to the God of heaven who has given her
obtained water given the siege is unexplained), applies foreknowledge, she tells Holofernes that she will withdraw
perfume, dons a tiara, and puts on the clothes she wore to the valley every night to pray, and that God will tell her when
when she celebrated with her deceased husband. Among the Israelites have transgressed. At that time, she will guide
her accessories are chains, typically translated as 'anklets' Holofernes to victory. The general along with his attendants is
(v. 4); Judith may be wearing a step-chain, designed to shorten so delighted by Judith's words, and beauty, that he promises
her stride and make her appear more 'feminine' (Moore 1985; her, upon the completion of her prediction, that her God will
see Isa 3:16). The connection to Isaiah may also suggest be his God (see Ruth 1:16), she shall dwell in Nebuchadnez-
that 'earrings' should be translated 'nose-ring' (Moore 1985). zar's palace (hardly something Judith desires), and her fame
Thus she presents a picture of pampered helplessness. On the shall encompass the world.
other hand, perhaps she should be seen as arming herself for
battle. Bedecked with jewellery and dressed to kill, she in- Judith in the Assyrian Camp (12:1-9 J
tended to draw the attention of any man who saw her. Then, Holofernes invites Judith to dine on his 'delicacies' (v. i, a term
accompanied by her maid, who carried a skin of wine, jug of not found elsewhere in the LXX, and perhaps suggestive of
oil, and bag with roasted grain, fig cakes, and bread, she self-indulgence (Moore 1985), but she insists on eating her
ventured to the city gate. Seeing her, Uzziah and the elders simple meal of kosher food. The general is concerned for her
are struck by her beauty. Judith orders the gates open, and as well-being, since there are no other Jews in his camp who
she and her maid journey to the enemy camp, the leaders stare might replenish her supply, but Judith, echoing her prayer
after her. (9:10), assures him that the Lord will accomplish by her 'hand'
Caught by an Assyrian patrol, Judith is questioned about what is planned before her supplies are exhausted. Judith's
her nationality. Honestly she replies she is a Hebrew; by using comments reinforce Holofernes' trust: surely someone so
that term rather than 'Israelite', perhaps Judith sought to faithful to diet would not lie regarding the Bethulians' trans-
evoke the time when the people were enslaved in Egypt. gressions.
Dishonestly she adds that she is fleeing from the Assyrian Escorted by Holofernes' attendants to her tent, Judith
onslaught and to Holofernes, to whom she will tell the way begins the first of a three-day pattern. She sleeps until mid-
(v. 13; the term could refer either to the means or to the path) night and at the morning watch, leaves for the valley of
by which he can conquer the hill country. The soldiers, struck Bethulia to bathe herself from the uncleanness of the Gentile
by her beauty, promise her protection and flounder in camp and pray; ritually pure, and giving the Assyrians no
attempts to find the lucky one-hundred to escort her to the reason to distrust her, she returns to her tent (v. 8).
general (v. 17).
Judith Serves her Lord (12:10-13:10)
Judith's Promises to Holofernes (10:18-11:23) The fourth night, Holofernes holds a drinking party (see
Judith's arrival stirs the enemy camp; the soldiers, judging by 6:21). He asks Bagoas, the eunuch in charge of his personal
her, speculate that they had best destroy all the Israelite men; affairs, to persuade the 'Hebrew woman' (12:11) to join the
with 'women like this among them... they will be able to party; were she not to do so, he and his associates will be
beguile the whole world!' (10:19). Holofernes rises from his disgraced. Were Judith able to refuse his advances (the term
ornate bed to greet Judith. He and his attendants are also refers to sexual intercourse; see Sus 54), she would make him
struck by her beauty. After accepting her obeisance, Holo- a laughing-stock.
JUDITH 640

Bagoas' request is itself of double meaning. Addressing Preserving her reputation, she also avers that nothing sinful,
Judith as paidiske (12:13), h£ could be complimenting her defiling, or disgraceful occurred. The people, in response,
as 'maiden' or insulting her as 'serving girl' or even 'prosti- bless God.
tute'. With his invitation that she become as the women Uzziah then praises Judith as most blessed of all women
who serve Nebuchadnezzar in the palace (11:4) the sexual (see Judg 5:24 and Lk 1:48); his prayer is that her story re-
undertone continues. Unlike Vashti's response to the dound to everlasting honour, for she risked her life to avert
eunuchs who invite her to the king's banquet (Esth i), Judith disaster. His calling her 'daughter' (v. 18) may be a continu-
affirms that she will do whatever is pleasing in the eyes of ation of his paternalism; it may also indicate her young age.
'[her] Lord' and that will be something to boast of until the day Saying 'Amen', the people assent.
of her death.
