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 PARENT–CHILD RELATIONS
Context, Research, and Application

Fourth edition

Phyllis Heath
Central Michigan University

330 Hudson Street, NY NY 10013

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 To my children, Ken, Todd, and Kelly

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 About the Author

Phyllis Heath is Professor Emerita in the Department of Human Environment Studies

at Central Michigan University. She also has taught courses for Michigan State
University in Okinawa, Japan. She was educated at the University of North Carolina
at Asheville (where she earned a BA in Psychology), the University of North Carolina
at Charlotte (where she earned an MA in Human Development and Learning), and
the University of North Carolina at Greensboro (where she earned a PhD in Child
Development and Family Relations). Her research has focused on the ways in which
parent–child relationships affect the development of children and adolescents. This
research has included the influence of parenting patterns on children’s social com-
petence, factors affecting parenting patterns (such as gender role ideology and locus
of control), and the links between parenting patterns and adolescent depression. She
also has researched parenting patterns of indigenous people in Oaxaca, Mexico, and
South Africa.

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 Preface

This book was written to acquaint undergraduate students with the study of parent–
child relations in the following major areas:

• The history of childrearing in the United States and philosophical and theoretical
perspectives that have guided child socialization practices in this country.
• Variations in childrearing patterns, including the childrearing practices of ethnic
majority and ethnic minority parents in the United States and childrearing prac-
tices in other countries.
• Child socialization strategies for guiding children to become increasingly more
competent and to have higher self-esteem and parenting skills for preventing and
responding to problem behaviors and for resolving parent–child conflict.
• Coverage of parent–child relations at each of the following developmental
stages: infancy and toddlerhood, preschool and middle childhood, early to late
adolescence, and early to late adulthood.
• The changes that occur in the lives of parents who have children with exception-
alities or chronic illnesses who require specialized care and recommendations
for helping parents to meet these challenges.
• Parent–child interactions in families in which a parent has an exceptionality or a
disability that requires specialized care.
• The lives of children who are maltreated and/or exposed to parental violence
or parental alcoholism and suggestions for interventions for these parents and
children.
• The challenge faced by parents and children who are dealing with the untimely
death of a family member and recommendations for helping children and par-
ents throughout the grieving process.
• The grief of adults and children associated with the death of an older parent or
grandparent, including alterations that occur in family interaction patterns fol-
lowing the death of an older parent.

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 vi Preface

New to This Edition: The Pearson eText

• In the Pearson eText, embedded short answer questions called Test Your
Knowledge, as well as written feedback, have been added to the end of each
chapter. This allows students to check their understanding of the material they
have read. These additions provide guidance for focusing on the main points in
the chapter and provide the opportunity for students to demonstrate their under-
standing of the content.
• Also in the Pearson eText, several relevant videos have been added to each
chapter to allow students to hear from parents and children in various family
contexts throughout society.
• A New Digital Glossary of Terms. Definitions of unfamiliar terms have been
added as a feature to each chapter so students can quickly determine the mean-
ing of unfamiliar concepts by clicking on the term in the eText to reveal the defi-
nition. This feature is designed to enhance student understanding of the material.

New Content to This Edition

Since the publication of the third edition, much new research has focused on fami-
lies. There have also been a number of changes in public policy and laws that influ-
ence U.S. families as well as families throughout the world. In response to these
changes, this new edition includes the following:

• A discussion related to preparation for parenthood, which includes important

decisions that prospective parents must make in anticipation of becoming par-
ents through pregnancy or adoption.
• An increased emphasis on the various contexts of parenting, which reviewers
and colleagues have cited as a primary strength of this book. For example, this
edition includes more information about parents and children in military fami-
lies, parents and children in immigrant families, parents and children in LGBT
families, the lives of adolescent parents and their children, and information
related to transracial and intercountry adoption.
• More emphasis on the role of gender in parent–child relationships. This includes
research showing the influence of parent and child gender on parenting roles
and practices, an expanded coverage of fathers, a greater emphasis on coparent-
ing, the ways in which gender influences the roles of grandparents rearing grand-
children, the role of daughters and daughters-in-law in caring for aging parents,
and the differing experiences of aging mothers and fathers.
• Additional personal anecdotes from parents and children in various family cir-
cumstances. This addition is in response to feedback from college students who
said that they thought these examples personalized the material for them.
• Updated information regarding the influence of technology on parenting
and grandparenting has been interwoven throughout all of the chapters. This addi-
tion emphasizes the value of technology in the lives of family members as well as
the challenges parents face in monitoring their children’s use of ­technology.

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 vii
Preface

• Updated research featuring the latest findings on the role of parents in pro-
moting their children’s brain development, such as early literacy, and limiting
screen time during infancy and early childhood.
• Increased coverage on the influence of low socioeconomic status and poverty
on the lives of children, their parents, and their grandparents.
• The Double ABCX Model of Family Stress and Adaptation has been added to
the theories chapter and is used throughout the book to help students understand
family interactions when experiencing high levels of stress.
• A greater integration of theory, research, and application throughout the text-
book to remind students of how theory and research play out in actual behaviors
of family members in various circumstances.
• The latest changes in laws and policies affecting the lives of parents and children
such as new directions in improving the quality of child care for infants and tod-
dlers and changes in the law that allow for same-sex marriage in all states in the
United States.
• ”Spotlight on” special issues features have been added throughout the textbook
to highlight the ways in which poverty, diversity, and technology impact the
lives of parents and children.
• More than 20% of new research coverage has been included in this edition and
includes research from scholars within the United States and around the world.

Contextual Approach to Parenting

The contextual approach to parenting, which is a distinctive feature of this book, is
emphasized by the inclusion of both historical and cultural approaches to under-
standing parent–child relations. I examine how these relationships have changed
during the past century and the ways in which early and contemporary psycho-
logical theorists and early childhood educators have shaped these changes. I also
emphasize how recent changes in the family (such as the rising rates of grandparent
primary caregivers and teenage parents) have altered caregiver–child relationships.
Explorations of parent–child relationships in various ethnic groups within and out-
side the United States also are integral parts of this textbook. Theory and research in
human development and family relations have been interwoven with presentations
of cultural and structural variations in the family; this focus is the basis for all of the
chapters in the text.
A discussion drawing attention to how cultural beliefs affect parent–child rela-
tions is presented early in the text. Because the cultural approach is a central theme
of this book, it is essential to understand that there are important differences and sim-
ilarities in parent–child relationships across cultures. A discussion of the variations in
families as a result of marital status, sexual orientation, and care of children by adults
other than parents is presented early in the text as well. The purpose of addressing
the similarities and differences in various family arrangements is to heighten under-
standing of the commitment to the care of children that exists in families regardless
of the conditions that have brought them together. The early presentations of cultural
and structural variations in families are not meant to stand alone but rather to set the

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 viii Preface

stage for discussions throughout the text that focus on parents and children in the
various settings in which their development occurs. This approach allows students to
see how culture and family variations and age and gender are related to parent–child
interactions at each stage of life.

A Life-Span Approach
This textbook examines parent–child relationships from conception to death and
focuses not only on the influence of parents on children but also on the influence of chil-
dren on parents. Those reciprocal influences continue to be examined as both children
and parents age. The life-span approach emphasizes the ways in which p ­ arent–child
relationships influence the development of individuals, not only throughout child-
hood and adolescence but also across the life span. For ­example, Chapter 9 focuses
on the relationships of young adults to their parents and to their children, includ-
ing how those relationships affect young adult development. Similarly, ­Chapter 10
focuses on the ways in which middle-age parenthood and grandparenthood influence
the ongoing development of persons as they age.

Parenting Strategies
Another distinctive feature of this textbook is the in-depth coverage of parenting
strategies. An overview of contemporary parenting strategies includes a variety of
techniques. Sufficient examples are provided to help explain each technique and
enhance students’ understanding of how to use each of them. The coverage of these
strategies early in the book sets the stage for the upcoming chapters that focus on
parenting of children at different stages of development and with different develop-
mental needs. The parenting strategies presented in this textbook provide guidance
for professionals working with children and their parents or other caregivers. The first
part of Chapter 4 includes strategies designed to prevent misbehavior, promote the
child’s self-esteem, and enhance effective parent–child communication. The second
part of that chapter focuses on methods used for providing consequences for behav-
ior and resolving parent–child conflict. The presentation of various childrearing strat-
egies early in the book helps lay the groundwork for the upcoming chapters. Chapter
4 together with the previous chapters prepares students to integrate theory, research,
and technique while working with children and parents in various family contexts.

Critical Thinking Questions

Each chapter includes a variety of critical thinking questions that allow students to
pause in their reading to consider how the chapter relates to their own life experi-
ences or how they might use this material in working with parents and children in
various contexts. Responses from my students and the students of my colleagues who
also use this textbook have been that they like the critical thinking questions because
they help students better understand the material. I also have used these critical
thinking questions as the basis of an assigned classroom journal in which students

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Preface

choose several questions from each chapter and write their responses to the ques-
tions in a weekly journal and then share them in small classroom groups.

Implications for Parents and Professionals

Each chapter includes brief Implications for Parents and Professionals sections that
include guidelines designed to help students pause from their reading and consider
ways in which the information provided might be used in working with parents and
children in their future professions.

Supplements to the Textbook

This text is accompanied by PowerPoint® slides, an Instructor’s Resource Manual,
and a Test Bank. The Instructor’s Resource Manual prepared by the author includes
chapter-by-chapter learning objectives, chapter summaries, suggested classroom
activities, and special assignments. The fourth edition Test Bank contains a variety of
test items in multiple-choice and essay formats. The supplements can be found in the
Instructor’s Resource Center at pearsonhighered.com/educator.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Preparing a textbook is an enormous undertaking that involves an entire network of
individuals, and I have many people to thank for their contributions. For this edition
of the book, I have had the privilege of working with editor Julie Peters. I am very
grateful for the consistently supportive responses that Julie provided to me during the
process of writing this edition. I also am appreciative of the valuable recommenda-
tions that Julie has made that I believe strengthen this book in a variety of ways. I
also had the opportunity to work with Megan Moffo, Content Producer, who had the
demanding task of keeping things organized and providing consistent feedback to
me in the production process. I am very grateful for her assistance. Many thanks to
both of you.
The reviewers for this edition were indispensable for the numerous comments
and recommendations for the improvement they provided. I am very grateful for the
time and care spent by the reviewers to give me detailed, well-informed reviews:
Linda Behrendt, Indiana State University; Sherria Taylor, Western Michigan Univer-
sity; and Cynthia B. Wilson, University of Montevallo. The person in charge of over-
seeing the digital features of the book was Carolyn Schweitzer, who worked closely
with me to be sure that each of the features was relevant to the material presented.
Amy Saucier and Michelle Gardner worked with me on photos and other important
production tasks. Many thanks to all of you.

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 Brief Contents
Chapter 1
Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing    1
Chapter 2
Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context    29
Chapter 3
Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures    63
Chapter 4
Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques    105
Chapter 5
Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers    136
Chapter 6
Parent–Preschooler Interactions    169
Chapter 7
Parents and Their School-Age Children    201
Chapter 8
Parent–Adolescent Interactions    230
Chapter 9
The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and
Their Children    260
Chapter 10
Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood    286
Chapter 11
Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents
Have Special Needs    312
Chapter 12
Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family
Member   341
Appendix
Four Nationally Recognized Parenting Programs    366
Glossary   371
References   375
Author Index    420
Subject Index    440

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 Contents

Chapter 1
Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing    1
Autocratic Parenting: A Tradition of Harsh, Strict Childrearing    2
The Hobbesian View: The Willful Child • Puritan Beliefs: The Sinful
Child • The Questioning of Autocratic Parenting • The Legacy of
G. Stanley Hall: The Child Study Movement • Watson: The Dangers of
Parental Affection
Conflicting Theories About Children’s Behavior and Motivations    6
Theories that Emphasized Parental Understanding of Children • Sigmund
Freud: A Focus on Children’s Natural Instincts • Attachment Theory:
A Focus on Parental Responsiveness • Benjamin Spock: Limits Within
the Context of Warmth and Affection • B. F. Skinner: Reinforcement as
a Consequence of Appropriate Behavior • The Social Learning Theorists:
Imitation and Modeling • Erikson: The Resolution of Psychological
Crises • Respecting and Attending to Children’s Enthusiasm for
Learning • Maria Montessori: Children Have Absorbent Minds • Caroline
Pratt: Children’s Play Is Their Work • Jean Piaget: Children Actively Engage
Their Environments • Lev Vygotsky: Parents as Partners in Children’s
Learning
The Role of Context in Child Socialization    16
Rudolf Dreikurs’s Social Discipline Theory: Democracy in the
Family • Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model • Parental Ethnotheories:
Cultural Ideas Parents Have Regarding Children, Families, and Themselves as
Parents • Family Systems Theory • Family Development Theory • The
Systemic Family Development Model • The Double ABCX Model of Family
Stress and Adaptation
The Importance of the Parental Role    21
Galinsky’s Six Stages of Parenthood • Mothers, Fathers, and Others in the
Parenting Role

xiii

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 xiv Contents

The Interface Between Parents and the Community    25

Parents, Children, and Technology in the 21st Century    26
Summary   26
Test Your Knowledge    27
Useful Websites    28
Key Terms    28

Chapter 2
Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context    29
Child Socialization Patterns of American Parents   30
Authoritative Parents • Authoritarian Parents • Permissive Parents
• Indulgent Parents • Indifferent Parents • Overprotective
Parents • Parents with Inconsistent Child Socialization Patterns
Cultural Variations in Parenting Patterns    46
Child Socialization in Non-Western Societies • The Traditional Parenting
Pattern in the United States   
Other Contextual Influences on Parenting Patterns   53
The Effects of Socioeconomic Status • The Influence of Religiosity • The
Influence of Families of Origin • The Effects of Children’s
Characteristics • Parenting Styles and Children’s Use of Technology
Summary   60
Test Your Knowledge    61
Useful Websites    61
Key Terms    62

Chapter 3
Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures    63
Families and Adoption    65
Birth Parents and Adoptive Parents • Domestic Transracial and International
Transracial Adoptions
Surrogate Parents: Foster Parents and Grandparents    70
Foster Parents and Foster Children • Grandfamilies: Grandparents Rearing
Their Grandchildren
Parents and Children Affected by Divorce    76
The Effects of Custody Arrangements • Factors Related to the Postdivorce
Adjustment of Children • Parents and Children in Stepfamilies   
Adolescent Parents and Their Children    83
Pregnancy and Childbirth • Teenage Fatherhood • The Children of
Adolescent Parents • Support for Adolescent Parents and Their Children

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Contents

Families With a Member Who Is Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, or Transgender    88

Changing Views of Family to Include LGBT People • The Pathways to
Parenthood for LGBT Parents • Challenges for Gay and Lesbian Parents and
Their Children • Children Who Are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, or Transgender
Parents and Children in Immigrant Families    94
Acculturation • Language Differences
Parents and Children in Military Families    97
Domestic and International Relocation • The Effects of Deployment on
Family Members   
Summary   102
Test Your Knowledge    103
Useful Websites    103
Key Terms    104

Chapter 4
Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques    105
Guidance as Prevention of Problems    106
Establishing an Atmosphere of Psychological Safety • Guidance as
Encouragement of Children • Four Pluses and a Wish—A Strategy for
Motivating Children’s Compliance • The Concept of Belongingness and
Children’s Goals of Misbehavior
Effective Parent–Child Communication as a Parenting Strategy    116
Problem Ownership • Active Listening • I-Messages
Guidance as Reinforcement and Modeling    121
Reinforcement of Approved Behavior • Imitation and Modeling
Guidance as Limits, Consequences, and Conflict Resolution    124
The Technique of Induction • Natural and Logical Consequences
• Problems Associated with Using Punishment as a Disciplinary Strategy
Resolving Parent–Child Conflict    130
The Advantages of Using the No-Lose Method of Conflict Resolution
Summary   133
Test Your Knowledge    134
Useful Websites    134
Key Terms    135

Chapter 5
Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers    136
Pathways to Parenthood    137
The Decision to Become Parents • Pathways to Parenthood in
Contemporary Society • Optimizing the Chances of Having Healthy Babies

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Birth and the Transition to Parenthood    144

When Infants Are Born Early and/or Small • The Transition to
Parenthood: A Major Developmental Milestone • Changes in Family and
Friendship Networks • Caring for Infants and Toddlers in a Coparenting
Relationship • Social Support for Parents of Infants and Toddlers
Promoting the Social-Emotional Development of Infants and Toddlers    148
Infant Trust and Attachment • Parental Support of Self-Regulatory
Behavior • Parent–Infant Play • Parental Influences on Toddlers’
Autonomy and Exploratory Behavior
Promoting the Cognitive Development of Infants and Toddlers    156
Insights from Piaget • Insights from Vygotsky • Insights from Brain
Research • Parents’ Understanding of Infant Perception • Promoting
Infant Language Development
Promoting the Physical Development of Infants and Toddlers    160
Meeting Nutritional Needs • Providing Health Care • The Promotion of
Fine and Gross Motor Skills
Infant/Toddler Care When Parents Are at Work    164
The Quality of Center-Based Care and Home-Based Care • Infants and
Toddlers in Child Care Settings
Summary   166
Test Your Knowledge    167
Useful Websites    168
Key Terms    168

Chapter 6
Parent–Preschooler Interactions    169
The Parental Role in Promoting Preschoolers’ Social-Emotional
Development   170
Early Attachment and Parent–Preschooler Relationships • Promoting
the Young Child’s Sense of Initiative • Parental Contributions to
Preschoolers’ Self-Esteem • Talking to Young Children About Their
Emotions • Promoting Preschoolers’ Self-Reliance • Helping Young
Children Discover Their Personal Boundaries
Promoting Young Children’s Cognitive Development    176
Insights from Piaget • Insights from Vygotsky • The Role of Parents in
Promoting Language Development
Promoting Preschoolers’ Physical Development    183
Meeting the Nutritional Needs of Preschoolers • Understanding the
Brain Development of Young Children • The Promotion of Fine and
Gross Motor Skills
The Development of Personal and Family Life Skills    190

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Contents

Child Care for Preschool Children    191

Quality Child Care Indicators
Challenges and Concerns of Parents of Young Children    192
Sleeping Problems • Sibling Relationships • Aggressive
Behaviors • Unsupervised Risk-Taking Behaviors
Summary   198
Test Your Knowledge    200
Useful Websites    200
Key Terms    200

Chapter 7
Parents and Their School-Age Children    201
Promoting School-Age Children’s Social-Emotional Development    202
Parental Influences on Their Children’s Psychosocial Development
Parental Influences on Children’s Social Relationships    204
The Influence of Childrearing Patterns • The Role of Attachment • The
Effect of Context • Parental Structuring of Children’s Leisure Time and Peer
Group Relations • The Parents’ Role in Children’s Informal Leisure Activities
Promoting School-Age Children’s Cognitive Development    211
Encouraging Children’s Logical Reasoning • The Use of Guided
Participation • The Role of Parents in Children’s School Achievement
Promoting the Physical Development of School-Age Children    215
Meeting School-Age Children’s Nutritional Needs • Nutrition and the
Growing Problem of Children Being Overweight • Promoting Motor Skills
The Benefits and Challenges of Media    225
The Benefits of Media • The Challenges of Media
Summary   227
Test Your Knowledge    229
Useful Websites    229
Key Terms    229

Chapter 8
Parent–Adolescent Interactions    230
The Role of Parents in Adolescents’ Cognitive Development    231
The Development of the Ability to Use Abstract Reasoning • The Influence
of Parents on Academic Achievement
The Role of Parents in Adolescents’ Social-Emotional Development and
Social Relationships   234
The Role of Parents in Adolescents’ Conceptions of Self

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Adolescent Puberty and Parent–Child Relations    238

Puberty and Adolescent Relationships with Parents
Changes in the Family System and Parent–Adolescent Conflict    240
Disequilibrium in the Family • Parent–Adolescent Conflict
Problems That Adolescents Sometimes Face    244
The Role of Parents in Adolescent Depression • The Role of
Parents in Adolescent Problems of Being Overweight • Adolescents
Who Are Underweight • The Role of Parents in Adolescent
Substance Abuse • The Role of Parents in Adolescent Crime and
Delinquency • The Role of Parents in the Early Onset of Sexual
Behavior • Adolescent Bullying and Victimization
The Benefits and Challenges of Media and Other Technology    254
The Benefits of Technology for Adolescent Development and Family
Dynamics • The Challenges of Media and Technology for Adolescents and
Their Families
Summary   257
Test Your Knowledge    259
Useful Websites    259
Key Terms    259

Chapter 9
The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents,
and Their Children    260
The Role of Parents in Young Adults’ Assumption of Adult Roles    261
The Launching of Young Adults • When Young Adults Establish Separate
Residences
The Enduring Bond Between Young Adults and Their Parents    265
The Economic Interdependence of Young Adults and Their Parents
Parenthood and the Social-Emotional Development of Young Adults    267
The Attachment of Young Adults to Their Parents • The Role of Parents
in Promoting Young Adults’ Achievement of Intimacy • Parent–Child
Relationships and the Achievement of a Sense of Generativity
The Influence of Parent–Child Relationships on Young Adults’ Cognitive
Development   276
­
Parenthood and Higher-Level Reasoning: A Piagetian
Perspective • Parenthood and Vygotsky’s Concept of Scaffolding
The Parallel Role Development of Young Adults and Their Parents: The Role of
Filial Maturity    280
Dimensions of Filial Maturity
Summary   283
Test Your Knowledge    285
Useful Websites    285
Key Terms    285

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Contents

Chapter 10
Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood    286
The Influence of Role Transitions on the Relationships of Middle-Aged Adults and
Their Adult Children    287
The Effects of Adult Children’s Normative Transitions • The Effects of Adult
Children’s Non-Normative Social Status Transitions • The Effects of Middle-
Age Parents’ Social Status Transitions
The Influence of Role Transitions on the Relationships of Older and Middle-Age
Adults   291
The Effects of Older Adults’ Normative Role Transitions on the Relationships
with Their Children and Grandchildren
The Influence of Intergenerational Relationships on Older Persons’ Psychological
Development   293
Parent–Child Relations and Older Adults’ Sense of Integrity • Grandparenthood,
Personhood, and the Life Course • Grandparent Caregivers in the United
States • Grandparent–Grandchildren Relationships: A Global Perspective
The Able Elderly in the Family Context    299
The Relationships of Older Adults and Their Children
The Relationships of Aging Parents with Adult Children    304
When Older Parents Become Chronically Ill and/or Frail • The Challenges
Associated With Providing Care for Elderly Parents • Families and Assisted
Living
Summary   310
Test Your Knowledge    311
Useful Websites    311
Key Terms    311

Chapter 11
Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents
Have Special Needs    312
Parenting Children Who Have Exceptionalities    313
The Importance of Person-First Language • Parental Reactions to
Having a Child With a Disability • The Role of Parents of Children
With Exceptionalities • The Challenges of Parenting Children With
Exceptionalities • Support for Parents Caring for a Child With a
Disability • Parental Advocates for Their Children With Exceptionalities
Parenting Children Who Have Cognitive Deficits, Autism, or Adhd   318
Parenting Children With Cognitive Impairments • Parenting the Child With
Autism • Parenting Children With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder
(ADHD)

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Parenting Children with Exceptionalities Related to Learning    323

Children With Learning Disabilities • Parenting Children Who Are Gifted
Parenting Children with Sensory Impairments    326
Parenting Children Who Are Blind or Visually Impaired • Parenting Children
Who Are Hearing Impaired
Parenting Children with Physical Disabilities or Chronic Illnesses    330
Parenting Children With Physical Impairments • Parenting Children With
Chronic Illnesses • The Effects of a Child’s Chronic Illness on Parental Stress
and Family Relationships
When Parents Have Exceptionalities or Disabilities    334
Parents With ADHD • When a Parent Has a Sensory
Impairment • When the Parent Has a Physical Disability
Summary   338
Test Your Knowledge    339
Useful Websites    340
Key Terms    340

Chapter 12
Families at Risk and Families Coping with
the Death of a Family Member    341
Historical and Contemporary Responses to Child Maltreatment In
the United States    342
The History of Child Maltreatment in the United States • Factors Related
to Child Maltreatment • The Effects of Maltreatment on Children’s
Lives • Interventions for Parental Maltreatment of Children
Children’s Exposure to Interparental Violence    349
The Effects of Interparental Violence on Children’s
Development • Interventions for Domestic Violence
The Effects of Parental Alcoholism    352
The Dynamics in Families Affected by Parental Alcoholism • Adapting
to the Dynamics of a Family Affected by Parental Alcohol Abuse • The
Effects of Parental Alcoholism on the Lives of Children • Adult Children of
Alcoholic Parents • Families in Recovery
Coping with the Untimely Death of a Family Member    357
The Death of a Parent During Childhood or Adolescence • The Death
of a Sibling During Childhood or Adolescence • Comforting Grieving
Children and Adolescents • The Grief of Parents When Their Child
Dies • Helping Parents Cope with the Death of a Child
The Death of an Older Parent or Grandparent    361
The Death of an Older Parent • The Death of a Grandparent • The
Legacy That Older Persons Leave for Their Adult Children and Their
Grandchildren

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 xxi
Contents

Summary   363
Test Your Knowledge    365
Useful Websites    365
Key Terms    365

Appendix
Four Nationally Recognized Parenting Programs    366

Glossary     371

References     375

Author Index     420

Subject Index     440

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 Historical and
1 Theoretical
Influences of
Childrearing

123RF

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 2 Chapter 1

Learning Outcomes
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Summarize the influences of the early tradition ■■ Discusshow the parental role changes over
of autocratic childrearing. time, various persons in the parenting role,
■■ Show knowledge of the theories that and how Feminist Theory challenged roles in
emphasized parental understanding of the gender-constructed family.
children’s motivation and behavior and ■■ Demonstrate an understanding of how
those that focused on respecting children’s parents’ perception of community resources
enthusiasm for learning. influences childrearing.
■■ Describe the theories that show the influence ■■ Analyzehow the lives of parents and children
of different contexts on childrearing practices have been impacted by the technology of the
and help us appreciate how family members’ 21st century.
behaviors affect one another’s lives.

T he picture of parents and children enjoying themselves at a 3-D movie, as seen

in the beginning of this chapter, reflects one aspect of the varied ways in which the
lives of parents and children in the 21st are intertwined with increasingly sophisti-
cated technology. We will be focusing on the interface between families and tech-
nology later in this chapter and throughout this textbook. First, however, we will
examine over 100 years of influences on parenting roles, societal views of the child,
and childrearing behaviors.
From the beginning of the 20th century to the present, American parents’ relation-
ships with their children have undergone considerable modification (see Figure 1.1).
The way in which parents view children has changed dramatically, and the parental
role has undergone considerable redefinition. Child socialization practices of Amer-
ican parents have been scrutinized, criticized, and discussed in writings that have
gained increasing public attention. Recommendations for better ways to rear children
have been offered by varied sources, including psychologists, educators, and other
well-known authorities. In that climate, scientists began to study the interaction pat-
terns between children and their parents and between children and other caregivers.
The findings of these studies have been widely disseminated and, based on these
publications, public policy related to the care and protection of children has changed
significantly. All these alterations in the ways American parents interact with their
children, and in how they perceive their roles as parents, have not changed overnight.
Furthermore, the changes in American childrearing practices have not been uniform.

AUTOCRATIC PARENTING: A TRADITION OF HARSH, STRICT

CHILDREARING
At the beginning of the 20th century, the autocratic parenting approach was the
prevailing belief guiding early American childrearing. Children were told what to do

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 19th and Early
20th Centuries Late 1920s–1940s 1950s–1960s 1970s–1980s 1990s 21st Century

Early 19th Century 1920s 1950s 1970s Systemic Family Develop- Dual-earner families
Autocratic parenting John Watson discouraged René Spitz’s films of Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ment Model focused on are common. Parents
was firmly in place. It responsive parenting. He institutionalized children Ecological Model showed multigenerational experi- negotiate various child
was supported by Thomas warned against spoiling showed that responsiveness multiple influences on paren- ences and family interac- care choices while jug-
Hobbes’s view of the will- children and recommended to children is crucial to their tal childrearing behaviors tional complexity. gling home and work
responsibilities.

M01_HEAT1144_04_SE_C01.indd 3
ful child and the Puritans’ scheduled feedings of well-being. and children’s development. NICHD large-scale study of
belief in the sinful child. children. Jean Piaget contradicted child care’s effects showed Parents collaborate with
Michael Lamb questioned
Parents were encouraged the view of children as both maternal and alternate various community agen-
mother-centered assump-
to break the will of their 1930s passive learners. He caregiver sensitivity as pre- cies that affect the lives of
tions of attachment theory
children, and children’s Sigmund Freud said par- viewed children as active dictors of positive outcomes their families.
and showed that babies
play was considered ents should respect chil- participants in their own cog- for children. Communities responsive
become attached to both
mischievous. dren’s natural instincts. nitive development. mothers and fathers. Family scholars informed to the needs of families
Children were regularly He called for less harsh and by Feminist Theory chal- enhance the well-being of
Family Systems Theory
beaten based on the more relaxed approach to 1980s lenged the gender-structured parents and children.
said that members affect and
“spare the rod and spoil the childrearing. family.
are affected by one another Ellen Galinsky called atten- Technology is quickly
child” belief. and that families are charac- tion to the development of Parents’ cultural beliefs changing and is a part
1940s systems as sources of par-
Children were viewed as terized by stability, change, the role of the parent and of children’s daily lives. It
Benjamin Spock questioned and the continuous adapta- suggested that the parental enting began to be studied. is important that parents
small adults and were to
lenient and unresponsive tion of family members. role challenges parents to Research focused on mul- understand the role of
be seen and not heard.
parenting. He recommended continually develop new tiple caregivers showed technology in their chil-
setting limits within an atmos- 1960s skills and capabilities. kinship help contributes dren’s lives and to monitor
Late 19th Century
phere of warmth. to maternal sensitivity and their children’s use of
Erik Erikson theorized that Family Development theo-
G. Stanley Hall ques- technology.
Attachment Theory (John the quality of the parent– rists showed that families enhanced child well-being.
tioned autocratic par-
Bowlby/Mary Ainsworth) child relationship affects the move through successive
enting. He said parents Barry Hewlett’s (1991)
seriously challenged John person’s ability to resolve stages over time and that
should respect the true groundbreaking observa-
Watson’s views of unrespon- psychosocial crises that within each of these stages
nature and needs of the tions of Aka foragers in
sive parenting. arise at each stage of life. are important tasks for family
child and started the Child Central Africa showed the
Caroline Pratt (early child- Social learning theorists members to complete. highest level of father–infant
Study Movement.
hood educator) said child- showed that children learn McCubbin and Patterson contact reported anywhere in
Early 20th Century hood’s work is learning, and through modeling and developed The Double ABCX the world. Aka fathers were
in play children get their imitation. Model of Family Stress and found to be within arm’s
Maria Montessori said work done. Adaptation, which showed the reach of their young infants
children have absorbent Rudolf Dreikurs advocated
B. F. Skinner developed interplay among life stressors, more than 50% of any
minds and that parents democratic parent–child
Operant Conditioning. He family members’ resources, 24-hour period.
should allow children the relationships and started the
recommended the use of Parent Education Movement and adaptation to stress
freedom to explore and
behavioral consequences as in the United States. factors.
learn.
a disciplinary approach.

FIGURE 1.1 Historical Overview of Parental Influences

Sources: Based on Aries, P. (1962). Centuries of childhood: A social history of family life (R. Baldick, Trans.). New York: Knopf. (Original work published 1960); Bandura, A., & Walters, R. (1963). Social
learning and personality development. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston; Beevar, D. A., & Beevar, R. J. (1988). Family therapy: A systemic integration. Boston: Allyn & Bacon; Bowlby, J. (1969).
Attachment and loss, Vol. 1: Attachment. New York: Basic Books; Britton, L. (1992). Montessori, play and learn: A parent’s guide to purposeful play from two to six. New York: Crown; Galinsky, E. (1981).
Between Generations: The Six Stages of Parenthood. New York: Berkeley; Galinsky, E. (1987). The six stages of parenthood. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley; McCubbin, H. I. and Patterson, J. M.
1982, Family adaptation to crisis, Pp. 26–47 in H. I. McCubbin, A. Cauble and J. Patterson (Eds.), Family Stress, Coping and Social Support. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas; McCubbin, A. Cauble
and J. Patterson (1983). Family stress and adaptation to crises: a Double ABCX model of family behavior.” Pp. 87–106 in D. H. Olson and B. C. Miller (Eds.), Family Studies Review Yearbook (Vol. 1).
Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications; Skinner, B. F. (1950). Are theories of learning necessary? Psychological Review, Vol 57(4), 193–216; Spock, B. (1946). The pocket book of baby and child care.
New York: Pocket Books; Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; Watson, J. B., & Watson, R. (1928). The
psychological care of the infant and child. New York: Norton.

12/9/16 11:53 AM
 4 Chapter 1

and were expected to respond accordingly without expressing their opinions regard-
ing parental demands. The autocratic approach to child socialization was influenced
by two primary sources: the Hobbesian perspective of childrearing that prevailed
throughout Europe for many centuries (Aries, 1962) and Calvinist doctrine that swayed
the childrearing beliefs of early Puritans in the United States (Kagan, 1978).

The Hobbesian View: The Willful Child

Thomas Hobbes, who expressed the view that the child’s will needs to be tamed,
proposed that parental authority (when strictly applied) upholds both a religious
mandate and a cultural tradition. It is from Hobbes that we obtained the view of the
home as “a man’s castle,” based on his belief that the family is a miniature monarchy
and that the rights and consequences of the paternal (he did not mention maternal)
and the despotic domains are the same. Hobbes equated the status of children with
that of household servants, both of whom were expected to have unquestioned
obedience to the “master of the house” (Hobbes, 1688/1994). Even Rousseau, who
(in the 1700s) romanticized the child and recommended that parents consider the
nature of the child in their socialization goals, argued in favor of despotic rule in the
family (Baumrind, 1966). Few questioned the justification for this type of parental
authority until the 20th century.

Puritan Beliefs: The Sinful Child

Autocratic parenting views based on Hobbes’ idea of the willful child found easy
acceptance among early American Puritans whose religious beliefs were shaped
by the doctrines of John Calvin. Because Calvinist doctrine emphasized the inher-
ent sinfulness of the child, early American parents believed that to be the cause of
children’s willfulness. Firm discipline that included a strong belief in corporal pun-
ishment, rather than parental affection, was thought to be necessary for children’s
development (Kagan, 1978). Parents, therefore, expected strict obedience and sub-
mission from their children, not independence or assertiveness. Children who were
considered to be disobedient received “correction,” which often took the form of a
brutal beating (Cleverley & Phillips, 1986).

Thinking Critically
As we begin the study of ways in which to raise children, take a moment to consider your own
views regarding the essential nature of the child. In what ways do you think the two views
discussed previously influence the childrearing approaches that some parents use in bringing
up their children today?

The Questioning of Autocratic Parenting

The autocratic approach to child socialization was first questioned in the late 1800s
by G. Stanley Hall and continued to be examined early in the 20th century as the

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 5

views of early childhood educators and psychologists began to influence childrear-

ing practices in the United States and Europe. Autocratic child socialization was
challenged from a variety of perspectives, and these challenges altered Americans’
view of the nature of children, the role of parents, and the appropriate way to bring
up children.

The Legacy of G. Stanley Hall: The Child Study Movement

The first of the psychological theorists who influenced American childrearing pat-
terns was G. Stanley Hall, who received the first Ph.D. in psychology in the United
States, and who began the Child Study Movement in the late 1800s. The goal of the
Child Study Movement, according to Hall, was to develop a science of psychology
and education that respected the true nature and needs of the child. Hall believed
that Americans were slowly awakening to a recognition that “children are not like
adults, with all the faculties of maturity on a reduced scale, but unique and very dif-
ferent creatures” (Strickland & Burgess, 1965, p. 88). Hall believed that “the child’s
senses, instincts, views of truth, credulity, emotions, and feelings towards objects
have very little in common with ours” (p. 89).

Watson: The Dangers of Parental Affection

During the late 1920s, another American psychologist, John Watson, the father of
American Behaviorism, began to influence American childrearing. Emphasizing the
role of the environment, he recommended that parents use a scientific approach to
child socialization and strongly opposed parents’ expressions of affection for their
children. Interestingly, Watson’s “scientific approach” to childrearing was not sup-
ported by scientific evidence. On the contrary, his childrearing advice was based
on his fervent personal beliefs that parents should ignore their natural inclinations
to be nurturing and responsive to their children. That recommendation was based
on his belief that responsive parenting spoiled children. Based on that conviction,
he suggested that parents should not respond to their crying infants and should feed
them according to a strict schedule. That recommendation, though not supported
by research evidence, found widespread acceptance in American culture at a time
when the new psychological theorizing was highly valued.

Watson’s Use of the Media. As a uniquely American theory, Watson’s scientific

approach to the rearing of children gained acceptance among American academics
and Americans at large. The ways in which his ideas came to affect so many Ameri-
can parents can be traced to the methods he used to disseminate his controversial
views. Throughout 1926 and 1927, he addressed teachers’ groups and medical
groups on his theories. Then in 1928, he organized his ideas more formally for a set
of six articles that appeared in McCall’s magazine that later came out in a book under
the title The Psychological Care of the Infant and Child (Watson & Watson, 1928). In
magazine articles published in Ladies’ Home Journal and McCall’s, Watson consist-
ently reminded mothers to put their babies on a strict feeding schedule and not spoil

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 6 Chapter 1

them by being responsive to their cries. Parents of all education levels were exposed
to Watson’s ideas in the popular press. In his articles in popular magazines and in his
radio broadcasts (before television was available), he emphasized that parenthood
is a science and that parents should treat childrearing as an experiment. Given the
newfound allegiance to science during that historical period, the linking of parent-
hood with science was a persuasive message to American parents (Cohen, 1979).

CONFLICTING THEORIES ABOUT CHILDREN’S BEHAVIOR AND

MOTIVATIONS
Although John Watson’s views held center stage in American childrearing beliefs
throughout the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, other theories that were developed during
that period and the next couple of decades contributed to alternative perspectives
regarding the appropriate way to rear children.

Theories that Emphasized Parental Understanding of Children

Sigmund Freud suggested that the rearing of children should include an acceptance
of their basic instincts. The development of Attachment Theory by John Bowlby
(Bowlby, 1958, 1969) and studies of infant attachment by Bowlby’s colleague
Mary Ainsworth (Ainsworth, 1973) seriously challenged Watson’s recommenda-
tions that parents should not express affection toward their children. The theories
of Jean Piaget (Elkind, 1976) and Lev Vygotsky (1978) contradicted the view of
children as passive learners. In addition to theory development that increased
awareness of the need for parents to incorporate an understanding of children into
their childrearing patterns, a number of early childhood educators spoke out in
support of better childrearing practices. During the second half of the 20th century,
theorists such as Erik Erikson (1963, 1968) continued to emphasize the importance
of parental respect for children’s feelings and the growth-producing effect of paren-
tal support for children.

Sigmund Freud: A Focus on Children’s Natural Instincts

Beginning in the 1930s, both European and American childrearing beliefs were
influenced by Sigmund Freud, the Austrian-born founder of psychoanalysis. Freud’s
view of the nature of the child reflected the perspective of the French philosopher
Jean-Jacques Rousseau—that children are basically good and that under optimal
conditions their innate talents would emerge (Synott, 1988). Reflections of Rous-
seau’s philosophy can be seen in Freud’s emphasis on children’s innate drives
and in his view of the mother as the prototype for all future relationships (Freud,
1931/1961). The beliefs of G. Stanley Hall that children are different from adults
and have their own instincts also are reflected in Freudian theory. Freud devel-
oped the Theory of Psychosexual Development to explain the ways in which the

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 7

focus of children’s sexual energy corresponds to their stage of development (Brill,

1938). Based on that theory, Freud was the first 20th-century theorist to propose
that parental acceptance of the child’s natural instincts should accompany parental
attempts to socialize the child to societal norms. Freud’s views of childrearing arose
in direct opposition to the prevailing overly strict and harsh childrearing approach,
and followers of Freud portrayed the child as psychologically fragile and in danger
of being made chronically anxious by parental restrictions and demands (Baumrind,
1966). The lenient parenting pattern that developed as a result of Freud’s influence
reflected his belief that (a) early influences are very important for children’s devel-
opment and (b) harsh parenting methods are detrimental to children’s well-being
(Freud 1931/1961).
Although the study of family socialization during the 1930s and 1940s reflected
Freud’s view of lenient parenting, this child socialization pattern was never wide-
spread in the United States because it did not address the issue of limits, bounda-
ries, and guidelines. Since American parents with their Hobbesian-Calvinist legacy
still understood discipline from the perspective of autocracy and punishment, not
being harsh with children was interpreted as not interfering with children’s natural
willful inclinations, thereby not providing limits and guidelines for them. Conse-
quently, most American parents were not persuaded by Freudian views of child­
rearing because of the concern that they were being asked to relinquish control
of their children. Those parents who believed that Freud’s advice was a better
approach than familiar autocratic parenting practices tended to develop a lenient
childrearing pattern whereby they did not provide sufficient guidelines for their
children (Baumrind, 1996).

The tender warmth this

mother is expressing toward
her contented baby is an
excellent example of parental
responsiveness.
didesign/Fotolia

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 8 Chapter 1

Attachment Theory: A Focus on Parental Responsiveness

Respect for the natural instincts of children served as the foundation for Attachment
Theory, which was developed by the British psychiatrist John Bowlby in the early
1940s (Bowlby, 1958, 1969). Later studies of interactions between mothers and
infants by Bowlby’s colleague Mary Ainsworth in Uganda led her to conclude that
(a) socialization begins with parental attachment; (b) the infant is born helpless, requir-
ing care; and (c) parents should respond to the feelings evoked by the child (Elkin &
Handel, 1989). Based on her studies of infants’ responses to stress when their moth-
ers left a playroom and then returned after a few minutes, Ainsworth determined that
virtually all infants develop distinctive patterns of attachment to their caregivers. She
defined attachment as the “affectional tie that one person forms with another specific
person, binding them together in space and enduring over time” (Ainsworth, 1973,
p. 33). In addition to specifying the pattern of secure attachment, Ainsworth identi-
fied three other distinctive patterns of attachment that develop among children whose
mothers are not consistently responsive to their needs: (a) insecure-­avoidant attach-
ment, (b) insecure-resistant/ambivalent attachment, and (c) disorganized attachment.
Ainsworth and her colleagues also documented the following: (a) infants whose
care­givers are emotionally and physically available to them develop secure attach-
ment; (b) having a secure attachment to a parent promotes the infant’s exploration
of the environment; (c) the sensitive responsiveness of the caregiver in stressful situa-
tions provides reassurance, comfort, and confidence for the infant; and (d) the sensi-
tive responsiveness of the caregiver provides for the child an internalized w ­ orking
model of parental availability (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).

Watch the following video showing interactions between mothers and their young ­children.
What is the link between the different patterns of attachment and parental ­sensitivity and
availability?
www.youtube.com/watch?v=n3oKwCk5k3w

Fatherhood and Infant Attachment. Studies of infant attachment during the 1940s
awakened the scientific community to how essential parental responsiveness is for
the healthy development of infants. Ainsworth’s observations of the links between
varying levels of caregiver responsiveness and different patterns of infant attachment
were later confirmed by hundreds of researchers in many other nations and cultures
(e.g., Grossman, Grossman, & Waters, 2005; Miller & Commons, 2007). Research
findings based on Attachment Theory will be used throughout this textbook to dem-
onstrate the ways in which the affectionate ties between parents and children con-
tribute to positive developmental outcomes.

René Spitz: The Harmful Effects of Unresponsive Caregivers. Scholars in the area
of developmental psychology were beginning to see the significance of parental
responsiveness to infants in the mid-1940s based on Ainsworth’s attachment studies.
Then, in the early 1950s, the French psychologist René Spitz provided further strong

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 9

evidence of the crucial importance of parental responsiveness. In his studies of insti-

tutionalized infants and children in Europe, Spitz provided indisputable data dem-
onstrating that the responsiveness of the caregiver to infants’ cries and other gestures
of communication are crucial to infant development. In dramatic film footage that
shocked the world, Spitz revealed that infants and children in orphanages who were
provided scheduled rather than responsive care showed pained expressions of grief
and over time became listless and apathetic. Many of them lost weight and became
ill, and some of them died (Spitz, 1954). Concern for the development of children
growing up in orphanages led to the appointment by the World Health Organiza-
tion of other researchers to study orphaned children in countries around the world.
These social scientists reported findings similar to those of Spitz and his colleagues
and concluded that children who receive minimal maternal responsiveness exhibit
delayed development in many areas (Bowlby, 1951).

The Change in U.S. Public Policy from Orphanages to Foster Care. Although
the views of Watson (that parents should not be responsive to their children) were
still basic to American parenting styles during the 1950s, the studies of Bowlby,
Ainsworth, and Spitz and findings from other researchers around the world brought
about a change in public policy regarding the institutionalization of children in the
United States. Prior to the publication of these studies, American children placed
for adoption were typically kept in orphanages until they were around 3 months of
age so prospective parents could be assured of adopting a “normal, healthy child.”
After evidence that scheduled rather than responsive care puts normal children at
risk for incurring developmental delays was confirmed, a significant change in adop-
tion placement policy occurred in the United States during the 1950s. That change
resulted in infants and children being placed in foster care, rather than orphanages,
until they could be adopted so that they might receive responsive rather than sched-
uled care (Jones, 1993).

Benjamin Spock: Limits Within the Context of Warmth and

Affection
As previously discussed, both Freud and attachment theorists challenged harsh,
unresponsive parenting. Freud emphasized the importance of parental understand-
ing of children’s natural instincts, and researchers using Attachment Theory provided
strong evidence refuting the use of scheduled care and demonstrating the impor-
tance of responsive care for children’s development. It was only after Benjamin
Spock’s views related to childrearing became well known, however, that autocratic
and unresponsive parenting approaches were challenged in the American public
domain. Not only did Spock question harsh childrearing approaches but also he
challenged the lenient approach to parenting adopted by those parents who were
influenced by the views of Freud. Similar to the ways that Watson’s beliefs regard-
ing child socialization became well known via the popular media, Spock’s message
regarding childrearing reached large numbers of American mothers who sought
childrearing advice from popular magazines and other readily available reading

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 10 Chapter 1

It is easy to see the warmth

and affection these parents are
expressing toward their child.

123rf
material. Beginning in the 1940s and continuing to the 1970s, Spock’s beliefs regard-
ing how parents should rear their children were widely disseminated. During that
period of time, in addition to publishing several popular books on childrearing,
Spock contributed numerous articles to two popular magazines, Ladies’ Home Jour-
nal and Redbook. In those publications, Spock emphasized that children need limits
within the context of warmth and affection. He repeatedly emphasized the need for
parents to provide their children with firm and consistent but also loving guidance
(Spock & Rothenberg, 1985).
By the late 1940s, the publication of Spock’s childrearing advice in popular
magazines established him as the new American parenting expert, the role previ-
ously held by John Watson (who had earlier gained acceptance as a parenting expert
through publications in McCall’sLadies’ Home Journal and through radio broadcasts).
Spock’s advice to parents (that they should be warm and responsive to their children)
reflects Freud’s position that children need to experience parental affection. Spock’s
recommendations also reflect insights regarding the importance of parental respon-
siveness to children, which was demonstrated by the attachment studies of Bowlby
and Ainsworth. As noted earlier, however, Spock did not agree with the lenient style
of parenting that had become popular among American parents who believed they
were following Freud’s recommendations. Spock’s emphasis on the need to combine
reasonable limits with warmth and support of children is exemplified in Baumrind’s
(1971) authoritative parenting pattern. That pattern of parenting will be described in
Chapter 2, and research findings documenting the positive outcomes associated with
the authoritative parenting pattern will be discussed in Chapters 5–8.

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 11

Thinking Critically
Since the 1930s, increasing information regarding the dangers of harsh, overly strict parenting
has become available, and many voices have called for the abolishment of those parenting
practices. Why do you think the autocratic pattern of childrearing still exists in America today?

B. F. Skinner: Reinforcement as a Consequence of Appropriate

Behavior
During the same era of the 20th century that the theories of Freud and Bowlby
and the views of Spock were influencing childrearing patterns in Europe and in
the United States, the American behaviorist B. F. Skinner developed his Principles
of Operant Conditioning. Skinner stressed that in order for parents to be effective
in their childrearing efforts, they should have a basic understanding of the role of
contingencies in affecting behavior. A contingency refers to the relation between a
behavior and the events that follow that behavior. According to Skinner, behavioral
changes occur when certain consequences are contingent on the performance of
desired behavior (Goldhaber, 2000). The use of positive reinforcement to maintain
or increase desired behavior of children is an example of the application of that
theory to child socialization practices. Skinner called attention to the fact that the
reinforcement of appropriate behavior is more effective than the punishment of
spotmatik/Shutterstock

This family biking adventure demonstrates the ways in which children imitate the model of
their parents’ behavior.

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 12 Chapter 1

inappropriate behavior. Numerous studies have provided scientific evidence of the

effectiveness of his reinforcement techniques for producing desirable behavior (e.g.,
Crockett & Hagopian, 2006; Hagopian, Boelter, & Jarmolowicz, 2011; Luczynski &
Hanley, 2009). The use of positive reinforcement as a childrearing strategy will be
described and explained in Chapter 4.

The Social Learning Theorists: Imitation and Modeling

B. F. Skinner and other behaviorists’ emphasis on the role of the environment in
shaping children’s development began to wane in the 1960s as behaviorists’ views
were considered alongside those of theorists who were emphasizing children’s needs
and the perspective that children are active participants in their own development.
In that intellectual climate, Social Learning Theory evolved from Skinner’s Principles
of Operant Conditioning. The basic principle of Social Learning Theory, developed
by Bandura and Walters (1963), is that children do not have to be directly reinforced
or punished to learn a behavior. Instead, children learn through vicarious reinforce-
ment or punishment that involves two interrelated strategies: imitation and modeling.
The Social Learning theorists drew attention to what the child brings to the learn-
ing environment in two ways. First, by noting children’s natural tendency to imitate,
they acknowledged the natural instincts of the child. Second, when they pointed out
that by observing others, children learn behaviors that they sometimes perform later,
the Social Learning theorists emphasized the role of children’s memory for specific
events. By linking children’s natural tendency to imitate with their ability to remem-
ber behaviors that they might or might not perform later (depending on anticipated
consequences), the Social Learning theorists de-emphasized the role of the environ-
ment and increased the role of the child (Bandura & Walters, 1963). That direction
toward a greater understanding of the nature of the child fit well with other theoriz-
ing of the latter part of the 20th century. Many studies have revealed the effective-
ness of child socialization based on techniques taken from Social Learning Theory
(e.g., Fletcher, Elder, & Mekos, 2000; Ennett et al. 2008; Wright, Wilson, Griffin, &
Evans, 2010). The ways in which parents might serve as appropriate models for their
children’s behavior and those in which they can promote their children’s imitation
of desired behaviors are outlined in Chapter 4.

Erikson: The Resolution of Psychological Crises

Another important contributor to the understanding of the nature of the child was Erik
Erikson, a follower of Freud, who developed the Theory of Psychosocial Develop-
ment in the early 1960s. This theory emphasizes that individuals achieve psychoso-
cial maturity by resolving the psychosocial crises that emerge at each developmental
stage of life. According to Erikson, the quality of the parent–child relationship affects
the individual’s ability to resolve psychosocial crises related to each stage of devel-
opment (Goldhaber, 2000). Research findings related to ways in which parents assist
children in resolving psychological crises will be discussed in forthcoming chapters.
How the quality of the parent–child relationship influences the psychosocial devel-
opment of adults will be discussed as well.

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 13

Respecting and Attending to Children’s Enthusiasm for Learning

In addition to the influences of psychological theories, American childrearing pat-
terns during the 20th century were affected as well by European early childhood
educators who speculated on how young children learn. Two important pioneers of
early education who altered childrearing patterns in the United States and Europe
were Maria Montessori and Caroline Pratt. Montessori’s views that children have
an inborn drive to learn that is expressed in their need to be actively engaged in the
learning process led to modifications in school curricula and influenced the theories
of Piaget and Vygotsky. Pratt’s focus on young children’s interest in playful activities
that promote their learning elevated children’s play to an esteemed position.

Maria Montessori: Children Have Absorbent Minds

Maria Montessori, who became the first woman physician in Italy in 1892, was one
of the original leaders in early childhood education. She challenged parents to allow
their children the freedom to explore and learn. Montessori drew on the ideas of
Rousseau and on her own observations of children in her development of the Mon-
tessori Method of Early Childhood Education. The Montessori Method, which was
described in Montessori’s first publication in 1909, might be summed up as follows:
All children (a) have absorbent minds, (b) want to learn, (c) want to be independent,
and (d) pass through sensitive periods of development (Britton, 1992). A sensitive
period of development is a genetically determined timetable during which certain
developmental changes occur when normal environmental conditions are present,
such as the development of infant attachment or the early development of language.

The Child’s Absorbent Mind. Based on her observations of children, Montessori

concluded that the young child’s process of learning is active rather than passive and
that the child’s absorbent mind unconsciously soaks up information from the envi-
ronment, resulting in the child’s learning at a rapid pace. According to Montessori,
the child’s capacity to learn at a rapid pace lasts for the first 6 years of life, more or
less. Based on the young child’s ability to learn so quickly, every early experience of
the child is vitally important. During ages 3 to 6, while the child’s mind is still absor-
bent, parents will be asked endless why and how questions. Therefore, the young
child’s inborn curiosity and drives require a say in what experiences they encounter.
Montessori believed that the parent’s role is to help their children’s personality
develop during their first 6 years and outlined three golden rules for parents: (a) allow
freedom within limits, (b) respect the individuality of the child, and (c) resist imposing
their own will and personality on the child. Accordingly, Montessori recommended
that parents give their young children as much freedom as possible, emphasizing that
it is only within that freedom that children are able to develop to their full potential
(Britton, 1992). The concepts of the Montessori Method of Early Childhood Educa-
tion will be used in Chapter 6 to emphasize the ways in which parents might respond
to their young children’s needs to be consistently engaged in learning and to become
increasingly more independent.

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 14 Chapter 1

In this video, you will watch a child at play. What behaviors of the child demonstrate
Montessori’s Theory?
www.youtube.com/watch?v=l12Lcw1Mt_Q

Thinking Critically
Consider a situation in which a parent asks a young child to pick up her toys before coming to
lunch and the child responds by asking why. How do you think the autocratic parent would
respond to the child’s question? How do you think a parent who is influenced by Montessori
would answer the child’s question?

Caroline Pratt: Children’s Play Is Their Work

Based on her observations of young children, Caroline Pratt was persuaded that a
child has an inborn drive to learn and a strong interest in being consistently engaged
in activities that promote learning (Froebel, 1909). She published a treatise in 1948,
which grew out of those observations and was aptly titled I Learn from Children. As
a dramatic departure from the early Puritan belief that children who play were being
mischievous, Pratt emphasized just the opposite—that childhood’s work is learning
and that it is in play that children get their work done. Not only did Pratt elevate
children’s play to an esteemed position, but also she emphasized the importance of
truly seeing children. She believed that to see a child one must be willing to do so
from the child’s own horizons almost from the day the child is born, “to see how
the child’s circle of interests widens outward like a stone thrown into a pond” (Pratt,
1970, p. 8). Pratt called attention to the need to observe the urge of the child to learn,

The enthusiasm these young

children are demonstrating in
their play reflects the views of
Pratt and Montessori.

123rf

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 15

“an urge that is immediate, practical, and within the scope of the child’s learning
ability” (Pratt, 1970, p. 8). Pratt’s emphasis on the value of young children’s play will
be discussed in Chapter 6, drawing on research findings that highlight ways in which
parents might promote their children’s play activities.

Thinking Critically
How do you think the responses of early American parents influenced by Hobbesian philoso-
phy and Calvinist religious doctrine would compare with the responses of parents influenced
by Caroline Pratt when their toddlers seem to want to “get into everything” and when their
highly energetic preschoolers want to be continuously engaged in play?

Jean Piaget: Children Actively Engage Their Environments

We now turn our attention to the contributions of the Swiss psychologist Jean Pia-
get, who began to influence European views of the child in the 1930s and 1940s.
Piaget’s view of infants and children did not gain influence in the United States until
the 1960s and 1970s because he saw children as active participants in their own
learning. Americans, who were strongly influenced by John Watson during the three
prior decades, regarded children as passive learners. According to Piaget, infants and
children are cognitively capable human beings with inborn reflexes that are very
quickly altered by their active engagement of the environment. In keeping with that
perspective, children (through their active engagement of people and objects in their
environment) construct their own cognitive structures (Elkind, 1976). Piaget’s view
of children as active participants in the development of their cognitive ability reflects
that of Montessori, although Piaget provided more detail regarding what happens as
children’s minds take in and adapt to information from the environment. Piaget’s the-
ory of how children learn also extended beyond the first 6 years that were the focus
of Montessori. Piagetian concepts are used in upcoming chapters that focus on how
parents might promote their children’s active engagement of their environments.

Lev Vygotsky: Parents as Partners in Children’s Learning

Lev Vygotsky, another follower of Montessori, developed the Sociocultural Theory
as an alternative explanation of ways in which children are involved as active par-
ticipants in the learning process. The views of Vygotsky, a psychologist from the
former Soviet Union, have provided valuable insights regarding ways for parents to
guide their children. Vygotsky drew attention to how competencies come about as a
result of interactions between novices and more skilled members of a society acting
as tutors or mentors. According to that viewpoint, the implicit goal of the tutor or
mentor is to provide the instruction and necessary support to assist the beginner in
acquiring the knowledge and capabilities valued by that person’s culture. Vygotsky’s
theory provides a model of parent–child interactions that emphasize the important
role of the parent in working closely with the child as a partner in the scaffolding of
the child’s learning (Vygotsky, 1978). The best means of accomplishing this goal is

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 16 Chapter 1

through guided participation wherein the teacher engages the learner in joint activi-
ties, providing instruction and direct involvement in the learning process (Rogoff,
1990; John-Steiner & Holbrook, 1996). Like the views of Piaget, Vygotsky’s theory
emphasizing the parent–child partnership in learning was influential in the former
Soviet Union decades before gaining acceptance in the United States. Research
findings that support the concepts of guided participation and scaffolding will be
discussed in forthcoming chapters.

THE ROLE OF CONTEXT IN CHILD SOCIALIZATION

After decades of theorizing on what constitutes the nature of the child and how best
to bring up children, it became clear that differences in childrearing patterns are
not based simply on variations in individual belief systems. In the latter half of the
20th century, scholars began to turn their attention to the ways in which the family
environment influences the development of children. Rudolf Dreikurs’s Social Dis-
cipline Theory introduced the idea of democracy in the family. Urie Bronfenbren-
ner’s Ecological Model called attention to the fact that families influence and are
influenced by a number of other systems with which they interact. Family Systems
Theory pointed out that the behaviors of individuals in a family influence all fam-
ily members. Family Development Theory emphasized that families move through
stages over time. The Systemic Family Development Model focused attention on the
interactional complexity of families. Research on Parental Ethnotheories increased
awareness of how beliefs about parenting and family life are shared by members of
a cultural group. The Double ABCX Model of Stress and Adaptation emphasized
the ways in which stress affects the interactions between parents and children and
ways in which many families cope with the stresses they encounter. As a result of
the theorizing and research focused on families and context, it now is recognized
that diversity in child socialization patterns is linked not only to parents’ childrearing
values but also to their family dynamics and to the neighborhoods and cultures in
which they live.

Rudolf Dreikurs’s Social Discipline Theory: Democracy

in the Family
Rudolf Dreikurs was a student and colleague of Alfred Adler, who believed that
(a) autocratic family relationships should be replaced by democratic family rela-
tionships and (b) the main purpose of all humans is belonging and acceptance by
others. Dreikurs developed the Social Discipline Theory based on the following
four principles of Adler’s Individual Psychology: (a) humans are social beings
whose basic motivation is to belong, (b) all behavior is purposeful, (c) humans
are decision makers, and (d) humans perceive reality, but their perceptions might
be mistaken. Based on those beliefs, Dreikurs theorized that it is possible to
understand children’s behavior and misbehavior by recognizing the goals they
are attempting to achieve through their behavior. The basic premise of Dreikurs’s

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 17

Social Discipline Theory is the recognition of the equal worth of everyone in

a group. In families where there are democratic parent–child relationships, all
members of a household are allowed to raise issues, and other family members
are expected to respect issues raised by any member. According to Dreikurs’s
democratic parenting approach, although parents and children are not equal in
terms of responsibility or privileges, both parents and children have equal worth.
The attitude of equal worth is played out in valuing the needs and desires of each
family member (Dreikurs, 1972; Dreikurs & Grey, 1968, 1970). In articulating
his conception of democratic parent–child relationships, Dreikurs provided spe-
cific guidelines for incorporating limits and warmth into the rearing of children.
That position provided the foundation for the Parent Education Movement in the
United States, which Dreikurs led. Many of the child socialization strategies and
techniques described in Chapter 4 are based on Dreikurs’s concept of democratic
parent–child relationships.

Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model

Urie Bronfenbrenner transformed the way many social and behavioral scientists
approached the study of human beings and their environments. His theoretical
position is that interpersonal relationships, including parent–child relationships,
do not exist in a social vacuum (Ceci, 2006). Bronfenbrenner emphasized that,
although parental behaviors influence the development of children, there are mul-
tiple influences on parental childrearing behaviors. His Ecological Model (he did
not call it a theory) posits that an individual’s development reflects the influence
of four environmental systems: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem,
and the chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner,1979, 1989; Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994;
Derksen, 2010). At the level of the microsystem, the child’s development is influ-
enced by immediate interactions with other people. During infancy, the microsys-
tem is the home and mostly involves interactions with one or two people. As the
child ages, the microsystem becomes more complex and includes interactions with
more people, such as caregivers in child care settings, and teachers in preschool.
The mesosystem refers to relations or connections between the contexts within
the microsystem, for example, the partnerships between parents and teachers. The
stronger the links among settings, the more influential the systems will be on the
child’s development. The third system, the exosystem, involves links among social
systems in which the child does not participate but that have a direct bearing on
parents and other adults who interact with the child. Economic recession, war, and
technological advances are examples of the influence of the exosystem on families’
lives. A recent addition to the Ecological Model, the chronosystem, highlights the
effect of time on the various interacting systems that shape a person’s development.
For example, an increase of the use of technology over the past several decades has
affected many aspects of how time is used in parents’ and children’s lives. Because
this textbook highlights the interplay between culture and parent–child relation-
ships, all of Bronfenbrenner’s contexts of development will be explored in future
chapters.

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 18 Chapter 1

Watch this video that focuses on the systems in Bronfenbrenner’s Model. Which of these
systems reflect the influence of cultural changes over time on children’s development?
youtube.com/watch?v=5htRhvm4iyI

Parental Ethnotheories: Cultural Ideas Parents Have Regarding

Children, Families, and Themselves as Parents
Interest in parents’ cultural beliefs has increased because elements of the larger
culture are filtered through these beliefs and because these values guide parent-
ing practices and the organization of daily life for children and parents. The term
cultural model refers to an organized set of ideas that are shared by members of a
cultural group. Ethnotheories are often implicit, taken-for-granted ideas about the
“natural” or “right” way to think and act. Parents are strongly motivated by their own
cultural beliefs. Family characteristics that reflect parental ethnotheories include
qualities parents value in their children, the customs and practices of parenting, how
the family arranges family time, the management of children’s sleep, conceptions
regarding children’s health, and a variety of other aspects of family life (D’Andrade
& Strauss, 1992; Goodnow, 2006; Deguzman, DeLeon, Gonzalez-Kruger, & Canta­
rero, 2010). There will be numerous examples of parents’ cultural beliefs in upcom-
ing chapters.

Family Systems Theory

Family Systems Theory views families as dynamic systems characterized by stability
and change. According to this theory, family stability contributes to a sense of shared
history and a certain degree of predictability. The changes in the family system chal-
lenge members to continuously adapt to these changes and to redefine their roles
in relation to one another. When children undergo physical, cognitive, and social-­
emotional development, these changes contribute to alterations in their behaviors
that affect other family members’ behaviors. The resulting imbalance or disequilib-
rium in the family system requires all family members to adjust to these changes,
thereby contributing to the reestablishment of family equilibrium (Minuchin, 1974).
Parents are undergoing development as well, and some of the effect on the dynam-
ics of the family system is related to demands associated with the parents’ stages of
development (Steinberg & Steinberg, 1994).
In addition to transformations in the family system brought about by the develop-
mental changes of family members, there are normative and non-normative events
that provoke changes in parents, children, and the family system. Examples of nor-
mative events are the births of children, the deaths of older family members, and
children starting school or going to college. Examples of non-normative events are
winning the lottery, the unexpected death of a family member, and learning that a
family member has a serious illness. By and large, the events that affect the life of
one person in a family have an effect on the lives of all family members, and the

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 19

behaviors of each person in the family influence the behaviors of all other family
members. Furthermore, the behaviors of all family members contribute to ongoing
modifications in the family system, which, in turn, influences the lives of the per-
sons who participate in that system. The stability of the family is thereby enhanced
if its members are capable of adapting their expectations and behaviors to meet the
changing needs of all family members (Beevar & Beevar, 1988). As will be seen
in forthcoming discussions, the concepts of Family Systems Theory are helpful in
understanding family dynamics across a variety of contexts.

Thinking Critically
Consider an example of disequilibrium that occurred in your family that was brought about
by a normative or non-normative event. In what ways did you, your parents, and other family
members adapt to the resulting family imbalance, thereby reestablishing equilibrium in the
family?

Family Development Theory

Families, like individuals, move through successive stages over time. Within each of
these stages are important tasks for family members to complete. Accomplishment of
these stage-related tasks provides for satisfactory development of family members. In
reality, family development is a continuous process but, according to Duvall (1988),
dividing the process into stages delineates the tasks more clearly. The eight stages of
Duvall’s Family Development Theory follow: (a) the married couple, without chil-
dren, (b) childbearing families with the oldest child between newborn to 30 months,
(c) families with preschool children, (d) families with school-age children, (e) fami-
lies with teenagers, (f) families who are launching their children into adult roles,
(g) families in the middle years (from the empty nest to retirement); and (h) the aging
family (from retirement to death of both parents). This model, which is based on
the traditional, nuclear, intact family, does not take into account families whose life
cycles exemplify alternative developmental sequences (cohabiting couples, divorced
heads of families, single-parent families, or stepfamilies) (Laszloffy, 2002). Whereas
the concepts of this theory will be used in later chapters to demonstrate stage-related
tasks associated with various stages of family development, other models of family
interactions will be presented that address the complexity of contemporary families.

The Systemic Family Development Model

Although Family Development Theory has helped in the understanding of typical
family development within one generation, the Systemic Family Development (SFD)
Model allows us to consider family dynamics across generations and to consider
the interactional intricacy of families. For example, the “Launching Stage” of Fam-
ily Systems Theory might be expanded by the SFD Model as the “Launching and
Leaving Stage” because that process entails a reciprocal experience of launching

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 20 Chapter 1

by the parents and leaving by the adolescents or young adults. Moreover, the SFD
Model does not attempt to define or limit the specific types and timing of stressors
and crises that occur within a family. For instance, it is reasonable to assume that
most families experience stress related to the birth of a child. It is much more dif-
ficult to determine when that stress will occur or what other stressors might occur
simultaneously. For some families, at the time of birth or adoption, older children are
preparing to leave home for the first time or a parental divorce or death has occurred.
Furthermore, except for the arrival of the first child, there are older children in the
family, and stressors related to parental responsibilities toward older children affect
family development. Thus, it is the complex interplay between the nature and tim-
ing of stressors that makes family development highly distinctive. By acknowledging
that all families face a common developmental process but avoiding conclusions
regarding what and when specific types of stressors occur, the SFD Model is able to
consider the sameness and diversity that exists within, between, and among families
(Laszloffy, 2002). Because families are diverse and complex and involve dynamics
across generations, the SFD Model will be utilized in a number of upcoming chap-
ters to illustrate family interactions in a variety of families.

The Double ABCX Model of Family Stress and Adaptation

The ABCX Model of Family Stress and Adaptation was first proposed by Hill (1958)
to represent the ways in which family resources and individual family member’s
perception of crisis aided in their response to family crises. The theoretical model
shown in Figure 1.2 represents an adaptation of that model by McCubbin, Patterson,

B B Bonadaptation
Existing Adaptive
Resources Resources

A
A X Family
Pileup of
Stressor Crisis Adaptation
Demands

C
C
Preception
Preception
&
of A
Coherence Maladaptation

FIGURE 1.2 Double ABCX Model of Stress and Adaptation

Sources: Based on McCubbin, H. I. and Patterson, J. M. 1982, Family adaptation to crisis, Pp. 26–47
in H. I. McCubbin, A. Cauble and J. Patterson (Eds.), Family Stress, Coping and Social Support.
Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas; McCubbin, A. Cauble and J. Patterson (1983). Family stress and
adaptation to crises: a Double ABCX model of family behavior.” Pp. 87–106 in D. H. Olson and B. C.
Miller (Eds.), Family Studies Review Yearbook (Vol. 1). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 21

and others (McCubbin & Pattterson, 1982; McCubbin, Cauble, & Patterson, 1983)
and is referred to as The Double ABCX Model of Family Stress and Adaptation. In
this model, A describes the additional life stressors and pressures prior to or suc-
ceeding the crisis-producing event, which result in a pileup of demands; B examines
the family’s adaptive resources; C reflects family members’ perception and coher-
ence; and X refers to family members’ adaptation to the stress factor. Over the last
several decades, this model has been applied to numerous studies of families facing
a variety of stressful events. Examples include stressors that impact military families
(e.g., Bowen, Bowen & Orthner, 1993; Campbell & Demi, 2000; Drummet, Cole-
man, & Cable, 2003), parents of children with disabilities (Bristol 1987), and families
whose children have problems with weight management (Skelton, Buehler, Irby, &
Grzywacz, 2012),

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE PARENTAL ROLE

In previous discussions, we have considered how the historical and contem-

porary views of the child and advice from various experts across many years
have ­influenced the ways in which American parents bring up their children.
Moreover, we have examined contemporary family theories that explain family
dynamics from various perspectives. In all these discussions, parents have been
viewed as significant influences on their children’s development. We will now
contemplate t­heories and selected research that increased our understanding of
the parental role.

Galinsky’s Six Stages of Parenthood

That the role of the parent undergoes development over time was first emphasized by
Ellen Galinsky, who pointed out that the parental role provides an opportunity and
challenge to continually develop new skills and capabilities. She theorized that the
process of parental role development begins with the anticipation of the arrival of
children and is continually adjusted according to children’s ongoing developmental
needs. Based on her interviews of parents with varying experiences of parenthood,
including married, divorced, step-, foster, and adoptive parents, she outlined six
stages of how parenthood changes adults (see Figure 1.3). Each of these stages rep-
resents ways in which parents invest their emotional and intellectual energy on a
particular childrearing task (Galinsky, 1987).

