THE STORY OF THE

BRITISH NAVY
THE STORY OF THE
BRITISH NAVY
BY
HAROLD F. B. WHEELER
F.R.Hist.S.
FOUNDER OF "HISTORY"
AUTHOR OF "STIRRING DEEDS OF BRITAIN'S "
SF.A-DOGS ETC.

ILLUSTRATED IN COLOUR BY
ELLIS SILAS

NEW YORK
ROBERT M. McBRIDE & COMPANY
1922
Printed in Great Britain
 TO MY NEPHEWS
JAMES ALICK & WILLIAM HAROLD
A TRIBUTE OF AFFECTION

Printed in Great Britain at Tkt Campfiel

 Foreword
are few stories that bear retelling so
often as the subject of this volume. The
THERE youthful scholar who wrote that the British
Isles were lumps of land surrounded by the Navy was

undoubtedly wrong in letterbut equally right in spirit.

During the World War the long and critical submarine
campaign made us remember when little else was
stirring at sea that somebody somewhere was com-
bating the menace with something. In the Court of
Last Resort it was felt that the essential Front was
the North Sea. Though the whole of the Continent
went to Germany and perdition, the " lumps of land
"

would remain inviolate, provided they were "surrounded

by the Navy." The first man and the last unit who
fought in France, in Belgium, in Italy, in Gallipoli,
in Eastern Europe, in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, in

Africa, in Palestine, in the islands of the Pacific, did

so by the grace of the British Navy. That good grace
isthe priceless heritage of centuries, to be treasured
from generation to generation and passed on untar-
nished and unimpaired.
The and complete story has never been told.
full

be told. The theme is too vast, and in

It never will
some phases too controversial, for an individual to
grasp even in a lengthy lifetime, though the compiler
be gifted with the memory of a Macaulay, the energy
5
 The Story of the British Navy
of a Wells, and the winged pen of a Hardy. Many
and valuable attempts have been made to resurrect
the squadrons of yesteryear, to catch the spirit of the
men who made them, and worked them, and some-
times perished with them to conjure up the romance,
;

the agony and bloody sweat sacrificed on the altar

"
of Sea-Power but; the half was not told." All the
following pages can hope to do is to indicate in outline
the more important phases of a varied and fascinating
"
subject, lest we forget."
It is a matter of common knowledge that one of the
compensations of memory is its inability to recollect
the unpleasant with so keen an intensity as the
pleasurable. Perhaps that is why we fail to learn
so many of the lessons of history. We buy our
experience in a dear market and then cut our losses.
There is a school of philosophy which believes that all
thoughts of the travail of national and international
upheaval are best relegated to limbo with the events
that occasioned them. If the war that was to end
war had accomplished its idealistic mission the theory
would need no refutation. As it did nothing of the
kind we cannot beat our swords into ploughshares.
One of the practical results of the conflict of 1914-18
isa further stage in the evolution of fighting-ships
and weapons with the idea of making them more
deadly. The weight of a single shell from a 13'5-inch
gun Jutland was more than the weight of a
fired at
broadside from the Victory at Trafalgar the United ;

States Navy has now 16-inch guns in vessels embodying

6
 Foreword
the lessons of the former battle, and 20-inch guns are
in contemplation. The Dreadnought, the wonder-ship
of the world in 1906, was consigned to the scrap-
heap in 1921. In the latter year one firm purchased
no fewer than 113 obsolete vessels of the Navy,
including five battleships and half a dozen cruisers.
However useful conferences on disarmament may be,
they can no more preclude war than Scotland Yard
can exorcize crime.
While the Navy has the simplicity of aim which
still

has always characterized it, the means toward that

end have become more and more complex with the
passing of time. Ships of the viking type could fight
singly or in numbers ; to-day the maritime machine
is a veritable House that Jack Built. First is the

battleship, the heavy father of the Fleet. The battle-

cruiser is its more athletic brother, capable of appearing
on the scene of action quicker and putting up a stiff
fight until the arrival of the battleship, as was the
case at Jutland. Its gun-power is less and its carcass
more vulnerable, the idea of its instigator being that
"
speed is armour." Armoured and protected cruisers
are the policemen of the ocean highways. They
perform all manner of useful jobs. In addition to
superintending traffic which implies the safety of
floating commerce of their own country and the

arresting of that of the enemy they scout for infor-

mation, support the light cruisers and destroyers
which spy nearer the hostile coast, attack transports
should opportunity serve, and form an excellent third
7
 The Story of the British Navy
line of defence. Destroyers are the cavalry of the
seas, guarding the larger ships and delivering swift
hussar-strokes with torpedoes and guns. As an anti-
dote to the submarine, seeking whom it may devour,
they are excellent. Other enemies of the latter are
the various types of aircraft, with their inestimable
advantage of being able to see below the surface to a
considerable depth. The auxiliaries of the Fleet in-
clude mine-layers and mine-sweepers, coastal motor-
boats and repair-ships, seaplane-carriers and tankers,
store-ships and floating hospitals. It is a clear case
of much wants more.
"
The " sea affair of 1914-18 was an eye-opener
in many ways. At Jutland the tactics of enemy
destroyers rendered it necessary for the British Fleet
to make alterations of course, involving loss of range
and the escape of the Germans to their home ports.
On the other hand, one battleship, the Marlborough,
which remained in line, alone was hit by a torpedo.
Only a dozen torpedoes in all were fired by British
capital ships and battle-cruisers. The fight proved
the superiority of gunfire over every other method
of destruction. During the whole of the war only
one British battleship, the Audacious, was sunk by a
mine.
When hostilities ended in 1918 stocktaking began.
Was the battleship to maintain its premier position,
or had been usurped by aircraft or the submarine ?
it

There was a battle royal in the newspapers and

lengthy discussions in the clubs. Eminent authorities
8
 Foreword
differed. remained for the First Lord to clear the
It

atmosphere. He attempted to do so in introducing

the Navy Estimates in 1920, when he stated that in
"
the opinion of the Naval Staff the capital ship
remains the unit on which sea-power is built up. So
far from the war having shown that the capital
late

ship is doomed, it has, on the contrary, proved the

necessity for the type. On the German side the whole
of the submarine campaign against merchant vessels
was up on the power of the High Sea Fleet. On
built
the British side the enemy submarines in no way
interfered with the movements of capital ships in

carrying out operations ; destroyer screens, new

methods of and altered tactical movements
attack,
defeated the submarine. Nor at present could
. . .

the Board of Admiralty subscribe to the statement

that aircraft have doomed the capital ship. Aircraft
are certainly of the highest importance in naval
tactics, as regards reconnaissance, torpedo attacks,
and artillery observation, but their
present rdle in
circumstances that of an auxiliary and not of a
is

substitute for the capital ship." At the same time

Mr Walter (now Lord) Long added that "It is even
possible that the present battleship will change to one
of a semi-submersible type or even of a flying type,
but such types are visions of the far future, not
practical propositions of the moment."
Despite the opinion of the Naval Staff, in 1921 a
sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence
was formed to go into the question. It was not a
 The
Story of the British Navy
particularly polite way on the part of the Government
of showing its faith in its own experts. Before the
Great War Admiral Percy Scott had emphasized
Sir
the belief that the submarine dominated the battle-
ship, and, after refusing to become a member of the
new court of inquiry, summed up the situation from
his own point of view by saying that he was quite
sure that the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty
"
never get the battleships in again." The result
will
of the conference was in favour of the existing capital

ship.
In referring to this decision in the House of Com-
mons, the Parliamentary Secretary of the Admiralty
also remarked on aircraft, stating that they were
much more dangerous to submarines than to battle-
cruisers and smaller fry. He instanced the case
of the Goeben, which was subjected to attack from
the air for five days as she lay ashore after striking
a mine. Although fifteen and a half tons of explo-
sives were dropped, she was hit only once, the damage
being light.
In commenting on this Sir Percy Scott pointed out
"
that The public are not reminded of the fact that
this happened about five years ago, when we had no
suitable bombs, and no torpedo-planes for attacking

ships. The bombs used to attack the Goeben weighed

about 40 Ib. to 100 Ib. Mr Holt Thomas tells us that
to-day we would use bombs of one ton each what ;

will they be in three years when our battleships are

built ? It is the undeveloped future that we have
10
 Foreword
to think about." In July 1921 fifteen aeroplanes of
the United States Service attempted to drop fifty-
two bombs on the former German Dreadnought the
Ostfriesland. Thirteen bombs, weighing 600 Ib. each,
fell on the target without doing appreciable damage.

Three direct hits with 1,000-lb. bombs sent her to the

bottom. As the battleship was merely floating on a
calm sea at the time, the test can scarcely be regarded
as conclusive. A similar verdict must be given in the
case of the raids made twelve months later on the
wireless-controlled but defenceless Agamemnon, though
the novel method of operating the obsolete battleship
furnished a vista of amazing possibilities.
Important experiments have also been made with
torpedo-carrying aircraft and in methods of attack
by torpedoes governed by wireless from the land and
the air. Had hostilities lasted another few weeks an
aerial attack on the warships in the Kiel Canal would
have been undertaken.
The submarine is still something of an unknown
quantity in marine warfare. It played no important
part in any action in the North Sea. In March 1920
M3. carrying a 12-inch gun housed in an armoured
compartment forward of the conning-tower, success-
fully completed her steaming and diving tests. When
it is recollected that the biggest gun on the earlier

Dreadnoughts was of similar calibre, the advance

made in this type of vessel may be appreciated. In
1914 a 14-pdr. was considered ample armament for
surface work. Perhaps the ultimate solution will be
11
 The Story of the British Navy
a craft capable of floating on, under, and above the
sea.
Of the large number of volumes consulted during
the writing of the following pages, I am under special
obligation to the standard works of Nicolas, Jane,
Clowes, Hannay, Corbett, Colomb, Mahan, and Thurs-
ton, in addition to the publications of the Navy Records
Society. Wheneverpossible I have used official dis-
patches or the words of eyewitnesses in preference to
a second-hand version of events. I am particularly
indebted to a number of officers and men who fought
at sea in the Great War for valuable information
detailed in the concluding chapters. The latter, con-
siderably revised, are reprinted from two of my naval
books now unobtainable.
HAROLD F. B. WHEELER

12
 Contents
CHAPTER PAQK
FOREWORD 5
I. OUR FIRST WAR FLEET 17
II. THE COMING OF DUKE WILLIAM 28
III. AT SEA WITH THE CRUSADERS 35
IV. A GOOD WORD FOR KING JOHN 44
V. THE AGE OF DISCOVERY 61
r
VI. DEVELOPMENT AND DECAY 71
VII. IN ELIZABETH'S SPACIOUS DAYS 77
VIII. THE MENACE OF THE ARMADA 87
IX. FIGHTING SPAIN IN THE CHANNEL 95
X. THE FLIGHT OF THE ARMADA 102
XI. FROM COMMONWEALTH TO REVOLUTION 111
XII. WHEN DUTCH WILLIAM REIGNED 122
XIII. BOOM-BREAKING AT VIGO 129
XIV. A CENTURY OF EMPIRE 135
XV. ANSON GOES ROUND THE WORLD 144
XVI. WITH HAWKE AT QUIBERON 153
XVII. BRITAIN LOSES AN EMPIRE 164
XVIII. THE GLORIOUS FIRST OF JUNE, 1794 169
XIX. A TRUANT'S FIGHT ON ST VALENTINE'S
DAY, 1797 185
XX. CAMPERDOWN AND THE NILE 206
XXI. How NELSON TAUGHT THE DANES A
LESSON 214
18
 The Story of the British Navy
CHAPTER PAGE
XXII. TRAFALGAR 221
XXIII. THE COMING OF STEAM AND IRON 230
XXIV. THE BATTLE OF HELIGOLAND BIGHT 251
XXV. THE FORLORN HOPE OF CORONEL 265
XXVI. STURDEE'S TRIUMPH AT THE FALK-
LANDS 281
XXVII. COMMERCE-DESTROYING ON THE HIGH
SEAS 294
" "
XXVIII. ROUNDING UP THE EMDEN 308
XXIX. FIGHTING LAND-BATTLES AT SEA 324
XXX. THE SHAMBLES OF GALLIPOLI 337
XXXI. THE BATTLE OF THE DOGGER BANK 344
XXXII. THE DAY AT JUTLAND
' '
360
XXXIII. WAR IN THE UNDERSEAS 372
INDEX 379

14
 Illustrations
PAOR
" "
THE QUEEN ELIZABETH Frontispiece
Battle-cruiser. Completed 1914. Tonnage, 27,500.
Armament :
eight 15-inch, sixteen 6-inch, twelve
12-pdrs. Speed, 25 knots.
"
THE MATTHEW," OF BRISTOL 68
A ship of under 100 tons, in which John Cabot and
eighteen hands sailed in 1497 under the auspices of
Henry VII. Seeking to find the North- West Passage
to India, Cabot discovered Newfoundland.

THE "HENRI GRACE A DIEU" 74

r Laid down at Erith 1512, and completed in 1515.
Displacement probably about 1,000 tons. Armament,
twenty -one heavy brass guns and smaller weapons.
THE "REVENGE" 108
Drake's flagship in the attack on the Armada, 1588.
Built 1577. Displacement, 500 tons. Armament,
forty-six guns. Sunk at sea 1591.
"
THE ROYAL CHARLES" 120
Originally the Naseby. Built 1655. Displacement,
1,229 tons. Armament, eighty guns. Taken prize by
the Dutch, 1667.
" "
THE VICTORY 146
Nelson's flagship at Trafalgar, 1805. Launched at
Chatham 1765. Displacement, 2,162 tons. Armament,
a hundred and four guns.

A WOODEN PADDLE-WHEEL FRIGATE, c. 1855 186

Speed about ll knots. The fastest of these vessels
were the Ariadne and the Orlando, both of which
attained a speed of 13 knots.

THE "WARRIOR" 200

Britain's ironclad ship.
first Launched in 1860.
Displacement, 9,210 tons. Thickness of armour, used
in central part only, 4j-inch. Main armament,
twenty-six 68-pdrs. Speed, 12 knots.
15
 The Story of the British Navy FAGB
THE "MONARCH" 220
Turret battleship. Launched 1869. Displacement,
8,320 tons. Armament, four 25-ton 12-inch guns and
lighter weapons. Speed about 15 knots.
** "
THE INFLEXIBLE IN EGYPTIAN WATERS 242
Turret battleship. Launched at Portsmouth 1876.
Displacement, 11,880 tons. Armament, four 80-ton
16-inch guns. Speed, 12J knots. Citadel armoured
with 24-inch iron.
" "
THE BENBOW AT BATTLE PRACTICE 246
' '
Ironclad of the Admiral class. Built 1885. Dis-
placement, 10,600 tons. Armament, two 110-ton
16.5-inch guns and thirty-six smaller weapons.
"
THE POWERFUL" IN TABLE BAY, 1899, DURING
THE BOER WAR 254
First-class protected cruiser. Launched 1895. Dis-
placement, 14,200 tons. Armament, two 20-ton guns
and smaller weapons. Speed, 21.8 knots.
" "
THE DREADNOUGHT OFF THE TYNE 278
The British all-big-gun battleship.
first Completed
1906. Tonnage, 17,900. Armament, ten 12-inch guns
and twenty-four 12-pdrs. Speed, 21 knots.
" "
THE KIBBLE 314
Destroyer of the E These vessels vary in dis-
Class.
placement from 530 to 650 tons, and were built
between 1903 and 1908. Armament, four 12-pdrs.
and two 18-inch torpedo-tubes. Speed, 25 knots.

THE "LION" COMING INTO ACTION AT JUTLAND 350

Battle-cruiser. Completed 1912. Tonnage, 26,350.
Armament, eight 13.5-inch anil sixteen 4-inch guns.
Speed, 31 knots.

A SUBMARINE OF THE E CLASS, WITH DEPOT

SHIP 870
This class was built between 1911 and 1913, and has
a displacement of 800 tons. Armament, two 3-inch
guns and four torpedo-tubes.

16
 The British Navy
CHAPTER I

Our First War Fleet

The sea is the life-blood of the nation.
BEATTY

legend nor fact suggests the name

and condition of the world's first navigator.
NEITHER Looking out from the tangle of a primeval
forest on a watercourse, or from the arid banks of the
Tigris or the Euphrates, he probably saw a substantial
branch drifting with the stream. Placing himself
astride it with the idea of crossing to the other side,
this Great Unknown made the pioneer essay in the
intricacies of seamanship.
To hollow a log as a means of security and of
comfort, to fix a stone beneath to give it stability, to
shape it so as to offer less resistance to the element
in which it floated, and to erect a sail of plaited rushes
may have taken many centuries of evolution. In these
mysteries of History we are perforce agnostic, though
perhaps our surmise may not be far wrong if we suggest
that a fish gave inspiration to the designer of the first
boat. If knowledge of yesterday and to-day abides in
the shades, the primitive shipbuilder has at least the
satisfaction that in shape his conception has been
little altered.
The hardy Norsemen set the fashion in craft for
Northern Europe at a period so far back that Clio
herself has forgotten. Even the Scandinavians, we
17
 The Story of the British Navy
are led to believe, had borrowed of the Phoenicians,
as the latter had done of the Egyptians. The con-
servatism of perhaps centuries before the dawn of
the Christian era remains imperturbable to-day. The
viking ship, little altered, is still to be seen in the
beautiful fjords of Norway. It may yet flaunt
"
Democracy and run before the wind into the red
surges of a burning world."
To the Northmen the sea was mainly a highway
for piracy and a route that enabled them to pillage
on land, though the adventurers by no means despised
' '
a deal when commerce was deemed more politic
than murder. Tradition and reason suggest that the
latter alternative was usually brought about by reason
of greater strength on the part of the people in
possession. It may have been the origin of Diplomacy.
Norwegians and Danes harried the shores of Western
Europe, England, Scotland, and Ireland to much
good measure, setting up Scandinavian kingdoms in
the Emerald Isle, the Hebrides, Man, and England.
Their captives they sold as slaves to the barbarians of
Russia, the gold and silver they kept for themselves,
thereby showing a shrewd distinction in values. The
Swedes confined their nefarious attentions mainly
to the Baltic coast, winning the esteem of those
outside that rugged littoral, and the entirely reasonable
hatred of those within.
How these hardy and intrepid mariners faced the
sea in their open boats, without chart or compass,
voyaging to Iceland, the North Polar regions, and
Greenland, and reaching America half a thousand
years before Columbus, remains their secret. The
narrow North Sea can be both ugly and angry on
occasion, still more so the broad Atlantic. By the
18
 Our First War Fleet
ninth century the vikings had visited Spain, raided
Seville, and made descents on Northern Africa. Two
hundred years later they had founded an empire in
Southern Italy and Sicily. Notwithstanding their
anything but peaceful penetration abroad, the Norse-
men developed a wonderful civilization at home,
though some of them worshipped Odin at Trondhjem
with much good heart after having received Christian
baptism elsewhere. They were artists in religion and
decoration, and art is usually regarded as a refinement.
It has been argued with much plausibility by
scientific men that the tonnage of Noah's ark was

nearly 15,000, and that instead of being built in the

shape of a Thames' barge with a row of cottages on
it, the vessel was entirely worthy of a shipwright.
However this may be, and accepting the traditional
date of the Flood, the contemporary Egyptians were
then using serviceable craft far removed from the
dug-out. Probably the first maritime route was the
Nile, navigated many a long year previous to the
twenty -eighth century before Christ, the date of the
earliest representation of a sea-going ship. As the
vessel shows Phoenician prisoners, it is evident that
voyages in the Eastern Mediterranean had already
been made. When Pharaoh's ships were laden with
cedar of Lebanon our own ancestors were living in
the Stone Age in lake-dwellings.
Long before the Exodus the Egyptians had engaged
in the Red Sea trade and indulged in expeditions to
the mysterious land of Punt usually identified with
Somaliland. Precious woods, resin of incense, ebony,
carved ivory set in gold, dog-eared apes, long-tailed
monkeys, leopard-skins, and natives comprised their
motley cargo on the return voyage. The ships of this
19
 The Story of the British Navy
period were rigged with a square sail, aided and abetted
by thirty rowers. The primitive paddle had then gone
out of fashion, and raised cabins fore and aft had
been introduced.
Phoenicians were well aware of some safe landing
in Cornwall, whence they secured tin, and it is
extremely likely that they also had commercial inter-
course with the south of Ireland. These merchant
mariners of the ancient world are said to have circum-
navigated Africa between 610 and 594 B.C., and
discovered a route to India. For tin, lead, wool, and
hides they bartered baubles, salt, and earthenware.
Frankly, the bargain seems to have been on their side.
These Tradesmen of the Levant preceded the first
visit of Caesar to Britain, in 55 B.C., before whose
coming the Veneti of ancient Gaul had established
excellent commercial relations with England. The
maritime ambitions of the islanders developed late
in the day. The Roman invader made no attempt
at occupation, and it was not until the coming of
Aulus Plautius in A.D. 48 that conquest was begun.
During the governorship of Agricola (78-84) the rule
of Rome was consolidated in England and Wales.
The Romans remained in occupation for over three
centuries, compelling the Britons to cease their too-
frequent inter-tribal wars and to abandon Druidism.
The incursion of the Saxons into the piracy business
toward the end of the third century led to the appoint-
ment of an official known as Count of the Saxon Shore,
who was provided with land, soldiers, and ships. His
jurisdiction extended from Norfolk to Sussex, and
apparently on the opposite side of the Channel. The
first holder of the title was Carausius, who seized the
naval station of Gesoriacum, and announced himself
20
 Our First War Fleet
as one of the emperors of Rome. His claim was
eventually acknowledged by Maximian and Diocletian.
Carausius remained in command of the sea, and there-
fore of Britain, until his assassination in 293. Note
the importance of the maritime factor.
When the Emperor Honorius evacuated the province
at the beginning of the fifth century the Picts and
"
Scots invaded from the North and North-west."
Such is the information vouchsafed by Gildas, a Welsh
monk and our sole contemporary authority. He adds
that in response to an appeal the Romans sent a legion
and drove the intruders back, that the same thing
happened a second time, but after the final withdrawal
of the soldiers the Picts from the north and the Irish
rovers called Scots renewed their unwelcomed atten-
tions. Help was sought from the Saxons really the
Jutes but after it had been given the friends turned
" "
enemies. Then," says the chronicler, was kindled
by the sacrilegious hands of the eastern folk a fire
which blazed from sea to sea, and sank not till its
red and cruel tongues were licking the western ocean."
Within the period A.D. 450-520 Angles, Saxons, and
Jutes were firmly established in Kent, the Isle of
Wight, Essex, Middlesex, Sussex, Wessex, Suffolk,
Norfolk, and on the north-eastern coast to the Firth of
Forth. The original home of all these foreigners was
the country we now call Denmark.
It was
in 787 or thereabouts that, in the quaint
"
language of an old annalist, first came three ships
of Norsemen from Haerethaland. . . . Those were
the ships of
first Danish men
that sought the land
of the English race." Apparently the writer was
under the impression that there was no difference
between Norsemen and Danes. There is little doubt,
21
 The Story of the British Navy
however, that the invaders were inhabitants of Norway
who had settled at Hardeland, in Jutland. Recording
their attack on Lindisfarne, off the Northumbrian
coast,Simeon of Durham writes as follows :

"
In the same year [793], of a truth, the pagans
from the northern region came with a naval armament
to Britain, like stinging hornets, and overran the
country in all directions, like fierce wolves, plundering,
tearing, and killing not only sheep and oxen, but
priests and Levites, and choirs of monks and nuns.
They came, as we said, to the church of
before
Lindisfarne, and waste with dreadful havoc,
laid all
trod with unhallowed feet the holy places, dug up
the altars, and carried off all the treasures of the holy
church. Some of the brethren they killed some they ;

carried off in chains many they cast out, naked

;

and loaded with insults some they drowned in the

;

sea. . . .

"
A.D. 794. The aforesaid pagans, ravaging the
harbour of King Ecgfrid, plundered the monastery at
the mouth of the river Don. 1 But St Cuthbert did
not allow them to depart unpunished for their chief ;

was there put to a cruel death by the Angles, and

a short time afterward a violent storm shattered,
destroyed, and broke up their vessels, and the sea
swallowed up very many of them some, however, ;

were cast ashore, and speedily slain without mercy :

and these things befell them justly, since

they heavily
injured those who had not injured them."
The first expedition of the Danes proper was in
834, when they ravaged Sussex. Their second visit
was made a couple of years later, when they went
further down the Channel and landed at Charmouth,
i
Really the Wear.
22
 Our First War Fleet
in Dorset. They met with a hostile reception, and
although victors, made no attempt to secure a footing.
In 838 another band of invaders was defeated at
Kingston Down. Two years intervened, and they
again attacked Dorset, Portland being the scene of
their depredations, followed in 841 by bloodshed at
Lindsey and on the East Anglian coast. Again and
again they disturbed the inhabitants of various
English towns, including London and Rochester. In
851, however, we read in the Chronicle that Aethelstan,
"
King of Kent, brought fourteen ships and slew a
great force at Sandwich in Kent, and took nine ships
and put the others to flight." This information is
interesting because it introduces sea-power in defence,
although in an extremely small way. Unfortunately
Aethelstan 's victory does not appear to have been
"
decisive, for we are told that the heathen men for
the first time took up their quarters over winter in
Thanet. And in the same year came three hundred
and fifty ships to the north of the Thames, and landed
and took Canterbury and London by storm, and put
to flight Beorhtwulf, King of the Mercians, with his
army, and then went south over the Thames into
Surrey, and there King Aethelwulf and his son
Aethelbald, with the army of the West Saxons, fought
against them at Aclea, and there made the greatest
slaughter among the heathen army that we have
heard tell of until this present day, and there gained
the victory."
These predatory expeditions continued on and off
until 866, when Aethelred I was King of Wessex.
That year witnessed an invasion of East Anglia by
the Danes, who wintered there and afterward marched
on Northumbria, seizing York. Mercia was the next
23
 The Story of the British Navy
scene of their operations, followed by a further attack
on Northumbria, East Anglia, and Essex. After con-
testing Wessex at Reading, the Danes were worsted
at Ashdown by Aethelred and his brother Alfred.
Two further battles ensued, in both of which the
foreigners were victorious, despite severe losses. The
last-mentioned conflicts took place in 871, the year
in which Alfred, who is usually regarded as the founder
of the British Navy, became king.
His reign did not open auspiciously, for he was again
defeated at Wilton, in Wiltshire. From the fact that
they were willing to withdraw from Wessex on payment
by Alfred of a subsidy, one must surmise that although
the Danes had secured a series of victories they had
also paid dearly in dead and wounded. They sought
easier prey in Mercia, where they set up a thegn of their
own, and also consolidated their conquests in North-
umbria. This gave Alfred an opportunity to build a
number he discerned
of vessels for fighting purposes, for
that maritime power alone enabled the Danes and
other invaders to attack and secure a foothold in
England, and that attack at sea was the only way of
resisting the designs of future hordes. Whatever
former kings may have had of the nature of a fleet,
the foregoing record shows it to have been virtually
useless. Alfred doubtless copied the Danes in the
matter of shipbuilding indeed, he seems to have
;

improved on their models in certain particulars.

According to chroniclers, them had forty oars
some of
and upward, and probably a single sail. The Bang's
ships were divided into three squadrons, kept on the
east, west,and north coasts respectively, which was
admirable strategy.
By 875 Alfred had made excellent progress with
24
 Our First War Fleet
his fleet, for we are told in the Old English Chronicle
"
that in the summer, King Aelfred went out to sea
with a naval force, and fought against the crews of
seven ships, and took one of them, and put to flight
the others."
The peace which the King had bought in 871 was
broken five years later, but sea-power was still with
the Danes. With the assistance of Scandinavian
settlers or rovers from Ireland, they established them-
selves atWareham, on the Dorsetshire coast. From
thence some of them escaped to Exeter, and had it
not been that many of their ships were wrecked by
a storm reinforcements would have reached the Devon-
shire contingent. They were forced to capitulate, and
"
agreed to evacuate entirely Alfred's kingdom. The
"
naval force," says the historian, sailed west about ;
and then a great storm met them at sea, and there
perished a hundred and twenty ships at Swanwick.
And King Aelfred, with his force, rode after the
mounted army as far as Exeter, but could not over-
take them before they were in the fastness, where they
could not be come at. And they there gave him as
many hostages as he would have, and swore great oaths,
and then held good peace."
In 878, "after Twelfth Night," hostilities re-
commenced, the Danes taking up a position at
Chippenham and fortifying it, while their allies at sea
harried Devonshire with twenty-three ships. Some of
the English, dispirited by seemingly never-ending
"
warfare, deserted to the enemy. Alfred, with a little
"
band, withdrew to the woods and moor-fastnesses of
the Isle of Athelney, in Somersetshire. Here he is sup-
posed to have been roundly scolded by the neatherd's
wife for allowing her cakes to burn. In response
25
 The Story of the British Navy
"
to Alfred's message, Let every man who is not
"
worthless come he gathered sufficient forces to
!

attack the Danes at Edington (a place which has not

been identified with certainty) and completely defeated
them. In the subsequent treaty of Wedmore it was
agreed that Alfred should hold the southern half of
Mercia, Wessex, and Kent, while his former enemies
should retain possession of Northumbria, East Anglia,
and the northern half of Mercia.
Little is known of the vessels of the Anglo-Saxon
period. So far as we can ascertain they were similar
to the viking ships, with bows and sterns upturned
and ornamented, without a deck, having a solitary
mast with a square sail, an ample supply of oars, and
steered by a paddle fixed to the quarter. Probably
sixty men at most would constitute the crew. Alfred
introduced a type known as cescs, which are described
"
in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as full-nigh twice as
long as the others some had sixty oars, and some
;

had more they were both swifter and steadier, and

;

also higher than the others. They were shapen neither

like the Frisian nor the Danish but so as it seemed
;

to himself that they might be most useful."

As these long-ships were specially built for dealing
with his sea enemies, we may take it that they con-
stituted the first English war fleet. Appropriately
enough, after delivering himself of the above descrip-
tion, the ancient historian just quoted proceeds to
give a sample of their fighting qualities.
"
Then on a certain time," he writes, " in the same
year [897] there came six ships to Wight, and did
there much evil, both in Devon and elsewhere on the
seashore. Then the King commanded [his men] to go
thither with nine of the new ships and they blockaded
26
 Our First War Fleet
against them the mouth into the outer sea. They
then went with three ships out against them, and
three lay high up in the mouth, in the dry : the men
were gone off on shore. They then took two of the
three ships at the outward mouth, and slew the men,
and the one escaped, in which also the men were
killed, save five, who came away because the ships of
the others were aground. They were also aground
very inconveniently ; three were aground on the side
of the deep on which the Danish ships were aground,
and all the others on the other side, so that not one
of them could get to the others. But when the water
had ebbed many furlongs from the ships, then the
Danish went from the three ships to the other three
which had been left by the ebb on their side, and they
then fought there. There were slain Lucumon the
king's reeve, and Wulfhard the Frisian, and Aebbe
the Frisian, and Aethelhere the Frisian, and Aethel-
ferth the king's companion, and of all the men, Frisian
and English, sixty-two, and of the Danish a hundred
and twenty. But then the flood came to the Danish
ships before the Christians could shove theirs out ;

and they therefore rowed away out ; they were then

so damaged that they could not row round the South
Saxons' land, for there the sea cast two of them on
land, and the men were led to the king at Winchester,
and he commanded them to be there hanged ; and
the men who were in the one ship came to East Anglia
sorely wounded. In the same summer no less than
twenty ships, with men and everything, perished on
the south coast."

27
 CHAPTER II

The Coming of Duke William

Small measures produce only small results.
NELSON

notion that the proper way to use

a fleet was to take the offensive, to attack
ALFRED'Sthe enemy before he reached the shore, and to
patrol the coast, for which purpose it is said he
eventually succeeded in maintaining no fewer than
300 vessels, was followed by Edward the Elder,
Athelstan, and Edgar. The second became first king
of all England and the first English monarch to enter
into alliance with a foreign sovereign for warlike
purposes. William of Malmesbury is authority for the
information that Athelstan was presented by Harold,
King of Norway, with a ship worthy of so keen a
warrior. It had a purple sail and a prow of gold, while
shields of the same precious metal formed the bulwarks.
During the reign of Ethelred the Unready the Danes
again played havoc, and although defeated in an
attack on London, they subsequently committed
terrible destruction in West Kent, Devon, Somerset,

Hampshire, Wiltshire, and East Anglia. Three times

'
*
Ethelred bought off his enemies, and finally he made
a determined effort to put his navy on a firm footing.
For this purpose he levied the first tax ever raised
for the senior service, and when the boats were ready
stationed them at Sandwich. The crews of a score of
28
 The Coming of Duke William
ships were worked upon by Wulfnoth, father of Earl
Godwin, and threw in their lot with him and boldly
made off. Although eighty vessels were sent in chase
the weather favoured the enterprising traitor, for a
gale sprang up and dispersed the pursuers, driving many
ashore. Wulfnoth was evidently a more skilful seaman
than the commander of the King's squadron, for he
1

destroyed all the craft that did not sink. Ethelred,

unwilling to take further risks, returned to London,
to which place what remained of the shattered navy
was also taken. It is not surprising that the Danes
recommenced their plundering and burnings in East
Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, and Berkshire.
Swain, who had taken part in some of these predatory
expeditions, landed with his son Canute at Sandwich
in 1013. There is no need to follow his wanderings
in detail. The essential fact is that they ended with
his becoming king. On Swain's death Canute was
"
elected his successor by the fleet. In 1028, with fifty
ships of English thegns," aided by a Danish fleet which
brought up the number of his available vessels to
1,440, he sailed to Norway and conquered the country.
Nothing further of striking importance happened
on the sea until the early years of Edward the
Confessor's reign. In 1044, owing to information that
Magnus, King of Norway, entertained the idea of the
invasion of England, he concentrated a powerful
fleet at Sandwich. Nothing came of the threat, however,

although two or three years later a successful raid was

made on the port.
Probably the most popular fact of English history
"
is the chronological William the Conqueror, 1066-
"
1087 of childhood. The tremendous significance
of the first date is usually lost. The Duke of Normandy
29
 The Story of the British Navy
had a large army that was quite valueless
of itself
for other than Continental warfare. Backed by a
powerful fleet the land-force had far-reaching poten-
tialities. Harold knew that immense preparations
were being made in all the ports of Normandy, and
like a wise king prepared to resist the coming of his
rival. Sandwich again resounded to the tramp of
troops and the plash of oars, and for a time the King
made the place his headquarters. Whether he got tired
of waiting, as has been suggested, or allowed the crews
to return home on account of lack of provisions, is not
a matter of exact record. When historians disagree
Truth is shamed. Harold, says the compiler of the
"
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, then gathered so great a
naval force, and also a land-force, as no king here
in the land had before gathered because it had for
;

truth been said to him, that Count William of

Normandy, King Eadward's kinsman, would come
hither and subdue the land, all as it afterwards came
to pass. . Then came King Harold to Sandwich,
. .

and there awaited his fleet, because it was long before

it could be gathered. And when his fleet was gathered,

he went to Wight, and there lay all the summer and the
autumn ;and a land-force was kept everywhere by
the sea, though at the end it availed nought. When it
was the Nativity of St Mary [September 8th] the men's
provisions were gone, and no man could longer keep
him there. The men were then allowed to go home
and the King rode up, and the ships were driven to
London, and many perished before they came hither."
The vessels were ordered to London, where they
were least wanted. Many were lost on the way. Thus
a fine armament disappeared, and when William was
ready Harold was not. Another Harold Harold
30
 The Coming of Duke William
Hardrada of Norway assisted by the treachery of
the English King's unscrupulous brother Tostig, had
invaded the North, attacked Scarborough, sailed up
the Humber and the Ouse, and secured York. In the
battle that ensued at Stamford Bridge Harold
"
Godwineson was victorious. But," as Thierry says,
"
while these enemies were departing, never to return,
other enemies were approaching ; and the same breath
of wind that waved the victorious Saxon banners as in
triumph also filled the Norman sails, and wafted them
toward the coast of Sussex."
Bull, banner, and ring arrived from the Pope for
Duke William. The first excommunicated Harold ;
the second was blessed to bring good luck to the
expedition and to make of it something of the nature
of a crusade; the third was sent as evidence of personal
regard. At a great meeting held to consider the project,
to which most, if not all, of the bigwigs of Normandy
were invited, there were those who even in those days
were not afraid to speak their minds and to question
"
the advisability of the undertaking. We are not
bound to pay him an aid for any expedition beyond the
"
sea," they objected. He has burdened us too much
already by his wars : if he fail in his new expedition
"
our country is ruined." Others said that an adventure
beyond the ability of a Roman emperor could but result
in the destruction of their own beautiful Normandy."
The dissentients were in the majority, but William
interviewed them personally, with the almost in-
evitable result that they surrendered to his views,
and money poured into the ducal coffers and kind
into the ducal storehouses.
Then came much drum-beating for the army. Rich
booty was promised, a bishopric in England was
31
 The Story of the British Navy
mortgaged for a vessel and twenty men-at-arms ;

land, castles, and wives were freely distributed. The

scum of humanity drifted to the ports of Normandy,
where shipwrights, armourers, and smiths plied their
trades to the undoing of Albion. You can see them hard
at it in the Bayeux Tapestry. They, with adventurers
and honest men, were enlisted at good pay. Others
entered the ranks to save their souls by fighting
beneath the papal banner.
With his friends and relations Duke William fared
less well. Other men have had similar experience.
"
Like the guests invited to the great supper, they all
with one consent began to make excuse." King Philip,
assisted in his decision by his councillors, argued that
as William had never showed him particular respect
as Duke of Normandy he was scarcely likely to mend
his manners as King of England on the other hand
;

there was the likelihood that if he failed the victorious

nation would almost certainly become enemies of
France. He therefore preferred to have nothing to do
with the matter. William's brother-in-law, the Count
of Flanders, followed suit. A few princelings and knights
threw in their lot with him.
As the place of concentration for his fleet the Duke
fixed on the mouth of the river Dive, between the
Seine and the Orne. When the ships were all shepherded
they were sent to Saint-Valery, near Dieppe. In the
storm and rain that set in both soldiers and sailors
saw a portent of disaster. Some of the vessels foundered
with their crews. Dead men tell no tales, but corpses
are not conducive to optimism. The irreligious argued
that though the Pope had sent a banner God had sent
a contrary wind, and the latter was the more practical
of the two. The spiritually-minded thought only of the
32
 The Coming of Duke William
wrath of the Almighty and regarded the bad weather
as a specific warning not to interfere with one's neigh-
bours. A certain man coveted Naboth's vineyard,
and no good came of it. Wet without, the Duke gave
them wet within. He plied soldiers and sailors with
liquor, then went to church to pray for a change of
wind. His Pater nosters and Ave Marias remained
unanswered. The bones of St Valery, which ought
to have made their last journey long before, were
carted round the camp, and much precious metal
found its way to the shrine from whence the relics
had been removed. Good Catholics and bad were
appeased on the following day. The weather cleared,
and when the sun set in the crimson west the Duke
and his followers were at sea.
One alleged authority says the fleet was made up
of 3,000 sailing-ships, another reduces the number
to 400 large vessels and over 1,000 transports, a third
gives 1,000, a fourth 696. It was evidently a con-
siderable armament, for the men are supposed to have
totalled 60,000.
William's ship, the Mora presented to him by his
wife Matilda, it is said led the van. One can assume
from this that the picture of it on the Bayeux Tapestry
was probably worked by that fair lady's hand, it being
more or less generally agreed that she and her ladies
were responsible for that wonderful historical record.
The single mast, supporting a solitary striped sail,
had at its head a cross of gold, and a white banner
bordered in blue surrounding another gold cross,
doubtless the gift of Pope Alexander II. At the prow
was the carving of a lion's head, and at the stern that
of a boy blowing a horn and bearing a flag. Thirteen
shields lined the gunwale. In the needlework ships
33
 The Story of the British Navy
carrying from three to eight horses apiece are also
represented.
The Mora, being a fast sailer and probably better
"
handled, drew ahead of the fleet. I see nothing but
sea and sky," shouted a man who was sent to the
masthead on the following morning, whereupon the
Duke at once ordered the ship to anchor and food and
drink to be served. Later the look-out saw four vessels
"
coming toward them, and finally reported a forest
of masts and sails."
William appears to have made a precipitate landing
at Pevensey by stumbling against a pebble or rock
"
as he jumped overboard, and getting a ducking. By
God's splendour," he cried, not without a touch of
"
dramatic wit, I have seized England with my two
hands," while a soldier is alleged to have given him
a tuft of thatch from a hovel on the beach with the
"
remark, Sire, receive the seizin ;the country is
yours."
There was no resistance to the new-comer. He
"
literally burnt his boats behind him." There was to
be no turning back. Likewise for several years there
was to be no navy, for what remained of Harold's
ships had for the most part been taken to Ireland
by his sons Godwin and Edmund.

84
 CHAPTER III

At Sea with the Crusaders

The first article of an Englishman's creed must be that he
believeth in the sea. MARQUESS OF HALIFAX, 1649

having been treated to the indignity

had subjected England, though
to which he
A~iTER those who came in ships and plundered the
West Country were not so successful, and the Danes
who ravished the North were content to be bought off,
William I decided that the arm which had stood him
in such stead sadly needed resurrection. To what
extent he built ships we are unaware. All we know
is that he invaded Scotland by land and sea, crossed
the Channel, subdued Maine, failed in Brittany, and
brought back from the Continent a large army.
Moreover he levied danegeld for the purpose of placing
himself in a position to resist the threatened invasion
of the kings of Denmark and of Norway and the Count
of Flanders. Huge preparations were made by the
enemy, but, for whatever reason, they failed to mature.
Hastings, Sandwich, Dover, Romney, and Hythe,
to which were afterward added Winchelsea and Rye,
may well be regarded as the cradles of the Navy.
Some of them had already furnished men and ships
to Alfred and Edward the Confessor. The first five
were definitely established as the Cinque Ports in 1078,
and in return for providing William with ships were
granted certain privileges. For fifteen days in any
35
 The Story of the British Navy
one year they were bound to supply 1,197 men and
boys and fifty-seven ships at the expense of the towns.
If they were retained for a longer period the cost fell
on the king.
William's immediate successor does not appear to
have taken special interest in the fleet, though it is
on record that on one occasion, despite bad weather
and contrary wind, he insisted on putting to sea at
"
once. I never heard of a king that was shipwrecked,"
"
he told the sailors ;weigh anchor, and you will see
that the winds will be with us."
From a naval point of view Henry I began his reign
inauspiciously. Again invasion threatened, but instead
of awaiting the coming of the enemy in this case
his brother Robert, Duke of Normandy the King
pursued the proper course by ordering his fleet out to
intercept the oncoming squadrons. Evidently their
sense of loyalty to the new monarch was not markedly
developed, for many of the masters of vessels threw
in their lot with Robert, who landed at Portsmouth
and not at Pevensey, as had been anticipated. Although
Henry took no personal part in the attempt to rescue
the Holy Land from the hands of the infidels, Hardinge
of England arrived at Joppa with some 200 ships
when Jerusalem was besieged in 1107.
Thirteen years later there occurred one of the most
memorable of naval tragedies. Of all the stories in
English history beloved by schoolboys and retained
in after-life, that of the White Ship is assuredly one of
the outstanding favourites. According to Orderic
Vital, a contemporary, Thomas FitzStephen, as the
"
son of the man who conveyed your father to England
in his own ship, when he crossed the sea to make
war on Harold," approached Henry for the honour of
86
 At Sea with the Crusaders
furnishing him passage. This would lead one to infer
that the vessel used by William of Normandy was not
presented by Matilda, but the matter is not of
importance. Probably the elder seaman was the pilot,
and nothing more. Saying that he had already chosen
his vessel, Henry told Thomas that he could embark
Prince William on the Blanche Nef. In a spirit of
comradeship the young heir ordered wine to be given
out. Unfortunately for him, the crew failed to err on
the side of moderation. Late in getting under way,
"
Vital tells us, in his drunken folly, Thomas, confident
of his seamanship and the skill of his crew, rashly
boasted that he would soon leave behind him all the
ships that had started before them. At last he gave
the signal for departure ; the sailors seized the oars
without a moment's delay, and, unconscious of the
fate which was imminently impending, joyously handled
the ropes and sails, and made the ship rush through
the water at a great rate. But as the drunken rowers
exerted themselves to the utmost in pulling the oars,
and the luckless pilot steered at random and got the
ship out of its due course, the starboard bow of the
Blanche Nef struck violently on a huge rock, which
is left dry, every day, when the tide is out, and is

covered by the waves at high water. Two planks

having been shattered out by the crash, the ship,
alas 1 filled and went down. At this fearful moment,
the passengers and crew raised cries of distress, but
their mouths were soon stopped by the swelling waves,
and all perished together, except two who seized hold
of the yard from which the sail was set. . . .

"
Thomas, the master of this vessel, after his first
plunge into the sea, gained fresh energy, and, re-
covering his senses, raised his head above water, and
37
 The Story of the British Navy
perceiving the two men clinging to the yard-arm,
cried out : What has become of the King's son ?
' '

The shipwrecked men replied that he and all who

' '
were with him had perished. Then,' said he, it is
misery for me to live any longer.' Having said this,
he abandoned himself to his fate in utter despair,
preferring to meet it at once, rather than to face the
rage of the King in his indignation for the loss of his
children, or drag out his existence and expiate his
crime in a dungeon."
Stephen, while he invaded Normandy, was far too
busy with civil war for the greater part of his reign
to give much attention to the Navy. It is to the credit
of Henry II that he precluded the buying or selling
of English ships to foreigners, and seamen were not
to be induced to leave the country. With a fleet of
400 vessels he crossed to Ireland and conquered it.
What the passionate and persistent Henry had
contemplated doing in the matter of the Crusades
was reserved for Richard the Lion-hearted, who gave
immense impetus to the maritime power of England.
He not only made numerous rules and regulations for
the sea-service, but issued our earliest Articles of War.
The penalty for theft on the part of a sailor was tarring
and feathering, and being placed on shore in that
condition at the earliest opportunity. For striking a
man without wounding him so that blood flowed
the sentence was ducking thrice. The appearance of
gore cost the assailant a hand. Murder was punished
by the criminal being flung overboard bound to the
corpse. The stringency of these sentences is sufficient
to show that the mariners of the twelfth century were
rather an unruly class and given to quarrels among
themselves when enemies were not available.
38
 At Sea with the Crusaders
The galley was still the standard pattern of warship,
while busses with bulging sides like a wine-cask, and
probably a single mast, were used for the transport
of troops, munitions, and stores. Horses were conveyed
in flat-bottomed ships called vissers. Lightly built
snakes and small barges complete the list of types.
To folk who have lived in the era of the Dreadnought,
the Hood, and the submarine mounting a 12-inch gun
Richard's craft are almost whimsically primitive.
Yet we must not boast too much of our vaunted
modernity. The flame-throwers and liquid fire, the
artificial smoke-clouds and poisonous gas of the Great
War were in use during the Crusades by Christian
and infidel alike.These refinements of cruelty were
less perfect in 1195 than in 1918, but they were equally
feared and possibly even more effective.
Liquid fire was the invention of Callinicus, of Helio-
polis, about the seventh century. When the secret
of its composition leaked out it was referred to as
Greek fire. Its exact ingredients are unknown to-day,
but it is believed that pitch, sulphur, and naphtha
were included. Poured through a tube like water
through a garden-hose, it ignited on exposure to the
air, and nothing could extinguish it but vinegar or
sand. The flame made a deep roar, dense smoke, and
an appalling stink. Rags or tow soaked in the mixture
were affixed to arrows. When, in the middle of the
thirteenth century, Louis IX undertook an expedition
to Egypt, the natives treated the army to a dose
"
of this medicine with great effect. The fire which
"
they cast was as large as a tun," we are told, with
a.long burning tail ; its noise in the air was like thunder,
and it seemed a flying dragon. The light it gave was
so great, that I could see throughout the camp as
39
 The Story of the British Navy
clearly as inopen day. It consumed any inflammable
body on which it fell, without a possibility of its being
extinguished." Fireworks made of the same stuff were
called serpents.
From a maritime point of view the Crusades are
particularly interesting, because so far as is known
no English ship had hitherto penetrated the Medi-
terranean. It is not surprising that in this pioneer
some of them came to grief. The King and a
effort
number of his followers sailed from Dover in December
1189, and, landing at Calais, proceeded to Marseilles
by the overland route. The fleet concentrated at
Dartmouth under the command of Gerard, Archbishop
of Aix, Bernard,Bishop of Bayonne, Robert de Sabloil,
Richard de Camville, who was an English baron, and
William de Fortz of Oleron, and sailed at the end of the
following April. Even allowing for calls and waiting
for stragglers, the voyage to Marseilles took a long time,
for it was not until August 22nd that 106 large ships
put in at that port. Richard, tired of waiting, had gone
on in a chartered galley called the Pumbo, and meeting
the fleet at Scylla, proceeded to Messina. Here many
galleys were found to be sadly in need of repair, and an
additional force of thirty busses arrived from England.
The Itinerarium, usually attributed to Geoffrey of
Vinsauf but probably the work of Richard, Canon and
,

Prior of Holy Trinity, London, gives a vivid word-

picture of the scene.
"
As soon as the people heard of his arrival," it
"
notes, they rushed in crowds to the shore to behold
the glorious King of England, and at a distance saw the
sea covered with innumerable galleys, and the sound
of trumpets from afar, with the sharper and shriller
blasts of clarions, resounded in their ears and they
;

40
 At Sea with the Crusaders
beheld the galleys rowing in order nearer to the land,
adorned and furnished with all manner of arms, count-
less pennons floating in the wind, ensigns at the ends
of the lances, the beaks of the galleys distinguished
by various paintings, and glittering shields suspended
to the prows. ..."
When the fleet left Messina in April 1191 its strength
had reached over 200 vessels of various kinds, several
of which foundered in a storm a few days later. The
ship conveying the King's sister Joanna and the
beautiful Berengaria of Navarre, to whom Richard
was betrothed, got separated from the others. On
nearing Cyprus the commander determined to call
to makeinquiries. On the ladies being asked to land,
he noticed that armed galleys were being made ready,
and suspecting treachery, again put to sea. When
Richard was informed of these proceedings, and in
addition was told that the survivors of three of his
ships which had been wrecked had been scurvily
treated by Isaac, the ruler of the island, he was
exceeding wrath. With some 3,000 men in galleys
and snakes he landed at Lymesol and captured the
place. As part of the price of peace Isaac agreed to
serve under Richard in the Holy War with 500 knights
and to pay 20,000 gold marks. Isaac broke the com-
pact and, escaping from prison, sought refuge in the
interior. The fleet was immediately ordered to patrol
the island and capture every vessel sighted while the
army searched. Isaac surrendered, and Cyprus became
England's most distant possession.
Continuing its voyage eastward, the fleet had its
first sea-fight. So great was the enemy vessel that
"
Richard of Devizes refers to it as a ship than which,
"
except Noah's ship, none greater was ever read of !

41
 The Story of the British Navy
She was apparently a very large buss with three masts,
and among other weapons of destruction had a plentiful
supply of Greek fire. After promising his men that if
they captured her the booty on board should be theirs,
Richard attacked the vessel with much determination,
but owing to the height of her sides and the advantage
her crew possessed in being able to hurl missiles down
instead of up, the English seamen, finding they could
make no headway, began to slacken. " Know that
"
if this ship escape," Richard cried, every one of you
shall be hung on the cross or put to extreme torture."
At length some succeeded in clambering up her sides
and boarding her, only to be hurled back when it seemed
that she was on the point of surrendering. As a last
resort Richard ordered his galleys to ram. The iron
spurs fixed to the bows won the day. Plank after plank
was stove in, and " it sanke son in the se." The
contemporary statement that she had 1,500 Turks
on board cannot be other than a gross exaggeration,
though it is possible that she may have had several
hundred. All with the exception of fifty-five were killed,
drowned, or massacred.
Following the lines of Admiral Mahan, a fascinating
book might be written on the influence of religion on
commerce. The idea may seem to strike a jarring note,
but the two have been curiously intermixed at various
times. The Crusades gave a mighty impetus to English
shipbuilding, with the inevitable corollary of an
expansion of trade. Many of the Mediterranean war-
ships were provided with castles at bow and stern,
in addition to a fighting-top. A predecessor of Captain
Cuttle made a note of these features, which were
subsequently introduced into English vessels. During
this period there was virtually no distinction between
42
 At Sea with the Crusaders
the Mercantile Marine and the Navy proper. Each
fought in war and traded in peace. The armed auxi-
liaries of 1914-18 were merely reversions to type.
Note the track of Richard. An eastward-bound
P. & O. liner is following it as you read, penetrating
the Straits, skirting the Balearic Islands, putting in
at Marseilles, thence passing between Corsica and
Sardinia, and through the Straits of Messina that
wash the toe of Italy. The steamer will go direct to
Alexandria or Port Said. The Crusaders of yesteryear
steered a more northerly course, skirting the Grecian
side of Crete, and from thence to Rhodes and Acre.
The great commercial expansion that followed the
Crusades is told in a series of purple patches by
"
Matthew of Westminster. The Pisans, Genoese,
"
and Venetians," he tells us, supply England with the
Eastern gems, as saphires, emeralds, and carbuncles ;
from Asia was brought the rich silks and purples ; from
Africa the cinnamon and balm ; from Spain the kingdom
was enriched with gold ; with silVer from Germany ;
from Flanders came the rich materials for the garments
of the people ; while plentiful streams of wine flowed
from their own province of Gascoigny ;joined with
everything that was rich and pretious from every land,
wide stretching from the Hyades to the Arcturian Star."
Venice, however, was then the paramount sea-
Power of the world. Her citizens profited mightily
by Crusades and pilgrimages, exacting their pound
of flesh, starting trading-stations in the East, exporting
the religious, and importing Eastern products. Carrack
and caravel dominated the Adriatic, colonies came
into being in Crete, Cyprus, the Morea, and the ^Egean
islands. The Latin Empire of Constantinople was
founded with their help.
43
 CHAPTER IV
A Good Word for King John
Ifs half the battle gained to take the offensive.
FISHER

is perhaps the king for whom the average

reader entertains the least respect. His character
JOHN
"
summed
is up by a great modern historian as
tyrannical, treacherous, petulant, passionate, in-
famous in all his private relations, careless of all his
public duties." Yet it was during his reign that England
had her first really important victory at sea, and he
certainly increased the fleet.
In 1213 Philip Augustus of France was making
mighty preparations for the invasion of England.
Every acre of land in France that the Plantagenets
had formerly held had been torn from John, and as the
Pope had excommunicated him it was not surprising
that Philip believed the majority of the English king's
subjects would welcome relief from the hard taskmaster
who ruled them.
The situation was saved by the energy of William
of the Long Sword, Earl of Salisbury. Appreciating
that the coast of the enemy was the frontier of
England, and that the one who gets his blow in first
has done much to secure ultimate victory, he deter-
mined to surprise Philip's flotilla before it sailed.
He held no brief for the theory of stopping at home tc
resist attack, but was all for the offensive. What if
44
 A Good Word for
King John
theenemy did have three times the number of ships ?
To him it mattered provided he could
little slip across
the North Sea without being observed.
Philip's fleet said to have consisted of 1,700 vessels,
is

which is probably an exaggeration, while those at the

disposal of the English commander numbered some
500. The former were mostly anchored in the roadstead
of Damme, the seaport of Bruges, while others were
in the harbour, distributed along the coast, or pulled
up on the beach.
Many of the sailors were on shore, which is sufficient
to prove that the Earl had not been sighted while at
sea and the news of his approach conveyed to Philip's
commander. Those who were on board put up a good
fight, but did
itnot prevent William from capturing
300 vessels. Craft on shore were rifled of their contents
and set on fire. Proceeding to the harbour, William
led his men to attack the remaining ships. So great
was the onslaught that the French abandoned hope,
and jumping into the water, swam for safety out of the
reach of the English archers.
"
Those Frenchmen that were gone into the
"
country," Holinshed tells us, perceiving that their
enemies were come by the running away of the
mariners, returned with all speed to their ships to aid
their fellows, and so make valiant resistance for a time,
till the Englishmen, getting on land and ranging
themselves on either side of the haven, beat the
Frenchmen on both sides and the ships being grappled
;

together in front, they fought on the decks as it had

been in a pitched field, till that finally the Frenchmen
were not able to sustain the force of the Englishmen,
but were constrained, after long fighting and great
slaughter, to yield themselves prisoners."
45
 The Story of the British Navy
Damme was set but an attack on Bruges,
on fire,
which was made to secure further ships, was not
successful, and the naval victors were forced to retire
to their fleet, leaving 2,000 of their comrades dead.
The projected invasion never took place. Indeed,
Philip felt such keen humiliation that in a burst of
foolish anger he ordered what vessels remained to be
set on fire.
An interesting seal in the British Museum is that
of the old Flemish seaport which gave its name to the
battle. It is dated only four years before, and represents
one of the types of ship that must have fought against
the English in 1213. It is a single-masted vessel with
a castle in fore and stern, from each of which a warrior
is supporting a huge standard. She has a schooner
bow and a raking bowsprit, while the rudder occupies
a position similar to that of modern ships. The vessel
of Damme is a signal departure from the viking ship.
A century was to pass before the latter adopted the
new method of steering.
Although John signed Magna Carta in 1215, he
speedily showed that he had not the remotest intention
of carrying out its tenets. Many of the barons there-
upon negotiated with Prince Louis of France, Philip's
eldest son, and again active preparations were made for
invasion. Louis chose as his commander Eustace the
Monk, who had forsaken cloistered ease for the more
exciting life of a pirate, and after having served John
for some little while had turned traitor and attacked
Sandwich, Ryde, and Hastings, among other places.
He was a formidable antagonist, but opposed to him
was Hubert de Burgh, a warrior who proved worthy
of his steel.
Sending a small fleet and a first detachment of his
46
 A Good Word for King John
army to London February 1216, Louis started
in
from Calais with some 680 vessels. The stalwarts of
the Cinque Ports were ready to meet them, and would
doubtless have fought with their accustomed tenacity
had not a storm scattered the French fleet. Even then
they managed to cut off and capture some of the
vessels. When the gale was over Louis's ships re-formed
and landed the soldiers at Sandwich.
John had marched with his army to Dover, but when
he was aware of the landing of the French he retreated
as rapidly as possible to Bristol. Rochester Castle
was besieged and captured by Louis London received
;

him with enthusiasm. So far so good, but Dover, the

key of England, was in Hubert de Burgh's keeping,
and until it was wrested from him the Prince's lines
of communication were anything but safe.
Despite the use of a formidable engine of war
' '
known as a malvoisin literally bad neighbour
Louis could make no impression on the fortress. He
lost so many men in the attempt that after a few weeks
he came to the conclusion that the only means of
reducing the garrison was by famine. The barons
who had thrown off their allegiance to John joined
"
him, but all the King's horses and all the King's
"
men could not shake Hubert. Louis was equally
stubborn, but failed to recognize that he was wasting
precious time. Not only did he forfeit the goodwill
of some of the barons and many of the people, but
John established his headquarters at Lincoln and
secured the valuable support of the seamen. In
addition, the Prince proved in many ways that the
substitution of Louis for John would mean the
perpetuation of tyranny. Thanks to his own foolish
policy, the stubbornness of Hubert de Burgh, and the
47
 The Story of the British Navy
frequent capture of supplies by the men who held the
sea, the French prince made but sorry progress.
Louis returned to France to recruit his depleted
forces, but John's unexpected death and the liberal
measures promulgated by the Earl of Pembroke,
who became guardian of the kingdom and foster-father
of the boy-king Henry III, undermined the allegiance
of some at least of the renegade barons. At Lincoln
the French were totally defeated, and Louis retreated
from Dover to London, the stronghold of his party.
Once more Eustace the Monk crosses the stage of
History. Eighty large vessels and many smaller ships
were placed under his command to convey succour to
Louis. It was Hubert's opportunity also.
The latter appealed to the Bishop of Winchester
and his knights for help. " We are not soldiers of the
"
sea," was the reply, nor maritime adventurers,
nor fishermen ;but do thou go to thy death." The
gallant men of the Cinque Ports made an answer worthy
"
of them :Let us take our souls in our hands and meet
him while he is at sea, and help will come to us from
on high." The loyal garrison of Dover Castle swore
that they would never surrender, and Hubert stepped
with a light heart into the ship awaiting him. He
would attack the enemy before they reached the
coast.
Hubert de Burgh showed by his manoeuvres that
he was a tactician of no mean order. When Eustace
saw the English ships standing over to Calais he waxed
merry at the thought of the warm reception that would
be accorded them. Hubert was merely sailing in that
direction to secure the windward position that would
enable him to attack when he wished. Turning together,
the English fleet bounded forward, in line abreast
48
 A Good Word for
King John
like a squadron of cavalry charging, and boldly
attacked the French rear. Clothyard shafts and bolts
from crossbows found their billets among the crowded
soldiers and seamen. Then they came closer, finally
closed, and the men of the Cinque Ports, throwing
quicklime at the moment of boarding, were at death-
grips with Louis's reinforcements. Axes and swords
were not used sparingly in the meUe that followed.
Some of the mariners, armed with scythes on poles,
hacked at the rigging. No quarter was given, though
it was asked. In those times an enemy's life was some-
times spared by payment of a heavy ransom not so ;

on this day of days in 1217.

"
If these people land, England is lost ; let us there-
fore boldlymeet them, for God is with us, and they are
excommunicate." Thus Hubert de Burgh, Justiciary
and Governor, before the expedition had left, and his
words were not forgotten. Eustace the Monk was
discovered, and offered a fortune to his captor. He
spoke to the wrong man, for he who confronted him
was an illegitimate son of King John. If the latter
had no great reverence for his father's memory, he had
"
certainly no use for so treacherous a foe. Base
" "
traitor he cried.
! Never again will you seduce
men by your false promises " He raised his sword,
!

and when it descended it dripped with blood as the

headless trunk of the erstwhile monk rolled over.
Throughout the remaining pages of this volume you
will read of admirals manoeuvring to secure the weather-

gauge a goodly company who owed much to the master-

mind of Hubert de Burgh, fighter on land and sea.
Within a month of the battle of Dover peace was
signed, and Louis and his soldiers left the land they
had sought to conquer.
49
 The Story of the British Navy
Throughout Henry's long reign the Navy was kept
mighty busy. Time after time orders were given to
the stalwarts of the Cinque Ports to make ready or
to sail. On one occasion the largest army ever raised
in England up to that time was gathered in and about
Portsmouth, only to find that means of transport was
woefully deficient. Hubert de Burgh, then Earl of
Kent, was held responsible for this lamentable lack of
accommodation the King called him an old traitor
;

to his face. Evidently a bold and successful attempt

to make up for lost time was made, for when the
expedition sailed nearly 200 ships were left behind
because they were not wanted. This strength was
not maintained. Thirteen years later the Archbishop
of York felt compelled to advise the King to leave the
Continent and return to England. The bold measures
taken by the French and the depredations of pirates
roaming the Channel actually wrung from the barons
of the Cinque Ports the humiliating confession that
the French were the stronger. Hastings, Winchelsea,
Rye, Romney, Hythe, Dover, Sandwich, and neigh-
" "
bouring villages which pertaineth were called upon
to provide fifty-seven ships, 1,140 men, and fifty-seven
boys. During the civil war of 1263-4 the hardy mariners
of these ports ran amok by capturing every vessel
they could, whether English or foreign, murdering
crews and passengers, and helping themselves to
whatever cargo was to be found. So far-reaching were
their misdeeds that the prices of many commodities
from the Continent rose very considerably.
In these days, when the rights of neutrals real or
alleged are so much it
respected, makes strange
reading to learn that on occasion Henry III had no
compunction in commandeering any foreign vessels
50
 A Good Word for King John
he required for his own service. Although several
new names appear no marked
for various types of ships,
change in their general build is evident, though cabins
were introduced. Privateering was indulged in, for
"
which licences were granted to annoy our enemies
by sea or by land wheresoever they are able, so that
they share with us half of all their gain. ..."
During the reign of Edward I two expeditions
against Wales were undertaken by sea, and the fleet
was used for the conflict with Scotland, but by far the
most interesting naval transaction was a private war
waged by some of the mariners of the south of England
and the French. After a number of fights which failed
to appease either side, a pitched battle was arranged
to take place at a certain spot in the Channel. While
the English could only man some sixty ships and the
opposing side mustered three times that number,
the latter was badly defeated. A few years later, when
at Sluys assisting the Count of Flanders, the King
totally failed to prevent the men of the Cinque Ports
and of Yarmouth from quarrelling among themselves,
as a result of which it is said the East Anglians lost
over twenty ships.
Although the King reorganized the dispositions of
the Navy by dividing the fleet into squadrons based
on Yarmouth for the east and Portsmouth for the south,
in addition to ships for the safeguarding of the west
coast and Ireland, it was at Portsmouth that he con-
centrated craft preparatory to foreign service. Over
fifty English and Irish towns were called upon to
provide from one to three vessels, and the Cinque
Ports fifty-seven. Gascony having been seized by
Philip in satisfaction for the private war men-
tioned above, extensive preparations were made and
51
 The Story of the British Navy
accommodation found for 500 men-at-arms and 20,000
foot-soldiers to cross to France. Castellion and St
Macau surrendered, but Bordeaux did not, and Charles
of Valois, the French King's brother, more than held his
own. A raid made upon Dover ended with the town's
being set on fire, and the loss of considerably more men
than the defenders, which was to be expected, though
5,000 dead out of 15,000 is certainly a large proportion.
Nogreat sea-fight characterized the reign of Edward
II, though the Navy was almost constantly employed
in his warfare with the Scots, the Irish, and the French.
Probably the largest English ship of his time did not
exceed 240 tons. During his luckless occupation of
the throne the title Chief Admiral was introduced,
that of Admiral having been first used in this country
by Edward I. Its holder was Sir William Leybourne,
'
and Gervase Alard was styled Admiral of the fleet
of the Cinque Ports.'
Two of the several contributing causes of the
Hundred Years War were maritime and commercial.
English and French seamen were striving for control
of the Channel ; similar rivalry existed for the in-

creasing wool-trade in Flanders. At first Edward III

was content to allow his allies to do most of the
land-fighting, the nation he represented finding the
necessary funds. When the English seriously entered
the war in 1340 they started with an overwhelming
victory that completely settled the question of the
control of the Channel. What had been done at Damme
was repeated at Sluys Hubert de Burgh's faith in
;

the offensive was also the belief of Edward III. The

burning of Portsmouth and an attack on Southampton
in 1338 had been rude reminders of the fact that an
island is defenceless unless it have command of the
52
 A Good Word for King John
sea. Retaliation followed an attempt on Rye in July
1339, the enemy being chased into Boulogne and part
of the town set on fire, while a dozen captains were
hanged and several prizes secured.
"
We are told that pride goeth before a fall." In
the following September the French ships were
gathered in the Sluys (Swyn), their crews boasting
that they would capture five hundred English towns
and one hundred English ships before they returned
home. Some of them put to sea with the object of
achieving part at least of their ambition, but they en-
countered a violent storm which worked havoc, and
those which survived were glad enough to welcome
the low-lying coast of Flanders as a substitute for the
chalk cliffs of England.
Accompanied by some 200 vessels, the King sailed
on June Blankenberghe, where he was
22, 1340, for
joined by about fifty more
ships. Apparently his force
was superior in numbers, for according to Edward's
own statement the enemy's total was 190, though some
of their vessels were superior in size to those under
his command, and included several that had formerly

belonged to the English Navy. When reconnoitred

from the sandhills by knights who had been put on
shore for the purpose, the ships were chained together
in three divisions. Among the commanders was the
Genoese admiral Barbenoire.
Some hours later the enemy fleet dropped down the
river and took up stations nearer the entrance. This
disposition was undoubtedly bad. Following an old
practice, the ships faced the attackers bow to bow,
making boarding exceedingly difficult, provided a
frontal attack was the only available method. Had
the flanks been protected by shore or shoal, the
53
 The Story of the British Navy
arrangement would have been satisfactory, but in
this case the attacking ships had room to
sufficient
manoeuvre at high tide. Anopportunity was thus
afforded Edward to crumple up one of the wings and
then to move along the whole line and destroy it in
detail, for neither centre nor opposite wing could render
assistance to the portion attacked unless the vessels
managed to slip the cables and chains that secured
them to each other.
was not until the 24th, apparently by reason
It
of wind and tide, that the English were able to attack.
Edward's largest ships, in which archers were disposed
in liberal numbers, were stationed in the van, and
between each was a smaller vessel containing men-at-
arms. A second division was held in reserve. Soldiers
were in the fighting-tops of the units of the French
fleet with an ample supply of ammunition, including
such formidable material as stones and lumps of iron.
In order to gain the wind and prevent the sun from
blinding his men, the King's first movement was on
"
a tack away from the enemy. They take care of them-
selves and run away, for they are not the fellows to
fight with us," some one remarked in the French fleet.
Both suggestions were entirely wrong.
It was a different story when Edward had carried
out his manoeuvre. The English bore down on the
left wing of their adversaries, and speedily showed
when they came to close quarters that they meant
serious business. They flung out their grappling irons,
lashed themselves to the nearest enemy vessel, and
before all was secure the men-at-arms were at death-
grips with Normans, Picards, and Genoese. No quarter
was given ; no quarter was asked. Stones, arrows,
hatchets, lances, and swords exacted death on both
54
 A Good Word for King John
sides ; friend and foe fought with
dogged tenacity.
It is stated that one ship alone was laden with four
hundred dead men when the conflict was over. The
Christopher, an English ship which had been taken
by the French some time before, was recaptured,
hastily manned by English bowmen and mariners,
and turned against her possessors of a few minutes
earlier. Other vessels were taken prizes. The French
van was utterly defeated.
All heart was taken out of the foe. Twenty-four
vessels under Barbenoire managed to escape, though
some were subsequently captured or wrecked. The
second and third lines were less fortunate. Those of
their companies who got into the boats when all idea
of resistance was abandoned were drowned owing to
overcrowding.
The followingis a portion of Edward's letter to his
"
son, the earliest dispatch containing an account
of a naval victory in existence," as Sir Harris Nicolas
asserts :

"
And we have you to know, that the number of
ships, galleys, and great barges of our enemies
amounted to one hundred and ninety, which were
all taken except twenty-four in all, which fled, and

some of them were since taken at sea and the number;

of men-at-arms and other armed people amounted

to thirty-five thousand, of which number, by estimation,
five thousand escaped, and the remainder as we are

given to understand by some persons who are taken

alive, lie dead in many places on the coast of Flanders.
On the other hand, all our ships, that is to say, the
Christopher, and the others which were lost at
Middleburgh, are now retaken, and there are taken in
this fleet three or four as large as the Christopher"
55
 The Story of the British Navy
It is was none willing to tell Philippe
said that there
de Valois of the disaster which had overcome the
ships that were to have captured a hundred English
vessels and five hundred towns. At last the King's
fool was persuaded to broach the subject. This he did
in a characteristic way by talking about the lack of
bravery on the part enemy. Asked the reason
of the
"
for the fool replied that they were cowards
it, and
dare not leap into the sea, as our gentlemen of
Normandy and France did." The English losses were
comparatively slight.
The English had repeated the successful manoeuvre
of Hubert de Burgh we shall see the French repeating
;

their error at the battle of the Nile four centuries

later. 1
" our
It was in ship-cog Thomas," in which he had
fought at Sluys, that Edward embarked at Winchelsea
ten years afterward for a further deed of naval prowess.
Spain was already a growing power at sea, and although
piracy was certainly not confined to that country,
some of the Basque traders who had commercial
dealings with Flanders had rather overstepped the
mark by capturing several English ships and killing
their crews. According to Edward, the Spanish had
also threatened to destroy English shipping and secure
absolute supremacy of the narrow seas. This vain
and open boasting, so reminiscent of the French
previous to Sluys, was to avail them nought in the day
of reckoning.
It was the custom of the Spaniards to take a fleet
of merchandise to Flanders in spring, dispose of the

1 The sea is now a couple of miles from Sluys, and a canal and
light railway run between the town and Bruges, some twelve miles
distant. For its connexion with the Armada see post, p. 101.
56
 A Good Word for King John
cargoes, and return with other goods to their home
ports during summer. Early in May 1350 the King
ordered various ships to be made ready. He would
teach these freebooters a lesson. The news found its
way across the North Sea, with the result that Don
Carlos de la Cerda sent to Antwerp and hired a body of
adventurers only too willing to risk their necks at sea
for gold and booty. These men were well armed, and
the Spanish commander felt confident that should the
English fleet appear it would receive a warm reception.
Edward was in no hurry on the other hand he was
;

not disposed to let his quarry give him the slip. Com-
mending his cause to the God of Battles, he proceeded
to Winchelsea Abbey with a brilliant retinue, and
waited. His ships were ready for the fray, and every
day he waited for the coming of the Spaniards. There
was much merry-making, some drinking of the wine
that maketh glad the heart of man, and considerable
music from the minstrels. It was gay preparation
for grim business, but perhaps they fought the better
for it. Aloft, look-out men were on the watch below, ;

monarch and knights abandoned themselves to amuse-

ment.
It was Sunday, a favourite day for fights, the precise
date August 29th, time 4 p.m. or thereabouts. Those
on deck scanned the horizon now and again and were
rewarded by a line of blue and nothing more. Suddenly
a voice made itself heard above the hubbub. " Ho !