Seeing Judith reclining on lambskins, Holofernes' appetite Judith's Military Instructions (14:1-10)
becomes uncontrolled: having planned to have intercourse Judith, taking control of military strategy, instructs Bethulia's
with her from the moment he saw her, he can almost leaders to hang Holofernes' head from the battlements of
taste conquest. He encourages her to enjoy herself (12:17) the town wall; the heads of Goliath (i Sam 17:54), Saul
and to 'be with us' (see Gen 39:10; Tob 3:8; Sus 20—1); the (i Sam 31:9—10); Ahab's family (2 Kings 10:7—8); Nicanor
sexual implications become increasingly overt. Judith feeds (i Mace 7:47; 2 Mace 15:35); and John the Baptist (Mt 14:8)
his fantasy by accepting his invitation to drink, for 'today is the were similarly displayed. Then, at dawn, they are to
greatest day of my whole life' (12:18). So delighted is Holo- prepare for battle but not descend to the plain. When the
fernes that he drinks more than he had ever before consumed. Assyrians see the attack forming, they will rush to Holofernes,
As it is growing late, his retinue leaves, and Bagoas closes the only to find a decapitated corpse. While they panic, Israel will
tent from the outside. Dead drunk, Holofernes lies sprawled strike.
on his bed. Judith, alone with him (for the full ten verses of Summoned by Judith, Achior faints (lit. falls on his face; see
13:1—10), offers one final prayer for strength (she always 6:9) at the sight of the head. Revived, he prostrates himself
prays before her major undertakings), yanks the general's before Judith, blesses her 'in every tent of Judah' (v. 7; see Judg
sword from the bedpost, grabs his hair, and with two strokes 5:24), and asks her to relate her experiences in the
beheads him. This new Jael, who struck the temple of Sisera Assyrian camp. When she finishes, the entire town cheers.
after giving him something to drink and lulling him into a Achior, seeing what the God of Israel had accomplished,
false sense of safety (Judg 5:26), or new David, who felled submits to circumcision; his descendants, although
Goliath and then decapitated him (i Sam 17:51), Judith has Ammonites (see Deut 23:3), remain among Israel 'to this
rescued her people by striking the head of the enemy force. day' (v. 10; see Josh 6:25). Achior is reminiscent of Ruth
Holofernes' death is, as Judith had prayed, by the hand of a who, as a Moabite, should also have been prevented from
female. joining Israel. Both leave their people, their gods, and their
The decapitation has been interpreted both as a perverse land, and both affiliate not only with the covenant community
sacrifice and as a scene of castration. Regarding the former, but also through a female, maternal representative. Achior
Judith does appear to function in a priestly manner: she wears has also been seen as an expression of the ideology of pros-
special clothes, bathes for ritual purity, is sexually abstinent, elytism and a type of Abraham (Roitman 1992), as well as a
painlessly slits the throat of the victim, receives the aid of a type of Barak (White 1992).
helper in disposing of the victim's parts, and retains a portion
for communal (visual) consumption (see 16:18—20). Regard- Assyrian Defeat (14:11-15:7)
ing the latter, the connection of the story of Judith to Gen 34 The Israelites, bolstered by Judith's deed, set outto the moun-
already provides a reference to genital wounding, and modern tain passes; the Assyrian generals, so convinced of their op-
commentators read the symbolic value of Judith's action by ponents' weakness that they view the incursion as suicidal
connecting decapitation to castration (Dundes 1974; Levine (14:13), go to wake Holofernes. Bagoas, expecting to find
1992). Holofernes sleeping next to Judith, begins the panic: seeing
Quickly leaving the tent, Judith hands Holofernes' head to the headless corpse and then finding Judith's tent empty, he
her waiting servant, who puts it in the food sack. Then the rushes out crying that the Hebrew woman has shamed the
women leave, as they had done the previous nights, 'to pray'. house of Nebuchadnezzar. Headless, the Assyrian soldiers
The female donkey, laden excessively with the spoils from flee to the hills; there the waiting Israelites kill many and
Holofernes' tent, will later prove just as doughty as her mis- pursue the rest to the Damascus borders. Other Israelites,
tress (Craven 1983). those who had not directly engaged the Assyrian army (the
women? the weak?) loot the camp; there being so much booty,
Return to Bethulia (13:11-20) every village prospers.
Returning to Bethulia, Judith calls the sentries to open the
gate, for 'God is with us' (13:11). The entire town, surprised Israel Celebrates Victory (15:8-14)
that she has returned and thus, apparently, not as secure in Joakim the high priest, with the council, arrives to bless
their faith as she, welcomes the woman. Then Judith publicly Judith, the 'great boast of Israel' who by her own hand (v. 9)
praises God, and in testimony to divine protection displays rescued Israel. Having looted the Assyrian camp, the people
Holofernes' head and the canopy from his bed. Celebrating present Judith with Holofernes' tent, silver dinnerware, and
her action, she repeats her prayer now as thanksgiving, 'The equipment. Judith loads the spoils on carts and hitches them
Lord has struck him down by the hand of a women' (v. 15). to her mules. As the women of Israel come to praise her and
 641 JUDITH

perform a dance in her honour (see 3 Mace 6:32, 35; 7:16), she fernes' property: the bed canopy becomes a votive offering,
distributes branches (thyrsus', see 2 Mace 10:7) to them. These much like Goliath's sword (i Sam 21:9) and Saul's armour
branches were also carried by the Bacchantes, the worship- (31:10). For three months, the celebration in Jerusalem con-
pers of Dionysus. The book of Judith may even be read as a tinues.
parody of the worship of the wine god: here the decapitated
head is of Holofernes, not Pentheus, yet gender roles are still Epilogue (16:21-5)
muddled and drunkenness leads to downfall. Returning to Bethulia but not to her rooftop, Judith's fame
Then all the women crown themselves with olive leaves does not abate. Many men seek to wed her, but she remains
and, with Judith at their head, dance; the men, armed and celibate until her death at the age of 105. At this time, she frees
with garlands, follow her to Jerusalem. her slave (thereby belying artistic renditions which typically
depict the slave as much older than Judith) and distributes her
Judith's Hymn (16:1-18) property to her near relatives and to those of her husband.