Mothers, Fathers, and Others in the Parenting Role

For most of the 20th century, the focus of parenting was on the role of the mother
with little attention given to the role that other family members played in the care
and socialization of children. From the 1970s onward, however, researchers began
to look at the role of fathers, other family caregivers, and caregivers outside the
family.

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 22 Chapter 1

Stage 1—The Image-Making Stage occurs during pregnancy or preparation for

adoption, when adults prepare to become parents by considering what it means to
be parents and contemplating the necessary changes in their lives to accommodate
the arrival of a child or children (in the case of multiple births).
Stage 2—The Nurturing Stage begins at birth and continues to about 18 to 24
months. During this period, parents and infants become attached to each other, and
parents alter their lives to support their roles as caregivers, balancing the needs
of the baby/babies with their own needs. Setting necessary priorities is especially
important at this stage.
Stage 3—The Authority Stage begins when children are around age 2 and lasts
until they are age 4 or 5. During this stage, parents become rule makers and enforc-
ers as they learn to provide structure and order for their children within a loving
environment.
Stage 4—The Interpretive Stage is associated with the school-age years. During
this stage, when children are becoming more independent and skilled, the role of
parents is to serve as mediators between their children and other individuals in their
children’s ever-expanding social world.
Stage 5—The Interdependent Stage occurs when children reach adolescence.
During this stage, parents alter their relationships with their adolescent children to
allow for shared power. During this stage of shared power, parents still maintain
appropriate authority in relation to their adolescent children.
Stage 6—The Departure Stage of parent development begins as their children
prepare to leave home. In this stage, parents contemplate not only their success as
parents but also how they might have parented differently.

FIGURE 1.3 Galinsky’s Six Stages of Parenthood Development

Source: Based on Galinsky, E. (1981). Between Generations: The Six Stages of Parenthood. Berkley,
New York; Galinsky, E. (1987). The six stages of parenthood. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

The Father’s Role. In the 1970s, a relatively small number of researchers started to
consider the role that fathers play in their children’s development. That early research
began with the study of infants’ attachment to individuals other than the mother, in
particular the father. Michael Lamb (1977) was among those who first questioned
the mother-centered assumption of attachment theory. His findings showed that
when mothers and fathers are both involved in child care, babies become attached
to both, although they interact differently with each. Mothers’ contributions to infant
attachment have been related most often to sensitive caregiving and responsive
social interactions, whereas fathers’ role in infant attachment has been consistently
linked to the domain of physical, high-energy play. In fact, some researchers have
suggested that fathers’ major role is that of playmate (e.g., Bridges, Connell, & Bel-
sky, 1988; Lamb, 1981). Of course, fathers are involved in many aspects of child
care today, but taking a word of advice from Caroline Pratt (1970), we should not

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 23

underestimate the value of play in parent–child relationships. From the 1970s to the
present time, researchers have continued to study the roles of fathers with children
of all ages. Furthermore, although Attachment Theory continues to be used to guide
studies of the role that fathers play in their children’s development, various other
theories have influenced this research. For example, guided by Erikson’s Theory of
Psychosocial Development, MacDonald and Parke (1986) found that through their
role as playmates, fathers increased their children’s sense of autonomy. Further dis-
cussions regarding the important role of fathers in children’s development will be
presented throughout this book.

The Role of Child Care Providers. Since most of the 20th century focused on the
role of the mother, by the end of that century, concern was growing regarding the
welfare of children as 62% of U.S. mothers with children under age 6 worked out-
side the home. This led to a large-scale, carefully controlled study of child care’s
effects by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD).
As the data poured in, it became clear that numerous factors influenced children’s
outcomes in child care, including the quality of the infant’s relationship with the
mother, the number of hours the child spent away from home, child–caregiver ratio,
and caregiver turnover. The key finding, though, was that maternal sensitivity and
alternate caregiver sensitivity were better predictors of positive outcomes for chil-
dren than were (within limits) actual time spent with the mother. In the case of
neglectful mothers, children’s developmental outcomes if they had other sensitive
caregivers were better because their needs were more predictably met outside the
home (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 1997). In Chapter 5, research
focused on child care’s effects on infant and toddler development and indicators of
quality child care will be presented. Also discussed in that chapter will be the impor-
tance of quality child care for infants and toddlers.

The Roles of Multiple Caregivers. Although studies of multiple caregivers and

father–child relationships did not take off in the United States until the 1970s, in
reality multiple caregivers are common in many cultures. Moreover, a vast, cross-­
disciplinary literature demonstrates that mothers with kinship help are more respon-
sive to their children’s needs. Because greater support contributes to maternal
sensitivity and enhanced child well-being, Coontz (1992) concluded that children do
best in societies where parental responsibilities are shared among various caregivers.
Findings from studies of high-risk groups in the United States also attest to the value
of multiple caregivers of children. For example, the presence of a grandmother in the
same household or frequent visits from a grandmother increase the likelihood that
babies will develop secure attachments to their mothers and have higher test scores
on cognitive development. Having a grandmother on hand has been linked as well
to improved health and cognitive outcomes for those children 3 years down the road
(Hrdy, 2009). The role of multiple caregivers will be highlighted in many discussions
in forthcoming chapters.

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 24 Chapter 1

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
AKA FORAGER FATHERS IN CENTRAL AFRICA
An impressive example of alloparents, multiple caregivers involved in the rearing of children, has been
observed in hunter-gatherer cultures. Infants in those cultures are the recipients of consistent, predictable
care; are never left alone; and are constantly held by the mother, father, or other family caregivers. Allo-
parents are older siblings, grandparents, or other kin who assist parents in providing care to babies and
children. The role of alloparents is highly significant in hunter-gatherer cultures by providing a vital support
system for parents. Because these families live in tight-knit groups and spend a lot of time together—­without
television, MP3 players, and computers—the antics of babies and children are a source of entertainment
for adults. Moreover, fathers in those cultures typically have close connections with their children. As a
case in point, the highest level of father–infant contact reported anywhere in the world comes from Barry
Hewlett’s (1991) groundbreaking observations of Aka foragers in Central Africa. Hewlett noted that Aka
fathers were within arm’s reach of their young infants more than 50% of any 24-hour period and spent
22% of their time in camp nuzzling, kissing, hugging, or holding them. Although not all fathers in hunter-
gatherer communities are as involved as the Aka fathers, fathers in those cultures almost invariably spend
more time with infants than fathers in most Western societies (Hrdy, 2009).

The Role of Gender. Observations of changes in the parental role across time have
contributed to theory development and research that has focused on how gender
shapes family interaction patterns. During the later part of the 20th century, family
scholars informed by Feminist Theory challenged the gender-structured family. The
profound influence of Feminist Theory on the ways in which men and women view
their roles as parents and in how they socialize their children can be summed up in
the following quote by Polly Toynbee in 1987: “Feminism is the most revolutionary
idea there has ever been. Equality for women demands a change . . . . It means valu-
ing parenthood as much as we value banking” (Knowles, 2004, p. 797). Of course,
we could make the argument that the role of parent is infinitely more significant than
the role of banker.
Numerous groundbreaking studies have demonstrated that different construc-
tions of gender shape the form the family takes and parent–child interactions within
the family. Examples include the following: Gender roles in the family influence the
degree to which fathers and mothers share household responsibilities and child care
when both parents work. Gender role concepts influence the kinkeeping role, which
consists of gathering family members for celebrations and making sure that everyone
stays in touch, that women typically play in the family. Parental beliefs regarding gen-
der roles play a part in the housework and child care assistance that parents expect
from their sons and daughters. Especially during adolescence, parents’ gender role
beliefs result in the granting of differing levels of freedom for sons and daughters. The
different roles that stepmothers and stepfathers occupy also are affected by beliefs
regarding gender roles. Finally, decisions regarding who will care for elderly parents
as well as the type of care that will be provided can be traced to gender role ide-
ologies (Fox & Murry, 2000). Numerous examples exist of the ways in which beliefs
regarding gender are played out in families. Concepts of Feminist Theory and research
focused on the role of gender in the family will be used throughout this textbook.

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 25

THE INTERFACE BETWEEN PARENTS AND THE COMMUNITY

Although parents everywhere have an easier time of it when they are able to count on
caregiving assistance from each other, from older siblings, and from extended fam-
ily members, parents also must cooperate with various community agencies, such
as health services and school systems, that affect the lives of their family members.
Because dual-earner families are common today, parents also collaborate with vari-
ous child care providers while juggling the requirements of home and work respon-
sibilities. At the center of all these various networks, the home environment created
by parents continues to be the most important factor contributing to the well-being
of children. For instance, Gottfried and Gottfried (2006) investigated the relationship
between maternal and dual-earner employment and children’s development. Their
findings revealed that, overwhelmingly, children’s development is related to their
home environment rather than maternal employment.
Communities that are responsive to the needs of families also enhance the well-
being of parents and children (Pitt-Catsouphes, MacDermid, & Schwartz, 2006;
Barton, Roman, Fitzgerald & McKinney, 2002). In a study focused on the perspec-
tives and adaptations of working parents, Pitt-Catsouphes et al. (2006) found that
working parents’ positive assessments of community-based resources significantly
enhance their feelings of well-being. Unfortunately, many community resources
that might enhance the well-being of parents and children often are underutilized.
For example, in their study of low-income African American mothers of premature
infants, Barton et al. (2002) found that information about parent support systems
was not widely known. Those mothers who were able to identify and utilize exist-
ing community resources were those with larger social networks. This highlights the
notion that individuals learn about services through “word of mouth” from network
participants. The role of the community as a larger support network for parents will
be further clarified in upcoming chapters.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
LATINO PARENTS
Language and culture play a primary role in children’s learning, and parents are important contributors
to their children’s academic success. In Latino communities, however, parents often feel that their efforts
are hampered in this area due to their limited English language skills as well as their limited familiarity
with the educational system. This situation restricts the degree to which Latino parents act as advocates
for their children in schools. Supportive relations between schools and Latino families are achievable,
however, and benefit not only Latino parents and children but also the schools the children attend. The
ability of parents to participate actively in school and community activities expands the development of
cultural knowledge of teachers as well as Latino parents. The ways in which to bridge this cultural gap are
for schools to learn more about the Latino culture and for parents and children to become more proficient
in the language of the school. When this occurs, it is an empowering process for families and schools also
win because they are in a position to build and maintain a strong communication system with families
(Delgado, 2004; Gaitan, 2012).

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 26 Chapter 1

PARENTS, CHILDREN, AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE

21ST CENTURY
Today, ever-changing technology is a part of the daily lives of children, including
a vast selection of television programs and computer software, complicated MP3
players and cell phones, exposure to numerous websites, and access to e-mail.
While the young require little or no assistance from their parents in the use of this
technology, it is important for parents to understand its role in their children’s
lives and the parents’ responsibility for ensuring that their children are helped,
not harmed, by their use of technology. For example, it is helpful if parents rec-
ognize that computer, cell phone, and other technology usage can be an active
or passive agent of learning. A number of researchers have focused attention on
detrimental outcomes for children who have increased their usage of daily screen
time (total time spent watching television, playing video games, or using a com-
puter) (e.g., Christakis & Zimmerman, 2009; Jago et al., 2011; Langer, Crain, Senso,
Levy, & Sherwood; 2014; Radesky, Silverstein, Zuckerman, & Christakis, 2014).
­Furthermore, the concern regarding children’s daily screen time was addressed by
the American Academy of Pediatrics in 2013, which recommends that children’s
screen time be limited to 2 hours per day or less (Radesky et al., 2014). Finally,
potential safeguards are necessary to prevent children and adolescents from being
contacted by persons who wish to victimize them. The link between the use of
technology and children’s outcomes will be discussed in forthcoming chapters.
Recommendations for parents regarding their children’s use of various technologies
will also be deliberated.

SUMMARY

• Summarize the influences of the early tradition of autocratic childrearing.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the prevailing American childrearing
approach was autocratic (strict and harsh) with little attention given to the
thoughts and feelings of the child. This childrearing approach was influenced by
Thomas Hobbes’ view of the willful child and the early American Puritans’ view
of the sinful child.
• Show knowledge of the theories that emphasized parental understanding of chil-
dren’s motivation and behavior and those that focused on respecting children’s
enthusiasm for learning.
G. Stanley Hall called for a science of psychology and education that respected
the true nature and needs of the child. Freud theorized that parents should
show an understanding of children’s natural instincts. The attachment theorists
(Bowlby (1958) and Ainsworth (1973) emphasized the importance of parental

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 Historical and Theoretical Influences of Childrearing 27

responsiveness. Piaget and Vygotsky contradicted Watson’s view of children as

passive learners. The early childhood educators emphasized the importance of
allowing children the freedom to explore and the importance of children’s play.
Erikson emphasized that parental support helps children resolve psychosocial
crises at each stage of development.
• Describe the theories that show the influence of different contexts on childrear-
ing practices and help us appreciate how family members’ behaviors affect one
another’s lives.
Dreikurs’s introduced the idea of democracy in the family. Bronfenbrenner’s
Ecological Model showed that family members influence and are influenced
by a number of other systems with which they interact. Family Systems Theory
emphasized that the family is a dynamic system that influences and is influenced
by each family member.
• Discuss how the parental role changes over time, various persons in the parent-
ing role, and how Feminist Theory challenged roles in the gender-constructed
family.
Today, we understand that the role of the parent undergoes development
when parents of infants become parents of preschoolers, who in turn become
parents of school-age children, and then parents of adolescents. Based on the
studies of fathers that began in the 1970s, we now have a greater apprecia-
tion of the roles that fathers and other caregivers play in the lives of children.
Informed by Feminist Theory in the latter part of the 20th century, researchers
provided evidence regarding ways in which gender roles shape the parent–
child relationship.
• Demonstrate an understanding of how parents’ perception of community
resources influences childrearing.
Communities that are responsive to the needs of families enrich the well-being of
parents. Unfortunately, many families are unaware of parent support systems in
their communities. Those parents with larger social networks are more likely to
identify and utilize existing community resources.
• Analyze how the lives of parents and children have been impacted by the tech-
nology of the 21st century.
Parents today must understand and monitor their children’s use of rapidly grow-
ing technology in order to keep them safe online. It is also helpful for parents to
be aware of the negative effects of higher amounts of daily screen time.

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

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 28 Chapter 1

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations provide additional information on topics covered in this chapter.

The SUNY Stonybrook and New York Consortium

Family and Consumer Sciences
The Education Resources Information Center (ERIC)

KEY TERMS

alloparents guided participation

autocratic parenting kinkeeping role
externalizing problems mesosystem
chronosystem microsystem
exosystem scaffolding

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 Parenting
2 Patterns and
the Impact of
Culture and
Context

Monart Design/Fotolia

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 30 Chapter 2

Learning Outcomes
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Describe the two dimensions that distinguish and ethnic minority families in the
differences among the six parenting patterns United States.
and show an understanding of the child ■■ Show an understanding of how context,
outcomes linked to each of these patterns. including socioeconomic status, children’s
■■ Describe how culture influences the characteristics, and the use of technology,
parenting patterns within non-Western cultures affects parenting patterns and child outcomes.

N ow that we have taken a historical look at the ways that various philosophers
and theorists have contributed to the evolution of childrearing patterns in the United
States, we turn our attention to the roles of culture and context in contemporary
­parent–child relations. We will begin by looking at the current patterns of childrearing
in the United States and contrast those with parenting values and behaviors in cultures
outside the United States. Next, we will consider the ways in which cultural norms and
belief systems contribute to different parenting patterns within the various cultures in
American society. We then will consider various contextual influences of childrearing,
including a family’s socioeconomic level, parents’ families of origin, family religiosity,
and characteristics of the children in a family. Finally, we will examine the ways in
which parenting styles are related to children’s use of technology. Throughout all of
these discussions, we will be examining the ways in which the lives of children are
shaped by the childrearing patterns of their parents and other caregivers.

CHILD SOCIALIZATION PATTERNS OF AMERICAN PARENTS

Studies of childrearing patterns in the United States have resulted in the identification
of six distinct parenting patterns: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive (Baumrind,
1967), traditional (Baumrind, 1987), indulgent, and indifferent (Maccoby & Martin,
1983) (see Figure 2.1). Two dimensions distinguish differences among these parent-
ing patterns: parental responsiveness and parental demandingness. That is, parents
differ in the degree to which they demonstrate responsiveness toward their children
and in the demands and expectations they have of their children. As will be pointed
out in the upcoming discussion, a parenting pattern provides an indicator of parent-
ing functioning that predicts child well-being across a wide spectrum of environ-
ments and diverse communities of children. Figure 2.1 provides a visual approach
to understanding the ways in which these parenting patterns might be distinguished
according to levels of parental warmth and demandingness as well as their contribu-
tions to children’s outcomes.
Parental responsiveness (e.g. love, warmth, and nurturance) is the degree to
which parents respond to their child’s needs in an accepting, supportive manner.

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 31

Demandingness FIGURE 2.1 Six Patterns

High Low of Childrearing
Sources: Based on Baumrind,
Authoritative Parenting Permissive Parenting D. (1971). Current patterns
& & of parental authority.
High Traditional Parenting Indulgent Parenting Developmental Psychology
Monographs, 4(1, Pt. 2),
1–103; Baumrind, D. (1987).
Resoponsiveness

Related to Postive Related to Negative A developmental perspective

Child Outcomes Child Outcomes on adolescent risk taking
in contemporary America.
In C. E. Irwin Jr. (Ed.),
Adolescent social behavior
Authoritarian Parenting Indifferent Parenting and health. New Directions
for Child Development,
37, 93–125.
Low

Related to the
Related to Negative
Most Negative
Child Outcomes
Child Outcomes

It refers also to the extent to which parents foster their children’s individuality,
self-regulation, and self-assertion by being attuned to their children and supportive
of their needs. Parental warmth is a very influential force in the development of
children because it helps them feel loved, secure, and cared about. In addition, it
promotes children’s acceptance of parental demands (Baumrind, 1991b). Among
the indicators of parental warmth are caressing or hugging the child, responding
to the child’s questions, and inviting the child’s participation in conversations with
adults (McLoyd & Smith, 2002). A child’s perception of parental warmth consists
of responses such as “My parents really understand me” and “I know they will be
there if I need them” (Lessard, Greenberger, & Chaunsheng, 2010, p. 77). It has
been demonstrated that perceived parental warmth correlates with psychological
adjustment, personality dispositions, independence, positive self-esteem, and a pos-
itive worldview of children across ethnicities, cultures, gender, and geographical
boundaries (Khaleque, 2013).

Thinking Critically
Why do you think that parental warmth is such a powerful influence in the lives of
­children? Why do you suppose children are more accepting of parental demands from parents
who are warm and responsive than from parents who are not?

Parental demandingness, or parental control, refers to the demands that par-

ents make on children, including maturity demands, behavioral monitoring, and the
delivery of consequences for inappropriate behavior. By and large, demandingness
is the degree to which parents expect and demand responsible behavior from their
children. It includes both setting and enforcing rules or limits for children (Baumrind,

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 32 Chapter 2

1991a). When requiring responsible behavior of a child, it is helpful if rules are clear,
reasonable, developmentally appropriate, fair and just, and emphasize what the
child should do rather than just what the child should not do. It is best if enforcement
of rules does not rely on punishment. In reality, punishment is the least effective of
the available alternatives because it tends to increase antisocial behavior and only
temporarily increases obedience (Gershoff, 2002). Furthermore, differences seen in
child behavior problems between boys and girls might be explained, at least in part,
by findings from McKee et al. (2007) that harsh physical punishment is not only asso-
ciated with child behavior problems but also that boys receive harsher verbal and
physical discipline than girls. Additionally, it has been found that parents who use
more physical punishment also use more use of psychological aggression and less
positive parenting (Gamez-Gaudix, Carrobles, Almendros, & Fernandez-Alcaraz,
2010). Monitoring children’s behavior and whereabouts, understanding what moti-
vates their behavior, preventing misbehavior, rewarding appropriate behavior, and
providing positive guidance are far more effective than punishment for guiding chil-
dren and gaining their cooperation.

Thinking Critically
Were you surprised to learn that punishment of children is the least effective way to enforce
rules? Why do you suppose that some parents rely on punishment rather than consider more
effective parenting strategies?

Authoritative Parents
Authoritative parenting, according to Lawrence Steinberg (1990), is the reasonable
balance of three key aspects of parents’ behavior toward their children—­nurturance,
discipline, and respect. The balance of these three dimensions is essential for ­effective
parenting. Authoritative parents are controlling and demanding but also nurturing
and communicative with their children. They show respect for their children while
expecting respect from them. In her 1968 article, Baumrind stated that authoritative
parents direct their children’s activities but in a rational, issue-oriented manner.
In a 1996 article, she pointed out that these parents display firm control at many
points of divergence but do not hem in their children with restrictions. She empha-
sized that authoritative parents believe in rational discipline accomplished through
­parent–child interactions that are friendly and tutorial. Integration of the needs of the
child with those of other family members is, therefore, a high value for authoritative
parents (Baumrind, 1996).
An important trait of authoritative parents is that they recognize their children’s
individual interests and unique personalities. They therefore set standards for their
children regarding expectations for future conduct but do not expect unquestioned
obedience. On the contrary, authoritative parents are willing to explain to their chil-
dren the reasons for expected behavior. Moreover, they are willing to discuss with
their children the behavioral guidelines they have set (Steinberg & Levine, 1997).

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 33

More recent findings have shown that parents who are authoritative make it easier
for their children to talk about their behaviors, thoughts, and feelings. These parents
likely support this disclosure, rewarding it by being interested, understanding, and
encouraging (Almas, Grusec, & Tackett, 2011).

Theoretical Influences of Authoritative Parenting. There are several theorists

and experts, discussed in Chapter 1, who influenced this parenting pattern. Freud
(1931/1961) proposed that parental acceptance of the child’s natural instincts should
guide child socialization. The attachment theorists demonstrated the importance of
emotionally available caregivers in the development of secure attachment (Ains-
worth, 1973). Montessori recommended that parents give their young children as
much freedom as possible to assist them in developing to their full potential (Britton,
1992). Pratt (1970) elevated children’s play to an esteemed position and emphasized
the importance of truly seeing children. Finally, Spock’s emphasis on the need to
combine reasonable limits with warmth and support of children is exemplified this
parenting pattern (Spock, 1946; Spock & Rothenberg, 1985).

Children of Authoritative Parents. One of the advantages of being reared by

authoritative parents is that this parenting style has been related to high levels of
familial interaction and family cohesiveness (Garg, Levin, & Kauppi, 2005), perhaps
because these children feel free to discuss their behaviors, thoughts, and feelings
(Almas et al., 2011). Furthermore, studies of children from authoritative families
have consistently demonstrated that these children have more positive outcomes
than do children reared by parents who have authoritarian, permissive, indulgent, or
indifferent parenting styles. One of the most consistent findings is that children from
authoritative families have high levels of academic achievement (e.g., Garg et al.,
2005; Jones, Forehand, & Beach, 2000). One explanation for the higher academic
achievement of children whose parents are authoritative was offered by Heaven
and Ciarrochi (2008), who found that adolescents whose parents are authoritative
have higher levels of conscientiousness, which they found was associated with bet-
ter grades. Children of authoritative parents also have higher levels of self-esteem
(Martinez & Garcia, 2008) and tend to be cooperative with peers, siblings, and adults
(Jones et al., 2000). This association between high self-esteem and authoritative
parenting continues into adulthood. The findings of DeHart, Pelham, and Tennen
(2006) show that young adult children who describe their parents as more nurturing
(an important aspect of authoritative parenting) have higher levels of self-esteem in
comparison to those who describe their parents as less nurturing.
The authoritative parenting pattern has been linked as well to children’s signifi-
cantly higher levels of psychosocial maturity (Mantzipoulos & Oh-Hwang, 1998),
resourcefulness (Turkel & Tezer, 2008), reasoning ability, empathy, and altruism
(Aunola, Stattin, & Nurmi, 2000). Moreover, children whose parents have an author-
itative parenting style are less likely to exhibit behavior problems in comparison to
children of parents who use authoritarian, permissive, or indifferent parenting styles
(Baumrind, 1996). Even among young children, negative emotionality and internal-
izing behaviors are mediated by authoritative parenting (Paulussen-Hoogeboom,

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 34 Chapter 2

Stams, Hermanns, Peetsma, & van den Wittenboer, 2008). Finally, children of
authoritative parents have the highest levels of self-actualization when compared to
children of parents who have adopted other styles of child socialization (Carton &
Dominguez, 1997).
Whereas most of the research linking authoritative parenting and positive out-
comes for children has focused on Caucasian middle-class parents and children, a
number of studies have demonstrated that this parenting style is advantageous for
children in other ethnic groups as well. For example, Mantzipoulos and ­Oh-Hwang
(1998) examined gender, intellectual ability, and parenting practices in a group of
Korean American adolescents and European American adolescents. Differences in
parenting patterns across these two groups were predictive of psychosocial maturity
regardless of ethnic group membership. More recently, Jabagchourian, Sorkhabi,
Quach, and Strage (2014) studied the parenting styles of Latino parents and their
fifth-grade children. They found significant positive relations between parental
authoritativeness and grades, academic engagement, social competence, self-
regulation, and perspective taking as well as negative relations between authorita-
tiveness and aggression.
The encouragement of children’s participation in decision making by authorita-
tive parents appears to provide children with the experience needed to engage in
thoughtful and responsible behavior. Although some of the competencies promoted
by authoritative parenting (e.g., independent thinking) might not be considered as
desirable in traditional cultures, authoritative parenting has emerged as the most
effective parenting style for the socialization of American children and adolescents.
What’s more, the advantages of the authoritative parenting style for American chil-
dren’s development have been found to outweigh factors such as socioeconomic
status and ethnic group membership. Finally, parents who use authoritative parent-
ing patterns have more influence with their children and adolescents than do peers.
In a study by Bednar and Fisher (2003), adolescents whose parents were authorita-
tive were more likely to refer to their parents when making moral choices and also
were more inclined to rely on their parents for information on which to base their
decisions. Because authoritative parenting is consistently associated with favorable
outcomes for children, this approach to parenting is the basis of the parenting strate-
gies described in Chapter 4.

Thinking Critically
Consider the parent–child interactions of families with whom you are familiar (your own and
those of friends or relatives) and see if you can identify a family that fits the authoritative pat-
tern. If so, what are the lives of the children like? See if you can identify some of the positive
outcomes of authoritative parenting in those families.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Because authorita-

tive parenting accomplishes the objectives of demonstrating warmth and support to

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 35

children while guiding them toward becoming increasingly more responsible and
self-reliant, this approach to parenting is an excellent choice. Obviously, the parents
using this parenting style already understand the best child socialization approach
to adopt with their children but might benefit from learning some of the strategies
of parenting associated with this approach. Those strategies will be presented and
explained in Chapter 4. Parents who have not adopted the authoritative parent-
ing style might benefit from becoming aware of this approach. Professionals work-
ing with those parents might want to emphasize the importance of using parental
warmth and responsiveness alongside reasonable limits.

Authoritarian Parents
Authoritarian-oriented beliefs and attitudes are firmly grounded in early American
childrearing patterns in the United States. The disciplinary practices of authoritarian
parents are hierarchical, and these parents tend to favor punitive, forceful measures
to curb what they believe to be their children’s willful nature. In addition to pun-
ishment and the threat of punishment, authoritarian parents often seek to shame
their children into compliance. Authoritarian parents place value on (a) keeping
children in their place, (b) restricting children’s autonomy, and (c) assigning house-
hold responsibilities in order to instill respect for work. A main goal of authoritarian
parents is to obtain obedience from their children, and forceful means (including
physical punishment) are frequently used to gain their children’s compliance to
rules (Baumrind, 1967). In addition to the goal of obedience, a secondary goal of
authoritarian parents is to emphasize respect for parents, which is demonstrated by
parents’ insistence on their children’s unquestioning acceptance of their word for
what is right or wrong. Thus, authoritarian parents discourage their children from
freely expressing their feelings (Steinberg, 1996). In authoritarian families, rules are
set by the parents without discussion with the child, and a child’s questioning of the
rules is likely to gain the response of “Because I said so.”

Theoretical Influences of Authoritarian Parenting. Unlike authoritative parent-

ing, discussed earlier, the influences of authoritarian parenting cannot be traced
to early psychological theorists, early childhood educators, or to the child expert,
Benjamin Spock. Instead, this parenting pattern reflects the emphasis on harsh, strict
autocratic childrearing advocated by Hobbes’ (1688/1994) philosophical view of
the willful child and the early Puritans’ belief in the inherent sinfulness of the child
(Kagan, 1978).

Observe the family dynamics in the following video. What signs of authoritarian parent-
ing are present in this example?
www.youtube.com/watch?v=JqwDhzGmnHU

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 36 Chapter 2

SPOTLIGHT ON GENDER:
AUTHORITARIAN PARENTS
Not only are authoritarian parents more emotionally detached and unresponsive to their children but also
their parental orientation has been linked to less father involvement with children. For instance, Gaertner,
Spinard, Eisenberg, and Greving (2007) found that authoritarian fathers spend relatively less time engaged
with their children, even during infancy when direct care is a fundamental parental responsibility. It has
been shown also that boys receive harsher verbal and physical discipline than do girls and that fathers
utilize harsher physical discipline with boys than do mothers (McKee et al., 2007). Finally, findings have
shown that girls reared in authoritarian homes are particularly at risk for early sexual behaviors (Kapungu,
Holmbeck, & Paikoff, 2006).

Thinking Critically
Given that authoritarian parenting has been associated with less father involvement, harsher
discipline for boys than girls, and girls being at risk for early sexual behaviors, why do you
think the gender of parent and child plays a role in authoritarian parenting?

Children of Authoritarian Parents. Based on the previous discussion, it is clear that

the authoritarian style of rearing children is not considered to be conducive to posi-
tive outcomes for children. Children reared by authoritarian parents are not encour-
aged to think for themselves but are expected to look to their parents for approval
and answers to problems. Because such parents intimidate their children rather than
promote their feelings of self-worth, Alice Miller (1990) labeled authoritarian beliefs
as the poisonous pedagogy, charging that such beliefs promote child socialization
behaviors that rob children of their human spirit and inhibit their normal emotional
development. Children whose parents are authoritarian tend to be dependent, pas-
sive, conforming, less self-assured, less creative, and less socially adept than other
children. In comparison to children of authoritative parents, children of authoritar-
ian parents have been found to have lower psychosocial maturity (Mantzipoulos &
Oh-Hwang, 1998), lower self-esteem (Martinez & Garcia, 2008), lower resourceful-
ness (Turkel & Tezer, 2008), and lower achievement (Aunola et al., 2000; Fletcher,
Walls, Cook, Madison, & Bridges, 2008). In addition, children from authoritarian
families tend to have social problems and externalizing behavior (Fletcher et al.,
2008; Stanger, Dumenci, & Kamon, 2004). These children are also at higher risk
for substance abuse, crime, and delinquency than are children from authoritative
or permissive families (Baumrind, 1991a; McKee et al., 2007). That this association
extends into the adult years was demonstrated by Mallet et al. (2011) who found that
authoritarian parenting is associated with higher peak alcohol consumption during
the first year of college. These findings suggest that the authoritarian parenting style
is a risk factor for problematic drinking during the transition from high school to
college.

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 37

The higher vulnerability of children from authoritarian families might be

explained by findings that authoritarian parents restrict their children’s interactions
and short circuit interpersonal family conflicts by imposing rules intended to prevent
conflict from occurring. In that family environment, children are deprived of oppor-
tunities to practice the skills of compromise and conflict resolution in relationships.
In spite of the fact that the goal of authoritarian parents is to exercise a high level of
control over their children, the harsh strictness of authoritarian parents puts them in
a position of not having as much influence on their children’s decision making in
comparison to their children’s peers (Allès-Jardel, Fourdrinier, Roux, & Schneider,
2002). For example, Bednar and Fisher (2003) found that adolescents with authori-
tarian parents consulted peers more often than their parents when making moral and
informational decisions.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The hierarchical

parent–child relationships in authoritarian families reflect the parents’ strong beliefs
that they must maintain parental control of their children. Intervention in these
families, therefore, must address the issue of control. Professionals working with
authoritarian parents might emphasize parenting techniques that promote children’s
self-control. If authoritarian parents are assisted in understanding that their parenting
is likely to be easier if they use strategies to help the child to become more responsi-
ble, they might be willing to consider using such techniques. It is important as well
for these parents to understand that their influence on their child will be greater, and
parent–child relationships more satisfactory, if children consistently receive expres-
sions of parental warmth. As a final point, the issue of respect might be addressed by
pointing out that parents who demonstrate respect for their children are more likely
to be respected by their children.

Thinking Critically
Consider the lives of children you know or have known whose parents are authoritarian. Are
you able to identify some of the negative consequences of authoritarian parenting in the lives
of these children? If so, what are they?

Has Authoritarian Parenting Changed Over Time? Authoritarian parenting was the
first parenting pattern to be identified in the research literature. The first systematic
studies of authoritarian parenting date from the late 1940s (Baldwin, 1948), while
references to other parenting styles began to appear at least a decade later (Baumrind,
1966). It is also the parenting pattern that has changed the most in the last 50 years
because the practices associated with authoritarian parenting signify, at the family
level, a traditional hierarchical structure common to societies during the first half of
the 20th century (Durrant, Rose-Krasnor, & Broberg, 2003; Gadlin, 1978). Western
societies started changing from hierarchical organization toward more egalitarian
structures during the latter half of the 20th century (Oppenheimer, 2004). These
changes reflect greater awareness of studies showing that harsh parenting practices

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 38 Chapter 2

have negative effects on children’s development (e.g., Baumrind, 1966; Strauss &
Paschall, 2009). Research on the intergenerational transmission of parenting also sug-
gests that there have been shifts away from authoritarian parenting in the same fami-
lies. For example, in a study of two generations of Australian parents, Campbell and
Gilmore (2007) found that parents in the second generation perceived themselves as
being less authoritarian than their parents. Finally, in a study of whether authoritarian
parenting practices and roles had changed in Sweden over a span of 50 years, Trifan,
Stattin, and Tilton-Weaver (2014) found a dramatic decrease in in parents’ directive
control. They found that, over time, parents increasingly allowed their children to
express anger toward them. Additionally, they provided evidence that parents’ roles
changed from stereotyped versions of fathers as decision makers and mothers as
caregivers to both parents sharing decisions and gaining respect from their children.

Permissive Parents
Permissive parents’ lenient parenting style involves little restriction of child auton-
omy and a general lack of routine and consistency. Furthermore, they engage less in
independence training of their children and do not help them internalize limit-setting
behavior (Baumrind, 1968). An example of permissive parents’ lack of demanding-
ness is their giving their children few household responsibilities. Instead of expecting
compliance to usual behavioral standards, they by and large allow their children to
regulate their own behavior. Examples of permissive parenting are seen in their feed-
ing behaviors where they have been found to be low on modeling nutritional eating
habits (Hubbs-Tait, Kennedy, Page, Topham, & Harrist, 2008). Another illustration
of the low levels of monitoring and boundary setting by permissive parents has been
illustrated by comparing their children’s physical activity and total screen time per
day (the sum of average daily TV time and video game/computer time). Langer
et al. (2014) demonstrated that permissive parenting is associated with an increased
­likelihood of more than 2 hours of daily screen time (total time spent watching televi-
sion, playing video games, or using a computer). Those findings are consistent with
prior work by Jago et al. (2011). You might recall from Chapter 1 that the concern
regarding children’s daily screen time was addressed by the American Academy of
Pediatrics in 2013, and their recommendation was that children’s screen time be
limited to 2 hours per day or less (Radesky et al., 2014). Permissive parents not only
fail to exercise sufficient control of their children but also appear to have diminished
personal self-control. They are not very well organized or effective in running their
households. Moreover, permissive parents tend to be self-effacing individuals who
are insecure in their abilities to influence their children (Steinberg & Levine, 1997).

Theoretical Influences of Permissive Parenting. The theoretical influence of

this parenting pattern can be traced to Freud (1931/1961), who emphasized that
harsh parenting methods are detrimental to children’s well-being. As discussed in
­Chapter 1, Freud did not address the need for parents to also have rules and set
boundaries for their children. As a reminder, the combination of parental responsive-
ness coupled with demandingness was later addressed by Benjamin Spock (1946).

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 39

Children of Permissive Parents. The children of permissive parents tend to lack

impulse control and to be more immature, less self-reliant, less socially responsible,
and less independent in comparison to children of authoritative parents (Baumrind,
1991b). Excessive autonomy coupled with insufficient parental monitoring of their
activities has been associated with a variety of negative outcomes for these children.
One of the consequences of being a child of permissive parents is lower academic
achievement in comparison to children from authoritative families (Paulson, Mar­
chant, & Rothlisberg, 1998). Furthermore, this consequence of permissive p ­ arenting
has been observed not only in the United States but also around the world. For
instance, a negative relation between permissive parenting and academic achieve-
ment was found in a recent study that included Iranian high school students who
were between the ages 15 to 17 (Parsasirat, Montazeri, Yusooff, Subhi, & Nen, 2013).
It has also been demonstrated that permissive parenting interferes with the devel-
opment of children’s self-regulatory abilities (Mauro & Harris, 2000). One of the ways
that these children’s low self-regulatory behavior is manifested is through verbal and
physical aggression, and many researchers have demonstrated this relationship. For
example, Christopher, Saunders, Jacobvitz, Burton and Hazen (2013) found that,
as early as toddlerhood, parental permissiveness is related to toddlers’ aggressive
behavior toward peers. That permissive parenting contributes to children’s aggres-
sive behavior beyond the early years was demonstrated by findings of Ehrenreich,
Beron, Brinkley, and Underwood (2014) who showed that permissive parenting in
middle childhood foretells higher social aggression trajectories across many years.
Their findings suggest that parents who set fewer limits on their children’s behav-
iors contribute to lasting consequences for their children’s peer relations. As a case
in point, the relation between permissive parenting and continuity or increases in
aggressive behavior from middle-childhood through adolescence was revealed by
Underwood, Beron, and Rosen (2009). Growing up in a permissive household has
also been associated with heavy drinking among adolescents (Tucker, Ellickson, &
Klein, 2008). Additionally, boys reared in permissive homes are particularly at risk
for early sexual behaviors (Kapungu et al., 2006). The many negative consequences
for children whose parents are permissive explains Baumrind’s (1991a) finding
that children of permissive parents are less happy than children whose parents are
authoritative or authoritarian.
One of the consequences for parents who do not provide their children with
appropriate limits is that they are not perceived by their children as persons whom
they can consult when making important decisions. Despite problems in peer rela-
tionships, Bednar and Fisher (2003) found that adolescents with permissive parents
were more likely to consult peers than parents in making moral choices.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Permissive parents

do not exercise appropriate levels of control for their children because they think of
control as harsh and punitive and thus are reluctant to take that stance. Interventions
designed to assist these parents might first make the parents aware of the benefits of
parental monitoring, clear rules, and reasonable consequences. Next, these parents
are likely to need training in the use of parenting strategies designed to exercise

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 40 Chapter 2

parental authority while continuing to provide warmth and support for their children.
Finally, school personnel and other professionals working with children of permissive
parents might explore avenues to help them be more successful in their own lives.

Thinking Critically
In light of what you have just learned about the effects of permissive parenting on children’s
behavior and academic performance, what would you recommend to permissive parents
regarding ways to help their children be more successful in their lives?

Indulgent Parents
The indulgent approach to child socialization represents an excessively lax parent-
ing pattern wherein parents do not exercise sufficient control over their children. In
comparison to parents with other childrearing patterns, indulgent parents are highest
in involvement with their children and lowest in strictness with their children. They
have few clear expectations for their children, and they seldom set limits for them
or provide consequences for their actions (Steinberg, 1996). Furthermore, indul-
gent parents are more likely than are authoritarian parents to yield to coercion and
manipulation from their children (Fletcher et al., 2008). They view discipline and
control as being potentially damaging to children’s developing creativity. Therefore,
although they provide their children with high levels of support and affection, they
do not stipulate limits and guidelines but grant them instead the freedom to do as
they please (Steinberg, 1996).

Theoretical Influences of Indulgent Parenting. Like permissive parenting, indul-

gent parenting can also be traced to the views of Freud (1946), who pointed out that
parents should respect their children’s natural instincts and who recommended that
parents not use harsh treatment of children in their childrearing approach. For indul-
gent parents, however, this leniency is exaggerated, and their parenting approach is
further compromised by their indulgence of their children’s whims.

Children of Indulgent Parents. As pointed out earlier, children and adolescents

whose parents are indulgent are manipulative of others, especially their parents.
They are also more likely to exhibit externalizing behaviors (such as aggression)
than are children whose parents are authoritative (Fletcher et al., 2008). Children’s
aggression can be either proactive (unprovoked) or reactive (provoked). Whereas
reactive aggression has been most often associated with harsh parenting (Watson,
Fisher, Jasmina, & Smith, 2004), proactive aggression has been found to be related to
indulgent parenting (Yiyuan, Farver, & Zengxiu, 2009). The 2009 findings of Yiyuan
and colleagues linking proactive aggression with indulgent parenting are consistent
with Dodge’s (1991) model, which identified influences of childhood proactive and
reactive aggression. According to Yiyuan and colleagues, indulgent parents likely
tolerate children’s use of aggression to obtain their goals and reinforce proactive

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 41

aggression. Another problem for children raised by indulgent parents is that they
tend to be irresponsible and immature and conform more to their peers than do
children whose parents are authoritative or permissive. Furthermore, they are more
involved in risky behaviors, such as crime and delinquency, than are children and
adolescents with authoritative or permissive parents (Steinberg, 2000).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals.

In spite of the fact that indulgent parents provide their children with responsive care
and promote their autonomy, they do not require the kind of responsibility from
their children that is associated with healthy development. Professionals working
with parents who have adopted an indulgent parenting pattern need to understand
the thinking that underlies the indulgent parent’s childrearing. Indulgent parents are
involved in the lives of their children and do not wish their children to have unful-
filled needs. It might be helpful, therefore, to point out to these parents that indulgent
parenting deprives their children of the necessary guidance they need. It also might
be useful to share with these parents some of the research findings that show a link
between indulgent parenting and negative outcomes for children.

Thinking Critically
Everyone seems to know a child whose parents are indulgent and to have noticed the negative
effects of that style of parenting on the child’s behavior. If you have observed such a relation-
ship and its effects, what are the behaviors of the parent/s that you would consider indulgent,
and what examples of negative outcomes have you observed in the child’s behaviors?

Indifferent Parents
Indifferent parents have either rejected their children or for various reasons do not
expend the necessary time and energy required of the parenting role. They seem
uninvolved and even uninterested in their children’s development. Their goal appears
to be to minimize the amount of time and attention devoted to childrearing. Thus,
they require little of their children, rarely bother to discipline them or provide clear
guidelines regarding expected behavior, and express little love or concern for their
children. In a study of indifferent parents, Steinberg (1996) found that such parents
tend to have life problems and stressors that limit their availability to their children.
There is also evidence of gender influences in neglectful parenting. In their study of
similarities of siblings’ experiences of neglectful parenting, Hines, Kantor, and Holt
(2005) showed that opposite sex siblings reported greater differences in parental
neglectful behaviors with boys reporting more neglectful behaviors than girls.

Theoretical Influences of Indifferent Parenting. The indifferent parenting approach

might be explained by the Systematic Family Development Model, which focuses on
the complex interplay between the nature and timing of stressors that make family
development highly distinctive. An alternate explanation of the problems observed

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 42 Chapter 2

in families where parents have adopted an indifferent stance toward the needs of
their children might be provided by the Double ABCX Model of Stress and Adapta-
tion (McCubbin & Patterson., 1983). This model has been used to understand the
dynamics in families facing a variety of stressors.

Children of Indifferent Parents. In the family literature, findings show that authori-
tative parenting produces the most favorable outcomes for children (Pellerin, 2005;
Jabagchourian et al., 2014) and that indifferent parenting is related to the least
favorable outcomes (Pellerin, 2005). Basic to all effective child socialization patterns
is the expression of love and concern. Children from all ethnic groups in all societies
benefit if they think they are loved and appreciated. Conversely, they suffer if they
feel rejected and unwanted (Khaleque & Rohner, 2002). A general lack of involve-
ment by parents characterized by a lack of affection and/or high levels of criticism
and hostility provides the basis for the development of low self-esteem (DeHart
et al., 2006), childhood aggressiveness, and antisocial behavior problems (Steinberg,
1996). As early as preschool, low parental involvement is associated with children’s
noncompliance. Over time and with ongoing parental difficulties, noncompliance
evolves into a behavior pattern characterized by peer rejection and poor academic
performance. During adolescence, children of indifferent parents have higher levels
of delinquency, earlier sexual involvement, and a greater likelihood of using drugs
and alcohol than do children with involved parents (Steinberg, 1996). In a more
recent study of adolescents entering college, Mallett et al. (2011) found that those
with neglectful parents have an increased likelihood of the onset of alcohol use dis-
orders (AUDs). Furthermore, in support of earlier findings by Duncan, Thatcher, and
Maisto (2005), Mallet et al. reported that those identified as having an AUD are less
likely to benefit from treatment if their parents are neglectful. The problem behaviors
seen in children of indifferent parents might be partly explained by their tendency
toward impulsivity and to some extent by their parents’ lack of monitoring of their
activities (Jacob, 1997). Research focused on gender and indifferent parenting has
shown that higher levels of sadness and depressive symptoms among preadolescent
girls are related to parenting styles that are low in empathy and acceptance. Those
findings emphasize that emotion regulation and depression are moderated by the
caregiving environment (Feng et al., 2009).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Because S­ teinberg’s

(1996) study demonstrated that indifferent parents tend to have life problems and
stressors that limit their availability to their children, it is important to address that
predicament. If family members, friends, and/or professionals can provide the sup-
port these parents need to alleviate their stressful circumstances, their children are
likely to benefit. Until parents are able to deal more successfully with their life prob-
lems or get the support they require, it is vital that informal support (family members
and friends) and formal support (social service agencies) provide for the need of the
children to have adult guidance and supervision. Mounts (2002) also suggests that
parents who have an uninvolved parenting style might benefit from information that
encourages them to guide their children’s peer relationships. Mounts recommended

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 43

that prevention and intervention efforts with uninvolved parents include efforts to
show parents ways of being involved in adolescents’ peer relationships using appro-
priate levels of support and control.

Observe the interactions between the parent and her children in this video. What are
some of the ways in which the children’s needs are ignored by the uninvolved parent?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lcKZQkPj2r0

Thinking Critically
Of all the childrearing patterns discussed thus far, the indifferent pattern has been associated
with the most negative outcomes for children. Generally, we become aware of the high-risk
behaviors of the child and are then able to link the child’s behaviors to a lack of sufficient
involvement of parents. What are some examples of which you are aware that demonstrate the
ways in which indifferent parents affect their children’s lives?

Overprotective Parents
Though not well studied, overprotective parenting is gaining increasing attention in
the United States. Before discussing the negative outcomes associated with this par-
enting pattern, it is important to point out that (a) one of the basic goals of parenting
is the protection of one’s children and (b) heightened levels of parental protection
of their children is an adaptive response to stress and might be appropriate in many
situations. There are a number of traumatic circumstances whereby parents are likely
to provide more protection for their children than is typical without being considered
to be overprotective. For example, parents are expected to be more comforting and
protective when children are responding to family upheavals related to parental
divorce or death of a family member or to natural disasters, such as the loss of a
home through fire, hurricanes, earthquakes, and so on. Furthermore, parental vigi-
lance has been cited as one of the ways in which parents keep their children safe in
unsafe neighborhoods (Jarrett, Jefferson, & Roach, 2000). In those situations, parents
are not usually considered to be overprotective.
When parents are thought to be overprotective of their children, it is helpful to
understand the factors associated with this parenting approach. First, the stresses of
modern life and heightened expectations for individual achievement might make
overprotection seem reasonable for some parents. Second, parental overprotection
might result from parents struggling to exert their authority over a generation of youth
who expect more equality in the family (Ungar, 2007). Third (as pointed out by
Lesko, 2001), in contemporary society, there has been a lengthening of childhood, for
example, higher levels of college attendance. According to this argument, as child-
hood is extended, the perception by some parents is that children need their care and
protection for a longer period of time than in previous generations. Lesko’s reasoning
explains much of what is seen among parents who are seen as overprotective of their

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 44 Chapter 2

adult children as they leave home to go to college, establish independent households,

and establish careers. Whatever the reason, the need to be overprotective of one’s
children contrasts with evidence that suggests that children growing up in Western
middle-class families are safer today than at any time in modern history (Ungar,
2009). Nevertheless, some children who are growing up in safe communities and
making normative life transitions have parents who seem to be overprotective. These
children are denied opportunities to experience what were considered to be rites
of passage a generation ago, for example riding bicycles on streets, sleepovers, and
being part of community programs such as Scouts. Moreover, some of these parents
have heightened surveillance of their children’s lives by physically shadowing them
when they are participating in a variety of activities (Ungar, 2007).

Theoretical Influences of Overprotective Parenting. The Double ABCX Model of

Stress and Adaptation might be utilized in attempts to understand the overprotective
parents’ perceptions of the risks they believe their children face when they are not
with them or in touch with them. This model provides an approach for addressing
parental perceptions of this stress and ways in which resources of parents and their
children can be examined to assist in positive adaptation.

Children of Overprotective Parents. It has been suggested that children and ado-
lescents respond to being reared by parents who are overprotective in two ways.
Some are likely to acquiesce to the concerns of their parents by accepting the illusion
of risks and withdrawing. Others resist the admonishments of their parents to “stay
safe.” Having heard the message of “No” so often when they seek greater auton-
omy and independence, these youth seek out their own opportunities for risk and
responsibility (Ungar, 2007). Those who agree with parental concerns and become
withdrawn have a more external locus of control, which places them at risk for low
academic achievement. Moreover, they are susceptible for anxiety disorders, low
physical activity due to not being allowed to participate in physical activity pro-
grams, and lower levels of motivation (Lynch, Hurford, & Cole, 2002). They also
tend to see the world as dangerous and fail to assess danger appropriately (Ungar,
2007, 2009). Those who resist the admonishments of their overprotective parents
and seek out their own opportunities for risk place themselves in the position of risk
taking that is not guided by their parents. Drug usage, time spent unsupervised on the
street, early sexual initiation, and minor criminal activities are common among these
children and adolescents (Ungar, 2007).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It has been recom-
mended that steps might need to be taken to lessen these parents’ anxiety regarding
their children’s safety and well-being. For example, studies focusing on the correc-
tion of inhibited behaviors in preschool children by prompting parents to expose
them to novel stimuli and situations have yielded encouraging results (Kennedy,
Rapee, & Edwards, 2009; Rapee, Kennedy, Ingram, Edwards, & Sweeney, 2005). It
was suggested by Ungar (2009) that such interventions could also target overprotec-
tive parenting, assisting them in adopting a more autonomy-promoting style when
children become older.

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 45

Inconsistent parenting patterns have

been linked to parental discord.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

Parents with Inconsistent Child Socialization Patterns

In the majority of families, both parents tend to adopt the same parenting style. Not
surprisingly, having two authoritative parents is associated with the best possible
outcomes for children and adolescents. In households where there are different
parenting styles, however, having one authoritative parent can usually shield a child
from the harmful consequences linked to less favorable styles of parenting (Simons
& Conger, 2007). Although in most families, both parents tend to have fairly consist-
ent parenting styles, some parents provide inconsistent messages to their children
regarding family rules and expected behavior. Not only do these parents give their
children contradictory guidelines concerning how they ought to behave, but also
they tend to provide differing consequences for misbehavior. In reality, most parents
differ from time to time regarding what constitutes appropriate child guidance, but
these differences typically are discussed and a consensus usually is reached. Incon-
sistent parenting, on the other hand, reflects a hidden agenda of parents that aims
to undermine each other’s parenting efforts and pressures the child to take sides.
The reasons behind inconsistent parenting practices have been traced to parental
hostility toward the other parent stemming from marital dissatisfaction and marital
conflict (Stoneman, Brody, & Burke, 1989). Researchers have reported direct link-
ages between marital discord and inconsistent discipline (Sturge-Apple, Davies, &
Cummings, 2006). It has been suggested that preoccupation and distress arising from

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 46 Chapter 2

spousal conflict are particularly likely to disrupt parenting practices that require
emotional sensitivity and responsiveness (Sturge-Apple, Davies, Winter, Cummings,
& Schermerhorn, 2008).

Children of Parents with Inconsistent Socialization Patterns. As might be expected,

inconsistency between parents in their socialization patterns is linked to negative
outcomes for children. Researchers have found that children who perceive inconsist-
ency between their parents’ childrearing styles are lower in self-esteem, self-control,
and school performance compared with those who perceive both parents as authori-
tarian and those who perceive both parents as permissive (Brand, Crous, & Hane-
kom, 1990). Less secure attachment among children and adolescents has also been
attributed to familial stressors, such as marital discord and inconsistent parenting
(Kayastha, Hirisave, Natarajan, & Goyal, 2010). This parenting style has been found
to be linked as well to children’s and adolescents’ behavioral problems (McKinney
& Renk, 2007), including deviant peer affiliations (Brody, Ge, & Conger, 2001) and
externalizing behaviors (Sturge-Apple et al., 2008). Inconsistency between parents
in disciplinary practices not only affects children and adolescents who are still in the
household but also impacts the lives of adult children. As a case in point, inconsist-
ent discipline by parents as they were growing up has been linked to drinking behav-
iors and eating disorders among college women (Ross & Gill, 2002).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Because inconsist-

ent parenting has been related to marital stress, the entire family is likely to benefit
if these parents learn to work out the problems they have with each other. Based
on their findings, Sturge-Apple et al. (2006) suggested that interventions aimed at
strengthening relationships between parents are likely to have a positive impact on
their childrearing patterns. They recommend that practitioners help parents under-
stand that engagement in marital problem solving, rather than avoidance of anger
and hostility, might play a key role in enhancing parenting practices.

Thinking Critically
Have you observed inconsistent parental messages in a family? If so, do you recognize some
of the ways that those family dynamics negatively affect the lives of the children in those
households?

CULTURAL VARIATIONS IN PARENTING PATTERNS

In the foregoing discussions, we learned that in studies of American child socializa-

tion patterns, the authoritative parenting style has been associated most often with
positive outcomes for children. It is important to point out, however, that the major-
ity of the research that has examined child socialization patterns has taken place
in the United States and that, until recently, most of that research has focused on
European American parents. When we look outside this relatively narrow focus, the

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 47

most striking finding is how rare authoritative parenting is in other cultural groups. In
both non-Western families and in American ethnic minority families, we frequently
see a style of child socialization that although often labeled as authoritarian actually
falls somewhere between authoritarian and authoritative. Not only does the style of
child socialization in these families not fit into the classifications discussed thus far,
but also their childrearing approach has other culturally valued traditions that are
not found in the childrearing styles of European American parents (Arnett, 2004a).
Before continuing, it is important to distinguish between society and culture and
to provide descriptions of the West and of traditional cultures. Society refers to a
group of people who live and interact with one another because they share a com-
mon geographical area. A culture consists of a variety of customs, religions, family
traditions, and economic practices and is, therefore, different from a society. The
United States, Canada, Japan, Mexico, and South Africa are examples of societies.
Within societies, various cultures exist, and members of a culture share a com-
mon way of life, although members of a society might not. For example, American
society encompasses many diverse cultures such as the African American culture,
the Native American culture, the Latino American culture, and the Asian American
culture. Members of all these cultures share the common characteristic of being
­American, are subject to the same laws, and are educated in similar schools. They
differ, however, in various customs and beliefs that are related to their unique cul-
tures. The West includes majority cultures in the United States, Canada, Western
Europe, ­Australia, and New Zealand. In each of these countries, there are cultural
groups that do not share the characteristics of the majority culture. These groups are
referred to as traditional cultures because of their maintenance of a way of life based
on stable traditions passed down from one generation to the next (Arnett, 2004a).
An example of the stable values of a traditional culture within a Western society is
reflected in the following words of a Canadian Cree woman:

Life was challenging with its physical and emotional demands and discipline but cul-
turally and spiritually rewarding with good values grounded in Cree ways. Values
like sharing, interconnectedness among relatives, land, plants, and animal life was an
­unspoken understanding. . . . I remember the many responsibilities we had as children
in our ­family . . . I have chopped and hauled firewood; hauled water from the lake
to our ­dwellings; helped my mother, sisters, and aunts prepare hides for tanning; pre-
served and cooked food; made clothes; tended our vegetable garden and; looked after the
younger siblings . . . (Goduka & Kunnie, 2006, p. 14).

Child Socialization in Non-Western Societies

American scholars studying non-Western parents have consistently attempted to
apply Baumrind’s original categorizations of parenting styles (authoritative, permis-
sive, and authoritarian) to the approaches non-Western parents use in the rearing of
their children. The result has been the labeling of non-Western families as authoritar-
ian because they typically are higher on demandingness than parents who fall into
the authoritative pattern. Scholars usually acknowledge, however, that the style they
identify as authoritarian among non-Western parents does not have the negative

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 48 Chapter 2

effects typically seen in children of Western parents who are authoritarian. What is
not addressed in these comparisons is the possibility that the higher demandingness
coupled with higher responsiveness of the non-Western parenting pattern place it
outside the original parenting categories identified by Baumrind (1967, 1971).
A key point in understanding child socialization patterns in non-Western societies
is that independence in these societies is not the overriding issue that it is for Western
parents and their children. The parenting patterns observed in non-Western societies
reflect collectivist cultural beliefs that differ from the individualistic cultural beliefs of
the West. Individualistic cultural beliefs tend to give priority to independence, individ-
ual freedoms, and individual achievements. Collectivist cultural attitudes, on the other
hand, place a higher value on cooperation, mutual respect, maintaining harmonious
relationships, and contributing to the well-being of the family and community (Trian-
dis, 1995). In collectivist cultures, explanation and discussion of parental directives
represent an extremely rare approach, and compliance of children is expected without
explanation or question. Examples include Asian societies such as China, Japan, Viet-
nam, and South Korea. In these societies, the role of the parent carries more authority
than does the role of the parent in the West (Fuligni, Tseng, & Lam, 1999).
The finding that authoritative parenting is rare outside the West does not mean
that the child socialization pattern of non-Western parents is authoritarian. Arnett
(2004a) emphasizes that although non-Western parents adopt a more noncompro-
mising stance on authority than is seen in the West, their demandingness is most
likely to be accompanied by a closeness to children that is less often observed in
Western families. According to McLoyd and Smith (2002), higher levels of parental
warmth buffer the potentially negative impact of higher levels of parental strictness.
In comparing authoritative parenting to traditional parenting, it might be helpful
to remember that traditional parents are not only stricter with their children but
also closer and more supportive. An example of parent–child closeness in non-
Western societies is demonstrated by the cultural norm of amae in Japan as the
foundation for parenting (Hsai & Scanzoni, 1996). Another example of parent–child

The closeness of non-

Western families is supported
by many family get-togethers.

Monkey Business/Fotolia

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 49

intimacy in non-Western families is seen in the findings of Shek and Chen (1999).
Those researchers studied Hong Kong Chinese parents and found that those parents
included “maintaining good parent–child relationships” as being one of their pri-
mary goals of childrearing. Although social scientists appear to have misapplied the
authoritarian pattern to non-Western families, Baumrind (1987) recognized the dif-
ficulty of fitting traditional cultures into her previously identified parenting patterns.
In response to that dilemma, she conceptualized the traditional parenting pattern to
describe the model of parenting usually found in traditional cultures (see Figure 2.1).
That the parenting pattern found in collectivist societies and cultures differs from the
authoritarian pattern was also demonstrated in a study of undergraduate students by
Gelfand, Triandis, and Chan (1996) who found that collectivism is unrelated to both
individualism and authoritarianism. Although Baumrind identified this parenting pat-
tern several decades ago, there is evidence that traditional parenting is still observed
in cultures throughout the world with collectivist values. For example, in Cote and
Bornstein’s (2003) study of South American and Japanese mothers’ parenting knowl-
edge and cultural cognition, it was demonstrated that even though knowledge of
parenting increased over time in both groups, cultural cognitions remained stable.

Thinking Critically
Similar to the authoritative parenting style, the traditional parenting style has a high level of
demandingness and high levels of responsiveness toward children. If these are the similarities
between the two styles, what distinguishes these patterns from each other? Also, how familiar
are you with the traditional parenting style? That is, have you observed that parenting style or
does your family practice that type of parenting?

The Traditional Parenting Pattern in the United States

With the exception of Native Americans, all Americans trace their cultural origins
to various countries with different beliefs and values. Membership in various ethnic
cultures has influenced the childrearing patterns of these parents. Therefore, each
ethnic group in the United States has its own set of values related to differing cul-
tural beliefs. Attempts to distinguish the parenting styles of American ethnic minority
parents parallel efforts to demarcate non-Western parenting styles. As in studies of
non-Western parenting patterns, the style of child socialization seen in many Ameri-
can ethnic minority families has been labeled most often as authoritarian. It has been
pointed out, however, that this labeling is a misapplication of the authoritarian style
(Chao, 1994, 2001; Chao & Aque, 2009). It appears that the traditional childrearing
pattern conceptualized by Baumrind in 1987 more appropriately describes the child­
rearing approaches found among American ethnic minority families and the child
socialization patterns seen in non-Western cultures.

Theoretical Influences of Traditional Parenting. This child socialization pattern

can be traced to Parental Ethnotheories, which filter elements of the larger society
through cultural beliefs and values that guide parental childrearing behaviors.

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 50 Chapter 2

In indigenous families,

Nancy G Western Photography, Nancy Greifenhagen/

family life includes adults
and children sharing many
household tasks.

Alamy Stock Photo

The Traditional Parenting Pattern and Racial Socialization. According to Baum-
rind (1987), the parenting pattern in traditional families is characterized by high
demandingness and high responsiveness and reflects a strong belief system that has
been consistent across generations. In ethnic minority families, an important compo-
nent of the traditional parenting pattern is racial socialization, which acts as a buffer
against negative racial messages in society (Stevenson, 1995). Racial socialization
includes providing a home that is rich in racial culture and socializing children to
be proud of their racial heritage. In examining the importance of racial socialization
in African American families, Brown (2008) found that receiving racial socialization
messages along with family support increases the resiliency of children in these fami-
lies. According to Nicolas et al. (2008), the strength of children and adolescents in
these families lies in their ability to resist the barriers they encounter. An illustration
of the benefit of racial socialization in the African American community is that chil-
dren and adolescents whose parents provide racial socialization have higher levels
of factual knowledge about their culture and better problem-solving skills (O’Brien-
Caughu, O’Campo, & Randolph, 2002). In addition, racial socialization contributes
to racial identity, which has been linked to the development of competencies among
ethnic minority adolescents (Arroyo & Zigler, 1995). Furthermore, African American
youth whose parents’ socialization approach includes racial socialization are more
engaged in school in comparison to those whose parents do not practice racial
socialization (Smalls, 2009). The line of reasoning here is that protective factors
unique to nonmajority American populations should be considered when assessing
the effectiveness of parenting patterns in American ethnic minority cultures. By and
large, racial socialization, when coupled with supportive parenting, has been sug-
gested as a cultural asset that provides a context wherein youth develop a sense of
competence to deal with stress, especially race-related stress (Gaylord-Harden, Bur-
row, & Cunningham, 2012).

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 51

Thinking Critically
The barriers to success (violence, substance abuse, and school underachievement) in ethnic
minority communities have been highlighted in the media and social science literature. Why
do you think it is important to focus not only on the challenges faced by parents in these com-
munities but also on the assets they provide for their children?

Traditional Cultures and Extended Family Relations. An examination of child

socialization patterns in non-Western families and American ethnic minority families
is not accomplished without an acknowledgment of the vital role of extended family
members in sustaining the childrearing efforts of parents. Throughout the world, the
responsibilities of parents in traditional cultures are extended to grandparents and
other family members. An example of the viability of the extended family was illus-
trated by Kanaiaupuni, Donoto, Thompson-Colon, & Stainback (2005), who studied
social networks, social support, and child health outcomes in Mexican extended
families. The results of that study suggested that networks containing more extended
kin and coresident ties offer greater support to mothers with young children, espe-
cially among the poorest households. Acccording to those researchers, the vital role
that extended kin play in Mexican communities attests to the importance of social
networks founded on the principles of reciprocity, confianza, and the well-being of
the children in those families, compadrazgo.
Mexican American children also are likely to have grandparents living in their
household, and relationships with grandparents are highly valued in the Mexican

Extended family members play

an important role in the daily
lives of families in traditional
cultures.
bst2012/Fotolia

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 52 Chapter 2

American culture. The enhanced value of grandparents in Mexican American fami-

lies was demonstrated in a study by Giarrusso, Feng, and Silverstein (2001), who
compared levels of affection for European American and Mexican American grand-
parents and their adult grandchildren. Their findings revealed that Mexican American
grandchildren’s affection for their grandparents is substantially higher than European
American grandchildren’s affection for their grandparents. Similar patterns of close-
ness have been observed in Asian American families wherein grandparents typically
live in an adult child’s house or nearby. In those family arrangements, children and
adolescents report that they receive high levels of support and nurturing from their
grandparents (Fuligni et al., 1999). The pattern of grandparent involvement is seen
likewise in the African American family, which has a tradition of extended family
households (Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, & Driver, 1997). Most African American fami-
lies have a large network of extended family, and upward mobility does not seem
to erase the African American family’s sense of reciprocal family obligation. The
extended family network in the African American community, therefore, appears to
be a cultural rather than a financial phenomenon. Families in that community give
one another substantial support through the exchange of resources of love, status,
services, goods, information, and money. Because one builds equity over time in
family exchanges, the strong bonds of love and support contribute to the quality of
life for individuals in those families (Blake & Darling, 2000).
One of the clearest examples of the importance of extended families in that
community is the role of the African American grandmother. African American
grandmothers often assume some child care responsibilities and in low-income,
single-parent families, they frequently become surrogate parents (Gibson, 2002).
Surrogate parents are individuals who have taken on the role and responsibilities of
the parents. The involvement of extended family members, especially grandparents,
provides children in traditional cultures with opportunities for guidance and close-
ness from parents and from other adult family members (Fuligni et al., 1999).

Pay attention to the dress, setting, and dialogue in the following video. What aspects of
the traditional parenting style can you identify?
youtube.com/watch?v=xz-400u8CfE

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
EXTENDED FAMILY RELATIONS IN IMMIGRANT FAMILIES
The role of extended family relations is especially important in immigrant families where children are
twice as likely to be living with grandparents, other relatives, and nonrelatives. Furthermore, there are
substantially higher rates of poverty for children in immigrant families than for children in native-born
families (21% versus 14%). Grandparents stepping in as caregivers while parents work is an important asset
for these families since the prevalence of lower wages and part-time employment make paying for child
care more of a burden than it is for parents who are more likely to have higher wages and more full-time
employment (Hernandez, 2004).

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 53

Children of Traditional Parents. Because stricter parenting is balanced by greater

closeness, the traditional parenting pattern in American ethnic minority families is
associated with positive outcomes for children reared in these families (Chao, 1994,
2001; Chao & Aque, 2009). An example of favorable child outcomes in an ethnic
minority culture has been observed in Latino American families wherein children
generally accept the authority of the parents and express a strong sense of attach-
ment to their families (Harwood, Leyendecker, Carlson, Ascencio, & Miller, 2002).
Moreover, Kanaiaupuni et al. (2005) found that greater interaction with extended kin
helps sustain healthier children. Also, as previously discussed, when racial socializa-
tion is a part of traditional parenting, children and adolescents are more likely to (a)
develop a positive racial identity, (b) have more factual knowledge about their culture,
(c) have better problem-solving skills, and (d) be more engaged in school (O’Brien-
Caughu et al., 2002).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. When working

with ethnic minority families, it is helpful when professionals recognize the strengths
these families possess as well as the challenges they face. Acknowledging extended
family members’ contributions to children’s well-being is an important first step in
working with these families. It is beneficial as well when professionals understand
that the stricter approach to discipline in these families is balanced by higher lev-
els of emotional support. Finally, it is important for professionals to be aware that
traditional parents typically incorporate racial socialization into their childrearing
approach, which has many benefits for their children.

OTHER CONTEXTUAL INFLUENCES ON PARENTING PATTERNS

Parental childrearing patterns are influenced not only by the cultural context in which
families live but also by a variety of other contextual factors, including (a) the fam-
ily’s socioeconomic status, (b) the childrearing patterns in parents’ families of origin,
(c) family religiosity, (d) the characteristics of children, and (e) the use of technology.

The Effects of Socioeconomic Status

A family’s socioeconomic status (SES) influences the settings in which parents and
children live and the childrearing patterns parents adopt. A comprehensive review
of the research focused on the influence of SES on parenting patterns points to
four significant findings. First, SES distinguishes between a parent-centered and a
child-centered approach to child socialization. Second, family SES correlates with
differences in verbal and nonverbal interactions between parents and children (Hoff-
Ginsberg & Tardif, 1995). Third, SES predicts parental endorsement or nonendorse-
ment of harsh discipline (Burbach, Fox, and Nicholson, 2004; Lunkenheimer, Kittler,
& Olson, 2006; Anjum & Malik, 2010). Fourth, SES is associated with both the level
and the type of civic engagement of parents and their children (McBride, Sherradan,
& Pritzker, 2006).

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 54 Chapter 2

Socioeconomic Status and Parent versus Child Orientation. The link between SES
and child versus parent orientation reflects a tendency of higher SES parents to adopt
a child-centered approach to parenting, which seeks to understand children’s feel-
ings and motivations and to use reasoning and negotiation to solve problems. By con-
trast, the childrearing behaviors of lower SES parents reveal a more parent-­centered
approach, which emphasizes children’s obedience and conformity to parental rules
without discussion or explanation (Hoff-Ginsberg & Tardif, 1995). In considering
why low-SES parents might adopt a parent-centered approach to child socialization,
Leung and Slep (2006) examined psychological difficulties and parents’ views of
their children’s behaviors in an effort to better understand why these parents prac-
tice this approach to childrearing. What they found was that low-socioeconomic
parents are more likely to have depressive symptoms that contribute to their laxness
in ­parenting. Furthermore, they discovered that the depressive symptoms of these
parents are associated with attitudes that their children’s disapproved of behavior is
controllable and intentially negative.

Socioeconomic Status and Verbal Interactions. Low-SES parents spend less time
reading with their children and less time in other verbal interactions with them.
Furthermore, they talk less with their children and elicit less speech from them than
do parents with higher SES levels. The profound effect of the differences in verbal
interactions between high- and low-SES parents was documented by Hart and Risley
(1995), who found that professional parents speak about three times as much to their
children as do nonprofessional parents. Those researchers also reported that children
in lower SES families hear mostly negative parental comments, whereas children
in higher SES families hear mostly positive ones. More recent research by Fish and
Pinkerman (2003) demonstrated a link between lower verbal language scores of
low-SES infants and young children in Appalachia and their mothers’ lower levels of
contingent feedback in mother–child interactions

Low Socioeconomic Status and Harsh Punishment of Children. Low-SES moth-

ers frequently punish their children for misbehavior and have a tendency to expect
behaviors that their children are developmentally incapable of performing. Even
though low-SES mothers have unrealistic expectations of their children, they spend
relatively little time in positive nurturing behaviors such as reading to their children
(Brenner & Fox, 1999). The parental behaviors observed in low-SES mothers have
been found to be similar in low-SES fathers. In a study of fathers of young children
in lower SES circumstances, Burbach et al. (2004) found that these fathers reported
more frequent use of verbal and corporal punishment as discipline than did higher
SES fathers. That finding had been reported for lower SES mothers in an earlier
study by Fox, Platz, and Bentley (1995). In the Burbach et al. study, lower SES
fathers reported experiencing more parenting stress than did higher SES fathers. It has
also been confirmed that socioeconomic status predicts the use of harsh parenting,
including physical punishment, for both mothers and fathers (Lunkenheimer et al.,
2006). Furthermore, there is evidence that, in comparison to higher SES parents of
children with ADHD, low SES parents of children with ADHD are more likely to

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 55

resort to harsh parenting in response to higher levels of stress associated with their
children’s exceptionality (Anjum & Malik, 2010).