I see something coming, which seems to be a Spanish

ship. I see one, two, three, four I see so many, so

"
help me God, I cannot count them ! A finalbumper
of wine was ordered by his Majesty, anchors were
weighed, and German dances forgotten for more serious
things.
57
 The Story of the British Navy
There was picturesqueness and pageantry enough
as the line of the enemy bore down upon them.
Streamers and embroidered banners gave colour to
the scene, the tops were crowded with fighting-men,
and the sails bellowed to the north-east wind. Most
of the oncoming vessels were larger than those that were
"
sailing to oppose them, like as castles to cottages,"

according to Stow, but Edward set a splendid example

to his followers by boldly telling the helmsman of
his ship-cog Thomas to lay him against a big Spaniard
"
in the van, for I wish to joust with him." The two
crashed, bringing down one of the masts of the enemy
and drowning all in the top. The violence of the collision
opened some of the seams of the Thomas, necessitating
much baling, but the monarch was for boarding.
" "
Grapple my ship to that," he commanded, for I
wish to have her." The Spaniard, still carrying a
"
press of sail, passed on. Let her go," one of his
"
courtiers replied ; you shall have a better." He spoke
truth. The tackle gripped the next ship, and his men
had scarcely succeeded in getting the upper hand
before it became obvious that if the Thomas were not
abandoned she would sink with all hands. She was
leaking like a sieve, and the men previously available
to keep the water in check had other work to do. No
humanity was shown to the survivors on the prize.
They were seized and flung overboard.
The Black Prince's ship fared even worse than that
of his father. Unable to clamber on board their larger
adversary, there seemed every likelihood of the whole
company going to the bottom, when the Earl of Derby
came up and fought the enemy to a standstill. The
same rough treatment was meted out to the Spaniards
when they could resist no longer. The crew of the
58
 A Good Word for King John
English ship barely escaped with their lives. Scarcely
had the last man made good his foothold on the tall
sides of the vanquished foe than the vessel he had
just left foundered.
Perhaps the toughest fight of all was put up by the
ship singled out for attack by Sir Robert de Namur
in Le Salle du Roi. This gallant Flemish noble, who
had enlisted in Edward's cause, made little or no
headway, and to further complicate matters, the enemy
was carrying his ship along with him. Despite shouts
from the crew, no attempt was made at rescue by other
vessels, either because dusk had fallen and their des-
perate straits were not recognized, or opportunity of
doing so was withheld. Eventually Hanekin, Robert's
squire, managed to cut the enemy's halyards. There
was a short, sharp fight as the Englishmen hacked
their way on board, and more Spaniards made holes
in the water.
Thus the battle of Les Espagnols sur Mer was waged.
At the end of the day seventeen Spanish ships had
struck. As Froissart says, the fight had " given the
King of England and his people plenty to do." There
is no record of Edward's losses.
"
On this August dayOld John of Gaunt, time-
honoured Lancaster," then ten years of age, had his
first taste of battle. He lived to be one of the preux
chevaliers of his time and generation, and it may well
be that the sights and scenes he witnessed off
Winchelsea had more than a little to do with the
formation of his acknowledged nobility of character.
Unfortunately in the last of the naval fights of
this reign, also against the Spanish, a squadron was

totally defeated off Rochelle. One ship was sunk,

and the others an uncertain quantity were captured.
59
 The Story of the British Navy
The loss of Guienne followed, and whatever prestige
England had on the sea rapidly declined. Without be-
grudging the money voted for the Navy, the Commons
"
sorrowfully recorded that twenty years since, and
always before that time, the navy of the realm was so
noble and so plentiful in all ports, maritime towns,
and rivers, that the whole country deemed and called
'
our Lord King of the Sea,' and he and all his* country
were the more dreaded both by sea and land on
account of the said navy. And now it was so decreased
and weakened from divers causes, that there was
hardly sufficient to defend the country in case of need
against royal power, whence there was great danger
to the realm, the causes of which were too long to
write ; but the principal reason was that in time of
war ships were often arrested a quarter of a year or
more before they left the ports, without payment
of the wages of the mariners during the whole of that
time, or any remuneration being made to the owners
of the ships for their equipment and expenses ; of which

they prayed a suitable remedy, as an act of charity."

"
Although Edward replied that it was his pleasure
that the navy should be maintained and kept with the
greatest ease and advantage that could be," this pious
hope was not fulfilled. England sadly deteriorated at
sea, even allowed twenty-eight large merchant-ships
and eight smaller vessels to be captured and burnt by
the Spanish without bringing the miscreants to task.
During this long reign of fifty years a primitive form
of compass was used. Guns and gunpower now
formed part of the equipment of larger vessels, while
castles were fitted fore and aft, as well as a miniature
' '

fighting-top on the mast. In merchant-ships the

latter was not a permanent structure.
60
 CHAPTER V
The Age of Discovery
He knew wel alle the havens as they were
Fro Gotland to the Cape de Finistere,
And every creke in Bretagne and in Spaine :

His barge ycleped was the Magdelaine.

CHAUCER

the first meeting of Parliament after the

ON
Navy.
accession of Richard II the attention of the
King was called to the grievous state of the
Exactly twelve months afterward the burnings
of the enemy on the coast was stated to be one of the
main causes of the poverty everywhere evident, as
four years later rebellion was attributed to lack of
protection at sea, notwithstanding the voting of large
sums There was cause enough for
for the purpose.
grumbling. Within a short time of the death of
Edward III Rye had been plundered and burnt, the
Isle of Wight ravaged, and Winchelsea attacked.

Rye and Winchelsea retaliated by crossing the Channel

and sacking a Norman town. The faithful Commons
then requested that as nothing had been done they
might be released from the subsidy already granted.
This the monarch refused, but promised that all the
money should be used for the purpose for which it
was intended.
After the truce of 1384-5 the Navy achieved so
despite a threatened invasion
little, by France, that
a handful of men of Portsmouth and Dartmouth took
61
 TheStory of the British Navy
the matter into their own hands, and captured or sank
eight of the enemy's ships. Despite a bold attempt to
besiege Brest, the idea had to be relinquished because
the Duke of Lancaster found that it would take him a
longer time than he anticipated. When the colossal
preparations of Charles VI for the invasion of Eng-
land were abandoned after one or two unsuccessful
attempts to cross, it is not surprising that the people
took up the cry of the faithful Commons. Froissart
tellsus that they asked what had become of the great
"
enterprises and valiant men of England. There is
"
only a child for a king in France," they avowed, and
yet he gives us more to do than ever his predecessors
had done." At last a number of vessels were got
together, and they intercepted a Flemish fleet of about
a hundred ships laden with wine, of which it is said
that eighty were captured after a prolonged fight,
but little else of importance was accomplished.
As "a work of charity and for the maintenance
"
and increase of the navy of England it was enacted
"
that all merchants of the realm of England shall

freight in the said realm the ships of the said realm,

and not foreign ships, so that the owners of the said
ships may take reasonably for the freight of the same."
This measure was the prototype of the Navigation
Laws, about which something will be said in a later
chapter.
Despite the fact that officially a truce existed between
England and France, the sailors of the two nations
were constantly fighting when opportunity offered.
Each side called the other " pirates," probably with
equal truth. Captures were made off the French coast ;

freebooting was prevalent off that of England. Ply-

mouth was burnt a.nd pillaged, for which retribution was
62
 The Age of Discovery
exacted in Brittany by setting the town of St Matthew
on fire and making prize of a number of ships laden
with wine and other useful commodities. Landing in
the Isle of Wight, the French met with so warm a
reception that they thought it expedient to re-embark
and leave their plunder behind. It is even stated
that the hardy folk of the Wight, when again visited,
offered to allow the invaders to land for six hours
in order to get into proper trim and to fight them
afterward. This sporting proposition was not accepted.
The Navy under Admiral Lord Berkeley harried
Brittany and Picardy the .Bretons under Sir William
;

du Chatel attacked Dartmouth and were defeated.

Vengeance for Sir William's death was taken a few
weeks later, when the deceased warrior's brother sacked
the town and burnt it almost to the ground. The
commander then cruised about the coast for a couple
of months, meeting little or no opposition, and after
having filled his ships to repletion with whatever
he deemed useful, returned to his home port. Sir
Thomas of Lancaster, the King's second son, repaid
the French in their own coin by burning a large
number of towns and villages, including La Hogue and
Harfleur.
The naval munitions of this period included guns,
powder, stone shot, tampons (probably wads), bows
and arrows, pavises, touches, and fire-pans.
A curiousexperiment was tried during the last
decade of Henry IV. Merchants and shipowners under-
took to guard the sea on certain terms, including the
payment of subsidies, the retention of prizes, and the
nomination of their own admirals. Captures were
certainly made, but at the end of about seventeen
months the royal authority was resumed.
63
 The Story of the British Navy
Henry V did something more than revive the
Hundred Years War. He stood for, and created, a
strong navy. When, within four years of his accession,
he determined on one of his several expeditions to
Normandy, no fewer than 1,500 vessels of various
kinds were concentrated for service at Southampton.
The vast majority of these were not the King's ships,
of course, but craft belonging to merchants and the
Cinque Ports. Included in the Navy proper were
three two-masted carracks, one of which, called the
Mary of the Tower, was of 500 tons, while its comple-
ment consisted of eighty-eight sailors, sixty-three
lances, and 132 archers. Some of the vessels were
gorgeously painted and decorated, red being a favourite
colour, with figures at the head and stern. Arms were
frequently emblazoned on the sails. Guns were of
iron and brass, with iron and stone shot.
In 1415 Henry laid siege to Harfleur, the fleet
blockading the port. Chains, stakes, and tree-trunks
precluded the ships from entering the harbour, but on
several occasions the French squadron emerged from
its hiding-place and was driven back. After holding
out for five weeks the town surrendered, and in the
followingmonth Agincourt was fought and won.
The spring of 1416 saw the French endeavouring
to recover their lost port, and investing the place with
a large army and fleet. The English Navy was
evidently not in a fit condition at the time to make
its influence and as a result the enemy reigned
felt,

supreme in the
Channel, doing irretrievable damage
to shipping. An attempt to destroy the King's ships
at Southampton was thwarted, but considerable
damage was done on the Isle of Portland, where many
houses were set on fire. Following the blockade of
64
 The Age of Discovery
Portsmouth and an attempt on the Isle of Wight,
an expedition set out for France and arrived at the
mouth of the Seine. From the eight Genoese carracks
which the enemy had hired huge stones and lumps of
lead were hurled at the lower English vessels, but such
was the tenacity of their opponents that three " caracks
"
horrible great and stoute were captured, in addition
to a large number of smaller craft. Two other large
ships were wrecked, and the Black Hulk of Flanders
was sunk.
Less than a year afterward the French were again
defeated at sea under the leadership of the Earl of
Huntingdon. On this occasion one of the obvious
disadvantages of the platform forecastle was prac-
tically demonstrated. Either in an attempt to board
or to ram several of the structures were torn away
and their occupants flung into the water. On this
occasion four carracks were taken prizes. A few days
later Henry sailed for Normandy, accompanied by a
numerous fleet of fighting-ships and transports, includ-
ing 117 furnished by Holland, which was only four less
than the total number in the round-up of English
ports.
The naval events next four kings are neither
of the

important norinteresting. During the inglorious

years of Henry VI Warwick the King-maker met a
fleet of Genoese and Liibeck ships with cargoes of

Spanish merchandise passing down the Channel under

convoy. After a severe fight five sail were captured
and taken into Calais. In 1475 Edward IV sailed with
a powerful force for Calais to combine with Charles of
Burgundy for the crushing of King Louis, but as his
ally was not ready the English King, to the intense
disgust of his followers, pocketed a handsome tribute
65
 The Story of the British Navy
for the privilege of peace and negotiated the usual
matrimonial alliance. His successor only reigned a
couple of months. Richard III,haunted by the fear of
invasion as well as by much else, depleted the treasury
in an attempt to render the island impregnable. The
Earl of Richmond's expedition was driven off the coast,
and considering himself safe, Richard foolishly reduced
hisarmament. With a small force Richmond landed
at Milford Haven, and marching to Bosworth, met
and defeated the erstwhile Lord High Admiral.
The reliance of the Crown on the Mercantile Marine
is abundantly evident when one glances at the list of
Navy of Henry VII. So far as
vessels belonging to the
it is known only seven were added to the five already

available a dozen in all.

; Of the vessels which he
inherited, seven passed out of the service. The heaviest
armed in the number of weapons at any rate was
the Regent, built in 1487, which totalled 225, its closest
which took the water
rival being the Sovereign of 141,
in the same year. Although Henry VI had given a
subsidy for new merchant-ships likely to prove useful
to the Navy, it was the seventh English monarch of
that name who really made the first serious attempt
to meet obligations incurred in this respect.
It must be remembered that in this period of easy
virtue at sea practically every vessel of any size was
armed, and was therefore a useful auxiliary. When
used for military purposes the rate of hire was one
shilling per ton per month. In those days of the press-
gang there was no fixity of tenure for those who longed
for a life on the ocean wave and joined the Navy
voluntarily. The pay was usually one shilling and
three pence a week while the ship was at sea, and
one shilling when in harbour. They had cold comfort,
 The Age of Discovery
for the crew slept on deck, although the soldier-captain
and the master each had a cabin. All guns were
invariably placed on the upper deck and pointed over
'
the side or gun-wall hence gunwale.' Of these the
breech-loading serpentine was the largest. Its charge
was about five ounces of gunpowder, and it hurled a
ball of about the same weight to a maximum distance
of some 1,300 yards. The operation of loading and
firing was evidently a somewhat lengthy and difficult
process, for a serpentine could not discharge more than
a couple of rounds an hour.
When the Pope proposed that Henry's Navy should
"
assist his Holiness in resisting the Turk's malice," the
Solomon of England would have none of it. In answering
the Brief the King replied that his " counsellors, after
long communication and great reasoning, thought that
if the King should send any help or navy by the sea

it should little profit, considering the far distance of

those parts so to be besieged, troubled, or obsessed

by the said Turk ; and also, the English mariners
have not been accustomed to sail any farther but to
Pyses [Pisa], which is not half the journey, for it is
six or seven months' sailing from Pyses to those parts
where they might do the Turk any annoyance and ;

so all the cost done by sea should little or nothing

profit in this behalf.

"
Item, the said counsellors say that the galleys
coming from Vennes [Venice] towards England be
commonly seven months sailing, and sometimes more.
Also they say that if so be the King should send from
his royame his navy by the sea, the men being in the
same should need twice or thrice victualling or they
should come where they should apply, and yet then
peradventure they should apply where no succour
67
 The Story of the British Navy
would be had. And also the said ships might be sore
troubled with contrary winds, so that they should
not come to do any good in this great cause ; and also
considering the great storms and perils of the sea which
commonly by fortune and hap parteth ships and driveth
them to several coasts, and twisteth them often times
to perish, and so there should be great costs and
charges done by the King, and yet no annoyance
thereby done to the said Turk."
Henry then dealt with the financial aspect of the
proposed expedition, and suggested that as the other
princes who were to take part were nearer the land
of the infidel they could send 10,000 men at less expense
than he could provide 2,000.
"
Item, if the King should prepare captains and other
men of war, and apparel and habiliments, and neces-
saries to the said ships, it should be May, whatsoever

diligence were done on the King's part, ere they should

be ready to sail and it should be the last end of
:

September ere the said ships should pass the straits

of Morrok ; and great difficulty to find any mariners
able to take the rule and governance of the said ships
and far parts. The premisses
sailing into so jeopardous
considered, hard
it isand almost not feasible to send
any navy thither for any profit by them to be done
therein."
That Henry believed in unity of command is shown
in another paragraph, after which he adds with
delightful naivete that either the King of France or of
Spain shall be at the head of "so laudable an holy
"
expedition." Their commodities of ports, navies,
and vitaill," and the nearness of " divers isles unto
the said Turks," are given as reasons.
On the other hand he showed himself ready to assist
08
 The Age of Discovery
" "
the Pope if the latter were left sole and destitute
of the personal assistance of the kings of France and
Spain, provided that the Holy Father assigned a sure
"
port to which the King's grace with his army may
come, and also shall provide sufficient navy, masters,
and mariners, armours and habiliments of war and
vitaill, andother necessary things," including sure
all

and Those monarchs who stayed at

free journeying.
home were to contribute men and money.
With the Age of Discovery the commercial centre
of the world shifted to Western Europe. In a magic
circle of less than thirty-five years enterprising
navigators wrought a series of marvels of far-reaching
and lasting consequence. Bartholomew Diaz rounded
the Cape of Good Hope Columbus, believing he had
;

arrived in Japan, discovered America ; Vasco da

Gama reached India ; Magellan, a Portuguese sailing
in a Spanish ship, entered the Pacific. Though the
intrepid voyager who had navigated the rocky Straits
of Tierra del Fuego was killed in the Philippines, one
of Magellan's ships returned to Europe, sailing from the
Sunda Islands across the Indian Ocean to the Cape of
Good Hope, and thence to Spain. The first voyage
round the world had been completed.
The routes taken by Columbus on his four voyages
are not those traversed by the modern mariner. He
was exploring, and that task is left to the Scotts and
Shackletons of the race. Perhaps the ocean highway
most nearly approaching the line of his original
attempt is the sea-water lane traversed by steamers
running between St Thomas and the Canary Islands,
and on his second voyage, that between Martinique
and Teneriffe. The tracks taken by him in 1498 and
1502 were more southerly.
69
 The Story of the British Navy
Mark the delayof the British in entering the fray
a national characteristic atoned for by dogged tenacity
when once they had made up their mind. Newfound-
land, our oldest colony, was discovered by a Venetian
living at Bristol, John Cabot to wit. Small wonder
that Lord Fisher deemed us one of the lost Ten Tribes.
It may be so. Yet we have discovered more than the
number originally mislaid. When Hakluyt claimed
"
that Englishmen had always been men full of activity,
stirrers abroad, and searchers of the remote parts of
the world," he was anticipatory rather than matter-
of-fact. Henry VII not only gave Cabot his com-
mission, but bore part of the expense out of his privy
"
purse, wheryn dyuers merchauntes, as well of Lon-
don as of Bristowe, adventured goodes and sleight
merchandises. ..."
The King would also have shared in the glory of
Columbus but for a series of unfortunate happenings.
The navigator's brother Bartholomew was sent to
approach Henry in the matter, but unfortunately fell
into the hands of pirates. On reaching England illness
was added to poverty. Being a man of considerable
spirit he allowed neither the one nor the other to
defeat his purpose. Skilful in map-drawing, he set
'
about making and selling sea-cards.' Success attended
these efforts, and Bartholomew eventually being pre-
sented to the King, offered him a map of the world
and proposed an expedition " for the discovery of the
Indies." We are told that the offer was " accepted
with joyfull countenance," and Christopher was asked
to come to England. " But because God had reserved
"
the sayd offer for Castile," his son tells us, Columbus
was gone in the meane space."

70
 CHAPTER VI
Development and Decay
The world must be governed by force or fraud.
MACHIAVELLI

all England's many monarchs

until the

OF
Henry
accession of Edward
VII, none took a livelier
interest in the development of the Navy than
VIII. He laid the foundations of the power
that broke Spain. He followed in the steps of his father,
who had built the first dry dock in England at
Portsmouth, by founding dockyards at Woolwich and
Deptford, Trinity House owes its existence to him,
and he took a personal pride in new constructions
whether of ships or of guns. The King studied the
minutest details, encouraged afforestation so that there
might be a plentiful supply of timber, erected coastal
fortifications, encouraged Italian shipbuilders to this
country, and placed the constitution of the service
on a sound basis. In these matters his prompter was
himself. He was never happier than when bidding
godspeed to the fleet when it sailed on an expedition.
Yet all his care did not prevent errors of administration
and organization, for in 1522 the want of flesh, fish,
and liquor prevented Fitzwilliam from following up
his preliminary successes at sea.
The time-honoured system of ravaging and plun-
dering still obtained. War with France broke out in
1511, with Sir Edward Howard, Lord High Admiral,
71
 The Story of the British Navy
harrying the coast of Brittany. Crossing to Brest
in the following year, an engagement worthy of the
Navy was fought at sea, when the enemy was defeated
as the French fleet left port. The English Regent and
the French Cordelier, falling on board one another,
caught fire, and carried hundreds of men to the
bottom.
Sir Edward, high-spirited and confident, again left
Portsmouth in 1513 with twenty-four ships, but no
French squadron met him. The enemy scurried back
as quickly as possible, putting into Bertheaume Bay,
where it remained under the protection of the forts.
Determined on victory, the Admiral very unwisely
attacked the French as they lay at anchor, and as a
result one of his largest ships struck a rock and was
lost.
Defeated but not dismayed, Howard turned his
attention to a number from the Mediterranean
of galleys
which were to have joined the French at Brest, but
having failed to do so had taken refuge on the beach
of the island of Le Conquet, south-east of Ushant.
Unable to use his big ships, Howard attempted a
cutting-out expedition in small boats, with what result
is reported by Sir Edward Echyngham as follows :

"
The
galleys were protected on both sides by bul-
warks, planted so thick with guns and cross-bows,
that the quarrels and the gonstons [gun-stones] came
together as thick as hailstones. For all this the admiral
boarded the galley that Preyer John [a corruption of
Pregent] was in and Charran the Spaniard with him
and sixteen others. By advice of the admiral and
Charran they had cast anchor into [word illegible]
of the French galley, and fastened the cable to the
capstan that if any of the galleys had been on fire they
72
 Development and Decay
might have veered the cable, and fallen off ; but
the French hewed asunder the cable, or some of our
mariners let it slip. And so they left this [word illegible]
in the hands of our enemies. There was a mariner
wounded in eighteen places who by adventure recovered
unto the buoy of the galley so that the galley's boat
took him up. He said he saw my Lord Admiral thrust
against the rails of the galley with marris pikes.
Charran's boy tells a like tale, for when his master and
the admiral had entered, Charran sent him for his
hand gun which before he could deliver the one galley
was gone off from the other, and he saw my Lord
Admiral waving his hands and crying to the galleys,
*
Come aboard again, come aboard again,' which when
my Lord saw they could not, he took his whistle from
about his neck, wrapped it together and threw it into
the sea."
In due course the enemy retaliated in the usual
way by scourging the coast of Sussex and burning
Brighton. Howard's brother, Sir Thomas, sought
revenge with another fleet, but the French retired, as
before, though he afterward captured Terouenne and
Tournai. Cherbourg fell in a joint expedition under-
taken by the Emperor Charles V and Henry VIII in
1522, and Howard took Morlaix. In his wars with France
the English King held the command of the sea, and
always had a small patrolling force in the Straits of
Dover and the Channel, winter and summer alike.
Fitzwilliam drove back the escort of the Duke of Albany
when it sailed from France for Scotland, and leaving
some of his ships to watch the ports in which they
had found refuge, wrought havoc in the neighbourhood
of Le Tre"port. In that harbour not a single ship escaped
the flames.
78
 The Story of the British Navy
Following the capture of Boulogne by England in
1544, Francis I bestirred himself to wrest from Henry
his undoubted supremacy at sea. By tremendous
exertion in his own home ports, and considerable ex-
pense in chartering vessels from the Mediterranean, his
floating forces rapidly outgrew those of his hated rival,
though as events proved he put too much faith in the
virtue of the galley armed with a solitary gun in the
bow. A French fleet entered the Solent, and landed
an army at Bembridge, in the Isle of Wight. The
advance of the soldiery was checked, and a party sent
to get water from the little stream that runs through
Shanklin Chine was annihilated. The English fleet
had retired into Portsmouth Harbour, and D' Annebault,
the French admiral, was only deterred from entering
it by insufficient knowledge of the intricacies of the

channel. He confined himself to a series of attacks

by some of the galleys, with little or no success. The
English, however, suffered a grave misfortune by the
loss of the Mary Rose, formerly Sir Edward Howard's

flagship. She was capsized either by a sudden squall

or when altering course both explanations have been
given. The ship certainly heeled over, and as the lower-
deck ports were less than eighteen inches above the
water-line, and had been left open, the water rushed
in. As the guns were not fastened they broke loose
and slid down the decks, completing the heavy list
and causing her to capsize. Over 500 soldiers and
sailors are believed to have perished. On leaving
Havre the enemy had also suffered the loss of a big
vessel, the Philippe, which was burnt.
D' Annebault made one or two incursions into
Sussex before returning to France, where he disembarked
some of his men and again sailed for England. Slipping
74
 Development and Decay
out of Portsmouth, Lisle discovered the French at no
great distance from Shoreham. Although the action
was slight and inconclusive, it is notable that Lisle
divided his fleet of 104 vessels into three squadrons,
the Vanwarde, the Battle, and the Wing. We shall
constantly meet these divisions in later pages as the
Van, the Centre, and the Rear, or the Red, White,
and Blue squadrons. The Van fought the enemy's
Van, and so on. As reprisal for the attack on the
English coast Le Treport and its shipping were again
burnt.
Lisle' s flagship was the Henri Grace a Dieu, a four-
masted ship with two gun-decks and lofty poop and
forecastle, built in 1515, and sometimes confused with
the Great Harry. She was of 1,000 tons, and carried
301 mariners, fifty gunners, and 349 soldiers.
"
By the employment
"
of Italian shipwrights," says
an old writer, and by encouraging his own people
to build strong ships of war to carry great ordnance,
Henry established a puissant navy, which, at the
end of his reign, consisted of seventy-one vessels,
whereof thirty were ships of burden, and contained
in all 10,550 tons, and two were galleys, and the rest
were small barks and row-barges, from eighty tons
down to fifteen tons, which served in rivers and for
landing men."
Another source of strength at this time was the
privateer. Many a gallant gentleman of Devon and the
West of England thought fit to obtain letters of marque
for the purpose of dealing with the king's enemies
in an individual capacity that promised probabilities
of rich plunder. This practice was further developed
under Edward VI and Mary, and reached its zenith
under Elizabeth. Whatever it may have been morally,
75
 The Story of the British Navy
the idea was certainly extremely useful, for it relieved
the Navy to an appreciable extent. It afforded excellent
training in seamanship, gave Protestants a fine chance
of venting their spleen on Papists, filled their purses
when things went well, and still further embittered
them against their enemies when affairs went ill.
Though Edward VI began his reign with fifty-three
vessels carrying 2,085 guns many of them, of course,
of no great consequence and only useful for repelling
boarders he left it in a considerably reduced state,
and the process of decay was unchecked by his sister.
Mary's match with Philip of Spain was possibly
sufficient excuse for this, though it must have been

humiliating to her mariners and those of her subjects

who took pride in their heritage, notwithstanding
that by the marriage treaty no foreigner could hold
command in Navy or Army. Not a ship stirred in
response to the appeal of the commander at Calais
when the French were about to attack the sole re-
maining English possession in France. Conquered by
Edward III in 1347, the town was surrendered in 1558.
At Gravelines a few ships put in a belated appearance,
but did little else. England's greatest victory at sea
during a troubled reign was won by Lord William
Howard. It occurred when Philip came over to woo
Mary. He was met by a small squadron, and as his
vessels neither lowered their top-sails nor dipped their
colours to the flag of St George, the Lord High Admiral
put a shot across the bow of the Spanish admiral's
flagship. It had the desired effect.
In this incident, trivial enough in one aspect but
significant in another, we may discern England's new
outlook. It was toward the open sea and the unknown
West.
76
 CHAPTER VII

In Elizabeth's Spacious Days

Whosoever commands the sea commands the trade ; whoso-
ever commands the trade of the world commands the riches of
the world, and consequently the world itself. RALEIGH

proselytize and to gain wealth were the

TO
was
lodestars that beckoned men to the New
World when the importance of the discovery
fully realized. Cruelty and mismanagement in the
name of his Most Christian Majesty of Spain obtained
for a time. El Dorados, more real than the site of
long-lost Paradise of which Columbus dreamed, were
visualized and emptied of their treasures, but the
light of colonial Spain flickered and went out, and
the sea-Power of the Spanish Main dwindled into
nothingness.
Exploration, religion, and commerce had much to
do with the making of England's supremacy at sea
during the spacious days of Elizabeth. She ceased
to be insular in outlook, and a rosy optimism seemed
"
to dominate the race as never before. The searching
and unsatisfied spirits of the English, to the great
"
glory of our Nation," says Stowe, could not be con-
tained within the banckes of the Mediterranean or
Levant seas, but they passed far toward both the
Articke and the Antarticke Poles, enlarging their trade
into the West and East Indies."
In the praiseworthy attempts to discover new trade-
77
 The Story of the British Navy
routes Portugal and Spain had undoubtedly triumphed,
though five years before the succession of good Queen
'
Bess the attempt of the Mysterie and Companie
of the Marchants Adventurers for the Discoverie of
'

Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places Unknowen

to find China and the East Indies by way of the
northern and north-eastern seas had resulted in the
navigation of a new route to Russia. Such was the
origin of the famous Muscovy Company.
The beliefis generally entertained, and is altogether

wrong, that with the discovery of a seaway to India

in 1486 the traffic of proud Venice with the Orient
came almost automatically to an ignominious end.
It undoubtedly had an evil effect on its sea-borne
trade, as did the fall of Damascus, Alexandria, and
Cairo into the hands of the Sultan, but the caravan
routes were utilized to an appreciable extent, the
goods being brought across the Balkan Peninsula to
Spalato. Stock not disposed of at that busy centre
was placed on vessels and taken to Venice. By about
the middle of the sixteenth century, the galleons and
caravels of the proud Republic ceased to make regular
voyages to Britain and the Low Countries, but her
traffic with the Levant continued until the dawn of
the eighteenth century.
The neighbouring republic of Genoa, which shared
with Venice the commerce of the Orient, was likewise
affected by Vasco da Gama's discovery. At that time
she was building goodly carracks of 1,600 tons, and
many a Venetian and Genoese vessel was hired by
England to take her wares to distant lands and sunnier
climes. Venice did not entirely surrender to Antwerp
and Lisbon, and to-day the wonderful City of the Rialto
that had emerged from the mud carries on a flourishing
78
 In Elizabeth's Spacious Days
export trade, which includes building materials of
divers kinds, hemp, and paper. Quite close to the site
of the battle of Actium (31 B.C.) the noble galleasses
of Venice fought the Turks at Lepanto in 1571, when
the Republic was aided by Spain and the Papal States.
It may be that the result was an added incentive to

Philip's ambition to contest England with the Armada.

Unfortunately the defeat of the Turks had no marked
influence on the nefarious practices of the corsairs,
who scourged the Mediterranean until the third decade
of the nineteenth century. The names of such men as
the Barbarossas, Dragut, and Ali were as much feared
by legitimate mariners as was that of Drake on the
Spanish Main. The expulsion of the Moors from Spain,
when fanaticism on either side was rampant, led to
the setting-up of the pirate republic of Salee. Readers
with retentive memories will recollect that Robinson
"
Crusoe was captured by a Rover of Salee," and
escaped after two years' imprisonment.
It is somewhat remarkable that this time should
have been chosen by English merchants to turn
seriously to the Mediterranean as an area for commer-
cial enterprise. Hitherto they had been content to
have their goods carried in foreign bottoms, but there
gradually grew up a more or less regular line of traffic
in English ships between Southampton and Bristol
and Sicily, Crete, Cyprus, and Tripoli. Then came a
lapse of a quarter of a century, followed by a resur-
rection of trade with the Levant on the part of the
Turkey Company. That business was carried on with
considerable risk is proved by the number of captures
made by the Mussulmans, despite the Sultan's strict
orders, in addition to those taken by the Barbary
corsairs. The "hellish thraldome" of the unfortunates
79
 TheStory of the British Navy
moved the Bishop of London to appeal to the Cor-
"
poration in 1582 to staye such entercourse with
Infidells."
The first East Indiaman sailed from Woolwich on
February 13, 1601, a date which doubtless upset the
superstitious susceptibilities of some of her crew.
She was bound " East of Suez," though the route she
took was obviously not that of to-day, but round the
Cape of Good Hope. James Lancaster, in command,
had no scruples in such relatively small matters as the
capture of Portuguese vessels and the niching of their
cargoes. Early in June he reached Acheen, in Sumatra,
where he was well received by Prince Ala-ud-dhin,
who granted him trading privileges. At Bantam,
in Java, Lancaster did much
excellent business by
disposing of the wares he had brought from England
"
and " secured during the voyage, and eventually
reached the Thames after an absence of two years
and eight months. " The passage to the East Indies,"
"
he reported, lieth in 62 degrees by the north-west
on the American side."
It was a notable triumph. The Dragon, Lancaster's
largest ship, was of 600 tons, only 68 tons less than an
armed East Indiaman launched at Blackwall a century
and a half later. In due course the Company which
laid the foundations of an empire within an empire
became the largest shipping line in Britain. The type
usually referred to as East Indiaman was not built
during the Elizabethan period. It did not come into

being until about 1772.

Early in the reign Elizabeth set about increasing her
"
naval force, and Burchett tells us that many of her
wealthy subjects, who lived near the sea-coasts, set
themselves to building of ships, so that in a short time
80
 In Elizabeth's Spacious Days
those of the Crown and of private persons were be-
come numerous as, on occasion of any naval war,
so
might employ 20,000 men. The good effects of these
preparations were shortly after seen in the war the
Queen undertook in behalf of the Protestants of France,
wherein, besides the land forces she sent over to
Normandy to their assistance, her ships, scouring the
seas, sorely distressed their enemies by taking great
numbers of prizes from them, and at length totally
interrupting their trade."
Throughout the forty-four years that good Queen
Bess occupied the throne adventurers assisted her
with their private vessels. They were, in a word,
privateers, even though their owners or other folk
interested in them were highly respected members of
society. There may have been patriotic reasons, but
the primary motive was plunder and profit. In some
of the expeditions not officially undertaken to punish
her enemies the sovereign was not above having a
pecuniary interest, and when Elizabeth invested money,
be it said, she invariably expected, and usually exacted,
an adequate return. Thus we find ships belonging to
the Navy taking part in the shameful but profitable
slaving expeditions of John Hawkins. Whether or not
the hardened old sinner turned over a new leaf at a
later period, when he and Frobisher were engaged
in strictly legitimate warfare, is open to doubt, despite
"
his assertion that Paul planteth and Apollos watereth,
but it is God who gives the increase." On this particular
occasion Providence provided no prizes, and when
Elizabeth heard the remark she is said to have
" This fool went out
cynically retorted, God's death !

a soldier, and is come home a divine."

The disastrous expedition to the West Indies, which
81
 The Story of the British Navy
sailed in 1594 with the object of seizing Spanish bullion,
is another case in point. Of the twenty-six vessels
which took part in it only half a dozen belonged to
the Queen. The remainder were owned by private
adventurers. During it both Hawkins and Drake died
and were buried at sea.
Perhaps no incident in the maritime history of the
period reveals the grasping character of the shrewd
and exacting woman who presided over the destinies
of England than ^ *i incident which took place in 1592.
Some ships owned by the Earl of Cumberland, a seaman
of ripe experience with a turn for expeditions, fitted
out at his own expense, together with others belonging
to Raleigh and the Hawkins family, fell in with the
Portuguese Madre de Dios. Unfortunately a little
' '
naval vessel which the carrack could have swallowed
happened to be present, and Elizabeth claimed and
secured the greater part of the profit made from the
sale of the rich East Indian cargo. It is stated that the
wonderful assortment of silks, spices, carpets, and other
goods captured so aroused the enthusiasm of the London
merchants who saw them that the prize indirectly
contributed to the formation of the East India Company.
Hitherto the Navy had been manned by soldiers
rather than by sailors, but during the Elizabethan
period we find the latter coming into their own, al-
though in the Commonwealth we shall still come across
instances of a man like Blake being put in charge of a
fleet and combining the duties and title of General
and Admiral. Although Drake was first and foremost
a sailor, he was also a keen fighter on land, as in later
times was Sir Edward Hobart Seymour, who led forces
on shore for the relief of the besieged legations in
Pekin.
82
 In Elizabeth's Spacious Days
Even more important, some sense of proportion
was observed regarding the various types of vessels
employed. Although there was no marked increase
in the tonnage of the largest ships, there certainly
was in the smaller. In the first year of the reign of
Edward VI, the combined tonnage of the fifty-three
vessels of the Navy was 11,268 in the last year of
;

Elizabeth's rule the tonnage was 17,055 and the

number Diversity in the pieces
of ships only forty -two.
of ordnance still obtained, ranging according to Sir
William Monson from cast-iron cannon with a bore of
8 inches and a shot of 60 Ib. to a rabinet of 1 inch firing
a half-pound shot. Culverins of 5| inches discharging
a ball weighing 17| Ib. appear to have been considered
useful weapons, for of the sixty-eight guns mounted
in the Triumph, seventeen were culverins, only three
fewer than the fowler chambers employed for repelling
boarders. Until the coming of Fisher's Dreadnought
in 1906 the frequent practice was to mount a medley
of weapons.
How did it come about that, although nominally
at peace, Englishmen could make raids on Spanish
territoryand capture Spanish ships ? The question
takes us back to the time of Columbus's discovery.
Pope Nicholas V, with easy authority, had invested
the Portuguese with all lands discovered during their
voyages to the south and east. A little later Pope
Alexander VI decided that all the land to the
west of a line drawn 800 miles west of the Azores
should belong to Spain, and that on the east to
Portugal. This was not at all in keeping with the
notions of Elizabethan sea-dogs, who wished to share
in thecommerce of the New World, and were certainly
not disposed to regard the adjudication of wearers of
83
 The Story of the British Navy
the Triple Tiara in such matters as legally binding.
The Queen on her part refused to recognize America
as Spain's monopoly, and as we have seen, became a
partner in some of the expeditions. Those were not the
days when international complications could be brought
about by the murder of an Englishman in some remote
part of the world, and if certain adventurous spirits
among her subjects cared to run the risk of sudden
death it was no business of hers. It was little short of
amazing what Philip of Spain stomached before open
hostilities were declared. On one occasion Hawkins
fired on a galley loaded with captives from the
Netherlands, and after releasing them sent them home.
This, it must be conceded, was somewhat humiliating
to the greatest sea - Power of the day, but nothing
happened other than a complaint from the ambassador.
"
Your mariners," he told Elizabeth, " rob my master's
subjects on the sea, and trade where they are forbidden
to go. They attack our vessels in our very harbours
and take our prisoners from them. We have borne
with these things, attributing them rather to passion
or rudeness of manners than to any deliberate purpose
of envy ; but, seeing there is no remedy and no end,
I must now refer to my sovereign to learn what I am
to do. I make, however, one concluding appeal to
your Majesty. I entreat your Majesty to punish this
last outrage at Plymouth, and to preserve the peace
between the two countries."
Other great ocean-warriors there were, but the
sea-history of Elizabeth's day centres to a very
appreciable extent around the personality of Francis
Drake. Heaven knows, there is romance enough for
a dozen folk in this sea-king of Devon. Cradled on a
farm, breeched in a rotting hulk on the Medway,
84
 In Elizabeth's Spacious Days
brought up in the environment of ships new and old
within hail of Chatham dockyard, taught the demo-
cratic creed of a Protestant father who lost all through
Catholicism, mentally nourished on a hatred of Spain
as -of the devil, hardened by an apprenticeship on a
Channel coaster, and finally taking service in the Navy
at twenty-four or thereabouts, Drake was to the people
of England their own particular representative on the
high seas.
To him the offensive was a moral and a strategic
"
principle. To seek God's enemies and her Majesty's
where they may be found," to quote his own words,
was the alpha and omega of his creed. It was his religion.
What Nelson did at Copenhagen was done by Drake at
Gravelines, as we shall discover in a later chapter.
What manner of man was this commander who
combined hot courage with a cool head ? Let a captured
Spanish commander, Don Francisco de Zarate to wit,
tell us in a letter recently discovered by Lady Elliott-
Drake :

"
He received me favourably," the Don writes, " and
took me to his room, where he made me be seated,
and said to me I am a friend to those who speak the
'
:

truth, that is what will have the most weight with me.
What silver or gold does this ship bring ?
'
. . . We
spoke together a great while until the dinner hour.
He told me to sit beside him and treated me from his
dishes, bidding me have no fear, for my life and goods
were safe ; forwhich I kissed his hands.
" "
This English General," he goes on, is a cousin

of John Hawkins he is the same who about five years

;

ago took the port of Nombre de Dios he is called ;

Francis Drake a man of some five and thirty years,

;

small of stature and red-bearded, one of the greatest

85
 The Story of the British Navy
sailors on the sea, both from skill and power of
commanding. His ship carried about 400 tons, is swift
of sail, and of a hundred men, all skilled and in their
prime, and all as much experienced in warfare as if
they were old soldiers of Italy. Each one, in particular,
takes great pains to keep his arms, he treats them with
affection, and they treat him with respect. ... I
endeavoured to find out whether the General was
liked, and every one told me he was adored."
Here is what happened on Sunday, August 9, 1573,
when Drake returned home from his expedition to
*
Nombre de Dios, the Treasure-house of the World,'
and marching by way of the Cordilleras, was the first
Englishman to gaze on the fabled Pacific. The news
"
did so speedily pass over all the church, and surpass
their minds with desire and delight to see him, that very
few or none remained with the preacher, all hastening
to see the evidence of God's love and blessing towards
our gracious Queen and country."

86
 CHAPTER VIII

The Menace of the Armada

The navy of England may be divided into three sorts, of
which one serveth for the wars, the other for burden, and the
the
third for fishermen, which get their living by fishing on the
sea. HOLINSHED

MOST up to the last generation the importance

the Armada was deemed be mainly
A~ of
theological. Boys and girls
to
left
the impression that the underlying idea of its projector
school with

was to propagate the view of that section of the Church

to which he belonged. Providence, being presumably
Protestant, scattered the fleet in the nick of time and
saved England. This compound of error was usually
garnished with the celebrated story of the admirals
playing bowls on Plymouth Hoe.
Actually the main causes that led to Philip of Spain's
struggle with England were two. The first was the
constantly repeated attacks on his ships and territory
by Drake and other adventurers, and Elizabeth's refusal
either to punish the marauders or stop what Philip
regarded as their lawless deeds, and the second was the
recognition of the Dutch Republic, brought into being
by his rebellious subjects aided and abetted by the
English Queen.
Although Howard of Effingham, Hawkins, Drake,
Raleigh, and other practical seamen urged that
ships were the proper means of resisting invasion, a
87
 The Story of the British Navy
considerable amount of time, energy, and money was
spent on internal defence. There was then no regular
army, although each county had a levy of armed men
who met occasionally but not regularly, and London
and other large centres had their trained bands. On
this occasion the capital provided 20,696 men, not
included in the total of 87,281 foot and horse that
England and Wales were called upon to furnish.
An army of 22,000 foot and 2,000 horse was stationed
at Tilbury for the defence of London ; a second army
"
consisting of 28,900 was placed in Essex for the
defence of her Majesty's person," and a third and more
formidable army of 27,000 foot, 407 heavy horse, and
"
1,961 light horse was to resist the landing, and oppose
the progress of the enemy."
Elizabeth first issued instructions to the lord-
lieutenants of all the maritime counties to put the
districts under their charge in a state of defence. The

captains in each lieutenancy were shown the positions

they were to occupy, the points needing batteries
and earthworks, and were ordered " to have roads
and fords repaired, and cross-bars ready, to stop the
enemy after landing." Special attention was paid
to Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Dorset, Essex, Norfolk,
and Suffolk, which were deemed the most vulnerable
points. In Dorset, for instance, each district provided
fifty carriages for conveying provisions. Every parish
furnished a foot-post, and every market-town a horse-
post. The cattle were to be driven inland and provisions
burned should there be any risk of their being captured
by the Spaniards.
Returns were also made of the number of ships and
men in every port, the number of the former being
1,634 and of the latter 16,259, including masters,
88
 The Menace of the Armada
mariners, fishermen, and wherrymen. The inquiries
thus made led to several reforms in such matters as the
wages of the men in the Navy, which were increased,
and also to accommodation for the fleet being provided
at the Isle of Wight, Weymouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth,
and Falmouth. Many of the seaport towns were called
upon to furnish both ships and men to augment the
regular fleet. In this matter the City of London was
again to the fore, and provided thirty vessels and
2,130 men. The Queen's ships numbered thirty-four,
Drake had thirty-two merchant -ships serving under
him, Howard thirty-three merchant-ships and twenty
coasters, Seymour twenty-three coasters, and twenty-
' '
three other vessels joined up voluntarily with the
coming of the Armada.
The disparity in the size of the ships of the opposing
forces was not nearly so alarming as popular belief
has madeit. In the Queen's ships we find the Triumph
and the White Bear of 1,100 and 1,000 tons respectively,
and in those of Philip II one galleon of 1,249 tons,
one of 1,200 tons, one of 1,160 tons, one of 1,150 tons,
one of 1,100 tons, one of 1,050 tons, and one of 1,000
tons. There is reason to believe that the official Spanish
measurements erred on the side of exaggeration, for
the San Salvador, listed at 958 tons, was reported on
being captured as of 600 tons only. It is more than
likely that the surveyors erred, but scarcely to so
great an extent as over 300 tons. What was far more
important than making a brave show was that the
English vessels were considerably more heavily armed
and served, and better sailers.
' '

England's partiality for muddling through was

evident in the trying days of the Armada. The scandal
of the shell shortage of 1915 had its counterpart in
89
 The Story of the British Navy
1588. Writing to the Lords of the Council on March
"
30th of the latter year, Drake notes, consider of our
proporcions in powlder, shotte and other munycion
. . which proporcion in powlder and shotte for our
.

greate ordynance in H.M.'s shippes is but one daie

and halfes servyce. .Good my lords I beseeche you
. .

to consider deeplie of this, for it importeth but the

losse of all. ... I have sente unto your good Lordships
the note of such powlder and munytyon as are
delivered unto us for this great servyce, which in truthe
I judge to be just a thirde part of that which is
needefull, ffor if we should wante it when we shall
have moste neede thereof it will be too late to sende
to the Tower for it."
Nearly four months later, and only two days before
the battle off Portland Bill, Lord Charles Howard
**
penned the following to Walsingham : Sir, for the
love of God and our country let us have with sume
sped some graet shote sent us of all bignes, for this
sarvis wyll continew long, and sume powder with it."
"
Ther must be grate care taken," Drake urges on
" to
July 29th, send us monycyon and vittuall whether
soever the enemey goeth."
This want of efficiency was as nothing compared
to that of the Spaniards. The idea of the invasion of
England was first mooted to Philip by Alvaro de Bazan,
Marquis of Santa Cruz, a leader of undoubted merit
and bravery, possessing the confidence of all who served
*
under him, and known as the never-conquered cap-
tain.' In August 1583 he proposed that the fleet
should be prepared for service for use in the following
year, which would allow of the completion of nine
galleons then on the stocks. Nothing of consequence
was done until the beginning of 1586, when Santa Cruz
90
 The Menace of the Armada
again brought the matter before the King's notice
and received a reply asking for more detailed par-
ticulars. To do the job thoroughly the Marquis asked
for a main squadron of 510 craft, of which 150 were to
be big ships, and a secondary squadron that would
bring the total up to 596, including transports for no
fewer than 55,000 men and 1,200 horse-soldiers.
Altogether the floating population of the Armada
would be 94,222. The King hesitated and was lost.
It would involve vast wealth, and Philip was not

disposed to foot so big a bill. Philip's notion was that

Santa Cruz should secure command of the Channel
and the North Sea and cover the crossing of Parma's
army from the Netherlands, which was then waging
war against the United Provinces. Preparations were
begun without further delay, but in order that the
big secret should not leak out the number of those
who were entrusted with information as to the whys
and wherefores of the undertaking was strictly limited.
Philip's elaborate precautions availed nothing. News
of the shipbuilding going on
in Spanish ports reached
" "
England, and the terribleEl Draque was sent off
to report. Of the thirty ships that he took with him
only four and a couple of pinnaces belonged to the Navy
proper. The others went in the hope of making a profit
on the voyage, and were not chartered by the Queen.
"
It was on this occasion that Drake singed the
King of Spain's beard." In the outer harbour of Cadiz
he found eighteen ships preparing, and burned the lot.
Then he landed at Cape St Vincent, plundered the
monastery and on fire, and after taking several
set it
castles, captured a number of ships having valuable

cargoes. Off the Azores he took a prize richly laden

with bullion, precious stones, silk, and spices, and
91
 The Story of the British Navy
having done what he had set out to do, plus a little
more, sailed for Plymouth. The invasion, planned
for the summer of 1587, was again postponed. In the
following year the bold adventurer asked to be allowed
to take the offensive again, but the Queen did not grant
his petition.
'
Santa Cruz, the Iron Marquis,' died in February,
1588, and the King filled or thought he could fill

his place with Don Alonso Perez de Guzman, Duke

of Medina Sidonia, a wealthy aristocrat totally unsuited
to the post. He detested the sea and he hated his job.
It is to his credit that he tried to avoid accepting the

appointment, but the King would regard no excuse

and catching cold,
as valid, despite pleas of sea-sickness
"
and appointed him Captain-General of the Ocean
Sea."
The paring process reduced the complement
finally
of the Armada whom 10,138 were
to 29,433 men, of
oarsmen and sailors. With Parma's 30,000 soldiers,
the total number of warriors available would be less
than 50,000.
Delay followed delay, but at long last Medina
Sidonia announced that he was ready. His instructions
were to sail to the North Foreland and cover Parma's
passage. While the Duke was informed that the English
"
would fight at a distance on account of the advantage
he has in artillery," and would aim low and as near
to the water-line as possible, his method of fighting
'
was to be the time-honoured close quarters.' All this
ismuch to the point and thoroughly sound, but the
Duke was not to fight except as a last resort. Medina
Sidonia must have read the following with no little
"
satisfaction : This instruction as to fighting is to
if there is no other means of securing the passage
apply
92
 The Menace of the Armada
to England of my cousin the Duke of Parma, for it
will be well keeping your forces intact, you can secure
if,

the same result either by misleading the enemy, or in

some other way." After the army had landed the
Admiral was to blockade the Thames, and following
the subjugation of England an attempt on Ireland
might be made. Should anything preclude Parma from
crossing, Medina Sidonia was to try and take possession
of the Isle of Wight.
Parma was ready with 17,000 men, 1,000 light horse,
and 300 transport vessels. This information came
to the Admiral shortly before the first ships of the
Armada hoisted their gorgeously painted canvas on
May 30, 1588, and departed from Lisbon. Trouble
began at once. The weather was hot and tainted much
of the meat, the wind was wrong and precluded any-
thing but the slowest progress then a mild gale came
;

on and searched the weak points of the ships. Leaks,

broken spars, and split sails were included in the
casualties, and the Admiral's flagship and one or two
other vessels put into Corurla. The remainder of the
Armada continued on their voyage to the Scillies,
the general rendezvous arranged in case the fleet became
divided. Some of the galleons, transports, and store-
ships actually arrived at the islands, and not finding
the others there, returned to Spain before the Admiral
had completed his repairs. So far no ship had foundered,
and after concentrating at Corurla the Armada made a
second start on July 12th. By the 19th the mighty
armament was off the Lizard. Lord Howard was then
lying in Plymouth Sound. The wind was with the
Spaniards, and had Medina Sidonia availed himself
of the opportunity he could have sailed into the Sound
and fought at close quarters, since the English would
93
 The Story of the British Navy
have had great difficulty in getting out. The Admiral,
"
lacking the supreme gift of insubordination," pre-
ferred to be
guided by the letter of the King's
instructions and
lost a unique chance. It is only fair
to add that at the council of war held on the San
Martin several of the admirals and generals did not
agree with their superior officer, but were overruled.
The present breakwater is built on shoals which loomed
large in the eyes of some of the sailors on this occasion.
They argued that they would not be able to attack in
line abreast, and that as they entered in line ahead
* *
each ship would be attacked individually. The safe
course was adopted, and it proved disastrous.
While the Armada was lumbering up Channel in
drizzle and mist, Howard's fleet was carefully feeling
its way out to give chase and bring it to battle.

94
 CHAPTER IX
Fighting Spain in the Channel
The advantage of time and place in all martial actions is half
a victory ; which being lost is irrecoverable. DRAKE

some of the Spanish ships had been

WHEN
hoping
"
reported
Corufia,
in God
off the coast before their recall to
Howard had sailed from Plymouth
we shall meet with some of them."
The pious wish of the commander-in-chief was not
fulfilled, though he scoured the sea between France
and the Scillies, and Drake and Hawkins patrolled
with lynx-eyed vigilance.
The constantly recurring hope of Drake that his
wish to sail for the Spanish coast might be fulfilled is
almost pathetic. He makes a final appeal to Howard :

"
To maintain my opinion that I have thought it
meeter to go for the coast of Spain, or at least more
nearer than we are now, are these good reasons following,
written on board her Majesty's good ship the Revenge,
this fourth of July 1588 :

"
The first, that hearing of some part of the Spanish
fleet upon our coast, and that in several fleets, the one
of 11 sail, the other of 6 sail, and the last of 18 sail,
all these being seen the 20th and 21st of June since ;

which time, we being upon the coast of France, could

have no intelligence of their being there, or passing
through our Channel neither hearing, upon our own
;

coast, of their arrival in any place, and speaking with

95
 The Story of the British Navy
a bark, which came lately out of Ireland, who can
advertise nobody of their being in those parts, I am
utterly of opinion that they are returned, considering
what weather they have had since that time ; other-
wise they could [? not] have been here without our
knowledge.
" I
say further, that if they be returning, our staying

here in this place shall but spend our victual, whereby

our whole action is in peril, no service being done.
For the lengthening of our victual by setting a straiter
order for our company, I find them much discontented
if we stay here ; whereas if we proceed they all promise

to live with as little portion as we shall appoint unto

them.
"
Our being upon the coast of Spain will yield us
true intelligence of all their purposes.
"
The taking of some of their army shall much daunt
them and put a great fear amongst them.
"
My opinion is altogether that we shall fight with
them much better cheep x upon their own coast than
here ; for I think this one of the unmeetest places to
stay for them.
"
To conclude, I verily believe that if we undertake
no present service, but detract time some few days,
we shall hardly be able to perform any matter of
importance."
It is to the everlasting credit of Howard that he

recognized the force and wisdom of his lieutenant's

arguments, and acting against orders, gave instructions
for the fleet to sail for Cornua. The wind, and the wind
only, thwarted them. A south-wester sprang up,
and the ships were compelled to return. On the day
that Howard reached Plymouth Medina Sidonia put
1
On better terms.
96
 Fighting Spain in the Channel
" "
to sea. Sir," wrote Howard to Walsingham, the
southerly wind that brought us back from the coast
of Spain brought them out."
There is no need to disbelieve the story of Howard,
Drake, and other sea-kings playing bowls on Plymouth
Hoe, and that the red-bearded son of Devon bade them
continue on their receiving news of the presence of the
Armada because there was time enough to finish and to
beat the Spaniards afterward. It fits in with what we
know of the man's personality, and goes back to the
time when some of Drake's contemporaries were living.
During the night of July 20th many of the English
ships had left port, crossed the enemy's front, and
secured the windward position for the forthcoming
attack. Sending the Defiance to fire a gun at the enemy
to announce that it was open war, on the following

morning Howard endeavoured to reach the Spaniards

before the now dying wind was completely exhausted.
The formation of the enemy was not the elongated
crescent, as is usually supposed. Ahead were the
squadrons of Portugal and Castile, the right wing or
vanguard consisted of the Guipuzcoan and Levantine
squadrons, and the Andalusian and Biscayan squadrons
formed the left wing or rearguard. These wings were
thrown back somewhat, which may account for the
popular idea of the half -moon. In the centre, slightly
ahead of them, and covered by the wings, were the
and light craft.
store-ships
The commander-in-chief, now joined by several
additional vessels variously estimated as numbering
from eight to eleven, attacked the Levantine squadron,
Howard in the Ark (800 tons) tackling La Rata Coronada
(820 tons) as he passed, his followers doing the same
as they came up in line. The Lord Admiral then
97
 The Story of the British Navy
proceeded to pay his attentions to
the Biscayan
squadron, on the left, and two galleons met him broad-
side on. Their endeavour was to come to close quarters,
but in this they were thwarted. Time and time again
Howard, Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher passed by
and returned, pouring a withering fire into the vitals
of Admiral Juan Martinez de Recalde's flagship and
her consort, and completely cutting them off. Un-
fortunately the appearance of Medina Sidonia's San
Martin and other 'ships compelled Howard to abandon
the fight after considerable damage had been done.
Trouble also came for the Spaniards in another
direction. The flagship of Pedro de Valdes, admiral
of the Andalusian squadron, in attempting to go to
the rescue of Recalde, got into collision with two vessels,
and an explosion occurred on the San Salvador that
set her on fire, did a vast amount of damage, and put
her out of action. Howard now attempted to cut off
the disabled ships, but Medina Sidonia's intervention
prevented him from pressing the attack, and he was
obliged to withdraw.
"
We had them in chase," wrote Drake to Lord
Henry Seymour, in command of the squadron based
"
on Dover, and so coming upon them there hath
passed some cannon shot between some of our fleet
and some of them, and as far as we perceive they are
determined to sell their lives with blows. The fleet
of the Spaniards is somewhat above a hundred sail,
many great ships but truly I think not half of them
;

men-of-war."
Several vessels stood by the Neustra Senora del
Rosario, which had been in collision, and Medina
Sidonia endeavoured to give her a tow. Stormy weather
and the Duke's anxiety to press on led to her abandon-
98
 Fighting Spain in the Channel
ment. During the night Drake, following the Armada
and leading the English fleet, saw several ships going
down Channel. Putting out the poop-lantern which
guided the vessels following him, he gave chase, thinking
that the Spaniards were doubling back. After finding
that they were traders he came across the abandoned
Rosario. Don Pedro surrendered, and the prize was sent
into Weymouth. This is Drake's own story, but there
were others who stoutly maintained that the action
was deliberately planned. His mysterious disappear-
ance certainly threw the fleet into some confusion.
A little later the San Salvador, badly damaged by the
explosion and unable to keep up with the remainder
of the fleet, was abandoned. She was taken by Hawkins,
and although leaking badly, duly arrived at Weymouth.
No further fighting occurred until the 23rd, when
the two fleets were off Portland Bill. Frobisher's
Triumph and five other ships were isolated near the
land, and Medina Sidonia sought to cut them off.

He might have succeeded in this had not the wind

veered from north-east to west, giving the English
the weather-gauge. They put up so splendid a fight
that the hopes of the Spanish for close action were
completely shattered. Frobisher held the attacking
galleons and galleasses at bay until Howard got into
touch with him, when the Duke resumed his course
up Channel in the direction of the Isle of Wight, his
dogged enemies following in his wake. The Santa Ana
had been badly handled by the English, and Medina
Sidonia's own flagship had received a broadside which
had wrought considerable devastation on board.
A few shots at long range were exchanged on the
24th, but Howard was in no humour to give battle
until he received the munitions of which he was starved.
99
 The Story of the British Navy
Off Dunnose, between St Catherine's Point and Culver
Cliff, with scarcely a puff of wind to aid the competitors,

fighting began again on the following day. The Spanish

admiral sent a swift vessel to inform Parma that he
was approaching, and urging him to join hands and
accomplish their purpose. Sailing in four squadrons,
Howard in the Ark and Hawkins in the Victory forming
the centre, Frobisher in the Triumph the left, and
Drake in the Revenge the right, Howard first paid
attention to a galleon which had been unable to keep up
with the others, and as the wind was too light for any
of his large ships to overtake her, he ordered some of
Hawkins's vessels to be towed by rowers in the direction
of the San Luis. The tow-boats received so warm a
reception at the hands of the Spaniards that the crews
were obliged to cast off. By this time another galleon
and several galleasses were endeavouring to come to
the help of the Luis, but the Ark and others of
San
Howard's squadron had also started, and a duel of
sorts ensued. One or two of the ships on both sides
were somewhat roughly handled, but our information
about the action is scanty. Whereas Howard fought
at a range that precluded boarding, Medina Sidonia
tried to engage him at close quarters more suited to
"
his smaller guns. A
hot fray," wrote Hawkins,
"
wherein some store of powder was spent and, after
all, little done," but no invasion of the Isle of Wight
took place. The Spaniards broke off the fight and
proceeded up Channel, followed by Howard. In the
evening of the 27th the Armada was anchored off the
French coast between Calais and Gravelines, with
Howard watching to seaward, and reinforced by three
dozen ships under Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William
Wynter.
100
 Fighting Spain in the Channel
Medina Sidonia sent a further urgent message to
the Duke of Parma begging him to put to sea. This the
latter was unable to do, for an efficient Dutch squadron
under Justinus of Nassau was waiting to deal with his
transports immediately they issued from Nieuport,
Sluys, and Dunkirk.
"
Most joyful I shall be," Parma had written to
"
Philip, to see myself with these soldiers on English
ground, where, with God's help, I hope to accomplish
your Majesty's demands." Though he could do nothing
but sit tight, his naval colleague was within seven
leagues of his destination, despite the harrying of the
English sea-dogs and the fighting of three actions.
On the following day Howard received munitions.
Something also came to hand for Medina Sidonia. It
was a dispatch from Parma saying that he would not
be ready for another week, and that before the army
of invasion could make exit it would be necessary
to remove the menace of the Dutch ships blockading
the mouths of the estuaries.