Judith's hymn, sung also by all the people, is an amalgam of Judith is interred in the same burial cave as Manasseh. The
Hebrew and Greek ideas. For the Hebrew tradition, women's people mourn for her seven days (see Sir 22:12), a Second-
celebration of victory in song is a common motif (Ex 15:20—1; Temple innovation.
Craven (1983) proposes that Jdt 16 parallels Miriam's Song at The last line recollects the stories of the Judges: no one
the Sea; Judg 11:34; I ^ am 18:6-7). Like the Song of Deborah threatens Israel again during her lifetime, or for a long time
(Judg 5), Judith's hymn invokes the God who crushes wars and after her death.
delivers Israel, personalizes the enemy in terms of its threats,
and celebrates the heroine's role. Reflecting its Hellenistic
context even as it highlights Israel's supremacy, the hymn REFERENCES
compares the captivating and successful Judith with the in-
Bal, M. (1994), 'Head Hunting: "Judith on the Cutting Edge of Know-
ability of the Titans as well as the Medes and the Persians to
ledge"', 63: 3-34.
defeat Holofernes. Camponigro, M. S. (1992), 'Judith, Holding the Tale of Herodotus,' in
Judith then sings a 'new song' to the invincible God, who VanderKam (1992:47-59).
can move mountains and melt rocks, whom no one can Craven, T. (1983), Artistry and Faith in the Book of Judith, SBLDS 70
resist. Emphasizing her maternal role, she speaks of the (Chico, Calif: Scholars Press).
threats to her infants, children, young men and women (v. 4). Dundes, A. (1974), 'Comment on "Narrative Structure sin the Book of
Highlighting again the Hellenistic setting, she exalts Judith" ', in W. Wuellner (ed.), Protocol Series of the Colloquies of the
herself even over the Titans (v. 6). Celebrating the Israelites' Center for Hermeneutical Studies in Hellenistic and Modern Culture, n:
miraculous victory, she contrasts the Assyrian might with 28-9.
Haag, E. (1963), Studienzum Buchejudith: Seinetheologische Bedeutung
their defeat by 'sons of slave girls' (or young women, v. 12).
und literarische Eigenart, Trierer Theologische Studien, 16 (Trier:
She ends with the wisdom motif that fear of the Lord is more Paulinus-Verlag).
precious than sacrifice and the apocalyptic image of the eter- Levine, A.-J. (1992), 'Sacrifice and Salvation: Otherness and Domes-
nal vengeance taken by God against those who rise against tication in the Book of Judith', in VanderKam (1992:17—30).
Israel. Moore, C. A. (1985), Judiffo. A New Translation with Introduction and
The image of consigning flesh to fire and worms (see Sir Commentary, 40 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday).
7:17; 2 Mace 9:9 on the fate of Antiochus Epiphanes; Mk 9:48) Roitman, A. D. (1992), 'Achior in the Book of Judith: His Role and
may suggest a belief in life after death and so be another Significance', VanderKam (31—45).
indication of a relatively late date. VanderKam, J. (1992) (ed.), 'No One Spoke III ofHef: Essays on Judith,
Early Judaism and its Literature, 2 (Atlanta: SBL).
Celebration at the Temple (16:18-20) Van Henten, J. W. (1995), 'Judith as Alternative Leader: A Rereading of
Judith 7-13', in Athalya Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to
In Jerusalem, the parade of people worship; once purified, Esther, Judith and Susanna (Sheffield: Academic Press), 224—52.
they sacrifice their burnt offerings, votive offerings, and gifts. White, S. (1992), 'In the Steps of Jael and Deborah: Judith as Heroine',
While entry into the temple would require worshippers to be in VanderKam (1992: 5-16).
in a state of ritual purity, the explicit mention of this ritual Wills, L. (1995), The Jewish Novel in the Ancient World (Ithaca: Cornell
highlights two motifs of the book: the concern for Jewish piety University Press).
and the defeat of the Gentile forces. Judith dedicates Holo-
 42. Esther (Greek) ADELE REINHARTZ

INTRODUCTION
A. Background. Vivid testimony to the popularity of the story (Moore 1977: 175). A similar conclusion emerges from dis-
of Esther in the Hellenistic Jewish milieu is the presence of a crepancies within ATand Greek Esther concerning the date of
lengthy Greek version in the Septuagint (LXX Esther). This is the anti-Jewish pogrom: the thirteenth of Adar, reflecting the
generally considered to be a free translation of a Hebrew text Hebrew original (3:12; 8:12; 9:1; E 16:20), or the fourteenth (B
similar to, or perhaps even identical with, the later Masoretic 13:6; Moore 1977: 192—3). To the free rendition of Hebrew
version (MT Esther) included among the Writings of the Esther were added six sections, four of which appear to have
Tanak. Greek Esther shares with its Hebrew counterpart the been translated from a Hebrew source or sources independent
engaging characters of Vashti, Ahasuerus, Mordecai, Esther, ofthe Hebrew Vorlage ofthe MT (Additions A, C, D, F) and two
and Haman, its basic story-line concerning Haman's anti- of which were probably composed in Greek (Additions B, E).