Socioeconomic Status and Civic Engagement. Most studies of civic engagements

of parents have found that those who have more income, have higher levels of edu-
cation, and own a home are more likely to be both politically and socially engaged
(Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995). Findings from a more recent study by McBride
et al. (2006), however, questioned the lower civic engagement of low-income fami-
lies. Their findings demonstrated that parents in low-income families have high
levels of civic engagement in four areas: (a) church-based volunteering, (b) commu-
nity volunteering, (c) neighboring, and (d) engagement in their children’s activities.
Engagement in their children’s activities included (a) volunteering through school,
(b) attending events, and (c) coaching sports.

The Effect on Children. Family socioeconomic status is associated with a wide

array of health, cognitive, and socioemotional outcomes in children with effects
beginning prior to birth and continuing into adulthood. The influence of SES on the
well-being of children is an indirect one, however, since SES influences socialization
practices and other attitudes and behaviors of parents that, in turn, affect children’s
development. A recurring example of this is the lower academic achievement of
children and adolescents in lower income families. In an attempt to verify whether
children’s academic performance could be improved through parental involvement
in academic activities, Garcia-Bacete and Remirez (2001) found that academic
achievement is directly influenced by the child’s intelligence but is indirectly influ-
enced by parental involvement in school activities and the SES of the family. In
addition to intelligence, another child characteristic that interacts with parental SES
is gender. Among higher SES children, boys’ early reading skills are about the same
as girls; in contrast, early reading skills of boys in lower SES families are lower than
those of girls. Furthermore, during the elementary years, boys in low-income homes
have higher grade retention rates. One explanation that has been given for the lower
achievement rates of economically disadvantaged boys is their parents’ lower expec-
tations for boys’ school performance (Entwisle, Alexander, & Olson, 2007).

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
EFFECTS OF CULTURE & POVERTY
Addressing both culture and poverty, Weiss (2002) emphasized that the parenting styles of low-income
African American mothers have been underexamined. To address this oversight, he studied the parenting
cognitions of single, adolescent, African American mothers from disadvantaged communities. Three par-
enting dimensions, warmth, control, and anger emerged from these maternal reports. Those were classified
into four parenting categories: dismissive, permissive, authoritative, and affectionate-distressed. Overall,
dismissive and distressed parents exhibited the least optimal behavior, and their children displayed the
poorest outcomes at a 2-year follow-up. Results of that study revealed a new parenting type, affectionate-
distressed, and Weiss proposed that this parenting approach might be particularly salient in high-risk
African American populations.

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 56 Chapter 2

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is helpful when

low-SES parents understand that numerous factors besides SES contribute to their
children’s development. In meetings with these parents, professionals might empha-
size the intelligence of their children and the importance of parental involvement in
school. They also might encourage parents to read with their children and to engage
them in verbal dialogues. Additionally, it is important for professionals working
with low-SES parents to persuade them to have high academic expectations for their
sons as well as for their daughters. Finally, as recommended by Fish and Pinker-
man (2003) and supported by earlier research, early intervention programs target-
ing mother–infant interaction, particularly contingent responsiveness, are likely to
enhance emerging infant language skills in low-SES families.

The Influence of Religiosity

Imbedded in cultural influences on childrearing patterns is the effect of the extent
to which religious beliefs manifest themselves in a person’s daily life. In the case of
parent–child relationships, religiosity refers to (a) whether and how often parents
provide religion-related activities to children at home (prayers at meals, family devo-
tions), (b) how much the family’s social activities include their religious home (e.g.,
church, synagogue, or mosque) and its members, and (c) whether religious beliefs
affect the way parents interact with their children (Gunnoe, Hetherington, & Reiss,
1999). As in the past, religiosity continues to influence parenting styles in contempo-
rary America, although the authority of religion in the daily lives of families today is
somewhat weaker than in past generations. In contrast to the historical association
between autocratic childrearing behaviors and fundamental religious beliefs, Gun-
noe and colleagues (1999) examined the significance of religiosity on childrearing
patterns in the late 1990s and provided a more positive picture. They concluded that
in contemporary society, religiosity might be a better predictor of authoritative than
of authoritarian parenting. In their study of mothers, fathers, and adolescents, they
found that religiosity is associated positively with authoritative parenting for both
parents and that mothers’ religiosity is negatively related to authoritarian parenting.

The Link between Family Religiosity and Children’s Outcomes. Not only has fam-
ily religiosity been associated with more positive parenting patterns, but also it has
been linked to a number of favorable child outcomes. An example of the connection
between family religiosity and positive child outcomes was demonstrated by Caputo
(2004), who analyzed data from the 1997 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth.
The results of those analyses showed that parent religiosity was positively related
to adolescents’ good health and higher levels of education and inversely related to
substance abuse. In further support of the relationship between parental religiosity
and favorable outcomes for children, Bartowski, Xu, and Levin (2008) found that
parental, couple, and family religion are all associated with children’s prosocial
behavior. Finally, Simons, Simons, and Conger (2004) found that parental religiosity
discourages adolescent delinquent behavior and offered two explanations for that
correlation. First, religious parents reduce the likelihood of child conduct problems

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 57

by promoting their children’s religious commitment. Second, religious parents are

more likely to engage in warm supportive parenting, which, in turn, decreases the
chances that a child will hang out with peers who are engaging in deviant activities.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. An assessment of

parents’ ability to promote their children’s favorable behavior and discourage at-risk
behaviors might include a recognition of the value of family religiosity. Including
family religiosity in the assessment of family strengths might be especially important
when working with at-risk families that face numerous challenges.

The Influence of Families of Origin

Although adults might not acknowledge the link between their child socialization
patterns and the childrearing behaviors of their parents, the research confirms that
parents draw on their own childhood experiences in rearing their children. These
parenting examples influence how parents view their own children and how they
communicate with them. For example, Grusec, Hastings, and Mammone (1994) con-
ducted interviews with parents and discovered that the quality of attachment to their
parents predicted the way in which they interacted with their children. Parents who
had a continuously secure attachment to their own parents were emotionally support-
ive and responsive to their children while setting clear and consistent limits. Parents
with an insecure dismissive attachment to their own parents tended to emphasize their
own independence and were likely to remain cool and remote from their children.
Parents who had an insecure preoccupied attachment to their own parents exhibited
a confusing and inconsistent pattern of behavior toward their children. Social Learn-
ing Theory provides another theoretical basis for understanding intergenerational
influences on parental behaviors. Since this theory focuses on children’s imitation of
the models in their lives, it is easy to see that adults have had many opportunities to
observe the ways in which their parents behaved in their parenting roles. An example
of the effect of parental models in their family of origin on adults’ childrearing pat-
terns was shown in a study of three-generation families by Delsing, Oud, and Bruyn
(2003). Those researchers provided empirical evidence that current family and moth-
ers’ family-of-origin attitudes were similar on the parental dimension of restrictiveness
Whereas earlier studies of intergenerational influences on parenting have
focused on mothers, more recently parenting attitudes across generations have been
documented for fathers. Shears, Summers, and Boller (2006) asked fathers of Head
Start children how their relationships with their own fathers influenced their parent-
ing behaviors. Their findings demonstrated that men’s relationships with their fathers
as children affected the ways in which they felt about themselves as fathers. Many of
those fathers expressed regrets that their own fathers had been unavailable to them
and communicated a desire to compensate for the absence of their fathers. The fol-
lowing quote from a father in that study shows that one’s own parents might serve as
models that one does not wish to emulate: “I think my father thought of himself as
mainly the provider. He wasn’t really a warm person. . . . And I would not like that
to be my only role in the family” (p. 264).

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 58 Chapter 2

Recent evidence supports the link between family of origin and problematic
parenting as well as between family of origin and positive parenting. Furthering
the research focused on intergenerational influences on abuse and neglect, Stover
and Kahn (2013) studied family-of-origin effects on the parenting of men with
­co-­occurring substance abuse and intimate partner violence. Their findings dem-
onstrated that most of these fathers experienced childhood abuse and held nega-
tive images of their fathers and mothers. They commonly reported father absence
and abusive/harsh parenting by both parents. Recent evidence pointing to positive
intergenerational influences on parenting attitudes and practices was provided by
Kerr, Capaldi, Pears, and Owen (2009). In their three-generation study of family of
origin influences on fathers’ constructive parenting, they found that family of origin
influences are not limited to life-course adversity. Instead, constructive parenting is
maintained by influencing positive ­adjustment in offspring.

The Effects of Children’s Characteristics

Parental childrearing patterns are consistent across time, and parents generally use
the same parenting styles with all of their children. That parents have dissimilar
expectations and responses to their children at different development stages is not
surprising and is anticipated. In addition to the child’s age, a number of other chil-
dren’s characteristics influence various aspects of parenting, including gender, birth
order, and children’s temperament.

Gender. The role of gender in family relationships was presented in a discussion of

Feminist Theory in Chapter 1. Moreover, the effect of gender on child socialization
patterns has been previously discussed in this chapter regarding (a) the way in which
gender of parent and child plays out in authoritarian parenting (Gaertner et al.,
2007) and (b) how gender interacts with socioeconomic level as an influence of
parenting behavior (Entwisle et al., 2007) and intergenerational influences on moth-
ers’ and fathers’ parenting attitudes and behaviors (Kerr et al., 2009; Shears et al.,
2006; Stover & Kahn, 2013). You might recall that fathers are more likely to use
authoritarian parenting with their sons than with their daughters and that economi-
cally disadvantaged parents have lower expectations for boys’ school performance.
Furthermore, McHale (1995) found different patterns of coparenting among maritally
distressed couples based on child gender. Maritally distressed parents of boys more
commonly displayed hostile-competitive coparenting, whereas distressed parents of
girls usually showed discrepant parent involvement. In upcoming chapters, numer-
ous ways in which parents respond differently to their male and female children will
be discerned as we examine parent–child relationships throughout the lifespan.

Birth Order. The influence of birth order on parenting is conditioned by cultural

norms that regulate family structure. For instance, firstborns in many societies of the
world increase parental status, stabilize parental marriage, and are expected to have
authority over younger siblings. Also, parental resource allocation decisions operate
to favor firstborns, followed by lastborns, and then children in other sibling positions.

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 59

The differential allocation of family resources among siblings has been cited as an
explanation for the higher educational achievement of only children and firstborns
(Tavis & Kohli, 1995). Recent evidence supports earlier links between academic
achievement and firstborn children. Bonesronning and Massih (2011) found quite
large and highly significant birth order effects on students’ academic achievements
for families of two, three, and four children. Their findings, however, showed that
the considerable advantages were for firstborn children in families with highly edu-
cated mothers, thus reflecting the combined effect of birth order and mother’s age at
childbirth. Their analysis supports findings of Kantarevic and Mechoulan (2006) in
showing the importance of controlling for mother’s age at childbirth when estimat-
ing birth order effects. Bonesronning and Massih concluded that young motherhood
takes away some of the benefits of being the firstborn child. In addition to academic
achievement, parenting favoritism has been linked to children’s birth order. In a
recent study of college students that focused on birth order, gender of child, and
parental favoritism, Salmon, Shackleford, and Michalski (2011) provided evidence
that adult children perceive firstborns and lastborns as being favored more often
than middleborns by mothers but not by fathers. While fathers were less likely than
mothers to be perceived as showing favoritism based on birth order, fathers were
perceived as showing more favoritism toward their female children than their male
children.

Temperament. The temperament of the child affects parents in a variety of ways,

including parental work and family roles, the level of cooperation between parents,
and the responses of parents to their children. An example of the child’s tempera-
ment influencing parental work and family roles was demonstrated by Hyde, Else-
Quest, and Goldsmith (2004), who found that children’s difficult temperament is
associated with mothers encountering more challenges and having less satisfaction
with combining work and family roles. Child temperament has been linked as well
to parents’ coparenting behaviors. Kochanska, Aksan, and Carlson (2005) observed
that fathers show less receptive cooperation with mothers in parenting children
with anger proneness. The negative effects of children’s anger proneness on fathers’
receptive cooperation is significantly amplified for children with insecure attach-
ment. On the other hand, a mother’s responsiveness to a child with anger proneness
as well as the child’s secure attachment to the mother promote the child’s receptive
cooperation with the father. Another example of the interplay of child temperament,
parenting, and children’s behavior was provided by Kimonis, Frick, and Boris (2006),
who found that the combination of a child’s behaviorally uninhibited temperament
and harsh parental attitudes is predictive of children’s aggressive behavior. In a more
recent study, Solmeyer and Feinberg (2011) relied on both Family Systems Theory
and Belsky’s (1984) Parenting Process Model in their examination of the interac-
tions between infant temperament and coparenting in predicting parent adjustment.
The results revealed two patterns of interactions, “buffering” and “swamping.” The
buffering effect showed that low coparenting support when parenting an infant with
a difficult temperament predicts parents’ depressive symptoms. For those parents
with high coparenting support, however, depressive symptoms were not observed.

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 60 Chapter 2

Those findings supported earlier research linking parental depression with an infant’s
difficult temperament (Cutrona & Troutman, 1986). The conclusions of Solmeyer
and Feinberg were that mothers and fathers who perceive that their partner sup-
ports their parenting efforts are buffered from the negative consequences of having a
temperamentally difficult infant. In contrast, those who experience low coparenting
support and a highly negative infant temperament have the highest levels of depres-
sive symptoms. These findings suggest that effects of child temperament on parenting
should be considered in the context of the larger family system.

Parenting Styles and Children’s Use of Technology

The Internet is an important tool for information sharing and communication that
is enriching many aspects of our society. It provides children with opportunities
for exploration and to enjoy themselves in a freer social world. Nevertheless, these
attractive opportunities also present risks to and concerns for their physical and
psychological well-being. While children are rushing enthusiastically into the digital
world, many parents feel left behind. In order to negotiate cyberspace successfully
and avoid the risks and areas of concern, children need parents’ attention and guid-
ance. One of the goals of parenting today is to protect children from risky online
behaviors and parenting style has been shown to play an important role in meeting
that objective (Lau & Yuen, 2013). Leung and Lee (2012) showed that the adolescent
children of parents who exercise stricter rules, more involvement, and more media-
tion are less likely to be exposed to pornographic or violent content. Similarly, in a
study of children’s use of MySpace, Rosen, Cheever, and Carrier (2008) reported that
the authoritative parenting style predicted the lowest levels of risky online behaviors,
for example low rates of disclosure of personal information and low rates of meet-
ing net friends in the real world. In contrast to the positive influence of authoritative
parenting on children’s use of technology, we learned earlier in this chapter that
permissive parenting is associated with an increased likelihood of more than 2 hours
of daily screen time (Jago et al., 201l; Langer et al., 2014). You might also recall that
this amount of screen time exceeds the 2013 recommendations of the American
Academy of Pediatrics (Radesky et al., 2014).

SUMMARY

• Describe the two dimensions that distinguish differences among the six parent-
ing patterns and show an understanding of the child outcomes linked to each of
these patterns.
Parental responsiveness and parental control distinguish the six parenting pat-
terns in the United States. The most positive child outcomes are associated with
the authoritative and traditional patterns of parenting, both of which have high
levels of parental responsiveness and parental control. The most negative child
outcomes are related to the uninvolved parenting pattern, which is low on both

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 Parenting Patterns and the Impact of Culture and Context 61

responsiveness and control. Other negative child outcomes are linked to (a) per-
missive and indulgent parenting patterns that are high on responsiveness but low
on control and (b) the authoritarian pattern, which is high on control but low on
responsiveness.
• Describe how culture influences the parenting patterns within non-Western cul-
tures and ethnic minority families in the United States.
In non-Western cultures, collectivism rather than individualism is valued. Fami-
lies place a high value on cooperation, mutual respect, maintaining harmonious
relationships, and contributing to the well-being of the family and community.
Parental directives are not open for debate or discussion. In ethnic minority fami-
lies in the United States, there are strong cultural belief systems that have been
consistent across generations. These belief systems emphasize strong ties to the
community and extended family, especially grandparents. Racial socialization in
these families, which acts as a buffer against negative racial messages in society,
is also a cultural influence.
• Show an understanding of how context, including socioeconomic status, chil-
dren’s characteristics, and the use of technology, affects parenting patterns and
child outcomes.
Socioeconomic status distinguishes between (a) a parent-centered and a child-
centered approach to child socialization, (b) differences in verbal and nonver-
bal interactions between parents and children, and (c) parental endorsement
or nonendorsement of harsh discipline. Family of origin influences the paren-
tal dimension of restrictiveness, how men feel about themselves as fathers,
and the quality of coparenting. Family religiosity is associated positively with
authoritative parenting for both parents. The following child characteristics
influence parenting behaviors: gender, temperament, and birth order. The rela-
tion between the use of technology and parenting behaviors are that c­ hildren
of authoritative parents have the lowest levels of risky online behaviours, and
children of permissive parents have an increased likelihood of more than
2 hours of daily screen time

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations provide additional information on topics covered in this chapter.

Positive Parenting
Parenting Matters

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 62 Chapter 2

Key Terms

amae indifferent
authoritarian indulgent
authoritative neighboring
compadrazgo permissive
confianza self-actualization
externalizing behavior traditional parenting

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 Parents and
3 Children in
Varied Family
Structures

Zurijeta/Shutterstock

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 64 Chapter 3

Learning Outcomes
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Identifythe ways in which adoption has ■■ Show an understanding of the lives of

changed over the past century and explain adolescent parents and their children.
the experiences of adoption for birth parents, ■■ Discuss family formation and parenting in
adoptive parents, and children. families with a member who is gay, lesbian,
■■ Discuss the challenges and strengths of bisexual, or transgender.
families headed by foster parents and custodial ■■ Identify
the unique experiences of parents and
grandparents. children in immigrant families.
■■ Demonstrate knowledge of the issues for ■■ Demonstrate an understanding of the lives of
families affected by divorce, including the parents and children in military families.
effects of living in stepfamilies.

C hapters 1 and 2 focused on the ways in which families differ in their views
regarding parental roles and the degree to which other family members assist in
childrearing responsibilities. The emphasis in Chapter 2 was on the ways in which
childrearing patterns of parents differ in families based on variations in levels of
responsiveness and control and that cultural values influence childrearing patterns. In
this chapter, evidence will be presented which shows that, although families vary in
structure, challenges, and resources, all families are similar in what they represent to
family members. According to Dreikurs and Grey (1970), the goal of all persons is a
sense of belonging, and families provide that for their members. The family is also the
setting in which attachment to parents occurs (Ainsworth, 1973), and (as discussed in
previous chapters) the quality of parent–child attachment influences the well-being
of individuals and the relationships they have with others. Children also observe
models of parental roles in families that influence the roles they assume in the next
generation (Bandura & Walters, 1963). Furthermore, the core values individuals hold
are learned in families and reflect the society and culture in which the family resides
(Arnett, 2004). Finally, the family is the setting in which children, adolescents, and
their parents confront psychosocial crises related to their stages of development. In
particular, the family experience contributes to one’s sense of identity (Erikson, 1968).
Most children in the United States live in families headed by two adults and in
the majority of households, those two adults are the children’s parents. Many other
children live in households headed by a parent and a stepparent, their grandparents,
or foster parents. Also, a large number of children reside with single, divorced, or
never-married parents. Moreover, even though most families are headed by at least
one biological parent, many children have come to their families by means of adop-
tion. As you will learn in upcoming discussions, societal and intergenerational fam-
ily support varies depending on family structure and the sexual orientation of the
parents. You will also discern the ways in which the presence or absence of societal
and family support affects the lives of parents and children within these families.
You will become familiar as well with the unique challenges encountered by parents

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 65

and children in immigrant families and parents and children in military families.
Throughout these discussions, you will become familiar with the various ways in
which family members interact with technology and its effects on their lives.

FAMILIES AND ADOPTION

Adoption in the United States has changed considerably over the past century. In
the early 1900s, adoption was closely aligned with child welfare, many children
were available for adoption, and adoptive parents were selective. With the image
of the biological family as an example, adoptive families were expected to parallel
biological kinship. Thus, children were placed with adoptive parents according to
race, religion, and predicted physical and intellectual characteristics. The goal of
adoption, at that time, was to make it appear as if the children’s lives had begun the
day that they joined their adoptive families. Records were sealed, which cut adopted
children off from their biological past. Older and non-White children, children with
disabilities, and sibling groups were considered unadoptable and usually grew up in
orphanages. In contrast to those earlier times, many fewer children are available for
adoption today, and the foster care system has become the most important source of
adoptive families for children in the child welfare system. Recent findings show that
among children adopted from foster care by nonrelatives, 8 out of 10 were adopted
by their foster parents (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2013). Domestic trans­
racial as well as international transracial adoptions have increased as well. Other
nontraditional adoptions such as single-parent and kinship adoptions and adoptions
by gay and lesbian couples and by individuals also have become more common. In
addition, open communication between adoptees and birth families is now more
prevalent, and reunions between late-adolescent and adult adoptees and their birth
parents have become widespread. Furthermore, birth parents have become empow-
ered, especially in private adoptions in which a birth parent often chooses among
several prospective adoptive couples (Nickman et al., 2005).

Birth Parents and Adoptive Parents

The adoption process includes a variety of professional agencies and involves legal
proceedings, but at the heart of this process, the lives of birth parents, adoptive par-
ents, and adopted children are profoundly altered. Although the circumstances of
adoption mean that their lives are intertwined, the individuals in each of these three
groups are affected differently by adoption.

Birth Parents. Historical studies on adoption reveal that children are usually placed
for adoption by their mothers, and gender-neutral terms (such as biological parent
or birth parent) have masked the fact that the biological father, when identified, also
gives up parental rights. Until the last several decades, even if told about the preg-
nancy, the biological father often was advised to remain uninvolved and was rarely
consulted about the decision to place his child up for adoption (Carp, 1998). Thus,

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 66 Chapter 3

little was known about how the community views birth fathers as potential single
parents or how they are perceived as they make an adoption plan for their children.
To address this issue, March and Miall (2006) studied community attitudes toward
birth parents who give up parental rights and discovered more understanding and
acceptance of birth mothers than birth fathers. They found that the birth mother’s
situation typically is seen as a complex one that includes economic hardship, emo-
tional problems, and age as potential reasons for adoption placement. Furthermore,
the placement of a child for adoption by a birth mother usually is seen as a selfless
act that is undertaken to provide a better life for her child. In contrast, the birth
father’s decision to transfer his parental rights to adoptive parents typically is viewed
as a symptom of self-interest based on his not wanting to deal with the responsibility
of caring for his child or providing child support.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Based on their

findings, March and Miall (2006) recommend that individuals involved in the adop-
tion process provide support to birth fathers and to birth mothers. They suggest
that interventions might include offering assistance for fathers who wish to take on
the fathering role when birth mothers do not wish to parent or supporting greater
involvement in adoption decision making through open adoption.

Adoptive Parents. Even though adoptive parents welcome the opportunity to

become parents, they tend to have little preparation for, or support in, coping with
the realities of immediate parenthood. Furthermore, unlike biological parents, they
report considerable stress that their child might be taken from them during the first
few months. Many adoptive parents also express concerns about their ability to love
and parent a nonbiological child before adoption. After adoption, however, these
misgivings are quickly laid to rest. After becoming parents, they express a deep level
of attachment to, and love for, their adopted children (Daniluk & Hurtig-Mitchell,
2003). Furthermore, regardless of the fact that many older children and adolescents
come to their adoptive families with a variety of problems, there is evidence that
adoption enhances their lives and the lives of their adoptive parents. Even when
negative evaluations are associated with adopting children who have problems, their
adoptive parents’ overall assessments of their satisfaction with parenting are gener-
ally positive (Castle et al., 2009). Furthermore, findings by Palacios, Roman, Moreno,
and Esperanza (2009) reveal that among children with attachment disorders, there
is a significant decrease in attachment disorder symptomology following their adop-
tion, suggesting that parenting children with more complex needs results in more
complex parenting reflective of positive family functioning.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. New adoptive par-
ents might be helped by (a) understanding that the stresses they are experiencing are
common for other individuals making the transition to parenthood, (b) suggestions
regarding how to access information on infant and child care, and (c) assistance in
dealing with the uncertainties of their ambiguous legal status, especially in the early
months of parenting (Daniluk & Hurtig-Mitchell, 2003).

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 67

Children Who Are Adopted. Children who have been adopted do not have u ­ niform
life experiences. Some of these children have lives that are virtually identical to
those raised by their biological parents; others have endured harsh deprivation and
multiple disruptions of their caretaking environment before adoption. Whether chil-
dren have favorable outcomes after being adopted depends on their preplacement
experiences and the age at which they are adopted. Those who are placed with their
families as infants show consistently positive outcomes. In contrast, children who
become available for adoption following the termination of parental rights might not
achieve permanence through adoption either quickly or at all. The obstacles associ-
ated with being adopted after termination of parental rights include characteristics of
children, foster families, and case practice. Furthermore, children adopted at older
ages and boys are more likely to have their placements disrupted (Nickman et al.,
2005). These differences typically are attributed to the later-adopted children hav-
ing experienced earlier trauma. Additionally, children with preadoptive histories of
sexual abuse are at greater risk for more complex adoption problems and require an
array of preadoption and postadoption service interventions.
As a result of the difficulties they have faced in their young lives, many of these
children and adolescents come to their adoptive families with attachment disorders,
trust issues, and behavior problems. Moreover, in spite of having experienced trau-
mas living with their biological parents, older children and adolescents typically have
developed attachments to the only parents they have known. As a result, they usually
grieve the loss of those parents following removal from their homes (Nalavany, Ryan,
Howard, & Smith, 2008). Children from other countries, who are adopted at older
ages, also have experienced numerous losses, not only of their parents, siblings, and
friends, but also loss of country, which may include loss of heritage, culture, and
religion (Krebs & Singer, 2008)

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. When adopting

later-placed children, who often come with behavior problems and or attach-
ment disorders, Castle et al. (2009) emphasized the need for early intervention in
severely deprived environments and postadoption services that target the particular
problems these children might exhibit. Moreover, improvements in case practice
such as concurrently planning for permanent placement as children are placed in
foster care and addressing foster parents’ ambivalence about adopting children
with special needs could make a difference for these children and adolescents in
reaching more timely permanence through adoption (Cushing & Greenblatt, 2009).
Furthermore, it is helpful if adoptive parents have a variety of child socialization
strategies and understand the need to be flexible and adaptable (Roberson, 2006).
Children and adolescents also tend to fare better after adoption if their adoptive
parents support their attachment to their birth parents and show consideration for
their biological family. For instance, it is helpful when adoptive parents understand
and support these children’s needs to have photographs and other memorabilia
that keep them connected to biological parents. It is beneficial as well when adop-
tive parents allow their children the freedom to talk about their biological parents
(Shapiro, Shapiro, & Paret, 2001).

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 68 Chapter 3

Domestic Transracial and International Transracial Adoptions

Both domestic transracial and intercountry adoptions, by virtue of their emphasis on
diversity, have broadened the definition of family and resulted in increasing numbers
of multiracial and/or multiethnic families in the United States. In the case of transcul-
tural, transracial, or international adoption, adoptive parents can expect to be asked
how they are going to ensure that their child’s culture and identity will be preserved.
One of the indicators of cultural socialization includes the name they give their child
or, in the case of an older child, whether or not they keep the name the child had
before adoption. Other indicators of cultural socialization include (a) where parents
choose to live and educate their children, (b) cross-cultural contacts of parents and
children, (c) engagement of the family in cultural activities including participation
in community celebrations, and (d) traveling to the child’s home country (Quiroz,
2010). The following quote is from a parent who chose not to change her child’s
name. “When we adopted our daughter, we took on a responsibility to honor and
keep her heritage. . . . It made no sense to me to change a beautiful name and one by
which she had been called for nearly two years” (Quiroz, 2010, p. 198).

Domestic Transracial Adoptions. Many American parents adopt children from

races that differ from their own; nevertheless, the race of the child still factors into the
adoption decision. African American children remain the least likely to be adopted.
In spite of legislation designed to address this issue, the over-representation of Afri-
can American children placed in foster care and in need of adoption remains a
major problem in the United States (McRoy & Griffin, 2012).Those parents who
adopt African American children tend to be younger, White (rather than non–African
American racial minorities), lesbians, and people who consider their communities
to be more diverse (Goldberg & Smith, 2008). When African American children are
adopted into families in which their parents are not African American, the adjust-
ment of these children tends to be satisfactory. In a 16-year longitudinal study of
adopted African American adolescents, Vroegh (1997) examined racial identifica-
tion, general adjustment, and self-esteem and found that those adopted into White
families and those adopted into African American families were predominantly well
adjusted. Even though the race of the parents has not been found to be a factor in
these children’s overall adjustment, issues nevertheless arise for children raised by
parents whose race is different from their own. Samuels (2009) examined the experi-
ences of adopted multiracial adults with White parents and reported that these young
adults had experienced highly racialized worlds. Three themes were particularly
salient to these adults’ growing up experiences: (a) the absence of racial resem-
blance, (b) navigating discordant parent–child racial experiences, and (c) managing
societal perceptions of transracial adoptions.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Because adopted

children in transracial families are apt to have different racial experiences from their
parents, they are likely to benefit from racial socialization (Goldberg & Smith, 2008).
Furthermore, adoptive parents might consider providing bicultural socialization

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 69

Parental support increases

the resilience of adopted
children who have different
racial experiences from their
parents.
Scott Milless/Shutterstock

when they and their children do not share a common birth culture (Thomas &
Tessler, 2007).

International Adoption. Both adoptive parents and their children who come from
other countries tend to have positive feelings regarding the adoption. When Castle et
al. (2009) asked parents of children adopted from Romania or the United Kingdom to
evaluate their adoption success, satisfaction was found to be extremely high, and par-
ents reported that having the child as part of the family was very rewarding. There is
also evidence that these children’s development is positively affected by the adoption.
As a case in point, Wilson and Weaver (2009) examined the rate of developmental
change in internationally adopted children in the initial postadoption period. After
an average of 19 months, parents overwhelmingly reported improvements in the area
of communication between 7 and 19 months of adoption, and few of these children
were found to have significant levels of behavior problems across time. Even when
there were negative evaluations associated with children who had difficulties with
behavior, those evaluations were within an overall positive picture. Furthermore, the
adverse assessments reflected later-placed children’s higher rates of behavior prob-
lems. An illustration of children’s satisfaction with international adoption was provided
by Juffer and Tieman (2009), who studied families with school-age adopted children
from China and India. Their findings showed that most of these children had fairly
positive feelings regarding their adoptive status. Even though the majority of these
children held favorable views about their adoption, a significant number whose skin
color differed from that of their adoptive parents and other family members expressed
concerns about their racial appearance and the wish that they had been born into their
adoptive family. Further understanding of the lives of these children is exemplified in
the experiences of the two women featured in the Spotlight on Diversity feature.

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 70 Chapter 3

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
INTERNATIONAL TRANSRACIAL ADOPTEES
In her 2015 article, Uma Esgalhado pointed out that stereotypes are a substantial part of international trans­
racial adoption. She emphasized that the way one appears is associated with a certain group. So, she has
been often seen as part of the Chinese culture rather than the culture of her family. She has also encoun-
tered problems when some people thought because she did not look like her parents that she was not
related to them. Another issue she has encountered was the question of ”real.” She has been questioned
regarding who her real parents were and even why they had abandoned her. Because of these experiences,
Esgalhado recommended that “if you meet someone who has been adopted, try to remember this and put
yourself in their shoes before you ask them about it” (p. 7).

Watch the first 10 minutes of this video slide show on transracial international adoption.
What are some of the indicators of satisfaction with adoption shown by these parents and
children?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=HD8y6_jS96k

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The previous rec-
ommendation regarding the importance of racial socialization for children in domes-
tic transracial adoptive families is extended as well to children involved in transracial
intercountry adoptions. In addition, it has been suggested that parents who have
adopted children from other countries make efforts to acquaint their children with
the cultures of their birth (Huh & Reid, 2000). Finally, for children adopted from
another race and/or another country, it might be helpful to prepare them for the
questions they might encounter based on other people’s stereotypes.

Adoptees’ Search for Birth Parents. As adoptees transition to adulthood, there is

an accompanying shift in their family roles, which provides them with opportunities
for increasing autonomy in their decisions regarding contact with birth parents. It has
been documented that perceptions of secure parent–child attachment relationships,
as well as sensitive and open discussions with adoptive parents about adoption, lead
to greater satisfaction for adoptees with birth parent contact—whether or not they
actually have birth family contact (Farr, Grant-Marsney, & Grotevant, 2014).

SURROGATE PARENTS: FOSTER PARENTS AND GRANDPARENTS

Even though the majority of children in the United States and Canada are being
reared by one or both of their parents, large numbers of children are being brought up
by surrogate parents. Growing numbers of children are being reared by foster parents

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 71

(Swann, 2006; Kim, Pears, & Fisher, 2012), and an increasing number of children
are being reared by their grandparents or other relatives (Grossman & Okum, 2003;
O’Neill, Risley-Curtiss, Ayon, & Williams, 2012).

Foster Parents and Foster Children

Each year, thousands of children are taken from their parents and placed in foster
care. The rise in foster care placement coincides with an increase of reported cases
of child abuse and neglect in the United States. In 2010, approximately 1 million
children received services from child protective service agencies including in-home
and foster care services (Kim et al., 2012). Of those children placed in foster care,
there is a disproportionate number of African American children. Knott and Knott
(2010) found that African American children had 44% higher odds of foster care
placement when compared with Caucasian children. Children with disabilities also
represent a significant and increasing proportion of children in foster care (Orme,
Cherry, & Krcek, 2012). A major concern for entrusting the care of children to foster
parents is the risk that the placement will not be successful. In spite of increasing
efforts to improve placement permanency for foster children, many children experi-
ence numerous placements, and some children seem to be particularly vulnerable
to placement instability (Baum, Crase, & Crase, 2001; Kim et al., 2012). It is also
difficult to find families capable of meeting the complex emotional, behavioral, psy-
chological, and medical needs of foster children. Based on their research in this area,
Buehler, Rhodes, and Orme (2006) identified a number of competencies associated
with successful foster parenting (see Spotlight on Diversity).

The Lives of Children in Foster Care. Children growing up in foster care face a vari-
ety of obstacles, including lower grades in school, lower educational aspirations, and
higher levels of problem behaviors, including a greater likelihood of being incarcer-
ated or in trouble with the law (Farruggia, Greenberger, & Chen, 2006). Furthermore,
young adults who grow up in foster homes are significantly more likely than other
adults to have problems with drugs or alcohol (Buehler et al., 2006). This is more
likely to be true if substance abuse is present in their birth parents’ history, especially
if this is the case for both parents (Von Borczyskowski, Vinnerljung, & Hjern, 2013).
Whether the problems of foster children are due to foster care placement or to the
circumstances that led to foster care placement is debatable. Some research suggests
that the circumstances of foster care are more positive than typically is portrayed
in the media. Furthermore, various studies indicate that children’s well-being often
improves in foster care. For example, those who remain in foster care for at least
6 years display fewer problem behaviors than those reunited with their parents, despite
having multiple placement moves (Taussig, Clyman, & Landsverk, 2001). In addition
to predictable everyday care, being in foster care allows children to acquire men-
tal health services if needed (Farmer et al., 2001). The positive influence of having
lived in foster care was demonstrated by Farruggia et al. (2006), who studied youths
in foster care and found that they did not differ in depressed mood, self-esteem, or

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 72 Chapter 3

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
DEVELOPING AND SUPPORTING COMPETENCY OF FOSTER PARENTS
Based on relevant research in this area, Buehler et al. (2006) concluded that the potential to foster success-
fully starts with developing and supporting competency in the following areas:

■■ Providing a safe and secure environment

■■ Providing a nurturing environment
■■ Promoting educational attainment and success

■■ Meeting physical and mental health care needs

■■ Promoting social and emotional development

■■ Supporting diversity and children’s cultural needs

■■ Supporting permanency planning

■■ Managing ambiguity and loss of the foster child

■■ Growing as a foster parent

■■ Managing the demands of fostering on personal and familial well-being

■■ Supporting relationships between children and their families

■■ Working as a team member

behavior problems from youths living with parents or other family members. For
families in which reunification is a goal, children who have more consistent and
frequent contact with their biological parents have stronger attachments than chil-
dren who have less contact with their biological parents. Furthermore, children with
secure attachment have fewer behavioral problems, are less likely to take psychiatric
medication, and are less likely to be labeled “developmentally delayed” than are
children without secure attachment (McWey & Mullis, 2004).

The Important Role of Foster Parents in Children’s Lives. The significant role that
nonparental adults play in children’s development was demonstrated in a landmark
study by Werner and Smith in 1992. That study revealed that individuals who had
experienced family instability and poverty as children but became well-adjusted
adults had an important adult in their lives during their growing-up years. To deter-
mine whether foster parents serve in this role for foster children and offset the lower
level of support they received from their birth parents, Farruggia et al. (2006) inter-
viewed foster care youths and youths not in foster care. Their results showed that
one in five foster care youths selected an important adult whom they knew from the
foster care system. These findings suggest that children in foster care have strong
relationships to adults who understand their special circumstances and needs. Far-
ruggia et al. concluded that (in terms of psychological well-being) the foster care
system that served these young people had been able to compensate for the loss
of parental support. Unfortunately, not all foster care placements lead to positive
outcomes. To determine the long-term psychological effects of foster care, Anctil,
McCubbin, and O’Brien (2007) addressed the risk factors (e.g., child abuse and/or

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 73

neglect and unstable placement experiences) and protective factors (e.g., living with
foster parents and receiving mental health services) on self-esteem, overall mental
health, and a number of other psychological conditions of foster care. The results of
their interviews of adults who had been in foster care showed that those whose foster
parents were perceived as helpful and who also had received mental health services
had high higher levels of self-esteem. In contrast, those with unstable foster care
placements had lower levels of self-esteem and had a greater likelihood of mental
health diagnoses persisting into adulthood.

Foster Families with Children with Disabilities. Foster parents whose foster
­children have disabilities require higher levels of support that those whose foster
children do not have disabilities. In the literature, peer support groups, transporta-
tion services, specialized recreational services, and focused education services have
reportedly benefited these parents (Zima, Bussing, Yang, & Belin, 2000). Addition-
ally, foster parents have endorsed the need for a good working relationship with
their social workers (Mason & Linsk, 2002). Moreover, they have voiced the need
for more specific information on disabilities in general and the disabilities of the
children in their care in particular (Hudson & Levasseur, 2002). Another important
requirement expressed by foster parents is the need for a good family doctor will-
ing to accept children with disabilities (Brown, Bednar, & Sigvaldason, 2007). A
recent study by Orme et al. (2013) identified two groups of mothers willing to foster
children with disabilities. The first group, called unconditional mothers, was willing
to foster children with any type of disability except HIV/AIDS. The second group,
labeled selective mothers, were more discriminating. Interestingly, the uncondi-
tional mothers fostered longer, fostered more children, and had more foster children
in their homes.

Thinking Critically
In consideration of children’s varied living arrangements, how do you think others (teachers,
other professionals, friends, and acquaintances) can be thoughtful and considerate in discuss-
ing family life, sending notes home, or writing about children and their families so that all
children can take pride in themselves and their family life?

Grandfamilies: Grandparents Rearing Their Grandchildren

In the past several decades, there has been a dramatic upsurge in the number of
grandparent-headed households, also known as grandfamilies. Approximately
1.5 million children are now living in grandparent-headed households without any
parents present. These children often experience trauma as a precursor to or conse-
quence of their biological parents’ inability or unwillingness to care for them (Strong,
Bean, & Feinauer, 2010). Such circumstances include parental death, physical or

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 74 Chapter 3

mental illness, substance abuse, imprisonment, or child abuse and/or neglect (Gross-
man & Okum, 2003). Most researchers studying grandfamilies have highlighted the
risk factors for grandmothers who are bringing up their grandchildren, such as being
at risk for heightened psychological stress, physical health problems, social isolation,
and inadequate resources (Bullock, 2004; Edwards, 2003; Goodman & Silverstein,
2002; Strong et al., 2010). Although most studies of grandfamilies have focused
on grandmothers, many grandfathers also are involved in rearing grandchildren.
Grandfathers who take on that responsibility often feel a sense of powerlessness that
grandmothers do not experience. They report feeling helpless in the transition to the
role, in the activities of everyday parenting, and in their capacity to continue parent-
ing long term. These grandfathers are likely to experience caregiver stress, including
financial worries, social isolation, and poor health (Bullock, 2004).

The Positive Influence of Grandparent Caregivers. The wealth of research shows

that children in kinship homes have more placement stability in comparison to those
in foster homes (e. g., Barth et al., 2007; Chamberlain, Price, Landsverk, Fisher, &
Stoolmiller, 2006; O’Neill et al., 2012). As with any family system, the success of the
grandfamily household can be viewed in terms of stresses and resources. Despite the
stressors associated with grandparents becoming caregivers for their grandchildren,
their willingness to step in when parents cannot fulfill their parental responsibilities
represents a family resource. Grandparents who offer a home for their grandchildren
provide one of the most valuable resources necessary for the optimum development
of children—the availability of caring adults. As noted by Strong et al. (2010), the
emerging attachment between the grandparent and grandchild facilitates the healing
of the trauma that these children have experienced from being separated from their
parents. Research on at-risk children has documented that the presence in one’s life
of at least one adult the child can depend on to be emotionally supportive promotes
resilience in the face of other hardships (Baldwin, Baldwin, & Cole, 1990; Werner

After rearing their own

children, many grandparents
have taken on the
responsibilities of rearing their
grandchildren.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 75

& Smith, 1992). There are also benefits for grandparents who provide a home for
children whose parents are unavailable. The decision alleviates concerns regarding
their grandchildren’s welfare and contributes to satisfaction derived from stabilizing
the lives of these children (Waldrup & Weber, 2001).

Formal and Informal Support for Grandfamilies. Taking on the responsibility of

caregiver of one’s grandchildren is not as simple as transferring residences. First of
all, custodial grandparents face a host of legal problems. In recognition of the legal
vulnerability associated with kinship caregiving, local support groups, statewide
coalitions, policy makers, and legislators began to seek solutions to these difficul-
ties in the mid-1990s. Results of those efforts for kinship care include (a) the legal
authority to make caregiving decisions, (b) financial support, (c) resolution of hous-
ing problems, and (d) options for permanent care (Takas, 1995). In addition to need-
ing assistance with legal problems, grandfamilies have multiple other needs that
require attention. Because they differ in levels of financial security, health problems,
employment issues, and family conflict, they benefit from varied kinds of social ser-
vices. In providing assistance to grandparents in their roles of surrogate parents, it is
important to include both grandfathers and grandmothers. Information regarding the
ways in which each grandparent functions in the parenting role should be incorpo-
rated into the planning and development of services (Kramer & Thompson, 2002).
In addition to a need for formal support, custodial grandparents are better able
to take on the surrogate parent role when they receive informal support. A potential
source of informal support is the extended family system. Waldrup and Weber (2001)
identified several ways in which extended family members regularly assist these grand-
parents. First, family members often provide emotional assistance such as advice and
encouragement. Second, they frequently offer practical help, such as transportation
and financial assistance. Many of these grandparents benefit as well from respite care,
whether it is provided by family members, friends, coworkers, or by a social service
agency. Respite care provides custodial grandparents the opportunity to relax, take
care of errands, or participate in leisurely activities. The ways in which family, friends,
and coworkers offer assistance to these grandparents are exemplified in the following
anecdote from a 50-year-old grandmother, who is raising her two grandchildren and a
nephew, in response to the question, “How do you cope with the situation?”

I have faith. I have lots of faith. My family supports each other. People that I work with
are wonderful. They are just marvelous. They work with me; they support me and say,
“Sarah, is there anything that I can do to help you, and stuff like that.” It makes a differ-
ence—100% difference. (Waldrup & Weber, 2001, p. 467).

Thinking Critically
If you were a professional working with a grandfamily, what recommendations would you
give those grandparents regarding formal and informal social support that they might access
for their families?

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 76 Chapter 3

PARENTS AND CHILDREN AFFECTED BY DIVORCE

As a result of high levels of divorce in the United States, about half of children today
will go through their parents’ marital dissolution at some time before reaching adult-
hood. The experience of parental divorce is a major family alteration that typically
is viewed as a negative event that is distressing for both parents and children. Most
children of divorced parents will live in a household headed by one parent for about
5 years; a small majority of children who have experienced divorce will end up
living in a stepfamily (Amato & Brett, 2011). In the aftermath of divorce, changes
in family structure and family roles alter family interaction patterns that, in turn,
affect the lives of parents and children in these families. A consequence of parental
divorce for children is that they are at greater risk for maladjustment than are chil-
dren who have not experienced parental divorce. They tend to have poorer physical
health, more deficits in academic performance, more difficulties in social func-
tioning, more conduct disorders and other disruptive behavior problems (Tillman,
2007), and more anxiety disorders (Tillman, 2007; Hamama & Hamama, 2012).
Parental divorce contributes also to unpredictable finances for parents and their
children (Ross & Miller, 2009; Gahler & Garriga, 2012) and imposes an educational
disadvantage on children, mainly by reducing secondary school completion (Evans,
Kelley, & Wanner, 2009). Another consequence of parental divorce for children is
related to decreased levels of sense of control due to higher economic hardship,
lower educational achievement, and nonparticipation in volunteering (Kim, 2011).
In an effort to determine whether the detrimental effects of parental divorce had
changed over time, Gahler and Garriga (2012) compared findings of psychological
adjustment of adult children of divorce in Sweden in 1968 to those in 2000. Their
results confirmed a consistent link between parental divorce and children’s psycho-
logical problems. The authors’ explanations of those outcomes were that parental
divorce is still associated with economic hardship and, above all, family conflict,
two circumstances that are strongly linked with psychological problems in children.
The relation between parental divorce and children’s psychological problems was
also documented by Potter (2010) who concluded that the decrease in emotional
well-being helps explain the connection between parental divorce and children’s
lower academic achievement.

The Effects of Custody Arrangements

Following a divorce, residential parents and their children (a) undergo a d ­ ramatic
change in their standard of living; (b) often change residences, schools, or both;
(c) spend less time together; (d) experience decreasing physical and mental health;
and (e) suffer a decline in their social networks (Afifi, Huber, & Ohs, 2006).
Researchers investigating the relationship of custodial mothers and their children
have c­onsistently found that children in mother-headed households undergo a
decrease in parental warmth and parental control immediately following their par-
ents’ ­marital disruption (Nair & Murray, 2005). Whereas maternal sensitivity appears
to be compromised in the transitional phase following divorce, when researchers

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 77

have followed children of divorce across several years, they have acknowledged
improvements in parental responsiveness over time. On the other hand, little change
in parental control across time has been found. Whether we are looking at the tran-
sitional period following divorce or at the months and years following divorce, the
evidence suggests that divorced custodial mothers tend to exercise less parental con-
trol of their children in comparison to parents from never-divorced families (Freeman
& Newland, 2002; Hetherington & Kelly, 2002).
Whereas previous studies have shown an elevated risk with regard to social and
behavioral domains in children of divorced parents, those studies seldom took into
account the gender of the resident parent. The link between lower levels of parental
control of children has been based on studies where mothers are the residential par-
ent. Although far more mothers than fathers are residential parents, there are many
fathers in this role as well. Results of the most comprehensive study of divorce in
America by Hetherington and Kelly (2002) demonstrated that custodial fathers are
often better at control whereas custodial mothers are better at communication and
nurturance. To further distinguish the effects of custody arrangements on children,
Jablonska and Lindberg (2007) investigated risk behaviors, victimization, and men-
tal distress among adolescents in single-mother, single-father, and shared physical
custody. Their findings revealed that adolescents in single-father families are at
higher risk for use of unlawful drugs, heavy drinking, and aggressive behavior when
compared to adolescents in single-mother families. On the other hand, they found
no differences in risk behaviors between adolescents in single-mother families and
those in shared physical custody. A more recent study by Ulveseter, Ulveseter, &
Breivik (2010) demonstrated that, for self-reported health and daily complaints,
there were no differences between adolescents living in mother- or father-headed
families. For life satisfaction, however, they found a significant negative risk for
those living with a single father when compared to their peers in single-mother
households.
In their comprehensive study, Hetherington and Kelly (2002) concluded that
children can flourish in a mother, father, or joint custody situation if parenting
is loving, firm, and consistent, and conflict between divorced parents is low. In
a review of the literature on the effects of joint custody on parents and children,
Bauserman (2002) reported that in almost all areas of comparison, joint custody
is related to equivalent or better adjustment than mother custody. Joint custody
fathers are more involved with and more satisfied with their relationships with their
children. Moreover, fathers who share custody with mothers are more contented
with the child custody arrangement. Mothers who share ­custody with fathers
experience less childrearing burden and stress. For both joint custody mothers
and fathers, there is less conflict with their ex-spouses and more emotional sup-
port and positive feelings in the relationship. Frequency of relitigation also occurs
less often in cases of joint custody (especially for child support modification).
Finally, whereas joint custody parents and mother custody parents have compa-
rable measures of overall psychological adjustment and self-esteem, joint custody
mothers are less satisfied with the custody arrangement than are mothers with sole
custody.

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 78 Chapter 3

Nonresidential Parents. Residential or nonresidential status plays a significant role

in postdivorce parental adjustment, and gender is implicated in differences in parental
adjustment. Primary custody typically is awarded to the mother, and the father is usu-
ally given a parenting time arrangement that consists of intermittent contact with his
children. This often is stressful for fathers who previously had constant contact with
their children during the marriage. Furthermore, the level of contact fathers have with
their children following divorce affects fathers’ well-being. Those with higher levels of
contact have higher levels of emotional well-being than those with less frequent con-
tact (Fabricius, 2003). For example, fathers report greater satisfaction with separation
from their children when they have more overnight stays. That important aspect of the
father–child relationship, however, often is compromised by parental hostility toward
each other (Altenhofen, Biringen, & Mergler, 2008). As a case in point, Modecki et al.
(2015) examined the lives of young adults 6 to 8 years after parental divorce and found
that children of nonresidential fathers characterized as having moderate involvement
in their children’s lives and low conflict with their mothers had the highest academic
achievement and the lowest number of externalizing problems. In comparison, those
individuals whose fathers had the highest or lowest levels of involvement but higher
levels of conflict with their mothers had more adjustment problems. Those findings
demonstrate that greater father involvement and support do not outweigh the harmful
impact of interparental conflict on youth outcomes.
Although noncustodial fathers face a number of challenges as they make efforts
to maintain close relationships with their children, several factors predict higher lev-
els of nurturing and involvement: (a) higher socioeconomic status, (b) joint custody,
and (c) early contact (higher percentage of time spent with children postdivorce).
In addition, stronger interparental relationship factors (low conflict, high contact,
and cooperativeness) support ongoing contact between nonresidential fathers and
their children (Peters & Ehrenberg, 2008; Modecki et al., 2015).

Factors Related to the Postdivorce Adjustment of Children

Because the large majority of children live with their mothers following their parents’
divorce, most of the research in this area has emphasized the childrearing behaviors
of mothers and factors that contribute to satisfactory mother–child relationships.
Based on that research, it has been shown that the emotional well-being of custo-
dial parents is linked to their children’s adjustment (Taylor & Andrews, 2009). It has
been demonstrated as well that by communicating a strong sense of warmth, con-
cern, and caring for their children, highly accepting mothers mediate the relation-
ship between divorce stressors and adjustment problems (Wolchik, Wilcox, Tein,
& Sandler, 2000; Hamama & Hamama, 2012). In addition to supportive parenting,
Doyle, Wolchik, Dawson-McClure, and Sandler (2003) found that positive events
act as buffers against stress for children and adolescents in families that are in transi-
tion. It also has been revealed that children of divorced parents benefit from parental
monitoring (Brevik, Olweus, & Endersen, 2009), authoritative discipline, and age-
appropriate expectations (Krishnakumar & Buehler, 2000). Other factors associated
with postdivorce adjustment are the age, sex, and personality characteristics of the

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 79

child (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1999), and (as previously discussed) family
economic resources and low levels of parental and family conflict (Brevik et al.,
2009; Gahler & Garriga, 2012). Finally, children adjust better to parental divorce
when a parent avoids negative disclosures to them regarding the relationship with
the other parent (Afifi, Afifi, & Ohs, 2009).

The Effects of Coparenting. Whereas past research focused primarily on the ways
in which custodial parents’ childrearing practices mediate the effects of divorce on
children’s adjustment, researchers have since called attention to the potential medi-
ating role of coparenting on children’s adjustment. The term coparenting was origi-
nally used to describe the ideal parenting relationship following divorce whereby
both parents were involved in all decisions regarding their children (Rosenthal &
Hansen, 1980). In reality, coparenting might reflect the positive dimensions of coop-
eration, involvement, respect, and communication or the negative dimensions of
conflict and triangulation. Either way, coparenting is an important contributor to
children’s adjustment following parental divorce. Macie (2002) assessed the con-
tribution of coparenting to child adjustment with a sample of young adults from
both intact and divorced families and found that coparenting affected young adult
adjustment more profoundly than their parents’ marital status. An important dimen-
sion of coparenting is the level of cooperation versus hostility that divorced parents
exhibit toward each other. Consistent with the literature, researchers continue to
demonstrate the link between parental hostility and children’s maladjustment fol-
lowing parental divorce (Modecki et al., 2015). Furthermore, it has been shown that
low parental hostility is associated with higher levels of self-esteem in children of
divorced parents. In addition, positive nurturing relationships with both parents have
been linked to children’s higher levels of adjustment (Brevik et al., 2009). As recom-
mended by Hetherington and Kelly (2002), parents should consider cooperative
coparenting since (a) it is a major protective factor for children and (b) by working
together, parents lighten the burden for each other.

The Role of Communication Technology in Coparenting. The ways in which

divorced parents utilize technology (e.g., cell phones, computers) to communicate
with each other regarding their children is related to the quality of the coparental
relationship. For those in effective coparental relationships, communication tech-
nologies make it easier for them to plan and make joint decisions about their chil-
dren and to resolve minor problems. Examples include the following statements by
divorced parents (Ganong, Coleman, Feistman, Jamison, and Markham, 2012), “We
have found using Google Calendar is a wonderful tool for divorced people because
we can share a calendar, and all the kids’ stuff goes on there” (p. 404). “If there’s
something I’m concerned about, I’ll send an e-mail to her dad and inquire about it”
(p. 402). Individuals in poor-quality coparental relationships, on the other hand, do
not use communication technology to make their lives easier. For them, communica-
tion technologies are used to (a) withhold information, (b) deliver information that
restricts the other parent’s input into childrearing decisions, and (c) influence the
behavior of the other parent.

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 80 Chapter 3

The Supportive Role of Extended Family Members. Members of the extended fam-
ily (grandparents, aunts, uncles, or other relatives) frequently are valuable sources
of social support for children experiencing stress. Unfortunately, these relationships
have received little attention in the divorce literature. For example, research on
divorce and grandparent–grandchild relationships has rarely focused on children’s
views of the importance of these relationships when dealing with stress related to
parental divorce. More recently, however, studies of children’s and adolescents’
relationships with grandparents have found that greater closeness to grandparents is
associated with fewer psychological adjustment problems following parental divorce
(Wolchik et al., 2000; Henderson, Hayslip, Sanders, & Louden, 2009).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. According to Hether-

ington and Kelly (2002), if parenting is loving, firm, and consistent and parental conflict
is low, children can prosper in a mother, father, or joint custody arrangement. It has
been suggested that coparenting and parenting practices are relevant factors to consider
when determining child custody since they both greatly influence children’s adjustment
(Emery, Otto, & O’Donohue, 2005). According to Gasper, Stolberg, Macie, & Williams
(2008), parental cooperation should be valued by the courts when deciding parental
custody, and attempts should be made to remediate parental hostility. There is also
evidence that communication technology is useful for assisting divorced parents in high-­
quality coparental relationships in their efforts to communicate with each other regard-
ing their shared childrearing responsibilities (Ganong et al., 2012). Finally, it is important
to emphasize that children whose parents have divorced fare better if they have sup-
portive relationships with grandparents (Wolchik et al., 2000; Henderson et al., 2009).

Thinking Critically
Based on the previous discussions of children and their divorced parents and your observa-
tions of children and adolescents whose parents have divorced, what are your conclusions
regarding the ways in which to alleviate stress for children whose parents have divorced?

Parents and Children in Stepfamilies

The massive upsurge in divorce and varied marital and partnership alterations is one of
the leading demographic changes that has occurred in Western societies over the last
few decades. In the past, a stepfamily consisted primarily of a remarried mother, her
spouse, and the mother’s children from a previous marriage. One of the most notable
changes in family life over the past several decades, however, has been the rapid rise
of cohabitation, which means that children today are more likely than ever to live
in a cohabiting household at some point during their youth (Amato & James, 2010).
Whether formed by remarriage or cohabitation, the establishment of a stepfamily
brings unique challenges for which most couples generally are unprepared (Lynch,
2004). Becoming members of a stepfamily represents still another transition in the lives
of parents and children who have already undergone adjustments related to parental

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 81

divorce and the restructuring of their family system. In addition, the roles of step-
parents are ill defined, and boundary ambiguity is far more prevalent in stepfamilies
than in original two-parent families (Stewart, 2005). Also, children’s expectations and
loyalty issues play a part in family functioning (Cartright, 2012). For all these reasons,
children growing up in stepfamilies are at greater risk for developmental problems
than are children in other two-parent families (Segrin & Nabi, 2002; Tillman, 2007).
Transitioning into Stepfamilies. It has been demonstrated that the transition from
a single-parent family to a stepfamily is stressful for children and adolescents.
­Furthermore, the more marital and divorce transitions a child undergoes, the more
emotionally and psychologically fragile the child becomes (Hetherington & Kelly,
2002). First of all, youth in pathways that include divorce/separation experience
poorer academic outcomes and lower expectations of college attendance (Tillman,
2007). Moving into a stepfamily also contributes to a higher risk of delinquency,
depressive symptoms (Brown, 2006), and substance abuse (Kirby, 2006). More­over,
adolescents transitioning into stepfamilies have a greater likelihood of initiating
­alcohol use, and there are gender differences in this risk. For boys, an increase in
alcohol initiation is higher among those who are transitioning into a stepfamily from
a divorced single-parent family; for girls, an increase in alcohol initiation is linked
to transitioning to a stepfamily from an unwed single-parent family (Kirby, 2006).
Finally, the developmental risks associated with a transition into a stepfamily are
more pronounced for cohabiting stepfamilies as compared to married stepfamilies.
For instance, the negative effects of divorce/separation on children’s academic suc-
cess are more detrimental when coupled with transition into a stepfamily based on
cohabitation (Brown, 2006; Tillman, 2007). Even young children who live in cohab-
iting families tend to lag behind on reading skills (Artis, 2007).
Children’s Reactions, Expectations, and Loyalty Issues. Children and adolescents
generally have negative reactions to the remarriage and stepfamily phase with con-
cerns related to powerlessness and lack of voice and apprehensions associated with
disruption resulting from changes in living space, relationships, rules, and expecta-
tions. In addition, most children and adolescents hold a conservative view of family
relations following remarriage, expecting the biological parent to maintain primary
responsibility for the children and the stepparent to play a more minor role (Stoll,
Arnaut, & Felker-Thayer, 2005). Children in stepfamilies have also voiced the need
for time and attention from the parent that includes expressions of love, reassurance,
and support. Moreover, parental loyalty is an issue for children in stepfamilies who
have expressed beliefs that parents should intervene or support them during conflicts
with stepparents (Moore & Cartwright, 2005; Cartright, 2012).

Thinking Critically
It is likely that you have observed or were part of a family transforming from a single-parent
family to a stepfamily. If so, which issues raised by children transitioning to stepfamilies do
you recognize?

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 82 Chapter 3

The Roles of Stepparents. The challenge of assuming the role of stepparent is that
stepfamily members frequently do not agree on what role the stepparent should
play. Beyond a general consensus that in comparison to stepparents, parents are
expected to exhibit more warmth toward their children and more carefully monitor
their children’s behavior, there is little consistency in perceptions of the content of
the stepparent role. Furthermore, stepparents are less certain about their role in the
stepfamily than are other family members (Erera-Weatherly, 1996). Whereas steppar-
ents tend to experience more stress than biological parents in the stepfamily, recent
findings suggest that less traditional views about gendered family roles and higher
levels of marital adjustment are associated with lower parenting stress for steppar-
ents. Furthermore, stepparents reporting both of these protective factors were similar
in parental stress to biological parents (Shapiro, 2014). Although few studies have
focused on the role of the nonresidential stepmother, evidence suggests that this
role also is ambiguous and ill defined. In interviews of nonresidential stepmothers,
Henry and McCue (2009) found that women in these roles complained about their
perceived inability to control parenting practices during periods of visitation and
financial matters associated with the payment of child support. These stepmothers
also reported that these frustrations generated a sense of powerlessness, anger, and
resentment that was manifested in depression.

Living with Stepsiblings. According to Tillman (2008), having nontraditional sib-

lings living in the same household poses problems for children and explains a portion
of the academic disadvantage for children in stepfamilies. This conclusion confirms
the importance of considering the composition of a young person’s entire household
when studying children’s academic outcomes. It also helps explain the findings of
Halpern-Meekin and Tern (2008) that biological children in blended families have
poorer outcomes than those in traditional two-parent families.

Stepfamilies That Work. Whereas stepfamilies face multiple challenges, and chil-
dren in stepfamilies are at greater risk for problems than are children in first-married
families, many stepfamilies provide a positive environment for children. Researchers
have noted that the differences between stepchildren and children living in other
two-parent families are small once the stepfamily has proceeded past the transition
phase (Coleman, Ganong, & Fine., 2000). Furthermore, in stepfamilies wherein cus-
todial parents maintain supportive relationships with their biological children and
continue to play the role of disciplinarian, family relationships are less conflicted
(Moore & Cartwright, 2005). There is also evidence that children in stepfamilies
benefit from demonstrations of support from their stepparents. For example, the
expression of mutual affection more often characterizes stepparent–stepchild rela-
tionships when stepfathers initially engage in supportive behaviors with their step-
children. Additionally, stepparents who are willing to include all members of their
new family rather than adopting a biological definition of a family find adaptation
to stepfamily life more satisfactory (Doodson & Morley, 2006). Additionally, chil-
dren in stepfamilies benefit when their parents increase empathy, engage in fam-
ily time, and enhance their relationship skills (Higginbotham, Skogrand, &Torres,

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 83

2010). Finally, in focusing on healthy stepfamilies that had been together for at
least 5 years, Michaels (2006) identified two factors that distinguish stepfamilies that
succeed in becoming healthy families. First, these couples were very proactive in
the family formation process, which often included premarital counseling. Second,
children’s acceptance of the new partner and marriage was a significant predictor of
stepfamily success.

ADOLESCENT PARENTS AND THEIR CHILDREN

Adolescent pregnancies have been decreasing over the past several decades and
have reached the lowest point since the 1950s. This decline has been seen in all eth-
nic groups surveyed in the United States. This drop in teenage pregnancies has been
attributed to a number of factors, which include (a) greater involvement in programs
emphasizing responsible sexual decision making, (b) a decrease in the number of
adolescent girls who are sexually active, and (c) more widespread use of contracep-
tives among sexually active adolescents (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2012). Despite a considerable decline in recent decades, it is worth remembering
that teenage pregnancy rates in the United States still are at least twice as high as in
other industrialized countries. In fact, Sedgh, Finer, Bankole, Ellers, and Singh (2015)
found that the highest teen pregnancy rate in the developed world outside the former
Soviet bloc is still in the United States. Furthermore, the percentage of teenagers
who are having babies is more than 50% in many of our largest cities and close to
that in some states (e.g., Louisiana and Mississippi). Also, adolescent parenthood is
most prevalent among already disadvantaged youth (Foster, Hagen, & Brooks-Gunn,
2008). Additionally, girls under 19 are considered at risk when pregnant since these
are the years that are not developmentally optimum for pregnancy (Martin et al.,
2006). Thus, adolescent pregnancy, childbearing, and parenthood are associated
with challenges related to (a) risk factors associated with teenage pregnancy, (b) tak-
ing on the parental role while dealing with typical developmental challenges of ado-
lescence, and (c) assuming responsibility for the care and guidance of their children
without the maturity associated with older parenthood and often without financial
and social resources.

Pregnancy and Childbirth

An essential aspect of planning for the birth of a child is to prioritize one’s health
habits and obtain prenatal care. Unfortunately, in comparison to peers who post-
pone childrearing, pregnant teens are less inclined to have those priorities. They are
less likely to (a) gain adequate weight during pregnancy, (b) get prenatal care, or
(c) receive adequate nutrition. On the other hand, they are more likely to smoke and
ingest unhealthy substances. Their failure to prioritize health habits and obtain pre-
natal care puts adolescent mothers at heightened risk for developing health problems
such as anemia and pregnancy-related high blood pressure. Consequently, they are
more likely to give birth to preterm, underweight infants who are at greater risk for

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 84 Chapter 3

Teenage pregnancy is associated

with a number of risk factors, and
adolescent parents require more
extended family and social support than
do typical adult parents.

Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

birth defects or early death (Borja & Adair, 2003; Ryan et al., 2011). Furthermore, the
younger the teenager giving birth, the higher the risks. Girls aged 15 or younger have
the highest incidence of low-birth-weight infants, which results in an infant mortal-
ity rate that is double that of infants born to women between the ages of 20 and 40
(Martin et al., 2006; Ryan et al., 2011).

Teenage Motherhood Becoming a mother during the teenage years comes with a
number of disadvantages. Consequently, adolescent mothers tend to function less
effectively in several realms in comparison to older mothers. Difficulties faced by
these young mothers include greater exposure to multiple stressful circumstances
such as poverty, neighborhood crime, poor schools, and single parenthood (Caroth-
ers, Borkowski, & Whitman, 2006). One of the most serious disadvantages of adoles-
cent motherhood is a lower level of education (Taylor, 2009). Pregnancy has been
cited as the most common reason among adolescent girls for failing to complete
high school, and this is especially true for African American girls (Zachary, 2005).
Furthermore, the younger the teenager is when she becomes pregnant, the less likely
she is to return to school following the birth of her baby. A primary obstacle to
high school completion for adolescent mothers relates to the combination of child
custody and limited support systems. The need for child care has been cited by
adolescent mothers as the main barrier to continuing or entering school or obtaining

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 85

employment (Ng & Kaye, 2013). The long-term effect of adolescent parenthood and
education interruption is a greater likelihood of living in poverty. This is because not
finishing high school or going to college restricts the types of jobs available to these
young mothers and limits their earning power (Fergusson & Woodward, 2000). In
addition to the negative impact on education, job selection, and income, adolescent
pregnancy tends to hasten early marriages that are more likely to end in divorce in
comparison to marriages of older parents (Moore & Brooks-Gunn, 2002). By and
large, these young mothers have less social support and fewer personal resources
for coping with the challenges of pregnancy, childbearing, and parenthood than do
older parents. Moreover, they commonly mention problems with the fathers of their
children, ranging from dissatisfaction over unmet expectations for financial and child
care assistance to serious conflicts, problematical breakups (Leadbeater & Way,
2001), and intimate partner violence (Foster et al., 2008). Recent evidence suggests
that the overwhelming responsibility of teenage motherhood without the assistance
of a romantic partner could hamper or delay the young mother’s ability to overcome
many fundamental tasks associated with adolescence that are integral to future com-
petency (Laghi, Baumgartner, Riccio, Bohr, & Dhayanandhan, 2013).

Teenage Fatherhood
Adolescent fathers are at greater risk than adult fathers of lower engagement with
their children as time passes (Farrie, Lee, & Fagan, 2011). Whereas about half of these
young fathers are involved in their babies’ lives during the first year, contact declines
thereafter and there is much less frequent contact with school-age and adolescent
children. The difficulties that teenage fathers face in taking on the responsibilities
of fatherhood have been linked to the dissolution of the romantic relationship with
the child’s mother, antisocial behavior, and lack of employment (Herzog, Umana-
Taylor, Madden-Derdich, & Leonard, 2007). Also, it has been suggested that teenage
father involvement might be further complicated by the mother’s family, especially
if the child resides there, and the young father is not seen as a good enough provider
(Erkut, Szalacha, & Coll, 2005).

The Children of Adolescent Parents

The children of teenage parents are at heightened risk for suffering a variety of health,
social, and economic problems as compared with children born to older parents
(Hofferth & Reid, 2002). Whereas differences are indistinguishable during infancy,
they begin to emerge during preschool. Children of adolescent parents are at greater
risk for cognitive impairment, psychological and behavioral problems, and early and
persistent school failure (Belle, Doucet, Miller, & Tan, 2000). Furthermore, daughters
of teenage mothers are more likely than daughters of older mothers to become teen-
age mothers themselves due to deviant peer norms, low parental monitoring, and
poverty (Meade, Kershaw, & Ickovics, 2008). The negative outcomes consistently
seen in children of teenagers reflect the tremendous challenges faced by their young
parents. The heightened vulnerability of these children has been linked to multiple

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 86 Chapter 3

stressful life events associated with having parents who began parenthood during
their teenage years. Factors that enhance the lives of children born to adolescent
parents include close relationships with their fathers and with their mothers and the
support of grandparents and adults outside the family (e.g., neighbors and youth
leaders). When these children have high social support and few negative life events,
they are less likely to develop social and emotional problems (Carothers et al., 2006).
It has also been shown that the receipt of a high school diploma by a teenage mother
contributes positively to child outcomes. Additionally, parent-reported strong child
attachment serves as a buffer against the negative effects of teen parent status on
child outcomes (Briceno, Briceno, & De Feyter, 2013).