101
 CHAPTER X
The Flight of the Armada
We have the army of Spain before us, and mind, with the
grace of God, to wrestle or fall with them. DRAKE

Dover Harbour certain rods were in pickle for

the Spaniards. A number of old vessels had taken
IN on highly inflammable cargoes chiefly consisting of
tar-barrels and fagots. These fire-ships, as they were
called, were the rough and ready torpedoes of the
old-time Navy. Drake had used them with terrible
effect at Vera Cruz, and they were to be brought into
service time and time again. The idea was simple and
obvious enough. Manned by volunteers, the fire-ship
was used when the enemy was to windward. At great
risk she was taken as near as possible, her helm fixed
so that she would keep in the desired direction, and
then set on fire, the crew making their escape as best
they could. She was first cousin to the famous Q boats
of the Great War, which looked like weather-beaten
old tramps and turned out to be heavily armed men-
of-war.
At the Ark it was decided
council held on board the
to send to Dover for these engines of destruction.
Sir Henry Palmer set off to get them. When he had
gone some one remarked that he would not be in time
to catch the tide, and it was on wind and tide that
success or failure mainly depended. It was immediately
decided to try the experiment that night. To-morrow
102
 The Flight of the Armada
might be too late. Drake offered a ship, and seven
others were promptly earmarked. Then began the job
of getting as much combustible stuff on board as was to
hand in the limited time at their disposal. At midnight
all was ready. Medina Sidonia was not caught napping.
His patrols were out. So far they had seen nothing.
Suddenly eight blazing ships were bearing down on the
Armada. In their haste to get away from these terrors
of the night cables were cut, collisions were frequent,
and the stately lines of a short time before were no
longer either stately or lines. Yet the fire-ships as
such were damp squibs. No Spanish vessel was touched
by the consuming fire. With the dawn the Spanish
fleet was in a state of confusion. The Armada had
been rooted out. The San Martin fired guns for
the ships to anchor. This most of them could not
do because their tackle was at the bottom. In its
sequel, therefore, the work of the fire-ships was
successful. The flagship was attended by a few
galleons, and four galleasses were endeavouring to
get under the guns of Calais Castle, but the remainder
of the Armada was scattered abroad to the north-
east, off Gravelines.
On July 22nd it was discovered that the San Lorenzo,
the flagship of Don Hugo de Moncada, which had come
into collision with one of the Levant galleons in the
confusion of the previous night, had driven ashore.
Howard marked her for his own, but knowing the
dangerous nature of the ground, cast off his long-boat
with fifty or sixty men, an example followed by another
ship. They were received by a hail of shot from the
musketeers, who fired from the cover of the bulwarks,
while the English soldiers and sailors were without
the slightest protection. When Moncada was killed
103
 The Story of the British Navy
everybody on board completely lost their heads. The
majority of the men jumped overboard, and while some
escaped by swimming ashore, many were drowned.
"
Then two " handkerchers upon two rapiers were
hoisted in token of surrender. Those who had refused
to desert the ship were sent to Dover.
Meanwhile Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher were
after farmore important fry. The Spanish commander
was in an isolated group of half a dozen ships, but doing
his best to overtake his scattered squadrons. Then
he changed his plan, and sending a small vessel to tell
them to rejoin him, awaited the coming of the English.
As each of Drake's ships drew near they fired a broad-
side at point-blank range at the San Martin, and
then proceeded in the direction of the main fleet. For
a time both Hawkins and Frobisher confined their
attention to the group which Drake had just left, and
the burden and heat of the day fell mainly on the
intrepid man of Devon who had singed the King of
Spain's beard. While Howard and Seymour were going
to the assistance of Hawkins and Frobisher, none
came to El Draque, who held on with dogged tenacity
while Medina Sidonia's squadrons endeavoured to rally
to the Duke's support.
"
God hath given us so good a day in forcing the
enemy so far to leeward," Drake communicated to
"
Walsingham, as I hope in God the Prince of Parma
and the Duke of Sidonia shall not shake hands this
few days and whensoever they shall meet, I believe
;

that neither of them will greatly rejoice of this day's

"
service." The fight," wrote Wynter to the same,
"
continued from nine of the clock until six of the clock
at night, in the which time the Spanish array bore away
N.N.E., or north by east as much as they could, keeping
104
 The
Flight of the Armada
company one with another. ... I deliver it to your
honour upon the credit of a poor gentleman, that out
of my ship was shot, 500 shot of a demi-cannon, culverin,
and demi-culverin and when I was furthest off in
;

discharging any of the pieces, I was not out of the

shot of their harquebus, and most times within speech
of one another and surely every man did well. No
;

doubt the slaughter and hurt they received was great,

as time will discover it and when every man was
;

weary with labour, and our cartridges spent, and

munitions wasted I think in some altogether we
ceased, and followed the enemy."
"
In our last fight with the enemy, before Gravelines,
"
the 29th of July," Howard tells Walsingham, we sunk
three of their ships, and made some go near the shore,
so leak, as they were not able to live at sea. After that
fight, notwithstanding that our powder and shot was
well near all spent, we set on a brag countenance and
gave them chase, as though we had wanted nothing."
The three ships mentioned by the Lord Admiral
were all lost during a sudden squall, when the fight
was broken off. During it the Maria Juan capsized,
and the San Mateo and the San Felipe, both of which
had been badly mauled, were abandoned, and after-
ward captured. They drifted on to the shoals, a fate
which Medina Sidonia was informed awaited the rest
of the Armada unless he ordered it into the North
Sea.
"
On the following day he noted, The enemy
remained aloof, seeing that the whole Armada must
be lost." Though a change of wind saved him from the
banks of Zeeland, he had lost touch with Parma. The
die was cast in the cabin of the San Martin. While
there was much grumbling and indignation on the
105
 The Story of the British Navy
part of the fighting minority, it was decided at a council
of war that the fleet should return to Spain via the
north of Scotland. It might be a hazardous proceeding,
but neither ships nor men were in condition to continue
hostilities. No fewer than 600 men had been killed
in the late battle, and 800 wounded. Many more were
sick. Damages and leaks were numerous ; shot and
powder were alarmingly low. For that matter Howard
was also awaiting munitions and stores, and by reason
of their absence was equally disinclined to fight. While
the Lord Admiral knew that his wants would be supplied,
Medina Sidonia was equally certain that his would
not. Wynter and Seymour were now to co-operate
with Justinus in the blockade of Parma's ports, while
Howard and the others followed the Armada, Drake
with the vanguard. Off the Firth of Forth the Navy
and its auxiliaries bade farewell to the fleeing enemy.
Howard had proved to his own satisfaction that the
Duke's one and only purpose was to get home as
speedily as possible. A final fight was proposed, but
"
got no further. There was not munition enough
to make half a fight."
When the Armada reached Spanish ports it had
suffered the loss of no fewer than sixty-four vessels,
of which only seven were accounted for ere Medina
Sidonia turned tail. The remainder perished by ship-
wreck. Probably 10,000 men lost their lives, including
"
those massacred in Ireland. The Spaniards," writes
"
an English officer, were so miserably distressed coming
to land, that one man named Melaghlin McCabbe
killed eighty with his gallow glass axe."
A contemporary ballad by Thomas Deloney may
also be applicable to a later day and generation. It
begins as follows :

106
 The Flight of the Armada
O noble England, fall doune upon thy knee,
And praise thy God with thankful! hart, which still
maintaineth thee.
The forraine forces, that seekes thy utter spoile,
Shall then through his especiall grace be brought to
shamefull foile.
With mightie power they come unto our coast :

To over runne our countrie quite, they make their

brags and boast.
In strength of men they set their onely stay,
But we upon the Lord our God will put our trust alway.

Statesmen and politicians meddled with things

they did not understand in Elizabeth's day, as in ours.
Doubtless with the best intention in the world, the
"
Privy Council asked the question, What causes are
there why the Spanish navy hath not been boarded
by the queen's ships ? And though some of the ships
of Spain may be thought too huge to be boarded by
the English, yet some of the queen's ships are thought
very able to have boarded divers of the meaner ships
of the Spanish navy." What the Council failed to
appreciate was the fact that with superior guns and
gunners, and with more manageable ships, there was
no need for the old-fashioned hand-to-hand fighting.
To have grappled with the Armada would have been
to play the enemy's game. The time-honoured notion
of many soldiers and few sailors had become obsolete
in the English Navy, though not in the Spanish. Thus
the San Martin had approximately 177 seamen and 300
soldiers, while the Ark had 300 seamen and 125 soldiers.
Philip fully appreciated what the Council did not.
He had noted in his orders to Medina Sidonia, " You
are especially to take notice that the enemy's object
will be to engage at a distance, on account of the

advantage which they have from their artillery and the

107
 The Story of the British Navy
offensive fireworks with which they be provided
will ;

and, on the other hand, the object on our side should

be to close and grapple and engage hand to hand."
Powder, shot, and provisions were short, and precluded
further fighting after Gravelines.
How completely the rising naval power of England
was feared by Philip was shown in the year following
the defeat of the Armada. He forbade his treasure-
ships to return from America for dread of their being
captured. For seven long and dreary months Hawkins
and Frobisher watched off the Azores and Canaries and
failed to make a single capture.
There is no more dramatic event in British history
than the last fight of the Revenge, Drake's old flagship.
In 1591 she was the flagship of Sir Richard Grenville,
Lord Thomas Howard's second-in-command on the
station mentioned immediately above, and a nephew
of Lord Howard of Effingham. Philip could no longer
further delay his sea-borne commerce because he
required the money. He therefore equipped a fleet
which was to pick up the Spanish Plate Fleet in mid-
ocean and convoy it home. Howard had only half a
dozen ships, while Don Alonso de Bazan had over fifty.
When the commander-in-chief was watering his
fleet in Flores Bay, the Moonshine pinnace put in with
a warning from the Earl of Cumberland, then engaged
in attacking commerce the Spanish coast, to the
off
effect that Don Alonso was approaching. The informa-
tion came at the eleventh hour. Indeed, Howard had
scarcely time to get outside, and in order that the men
on shore might not be deserted he left the Revenge
and victualler to wait
a for them. When Sir Richard
was ready to clear the Spaniards were between him
and Howard. The victualler, running to leeward of
108
 The Flight of the Armada
the enemy, got away, and had the fiery son of Bideford
liked he could have followed suit. In the peculiar
etiquette of the sea such a course would have been an
acknowledgment of inferiority. Despite the entreaties of
some of his officers, he steadfastly negatived their counsel
"
to run before the wind, utterly refusing," according
"
to Sir Walter Raleigh, to turn from his enemies,
alleging that he would rather choose to die than to
dishonour himself, his country, and her Majesty's
ship persuading his company that he would pass
through the two divisions of them." Like Cradock
"
off Coronel, he played a man's game. He would pass
through two squadrons in spite of them, and enforce
that of Seville to give him way." The first galleon to
meet him was the San Felipe, which by skilful handling
got to windward and took the breeze out of his sails.
The fight began at three o'clock in the afternoon
"
and was continued throughout the night. Fifteen
"
naval armadas," writes Raleigh, were brilliantly
repulsed by this one English ship, which received
in the course of the action eight hundred shot of great
artillery, besides many assaults and entries." Twice
Grenville was wounded, but refused to go below. Lord
Thomas Howard did what he could to draw off some
of the enemy vessels from his gallant colleague, but
could do nothing to prevent his second-in-command
from being surrounded. At length, his ship leaking
like a sieve, her masts gone by the board, the upper
deck torn away, and forty dead, Grenville ordered the
master-gunner to be prepared to blow up the battered
hulk with the remaining barrel of gunpowder. Then
he addressed those of the crew who were still un-
"
wounded, saying that as they had, like valiant,
resolute men, repulsed so many enemies, they should
109
 The Story of the British Navy
not now shorten the honour of their nation by pro-
longing their own lives by a few hours or a few days.
The master-gunner readily agreed, and divers others ;
but the captain and the master were of another opinion,
and besought Sir Richard to have care of them, alleging
that the Spanish would be as ready to entertain a
composition [viz. ransom] as they were willing to offer
the same and that there being divers and sufficient
;

valiant men yet living, and whose wounds were not

mortal, they might do their country and prince accept-
able service hereafter."
The master of the Revenge was rowed to Don Alonso
de Bazan's flagship, and the Admiral agreed that the
officers should be released on payment of a ransom
and the crew returned to England as soon as practic
able. As Grenville was borne away from his flagship he
fainted, but shortly afterward recovered consciousness.
"
Here die I, Richard Grenville," he is stated to have
"
muttered with his dying breath, with a joyful heart
and a quiet mind, for that I have ended my life as a
good soldier ought to do, who has fought for his country,
queen, religion, and honour. Wherefore my soul joy-
fully departeth out of this body, and shall always
leave behind it an everlasting fame of a true soldier,
who hath done his duty as he was bound to do. But
the others of my company have done as traitors and
dogs, for which they shall be reproached all their lives,
and leave a shameful name for ever."
Two Spanish ships had been sunk, another had
to be beached, and a fourth was a wreck before the
Revenge was abandoned. Of Philip's Spanish Plate
Fleet over a hundred foundered or were wrecked in a
gale which overtook them after they had been met by
the convoy, forty-eight hours following the fight.
110
 CHAPTER XI
From Commonwealth to Revolution
Time, and the Ocean, and some fostering star
In high cabal have made us what we are.
WILLIAM WATSON

Elizabeth's death in 1603, according to Mon-

"

AT
of
son, the last admiral she had ever sent to
sea," there were forty-one ships in the Navy,
which two were of 1,000 tons, three of 900 tons,
three of 800 tons, twenty-five of from 700 tons to 100
tons, and eight under the latter figure. At the close
of the reign of James I the number bad been reduced
to thirty -three, the largest reaching 1,400 tons and the
smallest 80 tons. Merchant vessels still played their
part in the service when occasion required.
The first of the Stuarts, though deeply interested
in shipbuilding, was a peace-loving soul, who used
the service for warring against pirates instead of
"
against nations. Even the Navy itself had become
a ragged regiment of common rogues," according to a
contemporary. Peace was made with Spain, but already
the growing sea-power of Holland was causing un-
easiness, though she dared not show her flag within
sight of a ship of the English Navy, at least in the
Narrow Seas. On one occasion Sir William Monson
sighted a Dutch squadron whose commander merely
dipped his colours. This was not at all to the Admiral's
liking. He peremptorily ordered them not to be shown
111
 The Story of the British Navy
"
at all, for rather than he would suffer him to wear
his flag in view of so many nations as were to behold
it, he resolved to bury himself in the sea." The
result was entirely satisfactory.
Under Phineas Pett finer vessels were built, and
1610 witnessed the launching at Woolwich of the
"
largest warship yet constructed in England. The
"
keel," it is recorded, was 114 feet long, and the cross-
beam forty-four in length ; she is to carry sixty-four
pieces of great ordnance, and is of the burthen of 1,400
tons. This royal ship is double built, and is most
sumptuously adorned within and without with all
manner of carving, painting, and gilding, being in all
respects the greatest and goodliest ship that ever was
built in England and this glorious ship the King
;

gave unto his son Henry Prince of Wales." This was

the Prince Royal. The first merchant vessel of 1,200
tons, the Trade's Increase, was also built at the same
dockyard.
Unfortunately the Navy was grossly mismanaged,
the fleet was undermanned and ill provisioned, cor-
ruption was rampant, sums were paid for ships that
did not exist, offices were sold, and when a commission
was eventually appointed to go into the matter it
"
found, among other disgraceful discoveries, that
neither due survey is taken of ought that cometh in,
nor orderly warrant given for most that goeth out,
nor any particular account made, nor now possible
to be made, of any one main worke or service that is
done."
The names of Pym, Hampden, and Glanville are
honoured in the annals of the Empire. When Charles I
issued a writ for ship-money to be paid by inland as
well as by maritime counties he did so because of what
112
 From Commonwealth to Revolution
he considered to be the urgency for a larger fleet.
Hitherto shires boasting no coastline had been exempted,
and these men resisted because there was no precedent
as regards the more fortunate inland counties, and
even the ports had not been called upon for the purpose
in time of peace. It is only fair to add that however
unconstitutional the King's methods may have been,
the money raised was actually spent on the Navy,
and that, as Admiral P. H. Colomb says, " the superior
classes of ships which Charles prepared and built had
a most material effect on the course of the Dutch wars.
In the first war the complaints of the Dutch admirals
were unceasing as to the inferiority of the Dutch ships
to those of the English." 1
When the Civil War flamed up there was, of course,
no trained army, but, what was vastly more impor-
tant, there was a fleet, and this was secured by the
Parliament. The Royalists could therefore not rely
on assistance from overseas, and the command of the
sea meant the command of the customs. The Navy
could besiege England for its own side and bring
reinforcements and stores to the Puritan forces. The
Earl of Warwick was made commander - in - chief ;

those officers who did not throw in their lot with the
Parliament promptly found their occupation gone.
Not only the mariners, but nearly every seaport sided
with the Roundheads. The Navy patrolled the coast
of England and Ireland with a thoroughness never
before attempted, hiring merchant-ships toaugment
the regular men-of-war. In 1643 no fewer than eighty
vessels were in commission. After the first Civil War,
in 1648 to be exact, a part of the fleet mutinied. The
squadron in the Downs refused to be placed under the
i Naval Warfare (2nd ed., 1895), p. 81.
113
 The Story of the British Navy
command of a military man, and
on his arrival boldly
put him on shore. Yet it will
be recollected that
only a comparatively few years had passed since the
soldier had invariably held that position. Although
the Lord Admiral Warwick took the place of Colonel
Rainsborough, the rebels refused to come to terms,
and helped to secure the castles of Deal, Walmer, and
Sandown for the Royalists, a short-lived triumph
that Fairfax speedily wiped out. The mutineers
escaped to Helvoetsluys, in Holland, where their ships
were handed over to the Prince of Wales, then a
refugee, and subsequently placed under the command
of Lord Willoughby of Parham, who, ironically enough,
was no more a sailor than the despised and disowned
Rainsborough. After making a voyage to England
and being neither attacked nor disposed to attack,
the squadron returned to Holland. Several of the ships
afterward came back to throw in their lot with Warwick,
leaving only seven behind. The latter were placed under
Prince Rupert.
Three weeks after the execution of the King Warwick
was dismissed, and the command of the Fleet passed
to three colonels, Edward Popham, Robert Blake,
*
and Richard Deane, who became Admirals and
Generals at Sea.' The Commonwealth certainly did not
neglect the Navy at the expense of the Army. An
era of vigorous shipbuilding set in under the Petts.
Thus at the end of 1653 we find no fewer than 132
vessels in the service, in addition to a dozen fire-ships
and victuallers. It was during this period also that
the idea of dividing different classes of ships into
' '
rates appears. First-rates, for instance, were from
891 to 1,556 tons, armed with from 64 to 104
guns, and carrying from 350 to 700 men. The sixth-
114
 From Commonwealth to Revolution
rate,and the lowest, consisted of vessels of from 55
to 255 tons, mounting from 6 to 36 guns, and worked
by from 25 to 130 men. Of this large number of ships
only three were of the largest size, while sixty-three
almost 50 per cent. were fourth-rates of from 301
to 700 tons, carrying 28 to 50 guns.
A much-appreciated increase in pay was granted,
a fairer distribution of prize-money was arranged,
rations were improved, and peculation at the dock-
yards severely dealt with.
"
In accordance with their commission to oppose
and suppress whoever maintains the title of Charles
Stuart, eldest son to the late King, or any of his issue
claiming a title to the Crown," Popham, Blake, and
Deane duly set out to scour the seas. With great good
fortune Rupert escaped from Helvoetsluys, after having
indulged in a little profitable piracy, sailed down
Channel, and duly made Kinsale, then a Royalist
stronghold like Jersey and the Scilly Isles. On occasion
"
the Devil," as Rupert's sister called him, issued forth
and preyed on commerce, and he also succeeded in
relieving the Scilly Isles. After the loss of a ship and
the appearance of a blockading squadron under Sir
George Ayscue, however, there was less heart and
lesser chance for such tactics, and when Ayscue was
succeeded by Blake and Deane the Royalist Admiral
must have recognized that his position was well nigh
hopeless. Yet fortune attended him, for heavy weather
compelled the vessels of the Parliament to withdraw.
Rupert seized his opportunity, and abandoning his

prizes, sailed for Portugal, eventually reaching Lisbon

with several English vessels he had captured on the
way.
At the moment English seas were clear, but such
115
 The
Story of the British Navy
urgent complaints were made to the Government
that the Council of State decided to fit out a winter
fleet. It was put in charge of Blake, and consisted of
twelve vessels, a number subsequently raised to twenty
by the appearance of additional ships under Popham.
" The
suppressing of pirates, advantage of trade,
encouraging of merchants, and securing their shipping
at sea ; also to pursue, seize, scatter, fight with, or
destroy allthe ships of the revolted fleet." Such was
the main programme, which also included sundry
items, such as the insistence on the lowering of the
topsails of foreign ships by way of salute, and that
Rupert was to be captured although he sought asylum
in the harbour of a state at peace with England. The
Prince and his piratical crew were to be regarded as
enemies of the human race hostes humani generis.

Napoleon was put in the same category in 1815.

Blake's negotiations with the Portuguese Govern-
ment were tedious and unsatisfactory. He would have
no more of them. When the Brazil Fleet left the Tagus
he promptly seized the English merchant-ships which
had been hired for the purpose of reinforcing it, and
secured their cargoes. King John appealed to Rupert
for help. The latter made as bold a show as was possible
with the small force at his command, but beyond
taking his ships for an airing achieved nothing. Blake
retaliated by capturing twelve ships of the incoming
Plate Fleet and sinking the unlucky thirteenth.
The Tagus was no longer healthy for Rupert. Seizing
his opportunity while Blake and Popham were making
their way to the Spanish port of San Lucar de
"
Barrameda to refit and get rid of the prizes, the
"
Devil slipped out, captured an English merchantman
sank others, and finally appeared off Cartagena and
116
 From Commonwealth to Revolution
entered the harbour. The Admiral and General took
diplomatic measures first, but was informed by the
Spanish governor that it was a neutral port, and that
"
they had the right to protect all ships that came
into their dominions that if the Admiral were forced
;

in thither, he should find the same security." Blake

was not " forced in thither," but boldly sank, captured,
or drove ashore all the vessels with the exception of
Rupert's ship and another, which had sailed for Toulon
owing to a storm. Blake exacted a heavy toll of French
prizes for this accommodation, and when he returned
to England his successor William Penn continued the
work. After a roving and highly adventurous career
Rupert reached Nantes. With the accidental burning
of his sole remaining ship his squadron disappeared.
Blake was next employed in assisting in the reduction
of the Scilly Isles. This successfully accomplished,
he was appointed to the squadron in the Downs, and
subsequently helped to capture Jersey. In the same
year, 1651, Sir George Ayscue set out with a squadron
to reduce Barbados, which surrendered during the fol-
lowing year. Virginia also threw in her lot with the
Commonwealth.
It would have been surprising if the Navigation Act
had failed to stir up bad blood with the Dutch, who
had become the ocean carriers of the world. No cargoes
could be imported from America, Asia, or Africa in
other than English vessels, .and no goods from any
European country could be brought over except in
English ships or those of the country producing the
goods. The right of search was also retained, and an
enemy's goods could be seized even when carried in
neutral vessels.
The refusal of Tromp to salute the Commonwealth
117
 The Story of the British Navy
flag in the Narrow Seas brought about the First Dutch
War of 1652-4. "The English," said the Dutch
"
ambassador, are about to attack a mountain of gold ;

we are about to attack a mountain of iron." On May

19, 1652, Blake saw Tromp with some forty sail off
"
Dover. Being come within three leagues of them,"
"
writes the former, they weighed and stood by a wind
to the eastward, we supposing their intention was to
leave us to avoid the dispute of the flag. About two
hours after they altered their course and bore directly
with us, Van Tromp the headmost whereupon we
;

lay and put ourselves into a fighting posture, judging

they had a resolution to engage. Being come within
musket-shot I gave order to fire at his flag, which was
done thrice. After the third shot he let fly a broadside
at us."
The battle lasted for five hours, Blake in the fifty-
gun ship the James bearing the brunt of it. The night
was spent in refitting, the rigging and sails being
"
extremely shattered." On the following morning
"
we espied the Dutch fleet about four leagues distance
from ours towards the coast of France, and by advice
of a Council of War it was resolved to ply to windward
to keep the weather-gauge, and we are now ready
to let fall our anchor this tide. What course the Dutch
fleet steers we do not well know, nor can we tell what
harm we have done them, but we suppose one of them
to be sunk, and another of thirty guns we have taken,
with the captains of both. . We have six men of
. .

ours slain, and nine or ten men desperately wounded,

and twenty-five more not without danger. We . . .

have received above seventy great shot in our hull

and masts, in our sails and rigging without number,
being engaged with the whole body of the fleet for the
118
 From Commonwealth to Revolution
space of four hours, and the mark at which they aimed.
We must needs acknowledge a great mercy that we had
no more harm, and our hope the righteous God will
continue the same unto us if there do arise a war
between us, they being first in the breach, and seeking
an occasion to quarrel and watching, as it seems, an
advantage to brave us upon our own coast, etc."
The battle was not renewed, and the vessel which
Blake presumed to have sunk was abandoned by
Captain Lawson and recovered by the Dutch.
The convoy system of gathering together a group of
merchantmen and conducting them through a danger
zone which obtained during the World War was merely
the revival of a venerable institution. Its modern

application met with considerably greater success

than was often evident in the past. The First Dutch
War consisted very largely, so far as England was
concerned, of attacks on convoys. The necessity for
protecting them was responsible for four of the seven
battles fought.
The quarrel, brought to a head by the fight off Dover,
began by Blake's being sent north to take or sink the
enemy's extensive herring-fleet, which was guarded by
warships. Off Buchan Ness the erstwhile officer of
militia captured about a hundred of the herring-busses,
in addition to making prizes of a dozen frigates. On
August 16, 1652, De Ruyter's fleet, convoying sixty
merchant vessels, fell in with Sir George Ayscue's
squadron. Although both sides claimed the victory,
the Dutchman was able to detach two of his ships to
escort the traders. They got safely away. Meanwhile
Blake and Penn were busy capturing Dutch homeward-
bound vessels to the number of seventeen.
While Blake was victorious over De Witt in the battle
119
 The Story of the British Navy
offthe Kentish Knock, this did not prevent Martin
Tromp setting off with seventy-three ships to guard a
convoy of 300 merchantmen. Meeting Blake, who
had only thirty-seven sail, he defeated him, and the
traders went on their way rejoicing. The Dutch admiral
then picked up 250 vessels awaiting convoy up Channel.
The General and Admiral, greatly reinforced, met him
off Portland. The English are said to have taken forty

ships of the convoy and four warships. In addition,

three were sunk, and one was blown up. The victors
destroyed one of their own vessels to prevent her being
captured.
Once again the intrepid Tromp eluded his enemy
and convoyed 200 ships to the north of Scotland
without being molested. In addition, 300 homeward-
bound vessels arrived safely in the Texel. Notwith-
standing the wonderful escapes of the merchantmen,
during the war of twenty-two months the English
claimed to have captured 1,700 vessels, valued at
6,000,000.
Cromwell's naval legacy to Charles II was 154 ships,
including prizes, with a total tonnage of 57,463. To
save expense, resort was had to coast fortifications.
" "
All their care," as Mr Secretary Pepys notes, they
now take is to fortify themselves, and are not ashamed
of it." In the Second Dutch War, which began in 1665
and ended in 1667, the enemy adopted an entirely
different policy. Moreover, they were helped by a
French fleet. Believing that it was impossible to fight
and protect commerce at the same time, the Dutch
prohibited sea-borne trade, excluding homeward-bound
ships. Off Lowestoft and the North Foreland the Dutch
were worsted in the Four Days' Battle in the Straits
;

of Dover the English were compelled to retire with

120
 From Commonwealth to Revolution
the loss, of a score of ships. De Ruyter disgraced us
by holding possession of the mouth of the Thames
for a few days, but in the end the Dutch learned, as
De Witt had remarked, that " Englishmen might be
killed, and English ships burnt, but the English courage
was invincible." When peace came each side retained
what it had won, but England had scored heavily
in another direction. In 1668 it was estimated by
Sir James Child that English merchant shipping had
doubled in two years.
At the conclusion of the Third Dutch War, in which
we were helped by France, and despite De Ruyter's
victories at Solebay and off the Texel, it was evident
"
that the sailors of Holland were no longer the wagoners
of all seas."
To sum up this brief survey, the Dutch Wars
emphasize the importance of maritime trade, even when
the country concerned is not an island indicate the;

means used in a great naval conflict to maintain

ebmmerce carried by ships and its complete break-
down and show the failure of an attempt to make
;

Land - Power do the work of Sea - Power. It is

interesting to note that it was during the Second
Dutch War that the line-of-battle was first adopted
in naval warfare. Blake, at heart a soldier, enforced
a method which won the unqualified
praise of Clarendon,
although he was a political enemy. The Earl tells us
"
that Blake was the first man who declined the old
track . .and despised those rules which had long
.

been in practice, to keep his ship and his men out of

danger, which had been held in former times a point
of great ability and circumspection as if the principal
;

art requisite in the captain of a ship had been to be

sure to come home safe again."
121
 CHAPTER XII

When Dutch William Reigned

Take it all in all, a Ship of the Line is the most honourable
thing that man, as a gregarious animal, has ever produced.
RUSKIN

is one of the many ironies of history that James II,

who had been Lord High Admiral and taken part

IT in the naval war against the Dutch, did much to
restore the fleet which was the main instrument in
the loss of his throne. In the autumn of 1688 it consisted
of 173 vessels, of which ninety-two were in commission.
After many warnings, the King at last realized that
invasion was contemplated. A squadron under Sir
Roger Strickland was therefore detailed to watch the
movements of the Dutch fleet, but the Admiral was too
weak as a commander and too strong as -a proselytizer
of the Roman Catholic religion. When the sailors of the
sparsely manned ships were on the verge of mutiny
the force was greatly augmented and placed under
Lord Dartmouth. It was evident, however, that many
of the officers were also disaffected and ripe for a change,
and on November 5, 1688, the Prince of Orange landed
at Brixham without opposition. He had set sail from
Helvoetsluys when Dartmouth was lying off the coast
of Essex. An attempt was made to follow, but it was
so faint-hearted that on the day the King's son-in-law
reached Torbay the English squadron was no nearer
than Beachy Head. Not inappropriately Arthur Herbert,
122
 When Dutch William Reigned
who had been dismissed from his position of Rear-
Admiral England, commanded the Deliverer's fleet
of
as Lieutenant Admiral General. Our constitutional
monarchy dates from the time of William III, who
became the exemplar of the famous doctrine of the
balance of power in Europe.
When the French Navy, fostered by Richelieu and
Colbert, entered into rivalry on the seas, it was against
Spain that its efforts were chiefly directed. In 1689
France was the third naval Power in Europe, and when
hostilities broke out in that year folk were not wanting
who prophesied that the struggle would be both long
and bitter. In the first move of the war-game at sea
the forces of Louis XIV were successful. James had
already landed at Kinsale, and Herbert was too late
to preclude the disembarking of reinforcements from
a second squadron which had followed in the wake
of the other shortly afterward. A long-distance battle
was fought, during the course of which an enemy vessel
was set on fire, but otherwise Herbert signally failed,
and allowed Chateaurenault to return to Ban try Bay,
from whence he sailed for Brest after troops and stores
had been landed from the transports. For this minor
action Herbert was created Earl of Torrington.
Encouraged by the ease with which James II had
crossed and secured a foothold in Ireland, and the
undoubted success of the second expedition, Louis XIV
set about making elaborate preparations for invasion.
Holland, no longer an enemy, sent a squadron of eighteen
ships to help England, which on the approach of the
French admiral Tourville with over seventy fighting
ships had only thirty-two vessels immediately available.
Torrington, who was in command, was taken by sur-
prise. Unpreparedness in naval matters had led to
123
 The Story of the British Navy
"
his resignation from the Board of Admiralty, that
since I could not prevent the mischief I might have
no share in the blame." Although notoriously lacking
in energy, hence his nickname of Lord Tarry-in-Town,'
*

he at least had the courage of his convictions in the

matter of what he considered to be an adequate service.
Knowing that the major part of the Army was in
Ireland with William, and looking forward to an
immediate insurrection in behalf of the exiled King,
Tourville sailed for the Isle of Wight and dropped
anchor in Freshwater Bay. The allied fleet, then lying
at St Helen's, weighed and dropped down to Dunnose.
"
We sailed this morning," Torrington writes on
June 23, 1690, to the Earl of Nottingham, " but the
wind taking us short we are not far from Donose.
If the French have continued their station, we are
not above five leagues asunder. Our fleet consists of
50 men-of-war, and 20 fire-ships the odds are great,
;

and you know it is not my fault. To-morrow will

probably be the deciding day. Let them tremble at
the consequence whose fault it was the fleet is no
stronger ; for my part, I will, with God Almighty's
help, do my duty, and I hope everybody here will
do so too. If we are to expect any more Dutch, I hope
they will be hastened to us ; it is not impossible they

may come time enough for a share, because the sea

is subject to accidents. We have as yet but 18 Dutch
with us, after all De Witt's great promises."
The reinforcements earnestly hoped for by Torrington
arrived next day in the shape of three Dutch and two
English ships. He started off early on the 25th, but was
compelled to anchor owing to a thick sea-fog, which
eventually lifted, and he bore down upon the enemy.
On getting closer he came to the conclusion that it
124
 When Dutch William Reigned
would be rash to seek an engagement, and this made
him " very heartily give God thanks they declined the
battle." At a council of war it was unanimously decided
"
to shun fighting with them, especially if they have
the wind of us." Torrington's opinion was that the
disparity between the forces was too great to hope for
"
victory, and that if he fought he endangered the
"
losing of the fleet and the quiet of the country ;
"
for if we are beaten, they being absolute masters of
the sea, will be at great liberty of doing many things
they dare not attempt whilst we observe them, and
are in a possibility of joining Vice- Admiral Killigrew
and our ships to the westward." Killigrew, it should
be mentioned, was returning from the Mediterranean,
and did not reach Plymouth until several days after
Torrington had dispatched the letter from which the
above quotations are made. Sir Cloudesley Shovel was
ploughing his way through the Irish Sea to reinforce
the commander-in-chief, but had not yet done so. As
a last resort Torrington informed Nottingham that he
would retire to the Gunfleet, north of the Thames,
"
the only place we can with any manner of probability
make our party good with them [i.e. the enemy] in the
condition we are in."
This latter alternative was negatived by Nottingham.
Rather than do it Torrington was to give battle, but
he could go to the westward to secure a junction with
"
his reinforcements, provided he did not lose sight
" "
of the French fleet or allow it to get away without
fighting." In reply Torrington reiterated his
his
"
conception of Power.
Sea -For whilst we observe
the French, they cannot make any attempt either
upon ships or shore, without running a great hazard ;

and if we are beaten, all is exposed to their mercy."

125
 The Story of the British Navy
A precisely similar idea seems to have obtained with
"
Viscount Jellicoe at the battle of Jutland. Although
the battle squadrons of the Grand Fleet have only
once for a few precious minutes engaged German ships ;

although all opportunity of decisive battle has been

denied them, yet they have from the beginning enjoyed
all the fruits of a complete victory. If Germany had
never built a Dreadnought, or if all German Dread-
noughts had been sunk, the control and authority
of the British Navy could not have been more effective.
There has been no Trafalgar, but the full consequences
of a Trafalgar have been continuously operative. . . .

Without a battle we have all that the most victorious

of battles could give us." Thus wrote the Right Hon.
Winston Churchill toward the end of 1916, after he
had ceased to be First Lord of the Admiralty. It is a
repetition of Torrington's creed, though not that of
Drake, Blake, or Nelson.
In personal command of the centre (Red), with Sir
Ralph Delaval in the rear (Blue), and the Dutch under
Cullemburg in the van, Torrington began the battle
of Beachy Head on June 30th. Delaval showed con-
siderable spirit, but the Dutch squadron received most
of the French fire because it got into close action,
while the commander-in-chief, though he did not
exactly display masterly inactivity, is deemed by many
modern historians to have shown sound strategy in
losing the battle. One badly damaged Dutch ship
was captured. Torrington, after waiting for the turn
of the tide, made eastward, but Tourville's pursuit
lacked energy, and the English admiral got away.
In order to do so Torrington was compelled to
abandon an English ship and four Dutch vessels,
first taking the precaution to set them on fire.
126
 When Dutch William Reigned
After burning Teignmouth the French fleet returned
to Brest.
"
Torrington was court-martialled. I have always
"
said," he remarked, that whilst we had a fleet in
"
being, they would not dare to make an attempt
at invasion. This was the tenor of his defence, and
despite much adverse criticism he won the day.
Although acquitted, his commission was cancelled by
William.
By the spring of 1692 Louis had prepared another
expedition. This time the English were ready in very
truth, for whereas the Sun King had only thirty-eight
sail-of-the-line armed with 2,712 guns and seven

fire-ships immediately available, Admiral Edward

Russell had sixty -three sail-of-the-line, while the Dutch
squadron under Allemonde had thirty-six, making
a total of ninety-nine men-of-war, in addition to over
a dozen frigates and fire-ships, the whole force mounting
nearly 7,000 guns.
While the allied fleet was making in the direction
of Cape Barfleur in thick weather it suddenly came
across Tourville's forces heading for England. The
French admiral's orders were to convoy the army of
invasion if the coast was clear of the enemy, but if not
to fight them and return for the transports when
victory had attended his efforts. The battle lasted
for seven hours, Tourville boldly attacking the centre,
but no detailed description is possible, for Russell
admitted that he could give " no particular account
of things but the French were beaten. ..." While
;

the French ships were slowly retreating Cloudesley

Shovel broke through, but the dense fog and lack of
wind prevented him from exacting a heavy toll. During
the night both fleets anchored. In the morning the
127
 The Story of the British Navy
enemy drifted away in the mist, the English following
them with what speed they could. Three badly damaged
French ships were run ashore to escape capture, one
of them being the Soleil Royal of 104 guns, Tourville's
flagship, though he transferred his flag to another
vessel before she was abandoned. All were burned by
the English. A little later the fire-ships accounted for
seven more. Rooke, who took part in the destruction of
some of these vessels, was knighted for his gallantry.
For a time France was mainly represented at sea
by privateers, though in 1693 Rooke with the Smyrna
convoy of some 400 vessels was surprised by Tourville
with a fleet of no fewer than eighty-six ships. As the
English admiral had only twenty-three sail-of-the-line
it is creditable that he was able to shield any of the

merchantmen in his charge.Fortunately Tourville

did not take fulladvantage of his
enemy's weakness,
and Rooke managed to save a goodly number, although
nearly eighty vessels of various kinds were captured
or destroyed. This severe lesson had one good effect
in that it restored the position of Commander-in-Chief,
which had been put in commission by Shovel, Killigrew,
and Delaval, an impracticable theory of command
which was tried and failed during the Great War of
1914r-18 when the Allied War Council was created.
England now reverted to combined naval and mili-
tary attacks on French territory, though she showed
herself ready to meet a French plan of invasion, con-

templated but never realized, in 1695. Benbow attacked

St Malo in the year of Rooke's disaster and failed. A
few months later Brest was attacked by land and sea,
and Dieppe and Havre were bombarded. Other towns
were subjected to similar treatment, until in 1697 the
Peace of Ryswick brought a cessation of hostilities.
128
 CHAPTER XIII

Boom-breaking at Vigo
The Navy is the first, second, third, fourth, ad infinitum
line of defence. FISHER

had now taken up a position in the

Mediterranean from which she did not withdraw
ENGLAND
until the nineteenth century, and she was in
command of the Channel. The death of James II in
'
1701 and the recognition of his son the Old
'
Pretender as King of England by Louis XIV, after
his acknowledgment of William, was one of many

contributing causes of the War of the Spanish Suc-

cession. It brought England in sharp conflict with
France, Spain, and Bavaria, and caused the formation
of a Grand Alliance consisting of England, Holland,
the Empire, Austria, Prussia, and Hanover. If William
was the soul of the coalition, Marlborough was the
heart. The former died two months before the Peace
of Ryswick was shattered. War broke out on May 4,
1702, and an attack on Cadiz was decided on, Rooke
commanding the fleet of thirty English and twenty
Dutch sail-of-the-line, with the Duke of Ormonde
as military commander. The place was bombarded,
and Port St Mary plundered, but little else was done
beside alienating the supporters of the Archduke
Charles, whose claims to the Spanish throne were
recognized by England. If Bishop Burnet is to be
"
relied upon, the Admiral spoke so coldly of the design
129
 The Story of the British Navy
he went upon, before he sailed, that those who con-
versed with him were apt to infer that he meant to do
the enemy as little harm as possible." Whatever truth
there may or not be in this assertion, the separate
may
councils of war held by the two services were certainly
not conducive to frankness and goodwill. In the end
the soldiers were re-embarked, and the expedition
abandoned.
The return voyage was more fruitful of practical
results.Having detached several ships to Algarve to
get water, the captain in charge brought back a
communication from the ambassador at Lisbon to the
effect thattwenty-two galleons richly laden with trea-
sure from the West Indies had put in at Vigo, convoyed
by thirty sail-of-the-line under Chateaurenault. Here
was a job evidently more to the liking of all parties
was carried out with boldness
in the fleet, for the attack
and vigour.
"
The Duke of Ormonde," Burnet tells us, " landed
with a body of the army, and attacked the forts with
great bravery, while the ships broke the boom and
forced the port." Here it should be interpolated that
Rooke shifted his flag into a third-rate for the purpose,
"
an example followed by other commanders. When
the French saw what was done, they left their ships,
and set some of the men-of-war and some of the galleons
on fire. Our men came up with such diligence that
they stopped the progress of the fire yet fifteen
;

men-of-war and eight galleons were burnt or sunk ;

but our men were in time to save five men-of-war

and five galleons, which they took. Here was a great
destruction made, and a great booty taken, with very
little loss on our side. One of our ships was set on fire
a
by fire-ship, but she too was saved, though with the
180
 Boom-breaking at Vigo
loss of some men, which was allwe sustained
the loss
in this
important The Duke
action. of Ormonde
marched into the country and took some forts, and the
town of Ritondella, where much plunder was found.
The French seamen and soldiers escaped, for we, having
no horses, were not in a condition to pursue
them.
A great deal of the taken at Vigo was
treasure
embezzled, and fell into private hands. One of the
galleons foundered at sea. The public was not much
enriched by this extraordinary capture, yet the loss
our enemies made by it was a vast one ; and, to complete
the ruin of the Spanish merchants, their king seized
on the plate that was taken out of the ships upon their
first arrival at Vigo. Thus the campaign ended very
happily for the allies, and most gloriously for the
Queen, whose first year, being such a continued course
of success, gave a hopeful presage of what might be
hereafter expected."
In breaking the boom the Torbay, commanded by
"
Vice-Admiral Hopson, was severely injured. She was
clapt on board by a French fire-ship," writes an eye-
"
witness, and had been burnt had not the latter
fortunately blown up ; yet the former received much
damage by it, and lost in the action, being killed and
wounded, upwards of 100 men, the other ships' loss
being inconsiderable. And our loss on shore was two
officers killed and four wounded, and about forty

private men killed and as many wounded. Our enemy's

loss was not inferior to ours, and amongst theirs the
governor of the fort was killed. This glorious victory
was obtained in about two hours' time.
"
So the same night we marched about three miles
farther, where we lay on our arms all night, though
very wet, etc., and the ships and galleons on fire saluted
131
 The Story of the British Navy
us with several shot when burnt down to the lower
tier. And when they blew up, 'twas (tho' dismal)
inexpressible fine. The next morning we marched to
Redondela, from whence the inhabitants were fled ;

yet great bodies grew together on the mountains,

but finding us in so good a posture to receive them,
they would not attack us. Also about this place we
took many prisoners, etc., but had none taken and
killed of ours."
Rooke on England took his seat in the
his return to
Commons as member Portsmouth and was made
for
a privy councillor. The thanks of both Houses were
voted to him and Ormonde, as well as to the services.
Sir George responded in two sentences, one of which
"
is particularly deserving of remembrance. Sir," he
"
said, no man hath the command of fortune, but
every man hath virtue at his will and though I may
;

not always be successful in my country's service as

upon this expedition, yet I may presume to assure you,
I shall never be the more faulty."
Rooke brought over the Archduke Charles from
Holland to England in 1703, and sailed for Lisbon with
him in the new year. Having landed the claimant to
the Spanish throne, Rooke proceeded to bombard
Barcelona. The result was disappointing, and the fleet
was therefore headed in the direction of Nice with the
idea of assisting the Duke of Savoy. On the way the
Brest Fleet under the Count of Toulouse was sighted
steering for Toulon to effect a junction with the ships
there. Rooke followed for a while, but soon returned
down the Mediterranean, where he was met by Shovel.
They first attacked and captured Gibraltar, and then
sailed for Tetuan to obtain water and other stores.
Off Malaga the French fleet was sighted. Fighting began
132
 Boom-breaking at Vigo
on August 13, 1704, with Shovel's advanced squadron
attacking the advanced squadron of the Marquis de
"
Villette. Our number
of ships," Sir Cloudesley notes
"
in his dispatch, that fought in the line of battle were
pretty equal. I think they were forty-nine and we
fifty-three ;but Sir George Rooke reserved some of
the fifty-gun ships to observe if they attempted any-
thing with their galleys, of which they have twenty-four.
Their ships did exceed in bigness. I judge they had
seventeen three-deck ships, and we had but seven.
The battle began on Sunday, the 13th, soon after ten
in the morning, and in the centre and rear of the fleet
it continued till night parted. In the van of the fleet,
where I commanded, and led with Sir John Leake,
we, having the weather-gage, had an opportunity of
coming as near as we pleased, which was within pistol-
shot, before firing a gun ; through which means and
God's assistance the enemy declined us, and were upon
the run in less than four hours, by which time we had
too little wind, so that their galleys towed off their
lame ships and others as they pleased for the Admirals
;

of the White and Blue, with whom we fought, had

seven galleys attending upon them.
"
As soon as the enemy got out of reach of our guns,"
"
he adds, the battle continuing pretty hot astern,
and some of our ships in the Admiral's squadron towing
out of the line, which I understood afterwards was for
want of shot, I ordered all the ships of my division
to slack all their sails, to close the line in the centre.
This working had that good effect that several of the
enemy's ships astern, which had kept their line, having
their topsails and foresails set, shot up abreast of us ;
but they were so warmly received before they got
abroadside that, with their boats ahead, and their
133
 The Story of the British Navy
sprit set, they towed from us without giving
sails
us the opportunity of firing at them. The ships of my
squadron escaped pretty well, and I the best of all,
though I never took greater pains in all my life to be
soundly beaten, for I set all mysails and rowed with
three boats ahead to get alongside with the Admiral
of the White and Blue ; but he, outsailing me, shunned
fighting, and lay alongside of the little ships. Not-
withstanding, the engagement was very sharp, and,
I think, the like between two fleets never has been seen.
There is hardly a ship that must not shift one mast,
and some all. In my belief there are not three spare
top-masts nor three fishes in the fleet, nor above ten
jury-masts to set up."
Seeing that Shovel was likely to be surrounded,
Rooke had boldly engaged Toulouse's flagship the
Foudroyant, while Cullemburg, the Dutch admiral,
attacked the enemy centre. When the battle had died
down it was seen that the flagships of de Villette and
Belle Isle were blazing, but eventually the crews
managed to get the flames under control. Fire also
broke out in five other French ships. No vessels were
captured or sunk in either fleet. Over 2,700 casualties
were sustained by the allies, while the French admitted
the loss of no fewer than 200 officers. Although the
English and Dutch gave chase, Toulouse crowded on
all sail and escaped to Toulon.
It was a notable day, for while Rooke and his
colleagues were hammering the enemy at sea, Marl-
borough was winning the battle of Blenheim. Not
again during the war did the French Navy venture on
a big undertaking. The corsairs alone showed enter-
prise.

134
 CHAPTER XIV
A Century of Empire
7* is upon the Navy that, under the providence of God, the

wealth, prosperity, and the peace of these islands and of the

Empire do mainly depend. AKTICLJES OF WAR
"
is a widely accepted maxim that
trade follows
the flag." That civilization follows commerce is
IT perhaps less fully appreciated. The British Empire
is a case in point. It has been built up by colonization
rather than by conquest. Indeed, the former word is
a term which originally meant trade rather than
government, though not in a purely lexicographical
sense.
The seventeenth was a century of great overseas

expansion, of the sowing of the seeds of Imperialism

that were to flower later. The East India Company
undertook its first voyage in 1601 in 1612 it established
;

a post at Surat, Madras was purchased in 1639, Bombay

acquired in 1661, Fort St David built in 1690, and
Calcutta founded in 1696. The Eastland, Muscovy,
Turkey, and Levant companies were growing in effi-
"
ciency and power. Not yearly but monthly, nay,
almost weekly," wrote Lewis Roberts in 1638 of the
"
Turkey Company, their ships are observed to go
to and fro, exporting hence the cloths of Suffolk,
Gloucester, Worcester,and Coventry, dyed and dressed,
kerseys of Hampshire and Yorkshire, lead, tin, and a
great quantity of Indian spices, indigo, and calicoes ;

135
 The Story of the British Navy
and in return thereof they import from Turkey the raw
silks of Persia, Damascus, and Tripoli ; cottons and
cotton yarn of Cyprus and Smyrna, and sometimes
the gems of India, the drugs of Egypt and Arabia,
the muscatels of Candia, and the currants and oils of
Zante, Cephalonia, and Morea."
The Empire was not founded by the Navy, though
without the senior service its links could never have
been welded together. No monarch commissioned
a squadron and ordered its commander to plant the
flag of old England on new territory, albeit the idea
was conceived in the minds of two mariners, those
gallant and adventurous half-brothers Walter Raleigh
and Humphrey Gilbert. When Spain was mistress of
the seas Raleigh made five attempts to found a colony
on the North American continent, called Virginia in
honour of the Virgin Queen. He failed, but the idea
was not relegated to the limbo of impracticable ideals.
When Raleigh was eating his heart out in the Tower
and employing his time by writing a history of the
world, the South Virginia Company and the Company
of Plymouth Adventurers were formed. Both received
charters in 1606, the former to colonize the territory
between the thirty-fourth and forty-first degrees of
north latitude, and the second that between the forty-
first and forty-fifth degrees. In the following year
the London or South Virginia Company founded James-
town, not far from the mouth of the Chesapeake.
Gradually a system of self-government was developed,
the House of Burgesses making laws and controlling
internal taxation; Westminster interfered only in the
interests of home trade. The success of the Plymouth
Adventurers on the Kennebec River was less marked,
but in 1620 the Pilgrim Fathers landed in Massa-
186
 A Century of Empire
chusetts, and settlements began to develop rapidly.
In order to organize for their common defence the
United Colonies of New England came into being in
1643, and included Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con-
necticut, and Newhaven. Baltimore was established
in 1634, Rhode Island in 1636, Carolina in 1663, and in
1664 the Dutch settlement of New Amsterdam was
captured and renamed New York. In 1670 the Hudson
Bay Company received its charter, and twelve years
later the Quaker settlements of West Jersey and
.Pennsylvania were founded. When William of Orange
came to the throne the whole of the coast between
Florida and Acadia (Maine) was occupied by English
settlers.
In other parts of the world Barbados had been
nominally occupied in 1605, the Bermudas settled in
1609 through Sir George Somers being wrecked on one
of them, St Kitts and the Leeward Islands in 1623,
British Honduras in 1630, the Windward Islands in
1638, the Bahamas in 1646. Jamaica was conquered
in 1655, and the Virgin Islands in 1672.
During the War of the Spanish Succession the West
Indies loomed large, for both the English and the enemy
'
had important possessions there. Honest Benbow,'
who had only recently returned from the colonies
with a bad report as to their condition, was again sent
out. King William hesitated at the choice on account
of the treacherous nature of the climate, but when
the Admiral was consulted he merely retorted that no
sailor had a right to choose either his duty or his
station. This highly delighted the monarch, who had
more than a sneaking regard for the bluff old seaman.
Almost the only joke attributed to the scion of the
house of Orange was made in connexion with Benbow.
187
 The Story of the British Navy
Previous to the latter' s voyage to the West Indies
in 1698 the question of command was brought up
before him. Another admiral was mentioned, who was
said to be too much of a fine gentleman.
"
Oh " said
!

"
the King, if we are to have a beau, I insist
upon my
old friend Ben-froro."
The immediate object of the expedition of 1701 was
to endeavour to persuade the Spanish colonies to throw
in their lot with the Archduke Charles. Should the
admiral fail he was to raid their commerce.
in this
On arriving Barbados Benbow found that the
at
French had forestalled him, and that so far as the
number of ships was concerned he was considerably
weaker. Moreover they had with them a formidable
body of soldiers.
On July 19th Benbow sighted ten vessels under
M. du Casse, but was unable to reach them. The
flagship and the Ruby (forty-eight guns) continued to
give chase the following day, the other vessels lagging
behind. Subsequent happenings are thus related in the
following extract from the journal of one of the officers
of the Breda, the Admiral's flagship :

"
On the 21st, at daylight, the admiral being on the
quarter of the second ship of the enemy's squadron,
and within point-blank shot, the Ruby being ahead
of him, the French ship fired at the Ruby, which the
Ruby returned. The two French ships which were ahead
fell off, and there being little wind brought their guns

to bear on the Ruby. The Breda brought her guns to

bear on the French ship, which first began, and shattered
her very much, obliging her to tow away ; but the
Ruby was likewise so much shattered in her masts,
sails, and rigging, that the admiral was obliged to lay

by her, and send boats to tow her off. The action

138
 A Century of Empire
continued almost two hours ; during which the rear
ship of the enemy was abreast of the Defiance and
Windsor, who never fired one gun, though within
point-blank shot. At eight o'clock in the morning,
a gale of wind springing up, the enemy made what
sail they could; and the admiral chased them in hopes
of coming up with them. Being then abreast of the
river Grande, at two in the afternoon, the admiral
got abreast of two of the sternmost of the enemy's
ships; and, in hopes to disable them in their masts
and rigging, began to fire on them, as did some of
the ships astern ;but he laying abreast of them they
pointed wholly at him, which galled the ship much
in her rigging, and dismounted two or three of her
lower deck guns. This lasted about two hours. They
then got within gun-shot, the admiral making what
sail he could after them, and they using all the shifts

they possibly could to avoid fighting.

"
On the 22nd, at daylight, the Greenwich was about
three leagues astern, though the signal for the line of
battle was never struck night or day ; the rest of the
ships indifferently near (except the Ruby] ; and the
enemy about a mile and a half ahead. At three in the
afternoon the wind, which before was easterly, came
to the southward. This gave the enemy the weather-
gauge ; but in tacking the admiral fetched within
gunshot of the sternmost of them, firing at each other ;

but our line being much out of order, and some of our
ships three miles astern, nothing could be done. This
night the enemy were very uneasy, altering their courses
often between the west and north.
"
On the 23rd, at daylight, the enemy was about
six miles ahead of us ;
and the great Dutch ship
separated from them, out of sight. Some of our squadron,
139
 The Story of the British Navy
at this time, were more than four miles astern, viz.
the Defiance and Windsor. At ten o'clock the enemy
tacked, the wind being then at E.N.E. but very variable.
The admiral fetched within point-blank shot of two of
them, firing broadsides at each other. Soon after, he
tacked and pursued them as well as he could. After
noon we took from them a small English ship called
the Ann, galley, which they had taken off Lisbon.
The Ruby being disabled, the admiral ordered her for
Port Royal. At eight this night our squadron was about
two miles distant from the enemy, they steering S.E.
and very little wind, then at N.W. and variable, the
admiral standing after them, and all his ships, except
the Falmouth, falling much astern. At twelve the enemy
began to separate.
"
On the 24th, at two in the morning, we came up
within hail of the sternmost. It being very little wind,
the admiral fired a broadside with double and round
below, and round and partridge aloft, which she returned.
At three o'clock the admiral's right leg was shattered
to pieces by a chain shot, and he was carried below ;

but presently ordered his cradle on the quarter deck,

and continued the fight till day, when one of the
enemy's ships of about 70 guns appeared in a very
disabled condition ; her main-yard down and shot to
pieces, her foretop sail yard shot away, her mizen-
-

mast shot by the board, all her rigging gone, and her
sides bored through and through with our double-
headed shot. The Falmouth assisted in this matter
very much, and no other ship. Soon after day the
admiral saw the other ships of the enemy coming towards
him with a strong gale easterly at the same time the
;

Windsor, Pendennis, and Greenwich, ahead of the

enemy, ran to leeward of the disabled ship, fired their
140
 A Century of Empire
broadsides, passed her, and stood to the southward ;
then the Defiance followed them, passed also to leeward
of the disabled ship, and fired part of her broadside.
The disabled ship did not fire above twenty guns
at the Defiance, before she put her helm a-weather,
and ran away right before the wind, lowered both her
top-sails, and ran to leeward of the Falmouth (which
was then a gun-shot to leeward of the admiral, knotting
her rigging) without any regard to the signal for battle.
The enemy seeing our other two ships stand to the
southward, expected they would have tacked and stood
with them. They brought-to with their heads to the
northward ; but seeing those ships did not tack, bore
down upon the admiral, and ran between the disabled
ship and him, firing all their guns by which they shot
;

away his main top-sail yard, and shattered his rigging

much. None of the other ships being near him, nor
taking notice of the battle signal, the captain of the
Breda ordered two guns to be fired at the ships ahead,
in order to put them in mind of their duty. The French
seeing this disorder of the English squadron, brought
to, lay by their own disabled ship, and remanned and
took her in tow. The Breda's rigging being much
shattered, she lay by till ten o'clock and being then
;

refitted, the admiral ordered the captain to pursue

the enemy, who were then about three miles distant,
and to leeward, having the disabled ship in tow, and
steering N.E., the wind at S.S.W. The admiral in the
meantime made all the sail after them he could, and the
battle signal was always out. But the enemy taking
encouragement from the behaviour of some of our
captains, the admiral ordered Captain Fogg to send to
the captains to keep their line, and behave themselves
like men, which he did. Upon this Captain Kirby came
141
 The
Story of the British Navy
on board the admiral, and pressed him very earnestly
to desist from any farther engagement, which made
the admiral desirous to know the opinion of the other
captains. Accordingly he ordered Captain Fogg to
make all the captains to come on board,
the signal for
which they did, and most of them concurred with
Captain Kirby in opinion that they had better desist
from engaging. Upon this the admiral perceiving
they had no mind to fight, and not being able to prevail
on them to come to any other resolution, though all
they said was erroneous, he thought it not fit to venture
any farther. At this time the admiral was abreast
of the enemy, and had a fair opportunity of fighting
them the masts and yards in a good condition, and
;

few men killed, except those on board the Breda.'

1

When an officer expressed sympathy with Benbow

"
at his wound the patient exclaimed, I am sorry for it
too, but I would rather have lost both my legs than
have seen this dishonour brought upon the English
nation ; and hear me, should another shot deprive me
of life, behave like men, and fight it out whilst the ship
can swim."
It may be wondered why a minor action, or rather
a series of actions, should be detailed at greater length
than some of the famous victories of the Navy. Clio
knows no favourites, and it is well to remember that
there have been incidents fortunately exceedingly
rare where the honour of the senior service has not
been upheld. At the subsequent court-martial four of
the captains in Benbow's squadron were tried for
cowardice, breach of orders, and neglect of duty.
Two were condemned to death and shot, one died
previous to the charges being heard, and the remaining
officer was dismissed. The Admiral survived the shock
142
 A Century of Empire
of having his leg amputated, but a fever followed, and
fredied on November 4, 1702.
By the Peace of Utrecht (1713) England, the prime
mover in the war, obtained Nova Scotia, Newfoundland,
the Hudson Bay Territory, Gibraltar, and Minorca, and
received from Spain the right to send one ship a year
to Porto Bello and the monopoly of the slave-traffic
with Spanish America.

143
 CHAPTER XV
Anson Goes Round the World
Historical facts can never be demonstrated with a complete-
ness of proof which can leave no room for doubt. FKOUDK

English are not the only nation who have

THE borrowed the Hebraic prerogative of regarding

themselves as God's chosen people. In 1789
the Government was informed by Sir Benjamin Keene,
ambassador at Madrid, that Spain " is at present
governed by three or four mean stubborn people of
little minds and limited understandings but full of
the Romantick Ideas they have found in old Memorials
and Speculative authors who have treated of the
immense Grandeur of the Spanish Monarchy, People
who have vanity enough to think themselves reserved
by Providence to rectify and reform the mistakes and
abuses of past ministers and ages."
The origin of the War of Jenkins' Ear, which began
in the year of Keene's analysis of the psychology of the
few ministers who had any influence with Queen
Elizabeth Farnese, was something more than an ear
in a bottle. The celebrated incident associated with
John Jenkins, master of a Glasgow trader, and his
declaration to a committee of the House of Commons
"
that he had recommended his soul to God, and his
cause to his country," were the final dramatic touches
to a series of events leading to a war which Walpole
had almost succeeded in averting. The asiento, or
144
 Anson Goes Round the World
contract for the supply of slaves, and the right to send
a trading-ship to the Spanish Main, encouraged a con-
siderable amount of illicit commerce with the Spanish
colonies, and the South Sea Company was no excep-
tion. Both sides complained of outrages, the Spaniards

claiming that they had a right to search English ships

on the high seas ; the English asserting that they
had no such right, and that coastguards and others
committed unpardonable brutalities. Diplomatic and
other pressure was brought to bear on the Court of
Madrid. Letters of reprisal were threatened, and the
' '
mailed fist was in evidence in the appearance in
the Mediterranean of a squadron of nine ships and two
fire-ships. A few months later Spain agreed to pay
England 95,000 and Admiral Haddock was told to
withdraw which he did not do because the order was
revoked. Spain, which had disarmed her fleet as a
guarantee of good faith, considered herself duped,
and refused to pay the agreed compensation. The
South Sea Company, debtor to Philip V to the extent
of 68,000, and swearing it had lost three times that
amount through the action of the garda costas, likewise
repudiated debts in this matter.
its

Popular clamour brought about the War of Jenkins'

Ear. Newcastle bowed to Parliament and to public
opinion ; Walpole ate his own words, apparently
because he was afraid of France making common
cause with Spain. War was declared on October 19,
1739, and while the crowd rejoiced greatly, Walpole
"
exclaimed both truthfully and oratorically, They
may ring the bells now, but they will soon be wringing
their hands." As Mr Harold W. V. Temperley, one
of the youngest and ablest of modern historians, has
"
written, The first act of an eighty years' struggle
* 145
 The Story of the British Navy
was rung up in 1739, the curtain fell for the last time
in the last months of 1823, when the downfall of
Franco-Spanish influence in America was finally de-
creed. Horace Walpole was not far wrong when he
stated in Parliament that England could hardly con-
tend against the two Bourbons single-handed, and
the result was always a balanced contest. England
triumphed over the two allies for a moment in 1763,
only to fall prostrate in 1783. Between 1763 and
1807 she struggled hard once more, but failed in
her last chance of securing dominion on the South
American continent. England could baffle France,
but Spain overweighted the balance, and, if a real
equilibrium was to be found, an ally in the New World
must be sought. This counterpoise was first found
in 1823 not indeed in an ally, but in an independent
helper against Franco-Spanish interference in the New
World. In September of that year Canning, acting for
England, bade France interfere in the New World
at her peril ; in December Monroe and Adams, on
behalf of the United States, gave warning both to
France and Spain, and clinched the Englishman's
argument. Bourbonism in its two branches was at
length met in the New World by Anglo-Saxondom
in its two branches, and the result was the entire
defeat of the two Latin Powers and the dissolution of
that once formidable union, which had first threatened
the English dominion in 1739."
The seizure of the enemy's colonies suggested itself
as the obvious preliminary of the Spanish War, and
Admiral Vernon was selected to command the sea-
forces. It has been said with considerable justice that
* '
Old Grog had two capital enemies, to wit, his tongue
and his pen. His peculiar nickname was due to the fact
146
 Anson Goes Round the World
that he was the inventor of the celebrated beverage,
which in turn received its title from the grogram
breeches or cloak which he wore. Vernon was a fine
fighter, somewhat cantankerous, impatient, and im-
perious. In some respects he reminds one of the late
Lord Fisher. He certainly did his utmost to improve
naval tactics, and the reward of a grateful or
ungrateful country was the striking off of his name
from the list of flag-officers for publishing a couple
of pamphlets. Among those who served in his fleet
were Smollett and George Washington's brother.
With a mere half-dozen men-of-war Vernon made a
attack on Porto Bello, some seventy miles
brilliant
from Panama, where the Plate ships were loaded. The
bay and harbour were heavily gunned, some hundreds
of weapons being mounted at various points. With
a mere handful of men some 200 soldiers only
Vernon set out to carry the place, although the various
garrisons alone vastly outnumbered the troops at his
disposal.
After silencing the Iron Castle at the entrance,
storming parties were landed and the town capitulated.
There was little loss of life on either side. The Admiral,
reinforced by bomb-vessels and fire-ships, but leaving
his flagship at Porto Bello, then sailed to Cartagena,
the scene of one of Drake's dashing exploits, and after
a noisy demonstration lasting several hours, proceeded
to bombard the The attack is
fortress of Chagres.
particularly interesting because it was the first time in
modern history that a fort fell to the gunnery of ships
with no assistance from the shore.
The Government at home was now fitting out a
squadron of twenty-one sail-of-the-line, together with
frigates and fire-ships, under Rear-Admiral Sir Chaloner
147
 The Story of the British Navy
Ogle. With them were transports carrying 12,000
troops under Lord Cathcart. While waiting for these
reinforcements, the sailing of which was considerably
delayed, Vernon heard that a Spanish squadron had
sailed for Cartagena, and that a number of French
vessels had arrived at Hispaniola (San Domingo).
Vernon betook himself to Port Royal to await Ogle,
for he could do nothing with the small force at his
disposal. Shortly after the arrival of the long-expected
reinforcements the French left the West Indies, and it
was decided to attack Cartagena. Cathcart had died
at Dominica and been succeeded by General Wentworth.
Between the latter and Vernon no love was lost.
In addition to the natural protection afforded by a
narrow passage, the entrance to the port was defended
on the one side by Fort St Louis and several redoubts,
and on the other by batteries. On a small island stood
another fort known as St Joseph a boom, cables, and
;

four guard-ships afforded additional security. Before

reaching the city, with its further defence works, a
second passage had to be traversed. This in turn was
defended by a fort and a battery, while two vessels
had been sunk on a shoal to prevent any attempted
forcing by the enemy.
In due course, although not without difficulty,
forts St Louis and St Joseph were captured, and the

ships got through the first passage. Notwithstanding

sickness, troops were landed for the final advance,
and some of the smaller ships manoeuvred the second
channel. Apparently both the Admiral and the General
lost heart at one and the same moment. Vernon
' '
refused to advance the heavy fathers of the fleet ;

Wentworth lost all initiative. This, despite the destruc-

tion of forts and the sinking of ships by the Spaniards
148
 Anson Goes Round the World
themselves so that they might not fall into the hands
of the hated and apparently triumphant English.
"
The ultimate failure of the attack on Cartagena,"
"
is not explained, and that is
says Admiral Colomb,
all we can say about it." Following unsuccessful
attempts on Cuba and Panama, Vernon returned to
England. To the end of his days he blamed Wentworth
for the failure of the operations in the West Indies
after the arrival of the reinforcements.
When George Anson returned from his famous
voyage about which people continue to read after a
lapse of nearly two centuries, it was said of him that he
"
had been round the world but never in it." Con-
temporaries have oftentimes a hard, cynical way of
uttering half-truths which it is the duty of the historian
to penetrate and rectify. To begin with, the Centurion
(60) was only a fourth-rate ship, and her five consorts
' '
were smaller. Anson's crews consisted of 170 men,
of whom 32 were invalids or almost so, and 98 marines.
Chelsea Hospital was called upon to supply 500 pen-
sioners, but 241 deserted and their places were filled
by recruits to the number of 210. At St Catherine
(Brazil) 80 sick were landed from the flagship, and
many more from the other vessels. Bad storms, scurvy,
leaks, and other disasters devastated the continually
decreasing company. Is it to be wondered at that
Anson saw little of the world ?
The Commodore's voyage was part of the policy of
the Government to cut off Spain's source of supplies
by attacking her distant possessions. His instructions
were to proceed to the Cape Verde Islands, thence to
St Catherine, and to proceed to the South Seas either
round Cape Horn or through the Straits of Magellan,
where he was to " annoy and distress the Spaniards,
149
 The Story of the British Navy
"
eitherby sea or on land to the utmost of his power.
Narrowly missing a stronger enemy squadron, Anson
duly arrived at St Catherine, as mentioned above,
and after refitting, set sail again. For three months
he encountered nothing but storms, and the ships
scattered. Eventually the Commodore anchored at
Juan Fernandez, where a solitary sloop rejoined him.
The Gloucester (50) put in later, and also one of the two
victuallers. The others never turned up. With the
exception of a ship that was wrecked, they returned
from whence they came. The crews of the three vessels
now with Anson had totalled 961 when they left
St Helens ; they now numbered 335 only. The sur-
vivors had buried no fewer than 626 of their comrades.
Soon after starting once more the Tryal (8) was
scuttled and her men transferred to a prize taken
by the Centurion. At last the tide was beginning
to turn, for three vessels had been captured since
leaving Robinson Crusoe's island.
Paita proved easy prey, and Anson headed for the
coast of Mexico, where he hoped to secure what the
"
Admiralty termed the Acapulcho ship," which sailed
"
from the town of that name to Manila at a certain
time of the year, and generally returns at a certain
time." The galleon was not so much as sighted.
"
Anson now sailed for China. " In danger oft from
gales and sickness, he reached Macao in the middle of
November 1742, and after having been received by
the Viceroy of Canton, bluntly informed his crew that
he would recross the Pacific and make another attempt
to find the Acapulcho ship. On this occasion good
fortune attended him, and the Nuestra Senhora de
Cabodonga and treasure valued at about 400,000 were
captured after half an hour's fight. After an interval
150
 Anson Goes Round the World
of three years and nine months Anson arrived off
Portsmouth on June 15, 1744. It was not until he
reached the English Channel that the Commodore
heard that England was at war with France. Anson
was appointed Rear-Admiral of the Blue, which he
resigned because the Admiralty, indulging its habitual
follow-my-leader policy, would not confirm his pro-
motion of Lieutenant Brett as acting captain of the
Centurion.
Nearer home naval affairs were not prospering.
In the previous year Mathews had fought an inde-
cisive action against an inferior combined Spanish
and French squadron. In the west a successful raid
was made by the French on Nova Scotia in 1744, but
it was nothing more than a raid, and in the following

year Commodore Warren won a brilliant success in a

combined naval and military operation by capturing
Louisburg, the Gibraltar of the New World, after
a siege lasting forty-seven days. In the East Indies
Captain Peyton fought an indecisive action with La
Bourdonnais in 1746, and on his retirement Madras
was attacked and capitulated. While it is true that
one of Peyton's 60-gun ships became leaky, this can
scarcely excuse him for having refused to tackle his
adversary in a serious manner, particularly as the
squadron of La Bourdonnais was far inferior in every
respect, seven of the eight ships being armed merchant-
men. Rear-Admiral Griffin, Peyton's successor, was
no whit better than the commander whom he had
superseded. At last Boscawen was sent out with an
overwhelming armament. No naval engagement took
place, however, and after bombarding Pondicherry
from the sea with little effect and besieging the
French stronghold for nearly two months, the Admiral
151
 The Story of the British Navy
withdrew. In the same year an expedition originally
intended for the subjugation of Quebec was launched
against Lorient without success, and the French failed
to recapture Cape Breton.
In the ensuing Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle Louisburg
was restored to France and Madras to England, but
the question of the right of search was discreetly
omitted from the parchment sealed in 1748.