Jewish plot and the means by which it is thwarted, as well as 3. More complex is the relationship between the AT and
many of the details of setting, dialogue, and description. Yet LXX. Paton (1908: 38) considered AT to be a recension of
the presence of six major sections (the Additions) not attested some form of the LXX, arguing that there were too many
in the MT (or presumably, its Heb. Vorlage), the many smaller parallels between them to view the latter as an independent
additions and omissions, and, most strikingly, the presence of translation ofthe Hebrew. Bickerman (1950) suggested that
over fifty references to God, transform LXX Esther into a the AT was a recension of an abbreviated Greek Esther, as was
different story. This story contrasts with MT Esther not only Josephus' paraphrase, Ant. n 11183—96, which lacks the first
in portraying the inner spiritual struggles of its main charac- and sixth ofthe Additions which are present in both ATand
ters but also in attributing the outcome of the plot to the divine LXX. More recently Emanuel Tov (1982: 25) has contended
hand. that the AT is a translation or more accurately, perhaps, 'a
midrash-type of rewriting ofthe biblical story' which corrects
B. Textual History. 1. In addition to LXX Esther, the story of
the LXX towards a Hebrew or Aramaic text which differed
Esther exists in another Greek version, often referred to as the
from the later MT. Fox (1992: 209-10) suggests a similarly
Alpha Text (AT). The AT is similar though not identical to LXX
complex theory. He posits the existence of a proto-AT, as the
Esther in the content and wording of the six Additions, but
Greek translation of an original Hebrew text that differed
differs substantially from it in those sections that are paral-
from the Hebrew text used by the translator of LXX Esther.
leled in MT Esther. AT Esther is shorter than LXX Esther, due
Proto-AT was then redacted by someone who had access to
in part to the absence of many personal names, numbers,
LXX Esther. Comparing proto-AT and LXX, this redactor drew
dates, and repetitious elements. Differences in content also
on the latter to supplement the former. Hence the redactor did
abound. For example, AT omits the theme ofthe unalterability
not set out to borrow the deutero-canonical Additions but
of Persian law, as well as the aetiology of the Purim festival
rather moved sequentially through the two texts, transferring
and the lengthy instructions for Purim observance (cf AT
material from the LXX to fill the gaps perceived in proto-AT.
Esth 8:30, 47). Equally striking is its ending. In contrast to
Most scholars, however, hold to the view that AT is a separate
the LXX, in which Addition F concludes the book with a
Greek translation based upon a Hebrew or Aramaic text quite
colophon, and the MT, which ends with a testimonial to the
different from the MT (Clines 1984: xxv). The Additions in AT
greatness and popularity of Mordecai, AT's version of F ends
were borrowed directly from the LXX, as indicated by the
with Mordecai's interpretation of his initial dream (cf. A).
strong verbal agreement between their respective forms of
2. How does one account for the similarities and differences
these sections. Hence the AT has become an important factor
among the Hebrew and Greek versions of Esther? The body of
not only in the textual history ofthe Greek versions but also in
LXX Esther is similar to MT Esther (and therefore presumably
the composition history of the Hebrew Esther (Fox 1991/7;
to the Heb. version available to the Gk. translator) in the
Clines 1984; Wills 1990; 1995).
content and structure of its story. These similarities support
much of LXX Esther being based on a Hebrew original similar
C. The Additions: Introductory Issues. 1. The six major Addi-
to the MT. Significant differences in wording, however, sug-
tions are as follows:
gest that LXX Esther was a rather free translation of the
Hebrew original. Some of the differences reflect stylistic or A. Mordecai's dream and the plot of the two eunuchs
theological changes, as in 2:20, in which Mordecai's words to against the king.
the newly chosen queen include not only the instruction to B. The text ofthe king's edict authorizing the destruction
keep her Jewish identity a secret but also to maintain the fear of Persian Jewry.
of God and keep God's laws. A number of substantive differ- C. The prayers of Mordecai and Esther.
ences also exist. For example, MT Esth 2:19 refers to the king's D. Esther's approach to the king.
'gate'. Assuming that the translator found 'gate' in his Hebrew E. The edict reversing the decree of destruction.
version, the Greek should have read pule. The fact that aide F. The interpretation of Mordecai's dream, followed by the
(court) appears instead, however, suggests copyist error colophon.