Support for Adolescent Parents and Their Children

Although numerous disadvantages are linked with adolescent parenthood, and the
children of teenagers are at increased risk for negative outcomes, many teen mothers
and fathers become capable parents. Researchers have identified an array of factors
that increases the competence levels of these young parents and the well-being of
their children.
Support for Adolescent Mothers. Teen mothers require several layers of support
and also are more secure in the parenting role if they have a close relationship with
their own parents. Secure attachment to parents, social support from the family
and community, father involvement, and graduation from high school all increase
the resiliency of teenage mothers (Weed, Keogh, & Borkowski, 2000). Of all those
sources, family support is the most reliable and the most influential. Within the
family, the mothers of adolescent mothers are usually the most consistent source
of help in the early phases of childrearing. The types of assistance they typically
provide are (a) nurturance of their daughters, (b) help with childrearing responsi-
bilities, and (c) financial aid. Adolescent mothers who have these types of support
are in a better position to continue their education or receive job training (Hess,
Papas, & Black, 2002). According to Laghi et al. (2103), another important source of
­support for adolescent mothers is a romantic relationship with the father or another
partner. Those researchers found that the perceived availability of and satisfac-
tion with social support increases with the presence of any romantic relationship.
­Adolescent mothers involved in a romantic relationship with the biological father
of their child perceive their social network as more supportive than mothers with a
new partner. Adolescent mothers not currently involved in a romantic relationship,
however, report the least satisfaction with social support. It was suggested that these
findings might highlight the differential significance of close personal relationships
compared with other less intimate social relationships in the young mother’s view
of support.
Support for Adolescent Fathers. Whereas the research shows that adolescent
fathers have less involvement with their children over time, there is evidence that
some teenage fathers are able to sustain positive relationships with the mothers of

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 87

The strength of the parenting alliance has

a positive effect on adolescent fathers’
ongoing relationships with their children.
Comstock/Exactostock-1557/SuperStock

their children and, therefore, stay actively involved in their children’s lives (Young
& Holcomb, 2007). Given that only a minority of teenage fathers maintains a rela-
tionship with their children over time, understanding the factors related to these
fathers’ involvement is important. To address that issue, Futris and Schoppe-Sullivan
(2007) examined teen mothers’ perceptions of barriers to father engagement. They
discovered that teen fathers’ involvement with their children is related not only to
the status of their relationship with their children’s mother but also to the strength
of the parenting alliance. Based on their findings, they recommend that programs
for adolescent fathers promote positive relationship maintenance skills to enhance
the parenting alliance. Recent findings of Fagan and Lee (2011) confirm that teen-
age fathers’ involvement in their children’s lives is related to positive mother–father
coparenting relationships. They also found that support from family and relatives
increased teenager fathers’ participation in their children’s lives. Furthermore, they
demonstrated that the positive influence of family and coparenting support is not
dependent on whether the father and mother continue to be romantically involved
with each other. It has been suggested as well that services be directed toward
strengthening adolescent fathers’ earning power through the provision of education
and job training. Other sources of support for these young fathers include the social
institutions that impinge on their lives (Rozie-Battle, 2003).

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 88 Chapter 3

Thinking Critically
Among the teenage fathers and mothers that you have known, do you recognize some of their
challenges that were identified here? Are there other challenges of which you are aware? If
so, what are they?

FAMILIES WITH A MEMBER WHO IS LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL,

OR TRANSGENDER
There are four topics that have dominated the research on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgender (LGBT) families: (a) who is recognized as family and how and whether
changing views of family include LGBT people, (b) the ways in which lesbians and
gay men come to have children, (c) consequences for children raised in families with
openly gay parents, and (d) family dynamics and relationship quality in families with
same-gender or transgender partners (Moore & Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, 2013). The
upcoming discussions explore these four themes as well as the challenges for LGBT
children and their families.

Changing Views of Family to Include LGBT People

The ideological debates on sexuality and family place gay men and lesbians at the
core of broader discussions of family politics. Bernstein & Reimann (2001) argue that
by making themselves visible as families, same-sex partner households represent
an influence that challenges prevailing conceptions of gender. Some researchers
have found that same-sex couples who want to marry and have society view their
households as families are confronted with resistance. Societal resistance shows the
ongoing ambivalence regarding the normalization of homosexuality and indicates
that as a nation, we remain at odds over whether lesbians and gay men are the moral
equivalent of heterosexuals (Stein, 2005).

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
AMBIVALENCE REGARDING FAMILIES THAT INCLUDE LGBT PEOPLE
A large segment of society is resistant to the inclusion of same-sex couples in their classification of family
since they believe these relationships threaten the heterosexual family and weaken traditional gender and
sexuality norms (Powell, Bolzendahl, Geist, & Carr-Steelman, 2010; Moore & Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, 2013).
Even though societal views reflect ambivalence regarding families that include LGBT people, the reality
is that millions of American children and adults have an LGBT parent. Furthermore, same-sex couples
are more likely than heterosexual couples to be raising an adopted or foster child (Moore & Stambolis-
Ruhstorfer, 2013). Finally, a United States Supreme Court decision in June, 2015 made same-sex marriage
legal nationwide.

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 89

The Pathways to Parenthood for LGBT Parents

There are several routes to parenthood for lesbian mothers and gay fathers. A com-
mon path to lesbian parenthood has been and continues to be through lesbian
stepfamilies wherein a lesbian mother has custody of her children from a previ-
ous heterosexual relationship. Because custody proceedings tend to favor female
and heterosexual parents, only a minority of divorced gay fathers live in the same
households as their children. In contrast, both men and women are increasingly
undertaking parenthood in the context of pre-existing lesbian and gay identities.
These families, referred to by Biblarz and Savci (2010) as “planned families,”
signify a generational shift in lesbian and gay parenting. In these families, par-
enthood is typically achieved through donor insemination for lesbian parents
or adoption for lesbian mothers and gay fathers (Moore & Stambolis-Ruhstorfer,
2013). Although some gay men become fathers through surrogacy, that is the
least common pathway to gay male parenthood because it is often prohibitively
expensive and available only in certain jurisdictions (Bergman, Rubio, Green &
Padron, 2010).

Gay and Lesbian Stepfamilies. Families formed by gay or lesbian parents from
previous heterosexual unions have many characteristics in common with step-
families created by heterosexual parents. Both family systems are created by the
same circumstances and composed of the same family roles. The parent and chil-
dren are joined by a stepparent and sometimes the stepparent brings his or her
children as well. Besides the two residential parents, the children, and the step-
children, both types of stepfamilies generally include nonresidential members: the
noncustodial parent and at times another stepparent (the spouse or partner of the
noncustodial parent). Both the joining stepparent and the “absorbing” family have
their own family connections, rituals, and habits. In addition, in both stepfami-
lies, residential parents also might share parental responsibilities and authority
with the nonresidential parents. This interdependence sometimes leads to conflict
when the residential and nonresidential parents have different goals or priorities
(Lynch, 2004).

The Gay or Lesbian Stepfamily as a Unique Family Form. Even though heterosexual
and gay or lesbian stepfamilies share a number of characteristics and face similar
challenges, parents and children in gay or lesbian stepfamilies are confronted with
a number of challenges that are unique to their family form. For those who did not
initially choose to be parents and biological parents who come out after becoming
parents, family relationships must be created with few guidelines available to fol-
low. On a positive note, lesbian mothers with children from a previous heterosexual
union tend to have more congenial relations with their previous husbands or part-
ners than do heterosexual mothers. Also, lesbian mothers are likely to “adopt” male
friends as role models for their children and usually have more men participating
in the lives of their children in comparison to single, heterosexual mothers (Erera &
Fredrickson, 1999).

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 90 Chapter 3

The Family Created by Lesbian Parents Through Donor Insemination. Same-sex

couples who have children through donor insemination is an example of the use of
technology for procreation. Assisted reproductive technology (ART) has made it pos-
sible for same-sex couples to bring children into their relationships. This phenomenon
has changed the way many lesbian and gay individuals imagine their futures and shape
their present. The possibility of ART means that embracing one’s same-sex attraction
no longer means accepting a life without raising children (Mutcherson, 2013).

The “Gayby” Boom. Greater access to donor insemination in the past several dec-
ades has resulted in what has been termed a Gayby Boom among North American
and European lesbian women (Grossman & Okum, 2003; Mutcherson, 2013). Inves-
tigators who have examined the family life of lesbians who have chosen this path
to parenthood have found that the decision usually strengthens the relationships of
couples and ties to their families of origin (Dunne, 2000). These mothers tend to be
honest with their children about donor insemination and about their own lesbianism
(Mitchell, 1998). Interviews of these mothers when their children were toddlers sug-
gest close bonds between them and their children (Vanfrussen, 2003). The literature
on elementary-age children (who were conceived by donor insemination and have
two lesbian mothers) has shown that they are as well adjusted as the children of
heterosexual parents (Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 1998). In addition, according to the
results of a national study of lesbian families, these children demonstrate a sophisti-
cated understanding of diversity and tolerance (Gartrell, Rodas, & Deck, 2005).

Gay and Lesbian Families Created by Parental Adoption. Although same-sex mar-
riage is now legal in all states in the United States, gay or lesbian parents who wish
to adopt children confront many legal issues. Many states prohibit openly lesbian/

These new parents are likely

to have less social support
and more legal challenges
than heterosexual parents.

Anton Gvozdikov/Fotolia

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 91

gay couples to co-adopt. A number of states permit same-sex couples to petition

for co-adoption of a child, and there are also states where same-sex couples have
successfully lobbied to co-adopt in some counties within a state but not in other
counties within the same state. In many states, same-sex couples have been success-
ful in serial adoptions (Federle 2005). Lesbian parents also employ second-parent
adoptions when one partner has given birth to the child. In this situation, the non-
biological mother does not have automatic legal rights to the child. In some states,
such as Massachusetts, however, the nonbiological mother does have legal standing
as a parent if the women are married (Ritter 2010; Shapiro 2013). Notably, second-
parent adoptions by same-sex partners are not unanimously available. Some states
permit them, some states prohibit them, and in some states, whether or not they are
granted is dependent upon where the couple resides and/or which judge hears their
case (Federle 2005; Ritter 2010). Florida was the only state that explicitly prohibited
openly lesbian/gay adoptions until 2010, when it lifted its ban on gay adoption
(Shapiro 2013). As a result of these legal obstacles, gay men and lesbians seeking to
adopt children have often felt it necessary to hide their sexual orientation and adopt
initially as single parents and then attempt to gain parental rights or second-parent
adoptions in the courts (Vanfrussen, 2003).

Challenges for Gay and Lesbian Parents and Their Children

Regardless of the ways in which gay and lesbian persons became parents, these fami-
lies face a number of difficulties. As previously stated, all of these families experience
prejudice, have fewer legal rights, and are less likely than heterosexual parents to
have intergenerational support.

Societal Prejudice Related to Sexual Orientation. The main difference between

gay and lesbian parents and heterosexual parents is that gay and lesbian parents
are confronted with prejudices related to their sexual orientation. The reality of that
intolerance is that, at any moment, a gay or lesbian family can become the object
of ridicule that negatively affects family members’ self-esteem and raises the level of
stress within the family (Vanfrussen, 2003). An example of the prejudices that these
parents confront is exemplified in the experience of the gay fathers of an adopted
daughter whom they had reared since birth. These parents were financially comfort-
able and open about their sexual orientation to friends, family, neighbors, and at
work. As they searched for a school for their daughter, who was soon to be 5 years
old, however, a theme of isolation surfaced. In their interviews with school person-
nel, they were confronted with numerous stereotyping and offensive questions that
were not asked of the heterosexual parents. Those questions included the follow-
ing: “Who cooks?” “Which one stays at home?” and “How did you get her?” These
fathers said they were tired of hearing the “Excuse me for asking, but . . .” questions.
These reactions of school personnel to their sexual orientation were unpleasant and
made it difficult for these parents to choose a school that would provide their daugh-
ter with a good education while also respecting their family (Ariel, 2001).

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 92 Chapter 3

Lack of or Diminished Intergenerational Support. In most families, i­ntergenerational

relationships are important sources of support for parents, and that familial support
extends to their childrearing efforts. Rather than being able to benefit from parental
support, however, gay and lesbian parents tend to experience moderate to strong
parental disapproval of their homosexual lifestyle. This situation might create stress in
their relationships with their partners and affect the lives of their children (Goldberg
& Smith, 2008). An example of the effect of diminished parental support for gay and
lesbian parents is evident in the following responses from a parent in a lesbian step-
family composed of herself, her partner, and her adolescent son. These statements are
in response to the textbook author’s question “To what extent do you and your partner
experience parental support of your family?" The names used in the quote are fictitious.

Well, my parents do not support my lifestyle and are no longer involved in my life. There-
fore, it means a lot to me that Barb’s parents welcome Tommy [the son] and me in their
home. Since Tommy and I don’t have contact with my parents, that gives us a family.

Confronting the Challenges. Despite the lack of societal, intergenerational, and

legal support of their lifestyle, the vast majority of research has demonstrated that the
sexual orientation of gay and lesbian parents affects neither their ability to parent nor
the outcomes of their children. This research does not indicate that children reared
by homosexual parents are more at risk than those reared by heterosexual parents,
nor that they are more likely to develop same-sex orientations than are children
raised by heterosexual couples. On the contrary, studies of families headed by gay
and lesbian parents have pointed to positive parent–child relationships and well-
adjusted children (Golombok, Perry, Murray, & Burton, 2003; James, 2004). These
findings show that gay and lesbian parents generally find creative and healthy ways
for responding to the challenges they face.
One explanation for the positive adjustment of children in gay and lesbian fami-
lies is that both lesbian women and gay men are more inclined than are heterosexual
men and women to form egalitarian relationships based on the principle of equality
of partners. In families with egalitarian relationships, child care and household respon-
sibilities are generally shared (Kurdek, 2001). These relationships differ considerably
from heterosexual relationships wherein gender often is used as a determinant for
assigning child care and household responsibilities. The children of parents who adopt
egalitarian roles also are less likely to embrace traditional gender roles. In a review of
studies of gay and lesbian families, Stacey and Biblarz (2001) found that both boys and
girls of gay and lesbian parents are less constrained by gender roles in comparison to
boys and girls in heterosexual families. Girls are less traditional in dress, activities, and
career aspirations, and boys are less aggressive than boys with heterosexual parents.

Thinking Critically
As you can see, there are stereotypes and prejudices that are confronted by gay and lesbian
parents and their children. How do you think these negative beliefs affect the lives of parents
and children who are living in these families?

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 93

Children Who Are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, or Transgender

A child reaching puberty who is coming to terms with being lesbian, gay, bisexual,
or transgender faces a number of challenges in a society that emphasizes hetero-
sexual relationships. Coming out to family members and peers and including an
LGBT sense of self in one’s identity are steps that many youths take in their efforts to
establish an authentic sense of individuality. For heterosexual parents of these ado-
lescents, there are obstacles to overcome as they seek to provide nurturing environ-
ments for their children.
Disclosure and the Family. Parents have a variety of expectations of themselves
and their children that shape their parenting behavior. What is not included in
most parents’ expectations is that any of their children will reveal an LGBT identity
or orientation when they reach adolescence. When this does happen, the disclo-
sure typically comes as an unwelcome surprise and is experienced as a crisis in
the family. One of the hardest, yet authentic, actions these adolescents take is dis-
closing this information and identity to others, especially to members of their fam-
ily. Many heterosexual parents do not understand the importance of their child’s
coming out and do not receive the news well because of their learned negative
attitudes toward homosexuality. For their children, though, the significance of dis-
closure is that it provides the opportunity for them to present themselves to others
as authentic individuals who are not ashamed of who they are. Because coming
out is a difficult step for most young people, they usually reveal their sexual orien-
tation to some people in their lives before disclosing to others, reflecting the level
of trust they feel toward those individuals. More often than not, they come out to
someone other than a parent; this person might be a family member or a close
friend. Then they typically disclose to their mothers, and after that to their fathers
(Floyd & Bakeman, 2006).
The adolescent’s or young adult’s revelation challenges parents’ and siblings’
perceptions of that family member. Family disequilibrium, then, occurs as family
members attempt to reconcile stereotypes and attitudes regarding homosexuality
with what they know about their child and sibling. In the beginning, parents and sib-
lings (and other relatives) are likely to have difficulties in reconciling negative beliefs
about homosexuality with having a gay or lesbian family member (D’Augelli, 2003).
Some families react to the revelation of a child’s homosexuality in more negative
ways than others. Many parents report feeling guilty, distressed, hurt, and afraid for
their child (LaSala, 2002); siblings tend to react with anger and confusion (Merighi
& Grimes, 2000). According to Family Systems Theory, changes in one family mem-
ber’s behavior affects all other family members. The resulting imbalance in the family
system requires all family members to adjust to these changes, thereby contributing
to the re-establishment of family equilibrium (Minuchin, 1974). In this case, the fam-
ily disruption initially might be observed in members’ difficulties in integrating their
views regarding homosexuality with what they have just learned about their family
member (D’Augelli, Grossman, & Stark, 2005). From the theoretical perspective of

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 94 Chapter 3

the Double ABCX Model of Stress and Adaptation, a child’s disclosure of his or her
sexual orientation contributes to a crisis reaction. Family members’ react to family
crises in different ways based on their interpretation of the crisis and the resources
of the family (McCubbin, Cauble, & Patterson, 1983). How family members view
homosexuality would be the interpretation of the crisis and the closeness and accept-
ance of family members might be seen as a family resource.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Parents and

­siblings who choose to seek healthy solutions to the family crisis resulting from
a child’s disclosure of homosexuality come to understand that family secrets are
harmful. In addition, they accept that an individual’s sexual orientation is not a mat-
ter of personal preference and that the child’s healthiest choice is to be honest and
act authentically. Many family members also make attempts to better understand
their gay or lesbian child and sibling by educating themselves about homosexuality.
Moreover, they might attend support groups devoted to helping families understand
homosexual members. All these efforts help the family overcome negative values
about homosexuality and create an atmosphere of acceptance and tolerance for the
child (D’Augelli, 2003). Finally, the acceptance process is easier for family members
who get to know individuals who are open about their sexuality and develop rela-
tionships with them. This approach helps them to understand the diversity in sexual-
ity from a positive perspective (Bigner & Wetchler, 2012).

PARENTS AND CHILDREN IN IMMIGRANT FAMILIES

Parents and children face a number of challenges as they immigrate to the United
States. There are many variations of the immigrant family, each with its unique set of
difficulties and opportunities. When parents and their children migrate to the United
States together, all are immigrants. Many other families are made up of immigrant
parents who have children born in the United States as American citizens. There are
adults living in the United States who have parents, siblings, and other kin who live
in their country of origin. Although these variations exist, two common issues faced
in all immigrant families are acculturation and language differences.

Acculturation
The process by which members of one cultural group adopt the behaviors and beliefs
of another cultural group is known as acculturation. Children of immigrant parents
who were born and raised in the United States frequently face conflict regarding
whether to endorse the norms and traditions of the family’s country of origin or those
of mainstream society. When the entire family migrates from another country, there
are similar issues of acculturation for parents and children. In this case, children tend
to pick up new customs, behaviors, and language more rapidly than their parents
because of greater immersion into the culture at school and in the neighborhood. A
consequence of differential acculturation of parents and children is that the values of

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 95

each are frequently incongruent (Costigan & Dokis, 2006; Ying & Han, 2007; Stuart,
Ward, Jose, & Narayanah, 2010).

Watch the following video of Juan, a young immigrant. What aspects of acculturation are
you able to identify?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=gXb7aT5pVXw

Intergenerational Incongruence. As children are making adjustments to a new

culture, the degree to which their parents also are making those adjustments influ-
ences children’s well-being. Parent–child interactions in immigrant families that
incorporate the values of middle-class American families, such as talking things
over, agreeing on the amount of time spent together, and demonstrating affection,
have been linked with children’s and adolescents’ satisfaction with their parents
(Ying & Han, 2007). When there are marked differences in acculturation of parents
and children, however, parent–child relationships are less conciliatory. An example
of intergenerational incongruence was shown by Costigan and Dokis (2006), who
studied immigrant Chinese families. They found that when parents were strongly ori-
ented toward the Chinese culture but their children had lower levels of orientation,
the children had more adjustment difficulties. It has also been demonstrated that
intergenerational conflict, which arises from normal developmental processes, may
be exacerbated by the acculturation process (Stuart et al., 2010).

Transnationalism. Some immigrant families make adjustments to a new culture

while maintaining connections to their country of origin. This provides children with
a dual frame of reference for evaluating their experiences through a process known
as transnationalism. These families continue to use multiple languages, observe mul-
ticultural rituals and traditions, and simultaneously maintain community friendships
and familial networks in more than one cultural context (Louis, 2006). Examples of
transnationalism have historically been reserved for wealthier professional or politi-
cal immigrants who were able to freely travel and use costly forms of communica-
tion before the advent of accessible information communication technologies (ICTs).
Today, however, ICTs are a pervasive feature of immigrant family life. Inexpensive
and widely accessible ICTs have converted the immigrant experience into a trans-
national process with family relationships redesigned but not lost (Bacigalupe &
Bacigalupe, 2011).

Thinking Critically
If you and your family immigrated to this country, do you maintain a dual frame of cultural
reference? If you did not immigrate to this country, do you know individuals who maintain a
dual cultural frame of reference? In either case, what is the role of ICTs in maintaining relation-
ships between family members in both countries?

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 96 Chapter 3

Language Differences
In the United States, the degree to which immigrant family members are able to con-
verse in English greatly affects their everyday lives. For immigrant children, higher
levels of English proficiency have been associated with increased social acceptance
by peers (Hurtado & Vega, 2004). Families in which parents and children are not
proficient in English face a number of drawbacks. As a case in point, compared to
English-speaking households, children in non-English-speaking households are more
likely to lack health insurance and are less inclined to have doctor contact. They also
are less apt to go to the emergency room. (Yu, Huang, & Schwalberg, 2006). Further-
more, there is an association between lower levels of daily book reading with young
children and parental immigrant status, especially for Hispanic and Asian children,
even when controlling for parental education and income. Since book sharing is
fundamental to children’s development of early literacy, this is an important issue
(Festa, Loftus, Cullen, & Mendoza, 2014).

The Mother-Tongue Shift. As parents and children are learning English, a

­mother-tongue shift occurs. In reality, the mother-tongue shift exists alongside
mother-tongue retention with children and adolescents picking up the language
of their adopted country more quickly than their parents. This results in language
repertoires of family members differing across generations. Furthermore, the odds of
speaking a non-English language vary according to sibling position in the household
with the eldest child being more likely to speak a non-English language than later-
born children (Stevens & Ishizawa, 2007).

The Issue of Language Brokering. Even though immigrant children’s English profi-
ciency has been linked to higher levels of peer acceptance, the drawbacks of their
picking up English more quickly than their parents is that they often are placed in
the role of language broker. Language brokering is a common phenomenon among
children of immigrant parents with the majority of immigrant children and adoles-
cents serving in this role (Orellano, 2003). Children begin brokering within 1 to 5
years of their arrival in the United States and as young as 8 or 9 years of age (Tse,
1999). These children translate in a variety of settings, including home, school, and
the streets. They translate not only spoken language but also a variety of documents,
including notes and letters from school, bank/credit card statements, immigration
forms, and job applications (Weisskirch, 2005).
Studies of the effect of language brokering on children show mixed results.
Some of the research indicates that translating gives these children feelings of pride
and allows them to learn more about their second language and their new cul-
ture (Orellano, 2003; Weisskirch, 2005). Other studies reveal that language brokers
experience feelings of frustration, embarrassment, or pressure to translate accurately
(Weisskirch & Alva, 2002). These children have also discussed difficulties when
words are complex and beyond their own English language abilities. They seem to
find language brokering experiences especially challenging in health-related settings
(Corona et al., 2012). Consequently, some have argued that using children as trans-
lators might affect their development. Umana-Taylor (2003) points out that language

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 97

brokers take on adult roles during their adolescence and that these experiences
affect their identity development. Additional questions were raised regarding lan-
guage brokering by Weisskirch and Alva (2002), who studied self-perceptions and
acculturative stress among Latino children living in the United States. Their findings
showed that the greatest incidents of language brokering and discomfort associated
with the activity occurred among the least acculturated children. They reported also
that stress related to language brokering was higher for boys who tended to be more
English dominant and lower for girls who tended to be more Spanish dominant.
The Advantages of Bilingualism. While it is important for family members to be
able to understand one another’s language, giving up one language in favor of the
other is not necessarily the answer. Some researchers have emphasized the advan-
tages associated with maintaining two languages in immigrant families. In a study
of Latino immigrant families, Hurtado and Vega (2004) found that the shift from
Spanish to English typically occurs from one generation of Latinos to the next, but
the existence of linguistic bands also results in stable English/Spanish bilingual-
ism. For example, parents might speak predominantly Spanish, and their children
might speak mostly English. These researchers emphasized that Latinos begin life
with a valuable language resource that could be cultivated, rather than neglected,
thereby growing into full-scale bilingualism (Thomas & Tessler, 2007). Furthermore,
the advantages of being bilingual and bicultural have been documented. Based on
the findings of a large national sample, Feliciano (2001) reported that Vietnamese,
Korean, Chinese, Japanese, Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban youth who are bilin-
gual are less likely to drop out of school than those in English-dominant immigrant
households. According to Feliciano, it is not those who are the most acculturated
but those who have not abandoned their ethnic cultures and their native languages
who experience the greatest educational success. More recent findings by Han and
Huang (2010) confirm the benefits of bilingualism for children. These researchers
demonstrated that bilingualism has emotional and behavioral benefits for children.
In their study of young children, they found that, by fifth grade, fluent bilingual and
non–English-dominant bilingual children had the lowest levels of internalizing and
externalizing behavior problems, whereas non–English-monolingual children had
the highest levels of both.

Thinking Critically
You probably know individuals who are bilingual, or you might be bilingual yourself. Either
way, what advantages of bilingualism have you noticed?

PARENTS AND CHILDREN IN MILITARY FAMILIES

Military families deal with many issues that are common in all families, including
child care and parenting concerns. These families, however, are confronted with
unique challenges related to (a) frequent geographic relocations that often include
overseas assignments, (b) subsequent reorganization of family life upon the service

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 98 Chapter 3

member’s return, and (c) risk of injury or death to the service member. Concerns
for military family issues have also become heightened as a result of the increased
number of women in the military who are struggling to balance their military service
with motherhood (Huebner, Mancini, Wilcox, Grass, & Grass, 2007; Clever & Segal,
2013) and families with dual-service members combining their military careers with
parenthood (Clever & Segal, 2013). While the majority of military families are coping
with frequent moves, separation from a parent, father, or child and worry about their
safety, thousands of other military families have been affected by the actual injury,
death, or illness of their family member (Military Child Education Council, 2011).

Domestic and International Relocation

The frequent moves by military families require family members to repeatedly cope
with the reorganization of family life in addition to the cultural adaptation often
faced by relocation to international sites. A common concern expressed by both
parents and children is the effect of military-related moves on the family’s experience
of stress. The unpredictable nature of the moves seem to be especially challenging
(Bradshaw, Sudhinaraset, Mmari, & Blum, 2010).

Effects of Relocation on Children and Adolescents. Although few children experi-

ence long-term effects of relocation, a stressful adjustment phase starting before a
move and for a short time afterward is common. During the adjustment phase before
the move, children grieve anticipated losses related to their familiar school and
community and experience fear of the unknown. After relocation, the most preva-
lent stressors for school-age children result from tension at home, strains on their
relationships with peers, adaptation to a new school environment, academic chal-
lenges, student/teacher relationships, and involvement in extracurricular activities
(Bradshaw et al., 2010). During this adjustment phase, the emotional turmoil intensi-
fies because children have not yet had the time to replace their previous network of
friends. Adolescents are especially likely to experience peer rejection as they attempt
to make new friends, and girls have more difficulty in making new friends than boys
(Drummet, Coleman, & Cable 2003; Clever & Segal, 2013).
Although geographic relocation impacts military children’s well-being, other
factors might have a stronger impact on their welfare than how frequently they move.
It has been shown that family cohesiveness, relationships with their mothers, and the
length of time they had lived at their current residence before moving— rather than
their total number of moves—predict whether children experience loneliness, poor
peer relationships, and lower levels of self-esteem (Kelley, Finkel, & Ashby, 2003;
Clever & Segel, 2013). Furthermore, on a positive note, significant differences have
been reported between military and nonmilitary teens on national surveys in regard
to risk-taking behaviors and mental health indicators. In comparison to adolescents
in nonmilitary families, alcohol, cigarette, and marijuana use as well as sexual risk
behaviors are consistently and significantly lower (Hutchinson, 2006; Wickman,
Greenburg, & Boren, 2010). These findings demonstrate an increased resistance to

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 99

risk-taking behavior in the military teen population. Wichman and colleagues sug-
gested that these findings can be compared to lower risk behaviors in less accultur-
ated groups. According to this perspective, the military provides a “culture” of its
own. Many military families live on a military base that represents a cloistered living
community. Teens of military parents living in that environment are sheltered by
a self-contained community within the context of the military culture. It was con-
jectured that the military environment might offer protection for teens against risk
behavior participation similar to what is noted in first-generation Hispanic youth.

Effects of Relocation on Parents. Although both parents and children experience

stress related to the unpredictable nature of family relocation (Bradshaw et al., 2010),
parents are affected by relocation in different ways than children. They are often
emotionally consumed and physically exhausted by the logistics of moving. They
undergo social network losses that can lead to overreliance on the immediate family.
Relocation is particularly challenging for the growing number of dual-career fami-
lies in the military. Repeated moves often disrupt career development for military
spouses, and employers are sometimes reluctant to hire them because they might be
moving again. Military spouses also experience high rates of unemployment because
of inadequate employment opportunities on and around military bases (Drummet
et al., 2003; Clever & Segal, 2013).

The Effects of Deployment on Family Members

Deployment is different from relocation because deployment seldom includes the
entire family. Military spouses report that these separations are their greatest source
of dissatisfaction with military life. Military fathers and mothers anticipating deploy-
ment experience separation anxiety with levels of anxiety being higher for women
and highest among single mothers. The necessity of putting military careers ahead
of spending time with their children creates emotional strain for many parents.
For children and adolescents, parental deployment typically contributes to feel-
ings associated with ambiguous loss, reflecting uncertainty regarding the meaning
of deployment and concerns about their deployed parent’s and their own welfare
(Huebner et al., 2007).
Significantly, many of the children of deployed parents are under the age of 5.
More than 4 in 10 military service members report having children under the age
of 5 (Military Child Education Council, 2011). Young children might not under-
stand why the parent is no longer with them. Older children and adolescents,
on the other hand, are aware of the realities of war and tend to worry about the
safety and well-being of their deployed parent. Both younger and older children
and adolescents frequently display behavior problems, including anxiety, sleep
disorders, and an increase in physical ailments. The adjustment for both children
and adults, though, depends to some extent on the nature of the deployment with
more anxiety related to a parent being deployed to a combat zone. Also, children’s
responses to the deployment might mirror the anxiety and concern of the other

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 100 Chapter 3

These family members are

saying goodbye before
the husband and father is
deployed.

Forewer/Fotolia
parent, especially if that parent has feelings of depression that result in inattention
and unresponsiveness (Huebner et al., 2007). In order to meet their exceptional
parenting challenges, military parents engage in what has been termed coparenting
at a distance, which is made possible by the commitment of these parents to their
family responsibilities and the use of communication technology. Whereas most
children of deployed parents are cared for by the spouses of service members, the
rising numbers of active duty single parents and dual-military parents have led
to many children being temporarily placed in the care of grandparents or other
relatives. In these situations, the relatives who are acting as provisional guardians
frequently have childrearing values that differ from those of the parents (Huebner,
Mancini, Bowen, & Orthner, 2009).

Reunion After Deployment. Although the reunion of the service member with
the family is joyously anticipated, reestablishment of family relationships often is
challenging. A military parent might leave behind an infant and return when the
child is a toddler who no longer recognizes that parent. Others come home to
infants they have never seen and, although overjoyed to meet their babies, might
become frustrated by the household routine necessary to accommodate a baby’s
feeding and sleeping schedules. Another complication of reunion after deploy-
ment is that family members who have taken on responsibilities previously held by
the absent parent might be reluctant to relinquish them when that parent comes
home (Palmer, 2008). For example, adolescents report the most difficult part of
the deployment cycle is when the service member parent returns, watching the
parent’s adjustment to how the adolescent has grown and changed and realizing
that the deployed parent has missed out on many important events in their lives
(Mmari, Bradshaw, & Sudhinaraset, 2010). Another challenge for family members
is that they typically worry about the physical and mental health of the returning

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 101

family member, and many have to adjust to life-altering injuries sustained by their
spouse and parent (Gorman, Eide, & Hisle-Gorman, 2010). Because military per-
sonnel regularly deploy to war zones where they encounter situations of imminent
danger and sometimes death, many return to their families as changed individu-
als. They might be suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), emotional
detachment, and other injuries both visible and invisible (Chandra et al., 2010;
Esposito-Smythers et al., 2011).

Watch the family dynamics between the returning soldiers and their babies whom they
are meeting for the first time. What emotions are expressed by the returning fathers?
The babies?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=HhnCY2zC6tY

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is important that

assistance be provided for family members dealing with the stresses of deployment
and reunion. It has been recommended that the development of self-help or support
groups on or near military bases might help family members access the assistance
they need in (a) dealing with the stresses related to the separation of a family member
and (b) renegotiating roles and responsibilities during the family member’s absence
and return. Spouses and children also need reliable methods of communication
during a service member’s absence that promote family cohesion and facilitate
communication between family members (Drummet et al., 2003). For children and
adolescents dealing with feelings of ambiguous loss associated with parental deploy-
ment, Boss (2006) recommended the following six ways in which parents might help
their children with those difficult feelings:
• Finding Meaning. How people think about an event shapes the way they deal
with it. Family members might ask children to describe their deployed parents
and what it is that they are doing.
• Tempering Mastery. In order to achieve feelings of mastery, children of deployed
parents need assistance in identifying those areas over which they have control
and those they do not.
• Reconstructing Identity. Discussions of who will be fulfilling the family respon-
sibilities associated with the absent parent’s role are helpful for children in
re­negotiating identity.
• Normalizing Ambivalence. It is important to tell children that their ambivalent
feelings, such as “I am proud of my dad’s service” and “I wish he were here
instead of there,” are normal.
• Revising Attachment. Many children use a withdrawal response as their primary
mode of coping with the absence of an attachment figure. The positive influence
of other caring adults requires awareness and intentionality on their part.

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 102 Chapter 3

• Rediscovering Hope. In order to rediscover hope, it is helpful when children

have supportive adults who will help them express and deal with difficult feel-
ings such as fear, sadness, and anger.

Note. The coverage of military families did not address the ways in which lives are
altered when a family member returns from war with disabilities that require ongoing
assistance. Also, the impact on family members of a service member’s death while
deployed in a war zone was not discussed. These topics merit a full discussion and
are addressed in Chapters 11 and 12.

SUMMARY

• Identify the ways in which adoption has changed over the last century and explain
the experiences of adoption for birth parents, adoptive parents, and children.
Today, fewer children are available for adoption, most are adopted by their foster
parents, and domestic transracial and international transracial adoptions have
increased. Attitudes toward birth parents are more understanding of birth moth-
ers than birth fathers. Favorable outcomes of adopted children depend on their
preplacement experiences.
• Discuss the challenges and strengths of families headed by foster parents and
custodial grandparents.
It is difficult to find families to meet the complex needs of foster children; how-
ever, a number of competencies have been associated with successful foster
parenting. Positive outcomes for foster children have been related to receiving
mental health services and having foster parents who are helpful. Grandparents
in the role of surrogate parents benefit from legal and social support. Taking on
this role alleviates grandparents’ concern regarding their grandchildren’s welfare
and provides a number of benefits for the children in their care.
• Demonstrate knowledge of the issues for families affected by divorce, including
the effects of living in stepfamilies.
Children of divorced parents are at greater risk for maladjustment, which has
been consistently linked with economic hardship and family conflict. Children
can flourish in mother, father, or joint custody if parenting is loving, firm, and
consistent and conflict between parents is low. The establishment of a stepfamily
brings unique challenges for which most couples are unprepared. For children,
going into a stepfamily represents still another transition in their lives, which
requires further adjustment.
• Show an understanding of the lives of adolescent parents and their children.
A serious disadvantage for adolescent motherhood is a lower level of educa-
tion. Adolescent fathers tend to have lower engagement with their children as
time passes. Children of adolescent parents are at risk for cognitive impairment,
psychological and behavioral problems, and school failure. Factors that enhance

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 Parents and Children in Varied Family Structures 103

the lives of children born to adolescent parents include close relationships with
their fathers and with their mothers and the support of grandparents and adults
outside the family.
• Discuss family formation and parenting in families with a member who is gay,
lesbian, bisexual, or transgender.
Both men and women are increasingly undertaking parenthood in the context of
pre-existing lesbian and gay identities. Gay and lesbian parents are confronted
with prejudices related to their sexual orientation and receive less intergenera-
tional support than do heterosexual parents. Studies show that families headed
by gay and lesbian parents have positive parent–child relationships and well-
adjusted children.
• Identify the unique experiences of parents and children in immigrant families.
Two common issues faced in immigrant families are acculturation and language
differences. During acculturation, children tend to pick up new customs, behav-
iors, and language more quickly than their parents due to their greater immer-
sion in the community. Children’s higher levels of English proficiency has been
associated with increased social acceptance by peers. The drawbacks of English
proficiency for children is that they are often placed in the role of language bro-
kers for their parents.
• Demonstrate an understanding of the lives of parents and children in military
families.
Military families are confronted with challenges related to (a) frequent geo-
graphic relocation, (b) subsequent reorganization of family life upon the s­ ervice
member’s departure and return, (c) deployment of the service member, and
(d) concerns regarding the risk of injury or death of the service member. Children
experience feelings of ambiguous loss when a parent is deployed. The whole
family undergoes adjustments in roles and expectations following the return of a
deployed parent.

✓ Test Your Knowledge

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations provide additional information on topics covered in this chapter.

Assistance for Grandfamilies

Educating Communities for Parenting
Promoting Family Resiliency

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 104 Chapter 3

Single Parents Alliance of America

Support for Adoptive Parents
Support for Military Families

Key Terms
coadopt mother-tongue shift
deployment open adoption
egalitarian relationships respite care
language broker serial adoptions
linguistic bands

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 Child
4 Socialization
Strategies and
Techniques

Monkey Business/Fotolia

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 106 Chapter 4

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Identify
socialization strategies for preventing ■■ Explaintechniques that help parents
children’s misbehavior. establish boundaries, set limits, and provide
■■ Demonstrate a comprehension of the appropriate consequences for their children’s
strategies intended to assist parents in behavior.
effective parent–child communication. ■■ Exhibitthe ability to use a conflict resolution
■■ Show an understanding of the ways that model that is intended to help parents and
parents can reinforce children’s appropriate children resolve disputes and arrive at a better
behavior and serve as models for it. understanding of each other.

A s we have seen in previous chapters, the experiences of parents and children

are influenced by their social surroundings. Within all families, parents are bet-
ter prepared to be successful in their important parenting career when they have
­effective child socialization skills. We learned in Chapter 2 that both authoritative
and traditional parenting patterns are associated with positive outcomes for children.
Both of these parenting patterns emphasize parental support as well as parental
guidelines, boundaries, and appropriate consequences. The strategies in this chapter
explain how these parenting goals might be put into practice

GUIDANCE AS PREVENTION OF PROBLEMS

A number of parenting strategies are effective for preventing children’s misbehavior.

These include (a) a method for establishing an atmosphere of psychological safety for
children, which stresses the importance of instilling strong self-esteem in children,
(b) the technique of encouragement, which shifts parents’ focus from children’s
mistakes to what they appreciate about their children, (c) an approach called four
pluses and a wish, which explains the ways in which parents might motivate children
toward cooperation, (d) a technique called the four goals of misbehavior, which calls
attention to children’s feelings and goals underlying their behavior and misbehavior,
and (e) a method for improving parent–child communication skills, which includes
problem ownership, active listening, and I-messages.

Establishing an Atmosphere of Psychological Safety

Dorothy Briggs (1975) developed a prevention-of-problems approach to guidance
in which parents are enjoined to create an atmosphere of psychological safety for
their ­children. According to Briggs, there are three levels of self-esteem, each of
which reflects children’s ongoing interactions with their parents. Children with high
self-esteem have experienced unconditional love from their parents. Children with

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 107

When children experience

their parents’ unconditional
love, they develop a positive
sense of self.
WavebreakmediaMicro/Fotolia

low self-esteem have had interactions with parents that have made them question
their lovability. ­Children with middle-level self-esteem have had interactions with
their parents that have resulted in the belief that their lovability derives from perfor-
mance that pleases others.

The House of Self. Briggs used the analogy of “house of self” to explain how
each level of self-esteem is built. According to that perspective, the house of self is
­constructed by developing children from the words, body language, and treatment
by important others in their environment, particularly parents. Briggs outlined several
ways in which parents might foster their children’s self-esteem. She emphasized that
children are more likely to develop high self-esteem when they feel cherished. For
children to feel cherished, they need to be able to get their parents’ focused attention
to be really seen (not just looked at). According to Briggs, to truly see a child, the
parent must connect to each child with fresh eyes, to attend to that child’s particular-
ness. She further stressed that children need to know they can trust the adults around
them. Briggs emphasized as well that children are able to trust their parents when (a)
their real needs are met, (b) parental promises are kept, and (c) parents are not afraid
to apologize or to say “no” when a refusal is necessary. Finally, Briggs highlighted
the value of having humor in the parent–child relationship. She noted that children
are more likely to trust parents who are capable of having fun with them.

Research Findings That Demonstrate the Value of Promoting Children’s

Self-Esteem. First of all, a common theme of building children’s self-esteem is
apparent as a foundation of contemporary American parenting practices (Ruther-
ford, 2011). Second, parental evaluations of their children’s behaviors affect the
self-esteem of children much more than does the judgment of others. As noted by

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 108 Chapter 4

The contented look on this

young child’s face reflects
the feeling of psychological
safety.

Konstantin Yuganov/Fotolia
Harter (1999), the more important the person is to the child, the more influential are
the judgments of that person on the child’s attitude toward him- or herself. Children
with supportive families tend to have higher levels of self-esteem and positive social
relationships (Balunda & Majumdar, 2009). High self-esteem helps children view the
rest of their lives from a more optimistic perspective (Harter, 1998).

Guidance as Encouragement of Children

Encouragement is one of the most beneficial skills that parents might use for assist-
ing children in meeting their goals and for boosting their children’s self-esteem.
Parental encouragement helps children believe in themselves and their abilities
and motivates them to try new things. The strategy of encouragement fits into
the democratic model of parenting by shifting the parental focus from children’s
mistakes to what parents like and appreciate about their children. Parents encour-
age their children when they (a) avoid placing value judgments on them, (b) focus
on their feelings, (c) concentrate on process rather than outcome, and (d) sepa-
rate children’s worth from their accomplishments or their mistakes (Dinkmeyer &
McKay, 1989).

Avoiding Value Judgments of Children. The most beneficial effect of encourage-

ment is that it does not place value judgments on children. Too often, when parents
make positive comments about their children, those comments are laden with nega-
tive values and opinions and as such do not help their children believe in them-
selves. An example is the parental response to a child who has just cleaned his room:
“It looks nice; it’s about time you cleaned up that messy room.” When parents use
the technique of encouragement, value-laden words are replaced by nonevaluative

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 109

phrases designed to assist children to continue trying when things are difficult and to
feel proud of their efforts and their achievements.

Focusing on the Feelings of Children. To help children feel encouraged, parents

need to respect how children feel about what they do and who they are. Instead
of sending messages of encouragement that focus on a child’s feelings and beliefs,
parents frequently convey messages of praise that emphasize the parents’ feelings.
If, for example, a child has achieved a particular goal, parents often praise the child
by saying, “I’m proud of you.” To convert that statement of praise into a statement
of encouragement, the focus must shift to the feelings of the child. An example of
encouragement is “You must feel proud of yourself.”

Focusing on Process Rather Than Outcome. When parents wait until their children
have achieved a desired outcome before noticing their efforts, they miss out on the
opportunity to motivate them as they are working toward their objective. Encour-
agement is, thus, more valuable along the way than it is after the child has already
attained success. A statement such as “Look at the progress you’ve made in putting
together that model” focuses on the process rather than the outcome and encourages
children to persevere in the face of a challenge. Even when children have achieved
a goal, it is more encouraging for them when parents focus on the process that led to
the realization of that objective rather than only on the outcome. For, example, “You
really worked hard on that science project, and your hard work paid off,” Finally,
as recommended by Popkin (1987), parents should provide encouragement for chil-
dren’s efforts regardless of whether or not these efforts result in success.

Separating Children’s Worth from Their Accomplishments. Although it is important to

admire children’s accomplishments and to encourage the steps along the way to success,
it is essential that parents make it clear that they love and appreciate their children inde-
pendent of their successes. Suggested ways for parents to separate their children’s worth
from their accomplishments include (a) taking the time to sit and talk with their children,
(b) listening to their children’s funny stories and their tales of woe, and (c) telling their
children (in words and behaviors) that they are loved and fun to be with (Popkin, 1987).

Separating Children’s Worth from Their Mistakes. Just as children’s worth is

different from their accomplishments, their worth is unrelated to their mistakes or
failures. An error or a slipup by a child might show that child what not to do in the
future, which is a valuable lesson (Popkin, 1987). An example of a way to respond
to children’s mistakes includes the following statements: “Don’t worry about having
made a mistake. Making mistakes is how we learn. Instead of blaming yourself, let’s
see how we can correct it.”

Avoiding Attitudes and Behaviors That Discourage Children. To assist parents in

becoming more encouraging to their children, several attitudes and behaviors that
discourage children have been identified with the recommendation that parents
need to eliminate these behaviors (see Figure 4.1).

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 110 Chapter 4

■■ Negative Expectations. Parents sometimes express negative expectations of their children by word and by gesture.
When parents do not believe a child will succeed at something, they subtly (and sometimes not so subtly) communicate
that belief to the child.
■■ Unusually High Standards. Parents sometimes communicate to their children that, whatever they do, they should do
better. Parents sometimes expect performances beyond the ages and abilities of their children.
■■ Promoting Competition Between or Among Siblings. Children are discouraged when parents promote competition
between or among them by praising one child’s success while ignoring another child’s efforts. If parents use encourage-
ment with all their children, competition decreases and cooperation increases.
■■ Overly Ambitious Parents. Overly ambitious parents expect their children to demonstrate a high level of excellence, but
that goal inhibits children from trying new experiences. Children of overly ambitious parents might not try things unless
they feel confident of their success.
■■ The Double Standard. Some parents practice a double standard by denying their children the privileges they themselves
enjoy. Ways of avoiding the double standard consist of having rules that affect all family members such as “family mem-
bers do not yell at or hit each other” or “cursing or swearing is not practiced in this house.”

FIGURE 4.1 Attitudes and Behaviors That Discourage Children

Sources: Based on Dinkmeyer, D., & McKay, G. (1989). Systematic training for effective parenting:The parent’s
handbook (3rd ed.). Circle Pines, MN: American Guidance Services; Popkin, M. (1987). Active parenting: Teaching
­cooperation, courage, and responsibility. San Francisco: Perennial Library.

Attitudes and Behaviors That Encourage Children. Avoiding attitudes and behaviors
that discourage children is an essential first step toward the encouragement of children.
The next step is to replace discouraging patterns of interactions with encouraging ones.
Attitudes and behaviors of parents that encourage children are listed in Figure 4.2.

■■ Appreciate Each Child’s Uniqueness. It is encouraging when parents take an interest in each child’s activities; get to
know what is interesting to each child; and show an awareness of what each child thinks about things, including favorite
foods and colors.
■■ Show Confidence in Children by Giving Them Responsibility. Parents show confidence in their children when they
give them responsibility. It is important, though, for parents to be aware of the child’s level of ability and mindful of the goal
they want to accomplish in assigning the child certain responsibilities.
■■ Show Confidence in Children by Asking for Their Advice. When parents seek their children’s advice, they send the
message that they have confidence in their children’s knowledge and judgment. Consulting children on their opinion bol-
sters their sense of self-worth and encourages them to speak up to parents regarding their ideas and beliefs.
■■ Show Confidence in Children by Avoiding Rescuing Them. It is discouraging for children when parents do things for
them on a regular basis that they are capable of doing by themselves.
■■ Build on a Child’s Strengths to Promote Positive Behaviors. A way to focus attention on a child’s strengths is to
acknowledge those things that the child does well.
■■ Build on a Child’s Strengths While Disapproving of Behaviors. Even when a child misbehaves, parents can focus on
the child’s strength while expressing disapproval of the child’s misbehavior.
■■ Avoid Sending Mixed Messages. Children receive mixed messages when parents make qualifying or moralizing comments
to them, such as “So, why don’t you clean your room like this all the time?” Statements like this are discouraging to children.
■■ Use Humor. Parents who can see things from a humorous point of view encourage children to reconsider rigid perceptions
of themselves and other persons. It also helps parents and children relate to the challenges of life in a more relaxed manner.

FIGURE 4.2 Parental Attitudes and Behaviors That Encourage Children

Sources: Based on Dinkmeyer, D., & McKay, G. (1989). Systematic training for effective parenting: The parent’s hand-
book (3rd ed.). Circle Pines, MN: American Guidance Services; Popkin, M. (1987). Active parenting: Teaching coop-
eration, courage, and responsibility. San Francisco: Perennial Library.

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 111

Thinking Critically
Suppose your 6-year-old child had made his bed for the first time. Because this was his first
time, it was not as neat as it is when you make it. How might you compose a response to the
child that represents an example of encouragement?

Research Findings Linking the Use of Encouragement to Positive Outcomes. The

findings of Green and Chalip (1997) demonstrate that children’s level of perfor-
mance and feelings of success are related to their parents’ encouragement of their
performance. Parental encouragement has also been linked to higher levels of
physical activity for both boys and girls (Vander Ploeg, Kuhle, S., Maximova, K.,
­McGavock, J., Wu, et al., 2013). Parental encouragement has been shown to also
influence social relationships outside the family (Hill, Kondryn, & Mackie, 2003).
Finally, the findings of Lenzi, Vieno, Santinello, Nation, and Voight (2013) dem-
onstrated that parental encouragement of civic action has a positive influence on
adolescents’ civic engagement.

Four Pluses and a Wish—A Strategy

for Motivating Children’s Compliance
A technique developed by William Purkey (Purkey, Schmidt, & Benedict, 1990)
known as Four Pluses and a Wish is an excellent choice for motivating children’s
cooperation because it contains an affirming exchange that is far more likely to
inspire cooperation than is the typical parental command. The steps of this strategy
are described as follows:
Plus 1—Smile.
The parent approaches the child with a smiling face. Plus 1 might sound very ele-
mentary, but it is exceedingly powerful. Children monitor facial expressions from
birth and are keenly attuned to parental moods.
Plus 2—Relaxed Body Language.
When parents make a request of a child, it is important to (a) minimize the psy-
chological distance between the parent and the child by the use of relaxed body
language and (b) minimize the physical distance between the parent and the child.
Plus 3—Say the Child’s Name.
When making a request of a child, saying that child’s name while using an approving
voice tone personalizes the request and conveys respect for the child.
Plus 4—Pay a Compliment to the Child.
Before making a request, it is helpful if parents affirm the child by saying something
positive about the child or what the child is presently involved in.

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The Wish.
Only after providing four pluses for the child, does the parent make the request
(the Wish).
In using Four Pluses and a wish, parents should be certain that their voice tone,
facial expression, and body language convey friendliness toward the child. They
then must take a moment to generate a statement that acknowledges and affirms the
child before making their request.

An Example of the Use of Four Pluses and a Wish. Here is an example of the use
of Four Pluses and a Wish: Using Four Pluses and a Wish, Dad might walk over
to Mario with a smile on his face (Plus 1), stoop down (Plus 2), and (in a friendly
voice) say “Hi, Mario” (Plus 3). Then Dad might compliment Mario by saying
“Wow, you’ve built a great fort; tell me about it” (Plus 4). At that point, Mario is
likely to tell his Dad about his project because his Dad has shown an interest in
what Mario is doing. After a brief friendly exchange, Dad states the request (A
Wish) as follows: “Mario, in a little while (or about 10 minutes), it will be time
for you to put your toys away and start getting ready for bed. I will tell you when
it is time.”

Thinking Critically
Suppose you want your school-age children to help you rake the leaves in the fall. Using the
technique of Four Pluses and a Wish, how might you request their assistance?

Research Findings Emphasizing Respectful Treatment of Children. In explor-

ing the links among parent, child, and peer communication patterns, Black and
Logan (1995) found a significant difference in supportive speech between parents
of peer-rejected children in comparison to parents of popular children. Black and
Logan reported that parents of rejected children use less supportive speech in
making requests of their children. Specifically, those parents make significantly
more requests of their children but do not give their children time to reply to their
requests.

The Concept of Belongingness and Children’s Goals of Misbehavior

Children’s behavior is labeled as misbehavior when it is unacceptable to parents
or other adults; however, these adults are more or less tolerant of a wide range
of children’s behavior. For example, one parent might label as misbehavior the
young child’s inability to sit still or stand in line for an extended period of time.
Another parent might not require the same behavior from the young child, real-
izing that young children are, by nature, very active and curious. Some parents
regard noncompliance and defiance as misbehavior without consideration of the

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 113

child’s ability or motivation to comply with stated expectations (Heath, 1993).

Dreikurs (1972), in a publication aptly named Discipline without Tears, provided
an approach for understanding the feelings and goals that underlie children’s mis-
behavior by emphasizing the ways in which the socialization process frequently
contributes to children’s misconduct. He maintained that the chief human goal
is belongingness and that in order to achieve a sense of belongingness, children
often pursue four secondary goals of misbehavior: attention, power, revenge, and
a display of inadequacy (see Figure 4.3). The belief of children that belonging-
ness and acceptance within the family will be attained through their misbehavior
is not realized, though, because unacceptable behavior generally alienates one
from others. In recognition of that dilemma, Dreikurs and Soltz (1964) pointed
out that children’s four goals of misbehavior are mistaken goals whereby events
often are misinterpreted, mistaken conclusions are drawn, and faulty decisions
are made.

Recognizing the Underlying Goals of Children’s Misbehavior. Whereas chil-

dren generally are unaware of the mistaken goals underlying their misbehavior,
parents might learn to recognize those goals by the effects of the misbehavior
on others. As noted by Dreikurs and Soltz (1964), what a parent is inclined to
do in response to a child’s behavior generally is consistent with the child’s goal
underlying that behavior. Parental reactions that correspond to children’s goals of
misbehavior include giving attention, engaging in power struggles, seeking retali-
ation, or giving up in despair.

Goal 1—Misbehavior Designed to Gain Attention

Children feel they have a place in the family and that they belong when they receive sufficient attention from other members
of the family, especially their parents. Children behave in a variety of ways to gain their parents’ attention. When parents fail to
provide sufficient attention, children are likely to engage in misbehavior that is designed to attract attention.
Goal 2—Misbehavior Designed to Gain Power
To achieve a sense of belongingness, children need to feel as if they have influence and choices regarding matters pertaining
to themselves, such as what they wear, what they eat, and in which activities they will be engaged. When children are not con-
sulted regarding matters that affect them directly, they tend to feel powerless and might misbehave to regain a sense of control.
Goal 3—Misbehavior Related to the Goal of Revenge
The goal of revenge emerges from frustrated attempts to seek attention and power. Children misbehaving with the goal of
revenge are hurt from past reactions to their behaviors seeking attention and power. Out of their hurt feelings, they engage in
misbehavior clearly recognized as vengeful because their goal is to take revenge on others who have hurt them.
Goal 4—Misbehavior That Reflects a Display of Inadequacy
Children whose behaviors reflect a display of inadequacy are those who are no longer engaging in behaviors with the goals of
seeking attention or power. Attitudes of despair and a stance of “What’s the use?” are displayed in various areas of those chil-
dren’s lives. Children who exhibit a display of inadequacy often are viewed as lazy, unkempt, or unmotivated.

FIGURE 4.3 The Four Goals of Misbehavior

Sources: Based on Dreikurs, R. (1972). Discipline without tears. New York: Hawthorne; Dreikurs, R., & Grey, L.
(1970). A parent’s guide to child discipline. New York: Hawthorne.

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 114 Chapter 4

If the parent’s typical response to a particular infraction is to provide atten-

tion (positive or negative), then a bid for attention is probably the underlying
goal behind the child’s misbehavior. If the parent becomes angry and loses con-
trol or is inclined to become angry and lose control in reaction to unacceptable
behavior, the underlying goal of the child is most likely to gain or regain power.
If a parent feels hurt by a child’s words or other deliberate acts designed to hurt
others (such as damaging property), the child’s goal is probably to hurt others
(revenge). The child’s motivation to seek revenge results from the child’s feelings
of hurt born of a perceived lack of attention or power. When a parent sees the
child as generally unmotivated (not doing homework, not keeping up personal
hygiene, or showing little interest in activities), the child is most likely e­ xpressing
a belief that efforts will not be noticed, appreciated, or rewarded (Dreikurs &
Soltz, 1964).

Thinking Critically
Travis and Grayson, who are brothers, generally get along pretty well. The older brother,
Travis, has recently made the baseball team, looks great in his new uniform, is playing well
on the team, and has been the main topic of conversation in the family for a couple of weeks.
One day, Grayson unexpectedly throws Travis’ baseball cap in the trash. Upon learning of the
incident, the parents are disappointed with Grayson’s behavior. What do you think was the
goal of Grayson’s misbehavior? Explain your answer.

Parental Strategies for Prevention of Children’s Misbehavior. After recognizing

the underlying goals of children’s misbehavior, parents are able to assist their chil-
dren in achieving a sense of belongingness without resorting to misbehavior. As
recommended by Dreikurs and Soltz (1964), the strategy for preventing m ­ isbehavior
consists of three parental objectives: (a) changing one’s responses to the child’s
unacceptable behavior so that the action does not achieve its goal, (b) assisting
the child to become aware of the underlying goal motivating the misbehavior, and
(c) helping children who are prone to misbehavior achieve a sense of belonging
through appropriate means so that they do not resort to misconduct to achieve
attention or power.

Changing One’s Response to a Child’s Misbehavior. To prevent their children’s

misbehavior, parents need to be certain that their responses to their children do
not contribute to unacceptable behavior. Specifically, parents should not (a) give
attention to their children’s misbehavior designed to attract parental attention,
(b) react angrily or lose control in response to their children’s behavior designed
to gain power, (c) focus on or expose hurt feelings in response to their children’s
­misbehavior based on the goal of revenge, and (d) give up in despair when their
children seem unmotivated.

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 115

Thinking Critically
Suppose you observed a child who repeatedly knocked over her sister’s blocks even though
that action gained a lot of negative responses from others. Which of the goals of misbehavior
do you think the child is using, and how would you recommend that the parent deal with this
misbehavior based on the preceding paragraph?

Helping Children to Achieve Belongingness Without Resorting to Misconduct. When

parents realize that their children need to be able to get their parents’ attention and to
have a sense of power in order to feel that they have a place in the family, they are in
a position to help their children meet those needs without resorting to misbehavior.
To assist children in their quest for belongingness, parents should provide sufficient
attention to their children while ensuring that the children feel as if they have a say
in what is happening in their lives.

Prevention of Children’s Misbehavior Designed to Gain Attention. To prevent mis-

behavior that is designed to gain attention, parents should look for opportunities
to give their children positive attention for behaviors that meet parental standards.
Sometimes, parents wait until their children behave in unacceptable ways to notice
what they are saying or doing. The child thus learns that misconduct will capture the
attention of the parent. Although it is beneficial for parents to respond favorably to a
child’s appropriate behavior, it is not necessary to wait for desired behavior to occur
before giving attention to the child. Parents should remember that attention might be
given at any time children are not misbehaving. It is important for children to know
that parents are interested in them, not only when they are doing what parents expect
but also just for being. (Heath, 1993).

Prevention of Children’s Misbehavior Designed to Gain a Sense of Power. To

prevent children’s acts of misbehavior designed to achieve a sense of power, par-
ents should provide children with experiences that endow them with a feeling of
empowerment. Giving choices to children is one way in which to empower them.
For small children, a parent might ask, “Do you want to wear your red shirt or your
yellow shirt?” For older children, a parent might solicit their input regarding what
to have for dinner by saying, “What do you want for dinner tonight, chicken or
spaghetti?” There are various ways to empower children, and every opportunity
to make choices or to express their opinions boosts their self-esteem. Empowering
experiences also help children feel a sense of belonging, thereby preventing misbe-
havior designed to gain power.

Helping Children Become Aware of Their Goals of Misbehavior. Assisting the mis-
behaving child in becoming aware of the underlying goal of misbehavior is some-
times accomplished by calling the child’s attention to what seems to be the objective
of the behavior. Dreikurs and Soltz (1964) referred to children’s awareness of their

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 116 Chapter 4

goal of misbehavior as the recognition reflex. An example of that approach might be

to gently say to the child, “Josie, do you think you knocked over Gabriel’s blocks to
get my attention?” If the technique is to be successful, though, it must be expressed
in a manner that does not communicate a value judgment of the child nor sound
reproachful to the child.

Supporting Children’ Autonomy: What the Research Shows. Empowering

children is consistent with granting them greater autonomy. A number of find-
ings indicate that supporting children’s autonomy may have significant impli-
cations for their development. Parental autonomy support is related to infant
motivation, toddler internalization of rules (Joussemet, Landry, & Koestner,
2008), and children’s adjustment in school (Joussemet et al., 2008; Joussemet,
Koestner, Lekes, & Landry, 2005). Parental autonomy support is associated also
with higher social and overall adjustment of school-age children (Joussemet
et al., 2005). The perception of parental autonomy support is linked as well
to the psychological functioning of adolescents (Joussemet et al., 2008). As a
case in point, autonomy-supportive parenting contributes to more adolescent
disclosure to parents (Bureau & Mageau, 2014). Not surprisingly, the promotion
of autonomy has been associated with close family relationships (Suizzo, Rob-
inson, and Pahike (2008).
It is important to point out that parental autonomy support is an aspect of author-
itative parenting and is not to be confused with permissive parenting. To demonstrate
this point, Holt, Tammineh, Black, Mandigo, and Fox (2009) examined parenting
practices in youth sports. Their findings demonstrated that autonomy-supportive
parents provided appropriate structure for their children while allowing them to
be involved in decision making. Parental autonomy not only supports an aspect of
authoritative parenting but also represents democratic parent–child relationships that
were introduced in Chapter 1.

EFFECTIVE PARENT–CHILD COMMUNICATION AS A PARENTING

STRATEGY
Effective parent–child communication is the basis of positive parent–child inter-
actions and high self-esteem in children. Furthermore, effective communication
between parents and children prevents problematic behavior and helps children
understand how to interact well with others. Thomas Gordon developed a valu-
able model for parent–child communication in the 1970s that has been used in
various parenting programs for more than 30 years. This approach demonstrates
ways in which to promote self-discipline in children and consists of the strategies of
problem ownership, active listening, I-messages, and conflict negotiation (Gordon,
1991, 2000).

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 117

Effective parent–child
communication contributes to
positive feelings for parents
as well as children.
inesbazdar/Fotolia

Problem Ownership
Knowing when to use the techniques of active listening or I-messages depends on
the ability to sort out “who has the problem” when a problem arises in a relation-
ship. To establish who owns the problem, one needs to determine who is distressed
by the situation. If the child is troubled by events that have occurred or are occur-
ring in a relationship, the child owns the problem. When the child has the prob-
lem, it is appropriate for the parent to use the technique of active listening. When
the child’s behavior or events in the parent–child relationship are bothersome to
the parent, then the parent owns the problem. In that situation, the most effective
technique to use for communicating the parent’s feelings to the child is a three-part
I-message (Gordon, 1991, 2000). Both active listening and the three-part I-message
are explained in upcoming discussions.

Thinking Critically
The parents of Gabriel and Josie have come home and found that Gabriel and Josie have made
snacks and left a mess in the kitchen. Their parents feel irritated with the situation. Who do
you think has the problem? Is it Gabriel and Josie, or their parents? Explain your answer.

Active Listening
Active listening is a compelling communication strategy that consists of a verbal
response containing no actual message from the parent but rather a mirroring back

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 118 Chapter 4

of the child’s previous expression. Basically, the parent listens for, paraphrases, and
feeds back the child’s message, but the feedback is not merely a tape recording of
actual words bouncing back. Instead, the parent listens to and reflects back (in the
parent’s own words) the feelings of the child and the content of the child’s message
that the parent thinks is being expressed. It takes practice and commitment to be
able to effectively use the skill of active listening. A parent needs to listen carefully
(actively) to the words the child is speaking while attending to the child’s voice tone
and body language.
Two main challenges are involved in learning to use the strategy of active lis-
tening. The first is the development of an affective vocabulary, which includes a
range of feeling words. “Boy, you’re upset or angry” might be a helpful response to
a child in some instances, but a child has a varied assortment of emotions that need
parental responses. These might include being aggravated, irritated, embarrassed,
left out, proud, happy, great, and so on. The second challenge to being effective in
the use of active listening is the parent’s tendency to use communication roadblocks
(see Figure 4.4) instead of active listening. Communication roadblocks bring to a halt
the free flow of problem sharing, whereas active listening communicates to children
that the parent hears what has happened and how children feel about it.
To develop skills in active listening, it is essential that parents become aware of
communication roadblocks and avoid using them when the child is attempting to
communicate a problem. The use of communication roadblocks by a parent results
in the child feeling as if the parent has not heard, is not interested in hearing, or
does not care about the child’s feelings. Even when the parent avoids each of the
communication roadblocks and provides accurate verbal feedback related to the
child’s feelings and the content of the message, the child might not feel heard if the
parent’s facial expression, body stance, and voice tone do not communicate warmth
and understanding (Gordon, 1991, 2000).

Watch the parent–child communication in the following video. How is active listening
utilized here?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=4VOubVB4CTU

Using Active Listening to Respond to Nonproblematic Behavior. Even though

active listening is a valuable strategy for letting children know that parents hear
and care about the problems they express, this approach is equally effective
for responding to children’s efforts to convey their feelings related to positive
experiences in their lives. In response to the child who runs into the room and
says, “Mom, I hit a home run, today!” the parent can send the following active
listening response. “Wow, you’re pretty excited about hitting a home run. Good
for you!”

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 119

I-Messages
I-messages are not blameful; hence, they are not you messages. The main objective
of this strategy is not to blame the child for the feelings the parent is having ­regarding
a particular action or lack of action by the child. I-messages have three parts: (a) the

1. Bossing, Directing, Commanding

“Stop whining.”
“Don’t play with that boy anymore.”
2. Warning, Reproving, Threatening
“If you can’t play without arguing, you will have to be separated.”
3. Criticizing, Preaching
“You shouldn’t complain so much.”
4. Directing, Giving Suggestions, or Offering Solutions
“If I were you, I would . . . ”
“Why don’t you play with someone else.”
5. Instructing, Teaching
“Let me tell you how to handle this.”
6. Judging, Disapproving, Accusing
“You’re being very careless.”
“What did you do to Tommy to make him mad at you?”
7. Flattering, Buttering Up
“You’re usually very nice to your friends.”
“You’re such a nice person. I’m sure you can handle this.”
8. Mocking, Deriding
“Shame on you for being so naughty.”
“Boy, you are getting to be such a whiner.”
9. Interpreting, Analyzing
“You’re just jealous of your brother.”
“You always want to bother me when I’m tired.”
10. Soothing, Commiserating
“Don’t worry, I’m sure it’s going to be all right.”
“Cheer up, it’s not so bad.”
11. Examining, Interrogating
“Where (or when) did that happen?”
“Why did your friend say that to you?”
12. Distracting, Off-Putting
Walking away, checking the time, or changing the subject when the child is talking.

FIGURE 4.4 Roadblocks to Communication According to Parent Effectiveness Training (PET)

Source: Based on the work of Gordon, 1991, 2000.

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 120 Chapter 4

feelings of the sender, (b) the unacceptable behavior of the recipient, and (c) the
tangible effect of the recipient’s behavior on the sender. An example of an effective
three-part I-message goes something like this: “Kelly, I have a problem I would like
to discuss with you” [problem ownership]. “When I went into the kitchen and saw
the peanut butter and jelly jars with the lids off, and the bread and milk not put away
[unacceptable behavior of the recipient], I felt frustrated [feelings of the sender]
because I knew that I would have to either clean up the clutter myself or ask you to
do it” [tangible effect of the recipient’s behavior on the sender].
The purpose of using I-messages is to express dissatisfaction with a child’s behav-
ior, not to attack the child. Although children’s behavior is sometimes unacceptable
to parents, the behaviors of parents (and siblings) often cause difficulties for children.
Thus, it is important that both parents and children learn to use effective communi-
cation skills. One of the positive outcomes of the parental use of I-messages is that
parents model for their children a way in which to express their feelings related to
others’ behaviors that their children find bothersome.

Preventive I-Messages. Gordon (1991) devised the strategy of the I-message to pro-
vide parents with an effective way to address problems that arise in the parent–child
relationship. I-messages are useful as well for preventing difficulties in the relation-
ship. As a prevention technique, parents can use I-messages to communicate posi-
tive feelings to their children regarding behaviors that they appreciate. An example
of a preventive I-message is, “I like to know where you are when school is out so that
I know that you are okay.”
As a final reminder, when parents use I-messages to address or prevent ­problems,
it is important that they have a friendly facial expression, a warm voice tone, and
nonthreatening body language. Furthermore, it is essential that the message be
­specific regarding the behavior in question. Children and adolescents often are
­confused about what parents are trying to tell them because parents sometimes talk
in generalities with statements such as, “I want you to clean up after yourself,” which
could mean a variety of things. An effective I-message, on the other hand, does not
threaten or attack the child nor does it confuse the child. In the case of the preventive
I-message, the parent actually affirms the child.

Watch the following 1-minute video. What did you learn about when parents might use
I-messages in speaking with their children?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=asjlO7ELEvc

Research Findings Showing the Value of Effective Parent–Child Communication. Open

and frequent communication between parents and children has been related to
children’s higher self-esteem (Sillars, Koerner, & Fitzpatrick, 2005), more positive
coping strategies, and parents and children’s satisfaction with the parent–child rela-
tionship (Jackson, Bijstra, Oostra, & Bosnia, 1998). Furthermore, life satisfaction for

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 121

both boys and girls at all ages has been shown to be more strongly associated with
parent–child communication than with family structure or family affluence (Levin,
Dallago, & C­ urrie, 2012). Furthermore, parent–child communication patterns have
been shown to affect whether or not children and adolescents engage in risk behavior.
For instance, the extent of discussion about daily issues between parents and children
has been shown to play a significant role in youth smoking decisions and alcohol and
drug use behaviors (Pokhrel, Unger, Wagner, Ritt-Olson, & Sussman, 2008). Finally,
research shows that communication with parents about sex influences their children’s
decisions regarding sexual behavior (Levin, Dallago, & Currie, 2012).

GUIDANCE AS REINFORCEMENT AND MODELING

In addition to becoming familiar with the parenting strategies discussed thus far, it
is helpful when parents gain an understanding of ways to reinforce their children
for engaging in appropriate behavior and are aware of their roles as models for their
children’s behavior.