152
 CHAPTER XVI
With Hawke at Quiberon
Our bells are worn threadbare with ringing for victories.
HORACE WALPOLE

far as Britain was concerned, the Seven Years

War began at sea with a French expedition to
SO Minorca. Vice-Admiral the Hon. John Byng,
fourth son of Viscount Torrington, in command of
thirteen ships, was dispatched with a regiment of foot
to relieve the island, where Lord Blakeney was offering
a spirited defence in the castle of St Philip. In the
engagement which ensued on May 20, 1756, Temple
West, the Admiral's second-in-command, showed him-
self infinitely more capable than his senior officer, for
while the former boldly attacked, the latter was so
slow in getting into action that when night fell the
battle was still undecided. M. de la Galissoniere's
dozen vessels were able to retire, leaving three British
ships badly injured, 43 men killed and 168 wounded,
and the fleet in disorder.
Instead of searching for the Frenchmen, the council
of war held on the following day decided that Minorca
should be abandoned for the protection of Gibraltar.
Blakeney held out until the 24th, and had then no
other alternative but to surrender. No serious effort
had been made by Byng to land the soldiers.
The Admiral's lack of success was due to a fixed
belief that he would fail before sighting Minorca he
153
 The Story of the British Navy
had written home that " the throwing men into the
castle will only enable it to hold out a little longer
time, and add to the number that must fall into the
"
enemy's hands the inability to take risks, and
strict adherence to the fighting rules that then
obtained. The orders were for van, centre, and rear
to attack van, centre, and rear, and as the enemy
only had a dozen ships and Byng thirteen, he actually
denuded himself of the advantage afforded by an addi-
tional vessel and ordered her to leave the line.
Byng was tried by court - martial at Portsmouth.
He was found guilty of negligence and sentenced to
death. If he had suffered from moral cowardice, he

certainly showed considerable strength of character on

the day of his execution. He exchanged sleeve-links
"
with his valet, remarking as he did so, Yours will
do to be buried with." Watching the spectators on
shore and ships who were making a Roman holiday
"
of the tragedy, he said to one of his friends, I fear
many of them will be disappointed :
they may hear
"
where they but they can't all see
are, !As he began
to tie a white handkerchief over his eyes some one
"
offered to do it for him. I am much obliged to you,"
"
he remarked ;thank God, I can do it myself. I
"
think I can. I am sure I can Five bullets struck
!

the ill-fated Admiral, and he fell forward dead on the

quarterdeck of the guardship Monarque.
" "
In this country," Voltaire wrote, it is useful to
*
kill an admiral now and then just to encourage the
'
others.' The remark was entirely true of the
administration of the effete Duke of Newcastle, who
was " unfit," according to George II, "to be chamber-
lain to the smallest court in Germany."
Hawke, who superseded Byng, had fought brilliantly
154
 With Hawke at Quiberon
in the unfortunate battle of Toulon in 1744, taken
half a dozen Frenchmen off Belleisle in 1747, and
served in Nova Scotia and as Port Admiral at
Portsmouth. When Louis XV
began to collect a large
fleet at Brest preparatory to the invasion of England
Hawke was placed in command of the blockading
squadron in the Bay of Biscay, a task which he carried
out far more efficiently than his predecessors. Ex-
cepting when a strong westerly gale was blowing,
Hawke was always at his post as soon as it began to
;

subside he left his retreat at Torbay to renew his

vigilance.
Taking advantage of the temporary absence of
Boscawen from his station off Toulon, La Clue sailed
to effect a junction with the Brest Fleet. With fourteen
sail-of-the-line and a number of frigates, sloops, and

fire-ships, the English commander gave chase, and

on August 18, 1759, came in touch with La Clue's
ships. One was taken prize, two ran ashore, and two
others sought refuge in Portuguese waters. Boscawen
" "
he was called Old Dreadnought by the sailors
set on fire those which had been beached and captured
the others for which the Government afterward
apologized.
In the following winter Hawke was forced by a
gale to put into Torbay. When it had subsided he
slipped out again to find that Conflans, like La Clue,
had taken advantage of the opportunity to get out.
What happened is well told by a chaplain who seems
to have enjoyed himself mightily as a non-combatant
spectator. His interesting description has also the
advantage of being extraordinarily accurate :

"
On the 14th November (1759)," he writes, " Sir
Edward Hawke hoisted his flag on board the Royal
155
 The Story of the British Navy
George in Torbay, where the fleet had put in a few days
before, through stress of weather. The same evening
we stood out to sea, with twenty-three ships of the
line and two frigates and on the 16th were within
;

eight or nine leagues of the isle of Ushant. In the

afternoon we fell in with some English transports
returning from Quiberon, who gave the Admiral the
information that they saw the French fleet the day be-
fore, consisting of twenty-four sail, standing to the
S.E., and were at that time twenty-four leagues west of
Belleisle. The intelligence was received with universal
acclamations, and every ship prepared for action. The
Admiral lost not a minute of time, but pursued with
the utmost alertness. In the evening of the 18th the
wind came on fresh from the westward, and we spread
all our canvas to court the prosperous gale. On the
20th, about half an hour after eight in the morning,
the Maidstone frigate let fly her topgallant-sails, 1
which was a signal for discovering a fleet at nine,
;

not a doubt was left of the happy hour being arrived

which we had six months been impatiently expecting.
We ascertained them to be the French squadron of
twenty-one sail of the line, and three smaller ships ;

and that they were then chasing Captain Duff's

frigates and bombs, the destruction of which was one
object of their destination. Upon their having a
distincter view of our ships, they gave over the chase,
and appeared to be forming a line to receive us.
"
From the equality of the combatants, we concluded
the action would be very great and general but I ;

may venture to assert, there was not an Englishman

from high to low, who did not assure himself of victory.
Upon our advancing, Marshal Conflans changed his
1
Evidently topgallant sheets.
156
 With Hawke at Quiberon
plans, and put right before the wind towards the shore,
seeking safety in his flight. At this critical time Sir
Edward paid no regard to lines of battle ; but every
ship was directed to make the best of her way towards
the enemy the Admiral told his officers he was for
;

the old way of fighting, to make downright work

with them. At noon our headmost ships were pretty
near them, and between one and two the Warspite
and the Dorsetshire began to fire, and were then abreast
of the Cardinal rocks. Presently after, the Revenge,
Resolution, Torbay, Magnanime, Swiftsure, Montagu,
and Defiance came into action.
"
The firing now became very alert on both sides,
and there was no distinguishing any longer English
colours from French 1 M. du Verger, the French
.

rear-admiral, the Formidable, bore a very fierce

in
cannonade from the Resolution but upon the Royal
;

George's coming up, they hauled down their flag, and

struck to Sir Edward Hawke. This was only a point
of honour, the Resolution having the merit of subduing
them. The Royal George continued advancing, and
Sir Edward gave orders to his master to carry him
close alongside of M. Conflans in the Soleil Royal.
The French Admiral seemed to have the same ambition
on his part, and it was a glorious sight to behold the
blue and white flags, both at the maintop-masthead,
bearing down to each other. The Royal George passed
the Torbay, which was closely engaged with the Thesee
of seventy-four guns, and soon after sent that
unfortunate ship to the bottom. On the other side
was the Magnanime, who kept an incessant fire on one
of the largest of the French ships,* and in the end
1 In this matter history repeated at Jutland. See
itself post,
p. 369. L'Heros.
157
 The Story of the British Navy
obliged her to strike. She afterwards ran ashore and
was burnt.
"
The two commanders -in-chief were now very near,
and M. Conflans gave the English admiral his broad-
side the Royal George returned the uncivil salutation ;
;

but after two or three exchanges of this kind, the

Marshal of France declined the combat, and steered
1
off. The French vice-admiral likewise gave Sir Edward

his broadside, and soon followed the example of his

superior. Another and another acted the same part ;

the fifth ship escaped not so well. Sir Edward poured

his whole fire into her at once, and repeating the same,
down she went alongside of him. The Royal George's
people gave a cheer, but it was a faint one the honest
;

sailors were touched at the miserable state of so many

hundreds of poor creatures. The blue flag was now
encountered with seven ships at the same time, and
appeared in the very centre of the French rear. Every
observer pitied the Royal George, to see her singly
engaged against so many of the enemy. It seems
indeed a kind of degradation to so noble a ship to be
pitied but really her situation would have been lament-
;

able if the enemy had preserved any degree of composure,

or fired with any sort of direction but their confusion
;

was so great, that of many hundreds of shot, I do not

believe that more than thirty or forty struck the ship.
"
Sir Charles Hardy, in the Union, with the Mars,
Hero, and several other ships, were crowding to the
admiral's assistance, when the retreat of the French,
covered by the obscurity of the evening, put an end
to the engagement. Happy circumstance for the
enemy, as an hour's daylight more would have brought
on their total ruin !

1 De Beaufremont.
158
 With Hawke at Quiberon
"
The battle was fought so near the coast of Brittany,
that ten thousand persons on the shore were sad
witnesses of the white flag's disgrace.
"... We have burnt the Soleil Royal of eighty-four
brass guns, M. Conflans's ship, together with the Heros
of seventy-four guns, both of which ran ashore near
Crozie. We have sunk the These'e of seventy-four,
and the Superbe of seventy ; we have driven the Juste
of seventy guns upon the rocks, where she overset ;

and have taken the Formidable of eighty, the French

rear-admiral, sixty-two of whose guns are brass. Ten
or eleven other ships were aground, but got off again
by throwing their guns and stores overboard. They
are now crept into the entrance of the little river
Vilaine, where we do not despair of setting them on
fire. in this or not, we have room
Whether we succeed
to believe they have undergone so much damage that
few of them will be able to put to sea any more. The
rest made their escape the night after the engagement,
under the command of Mons. Beaufremont, their vice-
admiral, arid stretched away for Rochefort.
"
We have had the misfortune to lose the victorious
Resolution of seventy-four guns, and the Essex of
sixty-four former struck upon a sand called
; the
Le Four the night after the battle, and next morning
the Essex, going down to her relief, unhappily ran upon
the same shoal. Our endeavours to get them off were
unsuccessful, but we have this consolation, that almost
all their people were saved, and are embarked on board
the Formidable.
"
. It gives me a most sensible pleasure to assure
. .

you that Sir Edward has been very liberal in his praises
without a single imputation to cast a shade upon the
triumph of the day. The glory of the British flag has
159
 The Story of the British Navy
been nobly supported, while that of the enemy is
vanished into empty air."
The commander of the Magnanime was a certain
young officer afterward known to fame as Lord Howe.
His opinion of Conflans was that he was " a very
unskilful naval officer, who, deriving his notions of
naval tactics from the military service, fancied that
his fleet was incapable of being successfully attacked
when his van and rear were guarded by rocks and
shoals.
" "
When, the general chase," he adds,
in I had
fixed upon my bird, I ordered my men up on the
quarter-deck, and had one of the guns pointed at such
a level that, when it was fired, the whole crew saw the
ball strike the sea at the distance of not more than
the ship's length. Having now ordered all the guns
to be pointed according to the same level, I showed the
crew how useless it would be to fire till we were close
to the enemy. Ordering the men to return to their
quarters, I gave directions that every man should
lie down and not fire till I struck upon the enemy's

bow. These orders were punctually executed, and

with such effect that the French ship UHeros struck
after two or three broadsides. On account of the violent
gale and the lee shore, we were not able to take pos-
session of the prize, but came to an anchor close
alongside of her. In the night the greatest part of her
crew contrived to make their escape in consequence
;

of which I was soon afterwards sent by Lord Hawke

on shore to a camp in the vicinity, commanded by a
general officer, in order to demand the prisoners.
The lieutenant blustered a good deal, and said,
first
' '
If you took us, why did you not keep us ? I replied
that nothing could have been more easy than for me
160
 With Hawke at Quiberon
to have sunk the vessel and destroyed every soul on
board ; that I had spared them on the faith of their
having surrendered themselves prisoners, and that, if
this plea of the lieutenant were once admitted, every

conqueror under any circumstances of difficulty would

infallibly massacre his prisoners in cold blood. The
general was convinced by my arguments, and agreed
that the crew of L'Heros should be considered as
prisoners of war."
What greater contrast could there be than that of
Byng at Minorca and Hawke at Quiberon ? In a
comparatively confined area of water abounding in
rocks, with a heavy sea and much wind, Hawke fought
till dark and then anchored, though some of his ships

did not hear his signal guns and cruised about until
dawn. During the interval the Resolution and the
Essex were lost on the Four. To avoid capture the
French flagship was run ashore. One enemy ship was
taken and five were destroyed. Seven vessels sought
safety in the river Vilaine, where they were compelled
to remain.
The year 1759 was what Horace Walpole called it,
"
the Great Year." On land Minden and Quebec, at
sea the breaking up of the Toulon Fleet by Boscawen
and Hawke's victory at Quiberon were notable achieve-
ments.
"
Although Pitt said We shall win Canada on the
banks of the Elbe," and a somewhat cynical con-
temporary referred to his costly attacks on the French
"
coast as breaking windows with guineas," a com-
bined naval and military expedition was sent out
and justified itself in a way that makes this passage
in British history beloved of every schoolboy. With
the public Wolfe is, of course, the popular hero, and
161
 The Story of the British Navy
"
poor Saunders, his colleague in war," is forgotten.
The Admiral, who had circumnavigated the globe
with Anson, represented Plymouth in Parliament,
served as Comptroller of the Navy, and succeeded
Hawke as commander-in-chief of the Mediterranean
Fleet, performed mighty exploits in the reduction of
Quebec. The St Lawrence was uncharted, and every
buoy had been carefully removed by the enemy.
Saunders chose for the difficult work of making
soundings and surveys a young petty officer of the
name of James Cook, later to become famous as
Captain Cook. Night after night he set out on his
difficult and dangerous task. When the ships sailed
a French prisoner on one of the transports declared in
anguished tones that they would all go to the bottom.
The captain overheard. " I will show you," he shouted,
"
that an Englishman shall go where a Frenchman
dare not show his nose." De Vaudreuil, the Governor,
"
frankly admitted to Paris that the enemy have passed
sixty ships-of-war where we dare not risk a vessel of
100 tons by day or night." On June 27th Wolfe and
his men landed on the Isle of Orleans, below Quebec
and on the other side of the river. Fire-ships were
floated out to reduce the English fleet to charred
timbers. The Admiral acted with prompt coolness.
Sailors set off in their boats, secured the flaming
derelicts, and towed them aground, where they could
do no harm. The experiment was tried a second time
and was no more successful than the attack made upon
the French from across the river Montmorency. Far
more daring than these abortive attempts was the
running of the gauntlet of Montcalm's batteries by
several of the English ships, which reached the upper
reaches of the river, destroyed a quantity of French
162
 With Hawke at Quiberon
shipping, and enabled Wolfe to carry out a very daring
plan. A bombardment by Saunders and the Point
Levi batteries led Montcalm to assume that Beauport
was the position chosen for attack. While Bougain-
ville was watching the other ships above the city a

picked band of some 3,600 men quietly proceeded

down the river under cover of night to the Anse du
Foulon, a tiny cove near the Plains of Abraham.
The sequel was the capture of Quebec. A more
concrete example of the loyal co-operation of the
two services does not exist in British annals. No
more help could be sent to America, with the result
that in 1760 what remained of the French army
surrendered in Montreal, and Canada passed to Britain.
Louisburg, besieged by Boscawen and Amherst, had
surrendered unconditionally two years before.
The first line of defence on the Seven Seas was the
blockading squadrons which kept guard off the coast
of the enemy : Boscawen at Toulon, Hawke at Brest,
Duff at Rochefort, and Rodney at Havre. They
watched for the Homeland, and they also kept guard
for those who were fighting in far-distant waters.
Anson, with a short interval, was First Sea Lord from
1751 to 1762. When he joined the Board he managed
to break with precedent by securing the inspection
and overhauling of the dockyards. He also helped to
introduce some salutary reforms regarding promotion,
which was perhaps to be expected. It was of Anson
"
that Chatham spoke as the greatest and most
respectable naval authority that has ever existed in
this country." During the last year of his adminis-
tration Martinique, Granada, St Lucia, St Vincent,
Havana, and Manila were captured, and in 1763 the
Seven Years War came to an end.
163
 CHAPTER XVII
Britain Loses an Empire
It is not cancelling a piece of parchment that will win back
America. You must respect her fears and her resentments.
CHATHAM

the give and take of the Treaty of Paris (1763)

England gained much. Canada, the French terri-
IN tory on the east of the Mississippi, Cape Breton
Island, and the remaining islands in the river and gulf
of the St Lawrence Dominica, Granada, and Tobago
;

in the West Indies ; Minorca, in the Mediterranean,

and the settlements on the Senegal, in Africa, fell to
her lot. In India she retained all her conquests.
Havana and Manila were returned to Spain, which
surrendered Florida. Pondicherry, Belleisle, Goree,
Martinique, and St Lucia were restored to France,
and her fishermen were given the right to fish in
Newfoundland waters.
Taxes and restrictions, a snowball fight, the firing
of a volley, the burning of a ship, the throwing
of chests of tea into the sea, the publication of a
bundle of private letters, and the War of American
Independence (1775-1783) had begun. At home the
familiar weakness of despising one's enemy was in-
dulged, with the inevitable result that Graves, in
command of the station, was starved of ships. With
only four sail-of-the-line and twenty-one smaller vessels
he had an immense coastline to protect, military
164
 Britain Loses an Empire
operations to support, and privateers to capture. At
Bunker Hill Graves was certainly lax, for had he shown
more energy and initiative he might have assisted
Gage either to capture or annihilate the rebel colonists.
In 1776 General Howe, assisted by his more famous
brother the Admiral, was more successful, but in
the following year General Burgoyne, operating from
Canada, surrendered at Saratoga, a disaster due in
some measure to the neglect of the British to patrol
the Hudson River. It is evident that Washington
had a clear perception of the tremendous importance
of Sea-Power in the conflict, for at a later stage he
"
wrote, Upon decisive naval superiority every hope
of success must ultimately depend."
Public opinion in France decreed that she should
side with the American colonists in their effort to
disown the Motherland. Already arms had been sent
to the insurgents and American privateers fitted up
in French ports, so that when Benjamin Franklin,
Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee set foot in Paris five
months after the signing of the Declaration of
Independence on July 4, 1776, these commissioners
appointed by Congress did not find themselves in
hostile territory. Their task was to procure help.
Young members of the aristocracy, such as Lafayette,
burning with ardour to save the new republic, crossed
the Atlantic. When news came of the surrender of
Burgoyne at Saratoga, France, delighted that her
old enemy had received a set-back, recognized the
independence of the United States, and shortly after-
ward concluded a treaty of commerce and alliance.
It is said that when Louis XVI signed the parchment
"
he remarked to Vergennes, You will remember, sir,
that this is contrary to my opinion." England, which
165
 The Story of the British Navy
had given not the slightest cause for offence, regarded
the treaty as tantamount to a declaration of war.
Choiseul had concentrated his attention on the
Navy. His policy now bore fruit. D'Orvilliers fought
an indecisive battle with Keppel off Ushant, and made
good his escape under cover of night owing to the
British admiral's
supineness ; D'Estaing's squadron
sailed eluded Howe's fleet in a lucky
for America,
storm, and having made for the West Indies, landed
some of the troops intended for the subjugation of
St Lucia, though they afterward surrendered, and the
island was won for England. Such deeds showed that
Great Britain had lost something of her old prowess on
the element hitherto regarded as particularly her own.
' '
Another pet project of resolute Choiseul was real-
ized in 1779, when Vergennes, in accordance with the
Family Compact, summoned Spain to take part in
the naval contest. A second Armada prepared to
threaten England, did indeed appear off Plymouth,
to the alarm of all the good West Country folk, and
with like ill-fortune was scattered by the winds. It
came up with Sir Charles Hardy, but dared not risk a
fight, and the bad weather that ensued parted the allies
and drove them back in a shattered state. A much
more serious attempt was made against Gibraltar,
whose possession by England and the hope of securing
its return had contributed not a little to Spain's joining
the Family Compact in 1761. The siege lasted from
1779 to 1783, and is one of the greatest in modern
history. During these years both sides fought with

praiseworthy determination. Certainly Sir George

Rodney and General George Elliott, afterward Lord
Heathfield, made good their claims to a niche in
the respective temples of naval and military fame.
166
 Britain Loses an Empire
Rodney, in addition to capturing a valuable merchant
fleet, and defeating a Spanish squadron in the early
'

days of 1780, also relieved and revictualled the

Rock.' In the same year a determined effort was
made by Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, joined later
by other Powers, to frustrate England's right of search
in respect of neutral vessels, and war broke out between
Great Britain and Holland.
On October 19, 1781, Cornwallis was forced to
surrender owing to the blockade of Yorktown by the
French fleet, and the cutting off of his land com-
munications by Washington. In the West Indies
better luck attended the British. Many islands had
been lost, but De Grasse's ambitious project against
Jamaica was foiled by Rodney off Dominique on
April 12, 1782, in the battle of the Saints. He broke
through the enemy's line and captured the French
flagship. On the other hand, Minorca fell to the
combined French and Spanish fleets after a siege of
several months, and the French admiral Suffren sup-
ported Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sahib in their war against
the British dominion in the Carnatic. It was not until
September 3, 1783, that peace was restored between
Great Britain, the United States, France, Spain, and
Holland. The advantages were certainly not with
England, which had piled up a debt of 100,000,000
sterling and been compelled to recognize the in-
dependence of the rebel colonies, whose territory
extended to the Mississippi River.
If the American War of Independence reflected no
great credit on the British Navy, some at least of her
officers had done remarkably well. Rodney, for
instance, captured a French, a Spanish, and a Dutch
admiral, and added a dozen enemy sail-of-the-line
167
 The Story of the British Navy
to the strength of the service he so admirably repre-
sented. That some of the officers appreciated what
was lacking is shown in their letters.
Keppel, after
his action off Ushant, complained that though both
officers and ships were " fine," some of the former
wanted " more experience in discipline," and that
there was a general deficiency of petty officers.
"
Kempenfelt expressed his surprise that we, who
have been so long a famous maritime Power, should
not yet have established any regular rules for the
orderly and expeditious performance of the several
evolutions necessary to be made in a fleet. The . . .

men who are best disciplined, of whatever country

they are, will always fight the best. The Roman troops
beat those of all other nations, not because they were
Romans, for their legions were composed of people
from all countries ; but because their discipline was
superior to that of all other nations. It is a maxim
that experience has ever confirmed, that discipline
gives more force than numbers. In fine, if you will
neither give an internal discipline for your ships, nor
a system of tactics for the evolutions of your fleet,
I don't know from what you are to expect success,
when you have the enemy in unrivalled possession of
these advantages." Hood found fault with Rodney
after his victory of the Saints because he did not
"
continue to pursue the enemy at night Now, the
:

whole business will be to come over again for farther

;

than the glory of his Majesty's arms having appeared

with lustre, and the danger probably removed for the
present from Jamaica, I can see no great benefit can arise
from so perfectly complete and unrivalled a victory."
Despite all, England's sun was neither set nor setting.
It was to shine more brilliantly than ever before.
168
 CHAPTER XVIII
The Glorious First of June, 1794
Nothing can tlop the courage of English seamen.
NELSON

storm known as the French Revolution

THE burst in 1789. Pitt thought it would be of

short duration, whereas it steadily gained
strength and eventually involved practically every
country in Europe. If France ignored the nation
which he represented, if she refrained from poaching
on British preserves or those of her allies, he was quite
content to return the compliment. Then came the
decree that the navigation of the river Scheldt should
be thrown open. It had previously been guaranteed
to the Dutch by Great Britain as well as by other
Powers, including France. The execution of Louis XVI
followed, and led to the French ambassador at the
Court of St James's being handed his passports. On
February 1, 1793, the French Convention declared
war against Holland and Great Britain, the latter in
due course entering into an alliance with Russia, Sar-
dinia, Spain, Naples, Prussia, the Empire, and Portugal.
Revolutionary France had not a single friend.
England had 115 sail-of-the-line, Spain 76, Holland
49, Portugal 6, Naples 4 a total of 250 battleships.
;

France had 76, many by no means good, and the same

may be said of Spain and Holland. Of Britain's three
principal fleets, that of the Channel was commanded
169
 The Story of the British Navy
by Howe, John Jervis was appointed to the West
Sir
Indies station, and Hood was commander-in-chief in
the Mediterranean.
The inhabitants of the great southern seaport and
arsenal of Toulon, the majority of them royalists to
the core, openly rebelled. Unlike those of Marseilles,
who had raised an army against the Convention, they
had gone so far as to call in the assistance of the enemy.
English and Spanish fleets, under Hood and Langara
respectively, blockaded the harbour, and troops which
had been hastily landed commanded the town. It
soon became evident that the Convention would have
to retake the place by force. This was accomplished
-mainly by the resource of a young officer named
Napoleon Bonaparte, who had his first fight with the
English as commander of the artillery. After the
reduction of Fort Mulgrave, which commanded the
inner harbour, Napoleon began to bombard the now
doomed city and the fleet in the roadstead. That night
-r-it was December 17, 1793 Sidney Smith, a gallant
young English captain of the sea-service, with a little
body of equally brave men, set fire to nine battleships

and fifteen frigates in the harbour. The naval stores

were soon well alight, the flames spreading with
bewildering rapidity, and the Spaniards exploded two
powder-ships. On the 19th, Lord Hood in the Victory
weighed anchor, and the British fleet left the scene
of disaster with over 14,000 of the terror-stricken
inhabitants on board, and four sail-of-the-line, five
frigates,and several smaller vessels as spoil.
"
Horace Walpole characterizes Howe as undaunted
as a rock, and as silent." He was certainly somewhat
deficient in tact, and the combination may have
brought about a lack of popularity with certain of his
170
 The Glorious First of June
officers. They even went so far as to refuse to drink
to the Admiral's health at their mess.
The chaplain happened to be a protege of his lordship,
and this lack of esteem quite naturally caused him
a certain amount of uneasiness. He was, however, a
man of excellent humour, and he made up his mind
that this disrespect must cease.
His opportunity came one day when he was called
"
upon for a toast. Well, gentlemen," he responded,
" I can think of
nothing better at this moment than
to ask you to drink to the first two words of the third
Psalm for a Scriptural toast for once may be taken
;

from one of my cloth."

The toast was drunk with right goodwill. We may
be reasonably certain that the officers were completely
ignorant of the passage so unexpectedly referred to.
There was a refreshing novelty about the idea that
appealed to them. It was afterward discovered that
"
the Psalm began with the words, Lord, how are they
"
increased that trouble me !

After the battle of the Glorious First of June the

above was the favourite toast throughout the Navy.
The fight was the first general action of the French
Revolutionary War, that great conflict of principalities
and powers that was to go on, with only a brief cessa-
"
tion, from 1793 until 1815. Never before," we read
"
in the official Moniteur, did there exist in Brest a
fleet so formidable and well disposed as that which
is now lying there. Unanimity and discipline reign
among officers and men, and all are keen with desire to
fight the enemies of their country on the very banks
of the Thames and under the walls of London." The
announcement was certainly calculated to inspire con-
fidence in the prowess of the service.
171
 The Story of the British Navy
The state of the French Navy, it may be added,
was in actual truth extremely unsatisfactory. At the
beginning of hostilities the armament of the British
sail-of-the-line was 2,716 guns in excess of the enemy,
their broadsides aggregating 88,957 as against 23,057.
The number of frigates was nearly two to one.
The French squadrons based on Channel ports tried
their wings once or twice during 1793, but the cruises
merely resulted in the dismissal and imprisonment of
Morard de Galle and the beheading of several of his
captains. The underfed, underclothed, unpaid rank
and file were almost constantly in a state of mutiny,
but while it was impolitic and perhaps impracticable
to haul them before the Revolutionary Tribunal it was
deemed advisable to make examples of some of their
officers. On the English side of the Channel Howe
was abused by both Press and public for not bringing
the enemy to action. He sighted their ships several
times but was unable to come up with them. When
the fleet went into port to refit in December so great
was the outcry that the Admiral expressed a wish to
retire, which was not entertained.
On May 2, 1794, the Channel Fleet, consisting of
thirty-four sail-of-the-line, was again at sea. Of these
half a dozen were placed under the orders of Rear-
Admiral Montagu for the purpose of guarding the
outward-bound convoy and the East India Company's
ships to Cape Finisterre, and two were to chaperon
the merchant vessels to their destination. For
immediate purposes therefore Howe had twenty-six
sail-of-the-line and seven frigates. At Brest the
French had collected twenty-five sail-of-the-line, com-
manded by Villaret-Joyeuse. In place of a delegate
of the National Assembly such as had accompanied
172
 The Glorious First of June
Morard de Galle, there were now two Government
representatives,including one from the guillotine-
loving Committee of Public Safety. Whoever it may
have been who infused energy into the French fleet,
whether Villaret-Joyeuse, Jean Bon Saint Andre, or
Prieur de la Marne, does not much matter. The fact
is evident from a remark made by Howe to Caleb
"
Parry. In full confidence of their own strength,"
"
the Admiral avowed, and of the disaffection of the
English, the three days of battle which ensued were
the only instances during my long naval life in which
the French determined to fight."
Owing to the partial failure of the harvest in 1793,
the French had purchased foodstuffs in the United
States. The grain-ships were now on their way to
Europe, and Howe's orders were to intercept the
convoy. This explains why the Admiral did not
"
blockade Brest. He barged about," like Beatty on
a later occasion, and meeting nothing, appeared off
Brest on May 19th, quite unaware that Villaret-Joyeuse
had passed him in a heavy fog two days before. Within
a few hours of learning that the bird had flown, Howe
received intelligence that Montagu had taken a naval
prize and captured several merchant vessels that had
belonged to an English Newfoundland convoy. Both
the frigate shepherding them and the sheep had fallen
into the hands of Rear-Admiral Nielly, whom Villaret-
Joyeuse had dispatched with five sail-of-the-line to
meet the homeward-bound grain-ships. Montagu quite
rightly asked for reinforcements. What more natural
than that the French commander-in-chief, Nielly,
and Vanstabel, in charge of the food-convoy, should
effect a junction ? Howe at once sailed toward
Montagu, but learning from captured vessels that the
173
 The Story of the British Navy
direction steered by the Brest Fleet would not affect
him, Howe set out in search of Villaret-Joyeuse. On the
23rd he was rewarded, and a long chase ensued which
ended in a skirmish between Howe's advanced squadron
under Rear- Admiral Pasley and the rear of the French
fleet. It ended in the Revolutionnaire (110) surrender-
ing to the Audacious (94) after sustaining a severe
grilling on the part of the Russell (74), the Bellerophon
(74), the Leviathan (94), and the Thunderer (74). The
prize was not secured and eventually reached Brest,
while the Audacious had received such severe injuries
that she was obliged to make for Plymouth, and the
Bellerophon also had been badly damaged.
On the following morning action was renewed at
long range, but half an hour after noon the Admiral
signalled his vessels to tack in succession and break
the French line. The flagship, the Queen Charlotte
(100), passed through it between the fifth and sixth
vessels in the rear, but was followed only by the
Bellerophon and the Leviathan. The Queen, for
instance, made four unsuccessful attempts. The re-
mainder passed along the French line and tacked
"
astern of it. There was much confusion, and in the
heat of the action," as Captain William Hope of the
"
Bellerophon writes in his journal, it was difficult to

know who was French or who was English, we was

all firing through one another." The Admiral, however,
gained the weather-gauge, and the Indomptable (80),
and the Tyrannicide (74) were cut off and surrounded.
The French rallied to their support and rescued them,
though the former was in such a damaged state that
it was necessary to send her home under escort. A
French 74 separated from the fleet and fell in with the
grain-ships, which reached home in safety. Fortunately
174
 The Glorious First of June
for Villaret-Joyeuse, his losses were made up by the
arrival of four other ships on the 30th, a day of
almost impenetrable fog. Similar weather continued
for several hours on the following day, though it
cleared up in the afternoon with a burst of sunshine.
By no means the least interesting account of the
battle of the Glorious First of June was written by
a midshipman who fought on the Orion and was
then only twelve years of age. William Parker was
Earl St Vincent's nephew, and subsequently became
a baronet and Admiral of the Fleet.
"
The next morning [i.e. June 1st] early," he tells
" the
his father, signal was made to form the line of
battle we beat to quarters and got up sufficiently
;

of powder and shot to engage the enemy. The enemy

also formed their line to leeward. Upon our making
observations on the enemy's fleet we found that one
of their three-deck ships were missing, but counted
28 sail-of-the-line, which was two more than they
had on the 29th May. We supposed the Isle d'Aix
squadron had joined them, and the ship that we had
disabled on the 29th had bore up for Brest or sunk,
and some thought the Audacious must have taken one
of them, and took her away from the fleet as she was
missing the 30th May but the best joke was that the
;

French commander-in-chief had the impudence to say

to those ships who had joined him that he had thrashed
us on the 29th completely, and that he only wanted
to have another little dust with us before he should
carry us all into Brest. Our Fleet was formed, and
we only waited to get near enough to the enemy to
begin. At eight the action began, and the firing from
the enemy was very smart before we could engage
the ship that came to our turn to engage, as every
175
 The Story of the British Navy
ship is to have one because our line formed ahead,
is

and formed also. Suppose their first or leading

theirs is
ship is a 100-guns and ours a 74, our ship must engage
her. I believe we were the ninth or tenth ship our
;

lot fell to an 80-gun ship, so we would not waste our

powder and shot by firing at other ships, though

I was sorry to say they fired very smartly at us
and unluckily killed two men before we fired a gun,
which so exasperated our men that they kept singing
'
out, For God's sake, brave Captain, let us fire !
'

Consider, two poor souls are slaughtered already I

sir,
But Captain Duckworth would not let them fire till we
came abreast of the ship we were to engage, when
' '

Captain Duckworth cried out, Fire my boys, fire !

upon which our enraged boys gave them such an

extraordinary warm reception that I really believe it
struck the rascals with the panic. The French ever
since the 29th (because we so much damaged one of
their ships) called us the little devil and the little black
ribband, as we have a black streak painted on our
side. They made the signal for three or four of their
ships to come down and sink us, and if we struck to
them to give us no quarter but all this did not in the
;

least dishearten our ship's company, and we kept up

a very smart fire when some of the enemy's masts
and yards went over their side, which we gave credit
for some of our doing. The smoke was so thick that
we could not at all times see the ships engaging ahead
and Our main-topmast and main yard being
astern.
carried away by the enemy's shot, the Frenchman
gave three cheers, upon which our ship's company,
to show they did not mind it, returned them the three
cheers, and after that gave them a furious broadside.
About this time a musket ball came and struck Captain
176
 The
Glorious First of
June
Duckworth between the bottom part of his thumb and
finger,but very slightly, so that he only wrapped a
handkerchief about it, and it is now almost quite well.
But to proceed with my account, at about ten the
Queen broke their line again, and we gave three cheers
at our quarters and now we engaged whichever ship
;

we could best. A ship of 80 guns, which we had poured

three or four broadsides into on the 29th May, we
saw drawing ahead on our lee quarter to fire into us,
which ship our ship's company had a great desire to
have made strike to us on the 29th, and now quite
rejoiced at having an opportunity of engaging her
again, gave three cheers at their quarters, and began
a very smart firing at their former antagonist. Their
firing was not very smart, though she contrived to
send a red-hot shot into the captain's cabin, where I
am quartered, which kept rolling about and burning
everybody, when gallant Mears, our first lieutenant,
took it up in his speaking-trumpet and threw it over-
board. At last, being so very close to her, we supposed
her men had left their quarters, as Frenchmen do not
like close quarters. She bore down to leeward of the
fleet, much disabled. The signal was made
being very
for Gibraltar and Culloden to cover us from the fire
of the enemy, as we were very much disabled. Our
ship's company were employed in cutting away the
wreck, some of which was on fire, which we soon put
out by drawing water with our fire buckets. The
ships that were not disabled still engaged the enemy.
At half-past one the Brunswick's mizen and main
masts were shot away, and she went to leeward of the
fleet and we were very much afraid she would have
;

been taken. At last we saw her bear up and set all

the sail she could, but there was no possibility of her
177
 The
Story of the British Navy
getting into our line again. At two the firing ceased,
but we did not know whether the action was over or
no. We were employed in getting ready for engaging,
and were very close to the Admiral and perceived he
had lost both his fore- and main - topmasts in the
action, and two or three of our own ships totally
dismasted. There were seven of the Frenchmen also
dismasted, but some of them had still their colours
flying. We saw one of them hoisting a little small sail
and egging down, and she would soon have joined her
own fleet had not Mr Mears seen it, and let fly an
18-pdr. right astern of her, which made her strike
her colours and hoist English, and strike her sail also.
Captain Duckworth ordered no more guns to be fired
at her and then we had it in our power to say that
;
>

she struck to the Orion. The French Fleet then ran

away like cowardly rascals, and we made all the sail
we could. Lord Howe ordered our ships that were
not very much disabled to take the prizes in tow, and
our own dismasted ships, who were erecting jury masts
as fast as possible. But I forgot to tell you that the
ship which struck to us was so much disabled that
she could not live much longer upon the water, but
gave a dreadful reel and lay down on her broadside.
We were afraid to send any boats to help them,
because they would have sunk her by too many poor
souls getting into her at once. You could plainly
perceive the poor wretches climbing over to windward
and crying most dreadfully. She then righted a little,
and then her head went down gradually, and then
sunk, so that no more was seen of her. ." 1 . .

This remarkable letter, which is much more enter-

1 The Last of Nelson's Captains, by Admiral Sir Augustus Phillimore,
K.C.B. (London, 1891), pp. 32-34.
178
 The Glorious First of
June
taining than the official journal of the Orion, ends on
a sad note. Parker tells us that on returning to
Plymouth the men smuggled a great deal of liquor
on board, which they imbibed, and then mutinied,
releasing the prisoners. Twenty were put in irons
and afterward punished with an unmentioned number
of lashes apiece. When the culprits were sufficiently
sober they wept like children, but one cannot help
thinking that coming events were casting their shadows
before, and that the mutiny at the Nore was already
in the making.
We cannot, of course, understand a battle by merely
following the evidence of a solitary eyewitness. The
idea of Black Dick,' as Howe was familiarly called
'

by the sailors, was to attack the French centre, break

through the line, and engage to leeward. Each ship
was to attack the ship opposed to her.
The ship marked out for attack by the Queen
Charlotte was the French flagship, the Montague.
When breaking the line Howe shouted to Bowen,
"
the master, to starboard the helm. But we shall
be on board the Jacobin" Bowen replied in some
amazement. " What is that to you, sir ? the Admiral
"
"
retorted. / don't care if you don't," Bowen muttered
"
to himself. I'll go near enough to singe some of our

whiskers." Black Dick, who suffered with gout but

not with deafness, overheard, and turning to his
"
captain, remarked, That's a fine fellow, Curtis."
Bowen showed his prowess in no uncertain way, for
the jib-boom of the Queen Charlotte grazed the mizzen-
shrouds of the Jacobin. At the same time the former
fireda broadside, and almost simultaneously her own
fore-topmast was brought down by the enemy. This
precluded Howe from getting alongside the Montague,
179
 The Story of the British Navy
but her stern-frame and starboard-quarter received
such a continuous and well-directed fire from the
flagship that the casualties numbered nearly 300 in
killed and wounded. The Montague then hauled out
of the line, followed by the Jacobin and several other
ships, one of which, the Juste, had also been in action
with the Queen Charlotte.
The French was thrown into confusion as other
line

English vessels obeyed Howe's order, although all of

them were not able to do so. When Villaret-Joyeuse
formed a line to leeward he returned with the intention
of rescuing some at least of the ten French ships that
were surrounded, and he managed to extricate four.
"
The Queen Charlotte," Howe notes in his dispatch,
"
had then lost her fore-topmast, and the main-
topmast fell over the side very soon after. The
greater number of the other ships of the British fleet
were at this time so much disabled, or widely
separated, and under such circumstances with respect
to those ships of the enemy in a state for action, and
with which the firing was still continued, that two or
three even of their dismantled ships, attempting to get
away under a sprit-sail singly, or smaller sail raised on
the stump of the fore-mast, could not be detained."
The gallant attempt of the French admiral alarmed
Sir Roger Curtis, who advised Howe to recall his
scattered ships, fearing a further attack on the part
of Villaret-Joyeuse. This, however, never eventuated,
and the British returned home with half a dozen
prizes. At Portsmouth Howe was presented with a
sword by the King, and gold medals were struck to
commemorate the victory of the Glorious First of June.
Unfortunately the great grain-convoy had escaped.
Meanwhile Hood, after having evacuated Toulon,
180
 The Glorious First of
June
had proceeded to Corsica, which a division under
Horatio Nelson had been blockading. The first object
of the Admiral's attack was San Fiorenzo. Without
in any way disparaging the exertions of the troops,
it must be admitted that the gallant conduct of the

sailors, who dragged heavy guns up the heights in

order to place them in a position to cannonade the
tower of Mortello, which commanded the situation,
contributed largely to the success of the operation.
A sail-of-the-line and a frigate attacked the formidable
fortification with ill-success. Hot shot was fired at
the vessels with such precision that they were obliged
to move to a less dangerous position.
The enemy retreated to Bastia, and on May 24,
"
1794, the most glorious sight that an Englishman
can experience, and which, I believe," wrote Nelson,
"
none but an Englishman could bring about, was
exhibited 4,500 men laying down their arms to less
than 1,000 British soldiers, who were serving as
marines." Calvi was now attacked, and it was here
that Nelson was blinded in his right eye by sand flung
up by shot when in command of the advanced land-
battery. The enemy garrison marched out with the
honours of war in the following August. Corsica was
conquered.
Three months later Hood was succeeded in the
Toulon command by Hotham, who had fourteen battle-
On March 8, 1795,
ships against the enemy's fourteen.
it was known that the French were at sea with the
object of retaking the island of Napoleon's birth, but
it was not until the morning of the 13th that the

Admiral flew the signal for a general chase. While

this was proceeding the Ca-Ira (84) collided with one
of her consorts, which prevented her from keeping up
181
 The Story of the British Navy
with the others. Seizing his opportunity, the captain
of the British frigate Inconstant (36) pounced down
upon the huge battleship and brought her to action. A
French vessel then went to the assistance of the Ca-Ira
and took her in tow. Considerable damage had been
done on board the Inconstant owing to the double fire
to which she was subjected. Nelson, keenly alert to
the slightest advantage, got abreast of the two French-
men and continued to wage a gallant fight for nearly
two hours until called off by Hotham owing to the
near approach of several of the enemy's ships. The
action was thereby rendered indecisive.
During the night the Sans Culottes (120) separated
from her consorts, and the Censeur (74), with the
damaged Ca-Ira in tow, was too slow to keep up with
the remainder of the French fleet. This enabled the
Bedford (74) and the Captain (74) to attempt to capture
them on the following morning. The British ships, as
they bore down on the enemy, were received by a
tremendous fire, which they could not return. For
nearly an hour and a half the fight was sustained, until
the Captain was little more than a floating wreck, and
the distressed state of the Bedford made her recall
imperative. Eventually the Ca-Ira and the Censeur
surrendered to other vessels of the fleet.
The Brest Fleet had kept quiet since Howe's victory
of the Glorious First of June. It was sighted at sea
some twelve months afterward by Cornwallis, who
beat a masterly retreat, for his reconnoitring force
only consisted of five sail-of-the-line, two frigates,
and a smaller vessel, while that of Villaret-Joyeuse
numbered a dozen battleships and fifteen frigates.
They were pursued all night, but during the dark
hours three vessels fell considerably astern, and on
182
 The
Glorious First of
June
the following morning the Mars was heavily attacked.
Cornwallis was in no mood to allow her to be taken
prize. With
his flagship, the Royal Sovereign, and the

Triumph, he went to her support, and after an engage-

ment lasting until past seven o'clock in the evening
the French withdrew, only to come across Bridport's
Channel Fleet. A general chase was ordered by the
British admiral, and on June 23, 1795, the enemy
rear was attacked, the French Formidable catching
fire and surrendering. The Alexandre and the Tigre
also struck their flags. Approaching near the isle of
Groix, some of the
batteries stationed upon it opened
fire. Mistaking the land for Belleisle, and afraid that
some of his ships would ground, the Admiral hoisted
the signal to discontinue the action, to the intense
disgust of more ardent spirits. That his cautious
policy was endorsed by the Admiralty is evident from
the fact that in March 1796 he succeeded Howe in
the command of the Channel Fleet.
In addition to several successful single-ship actions,
much had been going on in the West Indies.
Martinique, St Lucia, and Guadeloupe were all taken.
The Cape of Good Hope and Ceylon surrendered in
1795 Elba was seized in the following year, and
;

speedily evacuated.
With the idea of assisting Irish malcontents to
throw off the British yoke, an expedition under
General Hoche sailed with seventeen ships-of-the-line,
thirteen frigates, five corvettes, six transports, and
two small vessels in the middle of December 1796.
Two of the battleships collided, a third foundered,
and the various divisions were scattered almost at the
beginning. Two ships only acquitted themselves with
honour. These were the Trajan, which escaped after
183
 The Story of the British Navy
a chase of thirty-six hours, and the Droits de VHomme.
The stubborn fight put up by the latter with Sir
Edward Pellew's frigates the Indefatigable and the
Amazon is the most noteworthy incident of the affair
of Bantry Bay. She came up with the Britishers on
January 13, 1797. A fierce action ensued, which
continued far into the night, heavy seas frequently
dashing into the portholes and preventing the proper
working of the guns. At dawn both the Amazon and
the Frenchman ran aground in Audierne Bay, thirty-five
miles south of Brest, and eventually became total wrecks.
Where was the main British fleet all this time, while
the fate of Ireland trembled in the balance ? The
fifteen under Admiral Colpoys, which
sail-of-the-line

usually cruised off Brest, had been blown thirty miles

to the westward, and two or three frigates under Sir
Edward Pellew alone remained to watch the enemy.
Colpoys was not aware that the expedition had sailed
until the day after the majority of the ships had
reached the mouth of Bantry Bay, and then he made
for Spithead. The fleet at Portsmouth under Lord
Bridport, which was " at home to relieve the fleet off
Brest, necessary, or to pursue the enemy, if he should
if

sail," according to the statement of Dundas in the

House of Commons, got under weigh when nearly all
the scattered units of the French fleet were on their
homeward voyage. This unsatisfactory method of
watching an enemy contrasts strongly with Lord
"
St Vincent's later injunction to hermetically seal
"
up the French fleets in their harbours. This policy,
it will be remembered, was that of Hawke. Blockade
duty at this time was almost entirely entrusted to a
few ships, and occasionally to frigates only there was
;

seldom a squadron before Brest in winter.

184
 CHAPTER XIX
A Truant's Fight on St Valentine's

Day, 1797
Where I would take a penknife, Lord St Vincent takes a
hatchet. NELSON

John Jervis stubbornly refused to

WHEN
more
enter the legal profession and determined
to lead an honest life the sequel was of
lasting consequence than a good hiding. So
defiant an attitude should have ended in discomfort
and apology. In this particular case it aided and
abetted a career, added several brilliant pages to the
history-books, and was of signal service to the British
Empire. On such apparently trivial matters destiny
often depends. Jervis's contempt for lawyers was a
settled conviction, which is the prerogative of youth
and often enough the folly of old age. Barristers,
counsel, solicitors the whole breed of brief and bag
were rogues, for his father's coachman had told him
so from the height and importance of the box-seat,
and he placed implicit faith in the wisdom of that
worthy. The world owes a large debt of gratitude to
the old servant, whose name is recorded on no roll of
fame. Indeed, it is doubtful if so much as a headstone
marks the resting-place of his sacred dust.
' '
Master Jackey obstinately fought the spectre of
musty tomes and parchment and got his own way, just
as years afterward he fought the solid reality of the
185
 The Story of the British Navy
Spanish fleet Cape St Vincent and defeated it.
off
The lad must have had many an unpleasant, and
perhaps painful, hour with his father, who was solicitor
to the Admiralty, and therefore prejudiced in the
"
choice of a career. He was throwing away a good
chance," which is the best thing to do when an
opportunity, however golden, is without other attrac-
tions. Your real man is an angler with a rod and
tackle, not a fish swallowing the first available meal
and finding a hook in hiding. The one has discrimina-
tion ; the other lacks it. His son's pig-headedness,
which is the term we use when folk do not see eye to
eye with us, must have been particularly distressing
to Jervis senior. Yet it is good to know that in due
course he gave John his blessing and twenty pounds,
which was better than being cut off with a shilling,
though he never added to his initial contribution
by a solitary copper. Swynfen Jervis accepted the
inevitable as a barrister accepts a verdict against a
client and recognizes that there is no likelihood of
a successful appeal.
It was a family acquaintance who came to John's
rescue, as such folk are apt to do when matters of
paternal policy that promise well in theory show
unmistakable signs of failing in practice. The affair
was brought to a head by a most heinous offence on
the part of the boy. The nature of the misdemeanour
looks so terrible in print that we will not state it until
it is absolutely imperative. He committed a crime
against schoolboy morals. To use an apparent Irishism,
he broke the Scout Law before there was one. He
played truant ! He ran away from school at Greenwich
with a chum named Strachan, afterward father of
Admiral Sir Richard Strachan, who captured four
186
 A Truant's Fight
French ships which escaped after Trafalgar. The boys
hied themselves to Woolwich and became stowaways
on a ship lying in the river. Whether they were dis-
covered and sent about their business in the rough-
and-ready fashion of sailors by being booted off the
deck, or merely found the situation not quite so
romantic as they had anticipated, is a secret which
time has failed to divulge. Romance is robbed of its
glamour when it is slow of development. Instead of
the vessel moving majestically on its way it remained
at anchor. There were no bellowing sails and the
piping of the bosun's whistle ; merely stuffiness and
the reek of bilge. The experience evidently made a
deep impression on the embryo First Sea Lord, which
should be no cause for surprise. When he was an old
man and a peer of the realm he referred to having
suffered
"
much privation and misery " during his
three days' escapade. He reached home at night, told
his sisters what had happened, and was ungraciously
informed that Mr Swinton, his schoolmaster, would
give him a good hiding. Why a hiding is always
' '
dubbed good usually passes a victim's understanding.
The miscreant's reply was expressive and character-
istic. He bluntly told them that as he did not intend
to go back to school their prophecy was not likely to
be fulfilled. Moreover, he was going to be a sailor. He
refused to surrender to the law, privation and misery
notwithstanding. If he was not actually rude he was
certainly blunt and matter-of-fact. Brusqueness was
part and parcel of his personality. All circumstances
considered, it was perhaps as well for him that his
father happened to be away at the time.
On the following day John repeated his settled
conviction to his mother. She wanted her son to be
187
 The Story of the British Navy
'

respectable,' inasmuch as one of her brothers was

none other than Sir Thomas Parker, Lord Chief Baron
of the Exchequer. The good woman had no desire to
part from her son, who was at least comparatively
safe when on land and within reach, whereas the sea
offered the most dire possibilities and had not so much
as a single redeeming feature. She confessed her grief
to Lady Archibald Hamilton, wife of the Governor of
Greenwich Hospital. The tale she told that amiable
soul was related between sobs and punctuated by
tears. Lady Archibald held the firm opinion that her
visitor was herself unnecessarily,
distressing and
instead of commiserating with her in having such an
unruly son, gave her candid opinion that the sea was
"
a very honourable and a very good profession."
Moreover, she enforced her assertion by offering to
get the rebel a post in one of his Majesty's ships. We
"
know that a little help is worth a deal of pity," but
in this case the help was being given to the wrong
party. There are few things more unpleasant than
craving sympathy and finding it not only withheld
but regarded as foolish. We can imagine Mrs Jervis's
outraged feelings. In her distress she sought her
nearest available brother, also a John, who en-
deavoured to get the boy to take a reasonable view,
namely, Parker's own, and to give up all thoughts of
a seafaring life. John junior was obdurate, made
further highly uncomplimentary remarks regarding
lawyers, and said the kindest possible things about
mariners. Lady Archibald aided the rebellious lad
stillfurther by introducing him to Lady Burlington.
It was through the gracious office of the latter that
he made the acquaintance of Commodore Townshend,
who was about to sail to Jamaica in H.M.S. Gloucester
188
 A Truant's Fight
to take up his post as commander-in-chief on the
West Indies station. Beyond doubt the name of the
island was familiar to the boy, for it was then of
relatively greater importance than it is to-day by
reason of its sugar-plantations. Negroes, coco-nuts,
acacias, mountains, mantees, seals, but more par-
ticularly niggers, probably summed up the extent of
his knowledge of the island in the Caribbean Sea.
Such scanty information was calculated to fire am-
bition rather than to retard it. He would see all these
wonderful things, and more. The Commodore con-
sented to give the boy a place on the quarter-deck of
the Gloucester. Swynfen Jervis offered no further
opposition, and so with deep gratitude the law was
relegated to limbo. From that moment until the end
of his long career ships, sailors, and the sea became the
passion of John's life.
The neat uniform of the midshipman of the twentieth
" "
century was not for John. My coat," he said, was
made for me to grow up to it reached down to my
;

heels, and was fully large in the sleeves. I had a dirk

and a gold-laced hat." His uncle, like his father, was
now reconciled to his nephew's choice, doubtless
influenced to some extent by the united insistence of
Lady Archibald and Lady Burlington that it was
"
very honourable." His first meeting with Townshend
was devoid of glory. The gallant officer received him
in nightcap and slippers, and merely handed him a
letter to the first lieutenant of the ship.
Thus at the age of fourteen, in 1748, to be exact,
and the year of the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, which
ended hostilities between Great Britain, Spain, France,
and Prussia, and gained Silesia for Frederick the Great,
to be particular, John Jervis was introduced to the
189
 The Story of the British Navy
whims Father Neptune and the by no means
of
pleasant conditions of the British Navy that obtained
in the middle of the eighteenth century. The twenty
sovereigns did not jingle in his pocket for any length
of time after he had reached the West Indies. Greatly
daring, he drew a bill upon his father for another
twenty pounds. It was dishonoured. The conse-
quence affords a clue to his character. You may
better understand the type of man that was in the
making by these significant facts he no longer
:

appeared at his mess, he mended and washed his

clothes so as to save expense, and when his trousers
wore out made another pair from the ticking of his
bed. Henceforth he slept on the bare deck until the
arrival of more prosperous days.
Jervis was always in the van in volunteering for
service in any ship of the squadron sent on special
work. On one of these cruises he met an old quarter-
master named Drysdale. They were mutually attracted,
and although Jervis had little to tell his elderly com-
panion, Drysdale taught him all he knew of the
intricacies of navigation. We may be sure that many
a pleasant hour was spent when compass and lead
were laid aside for the purpose of spinning yarns. As
for self-reliance, the pupil learnt it in a hard school.
"
The iron entered into his soul." In temperament
he was the exact opposite of Nelson, who was warm-
hearted and lovable, whereas Jervis was cold and
reserved. There is no need to tell the long story of
Jervis' s struggles, of his service with brave Sir Charles
Saunders, who gave him his first command, of the

part he played in Wolfe's attack on Quebec, and how

he ordered the Porcupine to be towed by the ship's
boats out of range of the guns of Fort Louis when a
190
 A Truant's Fight
sudden calm fell at the wrong moment, of how he put
to sea with the mutinous crew of the Albany, and of
how he raked the French 74-gun Pegase, boarded her,
and captured the prize, and with it a knighthood.
Jervis succeeded the incompetent Hotham in the
command of the Mediterranean Fleet in 1795. The
officers under himformed a very distinguished
company Nelson, Hood, Collingwood, Cockburn,
Hallowell, and Troubridge. Few, if any, admirals
have had at their service a more skilful band of
colleagues. Jervis was worthy of them, and they
of him. It was well for Great Britain that such was
the case. Before the end of the year the squadrons of
Spain, of Holland, and of France were against us,
and Jervis had been ordered to evacuate the great
inland sea and to abandon Corsica, which Hood had
captured. Consider various other circumstances and
you will realize that the present generation is not the
only one that has had need of fortitude. Our great-
grandfathers fought a militant France that eventually
threatened to dominate Europe, as their descendants
fought a militant Germany with similar ambitions.
All honour to them, for their agony and bloody sweat
lasted for the better part of a generation. War
between England and France had broken out in
February 1793. Belgium and Holland soon fell into
the hands of the French Prussia and Spain came to
;

terms with the Republic in 1795. Pitt, full of boundless

optimism and negotiations, hoped for peace before the
Easter of 1796, instead of which Sardinia broke away
and surrendered Savoy and Nice to the enemy. In
February of the following year, the month of Jervis' s
greatest triumph, Britain was on the verge of losing
the support of Austria, her last ally. The seal of
191
 The Story of the British Navy
supremacy had not been set on our sea-power, despite
"
the Glorious First of June." Jervis never spoke
truer words than when he avowed that " England was
in need of a victory." He fought for it against great
odds, as England has often had to fight, but he used
brains as well as ships and the usual paraphernalia of
naval warfare. Things were at such a low ebb that
the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street had suspended
payment in cash. On land the Little Corporal, then
lank, lean Napoleon Bonaparte, was going from
triumph to triumph, but it is significant that although
he was essentially a soldier from the top of his head
to the soles of his feet, whose every nerve tingled with
military ardour, he fully realized the all-importance
"
of Sea-Power. Let us concentrate all our activity
on our navy and destroy England. That done, Europe
is at our feet." This is the policy that he outlined to
the Directory, and it was an eminently sane one. It
was not followed, and although in later years he
endeavoured to put his own demoniac energy into
the shipbuilding yards, he never succeeded in wresting
the trident from the hand of Britannia. Despite
mutiny, and losses, and bungling, England kept her
naval nose above water, and that of her enemies under
it or in harbour. Folk who begrudge money spent on
the Navy, if any such remain, should ponder these
facts and atone for past sins by turning their pockets
inside out for additional floating defences as an offering
of gratitude to the memory of the old-time sea-dogs who
fought twenty-seven French and Spanish sail-of-the-
line with fifteen British battleships on St Valentine's

Day, 1797.
Fortune had not been kind to Jervis' s ships during
the previous two months. Five of them had met
192
 A Truant's Fight
with serious trouble of some kind, chiefly through
striking rocks, and two had become total wrecks, one
an 80-gun ship, the Courageux, and the other the
Bombay Castle (74). These losses were partly alle-
viated by the detachment of five sail-of-the-line and
a frigate under Rear-Admiral Sir W. Parker from the
force commanded by Bridport after his abortive
pursuit of the French squadron which took part in the
famous episode of Bantry Bay. Even then the spectre
of disaster seemed to dog Jervis. Within forty-eight
hours of the fight off Cape St Vincent two of his 74's
must need collide in the night, which is not surprising,
for it was as dark as pitch and probably no stern-lights

were carried by reason of the near presence of the

enemy. The Colossus cut straight across the bows of
the Culloden and played havoc with the fore-rigging
of the latter. Fortunately there was no need for
Captain Troubridge to take his ship back to Ports-
mouth for repairs they were carried out at sea.
;

The days of hemp and oak were strenuous enough in

some things but abominably slow in others. There
were no turbines and oil fuel to shorten the length of
the knots, but only dank sails and tacking to lengthen
them. A less energetic commander might have made
the accident an excuse for a run to Spithead.
Troubridge was not of that type. He would not have
missed the coming scrap for worlds.
The battle of St Vincent was brought about in this
way. It was part and parcel of one of the many
schemes that had been projected to invade England.
With France it was a tradition that had become a
definite policy. The British fleet alone blocked the
way. Napoleon tried his hand at it later on an
immense scale and failed. The Spanish fleet was to
193
 The Story of the British Navy
sail from Cartagena for Cadiz in the first instance,
join forces with French ships at Brest and Dutch
vessels in the Texel, and then make for the Thames.
The Spanish commander, Don Jos6 de Cordova, had
apparently twenty-seven sail-of-the-line with him when
he was sighted by the Minerve on the morning of
February 13th Jervis had fifteen. The discrepancy
;

in the size of the opposing ships and in weight of

metal was enormous. Jervis had two ships of 100 guns
each, two of 98, one of 94, two of 90, seven of
74, and one of 64. Cordova flew his flag from the
huge Santissima Trinidad, the Goliath of all ships
in any navy at that time, a mammoth four-decker

carrying no fewer than 130 guns. Her consorts con-

sisted of half a dozen ships with 112 guns each, two
with 80, and eighteen with 74. Of frigates, which
"
Nelson rightly termed the eyes of a fleet," Jervis had
four, whereas Don Jos6 had twelve mounting 34 guns
apiece. Figures are dull, unimaginative, listless things,
but they usually have a story to tell. In this particular
case their story is that whereas the Spanish had 2,176
guns, the British armament consisted of 1,252 only.
Of the three enemy fleets, that of Holland was un-
deniably the best manned, but as the last Dutch naval
engagement of importance had taken place off the
Dogger Bank so far back as 1781, a more or less
general impression prevailed that their marine had
grown a trifle stale. On the other hand, their triumphs
of former days were held up to sailors and landsmen
alike as excellent examples for the posterity of De
Ruyter and Tromp to follow. The idea that " What
"
man has done, man
can do was sedulously propa-
gated. Certainly the notion was quite good in a day
when there were no Navy Leagues to inspire the
194
 A Truant's Fight
slumbering enthusiasm of lethargic folk. Doubtless
De Ruyter's uncharitable performance of 1667, when
he sailed into the Medway and bombarded Chatham,
was kept in special remembrance. To prevent the
concentration of these forces, then, the Spanish, the
French, and the Dutch, was the task of immediate
concern to Jervis, and his dogged persistency of
purpose won the day, aided and abetted, it must be
admitted, by the audacity of a certain young officer
of the name of Nelson and of the rank of commodore.
There was a good deal of haze on the morning of
the 14th, and a certain amount of it seems to cling
to the battle yet. To be perfectly frank, some of the
details of the fight are obscure. This is not altogether
surprising, and is certainly not entirely characteristic
of the days of wooden walls, dolphin-strikers, and
cross-jack yards. The water which flows in Trafalgar
Bay during the course of a day is scarcely more in
volume than the ink that has been used in hopeless
attempts to solve the problems connected with the
battle that took place on October 21, 1805. Sea-dogs
will apparently never tire of discussing whether it
was the Meteor or the Arethusa which fired the final
torpedo that gave the death blow to the crippled
-

Blucher in the second big North Sea action of the

Great War. No one will ever know for certain, and
that is doubtless why the heroes of the gun-turrets and
the Big Men of the forebridges interest themselves in it.
It was Nelson in the Minerve who first brought
news of the coming of the Spaniards. The little one-
eyed, one-armed man had been busy withdrawing the
British naval stores from Porto Ferrajo, in the isle of
Elba, and had looked into Toulon and Cartagena.
The latter harbour was empty. Crowding on every
195
 The Story of the British Navy
stitch of canvas to warn Jervis,
he had scarcely
entered the Straits of Gibraltar before he was chased
by two Spanish line-of-battle ships. The Minerve
was only a frigate of 36 guns, but the commodore
told Colonel Drinkwater, as he gave a glance at his
"
broad pennant, before the Dons get hold of that bit
of bunting I will have a struggle with them, and
sooner than give up the frigate I'll run her ashore."
The vessel was cleared for action, and was making
"
excellent headway, when a cry arose of Man over-
"
board ! Lieutenant Hardy and some
sailors launched
a boat, but their efforts were in vain, for the poor
fellow sank before they could reach him. The current
was so strong when the little band turned their craft
that they found it impossible to get back. Meanwhile
one of the Spaniards was gradually gaining on them.
"
Nelson did not hesitate a moment. I'll not lose
"
Hardy," he shouted. Back the mizzen top-sail " !

The manoeuvre apparently jeopardized the frigate,

which thus voluntarily gave up the race, but in reality
it saved the situation. Imagining by the strange
behaviour of the Minerve that other British ships had
been sighted, the Spaniards made no further attempt
to bring her to action.
A few hours later, when it was night and the weather
inclined to be thick, Nelson passed through the Spanish
fleet. His one eye was sufficiently bright and keen to
discern that the signals which flashed out now and
again were not those of his commander-in-chief but of
Don Jose. On rejoining the fleet on the 13th he returned
to his own ship, the Captain, of 74 guns.
The weather on the morning of the 14th was
extremely hazy, but Jervis knew that he was no great
distance from the enemy because their signal-guns
196
 A Truant's Fight
had been booming all the previous night. Suddenly
the alarm was given by the Culloden, and the Bonne
Citoyenne and other vessels began to report the
number of ships as they approached. Jervis, walking
the quarterdeck with Captain Hallowell, remained
"
imperturbable. There are eight sail-of-the-line, Sir
" "
There are twenty
John." Very well, sir." sail-

of-the-line, Sir John." "Very well, sir." "There

"
are twenty-five sail-of-the-line." Very well, sir."
"
There are twenty-seven sail, Sir John." The officer
who was reading the signals then took occasion to
remark on the overwhelming numbers of the enemy.
" "
Enough, sir," retorted the Admiral, no more of
that ! The die is cast, and if there were fifty sail I
would go through them." The answer evidently
appealed to Hallowell, who smacked Jervis on the
back and said in his bluff and hearty way, " That's
right, Sir John, that's right. We shall give them a
good licking." He flung in one or two adjectives
which may be forgiven an enthusiastic naval officer.
If the man with the telescope betrayed surprise,
we may be sure that Don Jose was by no means in
an easy frame of mind when he knew the exact number
of British ships as they appeared in two close divisions
on the starboard tack. He had been told by a neutral
vessel that Jervishad nine sail-of-the-line, apparently
part of a convoy, and here were fifteen The Spanish
!

admiral knew perfectly well that notwithstanding the

imposing appearance of his armada it suffered from
defects which were the direct results of neglect and
gross mismanagement. Many of the officers were
totally unfit and ill-trained, men who had obtained
their positions by influence, while the sailors and gun-
ners were made up of all sorts and conditions of men,
197
 The Story of the British Navy
including jail-birds. As we have seen, the Spanish
was vastly superior in weight of metal, but the
fleet
calibreof a cannon is not the only consideration.
Most of the ships were good sailers and superior in
speed to the British, but they were grossly under-
manned, and sheets are not automatic.
At ten o'clock or thereabouts the fog lifted. The
Spaniards were making for their port of destination,
their ships in two straggling columns numbering
twenty-one and six respectively, divided by several
miles. While the smaller, or leeward, division was
endeavouring to shorten the distance, Jervis sent
half a dozen ships to chase the enemy, and shortly
afterward brought his vessels into a single column,
placing them between the two sections of the Don's
"
forces. We flew to them as a hawk to his prey,"
"
says Collingwood, passed through them in the dis-
ordered state in which they were, separated them
into two distinct parts, and then tacked upon their
largest division." One ship of the leeward body
turned tail and disappeared. The windward division
now attempted to join forces with
consorts, but
its

only three succeeded in doing so, bringing the total

of the leeward ships to eight. Jervis determined to
attack the main force first. Up went the signal to
tack in succession, that is to say, each ship was to
turn where the previous ship had turned as soon as
she reached the position. It was repeated all along
the line in answer, Troubridge in the Culloden, which
was the leading ship in the column, being the first to
acknowledge the order. For once Jervis betrayed
"
emotion. Look at Troubridge," he exclaimed "he ;

handles his ship as if the eyes of all England were

"
upon him, and would to God they were The !