 643 ESTHER GREEK
2. There is little doubt that the Additions are secondary to LXX Esther may be dated to the late second or early first
the body of the text, that is, not present in any Hebrew Vorlage. century BCE.
The Additions are not found in any of the standard versions of 3. Provenance is difficult to determine, and is directly re-
Esther, except those that are recognized as having been based lated to the assessment ofthe text's purpose. Moore (ibid. 167)
on the LXX, such as Old Latin, Coptic, and Ethiopic as well as suggests that the royal edicts, Additions B and E, may have
Seferjossipon, a tenth-century work in which Hebrew transla- originated in some sophisticated non-Palestinian centre such
tions of Josephus' versions of the Additions are present as Alexandria, whereas the others may have originated in
(Moore 1977: 154). Origen (i85?-254), in his Epistle to Africa- Palestine, since their theological content is compatible with
nus, 3, testifies that several Additions, namely the prayers of that of other Palestinian texts of this period such as Daniel,
Esther and Mordecai (C) and the royal letters (B, E), did not Judith, and some ofthe Qumran material. Linda Day (1995:
appear in the Hebrew texts current in his own day. Because of 231—2) suggests that the AT, which does not emphasize the
their absence from the Hebrew, Jerome (34O?~42o) placed the Purim festival, may be the product of a Hellenized Jewish
Additions at the end of the canonical portion of his own Latin community in a diaspora setting, facing the challenge of
translation rather than in the locations in which they are living Jewishly among a Gentile (i.e. non-Jewish, polytheistic)
found in LXX Esther. Finally, Additions A and F (Mordecai's majority. In contrast, LXX Esther, which retains the MT's
dream and its interpretation) are not present in Josephus' emphasis on the aetiology and celebration of Purim, may
paraphrase of Esther, though this is not evidence that they have been shaped by a Jewish community in Palestine itself
were not yet in existence at this time. or, alternatively, a traditionally observant diaspora Jewish
3. Four of the Additions (A, C, D, F) give clear internal community experiencing increased tension or discrimination
evidence of having been translated from Hebrew (though no at the hands of non-Jews. Such tension would account for the
Heb. source is extant) while Additions B and E, the royal anti-Gentile sentiments expressed in Additions A, C, and F. If
edicts, are Greek compositions (Moore 1977: 155; 1982: Ixx). so, the story's intent may have been to underscore the neces-
All six Additions, however, probably had a Jewish origin sity of, and dangers inherent in, working with the Gentile
(Moore 1977: 160), betraying the concerns and perspectives power structure while maintaining a primary allegiance to the
of diaspora Jewry. Their presence in the LXX and the Vulgate Jewish people (Wills 1995: 120).
led the Christian church to regard them as canonical, and they
E. Purpose and Genre of LXX Esther. 1. Why did the translator
were sanctioned by the Council of Carthage in 397 CE and by
include the six Additions and make the numerous other
several later councils, including Trent in 1546. Luther and
changes that distinguish LXX Esther from its Hebrew proto-
later Protestants, however, considered the Additions to be
type? Most answers to this question reflect upon LXX Esther's
apocryphal rather than canonical.
inclusion of over fifty references to God, in contrast to MT
D. Date and Provenance. 1. The earliest possible date is that of Esther in which direct divine references are absent. Divine
the final form of the Hebrew version, probably the early titles and other references to God are found primarily in the
Hellenistic period, though earlier versions may have gone Additions. Addition C, which conveys the prayers of Esther
back to the late Persian period. The latest possible date is and Mordecai, mentions God in virtually every verse, as does
£.93-4 CE, when Josephus used Additions B, C, D, and E in Addition F, the interpretation of Mordecai's dream. But the
his paraphrase. LXX Esther, however, ends with a colophon, LXX translator has added a number of references to God in the
which, if authentic, provides the basis for a more precise canonical material as well. For example, 2:20, which describes
dating. The colophon attributes the translation to one Lysima- Esther's obedience to Mordecai in her decision not to divulge
chus son of Ptolemy, in Jerusalem, and claims that it was her ethnic identity, also indicates that she is to fear God and
brought to Egypt by a priest and Levite named Dositheus in keep his laws even as she commences a new life in the harem
the fourth year of the reign of Ptolemy and Cleopatra. Ques- of a Gentile king. In 4:8 Mordecai calls upon Esther not only to
tions have been raised about the authenticity of the colophon, go to the king but also to call upon the Lord in her effort to
based on its content. How can Dositheus be both priest and avert the evil decree instigated by Haman. Artaxerxes' insom-
Levite? Why would the translation have been done in Jerusa- nia is attributed to the Lord in 6:1, while the premonition of
lem and for whom (Enslin 1972:19)? Many scholars, however, Haman's wife concerning Haman's downfall is ascribed to the
accept the colophon as authentic. Moore (ibid. 161), for ex- fact that the living God is with Mordecai (6:13). The Greek
ample, argues that the body of the story as well as all the word used most frequently in reference to the divine is ikeos
Additions were translated by Lysimachus except B and E, (God), with kyrios (Lord) as the next most frequent term. Other
whose original language is Greek. Because Greek was present descriptive terms are 'king' (basileus, C 13:9, 15; 14:3, 12), and
in Graeco-Roman Palestine, notes Bickerman (1944: 357), 'saviour' (sotcr, 15:2). Phrases, such as 'the living God, most
LXX Esther is a remarkable and unusual example of Palesti- high and mighty' (E 16:16), 'the God of Abraham' (C 13:15;