Reinforcement of Approved Behavior

Parents benefit from knowing the ways in which reinforcement affects their children’s
behavioral choices. Skinner (1974) explained that any consequence that increases
the likelihood that the behavior will be repeated is reinforcing. Reinforcements
might include special treats, desired activities, or various forms of social approval.
The primary value of using reinforcement as a socialization strategy is that it is far
more effective to reinforce approved behavior than to punish disapproved behavior.
Parental punishment is associated with a variety of negative outcomes for children.
In using the technique of reinforcement, parents need to be aware of the conditions
that facilitate learning. First, the reinforcing consequences must be noticeable to the
child, which requires that the child is paying attention to the reinforcement being
presented. Second, reinforcements of specific behaviors must be consistent to be
successful. Parents who are attempting to help their children develop the habit of
wiping their feet on a mat when coming into the house, for instance, should consist-
ently reinforce their children after feet wiping (by making an approving remark) until
that behavior becomes habitual.
To effectively use reinforcement, parents need to understand that the conse-
quence of reinforcement always maintains or increases the frequency of the occur-
rence of a behavior. An example of a positive reinforcement would be Mom saying
to her young children in an approving voice, “Hunter and Ryder, I see that you are
cooperating with each other by sharing your toys.” The fact that the parent made the
remark does not tell us if the response was reinforcing for the children. To determine
if the remark was reinforcing, we need to observe its effect on the children’s subse-
quent behavior. If, after hearing that remark, the children continue to share and play
even more cooperatively, the remark was a positive reinforcement.

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 122 Chapter 4

To use positive reinforcement to maintain or increase desired behavior, it is impor-

tant to bear in mind that what is reinforcing varies from one individual to another and
from one time to another. An illustration of individually determined reinforcement is
apparent in the following example: Two young children, Jangjie and Maho, are offered
chocolate bars for picking up papers along the side of a street. Jangjie loves chocolate
and, consequently, finds this treat reinforcing as shown by her offering to pick up papers
again the next week. Maho, however, does not like sweets and certainly does not like
chocolate. Maho does not offer to pick up papers again, and when she is told that she
will get a chocolate bar for her efforts, she replies that she would rather not. An example
of how reinforcement varies from one time to another is provided by the next illustra-
tion: Twelve-year-old Rafael knocks on his neighbor’s door and offers to cut the neigh-
bor’s grass for $25. He does a great job, gets his $25, and comes back the following
week to ask if he can cut the neighbor’s grass again. That $25 is reinforcing to Rafael is
evident by his returning to ask to cut the grass again. A few years pass and Rafael, now
16, has a part-time job and a very busy social life. The neighbor sees him on the street
and offers him $25 to cut the grass. He replies that he is sorry but he just does not have
the time—same consequence, same boy, different time, and changed circumstances.
What was reinforcing for Rafael as a 12-year-old is not reinforcing at 16.
Despite the fact that what is reinforcing varies from one individual to another
and from one time to another, a consequence that is reinforcing for most children,
most of the time, is social approval. Social approval, which consists of providing pos-
itive attention, approval, and affection, is the most successful type of reinforcement
a parent might use. Guidelines for using social approval as a means of reinforcement
include using eye contact, being physically close, smiling, focusing on the behavior
of the child, and immediately delivering the response.

Watch the following video to learn about ways to use positive reinforcement. What are
some of the examples discussed here?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9xDr2tPJCUY

Research Findings Demonstrating the Effectiveness of Reinforcement. Numer-

ous studies have demonstrated the effectiveness of parental use of reinforcement
techniques for producing desirable behavior in children (e.g., Crockett & Hago-
pian, 2006; Luczynski & Hanley, 2009; Hagopian, Boelter, & Jarmolowicz, 2011).
Parental positive reinforcement has been associated as well with children’s healthy
eating and exercise (Arredondo et al., 2006), including the treatment or prevention
of child/adolescent weight problems (Cislak, Safron, Pratt, Gaspar, & Luszczynska,
2011). Also, parental reinforcement in combination with homework involvement
has been shown to influence children’s academic success (Hoover-Dempsey et al.,
2001). Furthermore, positive reinforcement along with parental modeling has been
revealed as an importance influence of the extracurricular activity of both boys and
girls (Fletcher, Elder, & Mekos, 2000).

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Imitation and Modeling

We will now consider a parenting approach that involves two interrelated strategies,
imitation and modeling, the two key concepts of Social Learning Theory developed
by Bandura and Walters (1963) to demonstrate that many of the behaviors children
pick up daily are products of vicarious learning.

Parental Modeling. Parental modeling is a process in which the behavior of the

parent serves as an example for similar behaviors of the child. According to Tibbs
et al. (2001), parental modeling involves four functions. The first is observational
learning, which occurs when the parent exhibits a new behavior, and the child
learns that behavior for the first time. For example, a child sees the parent eating a
certain food and then tastes the food. The second function of parental modeling is
disinhibiting or inhibiting behavior, which occurs when the child observes nega-
tive or positive consequences of a parent’s behaviors. If the child observes positive
consequences to the parent, he is more likely to mimic the behavior. If, on the other
hand, the child notices that negative consequences are linked to the parent’s behav-
ior, she is likely to avoid that behavior. For example, if a child sees a parent making
leaf raking a fun family activity by making a big pile of leaves and then encouraging
the children to jump into it, the child will probably be eager to take part in leaf rak-
ing. On the other hand, if a child observes a parent complaining about the need to
rake leaves and not having any fun doing it, the child might develop a negative view
of leaf raking and seek to avoid that activity. The third function is facilitating simi-
lar responses, which occurs when parental behavior serves as a cue for the child’s
behavior. In this situation, no new behavior is learned, but parental actions affect
the timing or frequency of the child’s behavior. For example, a child who frequently
observes a parent eating healthy snacks might consistently choose healthy snacks as
well. Finally, setting cognitive standards for self-regulation is defined as the parent’s
providing standards for the observing child to emulate. For example, parents might
decide to set an example of hanging up their coats after coming inside while being
certain that their children are watching.

Parental Qualities That Influence Children’s Imitative Behaviors. As a result of

close proximity and the passage of time, parents and other family members have
many more opportunities to influence children’s behavior than do people outside
the family. Nevertheless, as observed by Bandura (1986), children select the persons
in their environment to serve as models for their own behavior based on several cri-
teria. First, children are more inclined to imitate parents who are perceived as warm
and approachable and less motivated to emulate parents who do not display these
qualities. Second, children are more likely to mimic the behaviors of parents whom
they consider to have prestige or competence. Third, children tend to try to be like
parents whom they perceive to be similar to themselves. For example, a girl whose
mother played sports in the past and continues to bike and swim often is more likely
to think of herself as capable of playing sports.

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Four Ways for Parents to Increase Imitation. Parents are in the position to increase
the imitation of certain desired behaviors in their children by understanding the cir-
cumstances that promote imitative behavior. Bandura (1977) identified the following
conditions under which imitation is most likely to occur. First, the parent must gain
the attention of the child, and the target behavior should be observable to the child.
Second, parents need to use language to call attention to the behavior being dem-
onstrated. By using language, they are able to (a) explain what behavior is expected
(including the various steps included in the performance of the behavior), (b) clarify
instructions, and (c) reinforce the performance of the behavior for the child. Third,
parents need to encourage the child to practice or rehearse the target behavior.
Fourth, when parents are modeling new behaviors for the child to imitate, modeled
behavior should build on behavior already learned. This is achieved by the integra-
tion of previously learned behaviors into new patterns. It should be noted that once
children have imitated the behavior of a model, they might or might not replicate the
behavior depending on whether or not these actions are reinforced by their parents.

Research Findings Demonstrating the Effectiveness of Modeling and Imitation. Par-

ents use modeling techniques to demonstrate appropriate behaviors that range from
promoting their children’s language development to reminding them of appropri-
ate social responses (Woodward & Markman, 1998). Furthermore, parents serve
as primary identification models for children. Markiewicz, Doyle, and Brendgen
(2001) found that the friendship networks of mothers were similar to those of their
adolescent children’s friendship networks. As noted earlier in the chapter, Fletcher
et al. (2000) found that both parents’ behavioral models and reinforcement influ-
ence the extracurricular activity of their children. Similarly, the findings of Wright,
Wilson, Griffin, and Evans (2010) showed that children’s activity levels are enhanced
when their parents serve as role models by engaging in physical activities with their
children. Parental modeling of healthy eating also influences children. In a study of
Serbian school children, Sumonja and Novakavic (2013) demonstrated that children
who perceive that their parents consumed fruits and vegetables every day are more
likely to consume more fruits and vegetables. Correspondingly, children’s intake of
dairy products paralleled their parents’ dairy consumption. Unfortunately, parents
sometimes model behaviors they do not wish their children to emulate. For instance,
the findings of a study of adolescent alcohol misuse by Ennett et al. (2008) showed a
link between parents’ alcohol use and adolescents’ alcohol misuse.

GUIDANCE AS LIMITS, CONSEQUENCES, AND CONFLICT

RESOLUTION
In this section, we will examine strategies that parents might use for explaining to
their children the ways in which certain behaviors result in predictable outcomes
(induction) and for choosing consequences for their children that are logically
related to their children’s misbehavior (logical consequences). Parents who adopt
the strategies presented in the upcoming discussion must be willing to consider the

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 125

use of consequences in child guidance as a learning process for the child rather than
a mandate for punishment. Understanding that being exposed to any guidance tech-
nique is a learning experience for the child and that many undesirable lessons are
learned from punitive consequences helps parents evaluate their guidance choices.
A relevant question for parents to ask themselves is “What responses to disapproved
behavior will be most valuable in motivating my children to act responsibly?” In
choosing the appropriate socialization strategy, Dinkmeyer and McKay (1989) sug-
gest that parents deal with their personal issues of control. The issue of control comes
from the mistaken view that the role of the parent is a way to be in control of others.
In actuality, if child guidance is to be a valuable learning experience, it cannot be
concerned primarily with control. When parents intentionally and consistently adopt
strategies that assist children in their efforts to feel good about themselves and that
increase children’s self-esteem, there is less resistance from children and less need
for parenting strategies designed to punish and control (Colarossi & Eccles, 2000).
Although it is generally understood that the consequences children experience
influence their future behavior, what often is overlooked is that these consequences
influence as well how children feel about themselves and their parents. With those
concerns in mind, the guidance techniques discussed in this portion of the chapter
are designed for parents who wish to help their children understand the link between
their behaviors and the consequences of their behaviors. These methods are valuable
for assisting parents in setting limits, establishing boundaries, and providing conse-
quences for their children. A strategy that parents and children might use for resolv-
ing conflict is presented as well.

The Technique of Induction

Induction is a parenting strategy designed to promote desirable behavior and reduce
undesirable behavior in children by increasing their awareness of the likely conse-
quences of their actions for themselves and for others. Induction is a valuable tech-
nique for encouraging children’s prosocial behavior, helping them take responsibility
for their actions, and promoting the development of their perspective-taking ability.
There are two types of induction: self-oriented and other oriented, depending on who is
likely to experience consequences related to the child’s behavior. Self-oriented induc-
tion involves pointing out to the child what the consequences of the child’s behavior
are likely to be for the child. Other-oriented induction consists of an explanation to
the child regarding how the child’s actions affect other persons or animals (Maccoby
& Martin, 1983). The following is an example of self-oriented induction: “Keisha, you
should walk on the sidewalk because if you run, you might fall down and get hurt.”
The next example demonstrates the use of other-oriented induction: “Stephen and
Cayden, it is important to feed your puppy when you get home from school because
when you forget to feed your puppy, he gets hungry.” Note that in both of these exam-
ples, the parent emphasized what the children should do rather than what they should
not do. These examples highlight the importance of stating directives or rules in a
positive way. According to Marion (2003), children are most successful in following
directives when they are told what they should do rather than what they should not do.

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Induction versus Producing Guilt. The appropriate use of the induction technique
is to convey to the child the probable consequences of the child’s behavior, not to
suggest that parental approval of the child is being withdrawn. Furthermore, parents
do not have to wait until an act has occurred to use this strategy. Induction might be
used in a discussion of the child’s anticipated actions or to point out the likely con-
sequences of others’ behaviors (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Here is an example: “José
needs to check with his grandmother before he comes over here so that she will not
be worried about where he is.”
The previous examples of how to use self-oriented and other-oriented induc-
tion demonstrate ways to make children aware of possible negative consequences.
Another benefit of this strategy is that it might be used to let children know how their
positive and/or helpful behavior benefits others or brings about positive results (Mac-
coby & Martin, 1983). In the case of self-oriented induction, a child might be told,
“If you share your toys with your sister, she will probably feel more like sharing her
toys with you.” In the case of other-oriented induction, the child might be informed
that, “When you picked those flowers and gave them to your grandmother, she was
very pleased. You put a big smile on her face.”

Why Induction Is Effective. The effectiveness of induction is based on the prem-

ise that children (a) need to engage in prosocial behavior, (b) are motivated toward
behaving more maturely, (c) have the ability to understand cause and effect, and
(d) have the capability of understanding others’ points of view (Maccoby & Martin,
1983). Induction is a valuable parenting strategy for a number of reasons. First,
because it is concerned with action, attention is directed away from a personal eval-
uation of the child. Thus, induction teaches the child how to produce actions such
as sharing or helping. Second, induction motivates children toward more mature
reasoning regarding the behavioral choices they make. Third, induction communi-
cates to children that they have the ability to behave in ways that contribute to better
consequences for themselves and others. Finally, induction fosters the development
of empathy and understanding of others, thereby promoting children’s prosocial
behavior while inhibiting their antisocial behavior.

Research Findings Supporting the Use of Inductive Parenting. Parental use of

inductive discipline has been associated with many positive developmental outcomes
(Baumrind, 1997; Grusec & Goodnow, 1994). For example, parental induction use
has been found to support positive behavior and reduce negative behavior among
children when compared to parental use of aggressive discipline (Kerr, Lopez, &
Olsen, 2004; Taillieu & Brownridge, 2013). The link between parental use of induc-
tion and fewer externalizing problems has been related to greater self-­regulation
among children whose parents use this socialization strategy (Kerr et al., 2004; Choe,
Olson, & Sameroff, 2013). Additionally, the parental use of induction has been
linked with children’s and adolescents’ heightened empathy (Barnett, Quackenbush,
& Sinisi, 1996), prosocial behavior, conscience development, and more mature
moral judgment (Barnett et al., 1996; Volling, Mahoney, & Rauer, 2009).

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 127

Thinking Critically
Given the many positive outcomes associated with the use of induction, why do you think
more parents do not use this technique with their children? If a child in your care was hitting
another child, how would you use the technique of induction to intervene in this situation?

Natural and Logical Consequences

In recognition that children need to be guided by warm, caring parents to make
appropriate choices in their behaviors and to accept responsibility for their actions,
Dinkmeyer and McKay (1989) developed the parenting strategy known as logi-
cal consequences. This socialization technique addresses the need of parents for
guidelines to (a) develop relationships with their children that emphasize a balance
between children’s rights and responsibilities, (b) provide children with an oppor-
tunity to make decisions regarding their behavior and to be accountable for their
choices, and (c) communicate respect for children while teaching them to respect
others. Closely aligned with logical consequences are natural consequences. As
will be explained more fully in the next section, a natural consequence “occurs
naturally” and as such is not a socialization technique. Dinkmeyer and McKay, nev-
ertheless, identified the concept of natural consequences to demonstrate its cohort,
logical consequences. The idea behind natural or logical consequences is that chil-
dren learn from consequences when their parents allow them to experience the
results of their own actions.

Natural Consequences. When we make hasty or naive choices in our everyday

lives and we learn from them, we experience natural consequences (Dinkmeyer
& McKay, 1989). A very young child who is running down the sidewalk does not
usually consider the suitability of the sidewalk for running. Taking a nasty spill and
getting a scraped knee are natural consequences of running. Taking a spill while run-
ning on the grass and discovering that it is not as bad as falling on the sidewalk also is
a natural consequence. If parents do not interfere with their children’s natural conse-
quences, they will undoubtedly learn from these experiences. This approach to child
socialization, though, would be dangerous and ill advised in many instances. Take
the case of the child running down the sidewalk. Yes, the child would learn from
the consequence of getting a skinned knee, but this accident could be prevented by
closely supervising the young child and using the technique of induction to warn
the child of the problems of running on the sidewalk. Similarly, the parent might use
induction to suggest that the child run on the grass instead of the sidewalk.

Logical Consequences. Logical consequences are appropriate choices when par-

ents want to avoid punitive approaches to guiding their children but would like
their children to experience consequences that are logically related to their actions
(Dinkmeyer & McKay, 1989). An example of the use of logical consequences is a
mother who tells her young children that they may play outdoors inside the fence or
they will have to come inside to play. The mother might combine the use of logical

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 128 Chapter 4

consequences with the use of induction to explain to her children why it is important
for them to play within the confined area. Children could be informed that the parent
needs to keep an eye on them while they play to be sure they are all right and will
not be able to do so if they go outside the fence.
In the situation just described, the children are assisted by the parent in making
the connection between their actions and the consequences much more effectively
than if the parent had used a punitive consequence, such as yelling at or striking
them. Another example of the use of logical consequences is parental expectations
for a child to get a paper towel and wipe up the milk the child has spilled. Finally,
parents need to use logic in assigning responsibility to the child. For example, a
4-year-old who accidentally breaks a sibling’s toy might not be expected to replace
that toy, whereas a 12-year-old might be given that logical consequence if she delib-
erately damages a sibling’s possession.

Watch the following 2-minute video discussion of the value of using natural and logical
consequences. According to this video, what do children learn when parents use this
parenting strategy?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=In1W3qGBGAg

Problems Associated with Using Punishment as a Disciplinary

Strategy
Parents are encouraged to use the discipline strategies previously described rather
than relying on punishment as a consequence of children’s misbehavior because
of the negative side effects associated with the use of punitive methods. Moreover,
attempts at punishment of an undesirable behavior might actually serve as a rein-
forcement of that behavior. An example of that problem is when the child is misbe-
having to seek attention and the parent provides attention while attempting to punish
the child. Another reason for parents to avoid the use of punishment is that in most
cases, punishment is not logically related to the child’s problematic behavior. If the
child who spills milk is calmly asked to get a cloth and wipe it up, the accident and
the consequence are logically related. A punitive consequence of that child’s behav-
ior, on the other hand, is not a logical choice.

Factors Related to Parental Use of Corporal Punishment. Although not all parents
who use punitive discipline engage in physical punishment, many parents use this
form of discipline with their children. Factors that have been linked to parents’ use of
corporal punishment include children’s young age, male gender, parents’ young age,
unemployment, and marital dissatisfaction. In regard to gender, boys experience
higher rates and more frequent use of physical punishment than do girls, especially
in middle childhood (between the ages of 5 and 12) (Tang, 2006). Although parents
who use physical punishment typically do not continue to do so when children

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 129

reach adolescence, there are many parents who inflict physical punishment on their
adolescent children (Simons, Wu, & Lin, 2000).

Punitive Parental Discipline and Children’s Negative Outcomes. A serious draw-

back related to the use of punishment as a discipline strategy is that more externaliz-
ing problems have been found among children who experience physical punishment
in comparison to those whose parents use induction and warm responsiveness as a
child socialization techniques (Tang, 2006). Furthermore, reciprocal relations have
been documented between corporal punishment and externalizing behavior with
corporal punishment in one year predicting higher levels of externalizing behavior
in the next; and higher levels of externalizing behavior in one year associated with
elevated levels of corporal punishment in the next (Lansford et al., 2011). The exter-
nalizing problems exhibited by these children include punitive behavior toward oth-
ers. For example, children whose parents approve of and use corporal punishment
are more likely to consider hitting as an approach for resolving conflicts with peers
and siblings. Furthermore, frequent spanking is the strongest predictor of children’s
endorsement of aggressive problem solving (Simons & Wurtele, 2010). Not surpris-
ingly, children who are subjected to parental physical punishment have difficult
social relationships (Leary, Kelley, Morrow, & Mikulka, 2008).

The Effects of Corporal Punishment on Parent–Child Relationships. An unfortu-

nate side effect of the use of punishment is that it compromises the parent–child
relationship (Leary et al., 2008; Simons, Wu, & Lin, 2000). Simons et al. (2000) found
that adolescents feel angry and unjustly treated, defy parental authority, and engage
in antisocial behavior when their parents use physical punishment. Another example
of the ways in which punitive parental strategies affect parent–child relations was
demonstrated by Leary et al. (2008), who examined the childhood experiences of
undergraduate college students and found that those who suffered the highest level
of physical punishment by parents reported higher family conflict and more negative
parental relationships.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
A CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE OF AGGRESSIVE PARENTAL DISCIPLINE OF CHILDREN
The harmful effects of aggressive parental discipline have been demonstrated worldwide, in spite of the fact
that physical punishment is more acceptable in some societies than others. For example, in Yemen (where
corporal punishment of children is widespread), Alyahri and Goodman (2008) found that harsh corporal
punishment is associated with children’s poor school performance and both behavioral and emotional dif-
ficulties. In a more comprehensive international study, which included mothers and their 8- to 12-year-old
children living in six different countries (China, India, Italy, Kenya, Philippines, and Thailand), Gershoff et
al. (2010) compared 11 discipline techniques of mothers with children’s aggressive and anxious behaviors.
Their findings revealed that higher levels of aggression symptoms among children were related to mothers’
use of corporal punishment, expressing disappointment, and yelling. Greater child anxiety was associated
with giving a time-out, using corporal punishment, expressing disappointment, and shaming.

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 130 Chapter 4

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. For ­professionals

working with children and families, it is useful to understand which groups of par-
ents are most likely to rely on punishment as a disciplinary choice. Dietz (2000)
compared the lives of parents who used physical punishment with those who did
not and found that parents who used corporal punishment had fewer resources and/
or had been socialized into the use of violence. Dietz’s conclusion was that efforts
should be made to provide these parents with the resources they need to imple-
ment alternative discipline strategies. Dinkmeyer and McKay (1989) pointed out
that parents who rely on punishment are at a disadvantage when presented with a
situation wherein children might benefit from experiencing consequences for their
behavior. Their first thought typically is how to punish the child to regain control.
That choice, unfortunately, has many drawbacks because power-assertive control
tactics do not motivate children to become more independent or guide them to
behave more responsibly. Instead, they leave children in a dependent or power-
oriented relationship with their parents in authority. Finally, Mulvaney and Mebert
(2007) emphasized that parents and professionals who work to modify children’s
negative behaviors should be made aware of the unique effect that corporal punish-
ment plays in triggering and maintaining these behaviors.

RESOLVING PARENT–CHILD CONFLICT

Explained earlier in this chapter were ways in which parents might send I-messages
to their children when they found their children’s behavior unacceptable. There are
times, however, when I-messages are not effective because of the child’s desire to
engage in a particular behavior even when the child knows that the parent disap-
proves or the child’s reluctance to participate in behaviors that the parent wishes to
encourage. In that situation, a conflict exists in the relationship that calls for the use
of conflict resolution strategies.
A challenge associated with persuading parents to consider using a conflict
resolution technique is that many parents are committed to either an authoritar-
ian or permissive approach to conflict management. When conflict occurs, these
parents typically rely on two win–lose methods of conflict resolution: strict or leni-
ent. Authoritarian parents believe that in the case of conflict, they should step in to
regain control and exert authority over the child. In these situations, the parents win
at the expense of the child. Permissive parents, on the other hand, back off from their
position when the child objects, which results in the child winning and the parent
losing. In contrast to either the strict or lenient approaches, the No-Lose Method
of Conflict Resolution that was developed by Thomas Gordon (1991, 2000) is a
democratic approach to the resolution of parent–child conflict. The No-Lose Method
of Conflict Resolution is a win–win approach for both parents and children. That
method consists of the six steps outlined in Figure 4.5.

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 131

When parents teach children

the skills needed for conflict
resolution, they assist the
children in dealing with
problems more effectively.
Pavla Zakova/Fotolia

The Advantages of Using the No-Lose Method of Conflict Resolution

Because the No-Lose Method of Conflict Resolution engages both parents and children
in a discussion that requires both to think about the feelings and wishes of the other,
it represents the democratic process in action. Numerous advantages are associated
with the use of this method of conflict management. First, when both parents and
children freely express their views relating to an issue, mutual respect is more likely
to occur, which promotes parent–child closeness. Second, in contrast to the win–lose
approaches often used by authoritarian or permissive parents, the No-Lose Method of
Conflict Resolution requires that both parent and child be satisfied with the outcome.
Finally, both parents and children are more motivated to carry out plans based on deci-
sions for which they feel they have had sufficient input. In the example provided in
­Figure 4.5, the mother’s goal was to have the children eat green vegetables and the
children’s objective was to eat food that tasted good to them. When the mother listened
to them and accepted their evaluation of the broccoli, considered a creative solution
for resolving the dilemma, and invited feedback from the children, the mother and the
children were able to resolve their conflict with a solution that was satisfactory to all.
Parents do not lose when they are able to work out mutually satisfactory solutions to
problems they are having with their children. On the contrary, effective conflict resolu-
tion enhances the parent–child relationship, fosters the development of children’s self-
esteem, and results in more equitable outcomes than power-assertive techniques.
At this point, some readers might think that the example of conflict resolution
illustrated in Figure 4.5 is too easy or that it would not work with older children. Even
though the problem seems simple because of the children’s ages, many parents will
not take the time to attempt a creative solution to parent–child conflict, especially

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 132 Chapter 4

when their children are very young. Children often are forced to eat food they do not
like or do a number of other things they would prefer not to do because parents do
not empathize with the child’s feelings and are unaware of a better way of handling
a situation like the one in Figure 4.5. The underlying problem behind the parental
resistance statements of “It won’t work in real life, with older kids, with my kids,”
and so on is due to some parents’ lack of trust in their children, coupled with their
reluctance to allow children to be heard when parent–child conflict emerges. For
parents invested in a strict way of handling conflict, the no-lose method seems so
unfamiliar that they will not even try it. Another reason parents resist attempting the
no-lose conflict resolution method is the time investment. Many parents are unwill-
ing to invest the time to learn the skills required for effective conflict management
(Gordon, 1991, 2000).

Research Support for the Parental Use of Conflict Management. Theories of

socialization suggest that children’s capability to resolve conflicts is learned at home
through participating in parent–child conflict and observing the conflicts between
their parents (Feldman, Masalha, & Derdikman-Eiron, 2010). Consistent with social
learning theory (Bandura, 1986), children perceive how conflict is handled with
and between parents and then replicate those strategies in their own relationships.
An example of this influence was provided by Reese-Weber and Kahn (2005) who
found that late adolescents’ observations of how parents managed conflict affected
parent–adolescent conflict as well as adolescent–sibling conflict. Furthermore, these
researchers discovered that the ways in which family conflict was handled spilled
over into the ways in which these older adolescents managed conflict with their
romantic partners.

Step I. Describing the problem. Mommy: “Kenny and Todd, why aren’t you eating your vegetables?” Kenny: “Mommy, we
don’t wike dese widdle twees (broccoli).”

Step II. Generating possible resolutions. Mommy: “Boys, you need to eat green vegetables to grow big and strong. Why
don’t I put some cheese sauce on the little trees? By the way, they are called broccoli.”

Step III. Assessing the possible solutions. “Here, I put some cheese sauce on your broccoli. Why don’t you taste it and tell
me what you think?”

Step IV. Determining the best solution: Todd: “Mommy, I wike bwockwey wif jees saws! Dis is weally good!” Kenny: “Me, too!”

Step V. Carrying out the decision. Mommy: “Now we’ve worked out a great plan to help you eat your green vegetables so
you will grow big and strong.”

Step VI. Performing a follow-up assessment. Daddy: “Boys, I see you are eating your green vegetables and growing big and
strong.” Kenny: “Yep, Mommy sided to put jees saws on our gween vegdubbles.” Todd: “Yeah, now dey taste weally good!”

FIGURE 4.5 A No-Lose Method of Conflict Resolution According to Parent Effectiveness Training
Source: Based on the work of Gordon (1991, 2000)

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 133

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is important for

parents not only to use democratic disciplinary strategies with their children but
also to be able to resolve conflicts in the family in a constructive manner. A benefit
of parents and children engaging in conflict resolution was reported by Tucker,
McHale, and Crouter (2003) who found that adolescents who participate in conflict
resolution with their parents are better adjusted. The conclusion of these research-
ers was that parents and children with more positive relationships are better able to
resolve their conflicts. Those findings were supported by Doorn, Branje, and Meeus
(2007), who found that conflict engagement and positive problem solving in the
parental relationship were significantly related to conflict engagement and posi-
tive problem solving in the adolescent–parent relationship. Finally, Smith and Ross
(2007) trained parents in formal mediation training with the purpose of dealing with
sibling disputes. Children whose parents were trained in mediation were compared
with those whose parents were not. The observations of these researchers were that
children of the trained parents used more constructive conflict resolution strategies
and compromised more often in comparison to children in families in which parents
had not been trained in mediation.

SUMMARY

• Identify socialization strategies for preventing children’s misbehavior.

1. An atmosphere of psychological safety is an approach emphasizing that chil-
dren’s self-esteem is constructed from the words, body language, and treat-
ment by important others in their environment, particularly parents.
2. Encouragement is a strategy that (a) avoids placing value judgments on chil-
dren, (b) focuses on their feelings, (c) concentrates on process rather than out-
come, and (d) separates children’s worth from their accomplishments or their
mistakes.
3. The technique known as 4 Pluses and a Wish consists of the parent express-
ing four pluses before making a request of a child. The four pluses include
(a) smiling, (b) using relaxed body language, (c) saying the child’s name, and
(d) paying a compliment. This approach is effective for motivating children to
comply with parental requests.
4. Dreikurs’ Four Goals of Misbehavior emphasizes that, in order to achieve a
sense of belongingness, children often pursue four secondary goals of misbe-
havior: attention, power, revenge, and a display of inadequacy.

• Demonstrate a comprehension of the strategies intended to assist parents in

effective parent–child communication.
Thomas Gordon’s model for parent–child communication consists of the strate-
gies of (a) problem ownership—who is bothered by the situation, (b) active listen-
ing—listening to the speaker and then paraphrasing the content and the feelings

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 134 Chapter 4

expressed by the speaker, and (c) I-messages—in a nonblameful way, the speaker
communicates his or her feelings regarding the other person’s behavior.
• Show an understanding of the ways parents can reinforce their children’s appro-
priate behavior and serve as models for it.
To use reinforcement, the parent provides social approval or another reward to a
child following approved of behavior. In the case of modeling, children tend to
imitate parents’ behavior, but parents might increase the likelihood that the child
will imitate their behavior by calling attention to the behavior being modeled
and providing reinforcement for imitation.
• Explain techniques that help parents establish boundaries, set limits, and provide
appropriate consequences for their children’s behavior.
The use of induction consists of explaining to children the ways in which
their behavior affects themselves or others. Logical consequences are
devised by parents so that children can experience consequences for their
behavior that have a logical relation to the behavior in question. One of the
main problems associated with parental punishment is that it contributes to
children’s externalizing behavior, including punitive behavior toward sib-
lings and peers. Also, parental punishment compromises the parent–child
relationship.
• Exhibit the ability to use a conflict resolution model that is intended to help par-
ents and children resolve disputes and arrive at a better understanding of each
other.
To replace the win–lose approach to conflict resolution often engaged in by
parents and children, Gordon proposed a win–win approach, which consists of
six steps that are described in Figure 4.5: Step 1: Describing the problem, Step 2:
Generating possible solutions, Step 3: Assessing the possible solutions, Step 4:
Determining the best solution, Step 5: Carrying out the decision, and Step 6: Per-
forming a follow-up assessment.

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations provide additional information on topics covered in this chapter.

American Academy of Pediatrics

Children’s Defense Fund
The International Network for Children and Families

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 Child Socialization Strategies and Techniques 135

National Institute of Child Health and Human Development

Tufts University Web Guide
What Works: Effective Prevention Programs for Children, Youth and Families:
University of Wisconsin–Madison

KEY TERMS
Active listening I-messages
Externalizing problems Reinforcement

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 Becoming
136 Chapter 5

5 Parents and
Parenting
Infants and
Toddlers

Kelly Colson

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 137

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Discuss the pathways to parenthood available ■■ Identify

how parents can promote the
today and how expectant parents can optimize cognitive development of their infants and
their chances of having healthy full-term babies. toddlers.
■■ Exhibit an understanding of the experience of ■■ Specifythe means by which parents promote
birth and the accompanying alterations in the the physical development of their infants and
lives of new parents. toddlers.
■■ Detailthe ways in which parents encourage the ■■ Describe the various choices working parents
social-emotional development of their infants make regarding child care for their infants and
and toddlers. toddlers.

T his chapter is about beginnings with all the excitement and trepidation that
accompany new adventures. The first beginning is the momentous decision to become
parents; next there is the anticipation of parenthood. Then, the arrival of a child con-
fers to adults the role of parent and in marriages or committed partnerships extends
the couple relationship into that of a family. These alterations in adult roles, responsi-
bilities, and changes in family definition set into motion numerous changes and new
beginnings for the child, the parents, the immediate and extended family, and the com-
munity. To appreciate the effect of these various beginnings on the lives of children
and their parents, we will start by examining the reasons individuals decide to become
parents and the various pathways to parenthood that are available today. Then we will
discuss the ways in which expectant parents might take steps to optimize the chances
of giving birth to healthy, full-term babies. Next, we will focus on the experience of
birth as a universal occurrence that differentially affects parents according to the nature
of the birth or births (in the case of multiple births) and the resources available to the
parents. Following that discussion, we will take a look at the important transition to
parenthood. Then, we will consider the ways in which parents’ interactions with their
infants and toddlers influence their children’s social-emotional, cognitive, and physi-
cal development. Finally, we will consider the various ways in which parents coordi-
nate their parental responsibilities with their occupational demands.

PATHWAYS TO PARENTHOOD

During the early part of the twentieth century, all children were expected to be born
to married heterosexual couples; all married couples were assumed to want to have
children; parenthood after marriage was not typically delayed; and couples tended
to have larger families than they do today. Adoption of children was the only alter-
native to giving birth to one’s own children, and only married heterosexual couples

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 138 Chapter 5

were considered suitable for the adoption of children. Families typically included
either children conceived by the parents or children who were adopted, not a com-
bination of both. Today, parents typically consider a number of factors when choos-
ing whether or when to have children. Additionally, due to medical advances, family
formation can be planned, even timed, and assisted reproductive technology and
changes in adoption policies make it possible for more couples or individuals to
become parents.

The Decision to Become Parents

The decision to become parents involves economic, structural, and psychosocial
factors. Economic considerations play a significant role since children are no longer
considered to be the economic assets they were in the past but instead might be
thought of as economic liabilities. Structural factors that influence the decision to
become parents include individuals’ educational, career, or lifestyle goals, as well as
their ethnic group membership. Psychosocial factors that influence this decision take
into account social pressures as well as an examination of the role that children will
play in fulfilling adults’ emotional needs or values.

Economic Considerations. In contemporary society, parents are expected to make

considerable financial investments in their children. It is anticipated that they will
provide for them financially throughout childhood and adolescence and will also
contribute to their higher education to prepare them for careers. Thus, the economic
cost of parenthood is a factor that many parents consider in their decisions to have
children (Lino, 2011).

Structural Considerations. A number of structural factors influence the decision to

have children. Among those, the marital and employment status of parents are two
of the most important influences. As more women today are completing higher edu-
cation degrees, they are postponing marriage into the later years of early adulthood,
which results in fewer births and a tendency to limit family size to sustain a chosen
lifestyle (Hamilton, Martin, Ventura, Osterman, & Matthews, 2013). Additionally,
ethnic group membership influences the values and meanings that adults attribute to
having children as well as the number of children a couple plans to have (Humes,
Jones, & Ramirez, 2011).

Psychosocial Considerations. According to Erikson (1963), parenthood contributes

to an adult’s sense of generativity. Adults also choose to become parents for instru-
mental reasons; as such, children are viewed as instruments for fulfilling the wishes
of the parents. For instance, parents often wish for children to participate in activi-
ties that they were involved in as children or to pursue careers related to their own
careers. On the other hand, parents who have not had the opportunities to go to col-
lege or achieve at sports, careers, or other pursuits often make sacrifices to provide
for their children the opportunities they did not have.

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 139

Children and Intimate Relationship Stability. Another instrumental reason for hav-
ing children is to bolster an intimate relationship and to stabilize a marriage. Interest-
ingly, having children is likely to challenge the couple’s relationship but increase the
stability of the marriage. The challenges to the couple relationship have been linked
to the increased strain on managing several roles that contributes to lower levels of
relationship satisfaction (Wendorf, Lucas, Imamoglu, Weisfeld, & Weisfeld, 2011).
In spite of the challenges to the couple relationship associated with parenthood, past
research has demonstrated that married couples with children are less likely to expe-
rience marital disruption than those without children (Heaton, 1990; Waite & Lillard,
1991). Furthermore, it has been demonstrated that, similar to the effect of children
on marital stability, having children also reduces the dissolution rates of cohabiting
unions (Steele, Kallis, Goldstein, & Joshi, 2005).

Pathways to Parenthood in Contemporary Society

In the not too distant past, there were only two pathways to parenthood. The first
pathway was limited to individuals who were able to conceive their own children
and sustain a pregnancy without medical assistance. The second was the adop-
tion of children, and that option was limited to married, heterosexual couples.
Today, heterosexual couples, gay or lesbian couples, as well as single persons can
conceive their children through assisted reproductive technology (ART), including
surrogacy, or they can adopt their children. The many adoption alternatives as well
the experiences of adoption for birth parents, adoptive parents, and children were
covered in depth in Chapter 3. Thus, we will focus here on assisted reproductive
technology

Assisted Reproductive Technology. Depending primarily on age, between 2 to

30% of all couples are affected by infertility. The lowest rates of infertility are
among young adults (age 18–25) who have avoided drugs and sexually transmit-
ted diseases and who live in medically advanced countries (Covington & Burns,
2006). The simplest treatment for female infertility is through the use of drugs to
stimulate ovulation. For male infertility, the couple might choose ART, which has
been in use for over 50 years. While there a number of various techniques, the most
common techniques include the following. When male infertility is related to low
sperm count, a single viable sperm might be injected into a single ovum and the
fertilized egg is then placed inside the woman’s uterus for the purpose of achieving
a pregnancy. Another type of ART is to insert sperm into the woman’s uterus during
the time she is ovulating. The sperm might be from the woman’s partner or from an
unidentified donor (Berger, 2008). For single women who choose to conceive, arti-
ficial insemination is also an option, and, as discussed in Chapter 3, lesbian couples
desiring to become parents often choose this method. For gay men, whether single
or in committed relationships, there is the option of using assistive reproductive
technology though the use of surrogacy. You might recall that this option was also
discussed in Chapter 3.

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 140 Chapter 5

Watch the following video, which focuses on how in vitro fertilization (IVF) works. What
did you learn about IVF that you did not know before?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=GeigYib39Rs

Optimizing the Chances of Having Healthy Babies

Although birth is a significant event in all families and the arrival of infants is typically
a joyous occasion, the circumstances surrounding babies coming into the world vary
considerably. Geographical location, socioeconomic conditions, and the behaviors
of expectant parents all affect the health and survival of newborns. Furthermore,
complications of pregnancy that contribute to birth defects, premature births, or low-
birth-weight infants are sometimes beyond the control of parents. For the majority of
pregnancies, however, there are steps that parents might take to increase the likeli-
hood that their babies will be carried to full term, have a healthy weight, and have a
lower risk of birth defects. It is also helpful if these behavioral changes occur before
women become pregnant.

In Expectation of Pregnancy. It has been recommended that prospective mothers take

the following six steps in anticipation of becoming pregnant: (a) take a daily multivita-
min containing folic acid, (b) avoid the use of alcohol (Cannon et al., 2015), (c) update
immunizations against all viruses that have been identified as teratogens (particularly
rubella), (d) gain or lose weight if underweight or overweight, (e) re-­examine their use
of prescription drugs, and (f) be aware of their status regarding sexually transmitted
diseases (Suellentrop, Morrow, Williams, & D’Angelo, 2006). All of these steps are
important but what might be overlooked are the need (a) to take vitamins with folic
acid and (b) to avoid the consumption of alcohol after stopping birth control.

Thinking Critically
Based on the preceding discussion, what steps would you take or advise your partner to take
if you are attempting to conceive?

During Pregnancy. The key components of a healthy lifestyle during pregnancy

include (a) early prenatal care, (b) appropriate weight gain, (c) eating a variety of
nutritious food, (d) vitamin and mineral supplementation that includes folic acid,
(e) avoidance of alcohol, tobacco, and other teratogens, and (f) safe food handling
(Kaiser, 2003; Reece & Hobbins, 2007).

Maintaining a Nutritious Diet. It is imperative that women have a nutritious diet

throughout their pregnancies because maternal malnutrition is correlated with
low birth weight. The inclusion of a vitamin supplement containing folic acid was

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 141

This scene captures the feelings of joyful

anticipation of birth and motherhood.

Tyler Olson/Shutterstock

emphasized in the previous discussion on steps to take in anticipation of ­becoming

pregnant. Folic acid is essential for the health of the developing fetus; folic acid
deficiencies have been most often linked to neural tube defects in newborns (Wolf,
Wiatkop, Miller, & Syed, 2009). Lower levels of folic acid in early pregnancy have
been related also to impairment in fetal brain development and hyperactivity/­
inattention and peer problems in childhood (Schlotz, Jones, Phillips, Gale, Robinson,
& ­Godfrey, 2010) as well as to a higher risk of severe language delay at 3 years of
age (Roth et al., 2011).

The Avoidance of Harmful Substances. To optimize the probability of giving birth

to healthy, full-term babies, it is essential that pregnant women avoid (a) smoking,
(b) drinking alcohol, and (c) ingesting harmful substances.

The Damaging Effects of Smoking. The most commonly used substance that com-
promises the health of the developing fetus is nicotine. Despite abundant adverse
publicity, some women continue to smoke during pregnancy. The problems associ-
ated with smoking while pregnant are numerous. First of all, women who smoke
have a harder time becoming pregnant (Folan & Spatarella, 2014), and smoking
during pregnancy adversely affects prenatal and postnatal growth and increases the

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 142 Chapter 5

risk of fetal mortality, low birth weight, and infant mortality. Furthermore, cognitive
deficits and behavior problems of children and adolescents have been traced to their
prenatal nicotine exposure (Stene-Larsen, Borge, & Vollrath, 2009). The behavior
problems associated with prenatal smoking exposure include externalizing behavior
during toddlerhood (Stene-Larsen et al., 2009) and oppositional defiant disorders
during early childhood, which have been linked to later conduct disorders of older
children (Nigg & Breslau, 2007). More recent findings also show that maternal smok-
ing during pregnancy is a risk factor for wheezing and asthma in adolescents (Hol-
lams, deKlerk, Holt, & Sly, 2014).

The Effects of Alcohol Consumption. After decades of research, in 2004, experts

in the field issued the definition for fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASD), which
is an umbrella term that describes the range of effects observed in persons whose
mothers drank alcohol during pregnancy, including physical, mental, behavioral,
and/or learning disabilities. Included in FASD are disorders such as fetal alcohol
syndrome, alcohol-related neurodevelopmental disorder, and alcohol-related birth
defects. The behavioral or cognitive deficits linked with FASD include cognitive
disabilities; learning disabilities; hyperactivity; attention deficits; and problems with
impulse control, social skills, language, and memory (Ryan, Bonnett, & Gass, 2006).
The link between heavy drinking during pregnancy and FASD has been tested with
thousands of women throughout the world (O’Leary et al., 2013). Prenatal exposure
to alcohol, which affects approximately 40,000 newborns annually, is one of the
leading causes of preventable birth defects (Ryan et al., 2006).
Based on research findings showing the negative effects of alcohol usage dur-
ing pregnancy, most doctors in the United States recommend that pregnant women
abstain completely from alcohol. Recognizing FASD as a public health issue, Con-
gress established the FASD Center for Excellence in 2001 as a part of a federal effort
to address this concern (Ryan et al., 2006). Finally, it is important to abstain from
drinking not only during pregnancy but also if one has stopped using contraception
with the intention of getting pregnant. It has been pointed out that pregnancy inten-
tion is strongly associated with alcohol exposed pregnancy because women often
continue to drink even after they stop using contraception (Cannon et al., 2015).

The Harmful Effects of Drugs. In addition to not smoking or consuming alcohol,

pregnant women should avoid all illegal drugs and should consult their physicians
regarding the use of prescribed drugs. Profound birth defects, fetal death, low birth
weight, and infant mortality have been consistently related to the use of legal and
illegal drugs (Laditka, Laditka, & Mastanduno, 2005). For example, some mood sta-
bilizers are teratogens, but the treatment of mood disorders or any symptomology
can be effectively managed if pregnancy is planned and the pregnant woman has
early and consistent prenatal care (Yonkers, Wisner, & Stowe, 2004).

The Importance of Early Prenatal Care. Prenatal care is an important step for
a pregnant woman to take that can influence her health, the health of her devel-
oping fetus, and optimize her chances of delivering a healthy full-term baby

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 143

(Dixon & Lewallen, 2010). When pregnancy is confirmed, the initial visit to
a physician should occur during the first trimester. Early prenatal care is so
essential because the first 12 weeks of pregnancy are a time of heightened fetal
vulnerability to teratogens. Part of the prenatal visit includes counseling about
risk behaviors. Therefore, education is an essential component of prenatal care,
particularly for women who are pregnant for the first time. Early prenatal care
also helps the pregnant woman understand the changes in her body (Kirkham,
Harris, & Grzybowski, 2005).
Women without prenatal care are three times more likely to have low-birth-
weight infants than are women with early and adequate care. Regrettably, those
who do not get early prenatal care typically have other risk factors as well. Moth-
ers who are younger, less educated, unmarried, economically disadvantaged,
and/or from a minority group are less apt to receive adequate prenatal care
and more likely to give birth to low-birth-weight infants (Laditka et al., 2005).
Whereas women with prenatal risk factors (such as smoking, inadequate weight
gain, and psychosocial problems) are least likely to get prenatal care, research
findings have shown that prenatal care reduces prenatal risk. Ricketts, Murray,
and Schwalberg (2005) found that women who had at least 10 prenatal visits
were more likely to resolve their risk factors than were women who had fewer
visits.

SPOTLIGHT ON POVERTY:
A RISK FACTOR FOR LOW-BIRTH-WEIGHT INFANTS
Lack of prenatal care and poor diet during pregnancy are two of the leading causes of preterm deliveries, and
these two factors are associated primarily with poverty as are all of the risk factors for low birth weight. Com-
pared with women of higher socioeconomic status, poor women are more likely to suffer serious hardships
during their pregnancies, including the inability to pay bills, involuntary job loss, or divorce or separation, and
a small percentage are homeless at some time just before or during pregnancy. Additionally, food insecurity is
a problem for many of these women (Braveman et al., 2010). Poverty is also part of the reason for differences
in birth weight and infant survival among nations. It is estimated that more than 50% of the pregnant women
in developing countries suffer from anemia; the pervasiveness of anemia in pregnancy in South Asia is 75% as
compared to 18% in developed countries (Aftab, Ara, Kazi, & Deeba, 2012)

Implications of This information for Parents and Professionals. Individuals need to

be informed about the importance of adequate nutrition, early prenatal care, and the
avoidance of harmful substances during pregnancy. It is also helpful if young women
who are planning to become pregnant be made aware of the need for folic acid sup-
plements and the importance of avoiding the use of alcohol or other drugs prior to
pregnancy. Information of such vital importance to the health and survival of infants
should be disseminated early and from a variety of professionals who have access to
adolescents and adults before and during pregnancy.

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 144 Chapter 5

BIRTH AND THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD

Birth is a significant event in the lives of families everywhere whether it is the first
baby born to a couple, the birth of a baby to teenage parents, or the birth of a child
who has one or more siblings. The primary goal of expectant parents is to have full-
term, healthy babies, and most parents in the United States get that wish because
the majority of their babies are carried to full gestational term and are born healthy.
Most of these babies are born in hospitals and taken home by their birth or adoptive
parents after a brief two-day hospital stay. The arrival of a new baby (or new babies
in the case of twins or other multiple births) is an occasion in which the parents,
siblings, and extended family members usually rejoice.

When Infants Are Born Early and/or Small

In all societies, individuals have been trained in various ways to assist in the delivery of
newborns. Nevertheless, there is a major difference in the survival rates of infants born
in industrialized and nonindustrialized countries. In developing countries, the effects
of economic instability and fewer health care resources put premature and low-birth-
weight babies at greater risk for dying shortly after birth (Carlo et al., 2010). Whereas
parents who live in industrialized countries have greater access to medical care for
their at-risk newborns, most traditional cultures also have infant care designed to
maximize infant survival. Typical features of infant care in traditional cultures include
intensive physical nurturance of the infant, breast-feeding on demand, immediate
response to the crying of infants, close parent–infant body contact, keeping the baby
beside the mother at night, and consistent care by parents, siblings, and other relatives.
These caregiving behaviors have been found to be beneficial for normal-weight infants
and particularly important for the survival of at-risk infants (LeVine et al., 1994).
Kangaroo care (KC) was first used in hospital intensive care units in Bogota,
Colombia, as a result of a shortage of incubators. Premature infants were placed
naked (wearing only their diapers) between their mother’s breasts for long periods
of time so that the mother’s body heat could help these very small infants regulate
their body temperatures (Whitelaw & Sleath, 1985). Today, kangaroo care is used in
many infant intensive care units in Western societies to promote the survival of at-
risk infants. Kangaroo care training and use involves the following. Medical profes-
sionals teach parents of at-risk infants the way to hold their infants skin to skin. The
diapered infant is placed on the parent’s bare chest (shirt or gown open). The infant’s
head is then turned to the side so that the baby’s ear is against the parent’s heart and
any tubes or wires that are attached to the baby are taped to the parent’s clothing.

Watch the first 5 minutes of the following video on kangaroo care. What are some of the
advantages of kangaroo care that you learned in this video?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iN1UiAVyZZk

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 145

The advantages of using kangaroo care are impressive. Preterm infants whose
parents practice this technique cry less, sleep for longer periods, gain more weight,
have more coordinated breathing and heartbeat patterns, and need less supplemen-
tal oxygen than other preterm infants. Kangaroo care of preterm infants also has been
found to promote infants’ self-regulation, including the regulation of sleep–wake
cycles and arousal states (Feldman Weller, & Sirota, 2002). In addition to the health
benefits of kangaroo care for the infant, Feldman, Weller, and Fidelman (2003) found
that kangaroo care early in life is related to later positive interactions between infants
and their mothers and fathers. Those researchers found that these infant–parent inter-
actions are characterized by greater sensitivity, lower parental intrusiveness, higher
parent–infant synchrony, and lower infant negative emotionality. Further evidence
of the benefits of kangaroo care was provided by Dodd (2005), who found that moth-
ers who practiced kangaroo care with their newborn infants went on to provide a
more nurturing and therefore a better developmental environment for their infants in
the months following the infant’s birth.

Thinking Critically
Were you surprised to learn that the skin-to-skin holding of preterm infants (kangaroo care)
promotes their ability to survive and has a positive effect on later parent–infant interactions?
How do you account for the fact that parents in traditional societies instinctively provide that
type of care, whereas parents in industrialized societies have to be taught to hold their preterm
infants in that fashion?

The Challenges of Parenting Low-Birth-Weight Infants. In a study of ­mothers

of high-risk infants, DeMier, Hynan, and Hatfield (2002) discovered that the
baby’s birth weight, length of hospital stay, and postnatal complications are
significant predictors of anxiety and distress of parents. In spite of the fact that
having a premature infant contributes to elevated parental stress during hospi-
talization, Padovani, Carvalho, Duarte, Martinez, and Linhares (2009) found
that symptoms of anxiety significantly decreased in these mothers after their
babies’ discharge from the hospital. Furthermore, Spielman and Taubman (2009)
reported no difference in parental self-efficacy between these parents and par-
ents of full-term infants.
Despite findings that preterm infants are more at risk for not surviving during
their first days or weeks of life and often have short-term complications, most of these
infants make it and are later free from even minor problems. Whereas the majority
of preterm infants show normal development, others have physical and cognitive
exceptionalities that will require specialized care. Infants most at risk for later social,
emotional, and behavioral problems are those whose gestational age is less than
30 weeks at birth (Hintz et al., 2011). The challenges of parenting children with
­special needs are discussed in Chapter 11.

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 146 Chapter 5

The Transition to Parenthood: A Major Developmental Milestone

Whether one becomes a parent during adolescence or adulthood, the transition to
parenthood is a major developmental milestone accompanied by the opportunities
and demands for personal reorganization and growth that characterize such major
changes. Becoming parents brings about (a) changes in family and friendship net-
works, (b) challenges related to coparenting, and (c) the need for social support.

Changes in Family and Friendship Networks

Dynamic changes typically occur in family and friendship networks for new
parents. Of particular importance is the altered role of extended family members
in supporting the childrearing efforts of these parents. Following the birth of a first
child, parents increase contact with family members and diminish contact with
friends. This change reflects a strong nesting movement toward their nuclear fam-
ily, which is associated with increasing levels of interparental support over time.
Extended family members play a secondary role in this social nesting change
with friends playing a less prominent role in the lives of these young adults than
they occupied prior to the arrival of the first child (Gameiro, Boivin, Canavarro,
Moura-Ramos, & Soares, 2010). In the case of the transition to parenthood for
teenage mothers, who are usually living with their parents, parental support and a
supportive romantic relationship during the pregnancy and the transition to parent-
hood have a positive effect on the quality of the mother–infant relationship (Laghi,
Baumgartner, Riccio, Bohr, & Dhayanandhad, 2103).

The pride seen in the faces of

these new parents reflects a
high level of satisfaction with
the transition to parenthood.

Boggy/Fotolia

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 147

Thinking Critically
Were you surprised to learn about the nesting movement that usually occurs for new parents
when they increase contact with family members and decrease contact with friends? Have you
noticed these changes in family and friendship networks among new parents that you know?

Caring for Infants and Toddlers in a Coparenting Relationship

While many unmarried adolescents are parents today and single parenthood has
increased among women older than 20 years of age, most new parents are in mar-
riages or committed relationships. For parents sharing the same household, the pri-
mary sources of support tend to come from each other, although extended family
members are typically involved in helping inexperienced parents make that transi-
tion. Coparenting of infants and toddlers is affected by (a) parental gender role expec-
tations, (b) the social context, (c) parental attributes, and (d) child characteristics.

Gender Role Expectations. The main challenge faced by new parents is the rear-
rangement of family life to fit in the care of their new baby, or babies, into other
family and occupational responsibilities. To accomplish this, they either work out a
plan for dividing up those multiple tasks or one person carries the bulk of household
responsibilities. In reality, many new parents have difficulties coming up with a
strategy that works for both of them, which is evident from research that shows that
the transition to parenthood has a segregating influence on the division of household
labor (Kluwer, Heesink, & van de Vliert, 2002). It has been shown that parents gen-
erally became more traditional in their gender-role attitudes and behaviors follow-
ing the birth of a child with women changing more than men and first-time parents
changing more than experienced parents (Katz-Wise, Priess, & Hyde, 2010).

The Social Context. As we learned in Chapter 1, the family has a progressive cycle
that is related to the development of the family and the individual (Duvall, 1988).
From that theoretical perspective, the more time parents have had to deal with the
negotiations and daily routines of coparenting, the more supportive and less intrusive
their coparenting behavior is likely to be. In contrast, more instability in coparent-
ing behavior is likely to be found among first-time parents who are developing their
coparenting roles. Another aspect of the social context that affects first-time parents’
coparenting efforts is employment outside the home. It has been demonstrated that
fathers in dual-earner families display more coparenting behaviors than fathers in
single-earner households (Lindsey, Caldera, & Colwell, 2005).

Parent Attributes. For mothers, higher levels of coparenting behavior are associ-
ated with being part of a dual-career family, having a college education, and/or
having observed coparenting relationships in their families of origin (Stright & Bales,
2003). For both mothers and fathers, self-esteem has been linked to more positive
coparenting behaviors (Katz & Joiner, 2002). Another parent attribute influencing

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 148 Chapter 5

the coparenting behaviors of both parents is childrearing beliefs. Goldberg (1990)

found that parents who share childrearing beliefs are more supportive of each other’s
parenting practices.

Child Characteristics. Child temperament has been linked consistently to the

coparenting behaviors of parents of infants and toddlers. For instance, Lindsey et al.
(2005) found that fathers of babies with a difficult temperament demonstrate more
intrusive coparenting behavior. For example, one parent might get up to comfort a
crying baby while the other parent insists that the baby’s cries should be ignored.
More recent findings by Solmeyer & Feinberg (2011) revealed that, under conditions
of low coparenting support, a positive association between difficult temperament
and parents’ depressive symptoms emerged. Under conditions of high coparenting
support, however, this association was not observed.

Social Support for Parents of Infants and Toddlers

In addition to assistance from each other, parents of infants and toddlers often receive
social support from family members and/or community agencies. The assistance of
new parents by extended family members varies across families and across cultures.
In the United States, the nuclear family arrangement typically limits the involvement
of extended family members and leaves the parental couple more reliant on each
other for support in their new roles. Nevertheless, new parents often turn to their own
parents for advice and help in childrearing. Moreover, parents in the United States
frequently receive informational support from community-based programs, such as
prenatal classes and those aimed at helping new parents cope with the transition to
parenthood.

Thinking Critically
Consider young parents whom you have observed at home with their infants or toddlers. What
examples of support for each other’s childrearing efforts have you noticed between those
parents?

PROMOTING THE SOCIAL-EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF

INFANTS AND TODDLERS
The relationships that parents establish with their infants and toddlers serve as the
basis for their children’s social and emotional development. As will be emphasized
in the forthcoming discussion, parents who are consistently sensitive and responsive
to their infants contribute to the development of infant trust and attachment that in
turn promotes parent–infant synchrony and is later expressed in toddler autonomy
and exploratory behavior.

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Infant Trust and Attachment

Probably the most important goal of parenting infants is to endow them with a sense
of trust. Erikson (1963) theorized that the quality of parent–infant interactions influ-
ences whether infants develop a sense of trust or a sense of mistrust (Goldhaber,
2000). Infants’ development of a sense of trust parallels their development of secure
attachment. Parents of securely attached infants have been described as more sensi-
tive, more contingently responsive, more consistent, more likely to hold their infants,
less intrusive, less tense, and less irritable (Ainsworth, 1973). The process by which
babies develop secure attachment depends on whether or not they experience con-
tingent responsiveness from their parents and other caregivers. Parents provide con-
tingent responsiveness when they allow their infants to be actively engaged in the
roles of elicitor and receiver of parental attention. Thus, babies play an active role in
providing signals, such as crying and smiling, that guide their parents in understand-
ing when and how to care for them. When parents reliably respond to these signals,
their infants learn to trust that their needs will be met and develop secure attachment.

Short- and Long-Term Effects of Parental Sensitivity and Infant Attachment. The
beneficial outcomes for securely attached infants are impressive. Securely attached
infants are more responsive than insecure infants in face-to-face play. Furthermore,
they have more varied means of communication, cry less, and quiet more easily
when picked up (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Also, securely attached infants usually
become toddlers who demonstrate more exploratory behavior than infants who do
not demonstrate secure attachment (Ainsworth, 1973), and they tend to become chil-
dren who are competent in a wide array of social and cognitive skills (Fagot, 1997).
Finally, Schore (2001) demonstrated that secure attachment has a positive effect on
infant brain development, specifically the development of the right hemisphere of

The interactive play between

this mother and her infant
is an excellent example of
contingent responsiveness.
123rf

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 150 Chapter 5

the brain. As the toddler becomes a young child, right hemispheric brain develop-
ment influences the child’s ability to read faces and tones of others, thereby helping
them to empathically resonate with the feelings of others.

Demand Feeding: An Example of Responsive Caregiving. An illustration of parental

responsiveness that has developmental implications can be observed in how and when
parents feed their infants. Whether to feed the baby on demand or on a schedule is an
important decision for parents, ranking alongside the choice to breast-feed or bottle-feed.
Throughout the world and all through history, babies have been fed when they cried to
be fed. As noted by Nelson (1998), who investigated infant crying based on attachment
theory, crying is an inborn behavior that is primarily an appeal for the protective pres-
ence of a parent. Thus, infant crying triggers corresponding caretaking behavior in the
parents. Because the cry of the infant is an innate behavior, the natural response of the
parent to feed the hungry baby is an appropriate one. Furthermore, ample research evi-
dence supports demand feeding. In their classic 1969 study linking parental responsive-
ness to infant attachment, Ainsworth and Bell reported relationships between mothers’
feeding styles during the first 3 months of their infants’ lives and the patterns of attach-
ment behavior exhibited at age 12 months. Infants who were fed on demand were more
likely to have secure attachment to their mothers than infants who received scheduled
feeding. More recent findings have demonstrated that demand feeding is associated with
more positive cognitive and academic outcomes for children (Iacovou & Sanz, 2013).

In this picture, parental sensitivity is expressed

by infant carrying, which is common in
traditional cultures.

Lucian Coman/Shutterstock

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 151

Parental Responsiveness and Infant Security: A Universal Phenomenon. From the

early studies of infant attachment by Mary Ainsworth in Uganda to the present time,
it has been well documented that the relation between parental responsiveness and
infant security is a universal experience (e. g., Ainsworth 1967; Ding, Xu, Wang, Li,
& Wang, 2014; Rothbaum, Kakinuma, Nagaoka, & Hiroshi, 2007). In traditional
cultures, such as in Bali and many African cultures, parents demonstrate sensitivity
by continuously carrying their babies (Ball, Hooker, & Kelly, 1999). Studies of the
effects of infant carrying have been positively related to the physical and social-
emotional development of infants. As a case in point, infant carrying by Ugandan
mothers was found by Ainsworth (1967) to be correlated with secure attachment and
advanced gross motor development.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURE ON BEHAVIORS ASSOCIATED WITH SECURE ATTACHMENT
Whereas the relation between parental sensitivity and infant attachment is a worldwide occurrence, there
is evidence that the desirable behaviors associated with secure attachment are influenced both by c­ ountry
of origin and acculturation. An example of the influence of culture was provided by Rothbaum et al. in
2007 who studied mothers and securely attached children in both the United States and Japan. Their
findings showed that, in both societies, children who were described as having desirable characteristics
were perceived as being secure and had responsive mothers. At the same time, what was considered
to be desirable characteristics fluctuated across cultures. Mothers in the United States linked security
with a greater range of positive behaviors in comparison to mothers in Japan who associated security
with accommodation. The influence of acculturation on the sensitive parental behavior associated with
secure attachment was demonstrated by Cabrera, West, and Shannon (2006) who studied variations in­
parent–infant interactions among Latino and Mexican American parents and infants. Their findings
revealed that in comparison to less acculturated mothers, more acculturated mothers showed lower
­levels of mother–infant interaction. Also, more acculturated fathers displayed less father–infant physical
play than less acculturated fathers.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The importance of

parental sensitivity to infants cannot be overemphasized. When parents provide a
consistency of care for their infants by being reliably available to them and not ignor-
ing their cries and other bids for attention, babies learn to trust that their needs will
be met and gain confidence in engaging and exploring the world.

Parental Support of Self-Regulatory Behavior

Sensitive caregiving not only helps babies trust that their needs will be met but also
plays a key role in supporting their development of self-regulation. For example,
the findings of Feldman, Greenbaum, and Yirmiya (1999) were among the first to

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 152 Chapter 5

support the relation between the face-to-face reciprocity between parents and their
infants and the later emergence of self-regulatory behavior during the toddler years.
Moreover, parent sensitivity is particularly valuable for helping children with difficult
temperaments develop self-regulatory behaviors. Bradley and Corwyn (2005) found
a strong relation between parental sensitivity and behavior problems of infants and
toddlers. Based on their findings, they concluded that parental sensitivity promotes
coping and self-regulatory capabilities, both of which are helpful for infants and
toddlers with difficult temperaments. In the development of infant and toddler self-
regulatory behavior, the stress level of the mother is also an important consideration.
It has been demonstrated that parental stress undermines the development of infant
self-regulatory behaviors, which suggests that parents who are experiencing stress
are less sensitive to their infants’ signals (Gartstein, Bridgett, Young, Panksepp, &
Power, 2013).

Self-Regulatory Behavior and Wake and Sleep Patterns. A principal focus of self-
regulation for infants relates to the adjustment of their bodies to regular wake and
sleep patterns. How much and when a newborn sleeps are concerns for most parents
and sleep disruption, which has been linked to parent distress and fatigue, is com-
mon in the early months (McDaniel & Teti, 2012). By 6 months, many babies begin
sleeping through the night, but it is not until age 3 or 4 months that infants sleep
more at night than during the day. During this time, it is essential for parents to be
patient with their babies and responsive to their cries. Even though ignoring infants
cries after putting them to bed has become a popular behavioral approach, a review
of the research in this area by Douglas and Hill (2013) showed that behavioral sleep
interventions in the first six months of life do not improve outcomes for mothers or
infants. Furthermore, numerous researchers and health professionals have raised
concerns about behavioral sleep interventions and have recommended an alterna-
tive model in which parents recognize that infant night-waking is normal and are
encouraged to respond to their infants’ cries (Ball, 2013). Furthermore, it is interest-
ing to note that the research shows that preparing babies for bedtime by singing to
them and/or rocking them to sleep contributes to their self-regulatory behavior (Feld-
man et al., 1999).

A New Paradigm: The Possums Sleep Intervention. Based on concerns

raised by multiple researchers and health professionals, a number of research-
ers in Australia were involved in the development of the Possums Sleep Inter-
vention Model, which is described in Figure 5.1. This approach relies on
cued care, which takes into account that infant sleep patterns are connected
to other behaviors relevant to mother–infant synchrony, namely, feeding and
sensory stimulation. This model focuses on (a) removing impediments to healthy
function of the baby’s biological sleep regulators, (b) providing parent educa-
tion about the biology of parent–infant sleep, and (c) parental empowerment
through simple evidence-based strategies (Douglas & Hill, 2013; Whittingham
& Douglas, 2014).

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 153

■■ Don’t Delay Responses to Infants Cries. When parents ignore precry or cry cues after the baby is put to bed, the baby’s
crying is then more likely to move into full-blown cries and loops of unsoothable crying.
■■ Don’t Use Feed–Play–Sleep Cycles. A tendency to fall asleep after feeding is present at birth. Thus, it is recommended
that parents put their babies to bed after a feeding when they have fallen asleep rather than waiting for them to wake up,
playing with them, and then putting them to bed without feeding them.
■■ Don’t Use Sleep Algorithms. There is much variability in infant sleep patterns and little empirical evidence to support spe-
cific sleep recommendations. Also, the use of sleep algorithms places infants with a low sleep need at particular risk since
the parents of such babies might expect their baby to sleep longer than biological need warrants.
■■ Don’t Rely on Lists of Tired Cues. It is not helpful to give parents lists of what cues to look for to indicate that their infants
are tired. These lists encourage them to constantly look for and find signs that their baby needs more sleep. With time
and flexible experimentation, parents will become adept at reading their own baby’s cues.
■■ Don’t Problematize Stimulation. The prevailing approach teaches that babies might easily become overtired and that an
overtired baby will have greater difficulty in falling asleep. In fact, with increased tiredness comes a greater tendency to
fall asleep—the very definition of sleepiness is that a tired person falls asleep if given an opportunity.
■■ Do Adopt a Lifestyle That Supports Healthy Sleep. Parents are encouraged to have an active lifestyle with baby in tow,
which establishes healthy biopsychosocial rhythms for both parent and infant. It is also recommended that the baby be
within sensory distance from the caregiver during daytime naps and should be exposed to normal circadian rhythm cues
of daylight and noise to prevent oversleeping during the day and to help consolidate sleep at night.
■■ Do Identify Obstacles to Healthy Regulation of Sleep. It is recommended that parents remove obstacles placed in the way
of the healthy function of the baby’s innate sleep regulators. This includes assessment and management of problems
such as unidentified infant feeding problems and infant cry/fuss problems.
■■ Do Adopt a Healthy Stimulus Control for Sleep for Parents and Babies. It is suggested that parents permit their infant’s
sleep to be regulated by sleepiness, allowing babies to fall asleep immediately following a feeding. It is also ­recommended
that parents initiate their own sleep when they themselves feel sleepy (instead of setting a specific bedtime).
■■ Do Establish a Safe Sleep Environment. Consistent with the latest research evidence for the prevention of SIDS, it is rec-
ommended that the safest place for sleeping infants in the first 6 months of life is in the same room as the caregiver.
■■ Do Include Relaxing Activities for Parent and Infant. Parents are encouraged to intentionally include pleasant, relaxing
activities into their day. Infant relaxation is best supported through providing care that is responsive to the infant’s cues
and including a variety of sensory activities throughout the day.
■■ Do Address Parents’ Cognitive Processes That Might Interfere with Parental Sleep. Mindfulness and acceptance exer-
cises disrupt cognitive processes that interfere with relaxation and sleep. By supporting psychological presence in the
lived moment, mindfulness has been shown to improve sleep quality and is likely to prevent postnatal depression through
disrupting the negative thought processes that are associated with depressive episodes.

FIGURE 5.1. Optimizing Parent–Infant Sleep in the First Six Months: The Possums Sleep Intervention Model
Sources: Based on Douglas, P.S., & Hill, P.S. (2013). Behavioural sleep interventions in the first six months of life
do not improve outcomes for mothers or infants: A systematic review. Journal of Developmental and Behavioral
­Pediatrics, 34(7), 497–507; Whittingham, K., & Douglas, P. (2014). Optimizing parent-infant sleep from birth to
6 months: A new paradigm. Infant Mental Health Journal, 35(6), 614..

Parent–Infant Play
Now we turn our attention to the highly significant role of parent–infant play, which
is sometimes initiated by the parent and at other times by the infant. You might recall
from Chapter 1 that Caroline Pratt (1970) emphasized the role of play in children’s
development by pointing out that a child has an inborn drive to learn and a strong
interest in being consistently engaged in playful activities that promote learning.
­Parent–infant play contributes to the development of parent–infant synchrony as
well as infant self-regulation, brain development, and secure attachment (Feldman,
2003; Lohaus, Keller, Ball, Elben, & Voelker, 2001; Malmberg et al., 2007). Parent–
infant play takes two different forms, free play and play in a structured task setting.

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 154 Chapter 5

Of the two, free play is correlated with more favorable interactions between parents
and infants, more enjoyable play, and heightened language use (Kwon, Bingham,
­Lewsader, Jeon, & Elicker, 2013).

Play and Parent–Infant Synchrony. The development of parent–infant synchrony

is promoted through parent–infant playful interactions by helping the parent in
becoming increasingly competent in reading his or her infant’s cues. Even though most
parents during these playful encounters accurately read their infants’ cues and
respond accordingly, some parents ignore the infant’s invitation to interact or they
overstimulate the baby who wants to pause and rest. Therefore, when engaging in
interactive play with their infants, parents should respond not only to their babies’
gestures that are designed to engage parents but also to their signals that they are
feeling overstimulated and need a short break (Feldman, 2003).

Play and Secure Attachment. The parent of a securely attached infant accurately per-
ceives the infant’s signals and responds to these cues promptly and appropriately (Lohaus
et al., 2001; Malmberg et al., 2007). This dance, or synchrony, between parent and
infant is important in other parent–infant interactions and is the hallmark of parent–infant
play. You might recall from Chapter 1 that the early attachment theorists emphasized the
significance of parental responsiveness in the development of secure attachment.

Play and Emerging Infant Self-Regulation. The parent–infant synchrony that devel-
ops during ongoing playful interactions between parents and their infants contributes
not only to secure attachment but also to an infant’s emerging self-regulation (Feld-
man, 2003). As parents engage their babies in games such as peek-a-boo, it increases
their overall sense of predictability. Sroufe (1996) described the development of
emotion regulation during infancy and toddlerhood as a process moving from dyadic
coregulation between the infant and caregiver in the first year to the development
of autonomous self-regulation during toddlerhood with caregiver-guided assistance.