198
 A Truant's Fight
commander-in-chief s flagship, the Victory, was the
seventh in the line, and as she was still pursuing her
course before tacking, the Principe de Asturias and
one or two ships of the Spanish leeward division
attempted to break through the British line. If the
Culloden had gained a mead of praise from Jervis,
the Victory most certainly did at that moment. She
was thrown into stays, and greeted the huge three-
decker of 112 guns with a broadside that raked the
Spanish vice-admiral's ship and made the Victory
quiver from stem to stern. So devastating was the fire
that the Principe de Asturias and her consorts fell off
and made no further attempts of this description.
In a word, the former was badly mauled at the
beginning of the fight. The Culloden and the other
ships which had turned were now busily engaged
with the rear of the Spanish windward division, but
Cordova's leading vessels, or his van, to be techni-
cally correct, were well in advance. With these he
attempted to get round the British rear and join the
leeward division. Nelson, in the third ship from the
end, instead of carrying out the Admiral's order to
tack in succession, executed a most daring manoeuvre.
The Captain, the smallest 74 in the British fleet,
swung out of line, passed between the Diadem and
the Excellent, that were following, crossed the bows of
the oncoming Spaniards, and boldly attacked the
Santissima Trinidad, the largest ship in the world.
The Commodore was after big game, for the great
floating fort of four decks and 132 guns bore Cordova's
flag. He was immediately supported by Troubridge in
the Culloden. Nelson, while definitely stating that he
did not pretend to be correct as to time, believed
"
that they fought half a dozen ships for near an
199
 The Story of the British Navy
"
hour without assistance, and was pleased to term
"
the engagement an apparently, but not really,
unequal contest." The logs of various other vessels
show that help was not long in arriving, though he
was unaware of it, possibly by reason of the smoke.
The Blenheim particularly distinguished herself by
coming up and interposing between the Captain and
the Culloden. The Salvador del Mondo and the San
Isidro dropped astern. Collingwood, in the Excellent,
then appeared and opened a withering fire on the
former at close quarters. It was not long before her
colours fluttered to the deck and the Spanish first-rate
of 112 guns ceased fire. Collingwood understood by
signs made by the individual who had hauled down
the flag that the Salvador del Mondo had surrendered.
He therefore passed on to the next ship, leaving the
prize to be secured by another vessel. As he was
forging ahead he was amazed to find the afore-
mentioned colours flying from the masthead and her
armament in action. However, he came up with the
San Isidro, and brought the Excellent so close " that
a man might jump from one ship to the other," to use
his own phrase. British gunnery quickly decided the
fate of the day so far as the Spanish 74 was concerned,
for inside of ten minutes she gave up. Having been
deceived in the matter of the Salvador del Mondo,
Collingwood did not intend to lay himself open to
further tricks of a similar kind. He blandly informed
the commander that he must run up the British flag.
This was done before Collingwood carried out further
operations. He then signalled to another ship to
board the prize, crowded on all sail, and passing
between the British line and the enemy, engaged the
80-gun ship the San Nicolas, which, together with the
200
 A Truant's Fight
"
San Josef, was hammering away at the
Captain. We
did not touch sides," Collingwood admits, "
but you
could not put a bodkin between us, so that our shot
"
passed through both ships the San Josef (112) was
"
abreast of her consort and, in attempting to
extricate themselves, they got on board each other."
In other words, the riggings of the two ships became
hopelessly entangled. The Excellent' s broadsides worked
frightful havoc, and the guns kept at it until the
"
enemy ceased firing. My good friend, the Commo-
"
dore," adds Collingwood, had been long engaged with
those ships, and I came happily to his relief, for he
was dreadfully mauled."
Meanwhile Nelson had laid his ship " on board "
the San Nicolas. No sooner was the port cathead of
the Captain locked in the quarter-gallery of the former
" " "
than he gave the order to Board ! The soldiers
"
of the 69th," he writes, with an alacrity which will
ever do them credit, and Lieutenant Pearson, of the
same regiment, were almost the foremost on this
service. The first man who jumped into the enemy's
mizzen-chains was Captain Barry, late my first lieu-
tenant (Captain Miller was in the very act of going
also, but I directed him to remain) ;he was supported
from our spritsail-yard, which hooked in the mizzen-
rigging. A soldier of the 69th Regiment having broke
the upper quarter-gallery window, I jumped in myself,
and was followed by others as fast as possible. I
found the cabin-doors fastened, and some Spanish
officers fired their pistols ; but, having broke open
the doors, the soldiers fired, and the Spanish brigadier
(Commodore with a distinguishing pendant) fell, in
retreating to the quarter-deck. I pushed immediately
onwards for the quarter-deck, where I found Captain
201
 The Story of the British Navy
Barry in possession of the poop, and the Spanish
ensign hauling down. I passed with my people and
Lieutenant Pearson, on the larboard gangway, to the
forecastle, where I met two or three Spanish officers,
prisoners to seamen
my they delivered me their
;

swords. A of pistols or muskets opening from

fire
the Admiral's stern-gallery of the San Josef, I directed
the soldiers to fire into her stern and, calling to
;

Captain Miller, ordered him to send more men into

the San Nicolas, and directed my people to board
the first-rate, which was done in an instant, Captain
Barry assisting me into the main chains. At this
moment a Spanish officer looked over the quarter-
deck rail, and said they surrendered. From this most
welcome intelligence, it was not long before I was on
the quarter-deck, where the Spanish captain, with a
bow, presented me his sword, and said the Admiral
was dying of his wounds. I asked him, on his honour,
if the ship was surrendered. He declared she was,
on which I gave him my hand, and desired him to call
on his officers and ship's company and tell them of it ;

which he did and on the quarter-deck of a Spanish

;

first-rate, extravagant as the story may seem, did I

receive the swords of vanquished Spaniards, which as
I received I gave to William Fearney, one of my

bargemen, who put them, with the greatest sang-froid,

under his arm. I was surrounded by Captain Barry,
Lieutenant Pearson, of the 69th Regiment, John Sykes,
John Thompson, Francis Cook, all old Agamemnons,
and several other brave men, seamen and soldiers.
Thus fell these ships."
Twice after the San Nicolas had been captured
fire broke out in the forehold, and was extinguished

by the prize crew. The Captain was so damaged that

202
 A Truant's Fight
Nelson transferred his broad pennant to the Irresistible,
the former ship being taken in tow by the Minerve.
The rigging and bending sails had been cut to pieces,
the wheel and fore-topmast shot away, and the masts
severely damaged.
Collingwood had passed on to Cordova's flagship,
but the masts, sails, and rigging of the Excellent had
been so roughly mauled that she could not be brought
as close to the enemy as Collingwood wished. In the
hour's fight that ensued the British vessel received
further wounds, but did not leave the Santissima
Trinidad before the enemy was a complete wreck.
Toward evening several of the latter' s consorts came up,
and Jervis flew the signal to withdraw. Collingwood
secured a souvenir in the shape of a 50-lb. shot which
had been hurled on board by one of Cordova's guns.
The Blenheim also attacked the Santissima Trinidad,
and when she and the Excellent discontinued the action
the engagement was renewed by the Orion and the
"
Egmont. 55 minutes past 4," the log of the Orion
"
records, she struck and hoisted English colours, but
we were obliged to abandon her, as several of their
3-deck ships which had been but little in action came
down to their assistance, and the day being far spent,
we discontinued the action. . ."
.

Four Spanish sail-of-the-line were captured. Critics,

both naval and lay, have said that there ought to
have been more. Some have gone further and sug-
gested that Jervis missed the opportunity of his life
to annihilate the allied fleet, as Jellicoe is alleged to
have failed at Jutland. The Admiral certainly seems
to have been over-anxious to secure his prizes. A
comparison of the log-books of the various ships is
interesting. The master of the Orion writes that at
203
 The Story of the British Navy
4.55 p.m. the flagship of the Spanish commander-in-
"
chief, with which they had been in action, struck
and hoisted English colours, but we was (sic) obliged
to abandon her, as several of their 3-deck ships which
had been but little in action came down to their
assistance, and the day being far spent, we dis-
continued the action, and brought to on the starboard
tack in close order of battle with the 4 ships which we
had possession of, the Spanish fleet in a line on the
larboard tack to windward of us. Observing several
of their heavy ships coming down with an intention
to rake the Britannia, both of us opened a heavy fire
on them, which obliged them to haul off. At 6, both
English and Spanish fleets lying to on different tacks.
Employed the whole night repairing our damages,
1
ready for renewing the action."
One of Jervis's obiter was " The test of a
dicta
man's courage is responsibility," and he acted up to
it when Captain Calder hinted that Nelson had made

an unauthorized departure from the prescribed mode

"
of attack. It certainly was so," replied .Tervis,
"
and if ever you commit such a breach of your
orders, I will forgive you also."
In discussing his tactics after the action, Nelson
"
explained that The Admiral's intention, I saw, was
to cut off the detached squadron of light sail, and
afterwards attack the main body, weakened by the
separation. Observing, however, as our squadron
advanced and became engaged with the enemy's
ships, that the main body of the enemy were pushing
to join their friends to leeward by passing in the rear

Logs of the Great Sea Fights, 1794-1805, edited by T. Sturges

i

Jackson, Rear-Admiral, vol. i, pp. 232-3 (London :

Navy Records
Society, 1909).
204
 A Truant's Fight
of our squadron, I thought unless by some prompt
and extraordinary measure the main body could be
diverted from this course until Sir John at that
time in action on the Victory could see their plan,
his well-arranged designs on the enemy would be
frustrated."
Further criticism has been levelled at the old sea-
dog because he did not make more of the Commodore's
action. Yet Jervis received Nelson on the quarterdeck
of the flagship, took him in his arms, and kissed him,
"
using every kind expression which could not fail to
make me happy," as the hero of the occasion avowed.
Calder arrived in London with Jervis' s dispatch on
March 3, 1797. On occasion they did things quicker
in the eighteenth century than they do in the
twentieth. England was in need of a victory, as
Jervis had avowed, and he had given her one. The
House of Commons passed a vote of thanks without
delay, and the Upper House followed suit on the
8th. Sir John was created Earl of St Vincent, with a
pension of 3,000 a year, Vice- Admiral Charles Thomp-
son and Rear- Admiral William Parker became baronets,
and Nelson was given the K.C.B.
"
The highest rewards are due to you and Culloden,"
"
wrote Collingwood to Nelson :
you formed the plan
of attack we were only accessories to the Don's
ruin; for, had they got on the other tack, they would
have been sooner joined, and the business would have
been less complete." " A friend in need is a friend
'

' "
indeed,' Nelson replied, was never more truly
verified than by your most noble and gallant conduct
yesterday in sparing the Captain from further loss,
and I beg, both as a public officer and a friend, you
will accept my most sincere thanks."
205
 CHAPTER XX
Camperdown and the Nile
Some day we shall lose the Empire, because it is Buggins's
turn. FISHER

have been few and far between in

the British Navy. Two broke out in 1797.
MUTINIES Whereas previous outbreaks had been con-
' '
fined to single ships, the breeze at Spithead involved
a fleet. The grievances of the sailors were legitimate
enough. One shilling a day for an able seaman and
other ratings in proportion, leave to men when in port,
the removal of long-standing differences regarding
pensions, and better food summed up their demands.
Lack of sympathy between the executive and admin-
istrative branches was the primary cause. Respectful
petitions had been presented without avail. Eventu-
ally Howe posted from London with a brand-new Act
of Parliament in his pocket and full powers to settle
the dispute.
In the same week that the mutineers of Portsmouth
and Plymouth returned to their legitimate duties
trouble broke out at the Nore. The ringleader was
Richard Parker. After a few weeks the men sur-
rendered their vessels, the last being the Sandwich,
which was brought in by the crew with the erstwhile
leader a prisoner. Parker was hanged from the yard-
arm, and a career not lacking in romance was ended.
It was well that the Dutch did not take the offensive
206
 Camperdown and the Nile
at so perilous a time. They waited until October,
when Vice-Admiral De Winter led a fleet of fifteen
sail-of-the-line, a dozen frigates, and several brigs out
of the Texel. On the llth he was met by Admiral
Duncan, who had at his command, though they
did not all take an active part in the fight, six-
teen battleships, eight frigates, and other vessels.
According to the log-book of Duncan's flagship, the
"
Venerable (74), during the greatest part of the action,
the weather was variable, with showers of rain, till
half-past two o'clock, when it fell almost calm."
When the action began the Dutch coast was not more
than seven miles distant, and the fleets were off the
village of Camperdown, from which the battle took
itsname.
"
About thirty minutes past twelve," to quote the
same authority, " the action commenced by Vice-
Admiral Onslow (second in command), in the Monarch,
who broke through the enemy's line, passed under the
Dutch Vice- Admiral's stern, and engaged him to lee-
ward. The Venerable intended to engage the Dutch
Commander-in-Chief, was prevented by the States
General, of 76 guns, bearing a blue flag at the mizzen,
shooting close up him ; we therefore put our helm
to port, run under his stern, engaged him close, and
soon forced him to run out of the line. The Venerable
then fell alongside of the Dutch Admiral De Winter,
in the Vryheid, who was for some time well supported,
and kept up a very heavy fire upon us. At one
o'clock, the action was pretty general, except by two
or three of the van ships of the enemy's line, which
got off without the smallest apparent injury. About
half an hour after the commencement of the action
on the part of the Venerable, who began only five
207
 The Story of the British Navy
minutes later than our own Vice- Admiral, the Hercules,
a Dutch ship of 64 guns, caught fire ahead of us she;

wore, and drove very near our ship to leeward, while

we were engaged, and very roughly handled, by four
ships of the enemy. A little before three o'clock,
while passing to leeward of the Dutch Admiral and
Commander-in-Chief on the opposite tack, our star-
board broadside was fired, which took place prin-
cipally among the rigging, as all her masts came
immediately by the board ; soon after he struck his
colours, all farther opposition being vain and fruitless."
Duncan had been unable to form a regular order of
battle because, had he waited to do so, the enemy
would have been too near the coast to allow of his
breaking the line and getting between him and the
land. De Winter was taken prisoner, and nine sail-
of-the-line and two frigates surrendered. The British
admiral became Viscount Duncan of Camperdown.
On the sunny and cloudless morning of May 19,
1798, the Toulon Fleet destined for Egypt set sail.
Nelson's reconnoitring squadron had been forced to
retire by a gale and made for Sardinia. With thirteen
sail-of-the-line, all carrying 74 guns, and one 50-gun
ship, the Rear-Admiral started in chase. After weeks
of anxious searching he at last discovered the enemy
moored in line of battle parallel with the shore in
Aboukir Bay. The French fleet, under Brueys, con-
sisted of thirteen capital ships, three carrying 80
guns and one 120 guns, and four frigates. There
were three great gaps between the ships, which were
flanked by frigates and gunboats. His van was
placed as close to Aboukir Island as was practicable,
and on it a few guns were mounted. In tonnage and
armament the French had the advantage ; in moral
208
 Camperdown and the Nile
and fighting capacity the British were first. Napoleon
and the army were far away adding triumph to
triumph.
Nelson determined to sail between the enemy line
and the shallows. Five British ships, led by the
Goliath, crossed the bows of the first ship of the French
van, inshore of the French line, and anchored abreast
of one of the Frenchmen, while three more, including
Nelson's Vanguard, stationed themselves on the outer
side. Some of the captains for various reasons were
unable to take up their correct fighting positions ;

the Culloden, for instance, struck a shoal and played

no part in the battle. The enemy's van was sur-
rounded and conquered, the centre became engaged,
the rear alone escaped, Villeneuve, its commander,
making off with two battleships and two frigates
without attempting to fight.
"
The actions," Captain Berry relates, " commenced
at sunset. ... At about seven o'clock total darkness
had come on, but the whole hemisphere was, with
intervals, illuminated by the fire of the hostile fleets.
Our ships, when darkness came on, had all hoisted
their distinguishing lights, by a signal from the
Admiral. The van ship of the enemy, Le Guerrier,
was dismantled in less than twelve minutes, and, in
ten minutes after, the second ship, Le Conquerant,
and the third, Le Spartiate, very nearly at the same
moment were almost dismasted. L'Aquilon and Le
Peuple Souverain, the fourth and fifth ships of the
enemy's line, were taken possession of by the British
at half-past eight in the evening. Captain Berry, at
that hour, sent Lieutenant Galwey, of the Vanguard,
with a party of marines, to take possession of
Le Spartiate, and that officer returned by the boat
209
 The Story of the British Navy
the French captain's sword, which Captain Berry
immediately delivered to the Admiral, who was then
below, in consequence of the severe wound which he
had received in the head during the heat of the attack.
"
At this time it appeared that victory had already
declared itself in our favour, for, although L 'Orient,
L'Heureux, and Tonnant were not taken possession of,
they were considered as completely in our power.
... At ten minutes after ten, a fire was observed
on board L' Orient, the French Admiral's ship, which
seemed to proceed from the after part of the cabin,
and which increased with great rapidity, presently
involving the whole of the after part of the ship in
flames. This circumstance Captain Berry immediately
communicated to the Admiral, who, though suffering
severely from his wound, came up on deck, where the
first consideration that struck his mind was concern
for the danger of so many lives, to save as many as
possible of whom he ordered Captain Berry to make
every practicable exertion. A boat, the only one that
could swim, was instantly dispatched from the Van-
guard, and other ships that were in a condition to do
so, immediately followed the example ;by which
means, from the best possible information, the lives
of about seventy Frenchmen were saved. The light
thrown by the fire of UOrient upon the surrounding
objects, enabled us to perceive with more certainty
the situation of the two fleets, the colours of both
being very clearly distinguishable. The cannonading
was partially kept up to leeward of the centre till about
ten o'clock, when L' Orient blew up with a most tre-
mendous explosion. An awful pause and death-like
silence for about three minutes ensued, when the
wreck of the masts, yards, etc., which had been
210
 Camperdown and the Nile
carried to a vast height, fell down into the water,
and on board the surrounding ships. A port fire from
L'Orient fell into the main royal of the Alexander, the
fire occasioned by which was, however, extinguished in
about two minutes, by the active exertions of Captain
Ball.
"
After this awful scene, the firing was recommenced
with the ships to leeward of the centre, till twenty
minutes past ten, when there was a total cessation of
firing for about ten minutes ; after which it was
revived till about three in the morning, when it again
ceased. After the victory had been secured in the van,
such British ships as were in a condition to move,
had gone down upon the fresh ships of the enemy,
which occasioned these renewals of the fight, all of
which terminated with the same happy success in
favour of our Flag. At five minutes past five in the
morning, the two rear ships of the enemy, Le Guillaume
Tell and Le Ge'nereux, were the only French ships of
the line that had their colours flying, at fifty-four
minutes past five, a French frigate, L' Artemise, fired
a broadside and struck her colours but such was
;

the unwarrantable and infamous conduct of the

French captain, that after having thus surrendered,
he set fire to his ship, and with part of his crew, made
his escape on shore. Another of the French frigates,
La Serieuse, had been sunk by the fire from some of
our ships ;
but as her poop remained above water,
her men were saved upon it, and were taken off by
our boats in the morning. The Bellerophon, whose
masts and cables had been entirely shot away, could
not retain her situation abreast of L'Orient, but had
drifted out of the line to the lee side of the Bay a
little before that ship blew up. The Audacious was
211
 The Story of the British Navy
in the morning detached to her assistance. At eleven
o'clock, Le Genereux and Guillaume Tell, with the
two frigates La Justice and La Diane, cut their cables
and stood out to sea, pursued by the Zealous, Captain
Hood, who, as the Admiral himself has stated, hand-
somely endeavoured to prevent their escape ; but as
there was no other ship in a condition to support the
Zealous, she was recalled.
"
The whole day of the 2nd was employed in
securing the French ships that had struck, and which
were now all completely in our possession, Le Tonnant
and Timoleon excepted as these were both dismasted,
;

and consequently could not escape, they were natur-

ally the last of which we thought of taking possession.
On the morning of the third, the Timoleon was set
fire to, and Le Tonnant had cut her cable and drifted
on shore, but that active officer, Captain Miller, of the
Theseus, soon got her off again, and secured her in the
British line."
It was a decisive victory, the only kind of victory
"
that appealed to Nelson, who styled it a conquest."
Of the thirteen French battleships, nine were taken,
one was blown up, one was burnt, and two escaped ;

one frigate sank, another was destroyed by fire, and

two got away. Napoleon had been deprived of his
only means of communication with France. Thus the
sea swallowed his triumphs. From a political point
of view the battle of the Nile paved the way for the
formation of the Second Coalition against France, in
which England, Russia, Austria, Turkey, Naples, and
Portugal took part. For his brilliant services Nelson
was created a baron and voted a pension of 2,000
a year, which was also to be paid to his two next
heirs. The Earl of St Vincent, the commander-in-chief,
212
 Camperdown and the Nile
enthusiastically referred to the battle of the Nile as
"
the greatest achievement the history of the world
can produce."
To "Fighting" Berry the Admiral entrusted the
charge of his dispatches for St Vincent, for which
purpose he was given the Leander (50). With grim
irony Fate played a trick entirely unworthy so gallant
an officer. On August 18th, off Gozo, near Candia,
the Genereux, which had escaped, appeared on the
horizon. Berry attempted to show a clean pair of
heels, but recognizing that the enemy was gaining
in the race, sail was shortened and the decks cleared
for action. The brave defenders of the Leander resisted
manfully for over six hours until the mastless, rudder-
less hulk could be fought no longer. Berry, who was
wounded, together with the officers and crew, was taken
prisoner. On being exchanged, the captain received
the honour of knighthood. He got even with the
French after all, for in 1799 he turned the tables on
the victors by capturing the Genereux.

213
 CHAPTER XXI
How Nelson Taught the Danes
a Lesson
1 have a right to be blind sometimes.
NELSON

far back as 1780 Russia, Sweden, and Den-

mark had entered into a league of armed
SO neutrality by which, in the terse summing up
of Sir J. K. Laughton, they had
"
bound themselves
4 '
to resist the right of visit and search claimed by the
belligerents, and to enforce the acceptance of certain
principles of so-called international law :
among others,
the security of a belligerent's property under a neutral
' '

flag a free ship makes free goods that a blockade

;

to be binding must be maintained by an adequate

' '
force ; and that contraband of war must be dis-
tinctly defined beforehand. As these principles, if
admitted by England, amounted to the import by
France of naval stores masts, hemp, tar from the
Baltic, to be paid for by French exports, the English
Government was resolved to contest them." From
1793 to 1800 Sweden and Denmark were neutral, but
Great Britain, secure in her maritime supremacy, had
continued to search merchant-ships, whether convoyed
by a vessel of war or not. Matters were brought to
a crisis by the capture of a Danish frigate in July
1800, and the subsequent passage of the Sound by
a British squadron. At the moment Denmark was
214
 Nelson and the Danes
not prepared for hostilities, and entered into a conven-
tion with Great Britain which admitted the right of
search.
When, a little later, the half-crazy Czar, dissatisfied
with England as an ally, and led on by specious
promises on the part of Napoleon, definitely renewed
the League, the two Baltic Powers willingly joined
him. He laid an embargo on all British ships in
Russian ports, and generally showed that it was a
"
case of off with the old love and on with the new."
It was thought in England that negotiations, backed
by a strong fleet, would be sufficient to sever Denmark
from the alliance. With this object in view fifteen
line-of-battle ships, afterward increased to eighteen,
sailed early in March 1801. Soldiers were on board
for service if required, and there was a considerable
collection of smaller vessels.
The first rendezvous was the Skaw.
general A
period of
heavy weather bad winds, sleet, snow,
frost, and rain had set in. Believers in omens not
unnaturally predicted the ill-success of the expedition,
which was intensified by the loss of the Invincible (74)
with some 400 souls. She struck a sandbank, floated
off into deep water, and then went down.
The proposed terms were definitely refused by
"
Denmark, but Nelson's ," bold measure of detaching
part of the British fleet to attack the Russian squad-
ron at Revel, while the other attacked the capital, did
not appeal to the unimaginative Sir Hyde Parker,
the commander-in-chief. Copenhagen must first be
overcome. Eventually it was decided to make the
passage by the Sound.
The British fleet, in order of battle, slowly threaded
its way through the shoals on March 30th. Nelson
215
 The Story of the British Navy
commanded the van, Parker the centre, and Graves
the rear. The guns of Cronenburg Castle, dominating
the Sound, blazed away, as did those on the armed
hulks defending the narrow channel, but the Swedish
guns maintained a stolid silence. The fleet anchored
a few miles below Copenhagen. Parker, Nelson, and
several other officers boarded a lugger to reconnoitre
the enemy's defences. Various soundings were made
to the accompaniment of gun-firing, and it was found
that the enemy had placed a formidable flotilla of
thirty-three vessels, some fully rigged and others dis-

masted, including two 74-gun ships, a 70-gun ship,

two 64-gun ships, and floating batteries in front of
the harbour and arsenal. The Trekroner forts had also
been strengthened, and there were cannon on shore.
To Nelson a dozen sail-of-the-line, eighteen frigates,
and a number of minor vessels were assigned. Leaving
the main body of the fleet on April 1st, he coasted
along the outer edge of the shoal known as the Middle
Ground, and reaching the Sound end, dropped anchor.
On the following morning several accidents marred
the opening phase of the operations. Three battle-
ships ran aground. The Jamaica frigate, with a
convoy of gunboats that were unable to stem the
counter current, made the signal of inability to
proceed.
"
A mind less invincible than Nelson's might have
been discouraged," writes Mr Ferguson, surgeon of
"
the Elephant :
though the battle had not commenced
yet he had approached the enemy and he felt that
;

he could not retreat or wait for reinforcements without

compromising the glory of his country. The signal to
bear down was still kept flying. His agitation during
these moments was extreme I shall never forget
;

216
 Nelson and the Danes
the impression it made on me. It was not, however,
the agitation of indecision, but of ardent, animated
patriotism, panting for glory, which had appeared
within his reach, and was vanishing from his grasp."
The following account of the battle of Copenhagen
is based on that of Colonel William Stewart, an
eye-
" "
witness, and a very fine gallant man according
to Nelson.
By 11.30 a.m. the battle was general. Captain
Riou, in command of the frigates, attempted to carry
out the work assigned to the three unfortunate battle-
ships which had run aground, and boldly attacked
the Trekroner forts and the ships stationed near them.
That splendid officer, whose vessels suffered severely,
continued to fight until Parker flew the general signal
of recall, and he was killed when retiring. The order
was given at about 1 p.m., by which time the Isis
(50) was badly damaged, and both that ship and the
Bellona (74) had suffered injury from bursting guns.
The fire of two Danish vessels had also concentrated
on the Monarch (74), Nelson's flagship the Elephant
(74) was being tackled by the Dannebrog (74) and two
big prames, the Bellona (74) and Russell (74) were
flying signals of distress, and the Agamemnon (64)
was aground.
When the signal to discontinue the engagement
was hoisted Nelson certainly put his glass to his blind
"
eye and exclaimed to Captain Foley, I really do not
see the signal," but the incident is bereft of much of
its romance by the knowledge that Parker sent a
verbal message to the effect that the matter was left
to Nelson's discretion.
By two o'clock the action was practically over,
though some of the enemy ships were still firing. An
217
 The Story of the British Navy
armisticewas agreed upon, Nelson consenting to land
all the wounded Danes and to burn or remove his

prizes. In taking out the ships three of them went

ashore but were subsequently got off.
An opportunity to teach the Russians a lesson was
not vouchsafed. Paul I was murdered, and with his
death Russian policy underwent a complete change
toward Great Britain. The castles in the air for the
overthrow of British rule in India which the eccentric
Czar and Napoleon had hoped to place on solid foun-
dations disappeared as mist before the sun. Paul's
successor, Alexander I, knowing full well the enormous
importance of the British market for Russian goods,
lost no time in coming to terms with England.

Shortly afterward Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia

followed his example. The much-boasted Maritime
Confederacy was quietly relegated to the limbo of
defeated schemes for the downfall of the great sea-
Power.
In his dispatch to the Admiralty Parker paid a
"
worthy tribute to Nelson, and added, I have only
to lament that the sort of attack, confined within an
intricate and narrow passage, excluded the ships
particularly under my command from the oppor-
tunity of exhibiting their valour but I can with
;

great truth assert, that the same spirit and zeal

animated the whole of the Fleet ; and I trust that
the contest in which we were engaged, will on some
future day afford them an occasion of showing that
the whole were inspired with the same spirit, had the
field been sufficiently extensive to have brought it
into action."
On March 27, 1802, the Peace of Amiens was signed.
Great Britain agreed to give up Egypt to the Sublime
218
 Nelson and the Danes
Porte ; the Cape of Good Hope was made over to
Holland, along with Berbice, Demerara, Essequibo, and
Surinam Malta was to be evacuated and restored
;

to the Knights of the Order of St John of Jerusalem ;

and all the French colonies taken in the war were to

be returned. For these concessions Great Britain
obtained Ceylon and Trinidad, France also agreeing
to withdraw from Naples and the Roman States ;

Portugal was to be an independent kingdom, and the

Newfoundland fisheries were to be on exactly the
same footing as before the outbreak of war.
Speaking on the day on which the preliminaries of
peace were laid before Parliament, Pitt emphasized
"
his belief in the proverb, In times of peace prepare
for war." History has proved its truth, though there
"
are some who argue that it is provocative. The
"
object," he stated, which must naturally first present
itself to every minister must be to give additional

vigour to our maritime strength, and security to our

colonial possessions. It was to them we were indebted
for the unparalleled exertions which we have been
enabled to make in the course of this long and eventful
contest ;it was by them that we were enabled, in the

wreck of Europe, not only to effect our own security,

but to hold out to our allies the means of safety, if
they had been but true to themselves."
George III referred to the treaty as "an experi-
mental peace." He was right. War broke out again
in May 1803. Napoleon had then only five sail-of-
the-line and ten frigates in home ports actually ready
for immediate hostilities, while the fleets in being
totalled but twenty-three battleships, twenty-seven
frigates, and ninety-seven smaller vessels, including
transports. The First Consul's finest ships were either
219
 The Story of the British Navy
in the Indian Ocean or at or about to leave San
Domingo, Martinique, French Guiana, and Senegal.
Of the Batavian navy of sixteen sail-of-the-line, six
only were modern, six were in India or on the high
seas, and the remainder were in bad condition.
Britain had no fewer than fifty-two battleships in
actual service. Within twenty-four hours of the
declaration of hostilities Cornwallis was ploughing the
Channel to take up his station off Ushant to mask
the Brest Fleet. Nelson commanded in the Mediter-
ranean, Keith was in the Downs, Gardner at Ports-
mouth, and Montagu at Plymouth. From these fleets
various squadrons were detached at different times to
watch all ports in which the enemy had vessels, Pellew
cruising off Collingwood off Rochefort, and
Ferrol,
Thorn borough the Texel.
off North America was
guarded by Vice-Admiral Sir Andrew Mitchell, the
East Indies by Vice-Admiral Peter Rainier, Jamaica
by Rear-Admiral Sir J. T. Duckworth, and the Lee-
ward Islands by Commodore Sir Samuel Hood. It
was absolutely necessary to prevent the squadrons at
Brest, Toulon, Rochefort, Ferrol, and in the Texel
from putting to sea, or, to be strictly accurate, from
escaping without giving fight. St Vincent was still
at the head of the Admiralty, but unfortunately few
of the vessels belonging to the various blockading and
defence squadrons were in first-class condition. Nelson
complained bitterly, even going so far as to state that
some of them were unseaworthy. The furious gales
played havoc with the ships, and the ships played
havoc with the men.

220
 CHAPTER XXII
Trafalgar
There never was such a combat since England had a fleet.
COLLINGWOOD

two years Napoleon devoted much of his

colossal energy to preparations for the invasion
FOR of England. An army of 130,000 troops was to
cross in small boats convoyed by the Navy proper.
His main difficulty, of course, was to concentrate his
battleships, for unless they could elude the vigilance
of Britain's naval policemen on the sea-beat outside
their harbours or defeat them in open fight, no
meeting at a general rendezvous was possible.
Napoleon's strategy, if somewhat involved, was
deeply laid. The commanders at Rochefort and
Toulon were to effect their escape and make for
Martinique and Cayenne respectively. Having spread
red ruin in the British West Indies, they were to
unite, release the squadron at Ferrol, and return to
Rochefort to threaten Cornwallis, who would thus be
precluded from lending assistance elsewhere. Admiral
Ganteaume at Brest was to play the chief part. He
was to make a descent on Ireland while his colleagues
were crossing the Atlantic and then cover the invading
army from Boulogne.
In January 1805 Missiessy escaped from Rochefort,
and a week later Villeneuve left Toulon. Nelson gave
chase immediately information of these happenings
221
 The Story of the British Navy
came to hand. He sailed for Egypt, and off Malta
learned that the Toulon Fleet had put back to port
badly crippled. On March 30th Villeneuve made
another start with eleven ships, his instructions being
to release the Spanish squadron at Cadiz and then
make for Martinique and unite with Missiessy. Gan-
teaume's fleet at Brest was to rally fifteen vessels at
Ferrol, and also to proceed to the West Indies. The
would recross
fifty-nine battleships thus congregated
the Atlantic and convoy the Boulogne flotilla to
England.
Nelson scoured the Mediterranean without success,
and then made for the West Indies. He touched at
Barbados, Tobago, Trinidad, Grenada, Montserrat,
and Antigua, sent a brig to inform the Admiralty of
the probable return of the allied fleet to Europe, and,
discerning the likelihood of Ferrol as an anchorage
for the missing enemy, forwarded a warning to Sir
Robert Calder.
After a perilous voyage Villeneuve, who had not
effected a junction with Missiessy because the latter
had not waited for him, was approaching Ferrol in
thick weather on July 22nd, when he was confronted
by the squadron of fifteen battleships and four smaller
vessels which had been sent by the Admiralty to await
his coming. The action which followed was anything
but decisive. The fleet Nelson had longed to anni-
hilate was allowed to escape by Calder, who captured
a couple of Spanish sail-of-the-line.
Early in the morning of September 2nd Captain
Blackwood brought news to Nelson that Villeneuve,
largely augmented, was at Cadiz. Nelson was then at
Merton Place, after having been absent from home
twenty-seven months and chased the enemy nearly
222
 Trafalgar
7,000 miles. Hehoisted his flag on the Victory (100)
as commander-in-chief, his force consisting of twenty-
seven battleships, four frigates, a schooner, and a
cutter. The allied French and Spanish fleet was
stronger by six sail-of-the-line, though the total
British broadside was only 1,000 Ib. less. Their
mission was to support Napoleon's army in the south
of Italy, for the invasion plan had been abandoned
and the Austerlitz campaign substituted.
On October 21st the two fleets sighted each other.
Villeneuve signalled his ships to form in line of battle
on the port tack. Many of them missed their station,
and there were several gaps and groups of ships along
the line instead of vessels at regular intervals. The
newly formed line was consequently very irregular
and almost crescent-shaped. Villeneuve, prudent to
a fault, wished to have Cadiz harbour under his lee ;

he was apparently already lending his mind to

thoughts of disaster. Gravina, the Spanish admiral,
with twelve reserve ships, instead of keeping to wind-
ward of the line, so that he might bring succour to
Villeneuve if need should arise, prolonged the line to
the rear. Dumanoir Le Pelley fell to leeward and
formed a rear squadron of ten ships.
The British fleet was formed into two columns,
twelve ships following the Victory, and fifteen in the
rear of the Royal Sovereign (100), under Collingwood.
Nelson's idea was to bear down upon the enemy with
these two divisions and break the centre of the com-
bined fleet in two places at once, himself leading the
weather line, and Collingwood the lee.
At about noon the first shot was fired. It came
from a French ship. The Royal Sovereign, with the
Belleisle (74), Mars (74), and Tonnant (80) just behind
223
 The Story of the British Navy
her, forged ahead. Nelson had signalled Collingwood
to break the enemy's line at the twelfth ship from the
rear, but on seeing that she was only a two-decker
Collingwood changed his course and steered straight
for the Santa Anna, a huge Spanish ship of 112 guns
flying Alava's flag. The Fougueux (74) then came up
and endeavoured to prevent Collingwood from getting
through the line. This caused the English admiral
to order his captain to make a target of the bowsprit
of the Frenchman and steer straight for it. For-
tunately for the enemy she altered her course, but
although she saved herself she did not prevent the
Royal Sovereign from breaking the line.
A broadside and a half tore down the huge stern
gallery of the Santa Anna. Both ships were soon in
a pitiable condition, but they hugged each other in a
last desperate struggle. A terrific cannonade ensued,
the Fougueux and the San Leandro (64) raking the
Royal Sovereign, and the San Justo (74) and the
Indomptable (80) lending their assistance some dis-
tance away. Some fifteen or twenty minutes after
Collingwood had maintained the unequal contest alone,
several British ships came up and paid attention to
those of the enemy which had gone to Alava's assist-
ance. At about 2.15 p.m. the mammoth Santa Anna
struck her flag.
Nelson, steering more to the north so as to cut off
the enemy's way of retreat to Cadiz, came up about
half an hour after Collingwood had begun the engage-
ment. As the stately flagship entered the zone of fire
a number of Villeneuve's vessels poured a perfect
avalanche of shot upon her decks. The wheel was
smashed, a topmast dropped on the deck, and one of
the launches was struck.
224
 Trafalgar
Steering for the Santissima Trinidad (130), at that
time the biggest floating arsenal ever built in Europe,
Nelson sought to engage her, but an alteration in
position prevented this, and he tackled the Bucentaure
(80), Villeneuve's flagship. Crash went the 68-pdr.
carronade into the Frenchman, and down came the
greater part of the Bucentaure's stern. The Victory
then grappled with the Redoutdble (74), at the same
time receiving a hurricane of fire from the French
Neptuno (80).
Up in fighting-tops of the Redoutable were
the
riflemen trying to pick off the officers of the Victory.
One marksman, a keener - sighted or more for-
little

tunately placed than the others, saw Nelson walking

up and down with Hardy. There was a flash of fire,
a sharp crack as the bullet sped through the ah and 1
,

the master - mariner of Britain, of the world, of all

time, fell in a heap upon the deck.
For a short period the Redoutable did not return
the Victory's fire, and thinking that the enemy was
about to surrender the guns of the flagship also kept
silence. But the interval had been used for another
purpose. The French crew were swarming over the
bulwarks of the Victory. A desperate resistance was
offered, and Captain Adair was killed as well as
eighteen marines and eighteen seamen. Help came
from a sister ship. The Temeraire (98) was now astern
of the Redoutable. She swept the decks with death.
No fewer than 522 of the Redoutable''s crew fell before
she struck her colours.
The Bucentaure and the Santissima Trinidad were
together throughout the battle and received a suc-
cession of attacks from various ships until they
surrendered. Both of them were then little more
225
 The Story of the British Navy
than dismasted hulks. Villeneuve fought with the
strength of despair, but no assistance came to him
despite his frantic efforts to attract attention. Other
ships hauled down their flags as the day wore on, the
Algebras (74) to the Tonnant (80), the Swiftsure (74),
and the Bahama (74) to. the Colossus (74), the San
Juan Nepomuceno (74) to the Dreadnought (98).
Eighteen ships of the allied fleet were captured ; one,
the Achille (74), blew up with a terrific explosion.
At 5 p.m. Gravina made the signal for retreat. The
eleven ships that followed him got away. Another
four under Dumanoir also escaped, only to be captured
off Cape Ortegal by Sir Richard Strachan.
Three of the prizes escaped in a gale that followed
the battle, and entered Cadiz harbour, two of them
having been retaken by Cosmao Kerjulien, who put
to sea with that object in view and lost three of his
own ships over the transaction. Only four Trafalgar
prizes were saved.
Collingwood gave the number of prisoners as 20,000,
and the monetary loss of the enemy nearly 4,000,000,
"
most of it gone to the bottom." The British loss
was 1,690 killed and wounded that of the allies
;

5,860, although exact figures are not obtainable. The

total armament of the English vessels numbered 2,148
guns, while the French had 1,356 and the Spanish
1,270, bringing the combined force to 2,626. Whereas
the British succeeded in firing a gun nearly once a
minute, it took three minutes for the allied fleet to
do so.
Great Britain gained enormously in prestige as a
result of Nelson's overwhelming victory. Among
other important consequences, Trafalgar led Napoleon
to enforce his disastrous Continental System, by means
226
 Trafalgar
of which he hoped to exclude the goods of his persistent
enemy from the Continent. This, in its turn, brought
on the war with Russia, a big step toward the final

catastrophe of Waterloo.
After Trafalgar Napoleon used his maritime resources
entirely for commerce-raiding. In the December fol-
lowing the battle two squadrons, under Willaumez
and Leissegues respectively, escaped from Brest, and
Sir John Warren and Sir Richard Strachan set off
in pursuit. Willaumez and his six ships also eluded
Duckworth, who was off Cadiz, and at Martinique
was equally fortunate in escaping from Cochrane. Yet
when he returned to France he had but a sorry
tale to tell, for while he had taken seventeen British
merchantmen, he had lost two French battleships.
Leissegues was met by Duckworth off San Domingo,
and though he put up a spirited fight his five sail-
of-the-line were outmatched by his opponent's eight.
All his big ships were either taken or destroyed, the
smaller fry alone escaping.In 1806 Commodore Sir
Home Popham, with troops under Sir David Baird,
attacked and captured Cape Town, and Hood secured
five French frigates off Rochefort.
Two important expeditions were undertaken in 1807.
With seven battleships Duckworth forced the Darda-
nelles and anchored in the Sea of Marmora, where he
delayed instead of proceeding to bombard Constan-
tinople. Quite naturally the Turks set to work to
strengthen their defences, and the Admiral turned tail,
many of the ships suffering severely from stone shot.
An attack was also made on Egypt, but although Alex-
andria was taken, defeat awaited the British at Rosetta,
and the Land of the Pharaohs was evacuated.
A secret article of the Treaty of Tilsit, signed by
227
 The Story of the British Navy
Napoleon and the Czar in July 1807, was to the effect
that should Sweden refuse to close her ports to
England and to declare war against her, Denmark
would be compelled to fight the former. This was to
take effect if negotiations for peace between Great
Britain and Russia failed. Canning, our Foreign
Minister, was not correctly informed, and believed
that the arrangement was to come into force im-
mediately. Determined not to be forestalled, England
proposed that Denmark should hand over her fleet
until a general peace was proclaimed a proposition
that the Prince Royal refused to entertain.
An army of 27,000 strong under Lord Cathcart
sailed from Yarmouth convoyed by Admiral Gambier,
who had fought with Howe and been commander-in-
chief of the Newfoundland Squadron and governor of
the colony. The bombardment of Copenhagen began
on September 2nd and ended on the 5th, when the
British took possession of the citadel and arsenals.
The fleet was surrendered and taken to England the
following month.
Until the final abdication of Napoleon the British
Navy was constantly at its constrictive work. It
had no rest. It supported Wellington in the Penin-
sular War and our allies in Belgium, fought the
United States on the question of the right of search,
blockaded the Russian fleet, kept an eye on Sweden,
convoyed the ill-fated Walcheren expedition, and
remorselessly attacked enemy possessions. Santa
Lucia, Demerara, Tobago, Surinam, Cura9oa, Cape
Colony, Desirade, Marie Galante, Martinique, Cayenne,
Guadeloupe, St Martin, Saba, St Eustatius, Amboyna,
Banda Neira, Bourbon, Mauritius, Java, and Senegal
were swept into its net. It was not always successful,
228
 Trafalgar
of course, and the blockades were not quite so rigid
as they might have been, but while a French squadron
revictualled Corfu and Gambier failed through lack
of energy in his attackupon Brest, while 5,314 British
merchantmen were captured between 1803 and 1814
against 440 French privateers taken by England, Sea-
Power played its tremendous part in the Revolutionary
and Napoleonic wars. It was to Captain Maitland of
H.M.S. Bellerophon a Trafalgar ship that the fallen
Emperor surrendered on July 15, 1815.

229
 CHAPTER XXIII
The Coming of Steam and Iron
The outstanding lesson of history is that an insular Power can
never be crushed so long as it retains command of the sea.
DUKE OP BUCCLEUCH

the arrears of work that remained for the

OF to clear up after the fall of Napoleon

Navy
the most important was to rid the seas of
marauders. Barbary corsairs and Algerine pirates did
not merely confine their attentions to the Mediter-
ranean they had committed depredations in the
;

English Channel. As in the time of Elizabeth, Chris-

tians were languishing in the pestilential dungeons of
Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. While Lord Exmouth
formerly Sir Edward Pellew secured the release of
many of these poor fellows in the Barbary States,
and also the abolition of slavery, the Dey of Algiers
remained openly defiant.
With six British sail-of-the-line and a Dutch squad-
ron of five frigates and smaller vessels, Exmouth
arrived off Algiers on August 27, 1816, and the bom-
bardment of the protecting mole began. The enemy
batteries and guns replied with fervour. Nearly 900
casualties were sustained by the allies, but the Admiral
did his work thoroughly. A portion of the mole was
levelled,much of the Algerine shipping was set ablaze,
and the defenders lost several thousand men as well
as many vessels of their flotilla. Some 50,000 rounds
230
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
were fired by the attacking ships before Exmouth
withdrew for the night. The Dey was evidently
satisfied with his peppering, for he conceded all
demands.
Although Greece openly rebelled against Turkish
tyranny in 1821, it was not
until six years later that
Britain, France, and Russia announced their intention
to enforce a solution of the problem. The idea of the
allies was that while Greece should govern herself,
she should also be under Turkish suzerainty. To
ensure the cessation of hostilities Codrington, sup-
ported by a French and a Russian squadron, was
sent to Navarino Bay, where the Turco-Egyptian
fleet was lying. It was thought that this display of
force would overawe Ibrahim Pasha, but when fire
was opened by one of the Turco - Egyptian vessels
the action speedily became general. The result was
summed up in a single brief sentence by Codrington :

"
Out of a fleet composed of 81 men-of-war, only one
frigate and 15 smaller vessels are in a state ever to
again put to sea." In the subsequent King's Speech
at the opening of Parliament the battle was referred
"
to as an untoward event," and Codrington was
recalled. Right or wrong, the action was successful,
for Greece secured her independence.
The Navy, like the Church, is inherently conserva-
tive. It fought the coming of steam with bitter and
determined opposition. Melville, who was First Lord
in 1804-5, although a reformer in many ways, regarded
"
it as the duty of the Admiralty to discourage to the
utmost of their ability the employment of steam-
vessels, as they considered the introduction of steam
was calculated to strike a fatal blow to the naval
supremacy of the Empire." In the opposite camp
231
 The Story of the British Navy
"
was Nelson's Hardy, who in 1839 declared, You
will see great changes in naval architecture. Some
people laugh at science, but science will alter the
whole character of the Navy depend upon it, steam
;

and gunnery are in their infancy." It took many

years for the evolution to be accomplished. Only at
the beginning of the twentieth century was the last
of the sailing-brigs used for training towed to its last
home. Even so late as 1860 a royal commission re-
commended fortifications " as a cheap substitute for
the requisite minimum of naval strength to ensure
security."
In 1786 John Fitch built a steamer worked by
paddles which navigated the Delaware River. Two
years later Miller and Symington carried out experi-
ments with a steamer in Scotland. In 1800 Henry
Bell built a small steamer on the Clyde, and in 1811
hisfamous Comet was running. Twelve months before
Waterloo steamers were churning the waters of the
same river, and in 1816 they were also running on
the Thames and the Mersey. The Monkey, a paddle-
tug of some 212 tons and 80 horse-power, was actually
the first steam-vessel in the service. It was built
about 1821 and purchased in 1823. A little later the
Lightning was added to the Navy List.
When in 1839 Britain supported the Sultan of
Turkey in his quarrel with Mehemet Ali, Viceroy of
Egypt, Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Stopford had at his
command twelve sail-of-the-line, six frigates, nine
smaller vessels, and half a dozen steamers. The cam-
paign is chiefly notable for the first appearance of the
last-mentioned in actual warfare, but it is also inter-
esting by reason of the fact that Commodore Charles
Napier, second in command, led the land-forces when
232
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
the colonel was laid aside by illness. Sidon fell after
a vigorous attack by land and sea, Beyrout was
captured, and Acre shared a similar fate.
This war was not over when trouble broke out with
China over a long list of grievances, which included
smuggling and the non-payment of debts. The Volage
and the Hyacinth fought and defeated the Chinese
fleet, calling forth an imperial edict that henceforth
trade with England was stopped for ever. The
blockade of the Canton River by Commodore Sir
George Bremer was followed by military movements
against Chusan and an attack on the Canton forts.
The bad faith of the Chinese Government led to
further trouble in 1841, when Rear- Admiral Sir
William Parker took a number of vessels up the
Yangtze-kiang to Nankin. This had the desired effect
of making the Emperor sue for peace. Canton, Amoy,
Ningpo, Shanghai, and Foochow were recognized as
' '

trading or treaty ports, and Hong-Kong was ceded

to Britain.
Paddle-steamers proved their usefulness in the
battle of Obligado, November 20, 1845, during the
strife between Brazil and Buenos Ayres for the

possession of Paraguay and Uruguay. Britain and

France, having commercial interests in South America,
sent squadrons which navigated the river Parana, the
steamers enfilading the forts and preparing the way
for the heavier ships after a boom of empty vessels
had been disposed of. Landing-parties then proceeded
to storm and destroy the defences. The steamers led
the van in the subsequent attack on San Lorenzo with
complete success.
Part of Burma was already British, having passed
into our possession at the close of the Burmese War
23S
 The Story of the British Navy
in 1826. A over a quarter of a century later,
little
as the consequence of a series of insults and crimes,
hostilities again broke out. A squadron under Commo-
dore Lambert appeared off Rangoon, and all Burmese
ports were blockaded. On January 9, 1852, the Fox (40),
towed by a steamer, was fired upon, with the result
that the whole of the squadron took up the challenge
with disastrous effects on the enemy's works and war-
galleys. Several weeks later troops were embarked on
steamers and other vessels, and Admiral Austen with
nineteen men-of-war, frigates, steamers, and gunboats,
together with seven small steamers of the Bengal
Marine, anchored off the capital. Sailing up the Ran-
goon River, the fleet exacted heavy retribution on Easter
Sunday the stockades were stormed, and several maga-
;

zines blown up. The dose was repeated on the following

morning, the fortified pagoda being the main object
of attack. The bombardment was continued through-
out the night, and on the 14th, assisted by the heavy
howitzers of the naval brigade, the temple-fortress
was stormed and captured. Lambert had already
assisted in the taking of Bassein, some 150 miles west
of Rangoon. This officer succeeded Austen on the
Admiral's death. It was thanks mainly to his energy
that the steamers were able to do excellent work on
the inland waterways.
The first screw-warship in the British Navy was
the Rattler, built of wood and launched in 1841. The
pioneer iron steamship for the service was the Trident,
of 1,850 tons and 300 horse-power, built in 1843. The
first British sea-going ironclad, the Warrior, was
launched in December 1860 and completed in 1861.
It was not an invention of the Navy, but a reply to
the French La Gloire, for England was going through
234
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
one of her periodic phases of naval panic. A con-
temporary describes the French vessel as "a two-
decked wooden ship, with her upper deck removed
and her masts greatly reduced, the weight thus got
rid of permitting a casing of 4 1 -inch armour-plating
fore and aft, the entire vessel being thus protected,
and carrying thirty-four heavy rifled guns."
In masts and rigging the Warrior exactly resembled
the old wooden frigates. She was armoured in the
middle main-deck battery only, with an armoured
bulkhead at each end, her bow and stern being un-
protected. The armour was of the uniform thickness
of 4| inches, backed by 18 inches of teak and a skin-
plating of | inch. Her most powerful guns, twenty-
six of which were carried in the central battery,
thirteen on each side, were the old smooth-bore
95-cwt. 68-pdrs., no heavier than the biggest used at
Trafalgar. The Warrior's displacement was about
9,210 tons, her coal capacity 800 tons, and the screw
was made to lift so as not to impede her sailing
qualities when steam was not required. Her actual
speed was 12 knots. The price of this forefather of
the battle-cruiser Hood was a mere 385,188, against
the 6,025,000 spent on the latter, which costs approx-
imately 617,410 per annum
to keep in full commission
in home waters. Capital ships now on the stocks
are likely to incur an expenditure of 9,000,000 each.
The transition from wood to iron was by no means
speedy. The flagship of Vice-Admiral Sir Charles
Napier, commander-in-chief in the Baltic in the war
with Russia in 1854, was the Duke of Wellington (130),
a wooden three-decker fitted with sails and a screw.
By an eleventh-hour decision the Admiralty deter-
mined to install engines, and she was cut in two and
235
 The Story of the British Navy
made 20 feet longer for the
purpose. Originally
intended to be called the Windsor Castle, the vessel
was launched on the day the victor of Waterloo died,
and by Queen Victoria's request was christened the
Duke of Wellington. Her displacement was 6,071
tons, and it ison record that she was built out of an
oak-forest covering seventy-six acres, each tree being
not less than 200 years old. It was not until the
centenary year of Trafalgar that this stately ship,
which led the line in the Spithead Review of 1853,

passed into the hands of the breakers.

Of the eighteen battleships at Napier's disposal a
dozen were steam, as were the twenty-three frigates,
corvettes, and sloops. Sailing from England in March,
they were joined in June by a French squadron under
Vice-Admiral Deschesnes, who had with him eight
sailing-battleships and a number of frigates. The
Russians had less than a dozen steamers and no
steam-battleships.
Leaving a considerable portion of his force on guard
should the Russian fleet come out, Napier landed 9,000
troops after a preliminary bombardment of Bomar-
sund, in the Aland Islands. Exposed to fire from land
and sea, the four forts speedily surrendered. It was
not the French but the British who kept guard until
the ice blockaded the enemy. In the succeeding
August Sveaborg was attacked by Admiral Dundas,
mainly with mortar-ships and gunboats.
In the Crimea the sea-communications of the allies
were not threatened. In the Black Sea, at the
beginning of 1854, the British fleet consisted of ten
battleships, of which eight were sail, and one sail
and six paddle-frigates, while the French had eight
battleships, only one of which was not propelled solely
286
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
by wind, and four small paddle - steamers. These
forces were considerably augmented later, mostly by
steam-driven ships. Russia had but fourteen sail-of-
the-line, a number of frigates and brigs, and a dozen
steamers at her disposal. In the long-protracted
siege of Sebastopol the senior service played a worthy
part. Anaval brigade and marines did excellent
work on land, and their colleagues on the ships ably
supported them. Many of the Russian ships were
scuttled harbour.
across the In the bombardment
of October 17, the steamers proved their
1854,
superiority by towing the sailers in and out of action.
The attack was far less successful than had been
hoped. The Albion, the London, and the Arethusa
had to be hauled out of action owing to damages
sustained, the Agamemnon struck a shoal, and the
Rodney was badly damaged. All, with the exception
of the Agamemnon, which was the first battleship
designed for a screw, were sailing ships.
- The final
bombardment took place on September 5, 6, and 7,
1855, and on the 8th Sebastopol fell. In the attack
on Fort Kimburn, guarding the Dnieper, in the
following October, four French floating batteries of
1,400 tons, driven by screws and mounting eighteen
50-pdrs. protected with 4 -inch iron plating, were tried
with greatsuccess. These somewhat unseaworthy
vesselswere the direct progenitors of La Gloire, about
which mention has already been made.
The unchallenged supremacy of the allies at sea
made the invasion of the Crimea and the siege of
Sebastopol possible, and the naval operations in the
Baltic not only hemmed in the Russian fleet there,
but forced the Czar to keep a numerous army in the
north when it was urgently needed in the south.
237
 The Story of the British Navy
The seizure of a ship alleged to be flying the British
flag again brought war in China in 1856, and Admiral
Sir Edward Seymour, after capturing the Canton
forts, threw the city. France now joined
shells into
Britain, and the destroyed the Taku forts
allied fleets

guarding the entrance to the Peiho River. Peace

was patched up, but the behaviour of the Chinese
Government speedily proved that they regarded it as
merely a measure to gain time. The Taku forts were
rebuilt, and when attacked in 1859 involved the defeat
of the force and the loss of three gunboats. In the
autumn of the following year the allies were more
successful Pekin was attacked, and hostilities ceased.
War broke out with Japan in 1863, Admiral Kuper's
first operation being the destruction of three steamers

forming the nucleus of the Prince of Satsuma's navy.

He then proceeded to shell the shore batteries of
Kagoshima. Scarcely had the attack begun than a
typhoon set in. For six hours the men plied their
guns, despite the weather, and indulged in much
erratic shooting. The city, which boasted a popula-
tion of some 180,000, was almost burned to the
ground.
The Lord of Satsuma had learned his lesson. In
the following year another feudal prince, Le of Nagato,
fired on warships and merchantmen passing through
the Strait of Shimonoseki. An international squadron
of British, French, Dutch, and United States vessels
under Kuper now Sir Augustus attacked the bat-
terieswithin range of the naval guns, and landed some
1,800 men to assault the others. Complete success
attended the operation, and peace was purchased at a
price of 3,000,000 dollars.
It was not very long before the thickness of the
238
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
armour carried by the Warrior's successors was in-
creased to 5 1 inches, and placed both fore and aft in
addition to amidships. In the Hercules of 1868 the
armour was 9 inches at the water-line, an inch less
on the most important parts of the broadside, and
6 inches on the remainder. What was called the
' '
ram-bow also made its appearance. This vessel
mounted eight 18 -ton guns in the central battery ;

these threw projectiles weighing 400 lb., and were

the most powerful ever mounted on the broadside up
to that time. In the protected batteries at the bow
and stern two 12-ton guns were placed, and there were
four unprotected 6f-ton guns on the upper deck.
In the earlier classes of ironclad it was found that
their length made them somewhat unhandy. It was
therefore determined to build vessels of more moderate
proportions. The first of these was the Seller ophon,
which was 80 feet shorter than the Warrior, protected
throughout, and having a central and a bow battery
on the main deck.
The historic fight between the Merrimac and the
Monitor in the American Civil War of 1860 hastened
another step in evolution. The former was a Federal
wooden steam-frigate of 60 guns which had been cut
down to within two feet of the water-line, a super-
structure of armour-plating pierced at intervals for
the guns erected on it, and an iron ram provided.
She carried a 7-inch gun at bow and stern, and six
9-inch and two 6-inch guns in the broadside. The
Monitor was protected by iron 4| inches thick and
mounted a revolving turret in which were two 11 -inch
"
smooth-bore guns. The Monitor," says an eye-
"
witness, went round the Merrimac repeatedly, probing
her sides, seeking for weak points, and reserving
239
 The Story of the British Navy
her with coolness, until she had the right spot
fire
and the right range, and made her experiments ac-
cordingly. In this way the Merrimac received three
shots. . Neither of these three shots rebounded at
. .

all, but appeared to cut their way clear through iron

and wood into the ship." After a five hours' action
the Merrimac turned tail. Although Erricsson claimed
to be the inventor of the Monitor, the idea apparently
originated with Captain Cowper Coles, of the British
Navy. He had proposed it to the Admiralty in 1855,
and a description of the ship had appeared in 1860 in
an English magazine circulating largely in America.
It was decided to convert the Royal Sovereign, a
recently built three-decker of 4,000 tons displacement
and 800 horse-power. At Portsmouth she was cut
down to her lower deck, and an additional sum of
150,431 spent on her. Coles' system of turrets was
adopted, her sides being covered with 5| inches of
rolled iron. Her armament consisted of five 250-pdrs.
in four centre-line turrets, and her speed was about
11 knots.
The experience gained in the behaviour of the
Royal Sovereign was utilized in the iron-built turret-
ship Monarch, the thickness of the armour varying
from 6 inches to 7 inches. Her length was 330 feet,
her breadth 57 feet 6 inches, and her freeboard 14
feet, as against the Royal Sovereign's 6 feet. In her
sister ship, the
Captain, the
freeboard was again
reduced to 6 feet. She capsized in a gale in the Bay
of Biscay in September 1870, the general consensus
of opinion being that in order to keep up with the
Monarch she had crowded on too much sail. " The
desire of our Admiralty," wrote Admiral Sherard
"
Osborn, to make all their fighting-ships cruise under
240
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
canvas, as well as steam, induced poor Captain Coles
to go a step further, and to make a ship with a low
freeboard a sailing-ship." The inventor went down
with the vessel, together with a son of the First Lord
and 600 officers and men. In her turrets the Captain
carried 25-ton guns throwing 600-lb. projectiles.
In the turret-ships Thunderer and Devastation, de-
signed in 1869, sails were discarded, 10-, 12-, and 14-inch
armour was used, and guns of 35 and 38 tons appeared.
In that year their designer, Mr E. J. Reed, stated that
"
the Admiralty acted wisely in suspending the con-
struction of wooden line-of-battle ships and frigates
when the expediency of building ironclads became
apparent ; but the action at Lissa shows that wooden
1

ships are far from ineffective in engagements where

ironclads are present, and there can be little doubt
that the value of such ships as a reserve would be
very great, since the first ironclad action would greatly
cripple the armoured ships of the enemy, and give
scope for the operations of the wooden fleet."
These ships were both of 9,330 tons displacement.
The Thunderer was armed with two 38-ton (12 '5-inch)
guns and two 35-ton (12-inch) guns in two turrets,
whereas all four guns of the Devastation were of 35
' '
tons. They were provided with a protective deck
of armour to shield the engines and magazines, and
a curved superstructure between the two turrets on
which was a hurricane-deck where the conning-tower
was situated. These ships had a single mast for look-
out and signalling purposes.
Progress and retrogression are noticeable in the
Inflexible, of 11,880 tons, the glory of the Navy in
1881. Her two turrets both carried two muzzle-loading
Fought between Austria and Italy in 1866.
1

241
 The Story of the British Navy
80-ton guns firing a shot weighing 1,700 Ib. Round
the citadel amidships the wrought-iron protection was
no less than two feet thick, but both ends were left
unprotected, as in the Warrior, and she carried sails.
To counterbalance her deficiency in armour at bow
and stern the ship was divided into a great number of
' '
so-called watertight compartments. All four guns
could be fired ahead or astern. To this armament
eight 4-inch breech-loaders were added subsequently.
One who sailed in her asserts that when her canvas
was spread in a strong breeze she was " completely
unmanageable." At the bombardment of Alexandria,
when she was under the command of Captain J. A.
Fisher, her guns played havoc with the Egyptian
forts. While one turret was bombarding Fort Mex,
the other was shelling the Ras-el-Tin batteries to
such excellent effect that Admiral Seymour signalled
" "
Well done, Inflexible ! The Condor, although justly
famous, was not the only ship that deserved well of
the nation and of the Navy that day. Incidentally
the turret-ship sustained more damage than any other
unit of the fleet. She was designed by Sir Nathaniel
Barnaby, K.C.B., Director of Naval Construction.
* '

During the eighties the Admiral class came into

being and marked another departure. The guns which
they mounted at bow and stern were in barbettes
and not in turrets, and there was a secondary arma-
ment of six or ten 6-inch breech-loading and smaller
guns amidships. The guns revolved on a turn-table,
the gunners being afforded protection by an armoured
'
hood. Of the half-dozen Admirals built between
'

1882 and 1886, one had two 12-inch guns in each

barbette, four had 13'5-inch guns, and the Beribow
had a single 16'5-inch 110-ton gun mounted at each
242
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
end. In 1887 the Victoria was launched at Newcastle-
on-Tyne from Armstrong's yard, with a displacement
of 10,470 tons and a speed of 16 knots. Barbettes
had gone out of fashion two 110-ton guns projected
;

from a single turret forward and one 29-ton gun

from a turret aft. The auxiliary armament abaft
the turret and above the upper deck consisted of
twelve 6-inch, twelve 6-pdr. rapid-fire, twelve 3-pdr.
rapid-fire, and eight Nordenfeldt guns. There were
also eight torpedo-tubes. This fine ship was rammed
by the Camperdown off the coast of Tripoli in June
1893, and sank in about ten minutes. The commander
of the Victoria was John Jellicoe, later commander-
in-chief of the Grand Fleet from 1914 to 1916.
The remaining naval actions of the nineteenth
century, so far as Britain was concerned, were of no
great significance. In the spring of 1877 the Peru-
vian revolutionist Pierola, having seized a man-of-war
and coaled at the expense of an English merchant
vessel, was promptly searched for by Admiral de
Horsey. On discovery an inconclusive fight ensued,
thanks mainly to the armour protection of the
Huascar, for her gunnery was atrocious, and she
made her escape, though only to fall to a Peruvian
squadron.
Of land-campaigns in which sailors have played a
part as well as soldiers there have been a goodly few.
In the sixties a naval brigade was engaged in subduing
the native Maori of New Zealand, and seamen under
Captain Fellows bore a good deal of the heat and
burden of the day in the long agony of the Abyssinian
expedition of 1868 against King Theodore, which
ended in the capture of Magdala. Nearly 300 officers
and men also took part in Wolseley's advance on
243
 The Story of the British Navy
Coomassie in the Ashanti affair of 1873-4, the com-
" "
mander-in-chief testifying to the dashing courage
of the seamen and marines. A smaller naval con-
tingent likewise assisted in the Zulu War of 1878-9.
Following the disaster at Isandula, further military
and naval reinforcements were sent out, and Cetywayo
was defeated.
A flotilla of steamers capable of navigating the
Irawadi was called into active service in the short
Burmese War of 1885, when some 200 miles of difficult
waterway was skilfully navigated. In the following
year a naval patrol of the same river successfully put
down a native rebellion.
Splendid work was done by another naval brigade
in 1890 in punishing the Sultan of Vitu, a dusky
magnate of East Africa who had murdered a number
of Europeans. With Vice-Admiral Sir E. R. Fremantle
in command, the expedition advanced through ex-
tremely difficult country and exacted heavy retribu-
tion by destroying the Sultan's capital and blowing
up his palace. Admiral Sir Harry Rawson undertook
a similar operation, for an almost identical crime,
against the bloodthirsty King of Benin in 1897.
Though on a larger scale and attended by even
greater difficulties, the affair was triumphantly settled
in a little over a month.
In the war against the Mahdi in the Sudan in 1884-5
a naval brigade fought in the battles of El Teb and
Tamaai. It was during the former battle that Lord
Charles Beresford (later Lord Beresford) escaped death
only because he was knocked down by the enemy and
fell under the Gardner gun which he and another
man were endeavouring to bring into action. Wilson,
Stuart- Wortley, and Beresford, it will be remembered,
244
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
set out with four steamers on a last desperate dash
to rescue Gordon. Men-of-war in the harbour at
Suakin gave valuable assistance in preventing Osman
Digna from carrying his siege of the town to a suc-
cessful issue. On December 20, 1888, Kitchener
fought the battle of Gemaizeh. In order to deceive
the enemy a naval demonstration was made a few
miles from Suakin, at a place called Mersa Kuwai,
which was visible from Osman Digna' s headquarters
at Handub. As Osman Digna sent no reinforcements,
it must be presumed that this feint had the desired
effect of making him uncertain as to where Sir Francis
Grenfell, the Sirdar, would strike his main blow. At
the same time a heavy artillery bombardment of the
dervish position, both from the forts and H.M.S.
Racer, was kept up. Over 500 dervishes a little less
than a third of those who took part were slain,
including four ameers.
During the Dongola campaign stern-wheel steamers,
some of which were converted into miniature gun-
boats by being armed, acted as tugs for smaller vessels
carrying troops and stores to Wady Haifa, the point
of concentration. An engagement at Hafir was prac-
ticallya contest between the artillery on either side
and the little flotilla of gunboats, the Tamaai, the
Abu Klea, and the Metammeh, under Commander the
Hon. S. C. J. Colville, R.N. The enemy evacuated
the position, taking their guns with them, but their
steamboat formerly one of Gordon's little fleet
was sunk.
In the light of more recent history it is interest-

ing to note
that the commander of the Abu Klea
was Lieutenant David Beatty. When Colville was
wounded this young officer took over the command
245
 The Story of the British Navy
of the flotilla and played
part with marked
his

ability and bravery. When Kitchener had got the

upper hand the vessels steamed toward Dongola, the
fight continuing intermittently until dawn on the
following morning, when the enemy decamped and
Kitchener's army crossed the river. The forts and
batteries ofDongola were destroyed by the gunboats.
When the last great lump of mud crumbled and dis-
appeared in a cloud of dust it was a sign that the
Nile valley had been restored to the rule of the
Khedive.
At the battle of the Atbara Beatty was in command
of the rocket-battery which set many of the thatched
huts ablaze in the enemy's zariba. A few months later
the flotilla, after silencing the forts of Halfiyeh, ran
the gauntlet of those of Khartoum and Omdurman.
On September 2, 1898, thirteen years after his death,
Gordon was avenged. The gunboats bombarded the
Khalifa's capital, and throughout the day were in
constant service, in particular covering the Camel
Corps at a very critical period.
Less than a week after his triumphal entry into
Omdurman Kitchener was informed that Fashoda,
on the White Nile, had been occupied by a force of
white men and black soldiers. The Sirdar set out to
investigate,taking with him five steamers, soldiers,
and guns. He
found M. Marchand and 128 men, the
commander claiming the territory as French. Thanks
to Lord Salisbury's firmness the claim was not
upheld, though for a time it looked as though war
would break out between Britain and the Republic.
Returning to the material evolution of the Navy,
progress had been made in other types of vessel
besides the battleship. In the Diamond Jubilee
246
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
Naval Review of 1897 no ship received more notice
than the Powerful, a steel-built first-class cruiser of
14,200 tons with the speed of an Atlantic liner. Her
sister ship the Terrible was not commissioned until

nearly a year later. The Powerful was then on the

China station hourly expecting that Britain would be
involved in the Russo-Japanese War. That crisis
past, she went to Manila to watch the nation's
interests during the Spanish-American War, and was
preparing to leave Hong-Kong when the Fashoda
affair seemed likely to involve the Empire with
France. In 1899 she proceeded to the Cape and
landed troops from Mauritius to take part in the
South African War. At Simon's Bay she sent a
Naval Brigade on shore. Captain Percy Scott, of the
Terrible, hastily designed a mounting for 4*7 guns,
which with others were procured for the defence of
Durban, and another Naval Brigade was landed.
From Durban the cruiser sailed for China, where the
Boxer Rebellion was in full swing, and again the
Naval Brigade did magnificent work.
Another factor in warfare was the torpedo. The
late Mr Robert Whitehead's invention, an improve-
ment on that of Commander Lupuis, of the Austrian
Navy, who had sold his patent to the former, was
tested by the British Admiralty at Sheerness in 1871.
Although it was extremely crude when compared with
its successor of to-day, the sum of 15,000 was paid
for the English rights. It was first put to a practical
demonstration in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877, when
Lieutenant Rozhdestvensky, who afterward suffered
defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1905, sank a
Turkish warship by its means. The first torpedo-
boat built for the British Navy was the Lightning,
247
 The Story of the British Navy
a little ship of 27 tons with a speed of 18 knots
launched in 1877. The torpedo-boat destroyers of
to-day have a displacement of over 1,800 tons, are
propelled by turbine engines, use oil fuel, and can
attain a speed of over forty miles an hour.
In 1889 Lord Salisbury emphasized the enormous
importance of the British Navy by insisting that it
should be equal to that of the two strongest foreign
Powers, but it was not until 1895-98 that it became
*
in any real sense worthy of the term modern.'
Following the Russo-Japanese War, we took to
"
heart the maxim of our Eastern allies, Let the victor
look to the laces of his helmet." During Sir John
Fisher's administration as First Sea Lord (1904-10),
the British Navy underwent a complete transform-
ation. Believing that concentration was the keynote
of successful warfare, he boldly reduced the Mediter-
ranean Fleet in order to strengthen that in the North
Sea, which he held to be the main strategic theatre.
Germany, and not France, was the menace. He
reformed Osborne, accentuating the importance of the
engineering branch of the sea-profession, developed
the submarine, fathered the sea-plane, adopted the
water- tube boiler, the turbine, and oil fuel, and intro-
duced the Dreadnought type of battleship and the
battle-cruiser. Fisher cut down expenses without in
any way reducing the efficiency of the fleets, turned
out old-fashioned ships, and reorganized the whole
service.
The Dreadnought was laid down at Portsmouth in
October 1905 the month and year of the centenary
,'of Trafalgar and commissioned late in 1906. A
great deal of secrecy was wisely observed regarding
the all-big-gun vessel, with the result that Germany
248
 The Coming of Steam and Iron
was puzzled, as was intended she should be, for it
it

virtually made other types of battleships obsolete.