nian Greek. 14:18) and 'the all-seeing God' (D 15:2; 16:4) are also em-
2. If the colophon is authentic, then identifying the reign- ployed.
ing Ptolemy provides a date for the Greek translation as a 2. The effect of these references, both in their variety
whole. Several Ptolemies had a reign of at least four years and and quantity, is to insert God very securely into the story as
wives named Cleopatra, including Ptolemy XII (77 BCE), fa- the one through whom the salvation from danger occurred.
voured by Bickerman (1944), Ptolemy XIV (around 48 BCE), God's prominence in the plot is in contrast to the MT's
and Ptolemy VIII Soter II, who lived in around 114 BCE, emphasis on the human agents, Mordecai and Esther (Fox
favoured by Moore (1977: 250). In general terms, therefore, 19910: 273). Moore comments, however, that LXX Esther's
ESTHER GREEK 644

religious concerns are reflected not only in the addition of placement ofthe Additions at the end of his translation, are
references to God but also in the emphasis on particular also included.
themes, such as God's providential care of Israel (A, F), God's
miraculous intervention in history (D 15:8), the efficacy of G. Outline
prayer and fasting (C), and the importance of cult and temple Addition A: Mordecai's Dream (11:2-12); The Eunuchs' Plan
(C 14:9). (12:l-6)
3. Clines, however, argues thatthe function ofthe Additions Setting the Stage (1:1—3:13)
is not wholly or even primarily to introduce the explicit lan- Addition B: The King's Edict against the Jews (13:1-7)
guage of divine causation into a deficient Hebrew original, but The Plot is Revealed (3:14-4:17)
to recreate the book in the mould of post-exilic Jewish history, Addition C: The Prayers of Mordecai and Esther: (13:8—14:19)
as exemplified by the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Daniel. Addition D: Esther's Approach to the King: (iyi—i6)
Just as God stirs up the spirit of Cyrus in Ezra 1:1 and of The Villain is Unmasked (5:3-8:12)
returnees in 1:5, so does he change the spirit ofthe king to Addition E: The Official Repeal ofthe First Edict: (16:1-24)
gentleness in LXX Esther D 15:8 and keep him from sleeping Events of Adar (8:13—10:3)
in 6:1. In Dan 2, as in Additions A and F, the meaning of Addition F: Interpretation of Mordecai's Dream (10:4—13); Colo-
history is conveyed through dreams and their interpretations, phon (11:1)
while Ezra 9, Neh i, and Dan 9 contain exemplary prayers of
supplication similar to the prayers of Mordecai and Esther in
Addition C (Clines 1984: 169—70).
COMMENTARY
4. In addition to religious motivations and concerns, the
Greek translation may have been intended to increase the Addition A (11:2-12; 12:1-6)
story's dramatic appeal (Moore 1977:153). The aura of authen-
ticity is strengthened by Additions B and E which in florid (11:2-12) Mordecai's Dream LXX Esther begins with an intro-
Greek purport to be the texts of royal edicts authorizing (B) duction to Mordecai and a description of his dream. Mordecai
and repealing (E) the mass destruction of Persian Jewry. is described in terms of his lineage (son of Shimei, son of
Moore (ibid. 220—2) suggests that Esther's prayer (C) and Kish, ofthe tribe of Benjamin), ethnic identity (a Jew), home
the detailed description of her emotions and behaviour upon (Susa), status (a great man), occupation (serving in the court
approaching the king (D) combine to make Esther a more ofthe king), and, perhaps most important, his personal his-
realistic character and to suggest a similarity to Judith, a link tory. This history, repeated in 2:6, links him strongly with the
frequently made by the Church Fathers as well as by contem- national history of Israel: he was a captive of King Nebuchad-
porary scholars (Day 1995: 222—5). Certainly LXX Esther dif- nezzar after the Babylonian conquest of Judea in 597-6 BCE. It
fers from its Hebrew Vorlage in describing the inner thoughts also, however, poses a chronological difficulty. Even if Morde-
and feelings of its principal characters. cai were only a year old at the time ofthe Conquest, he would
5. Such observations have led some scholars to conclude still have been about 115 years old in the third year of Xerxes
that LXX Esther is a Hellenistic Jewish novel, influenced by (1:3) and about 119 years old at Esther's ascension to the
the Graeco-Roman novel genre (Wills 1990; 1995). This sug- throne, when Esther herself would have been approximately
gestion does not rule out a didactic purpose or a historical 60 years old (1:6). The problem may be resolved in several
kernel, but does emphasize the imaginative and entertaining ways. Perhaps the one exiled was not Mordecai but Kish, his
aspects ofthe book, including its fanciful setting, adventurous great-grandfather (cf NRSV translation of MT Esth 2:6).