Play and Infant Brain Development. Infants possess an innate social capacity that
gives them the motivation and cognitive skills to feel, experience, and act together with
others in what has been defined as intentionality (Tomasello, Carpenter, Call, Behne,
& Moll, 2005). Parent–infant playful interactions provide both parent and baby oppor-
tunities to share and understand each other’s intentions and in doing so contribute to
infant cognition. Parent–infant play contributes also to infant brain development via its
effect on secure attachment. Earlier in this chapter, we learned that secure attachment
has a positive effect on the development of the right hemisphere of the brain, which
influences the infant’s ability to read the faces and tones of others.

Thinking Critically
Have you had the pleasure of watching parent–infant play? If so, what do you recall regarding
the impressive synchrony between the parent and the baby?

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 155

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. When parents

make a game out of giving the baby a bath or playing peek-a-boo as they are put-
ting on a shirt, these activities become more pleasurable for babies as well as for
their parents. These interactions also contribute to the development of infant secure
attachment, emerging self-regulatory behavior, and brain development.

Parental Influences on Toddlers’ Autonomy and Exploratory

Behavior
You might recall from Chapter 1 that, according to Erikson (1963), infants who learn
to trust their parents become more autonomous during toddlerhood than infants who
do not trust that their parents will be consistently available to them. Although tod-
dlers are naturally inclined to explore and seek new challenges, the degree to which
parents support or hinder those tendencies affects bids for autonomy and exploratory
behavior (Whipple, Bernier, & Mageau, 2009). The significance of parental responses
to these quests is based on toddlers being highly attuned to the responses of their
parents through a process called social referencing. An example of social referenc-
ing is a toddler’s typical willingness to comply with a parent’s request. Parents who
respond favorably to their toddlers’ bids for greater autonomy not only assist them
in becoming increasingly more autonomous but also influence their development of
executive function. Furthermore, it has been demonstrated that toddlers’ language abil-
ity mediates the role between parental autonomy support and toddler executive func-
tion (Matte-Gagne & Bernier, 2011). Thus, the dialogues between parents and their
toddlers that accompany toddlers’ increasingly more autonomous behavior contribute
not only to language development but also to the development of executive function.

Autonomy-Supportive Behaviors of Parents. Autonomy-supportive behaviors by

parents include informative feedback, encouraging remarks, providing hints, sug-
gesting strategies, and waiting for the child to require assistance before intervening
(Grolnick, Gurland, DeCourcey, & Jacob, 2002). Consistent with Self-Determination
theory, it has been demonstrated that parental direct control strategies typically decrease
during toddlerhood whereas the use of explanations and reasoning increase
­(LeCuyer-Maus & Houck, 2002). The following comments are those of the author
describing her 2½-year-old grandson Ryder’s autonomy-seeking behavior:

He insists on climbing in and out of the car seat and the car by himself. If you pick him
up to put him in a chair, he will get back down and get up by himself. He also refuses to
have his food cut up for him since his older brother doesn’t get his food cut up. He keeps
reminding us all that: “I big boy. I do by myself.”

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Parents should

respond to their toddlers’ autonomy needs by being patient with their quest for
greater independence and providing assistance as they attempt new tasks without
taking over. ­Parents might remember that although toddlers often overestimate their

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 156 Chapter 5

abilities and frequently require parental backing, they nevertheless need to continu-
ally challenge ­themselves to become increasingly more self-sufficient. Parents might
keep in mind that, with each endeavor to do things for themselves, toddlers become
progressively more independent, and more confident of their capabilities.

PROMOTING THE COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT OF INFANTS AND

TODDLERS
Parents play a vital role in promoting their infants’ and toddlers’ cognitive develop-
ment. When they engage their babies in frequent interactions and provide a stimulating
­environment for them, parents sustain their babies’ ability to think and reason. Further-
more, the parent–child verbal exchanges that accompany these interactions promote
infants’ and toddlers’ language development as well as the development of their brains
(Christakis, Zimmerman, & Garrison, 2007).

Insights from Piaget

As you might recall from Chapter 1, Jean Piaget theorized that children are active
participants in the development of their own cognitive abilities. Piaget referred
to the intelligence of infants as sensorimotor intelligence based on the view that
infants think exclusively with their senses and motor skills during that stage of
development. It is helpful if parents understand that their infants’ and toddlers’
curiosity about objects in their environment and their strong interest in looking,
listening, touching, biting, and tasting are normal and necessary for their cognitive
advancement.

Insights from Vygotsky

As discussed in Chapter 1, Lev Vygotsky also viewed children’s intellectual develop-
ment as a product of their active exploration of the environment but placed greater
emphasis than did Piaget on the role of parents, older siblings, or other adults in aid-
ing that process. Following Vygotsky’s views, parents ought to be actively engaged
in guiding and instructing their infants and toddlers as they interact with the persons
and objects in their environment. For example, if a toddler is attempting to put an
object into a container, the parent is in the position to help the child figure out how
to reach that goal sooner by using language to instruct the toddler while demonstrat-
ing the procedure.

Thinking Critically
Drawing on the views of Piaget, consider how a parent might design an activity for a toddler
with the goal of promoting the toddler’s cognitive development. Then, using Vygotsky’s idea
of guided participation, how might the parent alter the design of that activity?

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Insights from Brain Research

In the past several decades, brain research has taken the idea of the child as an active
participant in cognitive development a step further than did Piaget and Vygotsky by
demonstrating that babies and young children participate in the building of their own
brains. The research that links the development of the infant’s brain to emerging cog-
nitive abilities emphasizes that everything the baby sees, hears, tastes, touches, and
smells influences the way the brain connections hook up. After birth, as experience
floods in from all the senses, the baby’s brain cells are continuously attempting to
make connections (Gopnik, Meltzoff, & Kuhl, 1999).
One of the most remarkable aspects of brain specialization is that a specific part
of the brain seems to be dedicated to face recognition. The experiences of the infant
refine perception in this area so that 6-month-old babies recognize their mothers,
fathers, and other family members and examine with curiosity the faces of strangers
(Johnson, 2005). Another fascinating aspect of brain development is related to infant/
toddler language development. The language areas of the brain develop most rap-
idly between the ages of 6 and 24 months. Thus, it is important for infants to hear
a lot of speech during that time period if they are going to develop fluent language
(Saffran, Werker, & Werner, 2006). Finally, the last part of the brain to mature is
the prefrontal cortex, which is the area that is related to anticipation, planning, and
impulse control. This is virtually inactive in infancy but becomes more efficient
during childhood and adolescence. Therefore, expecting an infant to stop crying is
useless since the baby cannot make the decision to do so. Decisions like that require
brain functions that are not yet present (Luciana, 2003). On the other hand, feeding,
holding, rocking, and/or singing to a baby often are effective in relieving the stress
related to crying.

Parents’ Understanding of Infant Perception

Parents tend to understand the ways in which their infants’ perceptual preferences
guide them in seeking the information they need to know about their environment.
An obvious example is the infant’s fondness for looking at the human face, which
dominates any other visual preference (Johnson, 2005). The mutual gazing of par-
ents and infants has been found to be a central aspect of the infant–parent interac-
tive process. When either the parent or infant looks at the other, the probability of
infant–parent interaction is increased. By contrast, when either the parent or baby
looks away, the behavior in which they are engaged is likely to subside. It has been
suggested that the gaze of the parent or infant acts as a magnet for the other and
that the mutual gazing of parents and infants then spreads to interactive parent–
infant behaviors. These interactions include parent–infant turn-taking vocalizations,
mutual touching, and mutual imitation. Thus, mutual gazing appears to provide
a context for promoting and sustaining a complex set of parent–infant interactive
behaviors (Weinberg & Tronick, 1996).
In addition to understanding that their infants are highly attuned to perceive paren-
tal actions, parents need to be aware of their infant’s other perceptual preferences.

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The irresistible allure of sharp contrasts, such as stripes, checkerboards, corners,

and other highly contrasting objects helps babies learn to distinguish where objects
begin and end. Also, infants’ fascination with moving objects provides information
regarding how different objects characteristically move and how they are likely to
move in the future. As a case in point, when a parent rolls a ball to a baby, the baby
quickly learns to roll the ball back. With more experience with the ball, the baby
discovers that it will bounce when dropped on a hard surface. Similarly, infants’
keen hearing abilities coupled with their experience with sounds help them discover
that sounds are associated with particular objects or events. For example, they come
to understand that the opening of the front door or the sound of the car pulling into
the driveway signals the arrival of a family member or visitor (Gopnik et al., 1999).

Thinking Critically
Were you surprised to learn that infant perception is related to what infants need to learn
about the environment? What examples of parent behavior have you observed that demon-
strated knowledge of infant perception?

Promoting Infant Language Development

Infants’ predisposition to learn language is matched in several ways by parents’
motivation to promote their infants’ language capabilities. First, infants’ hearing is
extremely well developed at birth, and babies hear and begin to recognize voices
even before birth. Their pronounced hearing ability provides infants with the capa-
bility to immediately benefit from verbal exchanges. Second, for young infants, the
sound of the human voice (whether it comes from a parent, sibling, or stranger)
evokes special interest and curiosity. Third, parents, grandparents, older siblings,
and others use a special language called parentese when talking to babies that is
intended to gain and maintain the attention of infants (Jaffe, Beebe, Feldstein, Crown,
& Jasnow, 2001). When using parentese to speak with their babies, it is helpful if
parents clearly pronounce words such as Mama and Dada, and it is beneficial as
well for infants to be able to see parents’ mouths as they form these words. Singing to
their infants is another way that parents promote language development, given that
singing has some of the same features of parentese (rhythmic and higher pitched).
At the same time that infants are learning the sounds of their particular language,
they are developing the ability to use linguistic turn taking. In response to their infants’
need to learn turn taking, parents typically provide very brief pauses when speak-
ing to them. These pauses give babies the opportunity to respond; it is interesting to
note that infants spontaneously provide the same pauses for parents to react to their
utterances. The importance of live language in comparison to recorded language
(as heard on the radio or television) is that live language is interactive. Thus, infants
and toddlers are afforded the opportunity to play an active role in a verbal exchange
(Jaffe et al., 2001). Another way in which parents support the language development

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 159

of their infants and toddlers is through the use of the interactive process of infant
gesture and parental labeling. The way this works is that infant gesturing is typically
followed by a parent or other caregiver providing a label to match the baby’s gesture.
Then, once the parent provides a word that matches the baby’s gesture, that word
might become part of the baby’s language repertoire, especially as this interaction is
repeated over time (Goldin-Meadow, Goodrich, Sauer, & Iverson, 2007).

Watch the following 2½-minute video. What did you learn about various ways in which
parents can promote their infants’ and toddler’s language skills?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wdt-yBN76uw

Early Language Development and Book Reading. A valuable and highly enjoyable
activity related to early language development is parent–child book reading. In fact,
a robust and consistent finding regarding early language skills is that parent–child
book reading is linked with the early onset of language. Moreover, researchers have
found that the younger the child when parents begin shared reading, the better
the child’s later language abilities. Among 2-year-old children, the age that their
parents engage them in shared reading is the strongest predictor of language skills.
It has been suggested that the mechanism through which early reading influences
language development is joint attention. Consequently, whenever their parents read
with them, infants and toddlers are engaging in joint-attention interactions with their
parents, and these interactions become predictable to babies. Because these interac-
tions typically recur frequently, babies are provided multiple opportunities to match
words with objects (Karass, Van Deventer, & Braungart-Reiker, 2003).

This block play provides

cognitive stimulation and
contributes to language
development.
Fernando Cortes/Shutterstock

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 160 Chapter 5

Language Development and Toddler Block Play. Although there are many toys
and videos that make claims regarding their educational benefit for babies, find-
ings by Christakis et al. (2007) demonstrated that engaging in block play by tod-
dlers, especially in joint activities with a parent or other adult, is associated with
significantly higher language development. These researchers offered two related
possibilities for this finding. The first explanation was block playtime displaces other
forms of time use that is not as favorable to language development. The second
explanation given was that that the particular alternative time use displaced was
television time.

SPOTLIGHT ON TECHNOLOGY:
THE CONSEQUENCES OF EARLY TELEVISION AND VIDEO VIEWING
Whereas parent–child verbal interactions, joint-reading activities, and parent–infant block play have been
shown to support social and cognitive development, the opposite is true of television viewing for this age
group. Based on research on early brain development, which shows that parent–infant interactions are
essential for social, emotional, and cognitive development, the American Academy of Pediatricians (AAP)
recommends the avoidance of television viewing for children under the age of 2. Furthermore, a review of
the research in this area by Christakis (2009) found no studies that demonstrated benefits associated with
early infant TV viewing. In contrast, the preponderance of existing evidence suggests the possibility for
harm. Additional support for this recommendation was provided by a study showing babies’ behavioral
reactions to a series of live events centering on objects or people and video presentations of those events.
The findings of that study demonstrated that babies clearly chose to look at, looked longer at, and reacted
in a stronger manner to the live events (Diener, Pierroutsakos, Troseth, & Roberts, 2008).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Ongoing verbal

interactions, reading with infants and toddlers, and block play are pleasurable for
both parents and children and are highly beneficial for early language development.
Following the recommendations of the AAP, it is important as well for parents to
avoid ­exposing infants and toddlers to television programs. The AAP also recom-
mends that pediatricians serve as role models by limiting TV viewing and video use
in waiting rooms and providing educational materials to promote reading. The AAP
further suggests that pediatricians educate parents and other professionals regarding
media-­associated health risks for babies and toddlers.

PROMOTING THE PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF INFANTS AND

TODDLERS
Parents influence the physical development of their infants and toddlers by the deci-
sions they make regarding the infants’ and toddlers’ nutrition, their health care, the
experiences provided to support the development of their motor skills, and by the
steps taken to ensure their babies’ safety.

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 161

Meeting Nutritional Needs

Just as nutrition plays a crucial role in prenatal development, it plays a major part in
the physical development of infants and toddlers. The choices parents make r­ egarding
breast-feeding or bottle-feeding, when to wean their infants, when to ­introduce them
to solid foods, and which solid food to introduce will have a significant impact on
their babies’ health and development.

Breast-Feeding in Comparison to Bottle-Feeding. The first choice parents must

make related to meeting the nutritional needs of their infants is whether to breast-
feed or bottle-feed them. Of these two choices, the rewards of breast-feeding out-
weigh those of bottle-feeding. The first breast milk of the new mother is called
colostrum, which is a thick high-caloric fluid secreted by the woman’s breast at the
birth of her child. Colostrum has many benefits for the newborn, including that it is
high in carbohydrates, protein, and antibodies. It also is low in fat, which newborns
often have difficulty digesting. Colostrum also has a mild laxative effect, which
encourages the passing of the baby’s first stool. This first stool clears excess waste
products of dead red blood cells from the infant’s body and helps prevent jaundice.
In addition, colostrum contains large numbers of antibodies that (a) help protect the
mucous membranes in the throat, lungs, and intestines of the infant and (b) safeguard
the infant from harmful viruses and bacteria while establishing beneficial bacteria in
the newborn’s digestive tract (Davidson, 1999).
After 3 days, mothers produce less-concentrated milk, which is the ideal nutrition
for babies for many reasons. Human breast milk is always sterile and at body tempera-
ture; it contains more iron, vitamin C, and vitamin A than cow’s or goat’s milk; and it
provides antibodies to protect the infant against any disease the mother is immunized
against through vaccination or having had the illness herself. Furthermore, the specific
fats and sugars in breast milk make it more digestible than any prepared baby formula,
resulting in breast-fed babies having fewer allergies and stomachaches than bottle-fed
babies (Talukder, 2000). Breast-feeding also decreases the frequency of almost every
common infectious disease, especially diarrhea, which is one of the primary causes of
infant death in developing countries (Isolauri, Sutas, Salo, Isosomppi, & Kaila, 1998).
Furthermore, breast-feeding lessens the risk of a number of diseases that appear in
childhood and adulthood, including asthma, obesity, and heart disease (Oddy, Sher-
rif, & deKlerk, 2004). Finally, higher levels of accumulated breast-feeding throughout
the first year of life are related to infants’ higher mental development at 14 months,
independently of a wide range of parental psychosocial factors (Guxens et al., 2011).

Recommendations for Breast-Feeding. Based on its benefits, doctors worldwide

recommend breast-feeding. The World Health Organization (WHO), the American
Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the Canadian Paediatric Society, and the American
Dietetic Association all strongly encourage breast-feeding for all babies unless the
mother is an active drug user (including alcohol and tobacco), HIV positive, or
severely malnourished. In those circumstances, bottle-feeding is the better choice
(Gross & Berg, 2012). Unfortunately, however, gaps still remain between present

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 162 Chapter 5

This mother is introducing

her baby to solid food which
starts with milk and cereal.

Mariusz S. Jurgielewicz/Shutterstock
breast-feeding practices and national breast-feeding objectives. For example, among
mothers who breast-feed their infants, those who are persistent smokers tend to wean
their infants early (by 10 weeks postpartum). On the other hand, mothers who quit
smoking during pregnancy and maintain quit status after pregnancy do not have
higher risk for early weaning than nonsmokers (Liu, Rosenberg, & Sandoval, 2006).

Weaning and the Introduction to Solid Foods. Virtually all doctors in the world
recommend exclusive breast-feeding for the first 4 to 6 months of a baby’s life. At
that point, they recommend that other foods be added, beginning with cereal and
bananas (which are easily digested) because breast milk does not have adequate
iron, vitamin D, or vitamin K for older babies. Even after the baby begins to eat
solid foods, however, breast milk should be a part of the diet for a year. From the
fourth month of life, it has been recommended that a new solid food be introduced
every couple of days, while continuing breast-feeding during this period (Sansotta,
­Piacentini, Mazzei, Minniti, Boner, & Peroni, 2013).

Healthy Nutrition After Weaning. After infants are weaned, it is of utmost impor-
tance that they are fed a highly nutritious diet that consists of foods containing
calcium, protein, fruits, vegetables, and whole grains. Unfortunately, many infants
do not receive adequate nutrition, which is largely the result of the socioeconomic
status and geographical location of the family. For example, infants and toddlers in
industrialized countries are far more likely to receive adequate nutrition than babies
in developing countries. Furthermore, the primary cause of malnutrition of infants
and toddlers in developing countries is early termination of breast-feeding (UNICEF,
2006). In those nations, breast-feeding dramatically reduces infant death by reducing
malnutrition, which, in turn, lessens the likelihood of contracting pneumonia and
diarrhea (Chisti et al., 2011).

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 163

Providing Health Care

To ensure optimum physical development, it is important for parents to make arrange-
ments for the health care of their infants and toddlers. One of the most significant
aspects of medical intervention that parents need to be certain that their babies receive
is immunization against communicable diseases. Today, deadly childhood epidemics
are rare, and an infant’s chance of dying from an infectious disease in industrialized
countries is dramatically less than it was 50 years ago. The single most important cause
of the dramatic improvement in child survival is immunization (Baker, 2000). World-
wide, the continued reduction in child deaths (due to greater access to health care and
immunization) is a great success story. It is important to remember, however, that vast
disparities persist between developed and developing regions (Wagner, 2006).

The Promotion of Fine and Gross Motor Skills

Parents support their babies’ fine and gross motor skills by (a) providing a stimulat-
ing environment, (b) selecting playthings and experiences that are developmentally
appropriate, and (c) making safety a high priority. Furthermore, parents need to be
alert to cues provided by their infants and toddlers regarding readiness to attempt
to use various motor skills. For example, when a toddler shows a strong interest in
climbing stairs, that curiosity reflects the child’s readiness to master that particular
milestone in gross motor skill development. An example of readiness in the area of
fine motor skill development is the baby’s attempt to grab the spoon when being fed.
In fact, the best example of an early fine motor skill is successful grabbing ­(McCarty
& Ashmead, 1999). Infant motor skill development is also intertwined with the devel-
opment of infant perception. For instance, infants’ emerging perceptual abilities
guide their object exploration and, concurrently, perception becomes elaborated
with the attainment of new motor skills (Soska & Adolph, 2010).

Thinking Critically
Unfortunately, toddlers have been given a bad rap as this stage is often referred to as the
“terrible twos.” Based on the preceding discussion of toddlers’ need be actively engaged in
mastering their gross and fine motor skills, what would you call this stage?

Gender Differences. As they are promoting their babies’ motor skills, parents tend
to overestimate the motor capabilities of their boy babies and underestimate the
motor capabilities of their girl babies. In reality, according to developmental norms,
infant girls and boys achieve early milestones, such as reaching, sitting, crawling,
and walking, at approximately the same ages. Even though baby boys have faster
physical growth and higher activity levels than baby girls, boys and girls do not dif-
fer in motor skill development during the infancy period (Mondschein, Adolph, &
Tamis-LeMonda, 2000).

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 164 Chapter 5

The Importance of Safety. Information related to infants’ and toddlers’ ­behavioral

norms might assist parents in taking precautions designed to keep their babies
safe. For instance, when infants begin to turn over (which typically occurs at about
3 months), it is very important that they not be placed on elevated surfaces without
sides. Likewise, as infants and toddlers become increasingly more ambulatory (creep-
ing, crawling, and walking), their home environments should be “baby-proofed” to
remove hazardous materials such as cleaning products and poisonous plants. Elec-
trical plugs should be covered as well, and low cabinets should have childproof
closures. Furthermore, parents need to be careful in distinguishing between safe
and unsafe objects they have in their homes. Infants and toddlers indiscriminately
pick up and put small objects into their mouths. They also have a tendency to tug
on a number of objects (such as plants) that can be toppled over. Making sure that
outside doors are always closed (and that infants and toddlers cannot open them
by themselves) and installing safety gates at the bottom and top of stairs are other
examples of ways to ensure infant and toddler safety. Finally, it is essential for
parents to continuously monitor their infants and toddlers to ensure their safety
(Mondschein et al., 2000).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. When parents are
aware that their babies’ attempts to climb stairs or grab the feeding spoon are actually
demonstrations of motor skill readiness, they can assist them in reaching these goals,
thereby promoting the advancement of their motor skills. For instance, although
safety gates are necessary for preventing toddlers from climbing unassisted, parents
might allocate time for assisted stair climbing by walking behind their toddlers while
steadying and encouraging them as they mount each step. Similarly, when babies are
trying to master self-feeding, parents might support that goal by being tolerant of the
necessary untidiness that accompanies these early feeding attempts. Of course, the
parent will need to supplement the infant’s early feeding efforts with a second spoon
until mastery of that goal has been sufficiently refined to the point that the food in the
baby’s spoon actually reaches the baby’s mouth. Other ways to assist babies in self-
feeding is by giving them small pieces of cut-up food that can be picked up easily.

INFANT/TODDLER CARE WHEN PARENTS ARE AT WORK

A primary challenge facing parents of infants and toddlers is the arrangement of the
care of their babies while the parents are at work. Parents coordinate child care with
their occupations in a variety of ways. For those who are married or living with their
partners, one parent sometimes works while the other parent provides child care,
at least in the early weeks or months after the arrival of a child or children. In other
two-parent households, both parents work but they coordinate schedules in such a
way that each parent takes care of the child, or children, while the other parent is
working. Also, grandparents are frequently called-on sources of child care. Although
working parents are sometimes able to rely on each other or their own parents to

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 165

care for their infants and toddlers, most American parents place their babies in child
care centers while they work. It is, therefore, important for parents to know what to
look for when choosing a child care center.

The Quality of Center-Based Care and Home-Based Care

Variations in the quality of early child care programs influence a wide variety of child
outcomes including cognitive, social, and health. By and large, center-based care has
been found to be, on average, of higher quality than home-based care (Miller, Votruba-
Drzal, Coley, & Koury, 2014). Furthermore, certain features of child care settings
are associated with positive outcomes in children, and it is precisely these features
that reflect the quality of these programs. First among these findings is that center-
based child care, family child care, or father care does not compromise mother–infant
attachment so long as the infant or toddler does not simultaneously experience inat-
tentive parenting while in poor-quality child care. Moreover, infants and toddlers in
higher quality child care settings are more securely attached to their caregivers than
are infants and toddlers in poor or minimally adequate care. It has been shown also
that children from low-income families have higher achievement in school when
they have attended high-quality child care as infants (Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor,
2009). Furthermore, it has been demonstrated that high-quality early child care pre-
dicts higher academic achievement and less externalizing behavior at age 15 (Vandell,
Belsky, Burchinal, Steinberg, & Vandergrift, 2010). It has also been documented that
cognitive, language, and preacademic skills preceding school entry are highest among
children who experienced high-quality care in both the infant–toddler and preschool
periods, are somewhat lower among children who experienced high-quality child care
during only one of these periods, and are lowest among children who experienced
low-quality care during both periods (Li, Farkas, Duncan, Burchinal, & Vandell, 2013).

Infants and Toddlers in Child Care Settings

Although infants, toddlers, and preschool children all benefit more from high-quality
child care than low-quality care, the reality is that infants and toddlers are less
likely to receive quality care than are preschool children Regardless of the type of
setting, infant and toddler care settings receive particularly low ratings of quality
care. Positive caregiving has been described as uncharacteristic of over half of the
care received by birth to three-year-olds in the United States, and there are reports
of lower levels of sensitivity toward toddlers than preschoolers in family child care
settings. Especially for infants and toddlers for whom achieving secure relationships
with adult caregivers is a primary developmental task with long-term consequences,
determining the emotional availability of the caregiver should be of foremost impor-
tance (Susman-Stillman, Pleuss, & Englund, 2013).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The preceding

discussion on quality of child care for infants and toddlers emphasizes that parents
of infants and toddlers should be aware not only of the traditional measurements of

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 166 Chapter 5

quality child care but also should inquire regarding the values and attitudes regard-
ing child care held by child care providers. In particular, parents should focus on
the level of ­emotional availability provided by the caregivers in a child care setting.

SUMMARY

• Discuss the pathways to parenthood available today and how expectant parents
can optimize their chances of having healthy full-term babies.
The pathways to parenthood today include adoption or assisted reproductive
technology and are available for individuals regardless of their marital status or
sexual orientation. When planning to become pregnant, women should (a) take
a daily multivitamin containing folic acid, (b) avoid the use of alcohol, (c) update
immunizations against all teratogenic viruses, particularly rubella, (d) gain or
lose weight if underweight or overweight, (e) re-examine their use of prescription
drugs, and (f) be aware of their status regarding sexually transmitted diseases.
• Exhibit an understanding of the experience of birth and the accompanying altera-
tions in the lives of new parents.
The majority of babies are carried to full term and are born healthy, but there is a
major difference in the survival rates of infants born in industrialized and nonin-
dustrialized countries. For parents of preterm and/or low-birth weight babies, the
baby’s birth weight, length of hospital stay, and postnatal complications are sig-
nificant predictors of anxiety and distress of parents. After the birth of a first child,
parents increase contact with extended family members and decrease contact with
friends. For parents in the same household, the main sources of support tend to
come from each other whereas extended family members are usually involved in
assisting new parents in making that transition. Coparenting of infants and toddlers
is affected by (a) parental gender role expectations, (b) the social context, (c) paren-
tal attributes, and (d) child characteristics.
• Detail the ways in which parents encourage the social-emotional development of
their infants and toddlers.
Parents who provide contingent responsiveness to their infants contribute to their
babies’ development of a sense of trust that parallels the development of secure
attachment. Parents of securely attached infants are sensitive, more contingently
responsive, more consistent, more likely to hold their infants, less intrusive, less
tense, and less irritable. Parents provide contingent responsiveness when they
allow their infants to be actively engaged in the roles of elicitor and receiver of
parental attention.
• Identify how parents can promote the cognitive development of their infants and
toddlers.
Piaget said parents should understand that their infants’ and toddlers’ curi-
osity about objects in their environment and their strong interest in looking,

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 Becoming Parents and Parenting Infants and Toddlers 167

listening, touching, biting, and tasting are normal and necessary for their cogni-
tive advancement. Vygotsky also linked children’s intellectual development to
their active exploration of the environment but emphasized the role of parents,
older siblings, or other adults in aiding that process. Findings from brain research
emphasizes that everything that babies see, hear, taste, touch, and smell contrib-
utes to the development of their brains. Parents promote language development
by engaging in parent–infant dialogue, allowing block play, reading with their
infants, and not exposing them to television programs.
• Specify the means by which parents promote the physical development of their
infants and toddlers.
Parents influence the physical development of their infants and toddlers by
their decisions regarding breast-feeding versus bottle-feeding, when to wean,
when and how to introduce solid foods, and how to provide a nutritious
diet after weaning. Parents also need to provide health care, which includes
immunizations to protect infants and toddlers from a number of diseases.
Supporting fine and gross motor skills includes (a) providing a stimulating
environment, (b) selecting developmentally appropriate playthings and expe-
riences, (c) making safety a high priority, and (d) being alert to cues provided
by infants and toddlers regarding readiness to attempt numerous physical
activities.
• Describe the various choices parents make regarding child care for their infants
and toddlers when they work.
Working parents are sometimes able to rely on each other or their own parents to
care for their infants and toddlers, but most working parents place their babies in
child care centers. What to look for when choosing a child care center includes
(a) low caregiver–child ratio (b) low caregiver turnover, (c) safety and cleanliness
of the setting, (d) training and education of the caregivers, and (e) a develop-
mental curriculum. It is important as well to inquire about caregivers’ underlying
attitudes and beliefs about caregiving to determine the emotional availability
provided by the caregivers in a child care setting.

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

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 168 Chapter 5

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this
chapter.

American Academy of Pediatrics

FASD Center for Excellence
Information for Expecting Parents from the U.S. Government
The American Pregnancy Association

KEY TERMS

Assisted reproductive technology Parental intrusiveness

Cued care Parent–infant synchrony
Executive function Parentese
Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder Sense of generativity
Infertility Social referencing
Intrusive coparenting behavior Surrogacy
Kangaroo care Teratogens

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 Parent–
6 Preschooler
Interactions

wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock

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 170 Chapter 6

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Identifythe numerous ways in which parents well as cultural and gender differences in the
affect their preschool children’s social- tasks that young children are assigned.
emotional development. ■■ Discussthe various types of child care that
■■ Clarify
the important role of parents in parents choose for their young children,
stimulating their young children’s cognitive including the factors that influence children’s
development. adjustment to and parents’ satisfaction with
■■ Describethe various ways that parents nonparental care.
support their preschool children’s physical ■■ Recognize the challenges and concerns related
development. to parenting preschool children and explain
■■ Explainthe role of parents in young children’s ways in which parents might address these
acquisition of personal and family life skills as challenges.

S heer delight, exuberance, curiosity, and magical thinking are all descriptions
of how preschool children engage and react to their world (Leach, 1997). Because
­preschoolers require assistance, guidance, and care from their caregivers, parents
have numerous opportunities to join them in their lively adventures. The level of
parental support that young children receive as they enthusiastically challenge them-
selves, the environment, and their parents, affects their social-emotional, cognitive,
and physical development.

THE PARENTAL ROLE IN PROMOTING Preschoolers’ SOCIAL-

EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Let us take a look at the ways in which parent–child relationships are altered in rela-
tion to children’s transformation from toddlers to preschoolers and the ways in which
parents support the developmental needs of their active, curious young children.

Early Attachment and Parent–Preschooler Relationships

We learned in Chapter 1 and were reminded in Chapter 5 that secure attachment is
associated with a number of positive developmental outcomes for infants and tod-
dlers. Secure attachment is not only central to the well-being of infants and toddlers
but also is important for the optimum development of preschoolers. Moreover, just as
parental responsiveness is linked to secure attachment in infants and toddlers, parental
­responsiveness is associated also with secure attachment in preschool children.

Parents of Securely Attached Young Children. When parents respond sensitively to

their babies and continue to respond sensitively to their young children, more favorable

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 171

social-emotional development occurs (Landry, Smith, & Swank, 2001). Securely attached
preschoolers have parents who not only have continued to be responsive to their
needs but also have adjusted their responsiveness to the developmental needs of their
preschoolers. One of the things we learned about the development needs of pre-
schoolers in Chapter 1 is that being engaged in playful activities is important for their
social-emotional and cognitive development. It turns out that certain features of ­parent–
preschooler play also foster parent–child attachment. Those features include being
­sensitive to the child, paying attention to the child’s emotional cues, and responding
in a synchronous fashion (Bureau, Yurkowski, Schmiedel, Martin, Moss, & Pallanca,
2014). The parents of securely attached preschoolers tend to validate their children’s
emotional experiences and to be aware of their internal states and perspectives. In
contrast, parents of insecure inhibited young children are less likely to validate their
children’s emotional experiences and to be less aware of their children’s internal feeling
states (Shamir-Essakow, Ungerer, & Rapee, 2004).

Parent–Child Attachment and Preschooler’s Social-Emotional Development. The

attachment preschoolers have with their parents has a profound impact on their
social-emotional development. Longitudinal studies have demonstrated that
preschoolers who were securely attached as babies show more elaborate make-
believe play and greater enthusiasm, flexibility, persistence in problem solving,
and a positive view of the self (Laible & Thompson, 2000). Additionally, such chil-
dren have higher self-esteem, social competence, cooperativeness, popularity, and
­empathy. The most evident way in which the quality of attachment during infancy is
exhibited during preschool and subsequent developmental stages is observed in the
relationships the child develops with others besides the parents (Ainsworth, 1989).
This is significant since, as the child ages, the microsystem in which young chil-
dren interact with others becomes more complex and includes collaborations with
more people, such as children outside the family, caregivers in child care settings,
and teachers in preschool (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). A notable social skill seen in
preschoolers with secure attachment is the ability to show empathic concern for
others (Murphy & Laible, 2013), and this capability has been linked to the ability
to regulate emotions. As demonstrated by Panfile and Laible (2012), more-secure
children are more empathic because they are better emotion regulators. As might be
expected, young children with more secure attachment are more socially engaged
and more likely to demonstrate social, emotional, and cognitive skills that lead to
peer acceptance (Verissimo, Santos, Fernandes, Shin, & Vaughn, 2014).

The Quality of Attachment and Preschoolers’ Adjustment to Nonparental Care.

It has also been demonstrated that the quality of preschool children’s attachment
affects their adjustment to nonparental care (Howard, Martin, Berlin, & Brooks-Gunn,
2011). One of the difficulties seen with preschoolers with lower quality mother–
child attachment is related to their aggressive behavior towards peers (Dodge, Coie,
& Lynam, 2006). On the other hand, recent evidence has demonstrated that the
dyadic affective relationship between a child and his or her teacher functions as a
buffer against aggressive behavior (Buyse, Verscheren, & Doumens, 2011).

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 172 Chapter 6

Thinking Critically
Have you observed sensitive, responsive parents with their preschool children? If so, what
aspects of these children’s behavior reflects what you now know about the effects of secure
attachment?

Promoting the Young Child’s Sense of Initiative

According to Erik Erikson (1963), a crucial aspect of self-development during
the preschool years comes from the achievement of a sense of initiative. Young
children jump at almost any opportunity to show that “I can do it.” Most 3- to
5-year-olds typically hold themselves in high esteem, referred to as protective opti-
mism, which helps them learn because they are not afraid to try new things. Their
sense of initiative is stimulated by their drive to discover their personal abilities as
reflected by their seemingly endless energy and curiosity about the environment.
Preschoolers are more likely to develop a sense of initiative when parents and
other caregivers support their adventurous nature by encouraging their curiosity
and allowing them to be active. On the contrary, if parents and other caregivers
react to young c­ hildren’s exuberance and curiosity by inhibiting their activities and
emphasizing that many of their normal behaviors are inappropriate, they contribute
to p
­ reschoolers’ sense of guilt.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. For young ­children,
the world cannot be adequately understood and appreciated simply through
­observation. They must experience it by taking the initiative in becoming physically
and psychologically involved in it. How young children discover the many things
they need to know is by doing things and asking questions with the intent of gather-
ing as much information as they can about the world in which they live. To find out
the properties of sand, for example, children must be able to put their hands in it, sift
it, make piles out of it, or mix water with it to make a sand castle or fort. To discover
usually means to enjoy, as seen in children’s delight at discovering the properties of
water by jumping in it, splashing in it, and running through a water sprinkler.

Parental Contributions to Preschoolers’ Self-Esteem

When parents support preschoolers’ behaviors that reflect a sense of initiative, they
also sustain their children’s development of self-esteem (Bosson, Brown, Zeigler-
Hill, & Swann, 2003). During these early years, children make judgments about
themselves based on how well parents and significant others seem to like them
(social acceptance). Thus, verbal praise by parents is linked with young children’s
self-esteem. For example, when preschoolers hear that they are smart, what they
did was good, or that they are special, their worth is affirmed (Searcy, 2007).
Their ­self-evaluations are linked as well to how good they feel about accomplish-
ing the tasks they attempt to master (competence). They have difficulty, however,

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in discriminating their competence at different activities; when asked how well they
can perform some activity, they typically overestimate their ability and u ­ nderestimate
task difficulty. Preschoolers’ over-ranking of their abilities reflects high self-esteem,
a quality that is highly adaptive at that age because it encourages them to p ­ ersist at
tasks during a period in which many new skills must be mastered (Harter, 1999). Even
though the young child’s self-esteem is furthered through the mastery of a ­variety
of skills, participation in activities themselves also serves to promote ­self-esteem
(Searcy, 2007). For example, parents often require young children to pick up their
toys, help set the table, and perform a variety of other activities that encourage
­feelings of competence.

Watch this video on how to support young children’s self-esteem. What are several ways
in which parents can positively influence their children’s self-esteem?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=ylNmkuLr6SE

Preschoolers’ tendency to evaluate themselves highly does not mean they are
unaware of the judgments of others. Throughout the early years, children become
increasingly conscious of what others think, and they begin to appraise their
own behaviors using others’ standards. Although most young children have high
­self-esteem, by age 4, some children give up when faced with challenges, conclud-
ing that they will not be able to accomplish the task or will become discouraged after
failure. When nonpersisting preschoolers are asked why they have given up, they
frequently report that their parents would be mad at them or punish them for making
mistakes. (Butler, 1998).

Implications of Previous Discussions for Parents and Professionals. When parents

understand that young children routinely overestimate their abilities and tend to
feel disappointed and guilty when they fail at a task or cause an accident, they are
more likely to understand their role in promoting their preschoolers’ self-concept.
Although preschoolers are highly interested in taking the initiative in demonstrating
what they can do, they need parental backup and encouragement.

Talking to Young Children About Their Emotions

A growing body of literature suggests that parent–child conversations about
­emotions promote young children’s emotion competence, which enables children to
­understand their own and others’ emotional responses (Denham, Bassett, & ­Zinsser,
2012). Emotion competence also contributes to children’s social competence,
including their peer relationships, successful adjustment to school, and academic
achievement. By contrast, limited emotion knowledge is related to internalizing and
externalizing problems throughout childhood (Ensor, Spencer, & Hughes, 2011).
Thus, when preschoolers are experiencing pride, guilt, or a variety of other emotions,

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This mother’s attention to

what her child is feeling is
an important component of
effective parenting.

Lynne Carpenter/Shutterstock
it is helpful if their parents assist them in recognizing the emotions they are experi-
encing. One of the most important ways in which parents enhance their children’s
emotion competence is by emotion labeling, which has been demonstrated to be par-
ticularly relevant to other aspects of emotion knowledge (Salmon, Evans, Moskowitz,
Grouden, & Parkes, 2013). It is helpful as well for parents to be accepting of their
young children’s negative as well as their positive emotions. Wong, McElwain, and
Halberstadt (2009) found that, for both mothers and fathers, more accepting beliefs
about children’s expressions of negative emotions were related to more supportive
parental reactions. On the other hand, they found that those parents who were
less accepting of their children’s expressions of negative reactions responded more
adversely. Finally, exposing young children to harsh or distressed parental emotions
increases the intensity of preschoolers’ negative emotions and contributes to their
lowered social competence (Cullen, Ownbey, & Ownbey, 2010).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. In everyday

­parent–child interactions, young children encounter a range of feelings that need
to be expressed. Although parents are usually pleased when their young children
talk about their happy feelings, they also should encourage the expression of their
negative feelings. It is helpful when parents assist their children in labeling difficult
feelings by saying, “Are you feeling sad, mad, or tired?” and so on. Being able to
articulate undesirable feelings helps young children deal with upsets better than
when they do not have words to name them. Finally, parents who are accepting
of their young children’s verbal expression of feelings should bear in mind that
sometimes the parent will be the target of angry feelings. A young child is likely to
show anger toward a parent when prevented from engaging in a particular behav-
ior, such as climbing a tree, even though the behavior is dangerous. If parents are

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 175

accepting of verbal expressions, the child is likely to say, “I’m mad at you.” Then
the parent can reply in a soothing voice, “I know that you feel angry because you
really want to climb that tree but you could fall and get hurt.” The young child
who has been heard and understood is more likely to get over those angry feelings
more quickly.

Promoting Preschoolers’ Self-Reliance

When parents assist their preschool children in their goal of mastering a variety of
activities, they contribute to their development of self-reliance. Self-reliance is an
important indicator of young children’s social adjustment during early childhood. The
development of self-reliance allows the child to accept delays and disappointments,
operate autonomously and effectively, and cooperate and coordinate in give and take
with others (Sroufe, 1995). The child’s ability to function self-reliantly in the face of
a challenge has been linked to the experiences they have in their families during the
preschool years (Ryan, Deci, Grolnick, & LaGuardia, 2006). For example, Mauro and
Harris (2000) found that young children whose parents use an authoritative parenting
approach are better able to delay gratification than are children of permissive parents.
Although both mothers and fathers are important contributors to young children’s
development of self-reliance, Grossman, Kindler, and Strasser (2003) pointed out
that fathering involves more emphasis on play, mentorship, and encouragement of
the child in the face of challenges than does mothering. Based on that premise, those
researchers speculated that fathers’ relationships with their young children might be
especially important in bolstering the child’s development of self-reliance. Further-
more, evidence from a national longitudinal sample of children and their parents
showed that mothers and fathers who were higher on sensitive support of autonomy
and self-regulation during their children’s preschool years had sons who made greater
gains in reading and math achievement from kindergarten to grade 3 (NICHD Early
Child Care Research Network, 2008).

Implications of Previous Discussions for Parents and Professionals. Parents should

expect their young children to become increasingly more self-reliant and should not
continually do things for them that they can do for themselves. On the other hand,
when encouraging children to perform self-help and simple household responsibili-
ties, parents need to keep in mind that young children will (a) take longer to perform
these tasks, (b) need assistance along the way, and (c) require parental patience with
their less-than-perfect performance.

Helping Young Children Discover Their Personal Boundaries

Studies of young children in diverse cultural contexts have revealed that concepts of
personal choice are developed during the preschool years. Personal choices show
up in preschoolers’ refusal to eat certain foods and delight when offered foods they
enjoy. Their preferences manifest themselves also in their curiosity and active dis-
covery, which contributes to their learning about personal boundaries—what they

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 176 Chapter 6

might or might not do and what they can and cannot accomplish. Children’s personal
boundaries are revealed as they (a) make errors in judgment, (b) fail to accomplish
goals, and (c) have conflicts with parents and other caregivers when boundaries and
limits are not adhered to. Children’s establishment of an arena of personal control is
essential for their development of a sense of individuality and independence. Parents
play a critical role in their children’s development of personal boundaries because
these boundaries are constructed from social interactions involving negotiations with
adult authority (Nucci & Smetana, 1996; Yau & Smetana, 2003; Yamada, 2004).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Although it is help-

ful when parents encourage their preschoolers’ freedom to explore, thereby promot-
ing their curiosity and sense of initiative, it is also essential that they closely monitor
their youngsters’ activities and establish reasonable parameters and rules of behav-
ior. By establishing boundaries and regulations for young children and at times redi-
recting their behavior, parents help them understand which behaviors are safe and/
or acceptable. The ways in which parents respond to their young children’s mistakes
are important as well. Parents should expect (and be patient with) such occurrences
as spilled milk, the accidental toppling of objects, and other blunders that are a natu-
ral part of an active preschooler’s day.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
A CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE OF YOUNG CHILDREN’S PERSONAL BOUNDARIES
Whereas the establishment of personal boundaries occurs during early childhood, there are differences
in the ways in which parents in Western and non-Western societies respond to their young children’s
attempts to establish these boundaries. Middle-class parents in the United States have reported that allow-
ing young children some personal discretion is an aspect of fostering autonomy and competence. Although
they typically regulate issues related to safety, daily routines, and family traditions, they permit their chil-
dren to make decisions related to choices of which clothes to wear, which foods they prefer, recreational
activities, and playmates (Nucci & Smetana, 1996). As discussed in Chapter 4, the value of independence
seen in Western societies plays out in child socialization approaches, whereas values of interdependence
influence parenting approaches in non-Western societies. Those value differences appear early on and
are exemplified in the findings of Yamada (2004) that while Japanese mothers grant their children choices
regarding recreational activities, clothes, and friends to foster autonomy and competence, they set more
limits on their children than do non-Western parents. Furthermore, Japanese parents tend to perceive child
resistance as egocentric rather than establishing personal boundaries. Similar findings were also reported
for a sample of Taiwanese-Canadian mothers (Chuang, 2006).

PROMOTING YOUNG Children’s COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

The cognitive development of their young children often fascinates and sometimes
confuses parents. On the one hand, parents everywhere are captivated and delighted
by the magical thinking of young children who wonder where the sun sleeps or
who chatter away with invisible playmates. On the other hand, parents frequently

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 177

are surprised by their young children’s failure to comprehend metaphors and other
ways in which adults and older children express themselves. We will now examine
the role of parents in promoting the cognitive development of their young children.

Insights from Piaget

According to Piaget and Inhelder (1969), a striking difference between infant and
preschooler cognition is the ability to use symbolic thinking. The ability to symbol-
ize occurs in gradual steps and is dependent on interactions with other persons and
objects in the environment. As monumental as symbolic thought might be, Piaget
and Inhelder (1969) referred to the cognitive development between ages 2 and 6
as preoperational thought. As a result of the constraints of preoperational thought,
preschoolers’ first symbolic concepts are not as complete or as logical as are those
of older children and adults; thus, they are referred to as preconcepts. An illustra-
tion of a preconcept used by preschoolers is overgeneralization. Young children
know, for example, that whoever walks on two legs, is tall (according to their stand-
ards), and speaks in a deep voice belongs to a particular class of persons (Piaget
& Inhelder, 1969). The English word they learn for this class of persons is usually
Daddy or Papa; the Hindu term is Bapu, and the Xhosa (South African) word is Tata.
So when young children use the terms Daddy, Papa, Bapu, Tata, or other linguistic
variations to refer to all men, they are demonstrating the ability to use preconcepts.
Young children have difficulty also in distinguishing specific members of a species
from each other. This inability is evident in a young child who has seen a kitten
down the street thinking that another kitten seen in another place is the same one
(Elkind, 1976).

Preschoolers’ Egocentrism. It is the nature of young children to be egocentric in

their thinking. This simply means that they have an excessive reliance on their own
point of view coupled with a corresponding inability to be objective. The inability to
consider two perspectives at once means that very young children are unable to figure
out the concept of sharing. According to Piaget and Inhelder (1969), the reluctance to
share does not mean that young children are necessarily selfish. On the contrary, they
frequently attempt to comfort others in distress. Those attempts, however, are likely to
be demonstrated in a distinctly egocentric form such as offering a toy or lollipop. The
inability to consider two perspectives simultaneously can be seen also in preschool-
ers’ failure to understand that (a) the quantity of matter (such as clay) does not change
when the shape changes or (b) the volume of water remains the same if it is poured
from a short glass to a tall narrow glass (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Rather than

expressing impatience with their young children when they do not share, parents
might take their children’s perspective in the matter. Parents can be certain that each
child has an identical toy, or when noticing that two children are insisting on hav-
ing the same toy, might distract one of the children by offering that child an equally
attractive toy. Also, parents need to be patient with their young children when they

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 178 Chapter 6

complain that they have less lemonade than the other children whose glasses are
taller. Instead of providing a logical explanation to the prelogical preschooler, it is
better to take care that glasses chosen for their liquid refreshments are all the same
height and width.

Insights from Vygotsky

Vygotsky agreed with Piaget that preschoolers are active learners (Brandstadter,
1998), but Vygotsky emphasized that children do not strive alone; their efforts to
understand their world are imbedded in a social context. Preschoolers notice things
that happen and ask “Why?” with the assumption that others know why—and
they expect answers. Meanwhile, parents, older siblings, grandparents, preschool
­teachers, and many others do more than answer: They guide the young child’s
cognitive development by (a) presenting challenges for new learning, (b) offering
assistance with difficult tasks, (c) providing instruction, and (d) encouraging the pre-
schooler’s interest and motivation. Thus, children learn much of what they need to
know through guided participation in social experiences and in explorations of their
world (Rogoff, Paradise, Arauz, Correa-Chavez, & Angelitto, 2003).
Parental support is particularly important in enhancing young children’s
­self-regulatory behaviors related to cognitive awareness and task management. Find-
ings of Neitzel and Stright (2003) showed that mothers who discuss young children’s
strategies with them when they are working on a cognitive task have children who
more frequently talk about their thinking and monitor their own progress on those
tasks. Another aspect of guided participation includes regulating task complexity by
giving instructions in small steps with frequent review. Parental emotional support
during task completion also contributes significantly to predicting young children’s
help-seeking behavior in the preschool classroom.

This parent understands

that children are able to
master tasks more quickly
(and with less frustration)
when assisted by adults.
Daxiao Productions/Fotolia

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 179

Thinking Critically
Drawing on the previous discussion of guided participation, what recommendations would
you give parents who want their children to pick up their toys and put them in their toy boxes?

Enhancing Children’s Cognitive Development Through Shared Book Reading,

­Computer Access, and Quality Child Care. Parents can enrich their children’s
cognitive development in a number of ways, including reading books with them,
providing computer access, and choosing quality child care.

Shared Book Reading. Book reading during the preschool years is more likely to fos-
ter literacy development when it is enriched with explicit attention to the development
of children’s reading skills. Parents do this when they match nouns with pictures and
call attention to letters and words (Phillips, Norris, & Anderson, 2008). These strategies
should be embedded in the reading of the story and not detract from the child’s pleas-
ure in being read a story. It is helpful as well when children have everyday exposure to
letters of the alphabet and numbers. Putting letter and number magnets on the child’s
level on the side of the refrigerator and having floating letters and numbers as bath
toys are two examples that many parents use to call attention to letters and numbers,
thereby reinforcing their young children’s literacy. In addition to promoting children’s
literacy, shared book reading also offers opportunities to discuss social situations and
mental and emotional states. It has been recommended that parents use the context of
shared reading for conversations on both books’ plots and the emotional states of the
book’s characters (Aram, Fine, & Ziv, 2013).

Watch the following video on the ways in which reading to young children benefits their
brain development. What are some of the things you learned about the benefits of read-
ing to young children?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=o_RReFPSYJM

Access to Computers. Another way in which parents enhance their young chil-
dren’s cognitive skills is encouraging their use of the computer. Li and Atkins (2004)
explored the association between young children’s early computer experience (both
accessibility and frequency of use) and their cognitive and psychomotor develop-
ment and found that, among families with a computer in the home, 83% had chil-
dren’s software on the computer. They also found that preschool children who had
access to a computer performed better on school readiness and cognitive develop-
ment. In further support of the value of computer access for enhancing cognitive
development, Logan and Zevenbergen (2008) discovered that many young children
have developed a high number of skills through their interactions with the computer
prior to entering preschool. Their parents reported that their children used the com-
puter for finding/recognizing letters and typing letters and/or words.

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 180 Chapter 6

Quality Child Care. The choice of developmental preschool is another important

way to promote young children’s cognitive development. Young children’s poten-
tial rests heavily on the quality of the environments in which they learn, whether at
home, in child care, or in developmental preschool. Quality child care programs
focus on a range of activities that address the physical, social, emotional, and cogni-
tive development of children. Furthermore, young children benefit more from quality
child care when there is a supportive dialogue between caregivers and parents. Con-
sequently, many programs for children from families of low socioeconomic levels
involve parents through home visits and parent training (Kennedy, 2004). Indicators
of quality child care for young children will be discussed later in this chapter.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
AN INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVE REGARDING YOUNG CHILDREN’S DEVELOPING
­COGNITIVE COMPETENCY
In the previous discussions, we examined the views of Piaget and Vygotsky regarding ways in which par-
ents can understand and support their young children’s cognitive development. Another perspective of
developing competency in young children may be observed in the ways in which young children in indig-
enous cultures everywhere learn by observing and listening in on activities of adults and older children.
The sources of learning and cognitive development in these cultures are keen observation and listening
in anticipation of participation. This type of learning seems to be especially valued and emphasized in
cultures where children have access to learning from informal community involvement. In those cultures,
young children observe and listen with intense concentration and initiative, and their future collaborative
participation is expected when they are ready. This tradition, which is referred to as intent participation, is
prominent in many indigenous communities throughout the world. Examples of intent participation have
been observed in a number of cultural communities. Young Navajo students quietly observe teachers more
than twice as often as do Caucasian students in the same classroom. Mexican-heritage children are also
more likely to observe without requesting further information compared with European-heritage children
(Rogoff et al., 2003).

The Role of Parents in Promoting Language Development

From infancy to early childhood, one undeniable change takes place—children learn
to talk. In cultures around the world, young children’s rapid language d ­ evelopment
represents a language explosion with words and sentences bursting forth. By age 6,
the average child has a vocabulary of more than 10,000 words; during these early
years, children learn words at the rapid rate of 10 to 20 new words per day through
a process called fast mapping (Gray, 2006). Even though different languages have
different subject, verb, and object placement, young children’s word placement
matches the grammatical structure and verb tense of their native language from the
time they first string two words together. An illustration of preschoolers’ knowledge
of verb tense is demonstrated in the following example. The young child who says
“I played with Sally today” comprehends that ed is added to a verb to represent
past tense. When that same child says “Sally and I goed to the park,” the child is

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 181

still demonstrating a basic understanding of past tense. In the second example, the
child uses overregularization (Kam & Newport, 2009). The remarkable advances in
language development during the preschool years are further exemplified in young
children’s social speech. Preschool children are extraordinarily adept at producing
socially adaptive behavior in their verbal communication. For example, 4-year-old
children speak differently to 2-year-olds when they see themselves in a teaching
role than when they are attempting to engage a younger child in informal play. In
addition, young children’s speech reflects the social skills of turn taking and topic
maintenance (Woodward & Markman, 1998).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. There is no q

­ uestion
that the preschool stage of development is an impressive time of language develop-
ment. It is, therefore, beneficial for young children when their parents continually
engage them in verbal dialogues and respond to their questions and other verbal
comments. Young children’s language development (especially vocabulary expan-
sion) is further promoted when adults label new things for them. Finally, whereas
the language development that occurs during the preschool stage is impressive,
young children’s pronunciation takes a little longer to perfect. It is important that
parents do not attempt to correct their young children’s pronunciation because that
approach actually hampers their preschoolers’ language development. Instead of
calling attention to their youngsters’ mispronunciation, parents should respond to
their preschoolers’ speech as if they had pronounced the words correctly. In their
responses to their young children’s mispronunciations, however, it is important for
parents to repeat back the words correctly, thereby modeling the correct pronuncia-
tion. For example, the child might say, “Mommy, Daddy said we are going on a
twip!” In response, Mommy could say, “Oh yes! We are going to go on a trip!”

When parents speak face-to-

face with their young children,
the children see how words
are formed.
Anna Jurkovska/Shutterstock

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 182 Chapter 6

How Young Children Understand Speech. Even though young children’s speech
reflects their social understanding of turn taking, topic maintenance, and social
adaptation, they are somewhat limited in comprehending the speech of others. The
preoperational thought of young children prevents them from understanding the
concept of reversibility, which shows up in their failure to accurately comprehend
reverse-order sentences. An example of this misunderstanding can be detected when
the parent says to the child, “You can have a cookie after you wash your hands.”
Because young children understand the sequence of action in the order that it is
­presented, the child believes the parent is actually saying, “You can have a cookie,
then you should wash your hands.” The child not only thinks that cookie eating
­precedes hand washing in this instance but also is less likely to have paid attention
to the second half of the sentence. The failure to attend to the second stated action
in the sentence is due to preschoolers’ egocentric tendency to focus on one thing at
a time. Another cognitive limitation of young children is their inability to understand
complex, multiaction sentences (Woodward & Markman, 1998). For instance, a
young child would have trouble making sense of the following request: “Tommy,
pick up your toys, go wash your hands, and put on your jacket.” The parent who
uses a sentence such as that expects the child to attend to several requests, which is
extremely difficult for the egocentric young child.

Thinking Critically
Drawing on the previous discussion regarding how young children understand adult speech,
describe how you might instruct preschoolers to come to dinner after they have put away their
toys and washed their hands.

Still another limitation of children’s linguistic understanding stems from their

inability to comprehend metaphors—that one word or phrase can have different
meanings when used in different contexts. Their inability to grasp metaphors means
that young children are quite literal in their understanding and use of speech. If a
father tells a preschool child on the phone that he will be home in a little while but
that he is “tied up right now,” the child believes the father is literally tied up. The
concerned child might turn to the mother and ask, “How is Daddy going to get
untied?” The child’s lack of understanding that words might represent different things
in different contexts means that their language understanding is context bound. An
illustration of this language limitation is apparent when a parent has taken the child
into the deep end of the swimming pool and the child learns from that experience
that deep means over one’s head. When that same parent says to the young child the
following week that it is okay to step in puddles after a rain while wearing rain boots
but not to step into deep puddles, the child will feel free to step into any puddle that
is not over the child’s head (Weighall, 2008).
Whereas young children are unable to use context to figure out confusing
­sentences, they are able to learn generic sentences, such as “Birds lay eggs,” “Bears

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 183

climb trees,” and “Steam shovels scoop dirt.” Furthermore, there is evidence that the
generic form is maintained in the long-term memory of young children and might
serve as a foundation for constructing knowledge about objects in their environment
(Gelman & Raman, 2007). Therefore, when pointing out category labels to young
children in books, at the zoo, and around town, it is helpful if parents tell the child
something about what the animal or object does. Another way that parents promote
their young children’s language development is by encouraging them to describe
events in their lives. For example, Mommy or Daddy might say, “What did you do
today?” or “What were you and Tyler playing?” It has been found that children’s
ability to produce a high-quality narrative of a previously experienced event is an
important contributor to their memory development (Kulkofsky & Klemfuss, 2008).
Finally, parents of young children need to be aware that, as with infants and toddlers,
live language supports language development, but videos and television do not. The
importance of live language for young children’s language development was empha-
sized by Roseberry, Hirsh-Pasek, Parish-Morris, and Golinkoff (2009); their findings
suggested that whereas older children can learn verbs from videos alone, young chil-
dren learn verbs only from videos when supported with live social interaction.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. First, parents

should be certain that they speak clearly and face-to-face to their young children
so that their children have the opportunity to watch the formation of their words
and clearly hear how s­ entences are formed and words are pronounced. Second, it
is helpful when ­parents use short, concrete sentences; state one request or idea at
a time, and give the child an opportunity to think about and process each request
separately. Third, it is ­important for parents not to use metaphors when talking to
their preschool children, who rely on literal comprehension. Fourth, parents need to
understand that even though a child has learned the meaning of a word, the child
might not understand the usage of that word in a different context.

PROMOTING Preschoolers’ PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT

The most obvious physical changes during the preschool years are in children’s size
and shape as chubby toddlers are transformed into slimmer and taller preschoolers.
Less obvious but more crucial developmental changes occur in the preschool child’s
brain and central nervous system. Parents are better prepared to promote their pre-
schoolers’ physical development if they are aware of (a) the nutritional needs of their
young children, (b) the brain development that occurs during these early years, and
(c) preschool children’s development of gross and fine motor skills.

Meeting the Nutritional Needs of Preschoolers

Providing adequate nutrition to preschool children plays a central role in promoting
their physical development. Although physical growth slows during the preschool
years resulting in young children requiring fewer calories than toddlers, it is essential

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 184 Chapter 6

that they have a nutritious diet. When family food is limited (primarily because of
poverty), young children often suffer from malnutrition, which has a significant effect
on their physical, emotional, and cognitive development (Tanner & Finn-Stevenson,
2002). Whereas most children in industrialized societies consume enough calories
for energy, they do not always obtain adequate vitamins and minerals. Nutritional
deficiencies are found not only in young children living in low-income families
but also in many young children on restricted diets. At times, these diets, such as a
gluten-free diet for the management of celiac disease or exclusion diets for children
with food allergies, are medically necessary. At other times, diets are self-selected
by children or parent selected as a result of nutrition misinformation, cultural prefer-
ences, or misconceptions regarding food tolerance (Kirby & Danner, 2009).

Common Nutritional Problems. The most common nutritional problem in the pre-
school years is an insufficient intake of iron, zinc, and calcium. Foods containing
these nutrients often get crowded out by foods such as sweetened cereals, soda pop,
and fruit juice. These foods are a poor substitute for a balanced diet, especially for
young children who have small appetites. Thus, the diets of many American children
often result in iron-deficiency anemia, a symptom of which is chronic fatigue. Anemia
is three times more common in low-income families than in other families, yet parents
of every social class tend to give their children candy, sugary drinks, sweetened cere-
als, and other sweets. Children who eat these foods not only are more likely to have
a vitamin deficiency as a result of less consumption of nutritional foods but also are
more vulnerable to early tooth decay, which has been found to be the single most
common chronic childhood disease (Dye et al., 2007). Marginal zinc deficiencies
also are typical among children living in poverty. These children are at increased risk
of infectious diseases, including diarrhea, and respiratory infections (Haider & Bhutta,
2009). Furthermore, undernutrition, which is widespread among preschool children
in the United States, has a harmful effect on brain development and has been linked
to overweight problems later in childhood (Dubois, Farmer, & Girard, 2006).

Providing nutritional meals and limiting

sweets promote young children’s physical
development.

JackF/Fotolia

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 185

Ways in Which Parents Influence Their Young Children’s Dietary Practices. Parents
can take many steps to improve their preschoolers’ nutrition. According to Nicklas,
Baranowski, Baranowski, and Cullen (2001), parents influence their young children’s
eating habits in the following five ways.

Parental Control of Food Availability and Accessibility. Parents control most of the
foods entering their home, the methods of food preparation, and where the family
goes out to eat. Consequently, children choose to eat foods that they are served most
often and prefer what is available and acceptable in the parental household.

Parental Influence of Meal Structure on Children’s Nutritional Habits. In families

where breakfast, lunch, and dinner are offered, the nutritional needs of young chil-
dren are more likely to be met. Of these three meals, breakfast is especially signifi-
cant because young children who consume breakfast regularly have more adequate
nutrition than do those who do not eat breakfast.

Parental Food Modeling. Young children’s acceptance of certain foods follows the
examples set by parents and siblings rather than the examples of strangers eating
food. Thus, parents who eat a healthy diet composed of the important food groups
serve as positive food consumption models for their children.

Food Socialization Practices. Young children’s food acceptance involves parents

sharing nutritional information with their children through discussions of “which
foods are good for us.” These types of exchanges tend to foster the child’s interest in
food and increase food acceptance.

Parental Food Socialization Styles. In comparison to other parenting styles, the

authoritative parenting style has the most positive influence on young children’s
nutritional food acceptance. Authoritative parents influence food acceptance and
dietary self-control by using questions, negotiations, and reasoning to guide a child’s
behavior. These parents also provide small portions when introducing a new food.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
NUTRITION DEFICIENCES OF CHILDREN AROUND THE WORLD
Among poor families in many developing countries, food security is not taken for granted, and the poorer
the household, the less likely it is that the family will have food security. One of the ramifications of mal-
nutrition in developing countries is Vitamin A deficiency, which is a major public health nutrition problem
affecting an estimated 190 million young children in Southwest Asia alone (Klemm et al., 2010). Another
nutritional problem faced by parents in developing nations is that their young children frequently suffer
from iodine deficiency, which is associated with cognitive impairment (Melse-Boonstra & Jaiswal, 2010).
Although childhood food insecurity is a major health problem for children growing up in developing
countries, the problem also exists in the United States. Young children from food-insecure families in the
United States are at risk for numerous developmental problems. Food insecurity disproportionately affects

(continued)

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 186 Chapter 6

low-income families, and interventions that are designed to supplement families’ income or diet have not
eliminated food insecurity. This is because food insecurity is related not only to financial circumstances
but also to nonfinancial factors such as the presence of maternal mental health problems. Low-income
families are especially vulnerable to food insecurity when the mother experiences depression, alcohol or
drug abuse, psychosis spectrum disorder, or domestic violence (Melchior et al., 2009).

Overweight and Obesity in Young Children. Whereas obesity was rarely observed
in young children 30 years ago, it now is prevalent among children of all ages in the
United States. Obesity is a serious health problem that affects children from diverse
ethnic backgrounds in industrialized and developing countries. Empirical evidence
indicates that, in most cases, obesity is established during the preschool years. Early
childhood in particular is a crucial time during which long-term dietary and physi-
cal activity habits are established (Lanigan, Barber, & Singhal, 2010). Moreover,
research findings suggest that poor dietary and physical activity patterns are linked
to obesity risks among these children (Olstad & McCargar, 2009). Food insufficiency
in families has been linked not only to malnutrition among preschoolers but also to
overweight problems later in childhood. In their study focusing on the relationship
between family food insufficiency and children’s overweight, Dubois et al. (2006)
found that the presence of food insufficiency sometime during the preschool years
more than tripled the odds for childhood and adolescent obesity.

Addressing the Problem of Overweight and Obesity of Young Children. Single-­

strategy obesity-prevention strategies have had limited success, and it has been
­suggested that programs that target multiple behaviors might help reduce body weight
and body fat among young children. Parental involvement in these programs is the
key to success because parents have primary control over their children’s food and
activity environments (Olstad & McCargar, 2009). There also is evidence that meal
patterns and frequencies affect body weight in young children. In their review of stud-
ies focused on children from the United States, Germany, and Portugal, Koletzko and
Toschke (2010) found that, in most of those studies, there was a significant reduction
in obesity risk with increasing numbers of meals. Based on the consistent association
with skipping meals and increased obesity risk in children, they recommended a regu-
lar meal pattern with 5 meals per day with adequate composition for young children.

Understanding the Brain Development of Young Children

One of the reasons that adequate nutrition is so important during the early years is
early brain development (Tanner & Finn-Stevenson, 2002). As a result of the brain
growth and development that occurs during the preschool years, young children
react more quickly to stimuli and become better at controlling their emotions. From
ages 2 to 6, neurological advances in the prefrontal cortex mean that young children
have fewer incidences of (a) temper tantrums, (b) uncontrollable laughter or crying,
and (c) terrifying fears. They also show an increased capacity for self-control, which
is demonstrated by a variety of behaviors (Carlson, 2003). For example, they are

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 187

likely to understand that they must eat their meal before getting dessert. Compared to
a toddler, a 5-year-old child more quickly notices that another child is playing with a
favorite toy but is less likely to object by throwing a tantrum. Instead, the preschooler
is able to come up with a number of strategies for retrieving the desired toy, such as
explaining ownership, offering another toy, or even offering a trade, which 2-year-
olds almost never do. Maturation of the prefrontal lobe during the early years also
means that sleep becomes more regular (Nelson, de Haan, & Thomas, 2006), and
young children have less impulsivity and less perseveration (de Haan & Johnson,
2003). Finally, there are gender differences in brain development that affect young
children’s ability to control emotions. Preschool girls are better at regulating their
external emotions but are less successful with regulating their internal emotions,
whereas, for boys, the opposite is true.

Thinking Critically
In the previous paragraph, you learned that perseveration is related to brain development and
lessens over time during the preschool years. Based on that information, how would you rec-
ommend that a parent respond to a young preschooler’s temper tantrum?

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. By and large, the
brain development that occurs during the preschool stage of development makes it
easier for young children to control their emotions and to come up with a variety of
tactics for getting their needs met in a socially acceptable way. Whether or not they
develop these abilities, however, depends not only on their brain development but
also on the guidance they receive from parents and other caregivers. Unlike toddlers,
preschoolers are amenable to parental suggestions regarding ways in which to handle
conflicts. Young children who have parents who gently explain to them the options
available for resolving conflict, such as sharing, trading, or taking turns, incorporate
these skills more readily into their behavioral repertoire than do preschoolers who
are not provided this kind of guidance (Merzenich, 2001). The emotional climate of
the household also affects young children’s development of problem-solving skills.
When parents and other family members get along and have a variety of strategies
for dealing with stress, young children are better able to learn ways of resolving con-
flict. On the other hand, when family life is highly stressful and parents do not model
positive ways of resolving conflict, young children have more difficulty in developing
impulse control and consequently have more problems interacting with other chil-
dren (DeBellis, 2001). Moreover, parents should be aware that stressful experiences
outside the home—meeting new friends, entering preschool, or visiting an unfamiliar
place—typically cause stress for young children. Their ability to deal with that stress
is related not only to their developing brain capacity but also to whether the child
has someone to moderate that stress (Quas, Bauer, & Boyce, 2004). The parent might
acknowledge the child’s fears and reassure the child regarding what to expect or the
positive aspects of the experience.

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 188 Chapter 6

The Promotion of Fine and Gross Motor Skills

When parents promote their children’s motor skill development, they not only are
helping their children’s physical development but also are influencing their cogni-
tive development (Planinsec, 2002), particularly early language and reading skills
(McPhillips & Jordan-Black, 2007). For example, ball catching (a sequencing task
associated with gross motor skill development) has been empirically linked with
young children’s handwriting skills (Haines, 2003).

Parental Support of Gross Motor Skill Development. As preschoolers make

progress in the development of their gross motor skills, it is helpful when parents
introduce different materials and varying environmental challenges. For example,
preschoolers quickly develop the ability to adapt their movements to meet varying
challenges, such as catching balls of different sizes and running up and down hills.
Learning a variety of exercises and games enhances young children’s perceptual
abilities and enables them to experience and actively participate in their social envi-
ronment. Parents should be alert as well to cues from their young children regarding
their motivation to engage in various physical activities. It is helpful as well when
parents provide sufficient space and appropriate structures for the practice of these
skills. Additionally, parents might consider providing swimming instruction for their
preschool children. Youngsters who are taught to swim during their preschool years
have an advantage because swimming in warm water contributes to an awareness
of their own bodies while improving their gross motor skills. Finally, because young
children are not logical thinkers, it is imperative for parents to provide close supervi-
sion of their activities.
Parents should consider also the social conditions under which preschoolers
exercise their motor skills. Running and playing with other children and adults not

By providing opportunities
for movement activities,
parents promote their young
children’s gross motor skill
development.
Iuliia Sokolovska/Fotolia

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 189

only are highly enjoyable for young children but also assist them in learning to
­coordinate the movements of their own bodies with those of other people. Being
able to change directions while running in anticipation of another child’s ­movement
in a game of tag reflects the young child’s development of social coordination of
movement. Reaction time is another important component of developing gross
motor skills. For developing reaction time, children must have experience in which
they see or hear a stimulus and then quickly judge how to react. Traditional Ameri-
can games such as musical chairs or red light, green light require these kinds of quick
motor reactions (Planinsec, 2002).