Speed, armament, and armour-protection were com-
bined in such a way as to introduce a new fashion.
Her ten 12-inch guns were so arranged that eight
could be used for firing a broadside, an enormous
advance on the armament of the biggest battleship
of other countries, none of which could bring to bear
more than four big guns on a target. Since then many
developments have taken place, the Dreadnoughts of
the Queen Elizabeth class mounting eight 15-inch guns
in four turrets, with a secondary armament of 6-inch
guns, and displacing 27,500 tons of water. There has
also been a marked increase in speed. The Hood,
which was first commissioned in 1920, has a displace-
ment of 41,200 tons, a speed of 31 knots, mounts
eight 15-inch, twelve 5'5-inch, and four anti-aircraft
guns, and has six torpedo-tubes. She is heavily
armoured, the main belt being twelve inches thick,
and fitted with a bulge intended to preclude a torpedo
from penetrating to the interior of the ship. The
latter protection is the invention of Sir E. H. W.

Tennyson-D'Eyncourt, her designer. The cost of the

Hood was 6,025,000.
The battle-cruiser was conceived as a big-gun ship
with the speed of a fast cruiser so as to be capable of
arriving on the scene of action with the least possible
delay. The pioneers of the Invincible class carried
eight 12-inch guns which could be fired as a broadside
on either beam. The Tiger, completed in October
1914, was provided with 13-5-inch guns firing a shell
of 1,400 lb., and a secondary armament of twelve
6-inch guns instead of sixteen 4-inch, as in the Queen
Mary.
249
 The Story of the British Navy
Great Britain's initial venture in submarines, built
at Barrow-in-Furness in 1901, was of 120 tons dis-
placement when submerged, with a speed of 5 knots
below the surface. So long before as 1888 France
had launched the Gymnote, the first modern under-
water craft to be commissioned. Nordenfeldt, of gun
fame, had previously achieved a certain amount of suc-
cess with steam-driven submarines, but they had many
disadvantages as compared with those of Mr John P.
Holland, an American. Germany's pioneer U-boat was
built in 1890.
The deadliness of the mine was conclusively proved
during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05, when the
Japanese battleships Hatsuse and Yashima both suc-
cumbed to Russian mines in the Yellow Sea. Their
loss was not at first recognized as due to these deadly
canisters of floating death, but the cause of their
sinking was afterward ascertained, and the Admiral-
ties of the world duly noted it. The Russian flagship
Petropavlovsk suffered a like fate off Port Arthur in the
same campaign, during the course of which fourteen
Russian and ten Japanese vessels were lost by mines.
What fire-ships were to the old regime, torpedoes and
mines are to the new Navy.

250
 CHAPTER XXIV
The Battle of Heligoland Bight
1 have learnt not to be surprised at anything.
NELSON

Fisher's reforms, Bri-

' '

tain's sure shield was

anything but a
in
NOTWITHSTANDING
state of real preparedness when war broke
out in August 1914, despite official assurance to the
contrary and the encomiums of Mr Winston Churchill,
First Lord of the Admiralty. Instead of over-
whelming superiority, our margin was dangerously
fine. To all intents and purposes the main base at
Scapa Flow was defenceless. There was not a single
land-battery, and the whole fleet in home waters had
only seventy-six destroyers twenty fewer than the
Germans and of these thirty - six were based on
Harwich.
There were no mines worthy the name and very
few mine-sweepers, no director-firing gear for the guns
of the secondary armament of the battleships, no
naval base on the east coast equipped with protection
against attack by submarine the range-finders and
;

searchlights were inferior to those of the enemy ;

instead of bursting inside a ship the British shells

burst outside, and many of the battle-cruisers were
under-armoured. When the Grand Fleet was denuded
of the Invincibleand the Inflexible for service else-
where, Sir John Jellicoe was placed in what he calls
251
 The Story of the British Navy
" "
a very questionable position as regards battle-
cruisers. After the Audacious had been mined the
effective margin of difference between the number of

battleships and battle-cruisers at the disposal of the

commander-in-chief and of the principal enemy was
exceedingly narrow.
At the outbreak of war the ships based on home
waters were divided into three main fleets, each dis-
tinct but co-operating in the general scheme. The
First Fleet, in addition to Jellicoe's flagship the Iron
Duke, was made up of four battle squadrons, totalling
nineteen Dreadnoughts and super-Dreadnoughts, eight
pre-Dreadnoughts, four battle-cruisers, four armoured
and four
cruisers, four cruisers of the Devonshire class
others, a light
- cruiser
squadron of four ships, half
a dozen gunboats converted into mine-sweepers, two
flotilla cruisers, and destroyers. The Second Fleet
consisted of two battle squadrons, numbering sixteen
pre-Dreadnoughts, the Fifth and Sixth Cruiser Squad-
rons of seven ships, seven mine-layers, two patrol
flotillas of two flotilla-cruisers and thirty-five de-
stroyers. The oldest battleships constituted the two
battle squadrons of the Third Fleet, and in addition
there were five cruiser squadrons of obsolescent vessels.
To these must be added numerous submarines and
two repair-ships. Two destroyer-leaders, building for
Chile, were purchased, three monitors were bought
from the Brazilian Government, and two Dreadnoughts
for Turkey were taken over. Many private yachts
and ships of the merchant-service were commandeered
for patrol and transport work.
The effective German High Sea Fleet consisted
of thirteen Dreadnoughts in commission and three
building, three battle-cruisers, sixteen older battle-
252
 The Battle of Heligoland Bight
ships, two armoured cruisers, fifteen light cruisers,
and destroyers, torpedo-boats, and submarines. In
the Far East were two armoured cruisers, three light
cruisers, three old cruisers, four small vessels, and two
destroyers. Three obsolete cruisers were in the vicinity
of Australia, a light cruiser and three old cruisers in
African waters, and a fast cruiser, the Karlsruhe,
somewhere near the West Indies.
In addition to safeguarding her dominions and
convoying troops from her colonies, Great Britain
undertook to guard the North Sea and the English
Channel. She shared with France the control of the
Mediterranean, where Austria and Germany had three
Dreadnought battleships, while France had eight. Of
battle-cruisers there the enemy had one and Britain
three, and France had eleven pre-Dreadnought battle-
ships against six of the Central Powers. The latter
had also three armoured cruisers, Great Britain four,
and France six. There were also light cruisers, sub-
marines, and destroyers.
While the Grand Fleet held the North Sea, with its
area of 200,000 square miles, the High Sea Fleet had
the advantage of being able to operate in either the
North Sea or the Baltic by means of the Kiel Canal,
both exits being protected by powerful fortifications.
The Russian fleet in the Baltic comprised four Dread-
noughts, ten armoured and protected cruisers, two
light cruisers, some eighty destroyers, mostly of anti-
quated types, and twenty-four small submarines.
The war on the waters did not start with a battle
of the giants, as many people anticipated. The enemy
played a waiting game, hoping to wear down the
British Navy by the promiscuous sowing of mines and
the development of the submarine. On August 5th,
253
 The Story of the British Navy
after a chase of about thirty miles by the light cruiser
Amphion and destroyers, the Konigin Luise, a pas-
senger steamer hastily converted into a mine-layer,
was sunk in the North Sea. A few hours later the
Amphion struck one of the explosive canisters flung
overboard by her victim and joined her in the realm
of the underseas. Appropriately enough, Captain
C. H. Fox, the commander of the flotilla, avenged the
loss of his ship on the 17th of the following October,
when he sank four German destroyers in a brilliant
action which only cost five casualties. As a result
of the murderous menace of the mine in the trade-
routes, the North Sea was proclaimed a military area
on November 3rd.
The crossing of the Expeditionary Force was begun
on August 15th and completed on the 17th. On " the
16th the day on which the largest amount of trans-
port was passing the Heligoland Bight was com-
pletely blockaded," we are told by Sir Julian Corbett,
"
the writer of the official history. To the north was
disposed the Grand Fleet in full force, with Admiral
de Chair and his four cruisers watching between it
and the Skagerrak, while its extreme right was con-
nected up with Terschelling by the Southern Force,
consisting of the four Bacchantes, three light cruisers,
and thirty-six destroyers, with four submarines in
pairs, watching the mouth of the Jade and Ems.
During these three days the transports made 137
passages the tonnage passing being well over half a
million but still there was not a sign of the enemy
moving and on August 17th both forces returned to
their normal stations, Loch Ewe being used by the
Dreadnought squadron for the first time."
The first engagement of consequence took place
254
 i lie .Dame <Ji

on August 28th, when a reconnaissance in force re-

sulted in the battle of Heligoland Bight. The ships
commanded by Vice-Admiral Sir David Beatty con-
sisted of a submarine flotilla, two flotillas of de-
stroyers, a light-cruiser squadron, the First Battle-
Cruiser Squadron, and the Seventh Cruiser Squadron,
a goodly number of vessels. Beatty was at the time
Britain's youngest admiral, being but forty-three years
of age. During the Sudan campaign he had served
under Kitchener and won the D.S.O. He led what was
practically a forlorn hope when the Naval Brigade was
attempting the relief of the legations at Pekin, an affair
in which Jellicoe also had played a gallant part.
In order to entice the enemy into the open, sub-
marines were used as decoys to entice the Germans
into the open. So far as two of them were concerned,
this was by no means their first visit. Three hours
after the outbreak of war E6 and E8 had proceeded
without their parent ships, the Lurcher and Firedrake,
to carry out a preliminary survey in the dangerous
waters which wash Heligoland. Aftef the Expedi-
"
tionary Force had landed, the craft had been
incessantly employed," wrote their commander, Com-
modore Roger Keyes, " on the enemy's coast in the
Heligoland Bight and elsewhere, and had obtained
much valuable information regarding the composition
and movement of his patrols. They have occupied
his waters and reconnoitred his anchorages, and,
while so engaged, have been subjected to skilful and
well-executed anti-submarine tactics hunted for hours
;

at a time by torpedo craft and attacked by gunfire

and torpedoes."
The submarines and their parent ships began their
work in preparation for the battle at midnight on
255
 The Story of the British Navy
August 26th. Until the light faded on the following
day, the Lurcher, with Keyes on board, and the
Firedrake scouted for their companions, the latter
then taking up their prearranged stations so as to
co-operate with the destroyer flotillas when they
appeared. No sooner had the first streaks of dawn
stolen across the sky on the 28th than the two de-
stroyers began the preliminary and extremely im-
portant business of searching for submarines in the
course that would be taken by the battle-cruisers,
performing a similar task to that of a pilot engine in
advance of a royal train. This having been done, the
submarines came to the surface, and with the parent
ships boldly approached "the island key to Germany."
The object of this bait was to induce the enemy " to
chase them to the westward."
Commodore Tyrwhitt, on the bridge of the light
cruiser Arethusa, and the First and Third Destroyer
Flotillas were now approaching from the north-west
at top speed, ready for instant action. They were
followed by the First Light- Cruiser Squadron under
Commodore Goodenough. Behind them were Beatty's
giants.To the south, in such a position as would
enable it to stop any attempt on the part of the

enemy to escape westward, was the Seventh Cruiser

Squadron, commanded by Rear-Admiral Christian,
who already had a fine record of active service in
West and East Africa to his credit.
The three submarines gently plying on the surface
of the placid waters, their conning-towers exposed so
as to make effective targets for the enemy, with the
sleek destroyers following in their wake, were duly
observed by the Germans, possibly by two of them
in a seaplane. Here was food for cannon ! How well
256
 JLne battle ol Heligoland tfignt
" "
Five British Men-of-War Sunk would look as a
headline for the newspapers of the Fatherland !What
a sale they would have in Unter den Linden !These
thoughts doubtless occurred to the commanders of
the German destroyers and the two cruisers which
presently came from their lair to catch such easy prey.
Apparently taken off their guard, the five patrol-ships
fled westward, followed by the units of the imperial
fleet.

Suddenly out of the mist there emerged the British

light cruisers Arethusa and Fearless, attended by the
greyhounds of the First and Third Destroyer Flotillas.
The Arethusa was the latest of a long line of ships

bearing an honoured name, the original having been

a French frigate of 32 guns captured in Audierne Bay
in 1759. She was a light armoured cruiser of a class
'

designed to be destroyers of destroyers.' The arma-

ment consists of a couple of 6-inch and half a dozen
4-inch quick-firing guns, with two twin torpedo-tubes.
The displacement is 3,750 tons, oil fuel is used, and

the turbines develop a speed of 29 to 30 knots. The

Fearless also is a light cruiser, carrying ten 4-inch and

four 3-pdr. guns, and was completed in 1913.

It wanted a few minutes to seven o'clock when the
first vessel was sighted and chased by them.
enemy
Shortly afterward other German torpedo-boats were
discovered making for Heligoland, and the course of
the British ships was altered to cut them off from this
haven of refuge. For over an hour and a quarter
the Arethusa received a heavy fire from two large
cruisers and several destroyers. One of the latter
then turned her attention to the Fearless, but within
ten minutes the Areihusa's antagonist was making off
as best she could with a wrecked fore-bridge. The
257
 The Story of the British Navy
British ship was also considerably damaged, and only
one gun remained in action. She was temporarily
hors de combat.
Meanwhile the British destroyers had also been in
the thick of the fight and had sunk the leading de-
stroyer of the enemy flotilla and injured several others.
Our boats had the advantage of more powerful guns
than the German torpedo-craft, which were armed
with two 21-pdr. quick-firers, four Maxims, and three
or four torpedo-tubes, but they also came under the
fire of the forts and of the cruisers.
The Liberty went through a terrible ordeal. Part
of the bridge was torn away by a shell which killed
Lt.-Commander Nigel K. W. Barttelot and his signal-
man, shattered the foremast, and smashed the search-
light. Lieutenant Henry E. Horan thereupon took
"
the officer's place, and brought his ship out of action
in an extremely able and gallant manner under most
trying conditions," Chief Petty Officer J. S. Beadle
remaining at his post for over an hour after he had
been seriously wounded. Down below, the engineering
staff went about their difficult business of stopping

leaks, which were of such an alarming nature that

most of the work was accomplished when the water
had risen above the men's waists.
Three shells struck the Laertes, rendering a dynamo
useless, wrecking the officers' cabin, and making a
hole through the midship funnel. For a time she was
hemmed in by two German vessels, and was finally
towed out of action by the Fearless. A shell exploded
in one of the boilers. On the Laurel eleven casualties
were caused by a single shell, her two funnels were
pierced, and some of her deck gear was smashed.
Further damage to the funnels caused the smoke to
258
 Ine Battle ot Heligoland Bight
beat down, and enveloped one of the gun-crews at a
critical moment. Fortunately support from another
craft came in the nick of time. The commander,
wounded in both legs, refused to delegate his duty to
another until six o'clock in the evening. An explosion
occurred close to the centre gun, near which several
lyddite shells were lying, but the promptness of a
stoker petty officer prevented the fire from spreading,
and he eventually put it out. The explosion also
shattered the after funnel and played havoc in one of
the boiler-rooms, yet the men below stuck to their
posts and did their best to repair the damage when
the ship was brought out of action. The crews of
the destroyers proved themselves worthy of the finest
traditions of the service.
An engineer of the Laurel tells us what the engage-
ment was like from the point of view of the heroic
"
'
black squad
'
in the engine-room. We heard the
shells crashing against the sides of the ship or shriek-

ing overhead as they passed harmlessly into the water,

and we knew that at any moment one might strike us
in a vital part and send us below for good. It is ten
times harder on the men whose duty is in the engine-
room than for those on deck taking part in the fighting,
for they, at least, have the excitement of the fight,
and if the ship is struck they have more than a
sporting chance of escape. We have none."
One splendid performance stands out conspicuously.
The Defender, after having put the finishing touch to
VI 87, lowered a whaler in the hope of being able
to pick up survivors from the German commodore's
ship. It had succeeded in hauling a number of them
from the water when one of the enemy's cruisers
chased the destroyer. She was no match for the ship
259
 The Story of the British Navy
at close range, and was therefore reluctantly com-
pelled to abandon the boat. Although shells were
bursting quite close, no damage was sustained, prob-
ably because the thick black smoke of the destroyers
hung about the whaler on account of the stillness of
the atmosphere and acted as a screen. The sea was
exceptionally calm, but while this was cause for con-
gratulation, there seemed not the faintest ray of hope
for the poor fellows, who were entirely at the mercy
of the enemy.
"
Imagine their feelings," suggests a lieutenant who
"
took part in the battle, alone in an open boat without
food, twenty-five miles from the nearest land, and
that land the enemy's fortress, with nothing but fog
and foes around them. Suddenly a whirl alongside,
and up, if you please, pops his Britannic Majesty's
submarine E4, opens his conning-tower, takes them
all on board, shuts up again, dives, and brings them
home 250 miles ! Is that not magnificent ? No novel
would dare to face the critics with an episode like that
"
in it, except perhaps Jules Verne ; and all true !

As there was no room to accommodate the twenty-

eight Germans, three only were taken prisoners, the
others being allowed to make good their escape in the
boat under the charge of an ober-lieutenant. They
were provided with a compass, water, and biscuit.
The commander of E4, Lt.-Commander E. W. Lier,
calmly standing at the periscope, had witnessed the
sinking of VI 87 and the dastardly attempt of the
German cruiser on the rescue party. He attempted
to attack the ship, but was foiled by a change of
course before he came within range. After covering
the retirement of the British destroyers he returned
and performed the feat mentioned above.
260
 The Battle of Heligoland Bight

By 10 a.m. the temporary disablement of the

Arethusa had been remedied to some extent by almost
superhuman exertions on the part of her officers and
crew, although her speed was considerably reduced by
reason of a water-tank having been hit. The repairs
were effected none too soon, for almost immediately
Tyrwhitt received a wireless message from Keyes
stating that the Lurcher and the Firedrake were being
chased by the Mainz, the Koln, and another cruiser.
The Arethusa, the Fearless, and the First Flotilla went
to his assistance with right goodwill. One of the
cruisers, on being attacked by gunfire and torpedoes,
disappeared in the mist, only to come round on another
quarter about ten minutes later. The Arethusa and
the Fearless again brought their armament to bear
on her, and a torpedo attack was also made, but
failed.
"
We received a very severe and almost accurate
fire from this cruiser," runs the official dispatch ;
"
salvo after salvo was falling between ten and thirty
yards short, but not a single shell struck two tor-
;

pedoes were also fired at us, being well directed, but

short. The cruiser was badly damaged by Arethusa' s
6-inch guns and a splendidly directed fire from Fear-
less, and she afterward turned away in the direction
of Heligoland."
A few minutes later the cruiser Mainz came into
view. The Arethusa, theFearless, and many de-
stroyers on
seized her with the avidity of hungry
wolves. For nearly half an hour she endured their
concentrated fire. According to an A.B. on the
Lydiard, that ship succeeded in sending a torpedo
into the enemy which tore an ugly, gaping wound
in her side. The Lydiard, which was in the thick of
261
 The Story of the British Navy
the fight, escaped severe handling, although a shell
burst just before the bridge.
Tyrwhitt had sent a wireless to Beatty summing up
the position of affairs, and just as the German cruiser
was seen to be in flames and sinking by the bows the
Light-Cruiser Squadron appeared. The Falmouth and
the Nottingham speedily decided the destiny of the
Mainz. Every effort was now made to rescue the crew
of the doomed cruiser.
"
The fire amidships," relates an eyewitness, " had
made two of the funnels red-hot, and flames and smoke
poured out of it. Her port side was like a sieve.
Every gun was smashed and bent, some looking round
corners, some on their sides in fact, her whole upper
deck was chaos. The fore-bridge was a tangled mass
of ironwork, while the wire stays from the foremast
were swaying in the air. What she was like inside,
heaven alone knows. We passed within a couple of
hundred yards of her, and the only living beings on
the upper deck were one man on the quarterdeck
and what looked like a couple of officers standing
under what had been the fore-bridge. Many of them
had jumped overboard, and, of course, were rescued,
but these only totalled seven officers and seventy-
nine men out of a crew of 400 or 500." When volun-
teers were asked to man the rescue boats from the
Falmouth a stoker limped along the deck with a burnt
"
leg. That man cannot go," shouted an officer.
"
You don't pull an oar with your foot, sir," was the
reply.
The Arethusa and the Third Flotilla next proceeded
to deal with the Koln. The First Battle - Cruiser
Squadron, consisting of the Lion, Princess Royal,
Queen Mary, and New Zealand, which had been
262
 The Battle ot Heligoland Bight
joined at sea by the Invincible and four destroyers,
now came on the scene. Every movement of the
British squadrons seemed to be regulated with the
precision of a well-rehearsed play, yet the final part
of the programme had not been carried out without
running considerable risks. The enemy submarines
had attempted to torpedo some of the ships, and
would probably have succeeded had their designs
not been frustrated by rapid manoeuvring that de-
noted superb seamanship. The decision to use the
great cruisers was made by the Vice-Admiral after he
had carefully weighed up the likelihood of possible
disaster from the operations of undersea craft, mines,
and of a sortie in force by the German Main Fleet.
" "
Our high however," he says,
speed, made sub-
marine attack difficult, and the smoothness of the sea
made their detection comparatively easy. I con-
sidered that we were powerful enough to deal with
any sortie except a Battle Squadron, which was
unlikely to come out in time, provided our stroke
was sufficiently rapid."
When Sir David caught the first glimpse of what
was happening as he paced the bridge of the Lion, he
noticed that the Fearless and the First Flotilla were
retiring westward, the Light Cruiser Squadron was
-

engaging the Mainz, and the Arethusa and the Third

Flotilla were busy with the Kbln. Steering in a
still

direction that would enable him to cut off the Koln

from her base, the Lion gave chase, and set her on fire.
The Ariadne now put in an appearance. Two salvos
were sufficient to render the new-comer unseaworthy,
but as floating mines had been reported on the course
she was steering, the Admiral wisely forbore from
following his beaten quarry. He again turned his
263
 The Story of the British Navy
attention to the Koln, giving her a couple of salvos
from two turrets which sent her to Davy Jones's
locker stern first. Not a soul was saved, although
our destroyers raced to the spot in the hope of picking
up possible survivors.
The battle of Heligoland Bight was over, and the
first naval engagement of the Great War had con-
clusively proved the superiority of the British at sea.
On their return northward the Queen Mary and the
Lowestoft were unsuccessfully attacked by submarines,
possibly those which had awaited their coming. The
splendid fight of the Arethusa, and the heavy fire that
she had endured, had crippled her steaming capacity
to such an extent that she could only crawl at about
6 knots an hour. At 9.30 p.m. the Hogue took her
in tow, Captain W. S. Nicholson performing the task
" "
in a most seamanlike manner," said Tyrwhitt, and
observing that the night was pitch dark and the only
lights showing were two small hand-lanterns, I con-
sider his action was one which deserves special notice
from their Lordships." On arriving at the Nore the
steel hawsers were cast off and the plucky and still

saucy Arethusa proceeded to Chatham under her own

steam. There she was received with rousing cheers
that must have heartened the battle-stained sea-dogs
as they stood by their disabled guns.
The complements of the five enemy vessels sunk
totalled some 1,200 officers and men. With the
exception of the twenty-five men who were set at
liberty and about 300 prisoners, including the son of
Grand Admiral von Tirpitz, who were brought to land,
the remainder perished. The total British casualties
numbered sixty-nine killed and wounded.

264
 CHAPTER XXV
The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
Am going to attack the enemy now.
CRADOCK

date was Sunday, November 1, 1914,

THE the time two o'clock in the afternoon, and the

place somewhere off the coast of Chile. Rear-
Admiral Sir Christopher Cradock had just been in-
formed that one of the wireless operators had picked
up a message in a strange code.
Cradock was no mere manoeuvres man.' He had
'

entered the Navy at the age of thirteen, and but

fifteen years after our first ironclad had taken the
water. He had seen active service in the Sudan in
1891, was present at the battle of Tokar and at the
occupation of Affafit, and had been mentioned in dis-
patches. In the following year he was serving as first
lieutenant of H.M.S. Dolphin, and helped to rescue the
crew of the ill-fated Brazilian warship Barroxa when
she foundered in a gale. Eight years later Cradock
was commander of H.M.S. Alacrity and in charge of
the British Naval Brigade which did such splendid
work at the storming and capture of the Taku Forts,
and he subsequently led the allied forces which cap-
tured the Peiyang arsenal and relieved Tientsin and
Sir Edward Seymour's column at Siku.
At mess some of the men of the Good Hope would
spin yarns of the Rear- Admiral's other brave deeds ;

265
 The Story of the British Navy
of how he had won the Royal Humane Society's
testimonial for rescuing a drowning midshipman who
had overboard in the darkness in Palmas Bay,
fallen
Sardinia, and of how he had helped to save life when
the P. & O. liner Delhi had been wrecked off Cape
Spartel in 1911. On this latter occasion he had been
made a K.C.V.O. by the King, presented with the
Silver Medal of the Board of Trade, and received the
cordial appreciation of the Admiralty.
When war was declared the Good Hope was
patrolling the Irish coast. She was at no great dis-
tance from the Southern Hebrides when a message
was received from the Admiralty ordering her to
sweep the trade-routes of the broad Atlantic for
German cruisers that were known to be abroad. She
found none, and proceeded to Halifax to coal.
Shortly afterward Sir Christopher Cradock trans-
ferred his flag from H.M.S. Suffolk, which had been
carrying out similar duties, to the Good Hope. Thus
she became the senior ship of a squadron which con-
sisted, in addition to herself, of the Monmouth, the
Glasgow, the Canopus, and the Otranto. Both the
Good Hope and the Monmouth were ships of the third
line and manned by reservists who, previous to the
outbreak of war, had followed civil occupations since
leaving the service, and were of necessity less inured
to the sea than was the crew of the Glasgow, which
had been in South American waters for some time.
It is necessary for us to glance at a few rather dull
but necessary particulars of the qualities of these
fighting machines, otherwise the battle in which four
of them played so gallant a part cannot be appreciated
at its real worth.
The Good Hope, officially known as an armoured
266
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
cruiser, had been a contribution to the Navy by the
colony whose name she bore. She was of 14,100 tons
displacement, with a speed of 23 knots and an arma-
ment of two 9'2-inch, sixteen 6-inch, twelve 12-pdrs.,
three 3-pdrs., and two machine-guns, and two sub-
merged torpedo-tubes. So far as the British public
was concerned the Good Hope was chiefly famous as
the vessel which had taken Mr Joseph Chamberlain
to South Africa on the conclusion of the Boer War of
1899-1902. That eminent statesman was then Secre-
tary of State for the Colonies, and the choice of the
ship was particularly appropriate. The Good Hope
had ploughed the seas for twelve years, and was
therefore by no means a modern vessel in the sense
of a term which is constantly undergoing revision as
a period of time, particularly in regard to naval
matters.
The Monmouth was an armoured cruiser of the
'
'
County a Glasgow ship which left the yards
class,
completed in 1903. Her displacement was 9,800 tons,
her speed 23 knots, her armament fourteen 6-inch,
eight 12-pdrs., three 3-pdrs., eight machine-guns, and
two light and she had also two submerged
guns,
torpedo-tubes. The Glasgow is a light cruiser of the
type used for scouting purposes, and was built by
the same firm that had constructed the Good Hope,
whom she post-dated by seven years. Her displace-
ment is 4,800 tons, her speed over 26 knots, her
armament two 6-inch, ten 4-inch, one 12-pdr., and four
3-pdr. guns, with two submerged torpedo-tubes.
The Otranto was an auxiliary cruiser that is to
say, a liner commissioned for war service and lightly
armed. Her displacement was 12,124 tons. She was
well known to tourists to the Norwegian fiords, and
267
 The Story of the British Navy
was probably the largest British ship to pay visits
to the Land of the Midnight Sun during the summer
months previous to the Great War. TheOtranto
belonged to the Orient line, and was built at Belfast
in 1909. For the purpose of making prizes of German
merchantmen she was doubtless useful, but in the
action that was about to take place she proved rather
worse than useless. For these reasons the speed of
:

a squadron is necessarily that of its slowest unit, and

although the Otranto was driven by turbines, her

utmost capacity was 18 knots only she presented a
;

conspicuous target to the enemy, and the range and

calibre of her guns were useless in a long-distance
action.
The Canopus was a venerable battleship seventeen
years old mounting four 12-inch guns in two turrets,
twelve 6-inch guns in armoured casemates, and six
3-pdrs. Her speed was 16 knots, and her displace-
ment 13,500 tons.
From Halifax Cradock's ships had proceeded to
Bermuda and the West Indies, and along the coasts
of Venezuela and Brazil. Several times the stormy
Horn, the scene of many an old-time exploit, was
rounded, and the Falkland Islands were visited. At
the latter the Admiral left the Canopus to guard his
colliers, and asked for the Defence to be placed at his
disposal. The Defence, which had been completed in
1909, of 14,600 tons and armed with four 9'2-inch,
ten 7'5-inch, and sixteen 12-pdrs., was accordingly
ordered to join the squadron. Unfortunately neither
she nor the order that he was not expected to act
without the Canopus reached Cradock. " But he had
been previously told," writes the official historian,
"to 'be prepared to have to meet the enemy and to
'

268
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
* '
search expressions which, taken together, a British
officer in his position could only interpret as an order
'
to seek out the enemy and destroy him.' As this
could not be done if he had to drag the old battle-
ship along with him, he appears to have felt that, by
the unwritten law of the service, an order to seek out
must override all others." The Earl of Balfour (then
Mr A. J. Balfour), First Lord of the Admiralty, stated
"
that the Admiral had shown a wise judgment in the
interests of his country."
The squadron made " swoops upon wild and un-
surveyed bays and places whither we had heard the
enemy had gone to coal, etc., but failed to find them
there, although we heard their secret and friendly
wireless stations talking in code." Thus wrote an
officer in the Glasgow. The men experienced the
extremes of heat and cold, sweating like fat bulls of
Bashan in some latitudes and shivering at Tierra del
Fuego and in the infamous Magellan Straits. Some
of the officers were perfectly well aware that the five
German cruisers of Admiral von Spec's Pacific Squad-
ron, the Scharnhorst, the Gneisenau, the Leipzig, the
" "
Dresden, and the Nurnberg were somewhere about
and outclassed them in guns, but no British sailor
has been known
to admit that he could be outclassed
in seamanship. On
the lower deck there was a belief
that the contestants would prove to be three light
cruisers only. Perhaps the Nurnberg and the Dresden,
which had been in the Atlantic, had come together
and joined the Leipzig, last heard of in the North
Pacific. Thus they argued. It seemed scarcely prob-
able that all five had concentrated and were bearing
down on the British squadron. These and other more
or less plausible suggestions were ventured as the
269
 The Story of the British Navy
'
men discussed the possibility of something hap-
pening.' As to the progress of the war in the other
hemisphere, the brave Jack Tars knew practically
nothing. It is pathetic to read in the letters some of
them sent home of the dreary monotony, the lack
of news, and of the ice and snow and blazing heat
that discomfited them. Not a few of the writers
thought that the Admiralty could have sent a more
imposing force, but none conveys the slightest notion
"
'
of funk.' We will fight cheerfully whatever odds
we may have to face," are the words of the Admiral's
"
secretary. Five German cruisers against us," writes
"
Surgeon Searle, of the Good Hope. What's the
betting on the field ? Pray to your Penates we may
"
prevent them concentrating." We have travelled
10,000 miles hunting for the Dresden," asserts a stoker
on the Monmouth. " We will bust her or sink. If
' '

we meet with bad luck, you will know all on the

Monmouth died game, and that your son has done
his duty to his country, pleased with the honour."
In the fulfilment of the hope expressed by Surgeon
Searle lay the main chance of the squadron. Should
one or two of these German vessels be missing all
might be well. Together the Scharnhorst and the
Gneisenau had sixteen 8-2-inch guns, each firing
275-lb. shells, twelve of which could be brought to
bear on the broadside, twelve 6-inch guns, and thirty
4-inch guns, whereas the British had in all only two
9'2-inch guns, firing 380-lb. shells, thirty-two 6-inch
guns, and ten 4-inch guns. So far as long range and
weight of metal were concerned the chances against
Cradock's ships were consequently more than four to
one. The Scharnhorst and the Gneisenau were sister
ships, the newest of their class, and were superior
270
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
in armoured protection as well as in ordnance. Both
were launched in 1906 and had a displacement of
11,600 tons. The three light cruisers, all launched
between 1905 and 1907, varied from 3,250 to 3,600
tons displacement, and each had ten 4'1-inch and two
1-pdr. guns, with two torpedo-tubes.
On this same Sunday, but earlier in the day, the
light cruiser Glasgow had left Coronel, Chile, from
which place the battle which was to ensue takes its
name. At 2 p.m., while on her way to rejoin the
other ships at the appointed rendezvous, she received
a signal from the Good Hope " that apparently from
wireless calls there was an enemy ship to northward,"
to quote the captain's report. This was the secret of
the message in a strange code already referred to.
At 4.20 p.m. those on the look-out sighted smoke on
the horizon. After drawing close enough to ascertain
the nationality of the ship from whence the smoke
emanated, the Glasgow put on full steam and made
in the direction of the British squadron. Captain
John Luce at once informed the Admiral of the
approach of two armoured cruisers and one small
cruiser in reality there were three at the same
time warning all vessels in sight. Apparently Cradock
received a coherent message, although the Germans
endeavoured to break in with their own installations
and so cause confusion. In due course the Monmouth
and the Otranto were discovered, and at five o'clock
the Good Hope was sighted.
Two alternatives, and two only, presented them-
selves to Sir Christopher Cradock. It may be that
in speaking thus we are doing an injustice to the
memory of a very gallant gentleman, because it is
possible, and indeed probable, that to his mind there
271
 The Story of the British Navy
was no alternative other than conflict. The alterna-
tives, fancied or real, were these : he could fight the
enemy and suffer defeat, or he could await the coming
of the Canopus and then endeavour to bring him to
battle. To the there was the hope that he might
first
inflict loss or severe damage on some of the light

cruisers, if not on the heavier men-of-war to the

;

second there was the likelihood of the Germans

escaping him altogether and carrying on a one-sided
war against British commerce.
Forming into line ahead, his own vessel first, the
Monmouth, the Glasgow, and the Otranto following in
the order mentioned, Cradock led his ships into battle.
This was a few minutes after a quarter to six o'clock,
when the Germans, having turned south, were in
single line-ahead, the two big cruisers leading. The
contestants were then twelve miles apart, the distance
being gradually reduced as the ships worked up to
17 knots. Half an hour later, when von Spec's squad-
ron was 15,000 yards away, the Admiral wired to the
"
Canopus : I am going to attack enemy now." Had
the range not been too great, this was Cradock' s
opportunity to open fire, for the sun was slowly
setting behind the British squadron, showing up the
enemy ships with great distinctness and therefore
trying to the eyes of the German gunners. Cradock
endeavoured to shorten the distance between his
squadron and that of the enemy, but von Spec effec-
tively precluded this manoeuvre. Not a shot was
fired until 7.3 p.m., when the sun had disappeared
and the British ships were silhouetted against the
golden afterglow. Fortune thus favoured von Spec,
and he fired salvos and speedily got the correct range.
Not a single condition was helpful to Cradock. It
272
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
was blowing almost a gale, with a lumpy sea, and
firing was made difficult for the main-deck guns the
only ones that really mattered of the Good Hope and
the Monmouth because of the heavy spray that was
flung over the bows. Almost the first order of the
Admiral after the action had begun was to signal the
captain of the Otranto to get out of the firing-line,
and she made off in the direction of the south-west.
According to one report, she was steaming badly and
hampered the movements of her consorts. It is also
said, perhaps incorrectly, that Cradock issued similar
instructions to the Glasgow, which her captain dis-
regarded.
It is impossible to describe the battle off Coronel
with complete accuracy, because the logs of the Good
Hope and the Monmouth were not written up that
day, and unfortunately never will be. A description of
what happened must therefore be based on the dis-
patch of Captain Luce, which is by no means a lengthy
one, as issued by the Admiralty, the communications
of those who served on the surviving ships, and the
report of Admiral Maximilian Count von Spec as it
appeared in the German newspapers. They differ in
detail and sometimes in essentials. For instance,
Captain Luce states that the enemy opened fire at
12,000 yards, whereas von Spec says about 15,000
yards, and a participant on board the Glasgow makes
it 12,300 yards. Again, a wireless operator on the
Otranto asserts that firing did not begin until 7.15.
Bearing in mind the difficulties of the situation, let
us endeavour to arrive at the main facts.
We can readily believe with a member of the crew
"
of the Otranto that if there is a hell of fire it must

be a naval battle." Almost immediately after the

273
 The Story of the British Navy
first flashfrom the enemy's guns the Good Hope, the
Monmouth, and the Glasgow responded, each ship
engaging the one opposite to it. According to von
Spec, the British ships suffered more from the heavy
seas than those under his command, the vessels on
both sides rolling and pitching heavily, particularly
"
the light cruisers. Observation and range-finding
"
work," he asserts, was most difficult, the seas
sweeping over the forecastles and conning-towers and
preventing the use of some guns on the middle decks,
the crews of which were never able to see the sterns
of their opponents, and only occasionally their bows."
It is obvious that similar conditions obtained in the
British squadron. The Admiral makes special men-
tion of the gunnery of the Scharnhorst and the Gnei-
"
senau, the two large armoured cruisers, which were
well served." He adds that the Good Hope and the
Monmouth " were practically covered by our fire,"
a statement corroborated by British eyewitnesses,
and that " so far as can be ascertained at present "
there has been no subsequent report his flagship
was only hit twice and the Gneisenau four times.
Each of the big German cruisers concentrated six of
their 8 '2-inch guns on the Good Hope, the smaller
ships being outranged at the beginning of the fight.
The third salvo from the enemy set fire to the
fore-part of both the Good Hope and the Monmouth,
and very soon the fore-turret of the former was well
ablaze. The flames were apparently got under after
what must have been almost incredible exertion on
the part of the crews, for shells were screeching all
around them. Both ships again caught fire, and
remained blazing away until 7.45. The pale light of
the moon made but a sorry show compared with the
274
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
fierce light of the burning cruisers. According to
von Spec, the fore - turret of the Good Hope was
carried away, and the Scharnhorst reckoned that she
had scored no fewer than thirty-five hits on Cradock's
flagship. The only guns on the British flagship
capable of making effective reply had been her two
9'2-inch guns, her 6-inch guns being rendered almost
useless by the height of the waves and the low line
at which her secondary ordnance was placed. It is
said that when the vessel rolled they were almost
awash, and that when Cradock realized that he could
do no further damage to the enemy he deliberately
attempted to get closer to his antagonists, so as to
draw their fire and thus afford some measure of pro-
tection to his other ships. At ten minutes to eight
an explosion lit up the darkness and the sullen sea,
and flames two hundred feet high shot up amidships
of the Good Hope. Thus ended her first and last fight,
and what remained of her disappeared with her whole
gallantcompany.
Meanwhile what had happened to the Monmouth ?

After the outbreak of she sheered off the line,

fire
but managed to get back to it, notwithstanding the
avalanche of shells that was gradually reducing her
floating capacity to that of a sieve. Her 6-inch guns
fired from time to time, her only mark the flashes
thatcame from the enemy. She was already sinking
and down by the bow, and the captain therefore
endeavoured to get her stern to sea, so as to reduce
the intake of water. Very soon it was apparent that
she was completely out of control, and as the Glasgow
passed her the crew could be seen assembled at the
stern. The brave fellows, knowing that there was
no possibility of escape, and that within a short time
275
 The Story of the British Navy
a watery grave would embrace them, gave three
hearty British cheers.
By the rising moon the enemy ships could be seen
drawing on the remaining vessel of the squadron.
In order to avoid certain destruction and to warn the
Canopus, the Glasgow proceeded at full speed in a
west-north-westerly direction, steering for the Magellan
Straits. To have remained would have been certain
suicide, and no officer is called upon to sacrifice his
ship and his men for the mere sake of fighting or
from any false sense of patriotism. As it was, the
light cruiser had had several narrow escapes. A shell
just missed the sick-bay and came hurtling through
the captain's cabin, rendering it almost unrecogniz-
able, a hole was torn in one of the funnels, and a
great gash made in the lower coal-bunker necessitated
the use of the pumps to keep the water under. An
officer calculated that about 600 shells were aimed at
the Glasgow.
Although the searchlights of the pursuing vessels
swept the sea, the engineers and stokers managed
to get 27'8 knots out of her, notwithstanding her
condition and the rough sea, and she gradually drew
"
off. The three days' flight in which the Glasgow
was getting away from them," writes one who was on
"
her, will never be forgotten by any one on board,
and if anybody deserves promotion in the Glasgow it
is the officers and men of the engineering and car-

penter branches. Nobody would believe the speed

we maintained for forty-eight hours." The stokers,
working considerably harder than the proverbial "
"
nigger, sang It's a long, long way to Tipperary
" "
and We'll all go the same way home during the
action. At ten minutes to nine the Germans were
276
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
lost in the darkness,but half an hour later flashes of
fire showed that they were still concentrating on the
helpless Monmouth. It has been stated by one who
observed the battle that, despite her crippled and
"
sinking condition, the old cruiser went back to
to cover our escape," that she
"
fight stood the rub
while we were getting away." This tallies with von
"
Spec's statement that the Numberg came across the
Monmouth," which, badly damaged, crossed her bows
and then tried to come alongside. " At 8.58," the
Admiral adds, " the Numberg sank her by a bom-
"
bardment at point-blank range hence the flashes
"
observed from the Glasgow. The Monmouth did not
reply, but she went down with her flag flying."
While we can readily believe with the German
"
admiral that there was no chance of saving any-
body owing to the heavy sea," it is difficult to credit
"
the statement that the Numberg sighted smoke and
believed that another enemy ship was approaching,
which she prepared to attack." At the same time
it is only just to cite the evidence of the captain of

the French barque Valentine regarding the sinking of

the Good Hope, which von Spee says his small cruisers
were unable to find. The Valentine was sunk by one
of von Spec's ships within half a mile of Juan Fer-
nandez, the volcanic group of islands associated with
Alexander Selkirk, on whose exploits Defoe is said
to have based his story of Robinson Crusoe. She
was consequently in Chilian territorial waters, and
the Germans therefore violated the neutrality of the
Republic. According to a United Press correspondent,
the captain swore before a public notary that while
he was a prisoner aboard one of the cruisers he heard
Germans assert that numerous British sailors were
277
 The
Story of the British Navy
seen swimming after the destruction of Cradock's
flagship, that they could have been saved, but the
enemy allowed them to drown. It should be remem-
bered, however, that when a ship is in action the boats
are not on davits and are usually filled with water,
and that consequently they are not readily available.
Certainly on this particular occasion it is doubtful
whether rescue work could have been safely under-
taken owing to the bad weather. Von Spee was a
worthy enemy, as the following story will prove. It
is related by the Hon. W. Allardyce, ex-Governor of

the Falkland Islands, and later Governor of the

Bahamas. He had been told that after the battle
the German colony at Valparaiso gave a banquet
to celebrate the victory. When the final toast of
"
Damnation to the British Navy " was proposed the
!

German admiral jumped up and said that neither

he nor his officers would respond, and they at once
withdrew. The steps near the doors were covered
with flowers, and von Spee remarked as he saw them :

"
I think you had better keep these for my grave.

They may be wanted."

In his report Captain John Luce, of the Glasgow,
whose name will always be held in honour for the
"
valiant part he played, says :
Nothing could have
been more admirable than conduct of officers and
men throughout. Though it was most trying to re-
ceive great volume of fire without chance of returning
it adequately, all kept perfectly cool, there was no

wild firing, and discipline was the same as at battle

practice.
"
When target ceased to be visible, gunlayers spon-
taneously ceased fire.
"
The serious reverse sustained has entirely failed
278
 The Forlorn Hope of Coronel
to impair the spirit of officers and ship's company,
and it isour unanimous wish to meet the enemy
again as soon as possible."
Von Spec states that the fire of the Glasgow was
"
harmless," and gives the number of casualties on
" "
the Gneisenau as two slightly wounded and none
on the small cruisers, while any losses on the Scharn-
horst are ignored. The Glasgow, after eluding the
enemy, put in at Rio de Janeiro, where she was re-
paired by permission of the Brazilian Government,
who gave her a stated time for the purpose. How
efficiently this task was carried out, and what
excellent work she performed in the battle off the
Falkland Islands on the following December 8th,
when von Spec met with retribution, will be told in
the next chapter.
We have seen that Sir Christopher Cradock's defeat
was almost a foregone conclusion before so much as
a shot was fired. One at least of the German papers,
the Berlin Allgemeine Zeitung, paid a fitting com-
pliment to the 1,654 men who met death so gallantly
on that cheerless November evening. While making
"
the most of the victory, the writer adds : On the
other hand we too must recognize, if the present re-
ports are confirmed, that the British ships strove to
the last moment to keep their colours flying, and that
the cruiser Monmouth in her own extremity tried her
best to take with her beneath the waves a German
ship. The naval victory in Chilian waters is the more
valuable because it was gained over a courageous
enemy."
Of the crew of the Good Hope four alone were saved,
and for no other reason than that they had the good
fortune to be on an island doing look-out duties when
279
 The Story of the British Navy
the battle was fought. A Chilian transport and the
Red Cross steamers Valdivia and Chiloe were dis-
patched to search for possible survivors, but they
found neither sailors nor wreckage. A few weeks
later British bluejackets on one of the British battle-
cruisers that exacted retribution for the loss of the
Good Hope and the Monmouth fired a volley over the
spot where their comrades perished.
A fine and gallant story!

280
 CHAPTER XXVI
Sturdee's Triumph at the Falklands
Silence ! Deeds, not words !
FISHER

days before the names of Sir Chris-

topher Cradock and his band of heroes were
THREE added to Britain's ever-lengthening Roll of
Honour, a little man of grim visage hurried up the
steps of the huge block of buildings known as the
Admiralty. A few people who happened to be passing
recognized the trim figure, the ashen-grey and pur-
poseful face, and the slightly stooping shoulders as
the outward and visible signs of the most dominating
personality of modern naval history. The second
administration of Admiral of the Fleet Lord Fisher of
Kilverstone as First Sea Lord had begun.
He struck his first blow on the 8th of the following
December, not in the North Sea, as so many folk had
anticipated, but in the South Atlantic, off the coast
of Argentina, and far removed from the main theatre
of war. When he received news of Cradock' s disaster
he went quietly to work to avenge the loss of the
Good Hope and the Monmouth, choosing for his pur-
pose Vice-Admiral Sir Frederick Charles Doveton
Sturdee, Chief of the War Staff at the Admiralty,
and the ships Invincible, Inflexible, Carnarvon, Corn-
Canopus, and Macedonia,
wall, Kent, Bristol, Glasgow,
some of which were already near the scene of the
281
 The Story of the British Navy
"
intended operations. Nelson said, Only numbers
can annihilate," a maxim dear to the heart of Lord
Fisher. Two battle-cruisers, one battleship, three
armoured cruisers, two light cruisers, and an armed
liner were provided for the purpose. Sturdee was
given what poor Cradock had lacked speed and
heavy armament. To von Spec's broadside of six
8'2-inch guns on the Scharnhorst, hurling 1,650 Ib. of
metal, Sturdee could make
reply with eight 12-inch
guns firing 6,800 Ib. In speed the British admiral's
flagship, the Invincible, was 2 knots faster than the
Scharnhorst.
"
I very well remember," writes Rear- Admiral Sir
"
Douglas Brownrigg, Bart., the sending off of the
cables which ordered the two battle-cruisers, Invin-
cible and Inflexible then with the Grand Fleet to
come south, and the further message which flatly
declined to listen to any reasons for delay at Plymouth
where they were preparing for their long voyage to
the south stating bluntly that, whether this or that
fitting was completed or not, the ships were posi-
tively to sail on the date and at the time ordered.
The workmen, if necessary, were to be taken to sea
in the ships to finish their work en route to the south.
Under no considerations was the departure of the
ships to be delayed. On that point Lord Fisher was
inflexible. The ships left as arranged, and, fortun-
ately for this country, the imperious and forceful old
man had his way."
Since the battle off Coronel the inhabitants of the
rugged Falkland Islands, which lie about 250 miles
east of the mainland of South America, had not been
at all easy in their minds by reason of their isolation
and the menace of von Spec. At any moment the
282
 Sturdee' s Triumph at the Falklands
German ships might appear on the horizon, the wire-
less station would be destroyed as a matter of course,
and for all they knew men, women, and children
would be put to the sword.
To the intense relief of the islanders, the British
squadron arrived on December 7th, and at once pro-
ceeded to take in coal. The task was finished not a
moment too soon, for early on the morning of the
following day the enemy ships were sighted from the
top of a hill by a member of a local volunteer force,
and the information signalled to Admiral Sturdee. It
is said that when the flag-lieutenant, clad in pyjamas,

informed the Admiral that the enemy was in sight,

Sir Frederick Sturdee stopped his shaving and calmly
"
remarked : Well, you had better go and get dressed,
and we'll see about it later." His first order was for
the crews to have breakfast.
At the moment the Macedonia, to outward appear-
ance a harmless liner, was at anchor at the mouth
of the bay serving as a look-out ship, the Kent and
the battle-cruisers the Invincible and the Inflexible
were at Port William, and the remaining vessels at
Port Stanley, or, as we may term them, the outer
and the inner harbour respectively. It was of the
utmost importance that von Spee should be kept in
ignorance of the presence of the battle-cruisers until
Sturdee was ready for his coup. Word was accord-
ingly passed down to the engine-room that steam was
to be raised with oil fuel, which emits the filthiest
smoke imaginable. It soon came pouring out of the
giant funnels in mammoth wreaths that filled the
harbour and for a time effectually screened everything
from view. Down below in each ship the stokers
worked with a will to raise steam for full speed in the
283
 The Story of the British Navy
shortest possible time. Every tick of the engine-
room clock seemed to increase the tension. The
'
'
black gang took on added dignity, for they alone
could prevent the escape of the Germans. Then the
Kent slowly left her moorings and stationed herself
at the entrance to the bay.
When the leading enemy ships, the Gneisenau and
the Nurnberg, were within range, the Canopus fired
across the low neck of land. They turned away,
shortly afterward altering their course so as to engage
the Kent. While this was being done they apparently
discerned the battle-cruisers, for the Gneisenau and
the Nurnberg made off in the direction of their con-
sorts to seek safety in flight. The Glasgow then
emerged from her hiding-place and joined the Kent
in order that von Spee's movements might be kept
under further observation. Five minutes afterward
the main squadron, with the exception of the Bristol,
steamed out, the Carnarvon leading, followed by the
Inflexible, the Invincible (flagship), and the Cornwall.
The weather conditions were perfect clear, calm, and
sunshiny, with a light breeze. They were therefore
in marked contrast to those which obtained when
Cradock gave battle off Coronel.
When the Invincible poked her inquisitive nose out
of harbour the rear ship of the enemy was seventeen
miles away. Then began a chase lasting for over
two hours. The battle-cruisers forged ahead and
speedily overtook the Kent, but just before going
into action they slowed down, so that all might take
up their allotted stations. Mrs Roy Felton, watching
the progress of the race from a hill, saw two enemy
colliers coming from the direction of Cape Horn.
She telephoned to the authorities, who sent the news
284
 Sturdee's Triumph at the Falklands

by wireless to the British admiral. The Bristol and

the armed auxiliary Macedonia were detailed to deal
with them. They promptly removed the crews of the
colliers and sank the ships. For her patriotic service
the lady was presented with a piece of plate by the
Admiralty.
At 12.47 p.m. Sir Frederick Sturdee ordered the
Invincible, the Inflexible, and the Glasgow to " Open
fire and engage the enemy." The Inflexible let fly
from her fore-turret at the Leipzig, followed by the
Invincible, which also made a target of the light
cruiser. The latter soon began to drop astern. The
firing was altogether too fast and furious for comfort.
Together with the Nurnberg and Dresden she turned
away to the south-west, hoping to escape. Immedi-
ately the Kent, the Glasgow, and the Cornwall steamed
off in the same direction.
The battle-cruisers and the Carnarvon now trans-
ferred their attention to von Spee's flagship and the
Gneisenau. When the range was ascertained, after
another chase due to change of course, Admiral
"
Sturdee signalled God save the King," and the
' '

great grey wolves of the sea opened fire at a dis-

tance of about seven miles, speedily setting the
Scharnhorst ablaze forward, and causing the reply of
her guns to slacken. The Gneisenau was also wounded.
By 3.30 the third funnel of the Scharnhorst was shot
away. The effect of the fire on this vessel, says Sir
"
Frederick Sturdee, became more and more apparent
in consequence of smoke from fires, and also escaping
steam at times a shell would cause a large hole to
;

appear in her side, through which could be seen a dull

red glow of flame. At 4.4 p.m. the Scharnhorst, whose
flag remained flying to the last, suddenly listed heavily
285
 The Story of the British Navy
to port, and within a minute it became clear that she
was a doomed ship ; for the list increased very rapidly
until she lay on her beam-ends, and at 4.17 p.m. she
disappeared." Admiral von Spec went down with
his flagship, and his two sons also perished. The 22nd
German Navy casualty list consisted of the names of
877 and men missing from the Scharnhorst.
officers
The Invincible was hit by several shells, and a hole
was made on the stokers' mess-deck, above the water-
line. One shell dropped almost vertically, and ex-
ploded in the Admiral's store, where it did no vital
damage. All her injuries were of a minor character
and soon repaired. Her gunners had been firing on
and off for about five hours.
The consort of the German flagship continued to
put up a spirited defence, although she was now sub-
jected to the full fury of the Invincible, the Inflexible,
and the Carnarvon. The forward funnel was bowled
over ;
the flashes from her armament became more
fitful. By 5.30 her engines had stopped, steam was
pouring from her escape pipes, fires were evident in
a dozen different parts of the ship, smoke belched
forth and hung like a canopy above the stricken vessel.
Apparently a single gun only remained workable, and
' '

spluttered at intervals. The Germans were game

to the last. Ten minutes after Admiral Sturdee had
given the order to cease fire the Gneisenau heeled over
and lay for a minute on her beam-ends. Then she
sank like a stone.
Everything possible was done to rescue the crew,
some 600 of whom had been killed or wounded during
this contest of giants. Scores were numbed by the
icy water and disappeared, but as many as possible
were lifted into boats sent by the British ships, while
286
 Sturdee's Triumph at the Falklands
others were saved by lifebuoys and other articles
that were flung overboard. On the battle-cruisers
officers and men rubbed the survivors with towels
to stimulate the circulation, gave them every comfort
they could think of, put them in blankets, treated
them as gallant gentlemen. " The men and officers
we picked up were stiff as pieces of wood in the
freezing water," notes one who was engaged in the
work of rescue. Some died while they were being
brought in, and were buried at sea with full naval
honours. Thus does Britain honour the gallant dead,
whether friend or enemy. After the first sharp sting
of defeat had disappeared two of the German officers
amused themselves by working out the details of the
fight with matches to represent the various ships,
and another congratulated the gunnery-officer of the
Inflexible on his rapid rate of fire and the number of
hits he made.
Much had happened in the encounter of the light
cruisers. In the pursuit of the enemy vessels the
gallant little Glasgow, as though eager to wipe out
the stain of the action off Coronel, drew ahead of the
Cornwall and the Kent. At 3 o'clock her 6-inch guns
began to speak in no uncertain language to the
Leipzig. Her object was to endeavour to outrange
"
that ship and thus cause her to alter her course and
give the Cornwall and the Kent a chance of coming
into action."
"
v About 7.15 the Leipzig was hors de combat on
fire from stem to stern and like a sieve," says a sailor
on the Cornwall although she remained afloat until
9 o'clock. When the signal officer of the Glasgow
shouted out that a wireless had been received from
the Admiral, saying that both the Scharnhorst and the
287
 The Story of the British Navy
Gneisenau were sunk, so loud were the cheers that the
enemy must have understood what had happened.
Those who manned the Glasgow's boats beheld an
"
awful sight. She was like a glowing furnace, and
as it was getting dark it showed up more," says one
"
of the seamen. We played our searchlights on her,
and we could see some men up the only mast standing.
She gave three slight heaves to port and then turned
completely upside down, sinking with only just a
hiss of steam and a bubble. The men remaining
jumped over the side and we picked them up. We
got five officers and eleven men, and the Cornwall one
officer and three men, all that were left of 368."
Meanwhile the Kent had fixed her grip on the
Niirnberg after a long chase, for the enemy ship was
'
the faster of the two. Yet the black squad managed
*

by dint of extraordinary exertions to work up her

engines to a couple of knots above their designed
speed, and thus gradually overtook the retreating
cruiser. Ladders were hacked to pieces, every avail-
able door and fitting, armchair and table was broken
up to provide fuel for the furnaces. Within an hour
and a half the Kent had brought her antagonist to a
"
standstill and set her on fire. It was a single-ship
"
action," says the captain, as no other ship was in
sight at the time. The chase commenced at noon
and the action commenced at 5 p.m. After a sharp
action, during which the Kent was struck by the
enemy's shell no less than thirty-six times, the
Niirnberg sank at 7.26 p.m. . .From the time
.

the enemy was sighted until the end of the action

the behaviour of the officers and men of the Kent
was perfectly magnificent." The German ensign was
hauled down, yet a little group of men waved a flag
288
 Sturdee's Triumph at the Falklands
as she took the plunge. Captain Schonberg is re-
"
ported to have said at Honolulu The Numberg
:

will very likely be our coffin, but we are ready to

fight to the last." Of the twelve men rescued only
seven survived, while the Kent had four killed and
twelve wounded. A cause of much grief on the part
of the crew was the loss of the ship's pet canary. It
disappeared, cage and all. The silk ensign presented
by the county after which the cruiser was named was
reduced to ribbons.
It was on this ship that Sergeant Charles Mayes
performed a splendid act of bravery, for which he
was awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal. The
deed is thus set forth in The London Gazette :"A
shell burst and ignited some cordite charges in the
casemate ;a flash of flame went down the hoist into
the ammunition passage. Sergeant Mayes picked up
a charge of cordite and threw it away. He then got
hold of a hose-pipe and flooded the compartment,
extinguishing the fire in some empty shell-bags which
were burning. The extinction of this fire saved a
disaster which might have led to the loss of the ship."
In his dispatch to the Admiralty Sir Frederick
Sturdee pays a well-deserved tribute to the British
" "
crews. I have pleasure," he says, in reporting
that the officers and men under my orders carried
out their duties with admirable efficiency and cool-
ness, and great credit is due to the Engineer Officers
of all the ships, several of which exceeded their normal
fullspeed."
A stoker on the Kent not only underwent the trying
experiences of the Falkland Islands battle, but had
been in the Oravia when she was lost, in the Olympic
when she collided with the evil-starred Hawke, only
289
 The Story of the British Navy
just missed sailing in the Titanic because of illness,
and was one of the crew of the Pathfinder, which was
sunk by a submarine on the 5th of the previous
September. The total British casualties amounted to
seven killed and twelve wounded. No officers were
killed The Germans lost nearly 2,200
or wounded.
and men.
officers
Toward the end of the afternoon the weather
changed. The sky became overcast and cloudy, the
sea choppy. Moreover, the visibility was much re-
duced, and under cover of the gathering darkness
the Dresden managed to escape. She remained at
large until the 14th of the following March. In
avoiding capture she proved herself entirely worthy of
her sister ship, the Emden, although she did nothing
like the amount of damage, and when she was at last
cornered she put up but a half-hearted fight. She
was caught by the Glasgow, the Kent, and the
auxiliary cruiser Orama near Juan Fernandez Island.
The action was one of the shortest on record. It
lasted five minutes. The Dresden then hauled down
her colours and displayed the white flag. Shortly
after the crew had left their ship her magazine ex-
ploded and she disappeared. Fifteen badly wounded
Germans were landed at Valparaiso, the remainder of
the crew being conveyed in a Chilian cruiser to the
Quiriquina Islands, north of Coronel. A pig from the
Dresden became the mascot of one of the British war-
ships, and was duly decorated with a cardboard replica
of the Iron Cross.
The action was afterward made the subject of
protest on the part of the Chilian Government. It
was pointed out that the Dresden had put in at Juan
Fernandez to repair, her commander requesting that
290
 Sturdee's Triumph at the Falklands
she might be allowed eight days for the purpose. He
was given twenty-four hours in which to leave, and
as he did not go he was notified by the Maritime
Governor that his ship would be interned. At this
juncture the British ships arrived, and when she was
ordered to surrender the crew blew up the magazine.
Sir Edward Grey answered that so far as his
"
information went the Dresden had not accepted
internment, and still had her colours flying and her
guns trained," which probably led the captain of the
"
Glasgow to assume, especially in view of the past
action of the Dresden, that she was defying the
Chilian authorities and abusing Chilian neutrality,
and was only awaiting a favourable opportunity to
sally out and attack British commerce again." At
the same time his Majesty's Government offered a
full and ample apology. It was afterward stated
unofficially that the action took place about twelve
miles off Robinson Crusoe's island.
The King sent a message to the Admiral and the
officers and men under his command, congratulating
them on their General French offered the
victory,
felicitations of the Army in France, the Board of

Admiralty wired their thanks. To the felicitations of

Vice-Admiral R. Yashiro, the Japanese Minister of
Marine, Mr Winston Churchill replied at some length.
The First Lord made it evident that had von Spec
turned westward again the victory would doubtless
have fallen to the Japanese and Australian squadrons,
which were coming from the north in the general
combination.
"
With the of Scharnhorst,
sinking Gneisenau y
"
Leipzig, and Ntimberg"
he said, the whole of the
German squadron based on Tsingtau at the outbreak
291
 The Story of the British Navy
of the war has been destroyed, and that base itself
reduced and captured. 1 This event marks the con-
clusion of the active operations in which the Allied
fleets have been engaged in the Pacific for more than
four months, and though it has fallen to a British
squadron in the South Atlantic to strike the final
blow, it is largely owing to the powerful and untiring
assistance rendered by the Japanese Fleet that this
result has been achieved."

Addressing the House of Commons, Mr Winston

Churchill referred to the battle off the Falkland
"
Islands as a memorable event, the relief and advan-
tage of which will only be fully appreciated by those
who have full knowledge of all that has taken place.
The strain in the early months of the war has been
greatly diminished now by the abatement of distant
convoy work and by the clearance of the enemy's
flag from the seas and oceans. There were times
when, for instance, the great Australian convoy of
sixty ships was crossing the Indian Ocean, or the
great Canadian convoy of forty ships, with its pro-
tecting squadrons, was crossing the Atlantic, or when
the regular flow of large Indian convoys of forty or
fifty ships sailing in company was at its height both
ways ; when there was a powerful German cruiser
squadron still at large in the Pacific or the Atlantic,
which had to be watched for or waited for in superior
force in six or seven different parts of the world at
once, and when all the time, within a few hours' steam
of our own shores, there was concentrated a hostile
fleet which many have argued in former times was
little inferior to our own, when there was hardly a

regular soldier left at home, and before the Territorial

1
Tsingtau fell on November 7, 1914.
292
 Sturdee's Triumph at the Falklands
Force and the new armies had attained their present
high efficiency and power there were times when
our naval resources, considerable as they are, were
drawn upon to their utmost limit. But the victory
at the Falkland Islands swept all these difficulties
out of existence it set free a large force of cruisers
;

and battleships for all purposes ; it opened the way

to other operations of great interest. It enabled a
much stricter control and more constant outlook to
be maintained in home waters, and it almost entirely
freed the outer seas of danger."
The long elephantine stretch of land known terri-

torially as Chile and Argentina, with the tip of its

trunk marked by Cape Horn and its mouth by the
Rio de la Plata, became suddenly important to every
Briton in the closing months of the year of the Great
Betrayal. It seemed to be altogether beyond the
range of the conflict yet Coronel on the one side,
;

and the Falkland Islands on the other, developed

into something more than mere geographical ex-
pressions, meaningless enough to the average man.
From them a British defeat and a British victory
took their names. Until the sea gives up its dead
Sir John Cradock and his comrades will repose in the
waters of the Pacific, while the waves of the South
Atlantic will swing to and fro like grass before the
wind above the graves of Count von Spee and the
men who helped him to vanquish his foe and were so
speedily vanquished themselves.

298
 CHAPTER XXVII
Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
Our Navy kept the seas. Without the Navy and the Mer-
cantile Marine the war would have been over in six months.
We should have collapsed. D. LLOYD GEORGE

High Sea Fleet put forth little or no effort

to safeguard German commerce. The gross
THE tonnage of enemy merchant-ships of over 500
gross tons captured by Great Britain and condemned
during the war was 322,202. In addition 319,316
gross tons of enemy ships were detained. Most of
the vessels which escaped did so by seeking refuge
in neutral ports. In far-distant waters, as we have
already noted, several cruisers did considerable dam-
age before they were rounded up, and from time to
time raiders played havoc on the trade-routes, as well
as submarines.
On August 6, 1914, there slipped out of the harbour
of Tsingtau a certain German light cruiser of 3,650
tons. During the following three months the extra-
ordinary exploits of H.I.G.M.S. Emden amazed news-
paper readers of both hemispheres, annoyed exces-
sively the commanding officers of various Australian,
British,French, Russian, and Japanese men-of-war,
whose vigilance she eluded, tried the nerves of ship-
owners whose vessels plied in Eastern waters, and
plundered the pockets of many an underwriter.
In addition to being a skilful seaman,
Captain Karl
294
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
von Miiller possessed a fund of robust humour which
stood him in good stead, for he frankly admitted on
more than one occasion that he was well aware that
a long career was not to be expected. It was a clear
'
case of a short life and a merry one,' as subsequent
events proved. In one respect he was greatly favoured
by fortune. He had on board a certain Lieutenant
Meyer, who had served in Hamburg Amerika liners
-

running to India, and whose knowledge of the waters

must have helped very considerably.
It has also been suggested that Miiller may have
studied to advantage the career of Robert Surcouf,
who performed many feats as a privateer in the
Indian seas. Surcouf, however, usually turned his
prizes into cash by sending them into Mauritius,
which then belonged to the French, whereas Miiller
had no advantage of the kind open to him.
The way in which the Emden managed to escape
from the neighbourhood of Tsingtau, the seaport of
the German settlement of Kiao-chau, on the Yellow
Sea, reads like an extract from one of the chapters
of Max Pemberton's well-known Iron Pirate. The
story, as based on the narrative of Meyer, is this.
In the immediate vicinity was a Japanese armoured
cruiser which was a most inconvenient neighbour to
have. The Emden was therefore painted the colour
of vessels of the British Navy. Then, at the sug-
gestion of the chief engineer, who entered into the
spirit of the great adventure in the schoolboy fashion
of the captain, a dummy funnel was rigged up. The
addition of a White Ensign at the stern completed
her disguise so far as it was possible to do so. The
question was whether the officers of the aforemen-
tioned cruiser would notice anything suspicious. Seeing
295
 The Story of
the British Navy
that they were not British,
and consequently
less

familiar with the lines of the light cruisers of our

chance that the transformed
Navy, there was just a
Emden would escape.
The bluff worked admirably. As the Emden
steamed past the cruiser the gallant little Japanese
lined the decks and the ensigns of each were duly
dipped, as custom and international courtesy ordain.
The Germans even ventured on giving three British
cheers. Then the Emden gradually receded in the
distance and disappeared. For six weeks she was
completely lost. During that time lack of news gave
ample scope for rumour. It was asserted that the
Emden had been in action with the Russian cruiser
Askold, and that both had sunk as a result. In these
things Rumour lied.

During the three months of her feverish existence

as a commerce-raider, comparable in some degree with
that of the Alabama of American Civil War fame,
the Emden captured or sank ships and cargoes cal-
culated to be worth somewhere between 2,000,000
and 4,000,000 sterling. Her victims numbered
twenty-three, including a Russian cruiser and a
French torpedo-boat destroyer. She must have
travelled
"
many thousands of miles during her
crowded hour of glorious life." More than once
she was sighted by British cruisers, but on each
occasion her speed of 24 knots enabled her to escape.
Napoleon believed that war should support war ;

Captain von Miiller either had to enforce the prin-

ciple or perish. With her bunkers crammed to their
utmost capacity, the Emden could only take 850 tons
of coal, and her crew of 361 officers and men had to
be fed. Now it is fairly obvious that she could not
296
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
afford to be sparing of her use of motive power,
because speed was her greatest asset, and it was im-
possible for her to carry sufficient provisions to last
for the three months she was at liberty. Conse-
quently war had to support war. Miiller and his

merry men had to live on their captives.