tone, and detailed portrayal of its central figures (Wills 1995: Alternatively, the text may have disregarded historical accur-
i). Day's (1995: 215-22) study, which focuses on the character- acy in order to connect this story to the larger biblical frame-
ization of Esther in MT, LXX, and AT, argues that there is not work of exile and redemption. Similar 'errors' occur in other
enough direct correspondence between these Esthers and the Jewish novels from this period, as in Jdt 1:1, in which Neb-
heroines of Greek novels to conclude that LXX and AT were uchadnezzar is described as the ruler of Assyria based in
intended as explicit reworkings of their Hebrew prototypes Nineveh.
towards the Greek novel genre. This lengthy and detailed introduction to Mordecai serves
two purposes. First, it impresses upon the reader his import-
F. Procedure in the Commentary. 1. This commentary will ance, both as a character in the story and as a player in the
focus on LXX Esther, which is the basis ofthe NRSV transla- king's court. Here is a Jew who spends much time in contact
tion. The attempt will be made to see it in its own terms, as a with Gentile royalty and officialdom. Second, it indicates that
text which is coherent in and of itself. Some comparative he had previously experienced suffering at the hands of Gen-
comments will be made throughout, however, both with re- tile kings, having been exiled from the land of Israel to Baby-
spect to the AT and, more frequently, with respect to the MT. lonia. The story therefore immediately raises the question of
Relatively greater attention will be paid to the Additions, but Gentile—Jewish relations and evokes the historical tensions in
the material which parallels the MT will also receive com- that relationship.
ment. In keeping with the judgement that LXX Esther is a It is this information, then, that we carry into our reading of
novel, the primary emphases in the commentary will be upon Mordecai's dream. In images similar to the prophecies against
the development of plot and character. The Additions will be the Gentiles in Joel 3:2, Zeph 1:15, and Zech 14:2 (Moore 1977:
referred to by letter (Additions A to F), but the chapter and 180), this dream describes a battle between two dragons, and
verse designations ofthe NRSV, which are based on Jerome's the persecution of 'the righteous nation' at the hands of 'the
 645 ESTHER GREEK
nations'. When the righteous nation calls for help, however, (edokeri) Haman to Mordecai as part of his reward for reveal-
God intervenes. A great river springs forth, there is light, sun, ing the plot may intimate Mordecai's later replacement of
and the exaltation of the lowly who devour those held in Haman as the king's right-hand man (AT 8:52; cf. NRSV
honour. Mordecai realizes that this dream is a foretelling of 8:15:10:3).
God's plan, and he continues to ponder it after he awakes. Setting the Stage (1:1-3:13) After these prefatory incidents,
The dream provides an interpretative framework for the LXX Esther begins with the story proper, paralleling the open-
book which it introduces, encouraging us to see it as an ing episodes of MT Esther. The setting is Susa, the capital of
apocalyptic battle in which the Gentiles' attempt to destroy the Persian empire, in the third year of Artaxerxes' reign, that
the Jews will be thwarted by God, resulting in salvation and is, one year after the dream recounted in Addition A. The
the reversal of the status quo in which the Jewish nation is in a king's lengthy and decadent drinking party is described in
subordinate position to others. The broad context of danger lavish detail (1:1—8), with brief mention of the drinking party
and salvation is provided not only by the reference to the that Queen Vashti holds in the king's palace for her friends
Babylonian Exile, but also by the date of Mordecai's dream, (1:9). Vashti's refusal to answer the king's call to display her
namely, the first of Nisan. The main event of this month in the beauty before his guests leads in this version, as in the MT, to a
Jewish calendar is the festival of Passover, which celebrates lengthy and farcical flurry concerning the potential threat that
God's incursion into history to redeem the Israelites from her insolence poses to family harmony and male authority
slavery in Egypt. The Exodus is traditionally seen both as the throughout the kingdom (1:16-22). Only by banishing Vashti
finest example of God's providential care for Israel and as and issuing a solemn declaration ordering women to obey
the prototype of future salvation. The allusion to the Exodus their husbands can the king alleviate this threat.
is strengthened by the reference to Israel's outcry (11:10), But whereas the Ahasuerus of the MT later remembered,
which calls God into action in Mordecai's dream as it does in and perhaps regretted, Vashti's fate (2:1; for the rabbis' views
Ex 3:7 (cf. also Jdt 4:9). Finally, the dream, which is similar to on the king's remorse see Esther Rab. 5:2), the Artaxerxes of
other late biblical dreams such as Dan 2:19, readjusts the the LXX forgets about her, and, as in MT, proceeds to choose
focus of the story from that of conflict between Haman and her successor by means of a contest among the eligible young
Mordecai, or between Haman and the Jews, or between the women in the kingdom (2:2-5). Mordecai is reintroduced by
Jews and their enemies, to a wider focus, namely, a cosmic his lineage and personal history as a captive of Nebuchadnez-
conflict between Israel, which is God's righteous nation, and zar, but the narrative focus shifts quickly to Esther, Mordecai's
the rest of humankind (Clines 1984: 171-2). beautiful niece and foster-child. Esther immediately begins
(12:1-6) The Eunuchs' Plan The transition to the second the elaborate and lengthy preparations which will result in her
episode is abrupt. Mordecai overhears two of Artaxerxes' eu- selection as the new queen. Throughout this process Esther
nuchs plotting to lay hands on the king; they confirm their remains silent about her Jewish identity, as instructed by
plan to him, and he informs the king, who cross-examines the Mordecai (2:10). Her selection as queen is celebrated by the
eunuchs, extracts a confession, and then executes them. Mor- remission of taxes, and predictably, by a lengthy banquet
decai is rewarded by the king and given a position in the royal reminiscent of the feast which had led to the banishment of
court. The entire event is then portrayed as the cause of Esther's predecessor.