The Role of the Environment in Gross Motor Skill Development. A number of

environmental factors influence young children’s gross motor skill development,
including family density, mother’s education, living in socially advantaged versus
socially disadvantaged neighborhoods, and parental choices regarding child care
placement. More than four decades ago, Shapiro (1974) found that both family
­density and low maternal schooling alone and in interaction are associated with
poor motor performance for boys. In a more recent study, McPhillips and Jordan-
Black (2007) found that living in areas of social disadvantage negatively affects the
gross motor skills and the language and reading skills of young children. Young
children’s development of gross motor skills is influenced as well by their child care
placement. For example, Temple, Naylor, Rhodes, and Higgins (2009) found that
young children who are in family child care have very low levels of moderately
vigorous physical activity.

Watch the following video, which provides ideas for parents to use to improve their pre-
school children’s fine and gross motor skills. What are three ideas you learned that you
might try with a young child?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=yuVkkhpiHTA

Parental Support of Fine Motor Skills Development. It is important for parents

to provide their young children the opportunity to manipulate a diverse number
of objects to help them gain fine motor dexterity. Some objects, however, have
greater significance depending on the culture in which the child is reared. In most
cultures, proficiency in using writing and drawing tools is highly desirable. When
choosing pencils and crayons for preschoolers, though, parents should keep in
mind that fat pencils and fat crayons are best suited for the short, fat fingers of very
young children. Furthermore, parents should be aware that preschoolers are capa-
ble of developing dexterity in the use of a variety of tools. Parents, therefore, might
consider the goals they have for their children in choosing the tools they provide
for them. For example, parents who wish to see artistic ability in their preschoolers
must provide items such as crayons, pencils, paper, finger paints, and modeling
clay (Trawick-Smith, 2000).

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 190 Chapter 6

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONAL AND FAMILY LIFE SKILLS

Advances in motor skills allow preschoolers to be more involved in self-care and to

take on simple household responsibilities. As early as age 3 with some help from par-
ents, young children can perform self-help tasks such as dressing themselves, picking
up their toys, bathing, and brushing their teeth. Even though assistance is needed in
tying shoes, buttoning small buttons, and coordinating a fork and table knife at age 3,
most children master these skills by age 5. Furthermore, the promotion of life skills
contributes to a reduction in problem behavior in young children (Hanley, Heal,
Tiger, & Ingvarsson, 2007). Another advantage of teaching young children personal
and family life skills is that, as discussed earlier, the young child’s self-esteem is fur-
thered through the mastery of a variety of skills (Searcy, 2007).

Thinking Critically
If you know a preschool child, what are some examples you have observed regarding the self-
care and family life skills that the parents have taught or are teaching the child?

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
THE LIFE SKILLS OF YOUNG CHILDREN IN TRADITIONAL CULTURES
In traditional societies, young children participate more extensively in household work than do young
children in industrialized societies. Young children in India, Okinawa, the Philippines, Mexico, and Kenya
carry out a range of jobs that most Canadian, European, and American children would not be expected to
perform. These household responsibilities include collecting firewood, fetching water, herding and tend-
ing livestock, grinding grain, and harvesting vegetables. In addition, children in nonindustrialized societies
perform household tasks, such as dressing or preparing food, at an earlier age than would be expected
of children in industrialized societies. Finally, in almost all cultures, young girls are more often assigned
child care duties than are young boys (Trawick-Smith, 2000). The following vignette exemplifies the type
of child care responsibilities that might be given to a young female living in a traditional culture:

A 5-year-old girl in a small village in Kenya is up early. . . . Her mother and father have already
gone to work in the garden, and she is left in full charge of her young sibling. . . . After feeding
him, she places him into a sling. . . . She then straps the sling to her back. She stands up, main-
taining her balance, then walks off to play with friends in another part of the village (Trawick-
Smith, 2000, pp. 217–218).

Early childhood development. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Even though it

is helpful for young children to become responsible for self-care tasks and to be
given household responsibilities, parents should take care that these responsibili-
ties match the developmental capabilities of their preschool children. Parents need

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 191

Like many children in

indigenous cultures, this child
is taking care of her younger
sibling.
Phyllis Heath

to be mindful as well of the requirement to guide, instruct, and support their young-
sters’ development of personal and family life skills. Showing youngsters how to
brush their teeth, wash behind their ears, comb their hair, tie their shoes, and
button their shirts are just a few of the ways that parents are consistently involved
in promoting their children’s self-care activities. Ongoing parental guidance as
youngsters are learning family life skills include giving them responsibilities such
as helping to straighten their rooms, putting dishes on the table at mealtimes, and
helping with meal preparation. Children benefit, too, from being able to assist in
feeding family pets.

CHILD CARE FOR PRESCHOOL CHILDREN

Although most parents rely on child care centers and preschool programs while
they work, there are many other parents and custodial grandparents who are not
employed outside the home and who care for preschool children. Other parents are
able to count on grandparents or other family members to help with child care, espe-
cially in families in which grandparents or other family members live in the same

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 192 Chapter 6

household as the parent (Kanaiaupuni, Donoto, Thompson-Colon, & S­ tainback,

2005). In spite of the fact that there are various child care arrangements made by
working parents, the majority of them place their preschool children in child care
settings (Zhai, Brooks-Gunn, & Waldfogel, 2014).

Quality Child Care Indicators

Based on research on the development and education of young children, the National
Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) has established standards
that reflect quality in child care settings, preschools, and kindergarten. These ­standards
were created, and are periodically updated, based on input from experts and edu-
cators from around the country. The focus of these standards includes the training
and education of teachers, relationships between caregivers and c­ hildren, between
caregivers and parents, and between children and their peers. The ­curriculum and
physical environment of the child care setting are also assessed. As we learned in
Chapter 5, it is also helpful to consider the values and attitudes of caregivers in child
care settings as well as the values and attitudes of parents.

Predictors of Children’s Adjustment to and Parental Satisfaction With Child Care.

Earlier in this chapter, we learned that secure attachment predicts preschoolers’ com-
petence in peer relationships as well as their adjustment to nonparental care (Howard
et al., 2011). We also discovered that the dyadic affective relationship between a child
and his or her teacher might shield against risk due to adverse caregiving within the fam-
ily (Buyse et al., 2011). Another consideration is the parent–caregiver relationship since
it has been shown that parents who are satisfied with their children’s caregivers feel less
overwhelmed and stressed (Hart, Kelleher, Drotar, & Scholle, 2007) and are more likely
to interact positively with their children (Fowles & Walker, 2009). According to Wein-
garten (2011), parents are more pleased with child care arrangements when the child
socialization patterns of child care providers match their parenting styles.

CHALLENGES AND CONCERNS OF PARENTS OF YOUNG

CHILDREN
Young children sometimes experience problems in a number of areas, and parents typi-
cally require additional information in order to help their children with those difficulties.
The two most common areas of concern for most parents of preschool children are sleep-
ing problems (including bed-wetting) and sibling conflict. Less common areas of concern
are young children’s aggressive behavior and unsupervised risk-taking behaviors.

Sleeping Problems
Childhood sleep disturbances adversely affect children and their parents. For par-
ents, their young children’s sleep problems are associated with parental fatigue,

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 193

stress, depressed mood, marital tension, and negative parent–child interactions. For
children, disrupted sleep contributes to fewer positive and more negative behaviors
in the child care or preschool setting. Fatigue from disrupted sleep can interfere with
the young child’s attention focus and performance and can produce a stress response
to environmental triggers culminating in overarousal and a greater likelihood of
negative emotionality (Bates, Viken, Alexander, Beyers, & Stockton, 2002). Four
sleep-related problems (bed-wetting, difficulty going to bed, waking up at night, and
sleeping with parents) are at the top of parents’ list of preschool children’s behaviors
that they find to be challenging. Fortunately, most sleep problems are amenable to
treatment, and much of the negative effect on family functioning is alleviated with
successful intervention (Kuhn, Mayfield, & Kuhn, 1999).

Helping Young Children Get a Good Night’s Sleep. The first step in alleviating
childhood sleep disturbances is to determine if there are coexisting child behav-
ior problems. Young children who are noncompliant, defiant, or aggressive might
respond paradoxically to sleepiness by exhibiting overactive behavior, irritability,
or decreased attention span. In these situations, the combination of the child’s sleep
problem and a frustrated parent might lead to a family crisis. In some cases, treating
the child’s behavior difficulties might result in a resolution of the sleep problem. In
other situations, treatment of the youngster’s sleep disturbance alleviates the child’s
challenging behaviors. When the child’s sleep disturbance contributes to or reflects
behavior problems, a comprehensive assessment of pediatric sleep disturbances
within an outpatient clinic might be necessary before a plan of intervention can be
developed. In the majority of families, however, parents and their children benefit
greatly when parents learn ways to help their children with their sleep problems
(Kuhn et al., 1999).
One of the ways that many parents assist their young children in making the tran-
sition to bedtime is through the reading of bedtime stories. This activity helps young
children settle down and allows them to experience focused parental attention,
which provides the emotional support they need for making the transition of going
to bed. Parents’ reading of bedtime stories also provides young children with face-
to-face reciprocity, which has been found to promote their self-regulatory behavior
(Feldman, Greenbaum, & Yirmiya, 1999). Another way in which parents assist their
young children’s regulation of sleep patterns is to establish a regular bedtime for
them, especially if they align that bedtime with the children’s normal onset of sleep
(Ansbaugh & Peck, 1998).
Although the rituals of bedtime reading and talking are helpful approaches for
assisting young children to settle down and get a good night’s sleep, prolonging
that ritual actually interferes with the child’s self-regulation ability and contributes
to sleep problems. For instance, Johnson and McMahon (2008) studied sleep prob-
lems among young children and found that a higher number of parent interactions
at bedtime predicted child sleep problems. Thus, parents might want to limit the
number of interactions they have with their young children when they are reading
and snuggling. It is not recommended that parents eliminate these important rituals,
just that they be firm and consistent regarding the time allotted for them. In addition

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 194 Chapter 6

to establishing a regular bedtime and reading stories to assist in the transition to bed-
time, it is important for parents to monitor how much time their children are sleeping
during the day. Whereas many young children benefit from an afternoon nap, those
who sleep for more than a couple of hours during the day are likely to experience
difficulty getting to sleep and/or sleeping through the night. In these cases, it is rec-
ommended that parents alleviate the problem by waking the preschooler earlier from
a long daytime nap.

Sleep Disturbance Related to Bed-Wetting. Among preschoolers, a common prob-

lem associated with sleeping is enuresis. Although bed-wetting is sometimes related
to psychological reasons such as family stress and behavioral disturbance in the
child, two biological reasons are primary causes of enuresis. First of all, the matura-
tion of the nervous system (which helps children achieve bladder control) occurs at
different rates among young children. Because the maturation of the nervous system
occurs somewhat later for boys as compared to girls, bed-wetting is more common
for boys than for girls. Second, some children sleep more soundly than do others,
and the combination of a very sound sleep pattern combined with less mature blad-
der control frequently contributes to bed-wetting. For these reasons, bed-wetting
is not considered to be a problem during the preschool years. Being sure that the
child goes to the bathroom before going to bed is typically all that is required for
children to sleep through the night without wetting the bed. Evening fluid restriction,
encouraging nighttime toileting (including providing a night light in the bathroom),
and rewards also are effective approaches (Mikkelsen, 2001). For parents who have
tried these techniques without success, medical intervention is available. Those par-
ents might benefit from the bell-and-pad (or enuresis alarm) method of conditioning,
which is the only major treatment that has an enduring benefit after being withdrawn
(Ikeda, Koga, & Minami, 2006). The bell-and-pad method of conditioning consists
of placing a comfortable pad under the child that senses moisture and sounds in
response to wetness.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Because bed-­

wetting is not under young children’s control, it is important that parents not ­overreact
to wet sheets or hold children responsible for incidents of bed-wetting. It is recom-
mended, instead, that parents adopt a detached attitude toward bed-wetting, provid-
ing encouragement to their children in their attempts to control their bed-wetting
yet remaining unconcerned about the outcome. Although a number of techniques
are recommended for dealing with bed-wetting, parents need to keep in mind that
patience and bed pads will go a long way in getting both preschoolers and their par-
ents past the bed-wetting problem. The most important recommendation in dealing
with bed-wetting is that children not be made to feel ashamed or guilty for behavior
that is not under their control.

Children’s Fears of Monsters in the Room. Even though children settle down more
easily when parents read to them, after parents leave their rooms, preschoolers some-
times imagine that monsters are under their beds or in their closets. These nighttime

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 195

fears are related to young children’s anxiety about being separated from other family
members and children’s active imaginations that cause them to interpret shadows
and noises as monsters lurking in the dark. In response to their young children’s wor-
ries about monsters, parents often attempt to alleviate children’s feelings of anxiety
by providing them with logical explanations that there are no monsters and that they
should not be afraid. One problem with such a response is that young children are
not logical in their thinking (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969); therefore, reasonable explana-
tions from their parents do little to alleviate the fear of monsters. Another difficulty
with that rejoinder is that telling children that they should not be afraid minimizes
children’s feelings and does not provide them with the comfort they seek. Thus, it
is recommended that parents show their young children that they care about their
concerns. Children need to have their parents reassure them that they can and will
protect them and keep them safe. Accordingly, calm and loving reassurance from
parents is the best approach for dealing with those troublesome monsters. A night-
light in the child’s bedroom is another way to alleviate nighttime fears as children
can notice familiar surroundings before dozing off. Finally, attachment objects such
as stuffed animals tend to ease children’s feelings of separation and make bedtime
calmer.

Sibling Relationships
Sibling relationships affect children’s development and shape their lives in mean-
ingful and positive ways. Children learn many social skills from brothers and sisters
and learn valuable lessons when they adjust to the arrival of a new sibling. Sibling
influence is especially valuable in many cultures throughout the world in which
older siblings act as caregivers of younger brothers and sisters. Furthermore, sibling
warmth has been shown to make a significant and unique contribution to child
adjustment (Modry-Mandell, Gamble, & Taylor, 2007). Also, having older siblings is
positively related to young children’s cognitive development, especially the devel-
opment of theory of mind (Volling, McElwain, & Miller, 2002).

Sibling Conflict. Whereas relationships with siblings are generally positive, there
are inevitable spats and conflicts. Even though parents may fail to appreciate it at the
time, these arguments and debates usually have a positive influence on children’s
developing ability to resolve conflict. Furthermore, unilateral oppositions of young
children are likely to be embedded in the midst of positive interchanges, and after
their mild arguments, young children are likely to remain near one another and to
continue their positive interaction. How parents respond to young children’s dis-
putes with their siblings makes a difference in how the children resolve these disa-
greements, how they feel about themselves in relation to their siblings, and whether
or not they will benefit from sibling rivalry and conflict (Vandell & Bailey, 1995). An
important goal for parents in guiding the relationships their children have with each
other is to promote cooperative relationships since harmonious sibling relationships
are the most beneficial for adjustment, and sibling conflicts that include low levels of
warmth are the most detrimental (Buist & Vermande, 2014).

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 196 Chapter 6

The admiration the younger

child is showing toward his
older brother illustrates the
positive influence that siblings
have on each other.

David Colson
Assisting Young Siblings to Resolve Conflict. Vandell and Bailey (1995) summa-
rized the following parental influences on siblings’ ability to resolve conflict. First,
punitive parenting approaches are associated with high levels of sibling conflict.
Second, sibling squabbles are minimized when their parents meet their emotional
needs and there is no favored child in the family. Third, when parents act as media-
tors of siblings’ conflicts by referring to moral principles and to children’s feelings,
young children engage in relatively mature forms of conflict, using justification for
their actions and moral reasoning themselves. Fourth, parents need to be sensitive
in their interventions, keeping in mind that parental interruption of constructive
sibling conflicts might deprive young children of the opportunity to develop neces-
sary social problem-solving skills. Finally, although sibling rivalry is inevitable and
often has a positive impact on children’s development, high levels of sibling jealousy
often signal problems in family relationships. For example, according to Volling et
al. (2002), young children display more sibling jealously when they have less secure
attachment to their mothers and when their parents have more negative than positive
marital relationships. In explaining the relationship between negative marital rela-
tionships and higher levels of jealousy among preschool children, Volling and col-
leagues suggested that more positive marital relationships help preschool children
regulate their behavior. Another factor identified as helpful in managing sibling con-
flict is preschool children’s better understanding of others’ emotions. Preschoolers
are cognitively capable of understanding others’ emotions if parents assist them in
this process. The parenting strategy of induction, which was explained in Chapter 3,

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 197

is an excellent choice for helping young children develop empathy for others. The
combination of greater social understanding and empathy training helps preschool-
ers understand, for example, why parents direct more attention to a younger sibling
(e.g., “He’s my baby brother and Mommy and Daddy have to rock him and carry
him because he cries a lot”).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Even though

siblings should be encouraged to work out their differences without parents taking
sides or taking over, it is beneficial for parents to provide guidelines for conflict
resolution that maximize the chances that cooperation will occur. For example,
two young children might be arguing over which one of them should be able to
play with a particular toy. Instead of telling the children how to resolve their quar-
rel, parents might express a belief in the children’s ability to resolve the problem
on their own. After showing confidence in their children’s capability to settle the
matter themselves, the parents might provide a couple of simple guidelines regard-
ing how to negotiate their differences. When children work out their problems and
produce equitable solutions, it is important that parents show approval of their
children’s problem-solving efforts. As parents continually express a belief in their
young children’s capacity to resolve conflict, children become increasingly more
capable of conflict negotiation.

Aggressive Behaviors
Whereas young children have disagreements and arguments with siblings and friends,
aggressive behavior among young children is not typical. One of the places that
aggressive behavior at this early age becomes noticeable is in the preschool setting.
The aggressive behavior of young children in that setting has been found to be asso-
ciated with their parents’ developmental expectations, stress levels, temperament,
and harsh parenting. For example, the findings of Kimonis, Frick, and Boris (2006)
showed that parents’ behavioral inhibition, callous emotional features, and harsh
parental attitudes all contributed to young children’s aggressive behavior. Relatedly,
Burbach, Fox, and Nicholson (2004) found that corporal and verbal punishment by
parents predicts young children’s challenging behaviors. Although this association
was found for all income levels, they found higher use of corporal and verbal punish-
ment among lower-income fathers. Based on their findings, Burbach and colleagues
emphasized the need for early parent education programs that include fathers and
teach specific strategies to address behavior problems.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is important not

to expose young children to high levels of parental conflict and stress. When par-
ents resolve their differences in a calm manner without resorting to the use of harsh
voices, they model for their young children strategies they might use for resolving
differences with each other. It is also helpful when parents provide guidance for their
young children regarding how to settle disputes with siblings and peers.

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 198 Chapter 6

Unsupervised Risk-Taking Behaviors

Another atypical behavior that occurs among some young children is unsupervised
risk taking. It is the nature of young children to run, climb, and play without giving
thought to the safety of their choices. Most parents, however, provide appropriate
supervision and monitoring of young children to ensure that they do not climb on
unsafe structures, run into the street, or otherwise put themselves in harm’s way.
Unfortunately, many children incur preventable injuries because of having less
supervision and monitoring than they require. The level of parental monitoring is
influenced by the child’s gender and the family’s socioeconomic status. For exam-
ple, in a study of parents’ attitudes regarding their need to supervise their young
children’s activities, Waylen and McKenna (2009) found that parents, at all socio-
economic levels, perceived sons as less careful than daughters but did not supervise
them more. They also found that children from lower socioeconomic areas receive
less supervision than those from higher socioeconomic areas.

Thinking Critically
You probably know a preschool child who has been injured or you might remember an injury
you or a sibling incurred at that age. In either case, what steps could parents have taken to
prevent the injury?

SUMMARY

• Identify the numerous ways in which parents affect their preschool children’s
social-emotional development.
The quality of attachment is enhanced by parental responsiveness, which vali-
dates children’s emotional experiences. A sense of initiative is achieved when
parents encourage children’s curiosity and allow them to be active. Self-reliance
is attained when parents encourage children’s attempts to master tasks and avoid
doing things for them that they can do for themselves. Self-esteem is promoted
when parents talk to children about their emotions and send a clear message
that they are valued. The discovery of personal boundaries occurs when parents
establish boundaries and regulations for young children and at times redirect
their behavior.
• Clarify the important role of parents in stimulating their young children’s cogni-
tive development.
Parents should present challenges for new learning, offer assistance with difficult
tasks, provide instruction, and encourage preschooler’s interest and motivation.
They should also be aware of their preschoolers’ cognitive limitations related to
an egocentric point of view, their inability to understand metaphors, and their

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 Parent–Preschooler Interactions 199

difficulty in understanding reverse-order sentences or instructions that specify

several actions. Parents also enrich their children’s cognitive development by
reading books with them, providing computer access, and choosing quality child
care.
• Describe the various ways that parents support their preschool children’s physi-
cal development.
A nutritious diet is necessary for optimal physical development and can be
achieved by balancing the parent’s goal of providing nutritional food with the
preschooler’s preferences for certain foods. Parents promote their young chil-
dren’s gross motor skill development by providing experiences such as running,
jumping, climbing up, jumping down, and tumbling. Fine motor skill develop-
ment requires opportunities, materials, and assistance for activities such as writ-
ing, drawing, and using clay.
• Explain the role of parents in young children’s acquisition of personal and family
life skills as well as cultural and gender differences in the tasks that young chil-
dren are assigned.
Preschool children become increasingly capable of self-care tasks, such as brush-
ing their teeth and washing behind their ears. They are also able to take on limited
household responsibilities, such as straightening their rooms or putting dishes on
the table at mealtime. Parents should take care to match these responsibilities to
the developmental capabilities of their preschool children. It is also necessary for
parents to guide, instruct, and support their youngsters’ development of personal
and family life skills. Children in traditional cultures take on household respon-
sibilities at a younger age than do children in industrialized societies. Girls in all
cultures are more often assigned child care responsibilities than are boys.
• Discuss the various types of child care parents choose for their young children,
including the factors that influence children’s adjustment to and parents’ satisfac-
tion with nonparental care.
Compared with children in parental care and relative/nonrelative care, children
in Head Start and center-based care generally have better cognitive and behav-
ioral development. NAEYC has established standards that reflect quality in child
care setting. Those standards focus on the training and education of teachers,
relationships between caregivers and children, between caregivers and parents,
and between children and their peers. Secure attachment predicts preschoolers’
adjustment to nonparental care. Parents who are satisfied with their caregiv-
ers are more likely to interact positively with their children, producing positive
child outcomes. Parents are more satisfied with child care arrangements when
the child socialization patterns of child care providers match their parenting
styles. The dyadic affective relationship between a child and teacher might shield
against risk due to adverse caregiving within the family.
• Recognize the challenges and concerns related to parenting preschool children
and explain ways in which parents might address these challenges.

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 200 Chapter 6

Common areas of concern are sleeping problems and sibling conflict. For sleep-
ing problems, it is helpful to have a transitional routine and take care that the
child is not sleeping too much during the day. For bed-wetting, parents should
encourage their children’s attempts to control bed-wetting yet remain uncon-
cerned about the outcome. For sibling conflict, parents should encourage their
children to work out their differences without taking sides or taking over. It
is helpful as well when parents provide guidelines for conflict resolution that
emphasizes cooperation. Aggressive behavior is not typical of young children
and is associated with harsh parental treatment and/or exposure to family stress.
Unsupervised risk taking is also uncommon, and many children incur prevent-
able injuries because of less supervision and monitoring than they require.

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this chapter.

The Department of Health and Human Services

Keep Kids Healthy
National Association of Child Care Resources and Referral Agencies (NACCRA)
NAEYC for Families

Key Terms

Emotion competence Self-esteem

Enuresis Self-reliance
Fast mapping Sense of initiative
Overregularization Symbolic thinking
Perseveration Theory of mind

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 Parents and
7 Their School-
Age Children

Tom Sapp Photography

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 202 Chapter 7

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Identifya number of ways in which parents ■■ Demonstrate an understanding of the

promote the social-emotional development of various means by which parents support
their school-age children. their school-age children’s physical
■■ Describe the ways in which parents influence the development.
social relationships of their school-age children ■■ Describethe benefits and challenges of media
■■ Specifythe role of parents in school-age and other technology in school-age children’s
children’s cognitive development and lives.
academic achievement.

I f parents were asked to pick the easiest years of childrearing, they would probably
choose the years from ages 7 to 11 when children (a) master dozens of new skills,
(b) are able to learn quickly and think logically, and (c) live in a social world wherein
most children think their parents are helpful, their teachers are fair, and their friends
are loyal. As you will discover in the forthcoming discussions, parents everywhere
are important influences of every aspect of school-age children’s social-emotional,
cognitive, and physical development.

PROMOTING SCHOOL-AGE Children’s

SOCIAL-EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Around age 7, children move from the closely supervised and limited world of the
younger child and begin to explore the wider world of neighborhood and school.
In these broadening ventures, school-age children experience greater vulnerability,
increasing competence, ongoing friendships, troubling rivalries, and deeper social
understanding. Although not as closely supervised by parents and other adults as
they were during the preschool years, school-age children’s social and emotional
lives continue to be shaped by family interaction patterns. Elementary school chil-
dren’s social-emotional development is influenced as well by the degree to which
their parents provide organized activities for them and monitor their informal lei-
sure activities. We will now examine the interplay between school-age children’s
expanding freedom and parents’ guiding forces and the effect of these interactions
on children’s social and emotional development.

Parental Influences on Their Children’s Psychosocial Development

Based on their level of success in mastering the skills valued by their parents and other
significant adults, school-age children judge themselves as competent or incompetent,
productive or failing (Erikson, 1982). Children are assisted in their quest for competence

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 203

Children’s involvement in
organized sports contributes
to their development of a
sense of industry.
123RF

when their parents (a) encourage them to try out new things, (b) provide the materials
and instruction needed to learn new skills, (c) pay attention to the progress they are
making in developing competence in a particular area, and (d) provide direct help
when needed. Two of the most meaningful activities for the development of skills and
competencies during the school-age years are sports and hobbies. The discipline, self-
direction, and sense of competence that come from working on a hobby or playing
sports contribute to school-age children’s developmental need for a sense of industry.
Furthermore, investing the necessary time to become knowledgeable about or skillful
in these types of activities helps define for children the ways in which they are unique,
thereby contributing to their self-esteem (Harter, 1998) and later identity development
(McHale, Crouter, & Tucker, 2001). In addition to sports and hobbies, recent evidence
shows that increasing the frequency and quality of arts-based activities, such as music,
drama, or dance, can also be beneficial for the self-esteem of school-aged children
(Rickard, Appelman, James, Murphy, Gill, & Bambrick, 2012).

Thinking Critically
Go back in your mind to middle childhood and consider some activity in which you began
to feel you were “good at.” What were the feelings of pride about being competent at that
particular activity?

Encouraging the Development of Social Skills. Whereas the development of a

number of skills contributes to school-age children’s self-esteem and confidence, the
development of social skills is particularly significant. Social skills include a child’s
competence to modify behavior in accordance with the social context, to engage in
interactions with adults and peers, and to use verbal expression appropriately (Matson &
Wilkins, 2009). Thus, the acquisition of social skills contributes to children’s positive

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 204 Chapter 7

social and behavioral functioning. For the school-age child, modifying behavior in
accordance with social context involves a number of complexities. This is because,
as pointed out by Bronfenbrenner, the various systems in which the child is typically
engaged become expanded during this developmental stage (Derksen, 2010). Another
theoretical perspective to consider when contemplating the role of parents in the devel-
opment of school-age children’s social skills is that the range of behaviors that are associ-
ated with social skills is culturally determined. Thus, they reflect the culture of the child’s
family and community (Deguzman DeLeon, Gonzales-Kruger, & Cantarero, 2010).

Promoting Self-Esteem. Parents play an important role in assisting their children as

they navigate a variety of social situations. First, and foremost, children have more
positive interactions with adults and other children when they have parents who
promote their self-esteem. The most significant type of parent–child interaction for
supporting children’s self-esteem as well as their positive interactions with others is
effective parent–child communication (Gordon (2000).

Parent–Child Coregulation of Behavior. As their children enter elementary school,

the self-regulation acquired during the preschool years provides the foundation
for parent–child coregulation. Children are prepared for a greater sharing of social
power during middle childhood due to their advances in cognitive development.
Hence, parent–child coregulation becomes a predominant aspect of appropriate
child socialization during this developmental stage (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998).
An advantage of this transactional process is that it contributes to early behavior
adjustment, which assists children in all their social relationships, including those
with parents, siblings, and friends. Moreover, parent–child coregulation has been
associated with fewer behavior problems in school-age children (Sameroff, 2009).
An example of coregulation is demonstrated in the following exchange: Charlie:
“Mom, can I invite Miguel over for dinner?” Mom: “Sure. Will you make sure he
checks with his parents to be sure that it is okay.” Charlie: “Okay, Mom.”

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is important

that parents make adjustments in their socialization practices to accommodate their
children’s need to develop the skills of coregulation during the school-age years.
Whereas it is desirable for parents to support parent–child coregulation in many
daily activities, the entire parent–child relationship is not coregulated. It is essential
that parents of school-age children continue to structure their children’s daily activi-
ties, monitor their whereabouts, require certain levels of responsible behavior, and
step in to exercise more control when necessary.

PARENTAL INFLUENCES ON CHILDREN’S SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

Parents play a key role in their children’s development of the social skills necessary
for making and sustaining friendships. These social skills are especially important
during middle childhood when peer relationships become increasingly significant.

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 205

Children who are liked and accepted by their peers have more positive social traits,
better social problem-solving skills, more constructive social behavior, and bet-
ter friendship relations in comparison to less popular children (Campbell, Spieker,
­Vandergrift, Belsky, & Burchinal, 2010).

The Influence of Childrearing Patterns

The types of relationships children form with their peers have been consistently linked
with their parents’ childrearing patterns. Findings from Baumrind’s (1991b) research
show that school-age children of authoritative parents have more positive relationships
with their peers than do children whose parents are authoritarian, permissive, indul-
gent, or uninvolved. The encouragement of children’s participation in decision making
by authoritative parents appears to provide them the experience needed to engage in
thoughtful and responsible behaviors when interacting with their peers. According
to Hart, Newell, and Olsen (2003), the behavioral control exercised by authoritative
parents promotes their children’s ability to use self-regulation in social situations. The
authoritative parenting style also has been related to children’s behaviors that reflect
empathy and altruism (Aunola, Stattin, & Nurmi, 2000) and more positive social func-
tioning with family members and peers (Zhou, Eisenberg, & Losoya, 2002).
In comparison to children whose parents are authoritative, children whose par-
ents are authoritarian tend to be less socially adept (Aunola et al., 2000) and more
at risk for behavior problems. The social problems of children whose parents are
authoritarian have been attributed to their parents’ overly strict and often harsh use of
discipline. Authoritarian parents frequently rely on physical punishment in disciplin-
ing their children, and the use of physical discipline is often supported by cultural
beliefs. Even in cultures that endorse this approach to discipline, physical discipline
has a negative effect on children’s development. For example, in their interviews of
parents and school-age children in China, India, Italy, Korea, the Philippines, and
Thailand, Lansford et al. (2005) discovered that the greater use of physical punish-
ment was consistently associated with more aggression and anxiety in children.
Children of permissive parents also have more difficulties in peer relationships
than do children of authoritative parents due to their typically immature behaviors.
They often lack impulse control and show less social responsibility in comparison to
children whose parents are not permissive (Baumrind, 1991b). Other children who
tend to suffer socially are those whose parents are uninvolved (Steinberg, 1996).
Because children of uninvolved parents receive low levels of affection and often
endure high levels of criticism and hostility from their parents, they are likely to
experience problems in developing and sustaining friendships with other children
(Jacob, 1997).

The Role of Attachment

One of the differences between parental attachment of preschool and school-age
children is that from early to middle childhood, there is a steady decline in the
utilization of attachment figures. The child’s perceptions of parent availability,
however, do not change. School-age children typically turn to parents to meet

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 206 Chapter 7

attachment needs and to peers to meet companionship needs (Kerns, Tomich, &
Kim, 2006). Furthermore, the awareness of parental availability plays out in school-
age ­children’s peer relationships. For example, the findings of Booth-LaForce, Oh,
Kim, Rubin, Rose-Krasnor, and Burgess (2006) demonstrated that children’s percep-
tions of security from both parents were related to others’ appraisals of children’s
social competence. Moreover, those children with perceived security to fathers
displayed lower levels of aggression. In addition, the findings of Nickerson and
Nagle (2005) demonstrated that parents continue to serve secure-base functions for
school-age children with secure attachment. In contrast, those children who view
relationships with parents as less secure are more likely to select peers to fulfill
attachment functions.

The Effect of Context

Children’s relationships with parents and peers are influenced also by the ­communities
in which they live. In communities where there is with a low incidence of crime and
where parents enjoy social support, there are fewer parenting challenges, and the
outcomes for children are generally better than for children in neighborhoods with
a high incidence of crime. In contrast, as neighborhood conditions worsen, parental
emotional support is weakened. Furthermore, as surrounding environments become
poorer and more dangerous, parents tend to rely more on physical discipline. Over-
all, the positive influence of social support of parents is strained and lessened in
poorer, high-crime neighborhoods (Ceballo & McLoyd, 2002). The negative effects
of neighborhood disadvantage are compounded also when there are high levels of
­parent–child conflict (Ingoldsby, Shaw, & Winslow, 2006). The consequences of a
highly negative social climate for children are more internalizing and externalizing
problems.
In spite of the challenges, a number of factors mediate the adverse effects of par-
enting in at-risk communities. When children in economically impoverished neigh-
borhoods have opportunities for community involvement, they have fewer behavior
problems. Community social support in poor neighborhoods also contributes to
more positive parenting behaviors and fewer behaviors problems among children.
This social exchange relieves some of the pressure these parents face in bringing up
children in at-risk neighborhoods (Caughy, Nettles, & O’Campo, 2008). Finally, a
high level of parental involvement is associated with fewer behavior problems in
all types of neighborhoods. When parents encourage their children to express their
opinions and take their children’s views into consideration, children exhibit lower
levels of internalizing and externalizing behaviors (Domina, 2005).

Parental Structuring of Children’s Leisure Time and Peer Group

Relations
We will now consider the social advantages for school-age children whose parents
get them involved in organized adult-supervised leisure activities. For children

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 207

in the United States, these activities typically fall into the following categories:
sports (e.g., soccer, swimming, and baseball); music; band; dance; drama; crafts;
­scouting; church, synagogue, or mosque activities; and recreational camps. All
these ­activities assist children in achieving peer group status while broadening their
scope of learning. Being involved in organized peer group activities (a) extends
children’s peer group interactions beyond the classroom, (b) provides opportunities
to interact with other children who share their interests, and (c) creates chances to
make and sustain positive peer relationships (Elkind, 2003). Adult-supervised activi-
ties also reflect parental involvement and parental monitoring, both of which are
linked to more positive peer relations and fewer behavior problems among children
(Crouter & Head, 2002). Another advantage for children whose parents get them
involved in organized activities is that these activities often provide opportunities
for children to learn about cultural practices other than their own and develop
friendships with children from a variety of cultural backgrounds (Tirone & Ped-
lar, 2005). Evidence also shows that participation in organized physical activity
is related to children’s sense of well-being. Involvement in sports, for example, is
related to elevated self-confidence, more involvement with school, fewer behavior
problems, less likelihood of taking drugs, and decreased probability of engaging in
risky behavior (Elkind, 2003). Sports participation, in particular, has been found to
play a unique protective role for shy children. Findlay and Coplan (2008) provided
evidence that shy children who participate in sports over time show a significant
decrease in anxiety. Finally, it has been demonstrated that depressive symptoms
are higher for children not playing sports outside of school or otherwise engaged
in activities that require high levels of physical activity (Heath & Camarena, 2002;
Tomson, ­Pangrazi, & Friedman, 2003).

Adult-supervised leisure
activities have many social
benefits for school-age
children.
Monkey Business/Shutterstock

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 208 Chapter 7

SPOTLIGHT ON POVERTY:
THE IMPACT ON CHILDREN’S EXTRACURRICULAR ACTIVITIES
Whereas parents value enrichment activities in similar ways across the socioeconomic spectrum, the
­ability to pay for them means that extracurricular activities are assimilated into, and transform, middle-class
­family life in ways not available to working-class families. For example, Zeijl, Poel, and Bois-­Reymond
(2001) found that children of high socioeconomic status receive considerably more opportunities for
organized, adult-supervised activities in comparison to children from lower socioeconomic families. Simi-
larly, socioeconomic differences in children’s involvement in adult-supervised activities were reported
by Lareau (2002), who found that middle-class parents arrange out-of-school activities to cultivate their
children’s talents, but working-class and poor parents leave the arrangement of leisure activities to the
children themselves.
One reason that parents of low socioeconomic levels are less likely to arrange out-of-school activi-
ties for their children is fewer opportunities for community involvement in economically impoverished
neighborhoods (Caughy et al., 2008). Even when opportunities for organized physical activity exist in these
neighborhoods, parents often are confronted with issues ensuring their children’s safety to and from those
activities. If parents cannot drive their children to these activities, often because of work schedules or not
having a vehicle, children must either walk, bike, or take public transportation (Carver, Timperio, Hesketh,
& Crawford, 2010). It has also been suggested that support for extracurricular activities be made available
for low-income children through the children’s schools (Holloway & Pimlott-Wilson, 2014).

The Parents’ Role in Children’s Informal Leisure Activities

Besides supporting their children’s involvement in organized out-of-home group
activities, it is helpful when parents encourage home-based leisurely group activi-
ties that encourage their children’s friendships, such as arranging skating par-
ties and hiking trips that include family members and children’s friends. When
­promoting informal leisure activities for their children and their children’s friends,
parents need to carefully monitor and supervise these activities. Higher rates of
problem behaviors such as delinquency and the use of drugs and alcohol are
associated with the lack of parental monitoring (Odgers, Caspi, Russell, Sampson,
Arseneault, & Moffitt, 2012).
Childhood bullying is a considerable problem for school-age children,
­harming both the bullies and the victims. When children physically bully other
children, they hit, kick, push, and/or take personal belongings; when they ver-
bally bully other children, they use name calling and threats; and when they
psychologically bully other children, they exclude them or gossip about them
(Nansel, Overpeck, Pilla, Raun, Simons-Morton, & Scheidt, 2001). Additionally,
children are increasingly using the Internet to bully other children. According
to students themselves, cyberbullying is more serious than traditional bullying
because of the associated anonymity. Much of the bullying that takes place on
the Internet occurs within the context of children’s social groups and relation-
ships, and cyberbullies and their victims generally do not tell anyone (Mishna,
Cook, Gadalla, Daciuk, & Solomon, 2010).

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 209

Thinking Critically
Consider extracurricular and/or leisure-time activities of your school-age siblings or other
school-age children that you know. Based on the previous discussion, can you identify the
various ways in which their parents or guardians are involved in supporting these activities?

The Characteristics of Children Who Bully Other Children. The goal of childhood
bullies is to be viewed as visible, influential, and admired. Furthermore, it should come
as no surprise that many aggressive children have high and even inflated perceptions
of themselves. For instance, aggressive school-age children typically overestimate
their competencies in terms not only of their peer status but also of ­academic and
athletic domains. Moreover, peer-identified bullies tend to be lower on depression,
social anxiety, and loneliness in comparison to children who are socially adjusted
(Juvonen & Graham, 2014). One of the ways in which childhood bullies are able
to maintain their positive self-views is by blaming and being aggressive to others
instead of accepting personal responsibility for negative events. It is also important
to recognize that the social feedback bullies receive from peers is more positive than
negative. Other children seldom challenge bullies by intervening when witnessing
bullying incidents in spite of the fact that most condemn bullying behaviors (Rigby &
Johnson, 2006). Even though children usually do not like those who bully others, they
are still likely to side with the bully partly to safeguard their social status, reputation,
and physical safety (Salmivalli, 2010).

The Characteristics of Children Who Are Victims of Bullies. There are a number
of behavioral and nonbehavioral characteristics that make some children more at
risk for being victimized by childhood bullies. Nonbehavioral characteristics that
intensify the risk of being bullied include any condition or characteristic that makes
children stand out from their peers. For example, obesity, off-time pubertal matura-
tion, and disabilities place children at elevated risk of peer mockery and intimidation
(Son, Parish, & Peterson, 2012). Behaviorally, victimized children tend to be more
withdrawn, cautious, quiet, insecure, and less outgoing. Moreover, child victims are
lonelier and less happy at school and have fewer good friends than other children.
One possible reason that bullied children tend to feel lonely is that other children
are likely to avoid them for fear of being bullied themselves or losing social status
among their peers. A common way in which victims respond to bullying is through
avoidance behavior (such as not going to school or refusing to go to certain places)
(Nansel et al., 2001).

The Parents of Childhood Bullies and Victims. Even though the behaviors of child-
hood bullies take place in peer groups outside the family, important differences
have been found between the families of children who are bullies or victims and the
families of children who are neither bullies nor victims (Stevens, Bourdeaudhuij, &
Oost, 2002). In comparison to other families, interparental violence and harsh par-
enting are more common in the families of children who become bullies or victims

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 210 Chapter 7

(Baldry, 2003). It has been suggested that a potential reason for the increased risk of
becoming a bully or a victim after experiencing harsh parenting is that such parental
behavior creates an interpersonal model for relating with peers that is not condu-
cive to the development of normative and harmonious peer relationships (Lansford
et al., 2005). Poor quality of attachment with parents has also been shown to predict
bullying and victimization (Nikiforou, Georgiou, & Stavrinides, 2013). Besides these
common experiences, different family dynamics contribute to children’s assuming
the roles of bullies or victims in their peer groups.

The Home Lives of Childhood Bullies. There is mounting evidence that child-
hood bullies are themselves victims of childhood adversity. Evidence suggests that
bullies come from homes in which parents favor physical discipline, are frequently
hostile and rejecting, have poor problem-solving skills, are accepting of aggressive
childhood behavior, and/or teach their children to retaliate at the least provocation
(Demaray & Malecki, 2003). Childhood bullies are also often made to do chores
that are too difficult or dangerous. Furthermore, they are likely to have parents or
guardians who threaten to hit them, and the children experience pushing, shoving,
and slapping, including hitting that leaves bruises, marks, or injuries (Vaughn, Fu,
Beaver, DeLisi, Perron, & Howard, 2011).

The Home Lives of Childhood Victims. In addition to interparental violence, which

is a common experience for both childhood bullies and childhood victims, parent-
ing influences on the childhood victims of bullies have been found to be gender
related. Maternal overprotection has been associated with the victimization of boys,
and poor identification with mothers has been linked to the victimization of girls. In
explaining the former, overprotective parenting likely interferes with the develop-
ment of behaviors such as independence and assertion that are valued by male peers
and needed by boys to defend their position in the dominance hierarchy common
to school-age peer groups. Furthermore, being seen as independent and assertive
likely contributes to school-age boys’ sense of self-confidence and adequacy in their
peer groups. For girls, the link between victimization and low maternal identification
is related to perceptions of the mother as hostile and rejecting. Finnegan, Hodges,
and Perry (1998) found that the parenting behavior most predictive of girls’ vic-
timization is perceived threat of rejection, which is experienced when girls’ mothers
threaten to abandon them, send them away, or appear to stop loving them when they
­misbehave. Recent evidence focused on the parent–child relationship of victimized
girls also confirms problems related to parental closeness but points to problems in
the father–child relationship. Nikiforou and colleagues (2013) found that girl victims
experience more alienation from their fathers. Thus, either low maternal identifica-
tion or father alienation increases girls’ risk for becoming childhood victims.

The Effect of Bullying and Victimization on Children’s Well-Being. Although bul-

lying sometimes allows children to achieve their immediate goal, it is a risk factor
for future maladaptive behaviors. For example, Nansel, Craig, Overpeck, Saluja, and
Ruan (2004) found that school-age bullies are at greater risk for becoming involved

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 211

in delinquency, crime, and alcohol abuse during their teenage years. Both ­immediate
and long-term negative consequences also have been documented for victims.
When children consistently confront the humiliating experiences of ­bullying, such
as having to hand over their lunch money or being beaten up while others watch,
the effects are detrimental at the time and persist over time. The damaging effects
for child victims are anxiety, depression, underachievement, low self-esteem, and
loneliness (Kochenderfer-Ladd & Wardrop, 2001).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The preceding

discussion points to ways in which parents might alter their parental behaviors to
prevent their children from assuming the roles of bully or victim. For professionals
working with these p ­ arents, the prevention strategy developed by Hanish and Tolan
(2001) appears to be a useful intervention plan. This five-step strategy, designed to
prevent childhood bullying and victimization, recommends that parents (a) monitor
their children’s activities and whereabouts, (b) develop and use rules and conse-
quences, (c) reframe behaviors in positive instead of negative ways, (d) focus on their
children’s positive behaviors, and (e) develop and use effective listening skills. In the
case of cyberbullying, greater attention is required to understand and reduce cyber-
bullying within children’s social worlds. According to Wagner (2008), it is important
that children be taught to (a) report negative messages to their parents or teachers,
(b) not pass along negative messages to other children—“not repeat, just delete,” (c)
set up blocks to messages from cyberbullies, and (d) respect the rights and feelings of
others in cyberspace. Finally, it is important for parents to keep in mind that taking
away children’s cell phones or denying them computer access might make it less
likely that they will tell parents about future bullying incidents.

PROMOTING SCHOOL-AGE Children’s COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
We will now turn our attention to the role of parents in promoting their children’s
cognitive development. We will focus as well on the significant role that parents play
in supporting their children’s academic achievement.

Encouraging Children’s Logical Reasoning

In comparison to preschoolers who make judgments based on intuitive thinking
and are fooled easily by appearances, school-age children are logical thinkers. The
logical thinking of children at this stage of development emerges as egocentrism
decreases, allowing them to decenter their attention. As children develop this abil-
ity, they are able to take into account multiple aspects of a situation, which greatly
enhances their problem-solving ability. One advantage of school-age children’s abil-
ity to decenter their attention is that they are able to focus on present, past, and future
events. They are, therefore, capable of planning ahead and considering how current

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 212 Chapter 7

efforts relate to future accomplishments. An auspicious aspect of logical reasoning

that develops during middle childhood is the ability to classify, which helps school-
age children put objects into more sophisticated categories than they were able to do
during the preschool years (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The logical think-
ing abilities of school-age children mean that parents can feel freer to use more
complex speech with them because, unlike younger children, school-age children
are able to understand metaphors, realize that some words have multiple mean-
ings, and comprehend reverse-order sentences. Capitalizing on their children’s
developing ability to decenter their concentration, parents can point out to them
the ways in which their behaviors affect others, thereby promoting their develop-
ment of empathy. For example, parents might say to their first graders that when
they share with other children, those children will be pleased and will be more
likely to share with them. Parents can also assist their school-age children in the
development of their ability to classify by supporting their interests in collections
of various objects and by making recommendations for categorization, ordering,
and collecting that their c­ hildren might not have considered. Additionally, parents
can support their ­children’s ability to consider past, present, and future events by
providing them with calendars and watches.­

Thinking Critically
Try to recall the ways that as a school-age child you expressed your ability to classify by
­collecting certain objects. What were the ways in which your parents or other significant
adults in your life supported your interest in having a collection?

The Use of Guided Participation

You might recall from an earlier chapter that Lev Vygotsky (1978) theorized that
parents and other adults shape children’s cognitive development by working closely
with them as partners in the scaffolding of their learning. We also discussed the con-
cept of guided participation in which the teacher engages the learner in joint activi-
ties providing instruction and direct involvement in the learning process. According
to Kermani and Brenner (2000), through the process of guided participation, parents
lead their children toward greater understanding of the task at hand while assisting
them in the development of their own comprehension of the task. The following
example demonstrates the ways in which a parent might use guided participation to
support the cognitive development of her or his school-age child.
Suppose a child attempts to solve a jigsaw puzzle, gets discouraged, and stops
trying. Although it appears at first glance as if the task is beyond the child’s ability
to accomplish, that is not necessarily the case. The child might be successful in put-
ting the puzzle together if the parent provides guided participation to facilitate the
child’s learning experience. Guided participation might include (a) remarks designed

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 213

This father is using guided

participation to support his
son’s cognitive development.
Daxiao Productions/Fotolia

to motivate the child to solve the problem (“Oh, I think you can do it; let me help
you”), (b) assisting the child in focusing attention on the important steps (“First, we
have to study the picture, and then try to match the puzzle pieces to the picture”),
(c) providing instruction (“Sometimes we need to rotate the pieces to get them to fit
into a certain space”), and (d) encouraging the child’s interest and motivation (“See,
you’re making progress. I thought you could do it”).

The Role of Parents in Children’s School Achievement

School-age children’s achievement has been related to their parents’ (a) childrearing
patterns and attributions, (b) expectations of academic success, (c) ages when their
children were born, and (d) cultural values. Children’s academic performance is
affected as well by the degree to which their parents involve them in extracurricular
activities and whether or not their family lives in poverty and/or are recent immigrants.

The Effect of Childrearing Patterns. The authoritative parenting pattern has been
consistently associated with higher levels of achievement for children, whereas the
authoritarian, permissive, and uninvolved parenting patterns have been linked to
low levels of achievement. For example, Jabagchourian, Sorkhabi, Quach, & Strage
(2014), who studied the parenting styles of Latino parents and their fifth-grade chil-
dren, found significant positive relations between parental authoritativeness and
academic achievement. One explanation for the positive effect of authoritative par-
enting on academic achievement is that there is a tendency of authoritative parents
to provide optimal challenges for their children. This encourages their children’s
independent and active problem solving. Other ways that authoritative parents pro-
mote their children’s achievement is by recognizing their individual interests and
unique personalities (Garg, Levin, & Kauppi, 2005).

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 214 Chapter 7

The Influence of Parental Attributions and Aspirations. Parental aspirations for

their children’s achievement have been found to be particularly salient predictors of
children’s academic success. Furthermore, high aspirations for children’s achieve-
ment are found across different ethnicities. In their study of the academic aspirations
of African American, Asian, Caucasian, and Hispanic parents, Spera, Wentzel, &
Matto (2009) found that all these parents had high academic expectations for their
children. Within each group, however, parental education and ethnicity were asso-
ciated with different levels of academic aspirations. Caucasian parents with lower
levels of education had lower academic aspirations for their children in comparison
to parents of other ethnicities of similar education.

The Link Between Extracurricular Activities and Academic Achievement.

Children who consistently participate in extracurricular activities obtain higher
standardized test scores than children who do not consistently participate in these
activities (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2004). When those activities
involve aerobic exercise, such as sports or dance, they tend to enhance children’s
academic achievement. The findings of Castelli, Hillman, Buck, and Erwin (2007)
showed that aerobic capacity is positively associated with children’s total academic
achievement, mathematics achievement, and reading achievement.

The Effect of Family Risk Factors on Children’s Academic Achievement. School-

age children’s level of achievement is influenced by a number of family risk fac-
tors. In recognition of the importance of early academic achievement setting the
stage for later academic success, Sektnan, McClelland, Acock, & Morrison (2010)
compared first grade children’s academic achievement to a number of family risk
factors. Their results indicated that minority status, low maternal education, and
low family income have significant negative effects on children’s reading, math,
and vocabulary achievement in first grade. They also found that long periods of ele-
vated maternal depressive symptoms have a harmful effect on children’s academic
­success. Two other family risk factors that influence children’s school achievement
are parental age and parental work schedules. School-age children who were born
when their parents were adolescents have lower levels of academic achievement in
comparison to those born when their parents were older (Levine, Pollack, & Comfort,
2001). Finally, both mothers’ and fathers’ work schedules have been identified as
risk factors for children’s academic achievement. The findings of Han and Fox (2011)
showed that having a mother or father who worked more years at a night shift was
related to children’s lower math scores and having a mother who worked more years
at a night shift was also related to children’s poorer reading scores.

Cultural Influences on Children’s School Achievement. Parental goals are embed-

ded in cultural norms, and when parental goals are reflected in their children’s
school environment, it is easier for these children to achieve. On the other hand,
mainstream cultural norms frequently create challenges for minority children and
their parents. The problem for these children is that academic success often is con-
tingent on the acceptance of mainstream cultural values that are at times different

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 215

from the values they learn at home and in their communities. This reality creates a
dynamic in which many ethnic minority children are consistently penalized for not
expressing the values and behaviors promoted by the mainstream majority c­ ulture.
Over time, this situation leads children to question their place in school. The ­resulting
disconnect contributes to the development of negative views of academic ­success
(Strambler & Weinstein, 2010).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is important to

understand that a ­mismatch between school and community values might interfere
with school engagement and academic achievement among ethnic minority chil-
dren. On the other hand, there is evidence that when the basics of children’s cul-
ture are included in learning tasks and contexts, children improve in performance,
engagement, and motivation (Bailey & Boykin, 2001). Thus, the achievement expec-
tations of ethnic minority parents need to be matched by culturally relevant school
environments that support the cultural values of all children. For instance, Sankofa,
Hurley, Allen, and Boykin (2005) demonstrated that when African American chil-
dren are placed in learning environments that allow for the expression of communal-
ism, their achievement levels improve.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
PARENTS AND CHILDREN WHO HAVE RECENTLY IMMIGRATED
Although immigrant parents typically have high hopes for their children’s school achievement, they face
challenges in assisting them to achieve academic success. A primary difficulty for parents who are recent
immigrants is that they often are not sufficiently proficient in English to promote their children’s school
achievement (Kim (2002). In addition to language barriers, Guyll, Madon, Prieto, and Scherr (2010)
suggested that acculturation and ethnic identity might be associated with the lower levels of academic
achievement of U.S. Latino children, especially children of migrant workers and undocumented workers.
These concerns echo those of Reese (2002), who pointed out that many achievement-related strategies of
Latino parents are not consistent with U.S. models of family–school relationships. Furthermore, parental
school involvement, as typically defined (e.g., involvement in the PTA), might be seen as inauthentic by
Latino families. Furthermore, the reason for and usefulness of some aspects of school involvement strate-
gies might seem ambiguous, especially if Latino parents discover that their cultural beliefs are questioned
or devalued.

PROMOTING THE PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF SCHOOL-AGE

CHILDREN
We will turn our attention to the ways in which parents contribute to the physical
growth and development of their school-age children. As will become apparent
in the upcoming discussions, parents play a crucial role in keeping their children
healthy and safe while promoting their involvement in activities necessary for opti-
mal physical development.

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 216 Chapter 7

Meeting School-Age Children’s Nutritional Needs

Whereas middle childhood is generally a time when children are the healthiest and
growth is slower than during the preschool years, adequate nutrition remains an
important issue. Both the quantity and quality of the food that school-age children
eat affect their ongoing growth, height, weight, motor skill development, and cog-
nitive ability. Whether school-age children receive sufficient nutrition, though, is
related to where they live, whether or not they live in poverty, and which types of
food are served in the home.

The Effect of Nutrition and Malnutrition on Children’s Physical Development.

For school-age children whose parents provide adequate nutrition, their growth
and physical development give them the strength and agility to participate in
many playful adventures, such as running, jumping, throwing, catching, climb-
ing, swimming, and tumbling. All these activities are significant because they
promote the development of their motor skills. Unfortunately, children whose
parents do not provide adequate nutrition for them are less active than is desired.
Malnourished children engage in less physical activity due to a lack of avail-
able energy. It is helpful, therefore, when parents model and support children’s
healthy nutrition and physical activity (Pearson, Timperio, Salmon, Crawford, &
Biddle (2009).

The Link Between Nutrition and Cognitive Development. Parents’ ability to pro-
vide adequate nutrition for their children not only influences their children’s physical
growth and ability to participate in physical activities but also affects their cognitive
development. Taras (2005) found that American children with iron deficiencies suf-
ficient to cause anemia are at a disadvantage academically and concluded that food

An important role of parents is

to model and support healthy
nutrition.

Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 217

insufficiency is a critical problem affecting these children’s ability to learn. Further-

more, there is increasing evidence that missing breakfast has negative ­consequences
for children later in the morning (Benton, 2010). It is essential not only that school-
age children eat breakfast but also that breakfast consists of important micronutri-
ents because nutritious breakfasts have a positive influence on children’s cognition
(Micha, Rogers, & Nelson, 2010).

Problems That Poor Parents in the United States Face in Feeding Their Children.
Children living in poverty are at high risk for food insecurity, which is linked to a
number of developmental problems. Food insecurity in children has been associated
with substandard academic achievement, inadequate intake of key nutrients, poor
health, increased risk for the development of chronic disease, and poor psychologi-
cal and cognitive functioning (Holben, 2010). Although there are programs in the
United States to help poor parents provide adequate nutrition for their children,
Taras (2005) has pointed out that children’s malnutrition in the United States needs
to be better understood. For example, a dilemma facing low-income American par-
ents’ attempts to provide adequate nutrition for their children was highlighted by
Bhattacharya, DeLeire, and Haider (2003), who found that both poor and wealthy
families increase their fuel expenditures in response to unusually cold weather. They
discovered, however, that poor families reduce their food expenditures by approxi-
mately the same amount as their increase in fuel expenditures. Thus, poor parents
spend less on food, and they and their children eat less during cold-weather budget-
ary shocks.

Nutrition and the Growing Problem of Children Being Overweight

Whereas countless children throughout the world suffer from malnutrition when
their families are unable to provide sufficient nutrition, many children in the United
States and other industrialized countries are consuming too many calories in com-
parison to their physical activity. The result is that a greater proportion of children
are overweight today than ever before. This situation has sounded a public health
alarm because children who are overweight are more susceptible to a variety of
diseases, especially orthopedic and respiratory problems as well as type II diabetes.
Moreover, children who are overweight are less able to participate in physical activi-
ties, are often shunned by their peers, and are much more likely to end up being
obese when they are adults. Social factors identified as contributors to children’s
overweight problems include (a) their eating habits and the types of food and drinks
they consume, (b) their levels of physical exercise, (c) their amount of daily screen
time, (d) the amount of time they sleep each night, (e) and their parents’ attitudes
about food as well as the levels of stress in the family. Personal characteristics of
children with problems of overweight have been linked to their higher levels of
impulsivity as well as problems associated with disinhibited eating. Additionally,
both ­children’s ­ethnicity and the socioeconomic status of their families have been
related to ­children’s overweight status.

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 218 Chapter 7

Watch this video on the link between nutrition and childhood obesity. What are several
recommended ways parents can help their children to maintain a healthy weight?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=B4yLyonZtHM

The Diets of Overweight Children. For children who are overweight, a higher
percentage of their energy source is derived from non-nutritious sources, especially
drinking soft drinks. For example, Cullen, Ash, and Warneke (2002) found that
more than half of the total beverages consumed by fourth- to sixth-grade students
were sweetened beverages. Children who drank the most sweetened beverages
consumed more calories in comparison to children who did not drink sweetened
beverages. Eating high-fat vegetables (such as French fries) also was escalated for
those with the highest soft drink consumption. Furthermore, fruit ingestion was
much lower for children with the highest soft drink consumption. The conclusion
from that study was that excessive drinking of sweetened beverages is linked to
the poor nutrition of children and to childhood overweight problems. In a more
recent study, Cerini, Mameli, & Zuccotti (2013) found that one of the problems
with children’s high consumption of soft drinks is that drinking soft drinks tends to
replace the drinking of milk, thus hampering the favorable effects of dairy products
on weight normalization.

The Role of Physical Inactivity. Providing healthy food for their children and
limiting their intake of sweetened beverages are worthwhile objectives for parents
who wish to prevent their children from having problems related to being over-
weight. An equally important goal for parents who want to help their children
maintain a healthy weight is to ensure that they are engaging in physical activi-
ties. It has been demonstrated that participation in sports or playing a musical
instrument reduces the risk of becoming overweight, and spending several hours
a day in leisure activities (such as television and video viewing, computer games,
and listening to music) increases the likelihood of becoming overweight (Lajunen,
Keski-Rahkonen, Pulkkinen, Rose, Rissanen, & Kaprio, 2009). In discussing the
link between childhood obesity and low levels of physical activity, Steinbeck
(2001) emphasized that excess fat is the result of an imbalance of energy intake
(food) and energy output (physical activity). Steinbeck pointed to evidence that
shows that declining physical activity is a major issue in the increasing preva-
lence of obesity problems among American children. One of the factors Stein-
beck associated with decreasing physical activities among children is that many
childhood leisure activities, including television viewing, contribute to children’s
lives becoming less active and more sedentary. Steinbeck also called attention to
the need for parents to understand that children model their behaviors on paren-
tal behaviors. Accordingly, the family activity model that emphasizes physical
activities for the entire family is a useful approach to helping children maintain a
healthy weight.

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 219

Thinking Critically
How do you feel about the finding that many children in the United States and other indus-
trialized nations are overweight while children in many developing countries often lack suf-
ficient nutrition to reach their maximum growth?

The Link Between Screen Time and Childhood Obesity. As childhood obesity has
dramatically increased, so too has the escalated presence of television and other
screen media in the lives of children. School-age children spend considerably more
time watching television than the 2 hours per day as recommended by the American
Academy of Pediatrics. Jordan and Robinson (2008) presented evidence that showed
that children at this age typically spend 3 hours each day watching television and an
additional 2 hours per day on the computer or playing video games.

The Sleep Habits of Children Who Are Overweight. Sedentary behavior and sleep
have both received recent consideration as obesity risk factors for different reasons.
The research suggests that increased time in sedentary behaviors and decreased
tme spent sleeping increase the likelihood that a child will become overweight.
Coincidentally, the presence of televisions and other electronic media in children’s
bedrooms compromises bedtimes and interferes with the amount of children’s night-
time sleep (Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). In reporting the results of a large
national study on the sleep habits of American children, Snell, Adam, and Duncan
(2007) called attention to findings that children who slept less, went to bed later, or
got up earlier were more likely to be overweight. Those findings suggest that sleep is
important for understanding children’s weight problems.

Concurrent Relations Among Physical Activity, Screen Time, Sleep Duration,

and Childhood Obesity. In preceding discussions, we learned that children’s
lowered levels of physical activity, increased daily screen time, and fewer hours of
sleep contribute to problems of overweight. Since each of these contributors has
been well established as risk factors for childhood obesity, the Institute of Medi-
cine has made the following recommendations for children aged 5 to 12 years in
an attempt to prevent or treat childhood obesity: (a) achieving at least 60 ­minutes
of moderate to vigorous physical activity per day, (b) limiting total screen time
(television, video games, cell phones, and computer usage) to no more than
2 hours per day, and (c) sleeping 10 to 11 hours per night (McGuire, 2012). Based
on these recommendations Laurson, Lee, Gentile, Walsh, and E­ isenmann (2014)
studied the concurrent influence of these risk factors on childhood obesity. Their
key finding was that the likelihood of obesity increased with each additional risk
factor not being met.

Personal Characteristics and Habits of Children Who Are Overweight. Children

who are overweight tend to be more impulsive than children who are not

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 220 Chapter 7

overweight, and boys who are overweight also tend to have an eating style that
reflects disinhibited eating. Both of these characteristics cause difficulties for chil-
dren in regulating their eating behavior. A consequence of child impulsivity is
that these children are more likely to become overweight than other children
and are less likely to lose weight in treatment programs (Nederkoorn, Jansen, &
­Mulkens (2007). Since both impulsivity and disinhibited behavior are associated
with a­ ttention-deficit/hyperactive disorder (ADHD), Erhart, Herpertz-Dahlmann,
Sawitsky-Rose, Holling & Raven-Sieberer (2012) examined the prevalence of
ADHD among children who were overweight. Their findings showed that ADHD
is significantly higher for overweight/obese children in comparison to normal
weight and underweight children. They concluded that physicians should be
mindful of the significant risk for a child with ADHD to become overweight and
for an overweight child to have ADHD.

Family Factors Associated With Childhood Weight Problems. Both family mem-
bers’ food beliefs and eating patterns have been identified as important contributors
to children’s overweight status. Additionally, a range of family stressors has been
implicated as influences of children’s overweight problems.

Family Food Beliefs and Eating Patterns. Steinbeck’s (2001) study to determine
the causes of childhood obesity identified the family’s food beliefs and eating
patterns as two of the determinants of childhood weight problems. In a similar
study, Variyam (2001) studied a group of parents whose children were overweight
and found that parents’ unwillingness to change was a primary contributor to
their children being overweight. Variyam also reported that these parents’ own
overweight status, and more importantly how they viewed their overweight sta-
tus, affected their children’s weight condition. They found that parents who were
overweight tended to have children who were overweight and were inclined to
underestimate their own overweight status. Furthermore, a substantial proportion
of parents in Variyam’s study reported that they rarely or never read nutrition
labels.

Family Stressors. A recent trend has been to create programs that are tailored for
subgroups of families. For example, Kitzmann, Dalton, and Buscemi (2008) sug-
gested that treatment programs for children who are overweight should be based on
three aspects of family context: parenting style, family stress, and family emotional
climate. That family stressors are linked with childhood overweight was also empha-
sized by Garasky, Stewart, Gunderson, Lohman, and Eisenmann (2009), who found
associations between childhood obesity and a range of family stressors. Their find-
ings demonstrated that overweight and obesity among school-age children is related
to mental and physical health problems as well as family financial strain. They con-
cluded that assisting families to reduce family-level stressors is an important step in
reducing childhood overweight and obesity.

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 221

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
SOCIOECONOMIC, CULTURAL, AND GENDER INFLUENCES ON CHILDHOOD OVER-
WEIGHT PROBLEMS
Whereas rates of childhood obesity in general are disturbingly high, they are even higher in ethnic minority
and low-income communities (Kumanyika & Grier, 2006). There is evidence that food insecurity, which
is more common in a food desert, is related to childhood overweight problems (Schafft, Jensen, & Hin-
richs (2009). Furthermore, the findings of Fraser and Edwards (2010) showed that children living in areas
of higher deprivation live closer to fast-food outlets than less deprived children. Additionally, researchers
have documented a prevalence of obesity among ethnic groups in the United States, especially African
American and Hispanic girls (e.g., Iriart, Boursaw, Rodriques, & Handal, 2013; Kumankyika & Grier,
2006). One of the problems facing working parents in low-income communities is keeping their children
safe after school. In doing so, they may restrict their children’s outdoor activities by using a combination
of TV and easy access to snack foods to get children to go straight home and stay there. This might explain
the findings that African American and Hispanic children spend more time watching TV and playing video
games in comparison to white children. (Kumanyika & Grier, 2006).

Promoting Motor Skills

The involvement of school-age children in physical activities is important not only
for maintaining their weight but also for promoting their motor skill development.
During middle childhood, children typically are engaged in numerous physical
activities, such as learning to ride bikes, in-line skating, swimming, climbing trees,
jumping rope and participating in a variety of organized sports (e.g., soccer, base-
ball, football, hockey, swimming).

Participation in Organized Sports. In the selection of organized sports, parents

should remember that the skills necessary for playing many games (such as baseball,
football, or soccer) take time for school-age children to master because they do not
have the strength, endurance, and hand and eye coordination that adolescents have.
Thus, although many benefits are derived from sports participation, it is important
for parents to be patient with school-age children’s performance and to understand
that the development of skills in sports takes time, practice, and patience. It is also
helpful for parents to realize that even when coaches are available to teach the rules
and skills of sports, children might not be ready to learn or understand what is being
taught. Basic motor skills such as pitching and throwing, kicking, or hitting a ball are
not developed early just because they are introduced at an early age. More­over, most
youth sports coaches are volunteers with little or no formal training in child develop-
ment, and they cannot be expected to match the demands of the sport with a child’s
readiness to participate (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2001).

The Role of Parents in Children’s Sport Injury Prevention. With the goal of help-
ing parents and coaches prevent or reduce the injuries that occur in youth sports,

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 222 Chapter 7

the American Academy of Pediatrics (2015) provided a Sports Injury Prevention Tip
Sheet. Those recommendations are summarized here:
• Have the child take at least 1 day off per week from a particular sport to allow
the body to recover.
• Check to be sure that the child wears appropriate and properly fitting protective
equipment such as pads (neck, shoulder, elbow, chest, knee, shin), helmets,
mouthpieces, face guards, protective cups, and/or eyewear.
• Support the strengthening of muscles. Conditioning exercises during practice
strengthen the child’s muscles used in play.
• Understand that stretching exercises increase a child’s flexibility. Stretching exer-
cises before and after games or practice are beneficial for increasing flexibility.
Stretching should also be assimilated into a daily fitness routine.
• Take care that the child uses the proper technique, which should be reinforced
during the playing season.
• Check to be sure that young athletes take breaks since rest periods during prac-
tice and games can reduce injuries and prevent heat illness.
• Ensure that children play safe by having and enforcing strict rules, for example
against headfirst sliding (baseball and softball) and spearing (football).
• If a child experiences pain, that child should stop the activity.
• Help children avoid heat injury by drinking plenty of fluids before, during, and
after exercise or play. They should also decrease or stop practices or competi-
tions during high heat/humidity periods and wear light clothing.
In addition to those tips to prevent sport-related injuries, the AAP emphasizes the
importance of watching for sports-related emotional stress, which is related to the
pressure to win. Young athletes should be judged instead on effort, sportsmanship,
and hard work. They should be praised for trying hard and for improving their skills
rather than being criticized for losing a game or competition.

Free-Play or Child-Organized Physical Activities. In 2001, the American Academy

of Pediatrics recommended that organized sports not replace children’s free play
or child-organized physical activities. Moreover, interactive outdoor play involving
parents, siblings, and friends provides numerous benefits for school-age children.
These informal games are less competitive than organized sports and are a better
match for the motor skills of school-age children. Parents might plan family activities
that maximize the possibility of movement, such as touch football, hiking, swim-
ming, and treasure hunts. Children growing up in families that take part in outdoor
activities such as these have many opportunities to be physically active while spend-
ing valuable time with family members.

Watch this video on ways in which parents can support young children’s need to be
physically active. What are several suggestions to get children moving?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=Ejbdzt2586A

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 223

The activities in which these

children are engaged are a
good match for their motor
skill abilities.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

Ways to Prevent Serious Injury at Home and in the Neighborhood. With the goals
of preventing serious injury to children and demonstrating that child safety is an
attainable goal, Timpka and Lindqvist (2001) showed that coordinated efforts by
parents, children, and a concerned community could reduce serious injury and pos-
sible deaths of children. They emphasized that to improve children’s safety in their
communities, all parents should have information about risk factors for child injuries.
Then, both structural and educational measures need to be put into place with the
objective of improving child safety. For instance, parents should ensure that their
children have driveway visibility along the routes where they walk or bike. To deter-
mine if such obstructions exist, it is helpful if parents walk or bike those routes along
with their children while pointing out such hazards. For this exercise, parents should
note that obstructions that do not interfere with their own visibility might, neverthe-
less, limit the visibility of their children because of adult and child height differences.
If parents identify shrubberies that obstruct their children’s views, they might ask
the owners of the property to cut the shrubberies back or instruct their children to
take careful precautions at that driveway or to take an alternate route. School-age
children benefit as well when parents provide them with safe cycling information,
including the requirement to wear a bike helmet. Finally, parents should let children
know that they are concerned about their safety and outline for them the safety pre-
cautions they should take when engaging in various activities.
Whereas it is important to instruct children on ways to stay safe away from
home, the reality is that most injuries to children take place in and around the home.
It is therefore necessary to instruct children on safety and closely monitor their
activities in those spaces. Furthermore, parents need to be aware of unsafe toys or
structures even when those are popular purchases. For example, despite previous
recommendations from the AAP discouraging home use of trampolines, recreational
use of trampolines in the home setting remains a widespread activity among children

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 224 Chapter 7

While promoting children’s

physical activities, parents
need to stress accident
prevention.