This modern corsair was launched and completed
in 1909 at Danzig dockyard. For a vessel of her size
her armament was good, for she carried ten 4'1-inch
quick-firers, eight 5-pdr. guns, and two submerged
torpedo-tubes. Her protection was a 2-inch steel
deck over the boiler and engine spaces. Seen from a
distance she looked like a travelling factory, for her
funnels were very tall.
To scour the seas for this very modern and sub-
stantial Flying Dutchman was an exceedingly difficult
matter, and the fact that she disappeared for weeks
together is no reflection on those whose duty it was
to destroy her. Compared with the immense area to
be covered, the North Sea was a mere lake, and the
sheltered bays and islets in which she could hide were
many and varied.
She tapped wireless messages, thus securing in-
formation of the utmost service to her, and it has
been suggested that she also received help from
certain German Protestant missions in Southern India
or the Western Ghauts, and the island of Pulo Weh,
north of Sumatra. A small German sailing-vessel
called the Comet, captured by the Australian Navy,
was found to have on board a complete wireless tele-
graph installation which it is quite possible assisted
the Emden. She used her own apparatus to good effect
by sending out calls which lured British merchantmen
to their doom.
297
 The Story of the British Navy
The Emderis preliminary depredations took place
in the Bay of Bengal between the 10th and the 14th
of September, when she sank five vessels varying
from 3,544 tons to 7,615 tons which had set out from
the Hugli, and captured a sixth, the Kabinga. It is
significant that it was generally understood that
transports with the Indian contingent on board would
leave about this time.
Karl von Miiller carried out his warfare in no cold-
blooded-murder fashion. The crews of the unfor-
tunate ships were always allowed to take to the boats,
or some other suitable provision was made for their
safety, and they were invariably treated in a courteous
way. On this particular occasion, or rather series of
occasions, the sixth vessel was released because the
captain's wife was on board, and Miiller had not the
heart to send a woman off in an open boat in rough
weather.
This, at any rate, was the explanation made by
the gallant Miiller. According to the lady most con-
cerned, when a shot was fired across the vessel's bows
it was thought that the pursuing vessel was a British
cruiser. The captain and his wife were made prisoners
and thirty men stationed on the Kabinga. She was
compelled to follow in the track of the German war-
ship for forty-eight hours, and was then released.
'
The German officers treated us well, and were
gentlemen," says the witness. In the interim the
Harrison liner Diplomat, on her homeward voyage to
Liverpool, had also been sighted by the Emden and
forced to stop, the passengers
being removed to the
Kabinga, with those of the other ships. Five shots were
fired at the Diplomat, and
eventually she disappeared
from mortal ken, plunging bows forward into the deep.
298
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
"
The German commander," writes the captain of
"
the Kabinga in his official report, warned me to
approach the Hugli with caution, as the pilots were
off station, the lightships and buoys removed, he

having heard Calcutta giving the pilot these instruc-

tions by wireless. wireless installation was
My
wrecked as soon as was captured, but they over-
I
looked the fact that we had spare wire on board for
new aerials, and that the installations worked from
the ship's dynamo. They threw the accumulators
away, thinking the Marconi set was then finished.
We rigged new wires as soon as possible, and the
Marconi operators repaired the machinery, and on the
15th I got into communication with Calcutta." Upon
arrival at that port the Kabinga had some four
hundred souls aboard.
The next victim was the liner Clan Matheson, which
was sunk a few days after the encounter with the
Kabinga.
The enterprising commander of the Emden now
varied his adventures by shelling Madras, the only
city of importance on the east coast of India that
lay open to him. Like the raids on Yarmouth and
Hartlepool, it was a case of doing the maximum of
damage in the minimum of time, because of the
possibility of the naval hounds catching the naval
hare. Still,Captain von Miiller showed considerable
intrepidity in steaming under cover of night into the
roads, finding the position of the great oil-tanks with
the aid of his searchlights, and coolly bombarding the
city for a quarter of an hour. Apparently the main idea
was to shell the tanks in the hope that the blazing
liquid would escape and set fire to the adjacent build-
ings, thus involving the capital of the presidency.
299
 The Story of the
British Navy
The first two shells struck the steamer Chupra,
a vessel of owned by the British India
6,175 tons
Steam Navigation Company, which happened to be
directly in the line of fire.
The third shell hit the
bungalow of the manager of the Burma Oil Company,
and wrecked a bedroom. Fortunately the family got
away, although they narrowly escaped death from
another shell that near them, killing the
burst
durwan. Another fell near a native policeman, and
so great was the concussion that his body was subse-
quently recovered from the harbour. A poor little
child walking by the side of the tramway was killed
by a fragment of shell, and the surgical ward of the
Varendas Hospital was struck. An iron bogie wagon
near by was so punctured by splinters of flying steel
that it looked like a giant sieve on wheels, and the
telegraph-office and the Seamen's Club House were
also hit. By this time two of the huge kerosene oil
tanks were alight, but by great good fortune those
containing petrol were missed otherwise a most
;

disastrous tragedy would have ensued. The guns of

Fort George opened against the hostile ship, but
certainly failed to do material damage to her. In
the circumstances the work of the gun-layers on the
Emden was excellent. Very soon the buildings of the
city stood up like gaunt ghosts as the lurid flames,
fed by a million and a half gallons of oil, reached
higher and higher until they were visible for a hundred
miles, and above all rolled a dense black cloud that
slowly coiled up from the blazing tanks and formed a
mammoth drop
-
curtain. According to one corre-
spondent there was no commotion in Madras, while
another has it that there was " frightful excitement "
on the part of the natives, many of whom fled from
800
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
what they doubtless regarded as a doomed city.
Others, whose curiosity got the better of fear, lined
the beach and coolly watched the flash of the guns
from the fort and the ship. In fifteen minutes the
Emden managed to do 50,000 worth of damage.
The bombardment of Madras took place on Sept-
ember 22nd. On the following day information was
received of the occurrence by H.M.S. Hampshire.
On the 25th, when the same cruiser was nearing
Madras, she ascertained that the enemy was off the
French settlement of Pondicherry. Here also she
fired a few shots, and yet again Dame Fortune
favoured her, for the Hampshire arrived off the port
just two hours after the will-o'-the-wisp of the Indian
Ocean had left. That the cruiser only just missed
her quarry is proved by the statement of the captain
of one of the prizes, who was informed that on one
occasion the commanding officer of the Emden ascer-
tained by means of wireless messages that the
Hampshire was eight miles distant.
Looking for the proverbial needle in a pottle of
hay was mere child's play compared to the task of
the Allied commanders, particularly as it was the
"
season of the mist-making monsoon. We have
been right south in the heat, and now we are
shivering," writes a bugler in a British cruiser which
missed the Emden by a matter of ten miles. On this
occasion, in company with two other ships, a
and
bold attempt was made to come within range of the
rover. Everything was going well when a fog came
on, and that was the end of the chase. On this par-
ticular occasion the fugitive was accompanied by
three colliers.
In the last week of September half a dozen vessels,
801
 The Story of the
British Navy
fell to the prowess of
aggregating over 24,000 tons,
the intrepid Miiller. Of these, four were sent to the
bottom of the Indian Ocean, one was released for the
of taking the crews of the others to Colombo,
purpose
and a collier was retained for fairly obvious reasons.
Fortunately three of the prizes were in ballast, but
another, the Tymeric, was making her way from Java
to Falmouth with a valuable cargo of sugar.
Previous to their release the officers and men of
the captured ships were treated with much kindness
on board the Emden. No lights were allowed in their
cabins at night a wise precaution to prevent the
possibility of signalling but the men were given
opportunities for recreation during the day. A
steward apologized for bringing pancakes and ham
for breakfast, and the prisoners were further regaled
with a performance of the band on Sunday.
The Emden s usual procedure in securing her prey
" "
was to signal Stop ! and then to send an armed
crew aboard. After the ship's papers had been ex-
amined, the vessel was searched for provisions and any
articles that the Emden happened to be requiring.
Sometimes the crew were given ten minutes to get their
"
belongings together, occasionally half an hour. It
is the fortune of war, captain," was the apology of

the officer who boarded the S.S. Riberia a couple of

hundred miles west of Colombo. Another officer
expressed tke hope that when the Emden was cap-
tured it would be by a British ship. " But we shall
run," he declared ; "we are not built for fighting."
The captain was very sparing of his torpedoes, and
usually sent his captures to Davy Jones's locker by
placing mines in them and opening the sea-cocks.
The treatment was always "
effective. The vessel's
802
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
sideswere blown out," says Captain D. Harris of the
King Lud, whose ship was destroyed by the former
method.
It must not be inferred that the raider captured
every ship plying on the trade-route. She missed
several very rich prizes, including a Brocklebank
liner. Captain Giacapello, of the Italian steamer
Loredano, was stopped by the raider, and when
released he at once warned several ships and trans-
ports, thus enabling them to escape. For the ser-
vices thus rendered Captain Giacapello was presented
with a gold watch and chain by Lord Carmichael,
Governor of Bengal ;
mementoes were also given to
the officers of his ship, and cash rewards to the crew.
A remarkable escape was that of the French Messa-
geries Maritimes steamer Paul Lecat. She received a
wireless telling her to change her course and steam in
a given direction so as to avoid meeting the German
cruiser. Owing to a slight error in the signal the
captain was suspicious and proceeded on his way.
Had he heeded the instruction he would have fallen
into the Emden's trap.
On or about October 15th H.M.S. Yarmouth, com-
manded by Captain Henry L. Cochrane, captured
two of the raider's colliers, the Markomannia and the
Pontoporos, the former a Hamburg-Amerika liner of
4,504 tons and the latter a Greek vessel of 4,049 tons,
off the Sumatra coast, but again the elusive Emden

escaped.
Five days later seven more vessels fell into her
net, including a second steamer of the Clan Line and
a poorlittle dredger of 473 tons that was laboriously

making her way to Tasmania. Three of these prizes

were brand-new ships, and only two of the seven
803
 The Story of the British Navy
were allowed to remain afloat namely, the Exford of
4,542 tons and the Saint Egbert of 5,596 tons. It was
a rich haul, particularly as the former was carrying a
cargo of the best Welsh steam-coal for British war-
ships, but the victims were destined to be the last
of the ships flying the red ensign that were to fall
prey to the Emden.
Having rigged up the Emden's dummy funnel once
more, and made one or two other disguises, von
Miiller prepared for a yet greater effort. He deter-
mined to make a raid on Penang, one of the colonies
of the Straits Settlements. This port was used as a
base by H.M.S. Yarmouth, and although he does not
appear to have hoped that the Emden would be mis-
taken for that vessel, the disguise was so clever that
an observer on the shore candidly admitted that he
was deceived and thought it was the British cruiser.
The time chosen by von Miiller was the breaking of
dawn, when there was just enough light for him to
see what he was doing and probably insufficient for
the patrol ships on the watch to distinguish his real
nationality. Boldness was essential, and that had
ever been associated with the captain's strategy.
A Russian cruiser, a small French gunboat, and
two or three destroyers were lying in the roadstead.
The Emden managed to get past the patrol boats,
which took her for a vessel belonging to the Allied
fleets. The light cruiser, rushing along at great
speed, approached the Russian Zhemtchug, a third-
class armoured cruiser of 3,130 tons built at
Petrograd
in 1904 and armed with half a dozen 4*7-inch
quick-
firing guns. According to the scanty official report
of the Russian
Admiralty, which tallies with a log
kept by one of the German petty officers, the Emden
804
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
opened with a torpedo which exploded near the
fire

Zhemtchug's bow, and on the latter bringing her guns

into action a second torpedo sank the ship. An
engineer on the steamer Nigaristan, which was lying
in the harbour, positively asserts that two broadsides
were fired into the cruiser that was taken at such
grave disadvantage, and that the second broadside
exploded the magazines. The evidence of another
witness is to the same effect. The Russian report
makes no mention of the gunfire of the Emden,
whereas the German officer says that salvo after salvo
in all 100 shots were hurled at the vessel, which
testifies to the terrible pommelling that the Zhemtchug
received.
On the Emden's return to the open sea the French
destroyer Mousquet, which was on patrol duty,
attempted to grapple with her. The Mousquet put up
a gallant fight, and continued firing until she was
sunk by the more powerful vessel. A shell that
exploded on the bridge shot away both legs of
Captain Therionne, who ordered his men to lash
him to the deck and continued to command his
little vessel. Thirty-six survivors were picked up by
the Emden's boats, but three were so badly wounded
that they died shortly afterward. Of the 250 officers
and men saved from the Russian cruiser no fewer than
112 were wounded, and 85 of the crew perished.
The chase of the Emden was continued by a second
destroyer after the sinking of the Mousquet. The light
cruiser, however, soon outdistanced her pursuer.
The strain on the nerves of a commander who
knows that his ship must be destroyed sooner or later,
that every day may be his last and is certainly
bringing him appreciably nearer to the inevitable
805
 The Story of the British Navy
finish, must be well-nigh intolerable. Yet we find the
inexhaustible fund of humour bubbling up in Captain
von Miiller as it did in M. Adolphe Max, the Burgo-
master of Brussels. For instance, great was the
surprise of the wireless operator of H.M.S. Yarmouth
to receive a call from the Emden one night while the
British cruiser was engaged in escorting a ship from
Singapore, which is at the extreme end of the Malay
"
Peninsula, Penang being on the west coast. Captain
von Miiller and the ward-room mess," ticked the
"
instrument, present their compliments, and would
be obliged if the Yarmouth would let them have the
result of the inter-regimental Rugby football match."
As was only to be expected, for Jack Tar keenly
appreciates a joke, the result was duly sent across
the intervening waters. Moreover, the message was
concluded with the intimation that soon British
sportsmen in the East would have the pleasure of
the company Emden at all field
of the captain of the
and track events. By many stories had
this time
gathered about Karl von Miiller. One had it that
he had wirelessed to the pilot brig at the mouth
of the Hugli that he would be delighted to carry the
mails ; another told how he had asked the commander
of a vessel if he had heard anything of the Emden,
and on being replied to in the negative answered :

"
Well, I am it."

Shortly after his visit to Penang Captain von

Miiller, sothe tale goes, called at Diego Garcia, one
of the Chagos Islands and a British
possession. Very
few people live there, the total population numbering
about 540 people, of whom the odd forty are
Europeans. Von Miiller had two urgent necessities,
namely, the taking in of coal and the removal of weeds
806
 Commerce-destroying on the High Seas
and barnacles. The Englishman who interrogated the
captain as to his bona fides was told that the Emden
was carrying out manoeuvres with the British Navy,
which was perfectly true up to a certain point. There
was a display of goodwill on either side, and as no
one on the island was aware of the outbreak of war,
no attempt was made to enlighten them. Von Miiller
merely vouchsafed the information that the Pope
was dead. As Pius X had breathed his last on the
20th of the previous August this was not particularly
up-to-date news. However, it sufficed. When asked
about British politics von Miiller adopted the official
attitude by answering courteously but evasively.
On hearing that the motor-boat of the gentleman
in question had broken down, the German com-
mander at once sent a couple of engineers to repair
it. The natives made his ship almost as bright as a
new pin, coal was secured, and Captain von Miiller
showed his gratitude by paying for the labour in-
volved and saying that he would be delighted to
forward the delivery of any letters that might be
entrusted to him. The Englishman then sent on
board a bottle of wine and a box of cigars, doubtless
thinking that he was not only giving pleasure to the
recipient, but aiding the worthy cause of international
brotherhood. With a farewell salute of her guns the
Emden went on her way, and a little group of
Imperialists stood and watched her as she receded in
the blue distance.

307
 CHAPTER XXVIII
" Emden "
Rounding up the
Success covert a multitude of blunders.
NELSON

her daring and dramatic coup at Penang,

involving the loss of two war-vessels, the
A'TER Emden again disappeared for a time. It was
her last raid and her final victory. British, French,
' '

Russian, and Japanese cruisers were busy sweeping

the sea, an immense area, it is true, but scarcely too
vast to defeat the methodical plan pursued by the
combined fleets. It was therefore evident that at
no very distant date the Emden must be cornered.
To which navy should fall the honour of ending her
career would be decided rather by fortune than by
tactics. As we rounding up of the Emden
shall see, the
' '
was actually achieved when the sweeping opera-
tions had been temporarily suspended in order to
convoy transports.
"
Weneed patience," wrote a philosophical sailor
of H.M.S. Hampshire, who had not set foot on land
for two months after leaving Hakodate, in Japan,
and had chased " half round Asia " in pursuit of the
German corsair. The Emden was not to fall to the
Hampshire. She was, however, within an ace of
being caught by the Japanese. One night, when
the Australian and New Zealand contingents were
only some fifty miles off Cocos Keeling Island, a
308
 u Emden"
Rounding up the
message was received from our Eastern Allies warning
the convoy that the enemy was in the vicinity. Every
member of the Expeditionary Force on the armada
of transports was ordered to don a lifebelt and line
up on deck. The boats were swung out on the davits
for instant service. Ammunition was served out to
the guard. The cruisers cleared for action, the trans-
ports were ready with their light artillery to lend a
hand should opportunity come, and one army officer
erected a little barricade of sacks of flour and placed
a Maxim gun behind it. His idea was that if the
Emden came sufficiently close he might have an oppor-
tunity of raking the bridge. The lightning which
flashed across the dark and sullen waters afforded the
men a momentary gleam, Nature thereby disobeying
'
the order of Lights out.' Yet it revealed nothing
but sea and ships their own ships. It was not an
enviable experience, especially as the troops discarded
every shred of clothing other than their trousers.
Not one of them knew whether it would be the solitary
Emden or von Spec's Pacific Squadron that might
appear at any minute, but each cordially wished the
disturbers of their peace at the bottom of the sea.
While they were standing thus, the silence broken
only by the monotonous churning of the screws and
the sough of the sea, the dull roar of a distant gun
was heard. There suddenly shot out of the darkness
the still darker forms of three cruisers racing under
forced draught in the direction from whence the low,
reverberating boom had come. The tension was
appalling even to men who knew not fear, for a
soldier likes to get to grips with his enemy. It lasted
until the first streaks of dawn stole across the sky.
Later in the morning it was noised aboard that the
 The
Story of the British Navy
elusive Emden was being chased by the wily Sydney.
When it was known that the German corsair had at
last met her doom, a holiday was proclaimed through-
out the fleet.
It was then, and not till then, that the full signi-
ficance of the Australian Navy was realized by those
on board the transports. A few days later every
thinking citizen of the British Empire praised the
foresight of the colonial statesmen who had realized
the immense importance of Sea-Power to the great
southern continent. It was only so recently as 1909
that the Commonwealth had determined to have a
fleet, which included in August 1914 one large battle-
cruiser, four light cruisers, six destroyers, and two
submarines. The wisdom of this decision was demon-
strated by the splendid part played by these vessels
in the opening phase of the World War. In addition
to cornering the Emden, capturing German merchant-
ships, and assisting in destroying enemy wireless
stations, the Australian Navy took part in the search
for von Spec's squadron.
Other important work was accomplished by the
* '

capture of various places in the sun on which the

German Emperor set such store. Following the
Nauru, the Australia and the
seizure of the island of
Melbourne helped to convoy the New Zealand Expe-
ditionary Force to Samoa, the lovely group of vol-
*
canic islands known as the gem of the Pacific,' and
so long a bone of contention between Great Britain,
Germany, and the United States. Lack of men
precluding any idea of defence, the enemy sur-
rendered without bloodshed. The bluejackets landed
at Apia, the last home of Robert Louis Stevenson,
on August 30th. On the next day, a little over
810
 u Emden "
Rounding up the
fourteen years following the hoisting of the German
colours, the Union Jack waved over the buildings of
the late Imperial Government. This gave intense
satisfaction to every son of Britain in the Common-
wealth, for all were firmly convinced that when the
Motherland renounced her claim to the islands in 1899
she committed a grave error of judgment. That
blunder was now wiped off the slate.
Attention was next paid to the Bismarck Archi-
pelago, which has an area of nearly 20,000 square
miles. The preliminary operations began on Sept-
ember llth, when a little band of twenty-five men
set out to destroy a wireless station on the island of
New Pommern (late New Britain). They were met
by Germans and natives cleverly hidden in coco-nut
palm trees, who drove them back, after killing an
officer of the Army Medical Corps and a naval

petty officer. A force six times as large was next

landed near Herbertshohe under Commander J. A. H.
"
Beresford. In
proceeding," says the Admiralty
"
dispatch, progress was stoutly opposed, and the
its

party had to fight their way for four miles through

the bush, the road being in many places mined."
Half a dozen Germans and a number of natives had
sought to protect the wireless station by digging them-
selves in. The colonials advanced without the
slightest hesitation and charged with great gallantry,
but it was not until late afternoon that the enemy
surrendered.
"
We "
found," says Commander Beresford, that
Herbertshohe was splendidly prepared for defence.
They had had two months to get ready, and their
trenches and defences were in ideal positions. If the
positions had been reversed, and we had been the
311
 The Story of the British Navy
defenders, Herbertshohe would still be fighting. I
don't think any force in the world could shift British
defenders from such a position as the German officers
and native troops had provided.
"
We had taken the first line of trenches and
advanced upon the second when a flag of truce
appeared, and a German officer with an orderly came
up to ask me what terms he could get for surrender.
The orderly acted as an interpreter. I have since
found out that the German officer understands
English as well as I do myself. I had already written
out the terms unconditional surrender of all forces
and arms. There was forty minutes' parleying, with
altogether too much German for me. At last I pulled
out my watch and gave him five minutes to sign
'
Surrender.' I like that man. He's one of the
coolest soldiers I've ever met. He talked German to
his interpreter for exactly four minutes, and then he
' '

signed Surrender.' Rabaul, the capital, was occu-

pied without difficulty, but at Toma, in the moun-
tains, the Germans did not propose to give in so easily.
One of the warships therefore shelled the position, in
much the same way as the British squadron paved
the way for the landing of troops in Gallipoli. The
advance of the troops was made under a blazing sun
which added immeasurably to the difficulties of the
march, but on storming the trenches it was found
that the enemy had vacated them. Shortly afterward
a white flag was shown and the Germans surrendered.
Before steaming into Rabaul harbour, it was sup-
posed that four German cruisers were there coaling,
and the Sydney therefore prepared to dash in under
cover of night and torpedo them. It was afterward
ascertained that the ships had left the day before.
312
 " Emden "
Rounding up the
In the week of September the town and harbour
last
of Wilhelm, the seat of government of
Friedrich
Kaiser Wilhelm' s Land, German New Guinea, was
occupied.
Again the apparently endless search of the vast
Pacific was recommenced. Sometimes suspicious-
looking smoke would be seen on the horizon, but
never a sign of the quarry, and occasionally the
wireless would catch German messages. After running
many thousands of miles, the Australian fleet was
ordered south to take part in the task of convoying
the patriotic colonists who had so wholeheartedly
rallied to the Empire's call. Perhaps the activities of
the fleet will be better appreciated by the reader when
he is told that after four months' work the men were
given four hours' leave.
At this point we again come in touch with the
Emden, one of whose officers subsequently stated that
no one on board had the least idea that transports
were in the vicinity, so well had the authorities
guarded the secret of their movements. First of all
let us read the official report of Captain John C. T.

Glossop, of H.M.A.S. Sydney, who was well acquainted

with southern waters. As a midshipman he had ex-
perienced the terrible hurricane at Apia in 1889, and
played his part in the splendid seamanship which
enabled H.M.S. Calliope to escape from the harbour
and ride the gale in the open sea. The Sydney, it
should be noted, is a light cruiser of 5,400 tons, with
a speed of 25*5 knots, an armament of eight 6-inch
guns, four 3-pdr. quick-firing guns, and two submerged
torpedo-tubes. She was completed at Birkenhead in
1912.
"1. Whilst on escort duty with the convoy under
313
 The Story of the British Navy
the charge of
Captain Silver, H.M.A.S. Melbourne,
at 6.30 a.m.on Monday, 9th November," says
"
Captain Glossop, a wireless message from Cocos
was heard reporting that a foreign warship was off
the entrance. I was ordered to raise steam for full
speed at 7.0 a.m., and proceed thither. I worked

up to 20 knots, and at 9.15 a.m. sighted land ahead

and almost immediately the smoke of a ship which
proved to be H.I.G.M.S. Emden coming out toward
me at a great rate. At 9.40 a.m. fire was opened,
she firing the first shot. I kept my distance as much
as possible to obtain the advantage of my guns. Her
fire was very accurate and rapid to begin with, but
seemed to slacken very quickly, all casualties occur-
ring in this ship almost immediately. First the fore-
most funnel of her went, secondly the foremast, and
she was badly on fire aft, then the second funnel went,
and lastly the third funnel, and I saw she was making
for the beach on North Keeling Island, where she
grounded at 11.20 a.m. I gave her two more broad-
sides and left her to pursue a merchant-ship which had
come up during the action.
"
2. Although I had guns on this merchant -
ship
at odd times during the action, I had not fired, and
as she was making off fast I pursued and overtook
her at 12.10, firing a gun across her bows, and hoisting
International Code Signal to stop, which she did. I
sent an armed boat and found her to be the S.S.
Buresk, a captured British collier with 18 Chinese
crew, 1 English steward, 1 Norwegian cook, and a
German prize crew of 3 officers, 1 warrant officer,
and 12 men. The ship unfortunately was sinking,
the Kingston valve knocked out and damaged to
prevent repairing, so I took all on board, fired four
814
 " Emden "
Rounding up the
shells into her,and returned to the Emden, passing
men swimming whom I left two boats
in the water, for
I was towing from the Buresk.
"
3. On arriving again off the Emden she still had
her colours up at mainmast head. I inquired by
* '

signal, International Code, Will you surrender ?

and received a reply in Morse ' What signal ? No
signal books.' I then made in Morse
'
Do you sur-
'
render ? and subsequently Have you received my
'

'

signal ? to neither of which did I get an answer.

The German officers on board gave me to understand
that the captain would never surrender, and therefore,
though very reluctantly, I again fired at her at 4.30
p.m., ceasing at 4.35, as she showed white flags and
hauled down her ensign by sending a man aloft.
"
4. I then left the Emden and returned and picked

up the Buresk's two boats, rescuing two sailors (5.0

p.m.) who had been in the water all day. I returned
and sent in one boat to the Emden, manned by her
own prize crew from the Buresk, and one officer, and
stating I would return to their assistance next morning.
"
5. I lay on and off all night and communicated
with Direction Island at 8.0 a.m., 10th November,
to find that the Emden's party, consisting of 3 officers
and 40 men, one launch and two cutters, had seized and
provisioned a 70 tons schooner (the Ayesha), having
four Maxims with two belts to each. They left the
previous night at six o'clock. The wireless station
was entirely destroyed, one cable cut, one damaged,
and one intact. I borrowed a doctor and two assis-
tants, and proceeded as fast as possible to the Emden's
assistance.
"
6. I sent an officer on board to see the captain,
and in view of the large number of prisoners and
315
 The Story of the British Navy
wounded and lack of accommodation, etc., in this
ship, and the absolute impossibility of leaving them
where they were, he agreed that if I received his
officers and men and all wounded
'
then as for such
time as they remained in the Sydney they would cause
no interference with ship or fittings, and would be
amenable to the ship's discipline.' I therefore set to
work at once to tranship them a most difficult
operation, the ships being on weather side of island
and the send alongside very heavy. The conditions
in the Emden were indescribable. I received the last
from her at 5.6. p.m., then had to go round to the
leeside to pick up 20 more men who had managed
to get ashore from the ship.
"
7. Darkness came on before this could be accom-

plished, and the ship again stood off and on all night,
renewing operations at 5 a.m. on llth November,
a cutter's crew having to land with stretchers to bring
wounded round to embarking point. A German
officer,a doctor, died ashore the previous day. The
ship in the meantime ran over to Direction Island to
return their doctor and assistants, send cables, and
was back again at 10 a.m., embarked the remainder
of wounded,and proceeded for Colombo by 10.35 a.m.,
Wednesday, llth November.
"
8. Total casualties in the Sydney : Killed, 3 ;

severely wounded (since dead) 1 severely wounded,

;

4 ; wounded, 4 slightly wounded, 4.

; In the Emden
I can only approximately state the killed at 7 officers
and 108 men from captain's statement. I had on
board 11 officers, 9 warrant officers, and 191 men, of
whom 3 officers and 53 men were wounded, and of this
number 1 officer and 3 men have since died of wounds.
"
9. The damage to the Sydney's hull and fittings
316
 " Emden"
Rounding up the
was surprisingly small in all about ten hits seem to
;

have been made. The engine and boiler rooms and

funnels escaped entirely.
"
10. I have great pleasure in stating that the
behaviour of the ship's company was excellent in every
way, and with such a large proportion of young hands
and people under training it is all the more gratifying."
An official document does not give much scope
for romance, but there
is plenty in connexion with

the destruction of the Emden. Captain Glossop, for

instance,makes no reference in his dispatch, as pub-
work of the cable operators of
lished, to the splendid
the Eastern Telegraph Company at Singapore and on
Cocos Island.
Early on the morning of November 9th the operator
at Singapore was in communication with Cocos Island.
Everything was working well, when the dull mono-
tony of gathering more or less uninteresting informa-
tion was broken by the receipt of a sentence of half
a dozen words that were destined to have far-reaching
"
consequences. The message ran : Emden at Cocos
landing armed party." Then the instrument was
silent, and although the operator at Singapore en-
deavoured to get more news there was no response.
'

Evidently there was a break,' or the cable had been

cut, or something tragic had happened to the man
at the other end. An old mirror instrument was set
working some hours later, and brought a reply from
the island. Then the dread secret of the silence was
"
revealed. Been unable to communicate. Every-
thing smashed. No light. Will get an instrument
up at daylight. Report us all well. Emden engaged
by British cruiser. Result unknown. Landing party
commandeered schooner Ayesha. Good-night."
817
 The
Story of the British Navy
When the Emden was sighted off the island the
telegraph staff at once suspected a visit from the
celebrated corsair, of which they had heard a great
deal but had never seen. The dummy funnel which
had been so exceedingly useful proved to be her un-
doing. Somehow or other on this particular occasion
it did not look the part. It appeared to be rather a

product of the carpenter's craft than of the engineer's

skill. More significant still, no ensign was visible.
With praiseworthy promptitude one of the assistants at
once sent by wireless a signal of distress and brief par-
ticulars of the case in thehope that a naval ship might
pick it up, while another man dispatched the message
given above to Singapore. A launch armed with four
Maxim guns, and accompanied by two boats, having on
board three officers and forty men of the Emden,
shortly afterward reached the beach, but before they
destroyed the instruments and wrecked the wireless
installation H.M.S. Minotaur had received the mar-
conigram. The Melbourne also appears to have picked
it up, and the captain detached the Sydney, which

was a faster ship, to secure the coveted prize. This

was a noble thing to do, for Captain Silver would have
been quite within his province had he proceeded in
the Melbourne and brought von Muller to action.
No sooner had the landing party under the com-
mand of Captain-Lieutenant von Miicke secured the
knives and fire-arms of the staff and finished their
destructive work than the cruiser Sydney was seen
approaching, and the Emden got under way to meet
her. It became a case of sauve qui pent so far as the
Germans on the island were concerned. Within easy
distance of the shore was the schooner Ayesha, the
property of Mr Clunies-Ross, the owner of the islands.
318
 " Emden"
Rounding up the
They rowed out to her, asked a few questions of the
captain, ascertained what there was on board, and
returned to shore. A little later they boarded the
ship a
forsecond time, and politely informed the
crew that they had twenty minutes to pack up their
belongings and leave. Labouring under the erroneous
idea that sailors of the British Mercantile Marine
wore white clothes, all articles answering to that
description were commandeered, likewise the navi-
gating gear and other nautical articles likely to be
of service tothem in their endeavour to escape. The
crew had no alternative but to obey without un-
necessary delay. One cannot argue with a bayonet.
They were escorted back to the island and made
prisoners of war, together with the telegraph staff.
Then all were marched to a boat-shed and placed
under guard, while the remainder of the Germans
rifledthe stores and generally prepared for their forth-
coming voyage. In addition to food and water they
helped themselves to various articles, including pistols
and cartridges, cutlery, watches, knives, razors, to-
bacco, clothes, prism -
glasses, cigarette
-
cases, and a
camera, the total value being estimated at over 160.
A pirates' haul in very truth !

Having made all snug on board the Ayesha, the

Germans remained in possession of the island until
it was conclusively proved to them that the Emden

was getting decidedly the worst of her encounter

with the Australian cruiser. In the gathering dusk
they hoisted sail, fervently hoping that under cover
of night they would be able to steal away without
attracting the attention of too-vigilant officers of any
British man-of-war that might be in the vicinity.
When the prisoners in the boat-house broke out of
319
 The Story of the British Navy
their gaol they tore down the German ensign that
fluttered above them and congratulated themselves
on the knowledge that the little schooner was in a
very leaky condition and both her pumps were out of
order. The crew of forty-three managed to patch her
up, for on the 28th of the following month it was
reported that she visited Padang, a port on the south-
west coast of Sumatra, and obtained further supplies
by raiding the stores of a Dutch telegraph station.
Eventually the Captain-Lieutenant and his little band
made their way to the Red Sea port of Hodeideh,
where they discarded the Ayesha. After a terrible
march across country and conflicts with unfriendly
Arabs, as a result of which they suffered several
casualties, the little band arrived at Jeddah, where
the wounded were placed in hospital. In due course
they reached Bagdad, and got on to the Anatolian
Railway and so to Haidar Pasha, whence they were
conveyed by a destroyer to Seraglio Point. Their
appearance at Constantinople naturally aroused con-
siderable enthusiasm among the Turks we hear of
;

them parading through the streets with a guard of

honour, and then lose sight of them on board a
German steamer, where they took up their quarters.
As soon as the Emden got under way she opened
fire at the Sydney and steamed north at top speed.
Her shooting, as Captain Glossop avers, was " very
accurate," a statement borne out by an eyewitness
on land. The first shell to strike the Sydney pene-
trated the deck before exploding, wounding several of
the crew. The Emden also had the good fortune to
put her opponent's main range-finder out of action and
to damage the after fire-control station, wounding all
the men there. Very few of the Emden's shells did
820
 Rounding up the " Emden"
seriousdamage, although one exploded in the boys'
mess, but any danger of fire was removed by the
water thrown up by the bow, which poured through
the shot-hole and soon flooded that portion of the
vessel.
Meanwhile the gun-layers of the Sydney had got to
"
work. About the third salvo of our chaps," says
an engine-room artificer of the Australian cruiser,
"
brought down one of the funnels of the Emden,
and tore away all the after part of her deck, and,
luckily for us, flooded the submarine flat where her
torpedoes were kept. We were engaged hot and
strong about two hours, and the greatest credit is due
to our skipper, who manoeuvred the ship splendidly.
We were steaming about 27 knots, and it was not
long before we silenced the Emden's guns one by one
until there was but one left. But her crew were very
game, and used that one until all her ammunition
was gone and she started to sink, so the only hope
they had was to run her aground on the island."
Von Miiller, in his account of the battle, states
"
that at first our marksmanship was good, but soon
the heavy British guns gained the upper hand,
inflicting heavy losses among our gunners. As we
"
were short of ammunition," he adds, we were
obliged to cease firing." The real truth of the
matter is that they were short of guns for several
;

had been put out of action. By skilfully manoeuvring

his vessel so as to keep out of the Emden s range, in
the performance of which he covered a distance of
nearly sixty miles, Captain Glossop used his superior
weight of metal, his longer range, and his speed to
the greatest possible advantage. Von Miiller at-
tempted to get sufficiently close to use his torpedoes,
321
 The Story of the British Navy
but was foiled. The Sydney's broadside of 500 Ib.
crashed into the corsair again and again, until she
was forced to run ashore to prevent going down with
all hands. It has been stated that she took the ground
when steaming at 19 knots, and that the jar was so
terrific that the man at the wheel was killed instantly

by being flung against it.

According to an officer on the Sydney, whose

account of the action appeared in The Times, the
hottest part of the battle for those on the Australian
cruiser was the first thirty minutes. The first shot
to do serious damage struck the vessel close to No. 2
"
starboard gun, knocking out practically the whole
of that gun's crew." Then a cordite fire started, but
was fortunately got under by the hose that is always
in evidence when a ship is in action.
"
Our hits were
"
not very serious," the officer says. We were
* '
hulled in about three places. The shell that
exploded in the boys' mess deck, apart from ruining
-

the poor little beggars' clothes, provided a magnifi-

cent stock of trophies. For two or three days they
kept finding fresh pieces. The only important damage
was the after control-platform, which is one mass of
gaping holes and tangled iron, and the foremost range-
finder shot away. Other hits, though ' interesting,
"
don't signify.'
Perhaps the most entertaining part of the same
breezy letter is that dealing with the Emden as they
found her on the following day, November 10th.
"
At 11.10 a.m.," we read, " we arrived off the Emden
again. Iwas sent over to her in one of the cutters.
Luckily her stern was sticking out beyond where the
surf broke, so that with a rope from the stern of the
ship one could ride close under one quarter, with the
822
 " Emden "
Rounding up the
boat's bow to seaward. The rollers were very big,
and the surging to and fro and so on made getting
aboard fairly difficult. However, the Germans stand-
ing aft gave me a hand up, and I was received by the
captain of the Emden. I told him from our captain
that if he would give his parole the captain was pre-
pared to take all his crew on board the Sydney and
take them straight up to Colombo. He stuck a little
'
over the word parole,' but readily agreed when I
explained the exact scope of it. And now came the
dreadful job of getting the badly wounded into the
boats. There were 15 of these. . . . The Germans
were all suffering badly from thirst, so we hauled the
boats' water - casks up on deck, and they eagerly
broached them, giving the wounded some first.
"
I took an early opportunity of saluting the captain
of the Emden and saying, You fought very well, sir.'
'

He seemed taken aback, and said, ' No.' I went

away, but presently he came up to me and said,
'
Thank you very much for saying that, but I was
not satisfied. We should have done better. You
were very lucky in shooting away all my voice-pipes
at the beginning.'
"
When I got a chance, with all the boats away,
I went to have a look round the ship. I have no
intention of describing what I saw. With the excep-
tion of the forecastle, which is hardly touched from
fore-bridge to stern post, she is nothing but a shambles,
and the whole thing was most shocking."
In Germany the destruction of the corsair had a
particularly depressing effect, not only because of the
loss of the vessel, but because the trade of their hated
rival in Indian waters could no longer be harassed.

323
 CHAPTER XXIX
Fighting Land-battles at Sea
1 am of opinion the boldest measures are the safest.
NELSON

attempted forcing of the Dardanelles was

THE the one definitely offensive campaign under-

taken by Great Britain and France in Europe
in 1914-15. It opened with a brilliant but unsuccessful

attempt by the Navy and ended in a dual failure on

the part of the Navy and the Army.
The beginning of the operations was not quite fair
to the senior service, although it must be admitted
that Admiral Garden, commander-in-chief in the Medi-
terranean, was of opinion that the fortifications of
the Dardanelles could be reduced by a regular and
sustained naval bombardment. This belief was up-
held by various British and French experts, including
the war staff of the Admiralty, but excluding Lord
Fisher.
The die was cast. Only 163 miles separated the
entrance of the Dardanelles from the Golden Horn.
Unfortunately they were not ordinary miles. They
teemed with formidable difficulties. Land fortifi-
cations, mines, floating torpedoes, submarines, those
will-o'-the-wisps the Goeben and the Breslau, plus
the obsolete Turkish Navy each and all would be
used against the Armada. The Navy knew of these
things. The Turks, stiffened by German officers,
324
 Fighting Land-battles at Sea
German ideas, German organization, also had surprises
in store. People at home, ignorant of the hazardous
character of the adventure, fondly imagined that the
naval key could speedily unlock the rather rusty water-
gates of the Near East.
The escape of the Goeben and the Breslau was not
merely an incident. It was a disaster. A few hours
before the outbreak of hostilities between Great
Britain and Germany the Mediterranean Fleet came
across these German ships in that great inland sea
that washes the northern coast of Africa. It had
them at its mercy, but war had not been declared.
Diplomacy is cordially hated in the Navy, which
prefers deeds to words and shells to syllables. Appar-
ently the German captains had been warned, for no
sooner did they sight the British than they steamed
eastward at full speed. Early in the morning of
August 4, 1914, the Breslau, a light cruiser of 4,478
tons, mounting a dozen 4'1-inch guns, was firing
broadsides at the Algerian town of Bona, a fortified
seaport and naval base, while the Goeben was bom-
barding Philippeville. The latter, one of the most
powerful battle-cruisers afloat, and the fastest vessel
in the German Navy, accompanied by her satellite,
was next heard of as having been driven into the
Sicilian port of Messina after an exciting chase. On
the 6th, anxious to escape disarmament and intern-
ment by staying in a neutral harbour longer than
twenty-four hours, they departed, their decks cleared
for action, with the Anglo-French squadron supposed
to be awaiting them in the Straits outside the three-
mile limit, the British at the south, the French at the
north. With their bands playing Die Wacht am Rhein,
the ships steamed off in a southerly direction, the giant
325
 The Story of the British Navy
Dreadnought bristling with ten 11 -inch and twelve
6-inch guns.
The Mediterranean mystery deepened with the
passing of the hours. At last the Press Bureau
announced, on the authority of the Admiralty, that
"
There are strong reasons for believing that the
Goeben and the Breslau have taken refuge in the
Dardanelles, where they will be .dealt with according
to international law. With the dismantling and
internment of these ships the safety of trade will
have been almost entirely secured."
The unexpected had happened, but what was sur-
mized as the sequel to the escape of the ships to
Turkish waters on August 10th did not materialize.
There was a make-believe sale of them to the Otto-
man Government. With refreshing humour the
Goeben became the Sultan Yawuz Selim (Sultan Selim
the Grim) and the Breslau the Midillu (Mitylene).
The presumed end of the career of the cruisers proved
to be the beginning. No blame whatever is attached
to the British Admiralty for the intelligence conveyed
to the public. The Treaty of Berlin (1878) precluded
Germany from sending her ships through the Darda-
nelles, and it was believed that the Sublime Porte
would deal with the refugees according to inter-
national law. In charge of the Turkish Navy was a
British officer, Rear-Admiral Arthur H. Limpus. On
August 15th he was relieved of his command. The
pressure in the Mediterranean, momentarily relieved
by the exit of the German men-of-war, was increased
shortly afterward by deliberate acts of hostility, in-
cluding the bombardment of Sebastopol on November
1st. The British Ambassador left Constantinople on
the evening of that day. Ever since the arrival of the
826
 Fighting Land-battles at Sea
Goeben and the Breslau the Turkish Government had
made repeated assurances of their strictest neutrality.
They were lying to gain time. In this they did not
break with tradition. Had Turkey refrained from
entering the conflict there would have been no
Dardanelles gamble.
Rear-Admiral E. C. T. Troubridge, commander of
the First Cruiser Squadron in the Mediterranean,
"
returned to England in order that an inquiry may
be held into the circumstances leading to the escape
of the Goeben and the Breslau from Messina Straits."
The court fully and honourably acquitted the bearer
of a name first made known to fame by Admiral Sir
Thomas Troubridge, that splendid fighter in the battles
of the Nile and of St Vincent. Subsequently a party
of bluejackets with Rear- Admiral E. C. T. Troubridge
in command played a splendid part in the defence of
Serbia. The Board of Admiralty approved " in all
"
respects the measures taken by Admiral Sir Berkeley
Milne, commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean, but
he shortly afterward returned home and was succeeded
by Vice-Admiral Sackville H. Garden, an energetic
Irishman who had served in the Egyptian War of
1882, fought at Suakin in 1884, and taken part in the
Benin expedition of 1897.
One stirring episode relieves this drab story of ill
fortune. There happened to be in the Mediterranean
a trim little British light cruiser named the Gloucester.
She is a sister ship of the Bristol and the Glasgow.
On the night of August 6th she came up with the
Breslau and the Goeben in or near the Straits of
Messina, the former trying by various artful man-
oeuvres to entice the Gloucester away so that her
larger consort might escape. Captain W. A. H. Kelly,
827
 The Story of the British Navy
aided by the moonlight, kept both ships under strict
observation and refused to be shaken off. He followed
them all night and the following day. According to
one account the British opened fire at about 2 p.m.
The fore 6-inch gun of the Gloucester barked out, and
fell short. The shot was returned with interest by the
Breslau, which fired a broadside that whizzed over-
head and flung up mountains of water. Before placing
the next shell in position one of the gun-layers on the
Gloucester spat on it for luck, a fond superstition in
the Navy which worked well in this particular case,
for it damaged one of the Breslau's funnels a few
seconds later. With amazing dexterity the captain
dodged all the enemy's shots, though two of the boats
were shattered. Had the battle-cruiser turned upon
the Gloucester it would have meant annihilation for
the light cruiser, but she did not, probably because
Captain Kelly gave her the impression that support
was near at hand. He was certainly endeavouring
to lead the enemy in the direction of the main squad-
ron. The commander of the Goeben, however, was too
wary to be enticed into a skilfully laid trap. As
for the Gloucester, she hung on until she was either
recalled or outdistanced. For this valiant service
"
Captain Kelly was gazetted C.B. The combination
of audacity with restraint," runs the official record,
"
unswerving attention to the principal military ob-
ject namely, the holding on to the Goeben without
tempting her too much and strict conformity to
orders constitutes a naval episode which may justly
be regarded as a model." The audacity of the British
commander can be appreciated by comparing the broad-
side fire of the three vessels. That of the Gloucester
was 855 lb., of the two Germans 8,500 Ib. !
328
 Fighting Land-battles at Sea
At daybreak on November 3rd the bombardment
of the Dardanelles began. A combined British and
French squadron shelled some of the forts at the
entrance at a range of between six and seven miles.
The forts replied with their 9 '2 Krupp guns and a
few of larger calibre. No ships were hit, a solitary
projectile alone falling in dangerous proximity to
the floating targets, and there were no casualties.
A gunnery-lieutenant in the fore-top of one of the
British ships had just begun to enjoy a cigarette, and
was remarking to a comrade, " Well, that's all over,"
when a shell came flying across their line of sight,
striking the water only about twenty yards off. The
fort at Cape Helles, at the toe of the peninsula, was

apparently damaged, for dense volumes of black

smoke, lighted up by a column of flame, were ob-
served to issue from it, followed by a dull roar which
probably indicated the blowing up of the magazine.
This preliminary skirmish was a kind of test case.
The judge reserved his verdict.
On February 1915, exactly one hundred and
19,
eight years after Duckworth's passage of the Darda-
nelles, a much more serious attempt was made to
reduce the outer forts at Cape Helles and Seddel
Bahr, on the European side of the Straits, and of
Kum Kale on the Asiatic side. Seddel Bahr and Kum
Kale are almost opposite, and command the entrance,
which is two and a quarter miles wide. The fleet
included a battle-cruiser, the Inflexible, recently re-
turned from the battle off the Falkland Islands, the
British pre-Dreadnought battleships Vengeance, Corn-
wallls, Triumph, and Agamemnon, commissioned be-
tween 1898 and 1904, the almost obsolete French
battleships Gaulois, Suffren, and Bouvet, commanded
329
 The Story of the British Navy
by Rear-Admiral Guepratte, accompanied by de-
stroyers. There was also present the new seaplane-
carrier and repair-ship, the Ark Royal, a name borne
by Howard of Effingham's flagship in the stormy days
of 1588. The fleet was capable of bearing no fewer
than thirty-six big guns of from 12-inch to 10-inch
calibre on the forts. After shelling at long range with
apparently good effect for over six hours, the firing
in some cases being directed by an observation-ship
because it was not possible for all the vessels to see
their targets, a change was made in the disposition
of the fleet. The older vessels were ordered to move
nearer inshore. This enabled their secondary arma-
ment, totalling sixty-six guns, varying from 7 '5-inch
to 5*5-inch, to be brought into service. The burden
of the fight, hitherto entirely one-sided, because the
Turks had either not been able to reply or had been
saving their ammunition for use at closer quarters,
was now to be sustained by these half-dozen ships,
supported by the long-range fire of the Inflexible and
the Agamemnon. As the squadron drew closer the
guns of the forts suddenly blazed out, which was suffi-
cient proof that whatever destruction had been wrought
by the previous bombardment was not vital.
When the bugles sounded " Cease fire " the strong-
!

holds on the European side had lapsed into silence,

while Kum Kale still spluttered at intervals. The
success of the operation was afterward discovered to
be very slight. A Turkish official communique naively
"
admitted that one soldier was slightly wounded by
stone splinters," and added the intelligence that
"
three hostile armoured ships were damaged, one
flagship heavily." As a matter of fact none of the
Anglo-French vessels was hit.
330
 Fighting Land-battles at Sea
Operations had to be suspended for a time owing
to furious gales. They were resumed on the 25th,
when hydroplanes assisted in the task of range-finding
and noted the effect of the firing. The oil-driven
super-Dreadnought, the Queen Elizabeth, then the
mightiest battleship afloat, made her first essay in
warfare. The Irresistible, a sister ship of the ill-fated
Bulwark, which had been blown up at Sheerness in
the last week of the previous November, and of the
Formidable, torpedoed in the English Channel, also
took part. These vessels, with the Agamemnon and
the Gaulois, started pommelling the outer forts, now
repaired to some extent, at long range. The eight
15-inch guns of the Queen Elizabeth fired broadside
after broadside at the fort on Cape Helles, each shell
weighing approximately a ton. Some of the breezy
boys call them '
Lizzie's Headache Pills.' This
terrific onslaught, carried on well out of range of
the forts, was ineffectively replied to by two 9'2-inch
guns, the heaviest which the land-battery boasted.
The Agamemnon attacked Seddel Bahr, and was hit
at 11,000 yards, three men being killed and five
seriously wounded. On the Asiatic side the Gaulois
confined her attentions to Kum Kale, and the
Irresistible to Orkhanieh, about a mile south of the
latter.
Half an hour before noon the Vengeance and the
Cornwallis,covered by long-range fire, ran in and
engaged Cape Helles, whose big guns had now been
put out of action, and completely silenced it. The
Suffren and the Charlemagne also made a determined
attempt on the two forts on the opposite side of the
Straits, boldly advancing to within 2,000 yards of
them, and pouring in a rain of shells that brought
331
 The Story of the British Navy
a feeble and half-hearted reply. The Vengeance,
Triumph, and Albion were then ordered to complete
their reduction. This was successfully accomplished
toward the close of the day.
Taking advantage of the remaining light the mine-
sweepers got to work, and under cover of the Fleet
began clearing the entrance of the Straits. On the
following day four miles had been rendered navigable,
enabling three battleships to enter and attack Fort
Dardanus, overlooking Kephez Bay, on the coast of
Asia Minor. The four 5'9-inch guns made poor prac-
tice,but a surprise came in the form of some new
batteries which had been erected. Landing parties
then from the Vengeance and the Irresistible,
set off

completely demolished the forts of Cape Helles, Seddel

Bahr, and Orkhanieh, and partially destroyed that of
Kum Kale. The garrison of the last-mentioned strong-
hold was driven post-haste across the bridge spanning
the river Mendere, which was afterward rendered
useless. Two new 4-inch guns, discovered skilfully
concealed in the neighbouring village, and four Nor-
denfeldts guarding the entrance were made incapable
of further service. Unfortunately a body of Turkish
troops hiding in the cemetery and elsewhere began
sniping the Marines, and they were recalled, with the
loss of one killed and three wounded.

Operations were again delayed by wind, rain, and

fog, rendering long-range fire and aerial observation
practically useless. They were resumed on the 1st of
March, when three battleships entered the Straits and
attacked the fort and batteries at Kephez Point, on
the Asiatic side. Another surprise awaited the sea-dogs,
for howitzers and field-guns assisted in the defence.
Moreover, seaplanes found out that several new gun
332
 Fighting Land-battles at Sea
positions had been prepared. Two shells landed on
the quarterdeckof the Triumph, one fell near the
gun-room, and another reduced the furniture in the
captain's cabin to firewood. The French, stationing
their ships in the Gulf of Saros, operated off Bulair,
bombarding the batteries and the lines of communi-
cation. At night the scavengers recommenced their
highly dangerous work under fire. On the 2nd the
Canopus, the Swiftsure, and the Cornwallis attacked
two other forts, one of which was so damaged that
eventually it ceased to offer further resistance. This
time all the ships were hit. The mine-sweepers con-
tinued their operations when their big brothers of the
Navy had finished, going about their business with as
little apparent anxiety as they manifest when
trawling
in the North Sea, and gradually creeping nearer and
nearer to the Narrows, where formidable problems
awaited solution.
Additions made to the Allied armada showed that
the naval authorities of both countries appreciated
the strength of the positions that guarded the sea-
route to Constantinople, but the fact that on the
4th it was again found necessary to send landing
parties, covered by detachments of the Marine Brigade
of the Royal Naval Division, to continue the clearance
of the ground at the entrance to the Straits indicated
that military operations would become absolutely in-
dispensable in the near future. Indeed, the French
Ministry of War had already decided to concentrate
"
an expeditionary force in Northern Africa ready to
embark the moment the signal is given." The pity
of it was that the campaign had been started without
assistance on land. Every day that passed made it
evident that the Turks and their friends were gaining
333
 The Story of the British Navy
strength. In the neighbourhood of Seddel Bahr more
concealed guns were destroyed, but at Kum Kale the
landing was repulsed, with nineteen killed, three miss-
"
ing, and twenty-five wounded. The net result of
these operations against the outer works," writes
Sir E. Ashmead-Bartlett, with the authority of one
who has studied the situation on the spot, " was to
prove this that although these reinforced earthworks
:

might be smothered by shell-fire and the gunners

driven to their bomb-proofs, under highly favourable
conditions, yet the actual material damage inflicted
by ships' shell was relatively unimportant, unless a
direct hit was scored on the gun. Thus up to this
point there was nothing to encourage great hope for
the future."
On the 5th an attack on three of the European
defences of the Narrows, forts Rumilieh Medjidieh
Tabia, Hamidieh II Tabia, and Namazieh, was begun
by indirect fire from the Queen Elizabeth, supported
by the Inflexible and the Prince George. All the forts
sustained damage, and the magazine at Fort Hamidieh
II Tabia blew up, depriving its two 14-inch guns of
ammunition. A military station was destroyed by
the Sapphire, which also fired on troops in the neigh-
bourhood of the Gulf of Adramyti. The day was
especially noteworthy as marking the first attempt to
reduce the defences of Smyrna, the chief town on the
coast of Asia Minor, by Vice-Admiral Sir Richard
Peirse.
Two more strongholds were attacked by the mam-
moth supported by the Agamemnon
battle-cruiser,
and the Ocean, on the following day. They flung
their shells for twelve miles across the peninsula,
stationing themselves in the Gulf of Saros and bom-
334
 Fighting Land-battles at Sea
barding with remorseless fury forts Hamidieh I Tabia
and Hamidieh III, in the vicinity of Chanak, on the
Asiatic shore. While this method of attack, directed
by airmen, precluded the possibility of a return fire
from the forts, howitzers and field-guns were not long
in getting to work on the European side. Three
shells struck the Queen Elizabeth, fortunately without

causing damage of any importance. Five ships inside

the Straits met with a particularly warm reception
from the Suandere and Mount Dardanos batteries, and
Fort Rumilieh Medjidieh Tabia again opened fire.
Nearly all the vessels were hit. The Mount Dardanos
batteries were bombarded by four French battleships
on the 7th and silenced, while the Agamemnon and the
Lord Nelson pounded forts Rumilieh Medjidieh Tabia
and Hamidieh I Tabia, the strongholds already at-
tacked by the Queen Elizabeth and her consorts, until
they ceased to reply. It was warm work, for when
the Suffren penetrated to the extreme limit of the
minefield a splinter from a bursting shell fell at the
French admiral's feet. During these assaults and
operations the seaplanes were invariably in evidence,
and rendered conspicuous service. On the 7th the
Russian Fleet bombarded several places not far from
the Bosporus, endeavouring to unlock the other gate
that led to the desired haven.
When daylight reappeared the Queen Elizabeth and
four battleships entered the Dardanelles, this being
the first time that the super-Dreadnought had come
within range of the land-batteries, and took up the
task of reducing Fort Rumilieh Medjidieh Tabia, but
they were hampered by unfavourable weather. Mist,
wind, and seas played into the hands of the Turks
high
all too often in the first phase of the Dardanelles
335
 The Story of the British Navy
campaign, enabling them to patch up damaged fortifica-
tions and bring up new guns, supplies of ammunition,
and reinforcements.
On the night of the 13th the light cruiser Amethyst,
while attending the mine-sweepers in Sari Siglar Bay,
was subjected to a terrific cannonade at close range.
One of the trawlers was sunk. Things had gone so
well in the early part of that night. There had been
no inquisitive searchlights from the shore, no booming
of guns, nothing to betray the presence of the enemy.
Fortunately the Navy does not nurse its grievances ;
it weans them. The worst was vet to come.

336
 CHAPTER XXX
The Shambles of Gallipoli
Recollect that a brave man dies but once, a coward all his life

long. NELSON

months had come and gone since the

beginning of the great adventure, and all the
FOUR 4 '

heavy fathers of the Fleet remained in their

normal health. Some of them were bruised, but
bruises do not count on active service. On March
18, 1915, there was a triple tragedy. Three battle-
4
ships fought their last fight, and were buried at sea,'
after the manner of sailors from time immemorial.
They received their death-blow during a general
attack upon the fortresses at the Narrows, and in
each case it was struck from below. The Irresistible,
the Ocean, and the Bouvet died of mine-fever. That
day the scavengers fished up three mines, and these
veterans of the Fleet fished up three others to their
cost.
The disaster came
about in this way. The
sweepers had been at work for ten days to clear a
passage, and we may be perfectly sure that Vice-
Admiral J. M. de Robeck was satisfied with the result
of their operations, otherwise the Queen Elizabeth, the
Inflexible, the Agamemnon, and the Lord Nelson
would
never have been allowed to proceed toward the
Narrows, where the land pinches in the water to
such an extent that in the vicinity of Chanak the
337
 The Story of the British Navy
channel is only about fourteen hundred yards wide.
They concentrated their guns on the now familiar
forts known
as Rumilieh Medjidieh Tabia, Hamidieh
II Tabia,and Namazieh, on the European side, and
Hamidieh I Tabia and Hamidieh III on the opposite
shore. Simultaneously the Triumph and the Prince
George attacked the batteries at Soghandere, Dar-
danos, and Kephez Point. The ships sustained the
heavy fire of howitzers and field-guns from 10.45 a.m.
until 12.22 p.m., when the Suffren, the Gaulois, the
Charlemagne, and the Bouvet, of the French squadron,
engaged the forts at closer range. The ten ships
pounded away like Thor with his hammer, and four
at least of the forts gave them good measure in reply,
with the result that not one of the vessels remained
unhit when the land-batteries ceased action a few
minutes before 1.30.
Now was evidently the moment to exact complete
victory. The Vengeance, the Irresistible, the Albion,
the Ocean, the Swiftsure, and the Majestic slowly
advanced as the French ships withdrew. A few
minutes sufficed to prove that the Turks and the
Germans were playing their old game. The forts
blazed out with renewed energy. Tragedy followed
hastily on the heels of triumph. Five shells struck
the Bouvet, whose bulgy sides, narrowing toward the
deck, made her appear like a flat-bottomed boat
floating upside down, with her funnels where her
keel ought to be. Then she " seemed to stop in a
great field of foam and hesitate," writes an eye-
"
witness. On board the Gaulois some one had only
' '

just time to say,What's the matter with the Bouvet ?

when an explosion shook the atmosphere and clouded
the sky, and so the Bouvet sank. We distinctly saw
388
 The Shambles of Gallipoli
its two masts, which seemed to close in on one another
as the hull opened. It was all over in a minute and
a half." It is believed that the French
battleship,
which was of 12,205 tons displacement, and nearly
twenty years old, managed to elude two floating mines,
but was struck by the third floating canister of death.
Officers and men went to their watery graves
standing
to attention and saluting the flag. Only 64 of the
Bouvefs crew of 630 were saved.
Undeterred by this disaster, the attack continued,
and the sturdy little mine-sweepers went on with
their work. At about four o'clock the Irresistible
was struck by a shell, and a minute later a mine
exploded beneath her. She left the fighting-line with
a heavy list to port. The crew, obeying the order
"
Everybody aft," betrayed no sign of fear, though
shells were bursting about them and the firing grew
fiercer from the forts as the ship drifted toward the
Asiatic shore. With marvellous dexterity a destroyer
was brought to the side of the doomed ship. " Boys
"
and ordinary seamen, in the boat ! shouted the
"
captain from the bridge, followed by All hands
"
next when the first order had been obeyed. With
!

the exception of the officers on the bridge and a few

men, all had found a place on the destroyer, when
a shell burst, killing and wounding several on the
quarterdeck. A noble little band of heroes who had
volunteered to stay behind to cast off the hawsers
which held fast the destroyer, flung them overboard.
With over 600 men the craft left the sinking vessel,
disembarked them on the Queen Elizabeth, and returned
for those who still remained on the Irresistible.
Exactly two hours after the Irresistible had been
rendered hors de combat the Ocean, which had been
339
 The Story of the British Navy
standing by with the idea of taking her in tow, also
struck a mine. A great rent was torn in the star-
board side, the steering-gear was shattered, the main
steam-pipe of the starboard engine was burst, and
some of the guns were dismounted. In two minutes
no fewer than five destroyers were alongside, despite
a terrible cross-fire from Chanak and Kilid Bahr.
One of the craft was hit by a shell below the water-
line, but the inrush of water was almost completely

stopped by the ready resourcefulness of a stoker.

He promptly sat in the hole and remained in this
uncomfortable position until a collision - mat could be
got out. Nothing could be done to salve the Ocean,
and she sank in thirty-four fathoms of water. Nearly
all her crew were saved.
Three wrecks and the Gaulois put out of action by
reason of the severe injuries she had sustained were
surely sufficient disasters for one day. Yet almost
at the same time as the Ocean had sustained her
mortal wound the Inflexible had encountered a mine,
which flooded her fore submerged flat. This was
indeed adding insult to injury, for already she had
been compelled to deal with a fire which broke out
on her fore-bridge at the same time as the fore-top
was hit by a shell. Every one in the latter was either
killed or wounded.
At first the Admiral determined to renew the
attack at the opportunity, but on further con-
first
sideration it was decided that land - operations also
were necessary. On his own confession, Mr Winston
Churchill regretted this, and endeavoured to persuade
Lord Fisher to telegraph to Admiral de Robeck that the
naval attack was to be resumed. This the First Sea
Lord refused to do. All three of the lost battleships
340
 The Shambles of Gallipoli
were old, having been built between 1893 and 1898 at
a cost of about 3,100,000. They were replaced by
the Queen, the Implacable, and the Henri IV.
The great general attack upon the fortresses at the
Narrows had failed, and among those who witnessed
itwas General Sir Ian S. M. Hamilton, commander-
in-chief of the Dardanelles Expeditionary Force. It
was not an auspicious welcome, particularly as he
found that the transports had been wrongly loaded.
He had no alternative but to send them to Alexandria
to be adjusted, thereby delaying all thought of landing
for several weeks and giving the Turks an excellent

opportunity to complete their arrangements for the

defence of the peninsula. The Navy, however, con-
tinued to sweep for mines and to bombard the forts
when the weather was propitious, so as to render the
task of repairing the latter as difficult as possible.
The Battle of the Landing on Sunday, April 25,
1915, belongs rather to the Army than to the senior
service, although, of course, the Navy had to carry
the brave sons of the Empire on its broad back until
they could jump from the boats and wade ashore.
The troops were to disembark in two main landings,
the first at a point north of Gaba Tepe, and the second
at beaches V, W, and X, near Cape Helles, while feints
were made at S and Y, on either side of the toe of
the peninsula, to protect the flanks and hold the
enemy in check. Five battleships, one cruiser, eight
destroyers, fifteen trawlers, the Ark Royal, and
the
balloon-ship Manica were concerned in the landing
near Gaba Tepe, which was covered by gunfire from
the Triumph, the Majestic, and the Bacchante. Howit-
zers and field-guns, as well as fire from warships
at Chanak, were at once brought to bear on the
341
 The Story of the British Navy
transports, while narrow beach was swept by
the
shrapnel. It was under these terrible conditions that
the Australians effected a landing, which was not com-
pleted until the 26th.
The squadron for the landings at the five points
to the south was made up of seven battleships, four
cruisers, six mine-sweepers, and fourteen trawlers.
The Amethyst and the Sapphire, with the transports
the Southland and the Braemar Castle, landed their
troops and the Plymouth Battalion of the Royal
Marines at Y beach, west of Krithia, at about 4 a.m.,
covered by the Goliath. The Scottish Borderers and
the Marines boldly scaled the steep cliffs, but after
severe fighting were compelled to re-embark on the
following day. The landing at X, near Cape Tekeh,
was carried out from the Implacable and was entirely
successful, but at W, between Cape Helles and Cape
Tekeh, where the same ship and the Euryalus dis-
embarked some of the Lancashire Fusiliers, the fire
from the vessels was unable to clear the enemy's
wire entanglements and trenches, and the Turks
brought all manner of guns to bear on the attacking
party. The troops, however, pushed on despite heavy
losses, and the Maxims which enfiladed the main
beach were rushed with the bayonet. A particularly
fierce was offered at V, a strip of about
resistance
300 yards dominated by Seddel Bahr, and it was not
until the afternoon of the 26th that it was captured.
Here 2,000 men were landed by the River Clyde, a
the New Horse of Troy,' because
'
collier nicknamed
Commander Edward Unwin had conceived the happy
idea of having huge ports cut in her sides, through
which the men could pour out on to gangways sup-
ported by lighters and land directly on the beach.
342
 The Shambles of Gallipoli
During the night a hill dominating the position
was captured by other forces, and the beach was won.
At Camber, a little to the south of S, where the men
secured a firm footing, some of the Royal Dublin
Fusiliers attempted to reach the village of Seddel
Bahr, and had to be withdrawn. The French landing
at Kum Kale, which was also undertaken to distract
the enemy while the main attack was delivered, was
successful, but as it was found that no progress could
be made the soldiers were withdrawn.
For many months the military and naval forces of
the Allies fought with Turks, Germans, and Nature
in the peninsula, gaining a few yards here, losing a
few yards there. When the troops were told that it
was to be evacuated they just gripped their rifles a
little tighter, jerked the packs on their backs to give
them more freedom of movement, squared their jaws,
looked more grim than ever, and set off to take part
in another campaign. God's bottle holds the tears of
many valiant warriors. Not a few were shed in the
shambles of Gallipoli.

343
 CHAPTER XXXI
The Battle of the Dogger Bank
Three points of superiority of the British Fleet must be
:
recognized superiority in tactics, superiority in gunfire, and
superiority in personnel. M. HANOTAUX

attempts have been made to explain

how came about that a section of the German
it

VARIOUSHigh Sea Fleet was cruising in the North Sea

at 7 a.m. on January 24, 1915. Admiral Scheer tells
us that it was merely making a reconnaissance, with
orders to destroy any of the British light forces it
might happen to meet. It has been suggested that
von Hipper contemplated a raid on the Tyne or the
Firth of Forth, but if one is to judge by the time-table
of previous raids this does not seem highly probable.
The bombardment of Yarmouth in the previous
November, and of Scarborough, the Hartlepools, and
Whitby in the following month, had taken place in
the early morning. The same big ships used in the
latter attack, with the exception of the Blucher, were

employed on this occasion.