Haman's grudge against Mordecai. The episode therefore Three discrepancies between MT and LXX Esther may be
introduces Haman as Mordecai's adversary and provides a mentioned briefly. According to Moore (1977: 186), the trans-
rationale for his hatred as well as for Mordecai's position as lator failed to see the three phrases in MT 2:1 ('he remembered
a courtier, essential for the rest of the story. Vashti', 'what she had done', and 'what had been decreed
In doing so, however, the episode also differs from MT against her') as parallel to one another, and instead thought
Esther as well as from the LXX story itself as it develops in the latter two to be explanations of the first, concluding there-
subsequent chapters. Puzzling is the designation of Haman fore that the king remembered Vashti herself no longer. A
as bougaios (Bougean), a term repeated in 3:1 but completely second difficulty occurs in 2:7. According to the MT, Mordecai
distinct from the MT identification of Haman as an Agagite. took E sther to be his daughter, a more reasonable statement in
Also unclear is the precise nature of Mordecai's position in the light of the narrative context than the LXX's assertion that he
royal court. Is he a courtier before the story begins, as the first took her as a wife. In this case too Moore (ibid.) posits the LXX
episode (11:3) might imply, or does he become so only in this translator's misreading of the Hebrew consonants (bt), which
episode (12:5)? Furthermore, the incident contradicts 3:3—6, are the same for 'daughter' as for 'house'. A third discrepancy,
which attributes Haman's hatred to Mordecai's refusal to bow concerning the length and timing of each candidate's 'audi-
down. Finally, what is the connection between this episode ence' (or audition) with the king, does not permit a similar
and the dream? Though the AT 1:11 claims that the eunuchs' solution. Whereas both the MTand the AT describe the young
plot makes plain to Mordecai the significance of his dream, its woman as spending the night with the king, that is, from the
full meaning will become clear only as the book proceeds, to evening (MT: 'ereb; AT: hespera) of one day to the morning
be confirmed in Addition F with which the narrative con- (MT: boqer, AT: proi) of the next, the LXX uses less specific
cludes. Nevertheless, the AT 1:18 version of this episode may temporal designations that may imply that she spent from the
foreshadow the plot structure of the story as a whole, by afternoon (deile) of one day to some unspecified time the
referring to the hatred of Haman and his desire to take re- following day (hemera) (2:14). From this language Day (1995:
venge on Mordecai and his people (cf. 12:6). Similarly, the 42-3) concludes that the choice of queen was made on more
otherwise curious comment in AT 11:17 that the king 'gave' than sexual ability, since the longer time together would have
ESTHER GREEK 646

included meals, conversation, evening's entertainment, pos- to his benefit. Of even greater benefit, perhaps, are the ten
sibly a palace tour in addition to a sexual encounter at night. thousand talents of silver which Haman offers to the king's
This suggestion seems highly speculative, however, given the treasury. Although the king's comment: 'Keep the money'
indeterminate meaning of the Greek terms and the question- might be taken to imply altruism, it is not in fact a refusal of
able assumption that the king's sexual activity was limited to the money but rather has the force of 'if you really want to
the nocturnal hours. spend your money that way, be my guest' (Moore 1977: 189).
Whether or not other activities took place, it is clear from The king takes the bait and gives his signet ring to Haman,
the processes of preparation and selection that the main authorizing him to do whatever he wished with 'that nation'
criteria for the king's choice were beauty and sexual satisfac- (3:10-11).
tion. Hence Esther's success emphasizes not only her beauty
but also the fact that she had sexual relations with a Gentile Addition B (13:1-7): The King's Edict against the Jews
king. Both of these points will be addressed later on in the
story (Addition C). Addition B purports to be the letter sent throughout the king-
This section also introduces a narrative thread concerning dom to put Haman's plan into place. Though broadcast in the
the relationship between Mordecai and Esther. From the be- king's name, the context, particularly 3:12, makes it clear that
ginning of Addition A, it is clear that Mordecai, as Esther's the letter has been written by the king's secretaries in accord-
elder and a man, dominates this relationship, a position that is ance with Haman's instructions. The letter features three
reinforced by his role as her guardian, her obedience to his main themes: first, the ostensible desire of the king to restore
command not to reveal her people or her country (2:10), and peace and tranquility to the land (v. 2), second, the aggrand-
his monitoring of her welfare in the courtyard of the harem izement of Haman, the king's second in command who
(2:11). Her ascension to the throne, however, is a potential through his superior judg