Germany was officially informed that the project
was " an advance in the North Sea," which is obviously
capable of several meanings. Perhaps the defeat of
von Spec and the German Pacific Squadron in the
battle of the Falkland Islands by Admiral Sturdee led
the Higher Command to hope that a section of the
Grand Fleet might be found patrolling at a grave
344
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
disadvantage as regards guns and numbers. A further
suggestion is that von Hipper deliberately sought
Beatty's patrolling squadron with the idea of leading
' '
him on to a position where heavy fathers of the
Fleet were waiting, playing much the same game as
the British had tried to play in the Heligoland Bight
affair. This theory seems feasible in the light of
Mr Churchill's explanation to the House of Commons.
"
The action was not forced," he said, " because the
enemy, after abandoning their wounded consort, the
Blucher, made good their escape into waters infested
by their submarines and mines." In the Admiralty's
initial announcement of January 24th it was stated
"
that the enemy reached an area where dangers
from German submarines and mines prevented further
pursuit." Beatty's preliminary telegraphic report said
"
that the presence of the enemy's submarines sub-
sequently necessitated the action being broken off,"
but in his dispatch of February 2nd no mention is
made of either. According to Mr Filson Young, who
for a time was a secretary on Beatty's staff, the
Admiral's last signal to his second-in-command was
"
Keep nearer to the enemy," and he quotes Lord
Fisher as saying that there were no submarines in the
"
vicinity and not a mine within fifty miles. Northern
" " "
mists and the fog of war are not illuminating
when historical accuracy is sought. There is some-
thing very suggestive of both about the battle of the
Dogger Bank, for if we do not know the reason that
caused the Germans to come out, neither have we
been allowed to read the dispatch of the officer who
took charge of the squadron after Beatty, by an un-
fortunate circumstance, was precluded from taking
further part in the fighting.
345
 The Story of the British Navy
The battle cruisers at the Admiral's disposal con-
-

sisted of the Lion, flying his flag, the Princess Royal,

the Tiger sister ships each mounting eight 13* 5-inch

guns and the New Zealand and the Indomitable,

with a similar number of 12-inch guns. In addition
all had sixteen 4-inch guns apiece. The New Zealand
flew the flag of Rear-Admiral Sir Archibald Moore.
Under Commodore Goodenough were four light cruisers,
the Southampton, the Nottingham, the Birmingham, and
the Lowestoft, each having eight 6-inch guns. Com-
modore Tyrwhitt had the Arethusa, the Aurora, and
the Undaunted, with their two 6-inch, and six 4-inch
guns, in addition to destroyer flotillas.
Tyrwhitt' s vessels were scouting ahead when the
Aurora spotted an enemy ship shortly after 7 a.m.
The latter was travelling at about 20 knots, and her
smoke was hiding her to a certain extent, but there
was reason to believe that she was the Kolberg, a light
cruiser with twelve 4*l-inch guns. She was the first
to open fire. However, it did not take long for the
Aurora to find the range, and the latter promptly
fell back on her supporting battle-cruisers. Sir David
Beatty, on receiving information by wireless that the
enemy was engaged, immediately altered course in
the direction from whence the flash of the guns had
been seen, namely south-south-east, and increased his
speed to 22 knots. At the same time he ordered
Goodenough and the destroyers to chase and get in
"
touch with the Germans, then nothing more than a
smudge on the horizon," to quote the words of an
eyewitness. It was scarcely necessary to issue these
instructions, for, as Sir David notes in his dispatch,
"
my wishes had already been forestalled by the
respective senior officers," and reports came almost
346
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
simultaneously from several ships detailing the
strength and position of the opposing force. It con-
sisted of three battle-cruisers, the Seydlitz, flying the

flag of Rear-Admiral von Hipper, the Derfflinger, the

Moltkc, and the armoured cruiser Blucher, half a dozen
light cruisers, and attendant destroyers. The Seydlitz
and the Moltke each had ten 11 -inch guns, the
Derfflingcr eight 12-inch guns, and the Blucher twelve
8'2-inch guns.
Almost at once the German squadron altered course
from north-west to south-east and made in the direc-
tion of home. Beatty followed, closely watching the
enemy on the port bow, and the light cruisers hung
on the heels of the retreating foe and reported their
every movement to the Lion. At 7.30 the enemy
was going " hell for leather," while the black
gangs of
the British battle-cruisers were working as they had
never worked before. Their efforts had the desired
result, for they were forging through the water at a
speed of over 28 knots an hour, at which pace the
New Zealand and the Indomitable greatly exceeded
their normal rate, to the intense pleasure of the
Admiral, who makes special mention of the record in
his official communication. The latter was the slowest
of the battle-cruisers, but made such excellent steaming
"
that later on the Admiral signalled, Well done,
" "
Indomitable stokers ! One hundred stokers," says
"
Captain Pelly, worked below like niggers to get
more speed out of the Tiger. We were doing 29 knots
at least, although the ship was only built to do 28.
We only stoke oil, and we used a good mouthful."
l

The squadrons were then travelling on parallel courses

1 Statement to the London correspondent of the Telegraaf (Amster-
dam).
347
 The Story of the British Navy
distant about fourteen miles, and settling down to a
long, stern chase.
By 8.52 a.m. the battle-cruisers had closed to within
20,000 yards of the rearenemy ship, the Blucher.
Von Hipper was proceeding in line ahead a mere
landsman's single file the light cruisers leading, and
destroyers on their starboard beam to screen them.
Beatty, who was directing operations from the bridge
and refused to take cover, now manoeuvred to bring
his heavy vessels on a line of bearing so as to dodge
the smoke of the funnels as much as possible, and a
single shell was fired from the Lions foremost turret
to test the range. It fell short and splashed in the
water. The process was repeated several times, and
at 9.9 a.m. the Lion scored her first shot on the
Blucher. Eleven minutes later the Tiger opened fire
on the same vessel, Beatty 's flagship shifting to the
Derfflinger, the third ship in the line. Several salvos
from the four bow guns hit her at a range which had
now closed to 18,000 yards. At 9.14 a.m. the enemy
took up the gauntlet and brought her guns to bear
on the British. Twenty minutes later the Princess
Royal concentrated on the Blucher, now showing signs
of reduced speed by dropping astern. When the New
Zealand came into range she took the armoured
cruiser in hand, and the Princess Royal shifted to the
rear battle-cruiser, severely punishing her in the
process.
It was then evident that the German destroyers
threatened an attack, whereupon the Meteor and the
'
M '
Division of destroyers, led by Captain the Hon.
H. Meade, idrew ahead to drive off the enemy, with
the result that the hussar- stroke was not delivered.
Within thirty-five minutes of the Lions first hit on
348
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
the Bliicher, that is was
to say, at 9.45 a.m., the latter
a doomed ship. The leading which
ship, the Seydlitz,
the Lion was now engaging, and which had also
received attention from the Tiger, was on fire. The
Princess Royal had concentrated on No. 3, the
Derfflinger, and the New Zealand on the stricken
by the Tiger when smoke precluded
Bliicher, assisted
the latter from bringing her guns to bear with pre-
cision on No. 1. The Moltke, the second ship of the
German line, seems to have escaped with little damage,
largely by reason of the dense smoke which she
created.
The warm reception given to the enemy was evi-
dently not at all to their liking, for they now disposed
their destroyers between the British and themselves
so as to create a heavy smoke-screen. This also
afforded them an opportunity to alter course and in-
crease the distance between them and their con-
testants. Once again the issue of the fight largely
depended on the men at the furnaces, for Beatty
"
ordered the battle-cruisers to proceed at their
utmost speed."
A second destroyer attack was threatened, but the
'

heavy fire of the Lion and the Tiger the Cats,' as

they were called by the Admiral made their retire-
ment imperative, and they fell back in their previous

positions without carrying the plan into operation.

An officer of the Meteor, which at 10.40 a.m. was
ordered to close the line and cover the Lion, thus
placing the destroyer between the two opposing lines,
"
records his unenviable experiences l We were abso-
:

lutely in the line of fire, shells whistling over and all

around us, and now and again an enemy's broadside
1
Liverpool Daily Post, February 7, 1915.
349
 The Story of the British Navy
aimed directly at us. Try and imagine a frail de-
stroyer, steaming 80 knots, with four battle-cruisers
on either side belching forth flame and smoke con-
tinually, the screech of the projectiles flying overhead
seeming to tear the very air into ribbons, 12-inch
shells dropping perilously near and raising columns of
water 100 feet into the air a few yards away, the
spray washing our decks and drenching all hands.
Picture the awful crashing noise, the explosions and
flashes as shots took effect, the massive tongues of fire
shooting up, and the dense clouds of yellow and black
smoke which obliterated a whole ship from view as
the shells burst on striking."
The Blucher, which was gradually increasing her
distance from No. 8 of the enemy line, hauled out
to port at 10.43 a.m. She was badly on fire and had
a heavy list. The Indomitable was ordered to put an
end to her struggles.
A few minutes later submarines were sighted, and
the Admiral personally saw the wash of a periscope.
As in the affair of Heligoland Bight, the attack was
thwarted by the use of the helm.
Shortly after this a lucky chance shot struck the
Lion in the bow, damaging a feed-tank and putting
the port engine out of commission. The injury was
"
beyond local repair," and the flagship was therefore
unable to take further part in the fighting. In his
preliminary telegraphic report Sir David says that
" "
this misfortune undoubtedly deprived us of a
"
greater victory." The Indomitable was still busy
with the Blucher, but the Admiral ordered the other
three battle-cruisers to attack the enemy, the com-
mand devolving on Rear-Admiral Sir Archibald Moore.
Signalling a destroyer alongside, Beatty transferred
850
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
was pos-
his flag to her with as little loss of time as
and endeavoured to rejoin the squadron. He
sible,
met his ships at noon retiring. All the German ships,
with the exception of the Blucher, had succeeded in
escaping.
When the Lion left the line, her speed greatly
reduced, and showing an ugly list to port, a light
cruiser and several destroyers at once closed to pro-
tect her from possible attack by submarine.
"
Picture to yourself this monster fighting - ship,"
"
writes an officer of the Aurora, 1 stripped bare for
action and apparently as formidable as during the
past few hours, when the murderous fire of her 18*5-
inch turrets had made her seem so omnipotent and ;

yet, in contrast, apparently unable to steam, and

perhaps about to sink. So she appeared to us as we
hastened to her aid. Many of us thought her to be
a doomed ship and that her crew were on deck
preparatory to abandoning her.
"
It was not long, however, before we found that
she was quite seaworthy, though unable to steam more
than slow speed, and that her crew had mustered
on deck in order to watch and cheer their Admiral
over the side as he boarded the destroyer Attack in
order to be taken back to the battle. The Blucher,
the sight of which might have reassured us, was out
of our vision, and we well, we were out of it ; and
the Admiral's dauntless signal, * Engage the enemy
more closely,' that was still flying from the Lion's
masthead, merely seemed to increase our jealousy."
The Lion, after having fought so splendidly, de-
veloped further trouble during the course of the
day. Her remaining starboard engine began to fail
1
London Magazine, April 1916, p. 208.
351
 The Story of the British Navy
owing to
priming, and
eventually stopped. The
Indomitable therefore took her in tow, and performed
her difficult task with great credit to herself. One of
the proudest possessions of the battle-cruiser is a
silver statue of a guardian angel with a lion on each
side, which was presented to their colleagues of the
Indomitable by their colleagues of the flagship. It
bears the following inscription, which tells its own
story in the breezy way associated with the personnel
"
of the senior service : Presented to the captain and
officers of H.M.S. Indomitable , to commemorate an
excellent 6^-inch hawser."
Thus far I have mainly followed Sir David Beatty's
own story of the action. Let us now glance at the
work of individual ships. The following has been com-
municated to the writer by one who fought in the Tiger
and was mentioned in dispatches :

"
Before coming to the actual engagement I would
like to draw your attention to an incident which will

convey how really and truly ready any unit of the

British Navy is for the supreme effort that at any
time
"
it may be called upon to make.
We had been waiting and waiting months for the
German ships to make their appearance, and many
were the grumbles of the old Tars on board, from the
captain downwards, at our continued unsuccessful
effort to cross their bows. It was no new thing to
*
hear the pipe on board The Germans won't come
out,' and as this was received on various mess-decks
the grumbles became a lively howl and comments
too numerous to mention filled the air. January 23rd
dawned with the usual breakfast-time greetings, and
the subject of discussion, instead of being the likeli-
hood of a scrap, was as to which football team of the
352
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
ship would be the victor in the afternoon. We
had
several football teams and other parties for recreation
landed, and as late as 5.30 p.m., when we were re-
turning, the desired action seemed as far away as ever.
It was not until some hours later that the call came
to proceed to sea as the enemy ships were thought
to be somewhere outside their cotton-wool corner at
Kiel.
" '
At 6.30 a.m. on Sunday, the 24th, *
Action Station
was sounded. I was having my morning tub at the
time, grabbing my clothes, and half dressed, I
so
hurried to my duty station, the port 6-inch gun control
tower, a very limited space, in which four others, a
midshipman included, had very little room to spare. '
The first indication we had of anything doing came
'

'

twenty minutes afterwards, when we heard, Firing

off the port bow, sir,' which proved to be our
destroyers firing at submarines, at the same time en-
circling us with black smoke to hide us from them.
"
It was about 7.10 a.m. when the Lion, leading the
line, tried the range, and after a couple of shots got it
and kept up a very rapid fire. We then got the range
and our guns began banging away too. I heard Mid-
'

shipman say The beggars have begun,' and

looking through the observation slit I saw a salvo
drop about fifty yards away from us, sending up huge
sheets of water. We had been a considerable time in
action when their destroyers attacked us. Our captain
replied effectively with his 6-inch guns. I saw one

destroyer get two shells amidships and her mast

come tumbling down. It seemed to me as if nothing
could prevent her from sinking. The remainder of
their destroyers shot away, throwing up big columns
of smoke as they went. A
little while after I saw the
353
 The Story of the British Navy
Bliicher about two miles astern of her own line, appar-
ently left to her fate. I know we peppered her all
right.
"
It was at this time, when waiting for our next
order, that there was a terrific report, followed by a
big flash, and I was just conscious of being flung right
up in the corner before losing my senses altogether.
How long I remained unconscious I do not know,
but when I recovered I found I was very much on
fire ; my neck scarf was burnt almost to a cinder,
but I managed to rid myself of my smouldering
clothes. Looking round, I expected to find a hole
in the roof, but the shell had burst right beneath us,
and the concussion caused the havoc in our little
station. The whole place seemed on fire, and the smell
from the shell was sickly and suffocating.
"
I then noticed the middy lying across the trap
door, and by the look of him I thought he must be
dead. I crawled over to him, lifted him up, and found
that a fragment of shell had struck him in the
stomach. I was in a sorry plight. I could not leave
him there, for if I did the fumes would surely kill
'
him. I then reported 6-inch port gun control-
tower out of action,' and was permitted to get out,
if possible. On turning round after reporting, one of
my mates crawled out from behind the range clock.
He gave me a bit of a shock, as I thought he was
killed. I told him to give me a hand with the middy.
We got either side of him, and lifting him up found
that his feet were entangled in the remains of the
iron ladder.
"
After freeing him I him through the
lowered
trap-door. Lying full length on my stomach, I
lowered him as far as I could, and then had no other
354
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
option but to let him drop into the war distributing
station, some fourteen or sixteen feet below. The
iron ladder, the only means of escape, was broken to
bits, and the war distributing station was in flames.
I had to drop down after him, risking the chance of

dropping on top of him. In the meantime my mate

was attending to the other chap, who was alive but
in a very bad state.
"
It seemed to me on dropping beside the middy
that we were out of the frying-pan into the fire. It
was a veritable hell, the flames were so fierce. Drag-
ging the middy, I managed to get through the door
to the fresh air, which was like heaven to me. Now
my difficulties were increased. There seemed no way
down to the sick bay. The only escape in the mess
deck was in a mass of flames, and the rest of the
hatches were battened down. However, I got the
middy across the other side of the deck, in a more
sheltered place, and there I must have fainted, as I
remembered no more until I found myself in the
surgeon's hands on a table in one of the messes. My
head and neck were swathed in bandages. Then I
learnt to mydismay that so far as we knew only one
enemy ship had been sunk. This was a disappoint-
ment to me, as my recollection of the three other ships
satisfied me that they were completely done for, as I

thought was also the case with my own ship."

Another splendid display of heroism was performed
by a boy 1st Class. The periscope glasses of a turret
became fogged by smoke and spray, and as it was
eminently necessary for them to be cleaned a volunteer
was asked for. Without further ado the lad climbed
outside, perched himself on the turret, and did the
necessary work. Then the firing began again, and
355
 The Story of the British Navy
nothing further was thought of the boy. He stopped
in his dangerous position, keeping the glasses as bright
as a new pin, until the action was over, then promptly
reported. The coolness of the deed is accentuated by
the fact that the incident occurred after the explosion
of the shell in the control-tower, and following the
death of Engineer-Captain C. G. Taylor and four stokers
from a similar cause.
Despite her injuries, only one officer of the Tigei
and nine men were killed, and three officers and
eight men wounded a comparatively light casualty
list. The last shell fired by the Blucher struck the
Tiger, but did little damage. Another made a hole
in one of the turrets, and a third dented the side but
failed to penetrate. A shell struck the deck, but
glanced off on coming into contact with a steel beam
and went overboard.
Probably one of the reasons why Felly's ship was
struck was because she bore the brunt of the enemy's
fire when sheltering the Lion after she had been
rendered hors de combat.
In due course the German Admiralty sank the
Tiger, presumably as an offset to the loss of the
Blucher. Credit for the performance was given to
Lieutenant-Commander von Uchorn, of destroyer V5,
",who launched torpedoes from a range of five miles,
thus showing the exceptional qualities of the German
torpedoes in range and good explosive powers."
Let us now try to picture the last few hours of the
Blucher' s -career. This ship, the largest and most
modern warship to be sunk since hostilities began,
was a contemporary of the Invincible class, and at the
outbreak of war flew the flag of Prince Henry of
Prussia, who was in command of the German Baltic
356
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
Fleet. While she was building the German Admiralty
got a great deal of satisfaction in believing that the new
ship would at least be a match for the Dreadnoughts
then under construction in British yards. They
thought they had discovered Lord Fisher's secret,
and the Bliicher was the result. She was laid down
at Kiel in October 1906, and completed in September
1909 at a cost of 1,250,000. A formidable vessel
beyond question, with her dozen 8'2-inch, eight 6-inch,
and sixteen 24-pdr. guns, but the ship she was to
match, and probably to outclass, proved to have an
armament of eight 12-inch and sixteen 4-inch guns !

There was bitter cursing in the Marineamt !

The following is the explanation of Count von

"
Reventlow in the Frankfurter Zeitung : The Bliicher
was laid down when the first English so-called Dread-
nought cruisers of the Invincible type were in course
of construction. The English Admiralty intentionally
published false news about the size and the guns
of these ships especially the statement that the
Invincible type would have a displacement of only
15,000 tons. Thereupon the plans of construction of
the Bliicher were settled upon the basis of a displace-
ment of 16,000 tons. When it afterward turned out
that the Invincible class had a displacement of over
20,000 tons and a heavy armament of eight 12-inch
guns, no change was possible, and one could only
take the Bliicher as she was." The Count is wrong in
one particular. The Admiralty did not publish false
news it maintained a policy of silence and refused
;

to play into the hands of Germany. Both the policy

and the type were amply vindicated in the North Sea
action.
As we have seen, the Bliicher was hammered by
357
 The Story of the British Navy
each British battle-cruiser in turn, and she also re-
ceived attention from a number of destroyers. It
says much for her builders that she kept afloat for so
long. Her upper works were reduced to a state little

better than the litter of a scrap-iron shop. The fore-

turret was literally torn out of her and every member
of the gun-crew was killed. She was on fire forward,
and through several gaping holes in her side a dull
red glow could be seen that was tangible evidence of
the awful inferno within. Her aft turret continued to
speak while she sank by the head.
Several ships claimed to have given the coup de grace
to the Blucher, which was game to the last. She put
up a fine fight. There is little doubt, however, that
the saucy Arethusa was responsible for the firing of
the torpedo that actually sank her. She fired two
torpedoes at 1,500 yards, which is considered a very
near range at a ship practically at rest. The Meteor
fired a torpedo at 5,000 yards, but it is very doubtful
if it reached her, as it was probably set for high speed,

which limits the range to under 4,000 yards. The

survivors from the Blucher voluntarily stated that
both the Arethusa's weapons hit. At the time the
armoured cruiser was under a very heavy fire, so that
' '
it was difficult to distinguish between shots from
projectiles and the explosion of a torpedo, but the
officers of the Arethusa were firmly convinced that

they had made one hit. The enemy also fired a

couple of torpedoes as Commodore Tyrwhitt's vessel
approached, but neither hit.
"
The spectacle just before she sank was a terrible
"
one," says an officer of the Arethusa. We had seen
her fore-mast come crashing down, and now the whole
vessel was wrapped in smoke, with flames showing fore
358
 The Battle of the Dogger Bank
and aft. Her gun-turrets and top works were ripped
and battered, and she was an utter wreck. She heeled
gradually over and sank lower and lower, and finally
went under with a plunge and a swirl."
"
You English have too many ships for us," a
"
prisoner remarked. We cannot do anything against
you on sea. On the land, yes on the sea, no." An
;

officer who was picked up stated that within thirty

minutes of the Lion's first hit from 200 to 300 of the
crew had either been killed or wounded. The first
words of the Blucher's engineer-commander on being
"
rescued were, Thank God I am out of that hell of
"
fire !

359
 CHAPTER XXXII
'
<
The Day at
Jutland
We drew the enemy into thejaws of our Fleet. I have no
regrets except for the gallant comrades and all pals that have
gone, who died gloriously. BEATTY

has been much controversy regarding

the tactics of the battle of giants fought off
THERE Jutland on May 31, 1916. The all-important
result of the engagement was that the German High
Sea Fleet never again contested the British command
of the sea. The Dreadnoughts which the Germans
"
had so often stated were skulking among the reeds
"
of Ireland were in undisputed possession. With
half a dozen battle-cruisers and four of the latest
battleships of the Queen Elizabeth class, the Barham,
the Valiant, the Warspite, and the Malaya, under
Rear-Admiral Hugh Evan-Thomas, accompanied by
fourteen light cruisers and twenty-seven destroyers,
Beatty was at sea in accordance with orders from
the commander-in-chief, who had received intelligence
that the German fleet was on the move. Late in the
day he sighted Vice- Admiral von Hipper' s advance
squadron of five battle-cruisers and attendant craft
bent on .an attack on the cruisers and merchantmen
in and outside the Skagerrak. Beatty was then pro-
ceeding northward to join the Battle Fleet. Hipper
immediately altered course to the south-east to come
up with Scheer's main body, and Beatty manoeuvred
360
 '
c
The Day at
Jutland
to place his vessels between the enemy and his base.
Both sides opened fire almost at the same moment at
a range of about 18,500 yards over ten miles
which was gradually decreased, and the action was
sustained with vigour. At first the gunnery of the
"
German battle-cruisers was of a very high standard,"
says Jellicoe, and although there was subsequently a
"
falling off, their ships were still able to fire with
"
great accuracy even when they had been severely
punished. The Indefatigable was struck by the
Derfflinger, There was also a simul-
and blew up.
taneous torpedo-attack, the British intercepting a
light cruiser and fifteen destroyers. In the ensuing
engagement, fought at close quarters, two German
destroyers were sunk, the attack on the big ships was
prevented, and the enemy were forced to fall back
on their battle-cruisers. The British lost no vessels,
and although several destroyers had fallen astern in
the fight, seven pressed home their attack on the
enemy battle-cruisers. Of these, three sustained a
terrific fire from battleships at close range, two being
lost.
Meanwhile the battle-cruiserscontinued to be
"
heavily engaged, the conflict being of a very fierce
and resolute character." The enemy battleships were
also taking part in the struggle at long range. The
accurate and rapid fire of the British was now in
marked superiority to that of their opponents, despite
reduced visibility. The third ship in the enemy's
line was seen to be on fire. This triumph, however,
was poor compensation for a heavy score on the
opposite side. A shell hit the Queen Mary, on which
the Derfflinger and the Seydlitz had concentrated, and
exploded her magazine.
361
 The Story of the British Navy
The guns of this great battle-cruiser had not begun
to bark and bite until 4.53 p.m. From start to finish
they kept up a steady fire. Not quite half an hour
later a big shell hit one of the turrets and put a gun
out of action. Two explosions followed, leaving
nothing but a mass of wreckage to mark the graves
"
of 1,200 heroes. She broke up and sank," said an
eyewitness, "in a wild confusion of red glare and
smoke so thick that it looked solid, and a terrific
thunder-clap of an explosion that sounded loud above
the steady roar of the guns."
A gun-layer who also saw what happened stated
"
that every shell that the Germans threw seemed
suddenly to strike the battle-cruiser at once. It was
as if a whirlpool was smashing a forest down, and
reminded me very much of the rending that is heard
when a big vessel is launched and the stays are being
smashed. She seemed to roll slowly to starboard, her
mast and funnels gone, and with a huge hole in her
side. She listed again, the hole disappeared beneath
the water, which rushed into her and turned her
completely over. A minute and a half, and all that
could be seen of the Queen Mary was her keel, and
then that disappeared."
When the enemy's Battle Fleet was sighted Beatty
altered course northward to lead the Germans toward
Jellicoe's main force. Evan-Thomas's Fifth Battle
"
Squadron supported the battle-cruisers brilliantly
and effectively," and came under the fire of Scheer's
leading ships, now obscured by mist, while the British
vesselswere silhouetted against a clear horizon. The
atmospheric conditions were therefore somewhat similar
to those against which Cradock had to contend off
Coronel when the sun had set. For an hour the range
362
 '
c
The Day at
Jutland
was reduced to 14,000 yards, during which time the
Germans " received very severe punishment," one
of their battle-cruisers being compelled to haul out
"
of the line badly crippled, while others showed signs
of increasing injury." At 5.56 p.m. Jellicoe's leading
ships were sighted on the port bow. Beatty altered
course to the east, reducing the range by another
2,000 yards.
This reinforcement, consisting of Hood's Third
Battle- Cruiser Squadron, took stations ahead, closing
with the leading German ship at 8,000 yards. The
Invincible, severely punishing her opponent, was
"
struck in a vital spot and disappeared. While we
were at the gunnery was magnificent," was the
it
verdict of a survivor who was picked up by a de-
stroyer. Then came a shell that tore a great gaping
hole in one of her turrets. Apparently it found its
way down the open ammunition-hoist and exploded
the magazine. Sturdee's former flagship just broke
in halves and sank in a welter of oil.

Beatty then went in support, Hood's two remaining

vessels being ordered to support the line astern. The
light shortly afterward changed in favour of the
"
British. At Beatty in his dispatch,
intervals," says
"
their [the enemy's] ships showed up clearly, en-
abling us to punish them very severely and establish
a definite superiority over them." So great was the
"
execution that the German was crumpled up,
line

leaving battleships as targets for the majority of our

battle-cruisers," while Evan-Thomas also engaged
' '

battleships. Yet before Jellicoe's heavy fathers were

in line the Defence blew up, the Warrior was disabled,
the Invincible was a total wreck, and the Marlborough
was torpedoed, though still able to fight.
363
 The Story of the British Navy
The Warrior proved worthy of the name she bore.
She gave no quarter in her last feverish half-hour of
crowded life. The cruiser entered into action just
before six o'clock, and the third shell that left the
starboard gun of the fore-turret crumpled up the
third funnel of an enemy cruiser nearly 16,000 yards
away. Then 12-inch shells began to make their
presence known and felt, many falling into the sea,
a few taking deadly effect. Again and again the
captain altered her course, thereby avoiding the full
force of the terrible storm of steel. The dynamos
were put out of action, a shell tore through the deck
and played havoc in the engine-room, and the stoke-
holds were flooded. Soon the after part of the ship
was in flames, and she was leaking badly. While some
of the crew tried with feverish energy to keep the fire
"
under, others prepared for the order Abandon ship,"
which now seemed inevitable. She retired from the
line in a sinking condition, covered by the Warspite,
which passed between her and the enemy and con-
tinued the fighting to much advantage. Like the
heroine who fought for her children when the der-
vishes entered Khartoum and murdered Gordon, the
battleship put her great steel body directly in opposition
to the enemy.
Eventually the fire in the Warrior was got under
control, and something was done to reduce the in-
take of water, for she was badly holed below. There
seemed a chance of saving her, and the chance was
seized. A hawser was thrown from another ship and
made fast. The Warrior lumbered on for ten hours,
making a distance of less than fifty miles. After a
night of tugging and straining, during which calm
weather gave place to an ugly sea, the cruiser settled
364
 '
<
The Day at
Jutland
down until the quarterdecks
were awash. Then, and
not till then, was she abandoned.
"
The Defence" an eyewitness writes, " had got
well over toward the enemy, engaging their light
cruisers, and had sunk one, when through the mist
emerged the enemy battleships. An armoured cruiser
could not stand long against them, for it is not
made for it. There was a tremendous splash of zig-
zag yellow smoke, and an enormous mass of dark
grey smoke, in shape like a tremendous elm-tree,
shot up to the sky. She was gone, all in a minute
admiral, captain, ship's company, ship. Not a sign
of the Defence left not one soul of that fine lot of
"
men !

"
The Black Prince was sunk later. Two great
"
shells," saysa gunnery-officer, carried away her funnels
and fore-turret, a salvo hit her in the magazine, and
she blew up."
What shall we say of those wonderful units of the
Black Navy, the destroyers ? Greater praise cannot
be given than this, that they carried out what was
expected of them with amazing zeal. There is no
finer tale of the sea than the one which the survivors
of the Shark had to tell. Two columns of German
destroyers were rushing ahead. She steered between
them, torpedoed a craft on either beam, and kept up
a running and merciless fire until a shell exploded on
the forecastle, killing everybody there a second shell
;

smashed one of the propellers and damaged the

steering-gear, while a third penetrated the oil-tank.
Pretty well everything on deck was carried away,
and dozens of men lay dead. She was herself struck
on both bows by torpedoes. Commander Loftus
W. Jones, with one of his legs shot away above the
365
 The Story of the British Navy
knee, was firing the only gun that had not been put
out of action as the vessel foundered.
The Onslaught, tearing along at top speed, dashed
up to an enemy battleship, discharged a couple of
torpedoes into her great bulky mass, and sank her.
The pygmy had conquered the giant. True, she
suffered for it, but brave hearts recked not of suffering
and death on craft such as these and sister destroyers
"
the Fortune, the Acasta, and the rest. Theirs but
to do and die."
A German submarine was sent to Davy Jones's
locker, thanks to the splendid handling of a sleek
destroyer. She was in the thick of the fight when
one of those men who from long experience know the
meaning of almost every ripple on the water made
out the track of a torpedo. The ship answered her
helm instantly, otherwise there would be a destroyer
less in the British Navy to-day. She swung round
with the ease of a racing yacht in the Solent, and the
submerged dart sped harmlessly by. Then the com-
mander steered a course in the direction from whence
the torpedo had come. There was no time lost, for
submarines are as slippery as eels. It could have
come from no other type of ship, because none was
sufficiently near at the moment. The T.B.D. raced
along at 30 knots, paying less heed to the fire that was
concentrated on her by two ships than to a suspicious
foam ahead. It flung away the foam when it got up
to it, and the muffled sound of tearing metal reached
the ears of the men on the destroyer.
The Grand Fleet was approaching in six parallel
columns of four ships each. To bring them into a
single line it was necessary to deploy. This having
been accomplished, the German destroyers attacked,
366
 '
'
The Day at
Jutland
and in order avoid the torpedoes the British
to
commander-in-chief turned his battle-squadrons two
points to port, away from the weapons of destruc-
tion, and as he did not deem that a sufficient margin
for safety, a further turn of two points was ordered.
The manoeuvre was successful, and twenty or more
torpedoes were observed to pass the ships. It is
argued that precious time was lost during this move-
ment, which opened the range and enabled Scheer to
alter course and flee. Had Jellicoe turned to star-
board, as certain critics have suggested he ought to
have done, he might have involved Britain in ruin.
"
The last consideration present in my mind," he
"
writes, was the danger involved in leaving too much
to chance in a Fleet action, because our Fleet was the
one and only factor that was vital to the existence
of the Empire, as, indeed, to the Allied cause. We
had no reserve outside the Battle Fleet which could
in any way take its place should disaster befall it, or
even should its margin of superiority over the enemy
be eliminated." Mr Filson Young tells us that when
Jellicoe and Beatty indulged in manoeuvres the latter
launched destroyer attacks, and to avoid them the
"
commander-in-chief invariably employed the method
of turning his ships away. I remember," he adds,
"
that the first time I saw this happen from the
bridge of the Lion a staff officer near me said
*
If :

he does that when the Germans attack he can't be

'

defeated, but he can't win.'

"
The action between the battle-fleets," Jellicoe
"
notes in his official dispatch, lasted intermittently
from 6.17 p.m. to 8.20 p.m. at ranges between 9,000
and 12,000 yards, during which time the British Fleet
made alterations of course from S.E. by E. to W. in
367
 The Story of the British Navy
the endeavour to close. The enemy constantly turned
away and opened the range under cover of destroyer
attacks and smoke-screens as the effect of the British
firewas felt, and the alterations of course had the
effect of bringing the British Fleet (which commenced
the action in a position of advantage on the bow of
the enemy) to a quarterly bearing from the enemy
battle-line, but at the same time placed us between
the enemy and his bases. . .
During the somewhat
.

brief periods that the ships of the High Sea Fleet were
visible through the mist the heavy and effective fire

kept up by the battleships and battle-cruisers of the

Grand Fleet caused me much satisfaction, and the
enemy vessels were seen to be constantly hit, some
being observed to haul out of the line and at least
one to sink. The enemy's return fire at this period
was not effective, and the damage caused to our ships
was insignificant."
As soon as Commodore Reginald Tyrwhitt learned
that a battle was in progress he left Harwich with all
his available destroyers. Unaware at the time that
the whole of the High Sea Fleet was out, the squad-
rons were recalled by the Admiralty for service
should the German movement be merely a feint to
"
cover a larger operation. They would have been of
great use on June 1st," Jellicoe has since admitted,
"
had they been on the scene at that time, and it is
needless to add how much I would have welcomed
the participation of the Harwich force in the action
had circumstances admitted of this."
During the night the commander-in-chief sought to
place his fleet between the enemy and their base, but
by steering in three divisions behind the Grand Fleet
they contrived to escape in a badly mauled condition.
368
 '
<
The Day at
Jutland
Several times during the dark hours the Germans
were within an ace of being brought to battle. The
cruiser Champion was in action with four enemy
destroyers for a few minutes, the Moresby sighted
four battleships, the Obdurate mistook several light
cruisers for units of the British Fleet, and the
Faulknor and her consorts not only attacked several
battleships, but signalled the Iron Duke, which failed
to receive the message.
The battle of Jutland conclusively proved that the
German ships were more efficiently protected, and
their gunners provided with better armour-piercing
projectiles. Both these very serious defects were
afterward remedied. Of the battleships, the Marl-
borough was not hit by shell, but torpedoed under the
fore-bridge, the Barham was hit twice, the Colossus
three times, and the Malaya eight times ; of the
battle-cruisers, the Lion was struck twelve times, the
Princess Royal nine times, the Tiger four times, and the
New Zealand and the Indomitable once of the light
;

cruisers, the Castor, the Dublin, and the Calliope were

hit in several places, the Chester seventeen times, the
Falmouth, the Galatea, and the Canterbury once.
The British lost six big ships and eight destroyers,
the complete force consisting of twenty-four Dread-
noughts, ten attached cruisers, eight battle-cruisers,
twelve light cruisers, eight vessels of the First and
Second Cruiser Squadrons, six ships of the Light- Cruiser
Squadron, and seventy-eight destroyers. Out of a
total of twenty-five German battleships (including
seventeen Dreadnoughts), five battle-cruisers, eleven
light cruisers, and seventy-seven destroyers, twelve
battleships, all the battle cruisers, and ten light
-

cruisers were hit or sustained damage by splinters of

2A 369
 The Story of the British Navy
bursting shell. The Ostfriesland, & battleship, was
mined, but able to enter harbour without assistance,
and the Konig badly battered. Of the battle-cruisers,
the Lutzow was hit at least forty times, torpedoed
twice, and finally destroyed by her crew when in a
sinking condition the Seydlitz was hit by twenty-
;

eight shells and one torpedo, and had to be beached

in the Outer Jade, preparatory to getting her into
dock. The Derfflinger took several months to repair,
and the Moltke and Von der Tann were hit. Four
light cruisers, five destroyers, and one submarine
were sunk. The casualties of the enemy numbered
3,076, including 2,414 killed or missing, while 5,241
British officers and men lost their lives nearly twelve
times as many as at Trafalgar. Rear-Admirals Hood
and Arbuthnot were numbered among the gallant
dead. While the British had a large force, the
Germans actually had more vessels in action than
Jellicoe. Although no statistics are available of the
total number of rounds fired by the Grand Fleet,
1,186 shells were fired by the eight ships of the First
Battle Squadron alone.
In a letter written by Admiral von Scheer to the
Kaiser on the 4th of the following July he categoric-
"
ally stated that there can be no doubt that even
the most favourable issue of a battle on the high seas
will not compel England to make peace in this war.
... A victorious termination of the war within
measurable time can only be attained by destroying
the economic existence of Great Britain, namely, by
the employment of submarines against British com-
merce. In the conviction that it is my duty, I must
continue respectfully to dissuade your Majesty from
adopting any modified form of this warfare, because
370
 '
*
The Day at
Jutland
itwould mean reducing this weapon to an anomaly,
and because the results would probably not be in pro-
portion to the risk incurred by the boats. Further,
even with the most conscientious care on the part of
the commanding officers, it will be impossible to avoid
incidents in British waters, where American interests
are so prevalent, which will force us to humiliating
concessions, unless we are able to prosecute the sub-
marine campaign in its acutest form."
On August 19th the German squadrons again
appeared in the North Sea, but speedily returned to
port on discovering that the British were in consider-
able strength. On this occasion two light cruisers,
the Nottingham and the Falmouth, were torpedoed by
submarine.

371
 CHAPTER XXXIII
War in the Underseas
The submarine has robbed the stronger Navy of its power to
up to the enemy's coasts and harbours.
carry warfare close
WINSTON CHURCHILL

the last two years of the conflict no

great naval battle was fought. Action was
DURING principally confined to the realm of the under-
seas. The problem of the submarine was tackled in
such a businesslike way that it completely shattered
the faith of the enemy in that weapon. Germany had
openly boasted of the impossibility of landing an
American army in France. The transports would be
stalked and sunk long before they reached Europe.
On the outward voyage two vessels only were sunk,
and less than 300 troops were lost. Of the 2,000,000
soldiers who went from America to France, over 50

per cent, passed through England, sometimes at the

rate of 200,000 a month.
The convoying of merchantmen also proved ex-
tremely valuable, though from first to last Britain lost
7,638,020 tons of shipping and France 696,845 tons.
Zeebrugge, from which issued raiding destroyers and
U-boats, was sealed on April 23, 1918, by the sinking
in the fairway of three obsolete cruisers loaded with
concrete. At the same time a cutting-out expedition
landed from the Vindictive and wrought considerable
damage by destroying gun-emplacements and firing
372
 War in the Underseas
buildings, while an old submarine filled with explosives
was blown up, and destroyed the jetty connecting the
mole with the mainland. An attempt made at the
same time to block Ostend miscarried, but was
achieved by the battle-scarred Vindictive on the 10th
of the following May.
Toward the end the moral of the German High Sea
Fleet broke down, which is another way of saying
that it lost its nerve. When ordered to put to sea on
October 28, 1918, ostensibly for manoeuvres, but in
reality as a gambler's last hazardous throw of the dice,
the men mutinied in a far more thorough manner
than had obtained a few months previously. At
Wilhelmshaven about a thousand sailors were im-
'
prisoned for taking part ;
Kiel went wholly red,' as
did also the commercial ports of Hamburg, Bremen,
and Liibeck. Soviets came into being, a Workers' and
Soldiers' Council was formed, Bolshevism was openly

preached, and fireworks were let off at Wilhelmshaven

in honour of the German Republic.
Apart from the moral issue, three main causes led
to the defection of the German Navy. It did not fight
because the battle of Jutland had proved the vast
superiority of the Grand Fleet ; it did not want to
fight because the complements of the vessels were
mainly landsmen by upbringing and inclination ;it

had no heart to fight because the U-boat campaign

had failed to win the war according to promise, or
even to shake Britain's resolution by one iota. Prob-
ably the ultimate and determining factor was the
frightful mortality among the submersibles. When
the High Sea Fleet failed at Jutland the U-boat
campaign was undertaken in real earnest; when that
failed the mutiny took place. The death-rate toward
373
 The Story of the British Navy
the end was frightful. Of 360 submarines launched
during 1914-18, 203 were sunk or captured. Britain
lost fifty-nine submarines.
That Germany made a bold bid for triumph cannot
be gainsaid. There were times when the Allied Ad-
miralties regarded the situation as critical. The
statistics of the matter are instructive, though not

pleasing. From first to last Great Britain lost

9,000,000 tons of shipping, while Allies and neutrals
suffered to the extent of a further 6,000,000 tons.
In addition there were eighty British vessels, with an
aggregate tonnage of 172,554, held up in German
ports during hostilities, an amount by no means to
be despised, although it is small compared with the
enemy tonnage captured and brought into Allied
service. The latter reached the respectable figure of
2,392,675. British naval casualties totalled 39,766
wounded, interned, and captured.
in killed, In the
Merchant Service 14,661 lost their lives and 3,295
were taken prisoners. War in the underseas was
waged at frightful cost to all belligerents, both van-
quished and victors. Taking British losses by enemy
action and marine risks during the war, the worst
quarters were in this order : second quarter of 1917,
third, first, and last quarters of the same year, first
quarter of 1918, and last quarter of 1916. In April
1917 550,000 tons of British shipping were sent to the
bottom. In September 1918 the depletion had been
reduced to 151,000 tons.
Captain Persius asserts that, following the action
off the Danish coast, twenty-three battleships were
disarmed for the purpose of obtaining metal for con-
structing U-boats excellent proof of the grip of the
blockade and of the British victory at Jutland. His
374
 War in the Underseas

figures regarding underseas craft are a little difficult

to follow, because he only deals with what he calls
'
front submarines,' presumably those definitely on
active serviceand not merely patrolling in home
waters. In April 1917, he says, Germany had 126
U-boats, in the following October 146 in February
;

1918 she possessed 136 ; in June of the same year,

113. In January 1917 only 12 per cent, were at sea,
30 per cent, in harbour, 38 per cent, under repair, and
20 per cent, incapacitated. His most important admis-
sion is that the ill-trained crews had no confidence in
their craft, and that toward the end of the campaign
it was difficult to get men to work them. He flatly
contradicts the assertion that losses were made up by
new construction.
Apart from the offensive operations of the Navy
proper, the defensive equipment of traders and the
introduction of the convoy system in the summer of
1917 were of enormous importance in thwarting the
submarine. In addition to merchant-shipping and
munitions, 16,000,000 fighting-men were escorted,
and of these less than 5,000 met with disaster.
Sea-power worked miracles in other directions. "
"
The blockade," according to Sir Eric Geddes, is

what crushed the life out of the Central Empires."

That was the work of the Tenth Cruiser Squadron.
"
From 1914 to 1917 the ships of that squadron held
the 800-miles stretch of grey sea from the Orkneys
to Iceland. In those waters they intercepted 15,000
ships taking succour to our enemies, and they did
that almost under Arctic conditions, and mainly in
the teeth of storm and blizzard ; out of that 15,000
they missed just 4 per cent., a most remarkable
achievement under impossible conditions. Behind the
375
 The Story of the British Navy
blockade was the Grand Fleet, the fulcrum of the whole
of the sea-power of the Allies. If ever testimony were
needed of the value of sea-power, I can give it.- In
every individual case when an armistice was signed by
our enemies, and in one, if not two, cases before, the
' '
one cry that went up was, Release the blockade.'
Admiral Sir Percy Scott holds that four years of
U-boat warfare have " tragically demonstrated the
"
truth of his neglected warning, but he also acknow-
"
ledges that the Navy did not fail us. From the
"
first," to quote the apostle of the submarines, Great
Britain kept command of the seas." His prophecy of
1914 that the day of the big surface-ship was over
has not been fulfilled, though the submarine may be-
come the capital ship of the future. He contends
that if Germany could have placed 200 U-boats on
the ocean trade-routes at the outbreak of war she
would have defeated the Allies. She might have done
so, but the important fact is that she did not possess
the requisite number. At that time we were lament-
ably short of light craft, German cruisers and raiders
were running amok in various parts of the world,
' '
and the Grand Fleet was fully occupied containing
the main German squadrons. Given the hypothetical
conditions mentioned by the Admiral, it is not im-
"
probable that the enemy would have defeated the
Allies and practically conquered the world," but it
is not
"
certain," as Sir Percy asserts. Germany
regarded the intensified U-boat campaign as a sure
thing ; we know the result. In his now famous letter
to The Times, one of the eminent correspondent's
contentions was that " the introduction of vessels
that swim under water has already done away with
the utility of ships that swim on the top of the water,"
876
 War in the Underseas
"
that as the motor- vehicle has driven the horse from
the road, so has the submarine driven the battleship
from the sea." The Great War of 1914-18 disproved
this very definite statement, and witnessed the introduc-
* '
tion of mighty hush ships which lived, and moved,
and had their being on the surface of great waters.
On the other hand we should be extremely foolish
if we neglected the lessons of the war as regards the

latestnaval arm. The records of British submarines

are eloquent of their effectiveness. Summed up they
amount to this Two battleships sunk and three
:

badly damaged ; two armoured cruisers destroyed

;

two light cruisers sunk and one badly damaged. The

long obituary list also included seven destroyers, five
gunboats, twenty submarines, five armed auxiliaries,
fourteen transports, two store-ships, half a dozen
ammunition- and supply-ships, fifty-three steamships,
197 sailing-vessels, and one Zeppelin, making a grand
total of 315 vessels dead and buried. As to the sea-
going qualities of the craft, one British commander
made twenty-four cruises, covering 22,000 miles, in a
year, while in a single month British submarines
navigated 105,768 sea-miles, one mile in every ten
being in the submerged position. Allied naval losses,
while they made no appreciable difference to the
situation, were not negligible. Approximately 230
fighting-ships were lost from all causes by Great
Britain during the war. Fifteen battleships, five battle-
cruisers, twenty-eight light cruisers, 176 destroyers, and
110 submarines were built.
All available facts show that warships travelling at
a good speed are comparatively immune from attack
by submarine. There is also little danger when they
are going slowly, provided they have a covering screen
377
 The Story of the British Navy
of destroyers. The majority of battleships and cruisers
that fell victims to U-boats were taking life easy, as
for instance the Aboukir, the Cressy, and the Hogue in
the North Sea, and the Formidable in the Channel.
The Great Collapse revealed no new wonders. One
ugly brute, believed to have been responsible for the
sinking of 47,000 tons of shipping, carried forty-two
mines and twenty-two torpedoes. An officer ex-
plained that his periscope was missing and his compass
' '

gave an incorrect reading because a steamer had sat

on his boat. The majority of the submarines sur-
rendered were certainly not of the cruiser type about
which one heard so much during the war. The largest
U-boat was 320 feet long, with a surface displacement
of 2,160 tons, and an armament of two 5'9-inch guns
and six torpedo-tubes. Accommodation was provided for
a crew of eighty-three. The remainder were mostly of
800 tons displacement, 225 feet long, and 22 feet beam.
Eleven German battleships, five battle-cruisers, eight

light cruisers, and fifty destroyers were surrendered

shortly after the Armistice, most of them being subse-
quently scuttled at Scapa by their crews. No fewer than
158 submarines were also given up. Under the terms of
the Peace Treaty eight battleships, eight light cruisers,
forty-two destroyers, and fifty torpedo-boats were handed
over. Two battleships and two battle-cruisers on the
stocks were also to be surrendered or broken up.
Ten centuries had gone in the making of the British
Navy ; it took four and a half years for the senior
service to secure the defeat of its most formidable rival
in the greatest sea-conquest of all time.

378
 Index
Aboukir, 378 Australian Navy, 310
Abyssinian expedition (1868), 243
'
Ayesha, 315, 317-20
Acapulcho ship,' 150
A casta, 366 Bacchante, 341
Admiral, title of, 52
' '
Balfour, Earl of, quoted, 269
Admiral class, 242 Bantry Bay, 123, 184
Agamemnon, (1801) 217, (1854) 237, Barbados, 117, 138
(1915) 329 seq. Barbary corsairs, 230
Aircraft, 8-n Barcelona, 132
Alacrity, 265 Barham, 360-69
Albion, (1854) 237, (1915) 332 Barnaby, Sir N., 242
Alexander II, Pope, 31-3 Basque traders, 56-7
Alexandria, bombardment of, 242 Battle-cruiser, use of, 7-8
Alfred, King, 24-6 Battle-line first adopted, 121
Algerine pirates, 230 Battleships, ancient, 42-3, 52
Allardyce, Hon. W., quoted, 278 Bayeux Tapestry, 32, 33
Amazon, 184 Beachy Head, 126
Amethyst, 336 Beatty, Earl, 245-6, 255-6, 262, 345-
Amphion, 254 346, 360 seq.
Ancient ships :
viking, 7, 18; Egyp- Bedford, 182
tian, 19, 21 ; cescs, 26; twelfth cen- Bell, Henry, 232
tury, 39 Belleisle, 223
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 23, 25-7, 30 Bellerophon, (1794) 174, (1798) 211,
Ann, 140 (1805) 229, (1868) 239
Anson, Adm., 149-51, 163 Benbow, 242
Arbuthnot, Rear-Adm., 370 Benbow, Adm., 128, 137-8, 140-3
Arethusa, (1854) 237, (1914) 256-8, Benin, 244
261-4, (1915) 195, 346 seq. Beresford, Commander J. A. H., 311
Ariadne, 263 Beresford, Lord, 244
Ark, 97, roo, 102, 107 Berry, Capt., 209-10, 213
Ark Royal, 330, 341 Birmingham, 346 seq.
Armada, Spanish, 88-9, 96-7, 99-100, Black Hulk of Flanders, 65
102 10 Black Prince, 365
Armaments, guns, etc. in 1350, 60:
; Blake, Adm., 114-21
I3&5, 63 ; 1487, 67 ; 1507-1604, Blanche Nef, 36, 37
83; 1610, 112; 1653 ('rates' Blankenberghe, 53-5
introduced), 114-15 ; 1868, 239 ; Blenheim, 200, 203
1880-7, 242-3 1905-14, 249
; ;
Blockade duty, 184, 375
gunfire's superiority, 8 ; weight of Blucher, 195, 347 seq.
shells, 6, ro-n Bombardment by Navy alone, 147
Arte'mise, L', 211 Boscawen, Adm., 151, 155, 161, 163
Ashmead-Bartlett, Sir E., quoted, 334 Bouvet, 329 seq.
Athelstan, King, 28 Braemar Castle, 342
Audacious, (1794) 174-5, (1798) 211, Breda, 138, 141, 142
(1914) 8, 252 Bremer, Commodore Sir G., 233
Aurora, 346 seq. Breslau, 324 seq.
Austen, Adm., 234 Brest, 72, 171, 173-5
Australia, 310 Bristol, 281-93
379
 The Story of the British Navy
Britannia, 204 Conflans, Marshal, 155-60
Brownrigg, Rear-Adm. Sir D., 282 Convoy system, 119
Brunswick, 177 Cook, Capt. James, 162
Bucentaure, 225 Copenhagen, 215-18, 228
Burmese War (1885), 244 Corbett, Sir J., 254
Burnet, Bishop, quoted, 129-30 Cordelier, 72
Byng, Vice-Adm., i53~4i *6i Cornwall, 281-93
Cornwallis, 329 seq.
CABINS, introduction of, 51 Cornwallis, Adm., 182-3, 220
Cabot, John, 70 Cornwallis, Lord, 167
Cadiz, 91, 129 Coronel, battle of, 271 seq.
Ca-Ira, 181-2 Count of the Saxon Shore, 20
Calais, 65, 76, 100 Cradock, Rear-Adm. Sir C., 265, 268
Calliope, 369 271-2, 279
Camperdown, 207-8 Cressy, 378
Canada, 161-3 Cromwell, 120
Canopus, (1914) 266, 268, 272, 276, Crusades, 36, 39-43
281-93, 333 Culloden, (i794) 177, (1797) 193, 197-
Canterbury, 369 200, 205, (1798) 209
Cape of Good Hope, 183, 219, 227
Capital ships, present cost of, 235 DA GAMA, Vasco, 69
Captain, (1794) 182, (i797) 196, Damme, 45-6
199-202, 205, (1870) 240-1 Dardanelles, 227, 324 seq.
Carden, Vice-Adm., 324, 327 Dartmouth, 63
Carnarvon, 281-93 de Bazan, Don Alonso, 108, no
Cartagena, 148-9 de Bazan, Alvaro, 90, 92
Castor, 369 de Burgh, Hubert, 46-50
Censeur, 182 de Chair, Adm., 254
Centurion, 149, 150 de Cordova, Don Jos6, 194, 196-9,
Cetywayo, 244 203, 205
Ceylon, 183 de Horsey, Adm., 243
Champion, 369 Deal, 114
Charlemagne, 331 Defence, 268, 363-4
Charles I, 112-14; II, 120 Defender, 259
Charles, Archduke, 129, 132, 138 Defiance, (1588) 97, (1701) 139-41,
Chatham, Earl of, 161 ; quoted, 163 (1759) 157
Cherbourg, 73 Denmark, 214, 218 ; the Danes, 18,
Chester, 369 22-9
Chiloe (Red Cross steamer), 280 Derfflinger,347 seq., 361-70
China, 233, 238 Deschesnes, Vice-Adm., 236
Christian, Rear-Adm., 256 Devastation, 241
Christopher, 55 Diaz, Bartholomew, 69
Churchill, Wins ton, 126, 291, 340, 345 Digna, Osman, 245
Cinque Ports, 35, 47, 49-52 Dispatch, first naval, 55
Circumnavigation of the world, 69 Dogger Bank, 194, 344 seq.
Clan Matheson, 299 Dover, 35, 47-50, 52, 120
Codrington, Adm., 231 Dragon, 80
Coles, Capt. Cowper, 240-1 Drake, Sir Francis, 82, 84-7, 90-2,
Collingwood, Adm., 191, 200-3, 205, 95-100, 104, 106
220, 223-4, 226 Dreadnought (at Trafalgar), 226
Colossus, (1797) 193, (1805) 226, Dreadnoughts (1905), 7, 248
(1916) 369 Dresden, 269, 290-1
Columbus, Christopher, 69, 70 Dublin, 369
Colville, Commander Hon. S. C. J., 245 Duckworth, Adm., 176-8, 220
Comet (Bell's), 232 Duff, Vice-Adm., 156, 163
Commander-in-Chief, 128 Duke of Wellington, 235
Compass, the, 60 Duncan, Adm., 207-8
Condor, 242 Dundas, Adm., 236
380
 Index
4, 260 E6, 255 ; E8, 255
; Glasgow, 266, 271-6, 279, 281 seq.
East India Company, 80, 135 Gloire, La, 234, 237
Eastern routes and trade, 43, 69, 78-80 '
Glorious First of June,' 169
Edward I, 51 ; II, 52 ; III, 52, 55, 56, Glossop, Capt. J. C. T., 313 seq.
58, 60; IV, 65-6; VI, 75-6 Gloucester, (1742) 150, (1748) 189,
Egmont, 203 (1914) 327 seq.
Egypt, 208 seq., 218, 227, 232 Gneisenau, 269-71, 274, 279, 285-6
Elephant, 217 Goeben, 10, 324 seq.
Elizabeth, Queen, 80, 82, 87, 107 Goliath, (1798) 209, (1914) 342
Emden, 294 seq., 308 seq. Good Hope, 265-6, 271-5, 279
Essex, 159, 161 Goodenough, Commodore, 256, 346
Eustace the Monk, 46, 48, 49 Gordon Relief Expedition, 244
Evan-Thomas, Rear-Adm. H., 360 seq. Gravelines, 76, 103, 105
Excellent, 199-201, 203 Great Harry, 75
Exmouth, Lord, 220, 230 Greenwich, 139, 140
Grenfell, Sir F., 245-6
FALMOUTH, 89 Grenville, Sir R., 108-10
Falmouth, (1701) 140, 141, (1914) 262, Grey, Viscount, 291
(1916) 369, 371 Grog, 146
Fashoda, 246-7 Guepratte, Rear-Adm., 330
Faulknor, 369 Gymnote, 250
Fearless, 257-8, 261, 263
Ferguson, Surgeon, quoted, 216 HAKLUYT, cited, 70
Firedrake, 2556, 261 Hampshire, 301, 308
Fire-ships, 42, 128, 147, 250 Hardy, Adm. Sir Charles, 158, 166
Fisher, Lord, 70, 242, 248, 281, 340 Hardy, Vice-Adm. Sir Thomas M.,
Fitch, John, 232 196, 225, 232
FitzStephen, Thomas, 36-8 Harfleur, 63
FitzwilUam, Adm., 71, 73 Harold, King, 30, 31
Formidable, 331, 378 Hawke, Adm., 155-63
Formidable (French), 157, 159, 183 Hawkins, William, 87, 100, 104, 108
Fortune, 366 Heligoland Bight, 255 seq.
Fox, 234 Henri Grace a Dieu, 75
France: co-operation with, against Henry I, 36-8; II, 38; III, 48-51;
China (1856), 238; her fleetin 1914, IV, 63 V, 64-5 ; VI, 65-6 VII, 66-
; ;

253 70; VIII, 71, 73-5

Wars and fights with: in 1216, Hercules, 208, 239
46-8; 1415,62-4; 1511-12, 71-2; Heros, L', 160, 161
1515, 73; 1558, 76; 1665, 120; Hague, 264, 378
1689, 123; 1690, 127; 1693, 128; Holland, in ; help from, 65, 101,
1702-4, 129-34 ; 1744-5, 151 ; 106, 123-4, 127 ; hostilities with,
1759, 161 1775, 165 ; 1793, 169
; 118-21, 167
seq. ; 1798, 208 1803, 219 seq.
; Holland, John P., 250
Fremantle, Vice-Adm. Sir E. R., 244 Hood, 235, 249
Frigates, 194 Hood, Adm. Vis., 168, 170, 180-1, 191
Frobisher, Martin, 81, 98-100, 104, 108 Hood, Rear-Adm., 370
Froissart, quoted, 59, 62 Hood, Commodore Sir S., 220
Howard, Sir E., 71-3
Galatea, 369 Howard, Lord Thomas, 73, 108-9
Gaulois, 329 seq. Howard, Lord Win., 76
Genereux, Le, 211-13 Howard of Effingham, Lord, 87, 90,
Genoa, 78 95-106 ; his nephew, 108-9
George II, 154; III, 219 Howe, Adm. Earl ('Black Dick'),
German High Sea Fleet (1914), 9, 126, 160, 165, 166, 170-80, 183
252-3, 292, 378 Hudson Bay Company, 137
Gibraltar, 132, 166 Hundred Years War, 52-65
Gilbert, Humphrey, 136
'
Hush ships, 377
'

Gild as, cited, 21 Hythe, 50

381
 The Story of the British Navy
Implacable, 341-2 Louis XIV, King of France, 123-9
Indefatigable, (1797) 184, (1916) 361 Lowestoft, 264, 346 seq.
Indomitable, 346 seq., 369 Luce, Capt. J., 271, 273, 278
Indomptable, 174, 224 Lurcher, 255-6, 261
Inflexible, (1881) 241-2, (1914) 251, Lutzow, 370
281-93, 329 seq.
Invincible, (1801) 215, (1914) 249, M DESTROYERS, II, 348
251, 263, 281-93, (1916) 363 Macedonia, 281-93
Ireland, 38, 51, 123-4, 184 Madras, 151-2, 300-1
Iron, 235 Madre de Dios, 82
Iron Duke, 252, 369 Magellan, 69
Irresistible, (i797) 203, (1914) 33*, Magnanime, 157, 160
337, 339 Mainz, 261-3
Majestic, 338, 341
Jacobin, 179, 180 Malaya, 360-70
James I, 111-12; II, 122 seq. Malta, 219
Japan, 238, 250 Manica, 341
Jellicoe, Viscount, 126, 203, 243, 252, Marchand, M., 246
255, 360 seq. Maria Juan, 105
Jenkins" Ear, War of, 144 seq. Maritime Confederacy (1780], 214-18
John, King, 44, 46-9 Marlborough, 8, 363, 369
Juste, (1759) 159, (1794) 180 Marlborough, Duke of, 129, 134
Justinus of Nassau, 101, 106 Mars, (1759) 158, (1794) 183, (1805) 223
Jutland, 8, 126, 157, 203, 360 Mary Rose, 74
Mary of the Tower, 64
Karlsruhe, 253 Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 92-4,
Keith, Adm., 220 98-101, 104, 106
Kelly, Capt. W. A. H., 327-8 Melbourne, 310, 314, 318
Kempenfelt, 168 Melville, Viscount, 231
Kent, 281-93 Mercantile Marine, 38, 42-3, 66, 121
Keppel, Adm. Viscount, 166 Merrimac, 239-40
Keyes, Commodore R., 255, 261 Messina, fleet at (1190), 40-1
Kinsale, 115, 123 Meteor, 195, 349 seq.
Kitchener, Earl, 245, 246 Miller, Capt., 201-2, 212
Kolberg, 346 seq. Miller and Symington, 232
Koln, 261-4 Milne, Adm. Sir B., 327
Konig, 370 Minerve, (1797) 194, 195-6, 203
Kuper, Adm. Sir A., 238 Mines, 8, 250
Minotaur, 318
LA HOGUE, 63 Moltke, 347 seq., 370
Laertes, 258 Monarch (1797) 207, (1801) 217
Lambert, Commodore, 234 (1870) 240
Laughton, Sir J. K., 214 Monitor, 239-40
Laurel, 258-9 Monkey (first steamer in Navy), 232
Le, Prince, of Nagato, 238 Monmouth, 266-7, 270-5, 277, 279
Leander, 213 Montagne, 179, 180
Leipzig, 269, 285, 287 Montagu, Rear-Adm., 172, 173, 220
Les Espagnols sur Mer, battle, 56-60 Moore, Rear-Adm. Sir A., 346, 350
Levant Company, 135 Mora, 33-4
Leviathan, 174 Moresby, 369
Ley bourne, Sir W., first Chief Adm., 52 Mortello, tower of, 181
Liberty, 258 Mousquet, 305
Lightning, 232, 247 Muscovy Company, 78, 135
Limpus, Rear-Adm. A. H., 326
Lion, 262-3, 346 seq., 369 NAPIER, Vice-Adm. Sir C., 232, 235
Lissa, 241 Napoleon Bonaparte, 170, 192-3, 212,
London, 23, 28-30, 47-8, 88-9 215, 226-7, 229
Lord Nelson, 335 Navarino Bay, 231
382
 Index
Navigation Laws, 50, 62, 117, 152, 214 Queen Elizabeth, 249, 331 seq.
Nelson, 181-2, 191, 195, 199, 201-2, Queen Mary, 249, 262, 264, 361-70
204-5, 208, 212, 215-17, 220-5 Quiberon, 153 seq.
New Pommern, 311
New Zealand, 262, 346 stq., 369 RALEIGH, Sir Walter, 87, 109, 136
Newfoundland, 70 Rata Coronada, La, 97
Nile, battle of the, 208-13 Rattler (first screw- warship), 234
Nordenfeldt, 250 Rawson, Adm. Sir H., 244
North Foreland, 120 Redoutable, 225
North Sea, 5, 248, 254 Reed, E. J., 241
Norway, 29 ; Norsemen, 17-19, 21-2 Regent, 66, 72
Nottingham, 262, 346 seq., 371 Resolution, 157, 159, 161
Nuestra Senhora de Cabodonga, 150 Revenge (Drake's), 95, 100, 108-10
Nurnberg, 269, 277, 285, 288 Revenge, 157
Richard I, 38-43 II, 61 ; III, 66
;

Obdurate, 369 Richard of Devizes, quoted, 41

Ocean, 334, 337, 339~4O Rochelle, 59
Oil, 248 Rochester, 23, 47
Onslaught, 366 Rodney, Adm., 163, 166-7
Orion, (i794) 175, 178, 179, (*797) 203 Rooke, Adm., 12830, 132-4
Osborn, Adm. Sherard, 240 Royal George, 156-8
Osborne, 248 Royal Sovereign, (1794) 183, (1805)
Ostfriesland, u, 370 223-4, (1860) 240
Otranto, 266-8, 271-3 Rozhdestvensky (later Adm.), 247
Ruby, 138-40
PARKER, Adm. Sir Hyde, 215-18 Rupert, Prince, 114-16
Parker, Rear- Adm. Sir W., 175-9, Russell, 174, 217
193, 205, 233 Russia, 214-15, 218, 227, 236 seq., 253
Parma, Duke of, 91, 93, 101 Russo-Japanese War (1904-5), 250
Paul Lecat, 303 Rye, 50, 53, 61
Pay, naval, 66, 89, 115, 206
Pearson, Lieut., of 69th Regt., 201-2 ST LUCIA, 163, 166
Peirse, Vice-Adm. Sir R., 334 St Vincent, Cape, 91, 163, 186, ig^seq.
Penn, Adm. Sir Wm., 117, 119 St Vincent, Earl of (John Jervis), 170,
Petropavlovsk, 250 185-90, 191-205, 21213, 220
Pett, Phineas, 112, 114 Saints, battle of the, 167
Philip Augustus, King of France, 44-5 Salisbury, Marquess of, 248
Philip II, of Spain, 76, 84, 87, 89, 91, Salle du Roi, Le, 59
107-8, no; Philip V, 145 Salvador del Mondo, 200
Phillimore, Adm. Sir A., 178 Samoa, 310-11
Pierola, 243 San Felipe, 105, 109
Pilgrim Fathers, 136, 137 San Lorenzo, 103
Pitt, Wm., the Younger, 169, 191, 219 San Martin, 94, 98, 104-5, 107
Plymouth, 62, 89, 97, 136 San Salvador, 89, 98, 99
Poisonous gas, 39, 42 SantissimaTrinidad, 194, 199, 203, 225
Popham, Adm. Edward, 114, 115, 116 Sapphire, 334
Popham, Commodore Sir Home, 227 Satsuma, Prince of, 238
Portland, 23, 99, 120 Scharnhorst, 269-71, 274-5, 279, 282,
Portsmouth, 36, 50-2, 64-5, 71 285-7
Portugal, 83, 219 Scott, Adm. Sir P., 247, 376
Powerful, 247 Seven Years War, 153-63
Prince George, 334 Seydlitz, 347 seq., 361-70
Prince Royal, 112 Seymour, Lord H., 98, 100, 104, 106
Princess Royal, 262, 346 seq., 369 Seymour, Adm. Sir E. H., 238
Privateers, 51, 75, 81-2 Shark, 365
Ship-money, 28, 112
Queen, 174, 177 Shovel, Sir C., 125, 127-8, 132-4
Queen Charlotte, 174, 179, 180 Simeon of Durham, quoted, 22
383
 The Story of the British Navy
Slave-traffic, 143, 145 U-BOAT campaign, 373-6
Sluys, 51-3, 56*1., 101 Undaunted, 346 seq.
Soleil Royal, 128, 157, 159, 161 U.S. Civil War (1860), 239 seq.
South Sea Company, 145
Southampton, 52, 79 Vs, 356 ; Vi87, 259, 260
Southampton, 346 seq. Valdivia (Red Cross steamer), 280
Sovereign, 66 Valiant, 360-70
Spain, 56-60, 76, 83 ; the Armada, Vanguard, 209-10
87 seq. ; Plate Fleets defeated in Van Tromp, Martin, 117-20
1591, 108-10 in 1653, 116 ; peace
;
Venerable log-book quoted, 207
:

with, in 1603, in ; wars with, in

Vengeance, 329 seq.
1701-2, 129, 138 ; in 1779, 166 ; Venice, 43, 78-9
in 1797, 197-8
Vernon, Adm. (' Old Grog '), 146-9
Steam, 231 seq. Victoria, 243
Stopford, Vice-Adm. Sir R., 232 Victory, (1588) 100, (1794) 170, (1797)
Strachan, Adm. Sir R., 186, 226-7 199, (1805) 7, 223, 225
Sturdee, Vice-Adm. Sir F. C. D., 281 Vigo, 129 seq.
Submarines, n, 250, 373-7 Villaret-Joyeuse, Adm., 172-6, 180
Suffolk, 266 Villeneuve, Adm., 209, 221-6
Suffren, 329 seq. Vindictive, 372-3
Sweden, 214, 218, 226 Vitu, Sultan of, 244
Swiftsure, (i759) *57 (1805) 226, von Hipper, Rear-Adm., 347, 360
(1914) 333 von Miiller, Capt. K., 295 seq.
Sydney, 310, 312-13, 316, 318, 320-3 von Scheer, Adm., 370
von Spec, Adm., 269, 272-9, 283-93
Te"meraire, 225
Tennyson-D'Eyncourt, Sir E. H. W.,
249
WALPOLE, Horace, 146, 161, 170
Tenth Cruiser Squadron, 375 Walpole, Robert, 144
Texel, 121
Warrior, (1860) 234-5, 239, 242,
" (1916) 363-4
Thomas, ship-cog," 56, 58 Warspite, 360-70
Thunderer, (1794) 174, (1869) 241
Tiger, 249, 346 seq., 369
Warwick, Earl of, 113-14
Warwick the King-maker, 65
Tonnant, (1798) 210, 212, (1805) 223,
226 Washington, George, 165
Torbay, (1702) 131, (i759) *57 Wellington, Duke of, 228
West Indies, 137, 183
Torpedoes and torpedo-boats, 247-8
Torrington, Earl of, 122-7
Whitehead, R., 247
White Bear, 89
Tourville, Adm., 123, 124, 126, 127
Trade's Increase, 112
White Ship, story of, 36-8
Trafalgar, 7, 195, 221 seq.
Wight, Isle of, 26, 30, 61, 63, 89, 99
William the Conqueror, 31-5
Treaties Ryswick, 128-9 ; Grand
:
William Rufus, 36
Alliance, 129 ; Utrecht, 143 ; William III, 123, 129, 137
Aix-la-Chapelle, 152 ; Paris (1763),
Winchelsea, 35, 50, 56-9, 61
164 ; Amiens, 218 ; Tilsit, 227
Windsor, 139, 140
Trident, 234
Trinity House, 71
Wolfe, Gen., 162, 163
Wooden ships, 241
Triumph, (1588) 83, 89, 99, 100, (1794)
H2
183, (1915) 329 seq.
Woolwich, 71,
Troubridge, Capt., 191, 193, 198
Troubridge, Rear-Adm. E. C. T., 327 YARMOUTH, 51
Turkey Company, 135 Yarmouth, 3034, 306
Turks, 67-8, 227, 324 Young, Fuson, quoted, 367
Tyrwhitt, Commodore R., 256, 261-2,
264, 346, 368 Zhemtchug, 304-5
 V
DA Wheeler, Harold Felix Baker
70 The story of the British
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