Guiseppe Porzani/Fotolia
and adolescents. The majority of trampoline injuries occur with multiple users on the
mat simultaneously. Cervical spine injuries frequently happen with falls off the tram-
poline or with attempts at somersaults or flips. Thus, the home use of trampolines is
strongly discouraged by the AAP (Briskin & Labotz, 2012).

Thinking Critically
Consider an accident that you or another child experienced during the school-age years that
involved play activities. Based on the previous discussion, how might parents prevent an acci-
dent like that from occurring?

Keeping Children Safe in High-Risk Environments. Although parents everywhere

are concerned about their children’s safety, keeping children safe in unsafe commu-
nities requires heightened parental vigilance. The steps taken by parents in danger-
ous neighborhoods to ensure the safety of their children revolve around three major
themes: (a) monitoring their children’s whereabouts, (b) educating their children
regarding safety, and (c) improving community life. In interviews by Jarrett, Jeffer-
son, and Roach (2000), mothers in a high-risk community cited the following ways
in which they cope with community violence: keeping their children physically
close, providing constant supervision, teaching them practical household safety
skills (such as not sitting by windows), and restricting neighborhood activities (e.g.,

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 225

the use of community playgrounds). Some of these mothers also had spoken to
neighborhood drug dealers, telling them to take their business elsewhere. In inter-
views of fathers in a high-risk community, Letiecq and Koblinsky (2004) noted that
they also emphasized the need to be vigilant in monitoring their children’s wherea-
bouts. These fathers stressed that they watched their children everywhere, in the
home, on the front steps, in the yard, and in the public parks. Several of them also
stressed that they never allowed their children to play outside after dark, and they
expressed a need to know where their children were at all times in case violent
incidents occurred so that they could quickly get their children out of harm’s way.

THE BENEFITS AND CHALLENGES OF MEDIA

There are numerous benefits for parents and their children who are able to access
a variety of media. Furthermore, children who do not have the use of media, such
as computers, are disadvantaged both socially and academically. Although various
types of media provide a range of advantages for children, there are also disadvan-
tages that have been identified.

The Benefits of Media

Reading continues to be a constructive type of media, and access to books and
ease of assessing them have vastly increased. Reading not only is an interesting
way for a child to spend time but also is related to academic success. Addition-
ally, it is enjoyable for parents and school-age children to go to movies together,
and deciding on which movies they will watch can be a positive interactive expe-
rience. Furthermore, parents and children have greater access to movies today
through various television channels, streaming of movies to their television sets,
or DVDs selected by family members and delivered through the mail. Finally,
a variety of educational television programs are interesting to parents and their
school-age children. Like reading, educational television promotes learning and
has been consistently related to children’s academic success. Playing video games
is also an increasingly popular way for school-age children to spend their leisure
time, and it has been demonstrated that prosocial video games increase helpful
and decrease hurtful behavior (Saleem, Anderson, & Gentile, 2012). Moreover, for
children with electronic tablets and smart phones, there are numerous educational
and entertaining apps that can be downloaded. There are apps that provide stories
for children to read, which promotes their literacy. There are also apps that focus
on math, vocabulary, wild animals, insects, and other interesting topics. There are
also apps that help children draw, even assisting them in the creation of their own
animations. Finally, there are abundant apps for games that children can play. Still
another positive use of technology is the growing popularity of children’s partici-
pation in robotics teams, which is a very attractive and effective tool for nurturing
interest in science and technology among children.

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 226 Chapter 7

The Challenges of Media

As pointed out in the preceding discussion, there are a number of ways in which
the use of media is positively associated with children’s learning. Nevertheless, a
number of problems have been found to be related to children’s use of media. We
learned earlier that children’s weight problems have been linked with the amount of
time they spend watching television (Jordan & Robinson, 2008; McGuire, 2012). The
overall health of all children is influenced as well by television advertising for foods
of poor nutritional value (Kelly, Halford, & Boyland, 2010). In addition, the odds of
drinking alcohol and using drugs are significantly higher for those children watching
more than 3 hours daily of TV/video games in comparison to children whose daily
watching is less than 2 hours (Armstrong, Bush, & Jones, 2010). Another negative
effect of media usage is that it often interferes with family life. All the research reports
show that the more media family members use, the less time they spend interacting
with one another (Berger, 2008). Parent–child interactions are affected as well by
background television. Kirkorian, Pempek, Murphy, Schmidt, and Anderson (2009)
found that the quality and quantity of parent–child interaction decline when televi-
sion programs are playing in the background. Television and other media not only
cut into the time parents and children spend interacting but also reduce the amount
of time children spend in imaginative and social play,

Watch this short video on problems related to children’s use of media. What are some
reasons provided by the professional for limiting children’s daily screen time?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=MCdsarVS9-A

Video and Television Violence. Time spent watching violent content on televi-
sion and/or playing video games with violent content has been related to lower
academic achievement (Weis & Cerankosky, 2010), higher levels of aggressive
­behavior, desensitization to violence, nightmares, and fear of being harmed (AAP
Policy ­Statement, 2009). Based on the negative effects of video and television vio-
lence, six major organizations devoted to the health and well-being of children
(the ­American P ­ sychological Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the
American ­Medical Association, the American Academy of Child and ­Adolescent
Psychiatry, the American Academy of Family Physicians, and the American
­
­Psychiatric ­Association) have urged parents to stop exposing their children to video
violence—whether in cartoons, situation comedies, video games, or the evening
news (Anderson & ­Bushman, 2002).

Challenges Related to the Internet. Internet access has increased rapidly and is
a valuable resource for children, who usually have access to computers in their
schools. Although computer usage is common in schools, millions of children in
the United States do not have computers in their homes (Fairlie, Beltran, & Kuntal,
2010). The lack of access to the Internet is especially problematic in low-income

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 227

School-age children spend

an average of 5 hours a day
watching television, playing
video games, or engaging in
other screen-time usage.
ejwhite/Shutterstock

families. There is evidence, however, that when Internet access is available to chil-
dren in those families, higher levels of academic achievement result. For example,
Jackson, Eye, and Biocca (2006) found that low-income children who used the Inter-
net more had higher scores on standardized tests of reading achievement and higher
grade point averages than children who used it less.

Protecting Children Online. Whereas Internet usage is a beneficial asset for chil-
dren, inappropriate Internet content might jeopardize the health and safety of chil-
dren. Parents’ perceived control, obtained through shared Internet activities and
family cohesion, has been found to reduce children’s exposure to negative Internet
content (Cho & Cheon, 2005). The use of filtering and blocking software is another
step that parents can take to protect their children online.

SUMMARY

• Identify a number of ways in which parents promote the social-emotional devel-

opment of their school-age children.
Parents support their children’s socio-emotional development by helping them
achieve a sense of competence related to the development of various skills.
Parents do this when they encourage and support their participation in sports
and hobbies and assist them in the development of social skills that help them
to engage in interactions with adults and peers. Parents also contribute to their
children’s development of self-esteem primarily through effective parent–child
communication. Another way that parents promote their school-age children’s
social emotional development is by parent–child coregulation, which consists of
sharing power with them.

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 228 Chapter 7

• Describe the ways in which parents influence the social relationships of their
school-age children.
The relationships that children have with their peers have been consistently
linked with parental childrearing patterns. Children of authoritative parents have
more positive relationships with their peers than do children whose parents are
authoritarian, permissive, indulgent, or uninvolved. Secure attachment to both
parents has also been related to children’s social competence. Children’s social
relationships are influenced as well by the communities in which they live. In
communities with a low incidence of crime and where parents have social sup-
port, children have fewer challenges with social relationships.
• Specify the role of parents in school-age children’s cognitive development and
academic achievement.
Due to the logical thinking abilities of school-age children, parents can feel freer
to use more complex speech with them. Making the most of their children’s
developing ability to decenter their attention, parents can point out to them the
ways in which their behaviors affect others, thereby supporting their develop-
ment of empathy. Parents can also support their children in the development
of their ability to classify by promoting their interests in collections of various
objects and by making recommendations for categorization, ordering, and col-
lecting. Parents can also capitalize on their children’s ability to consider past,
present, and future events by providing them with calendars and watches.
• Demonstrate an understanding of the various means by which parents support
their school-age children’s physical development.
It is important for parents to model and support children’s healthy nutrition and
physical activity. It is also recommended that parents limit their children’s total
daily screen time and ensure that they get an adequate amount of sleep. It is helpful
as well when parents support their children’s involvement in organized sports in
addition to free-play or child-organized physical activities, both of which aid chil-
dren in maintaining their weight while promoting their motor skill development.
• Describe the benefits and challenges of media and other technology in school-
age children’s lives.
Beneficial media include books, educational television programs, and prosocial
videos. For children with smart phones and/or digital tablets, educational apps,
and apps for prosocial games are also advantageous. Another constructive use
of technology is the growing popularity of children’s participation in robotics
teams, which acquaint children with the fields of electrical, electronic, and com-
puter engineering. A primary challenge related to children’s use of media is high
levels of daily screen time. Screen time that exceeds 2 hours per day has been
related to overweight problems, less time in imaginative and social play, and less
time spent interacting with other family members. Another problem associated
with children’s use of media is the time children spend watching violent con-
tent on television and/or playing violent video games, both of which have been
linked to negative outcomes for children.

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 Parents and Their School-Age Children 229

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES
The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this chapter.
Children First—The Website of the National PTA
Children’s Literature Web Guide
Cyberbullying: Bullying in the Digital Age
Safe Kids USA
Wired Safety

Key Terms

Childhood bullying Food insecurity

Communalism Parental monitoring
Community social support Social skills
Food desert

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 Parent–
230 Chapter 8

8 Adolescent
Interactions

Golden Pixels LLC/Shutterstock

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 231

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Specifythe role of parents in adolescents’ ■■ Define the ways in which developmental

cognitive development and academic changes in the adolescent contribute to
achievement. alterations in the family system and escalated
■■ Identify
the influence of parents on parent–adolescent conflict.
adolescents’ social-emotional development. ■■ Designatethe role that parents play in the
■■ Describe how the onset of puberty affects problems adolescents sometimes face, such
the parent–adolescent relationship and as weight problems, depression, substance
demonstrate an understanding of the factors abuse, crime, and delinquency.
that influence the timing of the onset of ■■ Describe
the benefits and challenges of
adolescent puberty. media and other technology in the lives of
adolescents and their parents.

A dolescence is a stage of major developmental changes, which calls for a number

of alterations in the parent–child relationship. In this chapter, we will examine ­parental
effects on cognitive development and the role of parents in adolescents’ academic
achievement. Next, we will focus attention on the ways in which parents impact ado-
lescents’ social-emotional development and social relationships. Then, we will contem-
plate the physical changes related to puberty and ways in which parents influence and
are influenced by these changes. Then, we will examine the disequilibrium that occurs
in the family system as parents and other family members adapt to the developmental
changes of adolescents. After that, we will consider the role of parents in problems that
adolescents sometimes face, such as adolescent depression, substance abuse, crime
and delinquency, risky sexual behavior, and bullying and victimization. Finally, we
will consider the benefits and challenges of adolescents’ use of media and technology.

Before we begin our exploration of the changes that occur during adolescence and the ways
in which these changes impact the relationships that adolescents have with parents and
peers, watch the following video that provides an adolescent’s perspective regarding what
parents need to know about teenagers. What information provided in this video relates to
what you remember about living at home with your parents when you were a teenager?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=luoEUuH2zSo

THE ROLE OF PARENTS IN ADOLESCENTS’

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
Brain maturation, additional years of education, moral challenges, and increased
independence all occur during adolescence and contribute to advances in cognition.
As you will learn in the upcoming discussions, parent–adolescent relationships are

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 232 Chapter 8

influenced not only by adolescents’ higher-level reasoning abilities but also by how
parents respond to behaviors that reflect those newly acquired cognitive ­competencies.
Furthermore, although adolescents reason at a higher level than they did before
adolescence, parents continue to play a key role in their adolescents’ academic success.

The Development of the Ability to Use Abstract Reasoning

A significant change in cognition that occurs during adolescence is the development
of abstract thought, which represents higher-level reasoning. Abstract thinking abili-
ties result in the tendency of adolescents to engage in self-reflection, which affects
how they feel about themselves and others around them. This higher-level reasoning
also contributes to adolescents’ questioning of authority and challenging previously
established rules and boundaries.

Abstract Thought and Self-Reflection. Adolescents’ ability to use abstract t­hinking

leads to them asking questions about who they are and how others see them.
­Adolescents not only tend to have sharp focus on themselves but also imagine what
­others think of them due to heightened egocentrism, not to be confused with young
­children’s egocentrism. Unlike young children, adolescents are aware that others
have their own thoughts. Adolescent egocentrism tends to distort what others are
thinking, however, especially about them (Berger, 2014). A reflection of adolescents’
egocentrism is seen in their acute self-consciousness, which is higher during early
adolescence (between the ages of 10 and 14) than late adolescence. Young adoles-
cents prefer to blend in with their peers and do not like to stand out. Furthermore,
they believe other people are as egocentric as they are (Rankin, Lane, Gibbons, &
­Gerrard, 2004). Elkind (1976) provided terms for two aspects of adolescent egocen-
trism: the invincibility fable and the imaginary audience.

Abstract Thought: From “What Is” to “What If.” Advances in adolescent c­ ognition
are not only focused on self-reflection; abstract thought also allows adolescents to
consider other options than the reality they are experiencing or have experienced in
the past. With the development of abstract thinking, adolescents begin to consider
life’s problems and challenges in terms of possibilities (Piaget & Inhelder, 1958).
A normal and natural aspect of this process is the questioning of parental authority
and the challenging of previously established rules and boundaries. It is necessary,
therefore, for parents to make adjustments in their guidance style that allow for the
exploration of possible exceptions to the usual rules while encouraging their adoles-
cent children’s quest to understand who they are.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Since adolescents are
no longer tied to a concrete world but are able to think abstractly, parents should be
prepared to listen to their adolescents’ points of view that, at times, will be d
­ ifferent
from their own. It is helpful, as well, if parents are patient with their ­adolescents’
heightened egocentrism. For example, adolescents are easily embarrassed by
­parental shows of affection in public. That is not to say that parental guidance is
unnecessary during adolescence. Quite the contrary, monitoring and guidelines are

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 233

necessary for adolescents who tend to think they are invincible and are prone to take
unwise risks. Parental guidance also helps when adolescents’ heightened intuitive
thinking and limited experience overcome their logical reasoning.

The Influence of Parents on Academic Achievement

The academic success of adolescents has been found to be related to a number of
parental influences. Those include parental child-rearing patterns, parental a­ cademic
expectations, and the quality of parent–adolescent communication as well as ­parent–
adolescent school-related conflict.

The Effects of Childrearing Patterns. The most favorable academic outcomes for
adolescents, by American standards, are linked with authoritative parenting (Mateje-
vic, Jovanovic & Jovanovic, 2014). For adolescents living in non-Western countries
and in ethnic minority families in societies such as the United States and Canada,
traditional parenting also has been associated with positive academic achievement
(Chao, 2001). We learned in Chapter 4 that one of the advantages for adolescents
in traditional families is that the childrearing efforts of their parents typically are
buffered by the support of members of their extended families. In contrast to the
favorable effects of authoritative and traditional parenting on adolescent academic
achievement, authoritarian, permissive, indulgent, and uninvolved parenting styles
negatively affect adolescent academic achievement.

High levels of parental support in

traditional cultures contribute to close
parent–adolescent relationships.
Stockbyte/Thinkstock/Getty Images

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 234 Chapter 8

Parental Expectations. The findings of Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, and

Pastorelli (1996) showed that children whose parents have high academic expec-
tations for them usually have higher academic self-efficacy compared to children
whose parents do not. More recent evidence shows that not only do parents’ aca-
demic expectations sway students’ academic expectations but also students’ own
expectations can influence parents’ expectations, both of which influence and are
influenced by students’ achievement (Zhang, Haddad, Torres, & Chen, 2011).

School-Related Parent–Adolescent Conflict. Increases in school-related conflict

have been shown to predict decreases in academic achievement. This type of con-
flict coincides with school transitions in early adolescence, which brings with it
higher academic demands and a need for more complex study habits. These changes
also overlap with the early adolescent’s need for more independent thinking. Fur-
thermore, boys are greater risk for a decline in academic achievement during this
transition, which is linked to an increased risk for discord with their parents related
to school issues (Brkovic, Kerestes, & Levpuscek (2014).

Thinking Critically
Based on the previous discussion, what are several suggestions you would made to parents
who wish to support their adolescent children’s academic achievement?

THE ROLE OF PARENTS IN ADOLESCENTS’ SOCIAL-EMOTIONAL

DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS
As you will see in the upcoming discussions, the relationships that adolescents have
with their parents influence their levels of self-esteem as well as their sense of iden-
tity. Additionally, the interactions adolescents have with their parents, with their
siblings, and with their peers are impacted by parenting patterns.

The Role of Parents in Adolescents’ Conceptions of Self

As noted earlier, advances in cognitive abilities during adolescence result in the
­tendency of adolescents to engage in self-reflection. Their newly acquired ability to
use abstract thinking leads adolescents to ask questions about themselves such as
“Who am I?” “What am I good at?” “How do others see me?” “Do I matter to signifi-
cant others?” and “What is my future life likely to be like?” These questions represent
adolescents’ quest for identity, and the answers to these questions affect adolescents’
self-esteem and their identity achievement.

The Role of Parents’ in Adolescents’ Self-Esteem. As adolescents are transforming

from children to adults, parents remain a source of love, support, protection, and
comfort and are among the people to whom adolescents are most closely attached

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 235

(Brumarui & Kerns, 2010). Not surprisingly, one of the most significant contributors
to adolescent self-esteem is secure attachment to parents (Song, Thompson, & ­Ferrer,
2009). Secure attachment is related to the level of emotional closeness between
­parents and adolescents and the degree to which adolescents feel that their parents
are accepting of them (Richaud de Minzi, 2006). Adolescent self-esteem is affected
as well by the level and type of parental involvement. Adolescents who perceive high
levels of positive parental involvement have higher levels of self-esteem than adoles-
cents who perceive low levels of positive parental involvement (Cripps & Zyromski,
2009). Parenting patterns also impact adolescent self-esteem. ­Numerous findings
have shown that higher self-esteem levels of adolescents are linked to the authorita-
tive/democratic parenting pattern (e.g., Baumrind, 1991b; Cripps & ­Zyromski, 2009;
Martinez & Garcia, 2008).

Parental involvement contributes

to higher levels of self-esteem.
ampyang/Fotolia

Thinking Critically
What are some examples of which you are aware that demonstrate the link between adoles-
cent self-esteem and parental involvement?

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 236 Chapter 8

The Role of Parents in the Adolescent Quest for Identity. According to Erikson
(1968), identity achievement consists of being able to establish a clear and definite
sense of who one is and where one fits into one’s particular culture. Adolescent iden-
tity achievement has been linked to family interaction patterns (Marcia, 1966), attach-
ment to parents (Meeus, Oosterwegel, & Vollebergh, 2002), and parenting styles
(Marcia, 1994; Bosmans, Braet, Beyers, Van Leeuwen, & Van Vlierberghe, 2011).

Parental Attachment and Identity Exploration. The relation between adolescent iden-
tity explorations and secure attachment to parents has been supported by Meeus et
al. (2002), who showed that an aspect of attachment, namely communication, fosters
the exploration of identity by encouraging the consideration of identity alternatives.

Parenting Styles and Identity Exploration. Identity achievement and identity morato-
rium are generally considered to be the most positive ways in which to resolve identity
crisis. Adolescent identity achievers or adolescents who enter a moratorium phase
(such as going to college) before taking on adult roles tend to have authoritative par-
ents who encourage independence and rarely use controlling and regulating behavior
(Marcia, 1994). Adolescents are better able to explore identity issues in these fami-
lies because disagreements with parents are permitted. Differentiation from parents
(an essential aspect of identity formation) is encouraged when parents allow their ado-
lescents to develop their own opinions (Holmbeck, Paikoff, & Brooks-Gunn, 1995).

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY
THE IDENTITY QUEST OF ADOLESCENTS IN ETHNIC MINORITY CULTURES
Adolescents who are members of ethnic minority groups within a society such as the United States
­experience more than one culture when growing up and face the challenge of incorporating these
diverse influences into their identity (Phinney, Romero, & Nava, 2001). In the process of choosing an
identity that encompasses positive aspects of both cultures, ethnic minority youth tend to experience a
cultural conflict in values. An example of a cultural conflict that might influence an adolescent’s quest
for identity is seen in the area of romantic relationships, which involve dating and sex. A vital aspect of
identity development in the American majority culture includes experimenting with various possibilities
in romantic relationships by dating different people. Dating helps adolescents develop intimate relation-
ships and gain sexual experience with others. The practice of dating conflicts sharply, however, with the
values of certain American minority groups. This mismatch between societal values and cultural values
often contributes to secret dating. For example, in their survey of dating behaviors and sexual attitudes of
Asian American youth, Lau, Markham, Lin, Flores, and Chacko (2009) found that almost three-fourth of
adolescents dated without parental knowledge.

The Benefits of Racial Socialization for Ethnic Minority Youths. Due to the unique
challenges associated with their identity quest, ethnic minority youth need parents who
will support them through this process. One of the ways in which m ­ inority parents do
so is by helping their children to have pride in their ethnic minority m­ embership. As
emphasized in Chapter 2, an important component of child socialization in ethnic

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 237

minority families is racial socialization, which acts as a buffer against negative racial
messages in the environment. You might recall that racial socialization includes pro-
viding a home that is rich in racial culture and socializing children to be proud of
their racial heritage (O’Brien-Caughu, O’Campo, & Randolph, 2002). It also has been
shown that adolescent racial identity and self-image protect against common nega-
tive responses to racism, including academic underachievement, ­succumbing to peer
pressure, and aggressive behavior (Berkel et al., 2009).

The Advantages of a Bicultural Identity. Many parents in ethnic minority ­families

make a valuable contribution to their adolescent children’s identity quest when they
assist them in seeking a bicultural identity. Parents who promote their a­ dolescent
children’s bicultural identity (a) preserve ethnic traditions so that their children have
pride in their ethnic heritage and (b) simultaneously provide support for their chil-
dren’s membership in the mainstream culture. To determine the value of assist-
ing ethnic minority adolescents in their quest to achieve a bicultural identity,
Tse (1999) analysed autobiographical accounts of Asian American adolescents.
These reports revealed that after finding that they were not fully comfortable with
either the mainstream culture or their ethnic culture, these adolescents were able
to view a bicultural identity as positive and self-validating. The achievement of a
bicultural identity might be especially valuable for adolescents immigrating to a new
culture. For instance, Matsunaga, Hecht, Elek, and Ndiaye (2010) emphasized that
most Mexican and Mexican American adolescents endorse bicultural profiles with
developmental trends characterized by widespread transitions toward greater ethnic
identity exploration.

Thinking Critically
What steps would you recommend that ethnic minority parents take in order to assist their
adolescent children in their identity quest?

The Identity Quest of LGBT Adolescents in the United States. Similar to other
adolescents, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) adolescents face norma-
tive developmental challenges associated with renegotiating relationships with their
parents. Whereas all LGBT youth confront challenges related to having a sexual
orientation and/or gender identity that confers upon them a minority status, they
are not a homogenous group. Furthermore, how they are able to negotiate their
identity quest, which includes being members of this minority group, depends upon
the acceptance and support they receive from the significant people in their lives,
especially their parents.

Sexual Orientation Identity Formation for Gay or Lesbian Youth. It is clear that
acceptance by parents helps bolster and reinforce gay and lesbian adolescents’
­prog­ress in their sexual identity development. As stated by a parent in a study focused
on the experiences of parents of gay and lesbian children and teens, “You have to
give them a place where they feel protected and safe and loved” (Hill & Menvielle,

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 238 Chapter 8

2009, p. 243). Unfortunately, many of these adolescents do not experience the type of
acceptance that helps them feel protected, safe, and loved. The stress that these ado-
lescents experience from the lack of parental acceptance as they go through this pro-
cess has been linked to suicide ideation and drug use (Padilla, Crisp, & Rew, 2010).

Sexual Orientation Identity Formation for Bisexual Youth. It has been demonstrated
that parental acceptance of their gay or lesbian adolescent children, which generally
takes time and commitment, does not typically extend to their bisexual adolescent
children (Samarova, Shilo, & Diamond, 2014). This finding is consistent with evi-
dence that, within the general population, bisexuals are viewed less favorably than
gays or lesbians (Herek, 2002). According to Samarova and colleagues, people are
more tolerant of, and have more positive feelings toward, same-sex-oriented indi-
viduals when their sexual orientation is perceived as biologically based and outside
of the individual’s control. Bisexuality, on the other hand, might seem as if the
individual chooses at will which gender he or she is attracted to, which presents a
­challenge to the biologically based explanation.

The Path to Gender Identity for Transgender Youth. The story of a person’s emerg-
ing narrative of self and identity that does not coincide with his or her body is
­gaining increasing attention in lay and professional literature. Since adolescence is a
time of identity exploration, it might also become a time of transgender emergence.
Whereas transgender youth typically have feelings of being reborn and happy about
their transition, their parents usually undergo a major adjustment. It is recommended
that parents acknowledge their sense of loss of their son or daughter to allow the
relationship to evolve with their transitioning child. During the adjustment period,
parents usually experience grief, anger, and often guilt. Furthermore, reactions of
friends and extended family are unlike reactions related to other types of losses.
Thus, parents frequently feel isolated and angry while their child is transitioning from
one gender to another (Tusaie, 2015).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Parental warmth and
acceptance are especially critical to the adjustment of LGBT youth, who must con-
front negative attitudes regarding their sexual orientation and/or gender identity from
other family members, peers, and the general public. As they work through the chal-
lenges related to their gender-variant sexual orientation and/or transgender identity
in a primarily heterosexual society, having parents who demonstrate that they love
and respect them is very beneficial.

ADOLESCENT PUBERTY AND PARENT–CHILD RELATIONS

In this section, we will contemplate the ways in which the onset of puberty impacts
the adolescent’s psychosocial development as well as the adolescent’s family and
peer relationships. Included in that discussion is an identification of the factors that
influence the timing of puberty and the ramifications of puberty timing on various
aspects of the adolescent’s life.

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 239

Puberty and Adolescent Relationships with Parents

As you will learn in the upcoming discussions, parents play a significant role in
assisting their adolescent children as they adjust to maturational changes related to
puberty. Additionally, parents influence and are influenced by the timing of puberty
for both their sons and their daughters.

Off-Time Puberty. Research related to off-time puberty has focused primarily on

the puberty of early-maturing girls. The findings of that research has shown that early-
developing girls in comparison with “on-time” girls have more conflict with parents,
communicate less with their parents, and the conversations they have with parents
are “more heated” (Savin-Williams & Small, 1986). More recent research has demon-
strated that both boys and girls who enter puberty early (i.e., by age 8 or 9 years) expe-
rience poorer psychosocial adjustment. Whereas there is less research on boys, it has
been found that early-maturing boys are apt to be more satisfied with their physical
appearance but have higher rates of internalized distress and physical illness as well
as externalizing problems such as expressing hostile feelings. These findings indicate
that early puberty for both girls and boys signifies a risk factor for adolescent psycho-
social development (Arim, Tramonte, Shapka, Dahinten, & Williams, 2011). In the
case of late-maturing males, risk factors include higher rates of depressive symptoms
and externalizing behaviors (Negriff & Susman, 2011) as well as elevated difficulties
with peers during early and mid-adolescence (Sontag, Graber, & Clemans, 2011).

The Relation of Family Stress to Off-Time Puberty. Several family stress f­ actors have
been recognized as contributors to the acceleration of puberty for girls. Ellis and
Garber (2000) documented that girls’ early onset of puberty is related to one or more
of the following stress factors: (a) maternal depression, (b) stepfather ­presence, and
(c) marital or family discord. For boys, greater emotional distance from the mother,
parental conflict, and father absence have all been found to be a­ ssociated with
the early onset of puberty. Additionally, it has been demonstrated that “economic
­anxiety” (when adolescents worry about themselves or their parents for not having a
job or not having enough money to pay for things) predicts early puberty among boys
but not in girls (Arim et al., 2011).

The Effects of Overweight and Obesity on Off-Time Puberty. Increasing rates of obesity
and overweight in the United States have been linked to off-time puberty for both male
and female adolescents. This association is different, however, for boys than it is for girls.
Researchers have documented the connection between overweight and obesity on early
puberty for girls for many years (e.g., Wang, 2002; Ahmed, Ong, & Dunger, 2009). In
one of the first longitudinal studies to examine the link between weight status and ­timing
of puberty in boys, Lee, Kaciroti, Appugliese, Corwyn, Bradley, and Lumeng (2010)
showed that a higher body mass index during early and mid-childhood for boys is related
to later onset of puberty. Those findings supported an earlier study by Wang (2002), who
compared the effect of obesity on American boys versus girls. The results of that study
was that overweight contributed to early puberty for girls and later puberty for boys.

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 240 Chapter 8

Puberty and Sexuality. The onset of puberty contributes to an interest in the

­exploration of sexual feelings and behaviors. The majority of American adolescents
participate in some sexual behavior, which can range from kissing to sexual inter-
course. Even though most adolescents do this within the framework of a romantic
relationship and make healthy choices, an unfortunate number of them have multi-
ple partners and/or do not protect themselves from unintended pregnancy or sexually
transmitted infections. At particular risk for at-risk sexual behavior are early-maturing
girls, who tend to have an earlier age of sexual initiation. Some of the reasons for
more at-risk sexual behaviors of early-maturing girls are (a) earlier first romantic rela-
tionships, (b) more boyfriends as well as older boyfriends, and (c) more unsupervised
outings with boys (Short & Rosenthal, 2008).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Both girls and boys
benefit from conversations with parents regarding what to expect concerning the phys-
ical changes in their bodies and how to handle the feelings and behaviors that might be
associated with these changes. Direct discussions regarding sexuality and body image
should focus on encouraging adolescents to feel positively about their changing bod-
ies and the sexual feelings they may be experiencing. Additionally, it is important for
parents to discuss with their early-maturing daughters ways to manage the responses
of ­others to their early physical maturity. This should include discussions of sexual
coercion and ways to prevent and manage those situations. (Short & Rosenthal, 2008).

CHANGES IN THE FAMILY SYSTEM AND PARENT–ADOLESCENT

CONFLICT
The developmental changes that occur during adolescence contribute to alterations
in adolescents’ behaviors. You might recall from the discussion of Family Systems
Theory in Chapter 1 that significant alterations in the behavior of one family member
brings about changes in the behavior of all other family members. Thus, the develop-
mental changes that occur during adolescent modify behaviors of the adolescent and
simultaneously contribute to changes in the behaviors of parents, siblings, and any
other members of the household. Developmental changes that occur during adoles-
cence also contribute to higher levels of parent–adolescent conflict.

Disequilibrium in the Family

The alterations of the behaviors of family members in response to behavioral
changes in the adolescent can result in family disequilibrium. The time of greatest
disequilibrium in the family system occurs during early adolescence (ages 10 to 14)
when puberty and sexual maturity occur, the cognitive capability for abstract
thought is achieved, and the psychological quest for a unique identity begins.
The shifts that occur in the family system when children reach adolescence chal-
lenge members to adapt to these changes and to redefine their roles in relation to
one another. It is important for parents to consider the growth-producing aspects

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 241

of the disequilibrium that occurs in the family system when their children reach
adolescence. When enfranchising their adolescent children into increasingly more
responsible roles, parents and adolescents both benefit and the family system is
marked by vitality and growth.

Parent–Adolescent Conflict
Early Western theorists such as G. Stanley Hall (1965) and Anna Freud (1946) made
it seem as if parent–adolescent conflict is universal and inevitable and that all ado-
lescents and their parents experience intense conflict over many years because of
adolescent rebellion. The earlier conceptions of adolescence as a time of “storm and
stress” have generally been rejected because numerous studies over many decades
have indicated otherwise. Two studies during the 1960s were instrumental in dispel-
ling the stereotype of adolescence as a time of storm and stress. Both of these stud-
ies showed that, although parents and adolescents often disagree, their arguments
are mostly over minor issues such as curfew and cannot be characterized as highly
conflicted. These researchers discovered also that the majority of adolescents like,
trust, and admire their parents (Douvan & Adelson, 1966; Offer, 1969). More recent
findings emphasize that parent–adolescent communication is an important contribu-
tor to adolescent well-being. For instance, Piko and Hamvai (2010) examined social
correlates of adolescents’ life satisfaction and found that talking with parents about
problems enhances this aspect of adolescent life.

Watch this video to hear from teens about what it’s like to talk with their parents. What
are several recommendations provided for ways that parents can make it easier for their
adolescents to talk with them?
www.YouTube.com/watch?v=uPT6-ASRhzo

Talking to parents about

problems enhances
adolescent well-being.
flairimages/Fotolia

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 242 Chapter 8

Before we get carried away by a glowing image of family harmony dur-

ing a­ dolescence, it is important to acknowledge that conflicts between parents and
adolescents are more numerous during adolescence than during childhood. Con-
temporary research has shown that parent–adolescent conflict is at its highest
during early adolescence. By middle adolescence, conflict with parents becomes less
frequent but more forceful, followed by a substantial diminishing of conflict by late
adolescence (Laursen, Coy, & Collins, 1998). The conflict that typically occurs between
youths and their parents is best described as a “series of minor disputes” rather than a
period of “storm and stress” (Steinberg, 2000). Effectively managed parent–adolescent
conflict fosters the interpersonal adaptations necessitated by the physical, social, and
cognitive changes of adolescents (Smetana, Abernathy, & Harris, 2000). For example,
parent–adolescent conflict resolution has been linked to various aspects of psychosocial
development, including identity formation and the development of social cognitive skills.
Unfortunately, positive parent–adolescent conflict resolution is not practiced
in all families. Authoritarian parenting is associated with poor conflict resolution
styles. As previously noted, authoritarian parents restrict their children’s interac-
tions and short-circuit interpersonal family conflicts by imposing rules intended
to prevent conflict from occurring (Allès-Jardel Fourdrinier, Roux, & Schneider,
2002). In contrast to the positive effects of effectively managed parent–adolescent
conflict, heightened or ineffectively managed conflict has been associated with neg-
ative consequences for adolescents. Earlier in this chapter, we learned that escalated
parent–child ­conflict has been found to be related to lower levels of adolescent self-
esteem (Siyez, 2008). Ineffective parent–adolescent conflict resolution styles have
also been linked to delinquency (Van Doorn, Branje, & Meeus, 2008). Furthermore,
the ­findings of Van Doorn et al. (2008) showed that the conflict resolution styles
of fathers and adolescents have different effects on delinquency than do the con-
flict resolution styles of mothers and adolescents. In father–adolescent conflicts, the
demand–withdraw pattern is related to delinquency. In mother–adolescent conflict,
mutual hostility is associated with delinquency.

Sources of Parent–Adolescent Conflict. We now will consider why conflict with

parents rises when children become adolescents and why conflict with parents during
early adolescence is especially high. Adolescents’ biological, cognitive, and psycho-
logical changes are part of the explanation, and better understanding is possible if
we consider the role of cultural norms. Biologically, the increased size and strength
of adolescents make it more difficult for parents to impose their authority on the
youth than when they were younger. Cognitively, adolescents’ increased capacity for
abstract thinking makes them more capable of presenting an argument in the face of
parental directives. Parents, therefore, face more difficulty in quickly ­prevailing when
engaged in verbal conflicts with their adolescents in comparison with ­verbal con-
flicts when their children were younger (Arnett, 2004). A primary source of p ­ arent–
adolescent conflict is the mismatch between parent and adolescent expectations
of autonomy for the adolescent (Smetana et al., 2000). Although both parents and
adolescents in Western societies generally agree on the ultimate goal of adolescent
independence, conflicts often arise related to the pace of that ­independence. Another

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 243

source of conflict is adolescent sexual maturity; parental concerns regarding their

adolescents’ sexual behaviors might provoke conflict (Arnett, 2004). In addition,
privacy coordination between adolescents and their parents in response to adoles-
cents’ changing roles requires adjustments to expectations about family boundaries. As
pointed out by Hawk, Keijsers, Hale, and Meuss (2009), conflict in parent–­adolescent
privacy negotiations draws attention to discrepant expectations while ­providing
­adolescents with a means of directly managing perceived boundary violations.

Thinking Critically
Do you recall the arguments you had with your parent/s during adolescence? Can you iden-
tify links between any of those disagreements and the sources of parent–adolescent conflict
described in the preceding discussion?

The Role of Culture in Parent–Adolescent Conflict. Despite the fact that the same
biological and cognitive changes occur in adolescents throughout the world, p ­ arent–
adolescent conflict is not universal. It is rare for parents and adolescents in traditional
cultures to engage in the kind of frequent bickering that is typical of parent–­adolescent
relationships in the American majority culture (Rothbaum, Pott, & Azuma, 2000).
One reason for low parent–adolescent conflict in traditional cultures is the economic
interdependence of parents and adolescents in these cultures. Although parent–­
adolescent economic interdependence partly explains the low conflict in traditional
cultures, it does not explain the low conflict seen between parents and adolescents in
highly industrialized traditional cultures, such as Japan (Zhou, 1997). Findings of low
parent–adolescent conflict in traditional cultures of developing countries and in tradi-
tional cultures of highly industrialized societies suggest that cultural beliefs regarding
parental authority are more important than economics (Arnett, 2007).

Parent–Adolescent Conflict in Acculturating Families. Cultural norms that govern

parent–adolescent conflict and harmony are likely to be challenged by the accultura-
tion process when families move to different countries. For example, Smokowski,
Rose, and Bacallao (2008) examined acculturation and Latino family processes
and found that acculturation gaps were negatively related to family cohesion and
adaptability. Acculturation gaps occur because parents and adolescents undergoing
the acculturation process differ in their expectations across a number of important
domains (e.g., privacy, trust, and relationships) (Stuart, Ward, Jose, & Narayanan,
2010). Moreover, parent–adolescent conflicts in immigrant families have been
linked to adolescent behavior problems. For instance, Xiong, Tuicomepee, and Rettig
(2008) found that both the frequency and intensity of disagreements between Hmong
adolescents and their parents were associated with problem behaviors of delinquent
peer affiliation, gang involvement, truancy, and poor school performance. On a
positive note, culture-of-origin involvement and biculturalism were not related to
problem behaviors. Based on these findings, Xiong and colleagues emphasized that
these are cultural assets that have a positive effect on parent–adolescent relations.

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 244 Chapter 8

PROBLEMS THAT ADOLESCENTS SOMETIMES FACE

Although the typical adolescent does not experience internalizing problems such
as depression or eating disorders or become involved with risky behaviors such as
drug usage, crime, or delinquency, these difficulties do occur for a sizable number of
adolescents. By understanding the role that parents play in the development of these
problems, it is possible to provide recommendations regarding the ways in which
parents might prevent them from occurring.

The Role of Parents in Adolescent Depression

As previously discussed, early adolescence is a stage of transition from childhood into
the increasingly complex time of adolescence in which significant ­developmental
changes are occurring. One of the ramifications of the newly developed capacity for
abstract reasoning is that it allows adolescents to see beneath the surface of things
and envision hidden threats to their welfare. Even in response to the same events,
adolescents report more negative moods than do preadolescents or adults. This
self-reflective capacity for picking up on real or imagined intimidation comes at a
time when a number of other changes in their lives potentially increase the stress
level for adolescents. Consequently, researchers have shown that the occurrence
of depressive symptoms rises during early to mid-adolescence with the most dra-
matic increases evident for girls (Raudsepp & Neissaar, 2012). Researchers studying
adolescents’ depressed affect have shown that the experience of depressed mood is
related to other serious consequences for adolescents, such as smoking, substance
abuse, eating disorders (Katon et al., 2010), disruptive behaviors, truancy, and sui-
cide attempts (Heath & Camarena, 2002).

Although adolescents report

more negative moods than
do preadolescents or adults,
those with close relationships
with parents are less likely to
experience depression.
Sabphoto/Shutterstock

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 245

In spite of the rise in levels of depressive symptoms during early adolescence, the
findings of Heath and Camarena (2002) demonstrate that (a) most adolescents do not
show increases in depressed mood during early adolescence and (b) depressed mood
is typically followed by a decrease in depression symptoms. Whereas the typical
adolescent does not experience chronic depression, a smaller proportion has persis-
tent symptoms and is more at risk for problematic behaviors than other adolescents.
Research findings showing that adolescents’ depressed affect is not a typical experi-
ence and that it is most often short lived suggest that the adolescent’s social environ-
ment plays a role in the occurrence or nonoccurrence of depression symptoms. A
number of risk factors for adolescent depression have been identified. Adolescents
are more likely to experience depression when they do not have secure attachments
to their parents (Liu, 2006); feel less connected to parents, peers, and school (Cos-
tello, Swendsen, Rose, & Dierker, 2008); have parents who are depressed (Sarigiani,
Heath, & Camarena, 2003); and are victims of serious physical abuse by parents
(Avanci, Assis, & Oliveira, 2008) and cyber victimization by peers (Landoll, LaGreca,
Lai, Chan, & Herge, 2015). The family transitions related to divorce and remarriage
also have been linked to adolescent depressive symptoms. For example, Barrett and
Turner (2005) found lower levels of depressive symptoms among adolescents from
mother–father families compared to all other family forms. Finally, lower levels of
physical activity have been associated with not only a greater risk for overweight or
obesity but also a higher level of depression for girls (Raudsepp & Neissaar, 2012).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Because respon-

siveness to feelings is the best predictor of attachment, parents should be encour-
aged to respond to their adolescents’ cares and concerns. If parents are experiencing
depression themselves, they might need to seek assistance because parental depres-
sion tends to prevent them from being sufficiently responsive to their adolescents.
Also, since adolescents are at increased risk for experiencing depression during the
marital disruptions of their parents, steps might be taken to support adolescents
whose parents are divorcing, for example, by strengthening the adolescents’ coping
skills. Finally, because adolescents dealing with weight problems are more at risk for
depression, parents should encourage healthy nutrition and provide opportunities for
physical activities.

The Role of Parents in Adolescent Problems of Being Overweight

A considerable number of American youth are overweight, which contributes to a
variety of other health problems. Earlier, we learned that overweight and obesity
can be related to off-time pubertal development. These adolescents are at risk also
for negative psychological outcomes, such as social stigmatization and low self-
esteem. The low self-esteem of adolescents who are overweight has been associated
with teasing by family members and peers. The mockery of adolescents about their
overweight is linked with not only lower levels of self-esteem but also severe levels
of binge eating and depressive symptomology (Libbey, Story, Neumark-Sztainer, &
Boutelle, 2008).

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 246 Chapter 8

Contributors to Overweight Among Adolescents. Overweight among adolescents

is a multifaceted health problem associated with a number of influences, includ-
ing level of physical activity (Raudsepp & Neissaar, 2012), eating habits (including
sugary drink consumption), participation in sedentary activities such as watching
television (Foltz, Cook, Szilagyi, Auinger, Stewart, & Bucher, 2011), and getting less
sleep than is needed (Snell, Adam, & Duncan 2007). Researchers have documented
also the interplay between family factors and adolescent overweight. For example,
overweight adolescents are likely to have overweight parents (Cromley, Neumark-
Sztainer, Story, & Boutelle, 2010), and overweight mothers more often have daugh-
ters who are sedentary than do normal-weight mothers (Pahkala et al., 2010). The
families of overweight adolescents also tend to be at low socioeconomic levels
(Miller & Han, 2008).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Although low-income

parents face more challenges in overweight prevention than do other families, paren-
tal involvement is critical to attaining favorable results. Parents typically are responsi-
ble for determining food offerings both in and away from home and influence family
exercise and ­recreation. Furthermore, weight loss programs are more likely to succeed
when at least one parent is involved (Stice, Shaw, & Marti, 2006). Also, the authorita-
tive parenting style may play a protective role related to adolescent overweight. For
instance, the dimension of warmth and/or caring in the parent–adolescent relationship
influences adolescent dietary intake (Berge, Wall, Loth, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2010).
Finally, parental restrictions on the amount of time their adolescent children spend
watching television has been recommended as a way to help them maintain a healthy
weight (Dorey, Roberts, Maddson, Meagher-Lundberg, Dixon, & Ni Mhurchu, 2010).

Adolescents Who Are Underweight

Culture and gender both play a part in the development of adolescent eating disor-
ders. Being female in a culture that emphasizes female thinness is one of the contrib-
uting factors (Herzog & Eddy, 2009). American adolescent girls are presented with a
cultural norm that portrays the ideal female body as slim at a time when their bodies
are biologically tending to become less slim and more rounded. In response to this
dilemma, many adolescent females become distressed at the biological changes tak-
ing place in their bodies and attempt to resist these changes. Many of these adoles-
cents attempt to lose weight by means of a range of unsafe weight loss behaviors that
include fasting, “crash dieting,” and skipping meals (Liechty, 2010).

The Role of Body Dissatisfaction. The prevalence of body dissatisfaction among

adolescent girls is high. Internationally, data across 24 countries showed that body
dissatisfaction among girls ages 11 to 15 years ranged from 34.1% in the Nether-
lands to 61.8% in Czech Republic compared to 51% in the United States. Due to the
pervasiveness of body dissatisfaction among girls in the United States and abroad,
Liechty (2010) proposed that medical professionals use body dissatisfaction as a
screening factor for problematic eating and weight loss behaviors.

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 247

The Role of Body Image. In previous discussions, we learned that adolescents’

newly acquired self-reflective capabilities contribute to concerns regarding how
they appear to others. Those thought processes play a central role in adolescents’
conceptions of body image, which has been related to problematic efforts at weight
loss among adolescents without problems related to being overweight. Compared to
body dissatisfaction, body image distortion has been proposed as a more perceptive
risk indicator for unsafe weight loss. Furthermore, because body image distortion
is a cognitive distortion, it denotes greater distress than body dissatisfaction alone
(Liechty, 2010).

Eating Disorders Related to Extreme Weight Loss Behaviors. When weight-

loss behaviors become extreme, adolescents develop one of two eating disorders,
anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa, both of which have been related to parent–
adolescent relationships. Many adolescents with eating disorders have parents who
are highly controlling. It has been suggested that although anorexic girls are out-
wardly well behaved, their eating disorder represents efforts to assert control of
their lives in the face of overly controlling parents. Perceptions that their parents are
excessively critical (Eisler, Simic, & Russell, 2007) and/or consider them to be over-
weight (Herzog & Eddy, 2009) also increase the risk for adolescent eating disorders.
In addition, an association has been documented between parental eating patterns
and adolescent eating disorders. Many adolescent girls with excessive weight-loss
behaviors have mothers who model such weight-loss behaviors or have difficulties
with eating disorders themselves (Herzog & Eddy, 2009). Other family risk factors
that have been related to eating disorders among adolescents include (a) a parent’s
disturbed attitude toward food that might include putting the whole family on a
diet, (b) family members’ failure to solve problems, and (c) an absence of family
­communication (Levická, Kovalčíková, & Kováčová, 2014).

Eating meals together and

modeling healthy attitudes
about nutrition are two ways
in which parents might
prevent adolescent eating
disorders.
Monkey Business/Fotolia

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 248 Chapter 8

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Families differ in the
frequency of how many meals they eat together, but family meal frequency might hold
a key for addressing eating disorders during adolescence. Fulkerson, Strauss, Neumark-
Sztainer, Story, and Boutelle (2007) confirmed earlier studies that adolescents whose fami-
lies provide meal frequency and a positive mealtime atmosphere are more likely to have
healthy eating patterns and less likely to have eating disorders. Because adolescent eating
problems related to being underweight primarily affect adolescent girls, mothers might be
mindful of their own concerns with slimness and the dieting behaviors they are modeling
for their adolescent daughters. In addition, parents should be aware of the cultural ideals
that adolescent girls must confront and be certain that their daughters are able to put these
idealized images of female slimness into perspective. It is important as well for parents to
understand that being overly controlling is not beneficial for children and is particularly
detrimental to adolescents who need to become increasingly more self-reliant. It is also
helpful for families to work on parent–adolescent communication, including ways for both
parents and adolescents to be involved in problem solving. Because an eating disorder
constitutes a serious health problem, it is important for parents to seek medical treatment
to determine if their child’s weight loss is an eating disorder or a result of a medical prob-
lem. Finally, there is also growing evidence that family therapy is an effective treatment for
adolescent eating disorders (Katzman, Peebles, Sawyer, Lock, & LeGrange, 2013).

The Role of Parents in Adolescent Substance Abuse

A variety of family factors have been associated with substance abuse among ado-
lescents. Those include (a) living apart from parents, (b) certain parental childrearing
patterns, (c) a lack of secure attachment, (d) having at least one parent who models
substance abuse, and (e) a lack of parental monitoring.

Adolescents Who Live Apart From Parents. One of the strongest familial influences
related to adolescent drug use is living apart from parents. Drug usage is significantly
higher among adolescents who live with relatives other than parents or who are in
foster care (Delva, Wallace, & O’Malley, 2005; Stevens, Brice, Ale, & Morris, 2012).
A significant link between higher levels of substance abuse among these adolescents
has been related to social anxiety (Stevens et al., 2012). It seems that the positive influ-
ences of parental communication, supervision, and support serve as protective factors
that lessen social anxiety as well as the risk for substance abuse (Delva et al., 2005).

The Influence of Parenting Patterns and Quality of Attachment. Obviously, not

all adolescents who live with parents are drug free; in reality, the behaviors of many
coresidential parents contribute to their adolescent children’s drug usage. Heavy drink-
ing during adolescence has been linked to growing up in a permissive household
(McKee et al., 2007). Even though adolescents with permissive parents are more likely
to engage in heavy drinking in comparison to adolescents whose parents are authori-
tative, those with authoritarian parents are more at risk for substance abuse than are
adolescents from authoritative or permissive families (Baumrind, 1991a; McKee et
al., 2007). Finally, adolescents who are not securely attached to their parents have a
greater likelihood of using illegal substances (Mosher, Rotolo, & Phillips, 2004).

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 249

The Influence of Substance Abuse by Family Members. Having parents and/or sib-
lings who abuse alcohol or drugs has been shown to be one of the most robust predic-
tors of adolescent substance abuse (Gorka, Shankman, Seeley, & Lewinsohn, 2013).
One of the clearest examples of parental influences on adolescents’ use of harmful
substances is the relation between the behaviors of parents who smoke and their
children. By and large, smoking parents tend to have adolescents who also smoke not
only because these parents present a model of smoking acceptance but also because
they are less likely to engage their adolescent children in a high-quality parent–­
adolescent discussion about smoking (Harakeh, Scholte, Vermulst, de Vries, & Engels,
2010). Furthermore, adolescents whose parents allow them to smoke at home smoke
more cigarettes per day and are more likely to become nicotine dependent than ado-
lescents who are not allowed to smoke at home (Luther et al., 2008).

The Role of Parental Monitoring. The findings of a 12-year longitudinal study in

Iceland by Kristjansson, Sigfusdottir, James, Allegrante, and Helgason (2010) showed
a decrease in adolescent alcohol use and smoking over time due to community-
wide efforts to decrease adolescent substance abuse by increasing parental moni-
toring through supervised leisure-time activities. These findings support those of
Thorlindsson and Bernburg (2006) that demonstrated that parental monitoring not
only decreases the likelihood of substance use but also increases the likelihood of
adolescents choosing friends who are not substance users.

Two ways in which parents can

prevent adolescents from smoking is
by not smoking themselves and by
talking with them about the problems
associated with smoking.
anshuca/Fotolia

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 250 Chapter 8

The Role of Parents in Adolescent Crime and Delinquency

When one examines the lives of adolescents who become involved in crime and
delinquency, a clear pattern emerges that is suggestive of problems in the parent–
adolescent relationship. Adolescents are more inclined toward delinquent behavior
when their parents are authoritarian (McKee et al., 2007), permissive (Baumrind,
1991a; Hoeve, M., Dubas, J. S., van der Laan, P. H., & Smeenk, W., 2011), indulgent
(Steinberg, 2000), or indifferent (Hoeve et al., 2011). The use of harsh punishment
and coercive control have also been linked to adolescent delinquency. Two other
ways in which parents contribute to adolescent delinquency is through ineffective
parent–adolescent conflict resolution strategies and low parental monitoring. Addi-
tionally, ineffective parent–adolescent communication and low levels of parental
closeness have been linked to adolescent delinquency.

The Effects of Parenting Styles. The findings of Hoeve et al. (2011) demonstrated
that the childrearing behaviors of mothers and fathers are associated with unique and
combined links to adolescent delinquency. They also linked the parenting styles of
mothers and fathers to different effects on delinquency for male and female adoles-
cents. Hoeve et al. (2011) found that neglectful parenting was related to higher levels
of delinquency in males, and permissive parenting was associated with higher levels
of delinquency in females. Additionally, Hoeve et al. (2011) reported a long-term
relationship between fathers’ neglectful parenting style and delinquency in males.
Their findings also revealed that levels of delinquency were the lowest in families with
at least one authoritative parent and highest in families with two neglectful parents.

The Effects of Harsh Punishment and Coercive Control. Harsh punishment and
coercive control have both been consistently related to delinquency whereas p ­ ositive
parenting has not been found to predict delinquency. Consistent with ­previous findings
(e.g., Patterson, 1982; Miller, Loeber, & Hipwell, 2009), Henneberger, Tolan, Hipwell,
and Keenan (2014) demonstrated that harsh parental punishment contributes to a
coercive pattern of family interaction by which parents and adolescents respond nega-
tively to each other’s undesirable behavior (e.g., yelling, slapping/­hitting). In ­contrast to
social control designed to build or maintain family relationships, coercive ­control does
not promote family cohesion. In the face of coercive parental control, an a­ dolescent is
more likely to become involved in crime or delinquency or to run away from home.
Furthermore, it has been speculated that youth may internalize the harsh standards that
parents set within the family, thereby using those behaviors as a model for aggressive
behavior outside the family (Dodge and Pettit, 2003).

The Effects of Parent–Adolescent Conflict Resolution Styles. We learned earlier

that it is normal for parents and adolescents to have more conflicts than parents
and younger children. In that discussion, a distinction was drawn between posi-
tive and negative ways for resolving this conflict. We also learned that ineffective
­parent–adolescent conflict resolution styles have been associated with delinquency
and that father–adolescent conflict and mother–adolescent conflict have different

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 251

effects on adolescent delinquency. As a reminder, with adolescent–father conflict,

the demand-withdraw pattern is related to delinquency. With adolescent–mother
conflict, mutual hostility is related to delinquency (Van Doorn et al., 2008).

Low Levels of Parental Monitoring. Parents have an opportunity to play a sig-

nificant role in preventing their adolescents from becoming involved in crime and
delinquency by providing constructive parental monitoring. Adolescents are consid-
erably more likely to engage in delinquent acts when parental monitoring is lacking.
For instance, Laird, Marrero, and Sentse (2010) found that young adolescents’ per-
ceptions of greater parental monitoring of their whereabouts at age 11 were associ-
ated with less antisocial behavior at age 12. In an earlier study, Paschall, Ringwalt,
and Flewelling (2003) studied African American male adolescents and found that
their mothers’ perceived control of their sons’ behavior was a deterrent of delinquent
behavior. Finally, youth disclosure to parents (as aspect of parental monitoring)
has specifically been linked with reduced adolescent delinquency (Wang, Stanton,
Xiaoming, Cottrell, Deveaux, & Kaljee, 2013).

Ineffective Parent–Child Communication and Low Levels of Parental ­ Closeness.

­Parental closeness is another factor that has been identified as helpful for preventing
delinquent behaviors among adolescents. The findings of Mmari, Blum, and Teufel-
Shone (2010) show that the key source for lowering risk and increasing protection for
delinquent youths among American Indians was having a parent available for discussing
problems. Effective parent–youth communication has also been related to lower levels of
adolescent delinquency by Wang et al. (2013). The significance of parental closeness in
reducing the risk of delinquency was emphasized by Lapsley and Edgerton (2002), who
found that attachment to an adult provides a stable source of support and helps prevent
high-risk behaviors among adolescents (including running away from home).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Although

­adolescents are ­becoming increasingly more independent and tend to spend more
time with their peers than they did during their school-age years, parents continue to
play an important role in helping prevent risky behaviors such as delinquency. The
authoritative parenting style, the avoidance of harsh castigation and coercive con-
trol, effective parent–­adolescent conflict resolution strategies, parenting monitoring,
effective parent–­adolescent communication, and parent–adolescent closeness have
all been linked to lower levels of adolescent delinquency.

The Role of Parents in the Early Onset of Sexual Behavior

The early onset of sexual behavior (when adolescents begin having sexual i­ ntercourse
at 15 years of age or younger) is indicative of a hazardous lifestyle and/or a problem-
atic life situation. Regardless of gender, 15-year-old adolescents with experience of
sexual intercourse (particularly those who began having sexual intercourse before
age 15) have less positive experiences of school, have more involvement in inju-
ries and physical violence, and tend to have negative perceptions of well-being

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 252 Chapter 8

(Makenzius & Larsson, 2013). A number of risk factors have been associated with the
early onset of sexual behavior. Those include being monitored less by parents and
engaging in more dating behaviors. For girls, alcohol use, delinquency, school prob-
lems, and depressive symptoms also are related to the early onset of sexual behavior
(Kapungu, Holmbeck, & Paikoff, 2012). Certain parenting patterns have also been
found to predict the early onset of sexual behavior. Earlier sexual involvement has
been found among children of indifferent parents (Steinberg, 1996). Furthermore,
girls reared in authoritarian families and boys reared in permissive homes are more
at risk for early sexual behaviors (Kapungu et al., 2006). Early sexual initiation is also
common among children and adolescents who resist the admonishments of overpro-
tective parents and seek out their own opportunities for risk (Ungar, 2007).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The research dem-
onstrates that parents play a significant role in preventing adolescents from engaging
in early sexual activity. Specifically, a later onset of sexual activity and less risky
sexual behaviors have been linked to authoritative parenting, higher levels of family
routines, and parental knowledge (i.e., awareness of adolescents’ friends, wherea-
bouts, and activities) (Roche & Leventhal, 2009).

Adolescent Bullying and Victimization

Large numbers of adolescents are victims of bullying and/or act as bullies themselves.
Bullying and victimization are prevalent in schools across America, and the nature
of bullying as well as consequences for victims is serious. In examining the nature
and scope of violent victimization that occurs in the school setting, King, Vidourek,
and Merianos (2014) documented several kinds of victimization based on reports by
students. The most widespread types of school violent victimization involved fear of
being harmed by another student; being threatened by another student to hit, slap, or
kick them; and being threatened with a handgun, knife, or club.

SPOTLIGHT ON TECHNOLOGY
CYBERBULLYING AND VICTIMIZATION
Although the issue of bullying has received increased attention over the past several decades, the surge
in cyberbullying has created new challenges. The effects of cyberbullying on the lives of adolescents are
often more damaging than traditional bullying because of the associated anonymity because both cyber-
bullies and their victims generally do not tell anyone about the behavior (Mishna, Cook, Gadalla, Daciuk,
& Solomon, 2010). Adolescence is a time when young people are dealing with issues related to intimate
relationships and their sexual identity. Both of those developmental changes come with challenges and
opportunities. In the past, however, adolescents dealt with the issues related to their personal lives with a
greater expectation of privacy. They could choose to whom they would share the private details of their
intimate relationships. Today, however, that privacy cannot be taken for granted in light of the fact that
relationships are conducted increasingly online. Bullying has found a new niche through the Internet
where words and images are transmitted instantly and anonymously.

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 253

The Risk Factors for Bullying and Victimization. A number of risk factors have
been found to predict the likelihood of victimization by bullies during the adolescent
years, including characteristics of the adolescent as well as the relationships that
adolescents have with their parents.

Characteristics of the Adolescent. The characteristics of the adolescents that have

been identified as risk factors for victimization by bullies include age, gender, and race/
ethnicity. School violent victimization is higher among students in junior high school
than high school with school violent victimization decreasing from middle school to
high school (King et al., 2014). It has been speculated that the high prevalence rates
in junior high school reflect the need for young adolescents to establish an aggressive
reputation and the ability to defend themselves against others as a means of reducing
violent victimization (Jones & Galliher, 2009). The influence of gender on the likelihood
of victimization is reflected in studies that have shown that males are significantly more
likely to encounter violent victimization than females (e.g., Slovak, Carlson, & Helm,
2007; King et al., 2014). Aspy, Oman, Vesely, McLeroy, Rodine, Marshall, (2004)
explained this gender difference through their findings that males experience more peer
pressure to partake in acts of violence at school. Furthermore, it has been revealed that
male youth report greater fear of becoming victims of violence and carry weapons more
frequently than females as a means of protection (Linville & Huebner, 2005). In addition
to the effects of age and gender on victimization, it has been demonstrated that minor-
ity youth are at higher risk for victimization than White youth. African American youth,
Asian youth, and Hispanic youth experience higher levels of bullying victimization than
their non-white counterparts (Ringwalt & Shamblen, 2012).

Family and Community Influences. In Chapter 7, several family risk factors of bul-
lying and victim behaviors of school-age children were identified. Those risk fac-
tors, which have also been linked to bullying and victimization among adolescents,
include interparental violence (Mustanajo, Luukkonen, Hakko, Rasanen, Saavala, &
Riala, 2011), harsh parenting (Lansford et al., 2005), and poor quality of attachment
with parents (Nikiforou, Georgiou, & Stavrinides, 2013). Since adolescents spend
more time away from home than school-age children and because both bullying
and victimization are more prevalent during adolescence, it is important to examine
the influences of the home as well as the community. One of the most serious risk
factors associated with adolescent bullying or victimization is witnessing violence in
the home and/or in the community. Furthermore, this risk factor has different effects
on male and female youth. It has been demonstrated that observing interparental
violence increases the risk of being a victim of bullying up to 2.5-fold among boys.
For girls, being a victim of a violent crime represents more than a 10-fold risk factor
for being either becoming a bully or a victim. Furthermore, as a result of witnessing
a violent crime, girls are more likely to be bullies than boys. Additionally, the com-
bination of being a victim of a violent crime outside home and of physical abuse by
parents at home has different effects on the behaviors of girls and boys. Girls who
have been the victims of violence in and out of the home are significantly more often
bullies or victims than boys (Mustanajo et al., 2011).

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 254 Chapter 8

The Consequences of Bullying and Victimization. Consequences of youth violence

victimization are wide ranging and include psychological problems, substance use,
self-harm, suicide ideation, actual suicide, and alcohol use (King et al., 2014). In the
case of alcohol use, King et al. (2014) found that adolescents who had experienced
school violent victimization in the past year were more likely to report recent alcohol
use and frequent episodic heavy drinking. Furthermore, junior high school students
who were victims of bullying were twice as likely as high school students to have
been involved in recent alcohol use and frequent episodic heavy drinking.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. First of all, parents
might examine the ways in which interparental violence, harsh parenting, and com-
munity violence contribute to the greater likelihood that their adolescent children
will become bullies or victims. In addition, parents might take specific actions to
address cyberbullying. Pridgen (2009) recommended the following: (a) saving evi-
dence from cyberbullying from home computers, (b) communicating with webmas-
ters about offensive material created specifically to be harmful, and (c) instructing
parents regarding when to approach school officials, law enforcement, and legal
advisors for additional advice and assistance. Finally, when intervening and prevent-
ing bullying behavior, it is also important for professionals to screen adolescents’
earlier or ongoing experiences of violence.

THE BENEFITS AND CHALLENGES OF MEDIA AND OTHER

TECHNOLOGY
The increasing access to media and other technology comes with many benefits and
a variety of challenges for adolescents and their families. In this discussion, we will
focus on the psychosocial and cognitive benefits for adolescents. Then, drawing
from ecological theory, we will consider the ways in which adolescents’ media and
technology usage makes a positive contribution to their well-being and the relation-
ships they have with their families. After those discussions, we will examine the chal-
lenges associated with the use of media and other technology.

The Benefits of Technology for Adolescent Development and Family

Dynamics
First of all, adolescents who have access to a variety of technology, through the Inter-
net, smartphones, and digital tablets have opportunities to interact with technology
in ways that enhance their understanding of themselves and the world around them.
Their usage of technology, which typically astounds and leaps ahead of adult usage,
demonstrates their ever-expanding cognitive abilities. Second, their usage of social
media reflects their psychosocial search for identity as well as their individuation
from parents. Third, Internet usage by family members has the potential to positively
influence family dynamics.

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 255

Adolescents’ Sophisticated Usage of Technology: A Reflection of Cognitive

­Development. Researchers studying adolescent cognitive development have con-
centrated on their ability to use abstract reasoning (Piaget & Inhelder, 1958), which
makes it possible to consider many possibilities to the usual order of things. In recent
decades, researchers have focused on the ongoing development of adolescents’
brains, specifically frontal lobe development. This research has also emphasized that
adolescents are capable of higher-level decision making than school-age children
(Hermann, 2005). Adolescents’ sophisticated understanding and use of technology
reflects both their capability for abstract reasoning and their ongoing brain develop-
ment. For example, some tech savvy adolescents are using technology to make their
own robots in order to compete in robotics teams and learning to make their own
apps (digital applications), which allow them to customize their apps on their smart
phones or digital tablets to their own interests.

Adolescents’ Online Behaviors and Their Psychosocial Development. Obser-

vation of adolescents’ online interactions and behaviors have led researchers to
the conclusion that identity exploration is facilitated by online social network-
ing. Themes that reflect adolescent identity exploration and individuation from
parents have been shown to be present in online profiles, mainly in the areas of
self-disclosure, peer relations, risk behaviors, and sexual exploration. Furthermore,
the content posted to adolescent blogs follow predictable paths of identity and role
experimentation as originally conceptualized by Erikson’s developmental stages
(Williams & Merten, 2008).

Internet Usage and Family Dynamics. Due to ongoing developments in technol-

ogy, the methods by which family members can virtually connect with each other
are constantly expanding. With an interest in understanding the ways in which
these connections affect adolescents and their parents, Williams and Merten
(2011) explored family technology dynamics from an ecological perspective. The
focus of this study was how Internet usage within and outside the family microsys-
tem relates to individual and family well-being. Their findings demonstrated that
social media technology has the potential to strengthen family bonds. For exam-
ple, parents and adolescents are better able to keep in touch with each other
through the use of cell phones. Although cell phones increase communication
between teens and parents, there are certain rules of cell phone etiquette that
adolescents need to know.

Watch this video in which adolescents provide information on cell phone etiquette. How
do you think the recommendations provided in this video could be used by parents for
instructing their adolescents regarding cell phone usage?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ot__bkUepQk

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 256 Chapter 8

The Challenges of Media and Technology for Adolescents and Their

Families
Whereas media and technology have the potential to enhance adolescents’ cogni-
tive and social-emotional development while strengthening their family bonds, there
is also evidence that the use of media and technology is not without risk. In previ-
ous discussions, we learned that higher levels of overweight and obesity have been
related to sedentary activities such as watching television and playing video games
(Hattersley, Shrewsbury, King, Howlett, Hardy, & Baur, 2009; Foltz et al., 2011) and
that the surge in cyberbullying has created new challenges for adolescents (Mishna
et al., 2010). Recent evidence also shows that the way parents and adolescents
­negotiate the role of media and technology in their families has implications for
adolescent exposure to potential harm from outside the family system (Williams
& Merten, 2011). Some of the risks related to the use of media and technology by
adolescents include exposure to media content, which is increasingly infused with
­violence and sexual references (Harris, 2011), challenges related to Internet addic-
tion (Smahel, Brown, & Blinka, 2012), and dangers associated with adolescents
being contacted by sexual predators on the Internet (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007).

Internet Addiction. Concerns that the Internet might be a fundamentally unhealthy

setting for social interactions have subsided, but researchers have noted that some
adolescents are so preoccupied with Internet activities that they display signs of
addiction to these activities. According to Smahel et al. (2012), a profile of young
people especially susceptible to Internet addiction include the following three char-
acteristics: (a) relying on the Internet as a source of friendships, (b) favoring online
locations for communicating with friends, and (c) demonstrating low self-esteem.

Exposure to Violence and Sexual References. Media and technology, which are
increasingly infused with violence and explicit sexual references, can be highly
persuasive as adolescents continue the developmental process (Harris, 2011). As
noted by Hermann (2005), the teen brain is a work in progress, which means that the
adolescent’s decision making is not as mature as that as of an adult.

Exposure to Violent Content. By the time the average child reaches the age of 18,
he or she will have watched 200,000 violent acts and 16,000 murders on televi-
sion. That this is problematic for adolescents has been demonstrated by findings
that exposure to violent content may increase aggressive thinking and emotions and
contribute to a greater tolerance for violence (Harris, 2011).

Exposure to Explicit Sexual References. Adolescents’ use of media is likely to expose

them to a sexualized environment in which women are more likely than men to be por-
trayed as sex objects. In comparison to adolescents with lower exposure to sexualized
media, those with higher levels of exposure hold stronger views of women as sex objects.
Furthermore, higher levels of exposure to sexualized media content has been linked to
the early onset of sexual activity for both male and female adolescents (Harris, 2011).

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 257

Risk of Being Contacted by Sexual Predators on the Internet. Major concerns are
associated with the chance of sexual predators and pedophiles finding and then
harming adolescents who casually or innocently divulge identifiable information on
their personal profile pages (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Although media and
technology offer many opportunities for adolescents and their families, it is important
for parents to monitor adolescents’ daily screen time and the content of the media they
use and take steps to protect them from cyberbullying and sexual predators. Hinduja
and Patchin (2007) provided several suggestions for approaches that parents can take
to reduce the possibility of their adolescent children being victimized online. Those
include online supervision whenever possible, supporting awareness of online safety,
ethical use the Internet, and scrutinizing incidents that are potentially injurious.

SUMMARY

• Specify the role of parents in adolescents’ cognitive development and academic

achievement.
When adolescents acquire the capability for abstract thought, it is normal for
them to question parental authority and challenge previously established rules
and boundaries. It is necessary, therefore, for parents to make adjustments in
their guidance style that allow for the exploration of possible exceptions to the
usual rules. Parents also play an important role in adolescent academic achieve-
ment. Adolescent academic success has been linked to parental expectations as
well as authoritative and traditional parenting patterns.
• Identify the influence of parents on adolescents’ social-emotional development.
The relationships adolescents have with their parents influence the adolescents’
levels of self-esteem as well as their sense of identity. Adolescents have higher
self-esteem when they have a secure attachment with their parents, experience
parental closeness, and have relationships with parents that help them believe
that they matter. Parental involvement and authoritative parenting also promote
adolescent self-esteem. Adolescents’ quest for identity is supported when there
is effective parent–adolescent communication. Two important aspects of ­parent–
adolescent communication support the adolescent quest for identity: when
adolescent disagreements are allowed and when adolescents are permitted to
develop their own opinions.
• Describe how the onset of puberty affects the parent-adolescent relationship and
demonstrate an understanding of the factors that influence the timing of the onset
of adolescent puberty.
Puberty influences adolescents’ psychosocial adjustment as well as their relation-
ships with parents and peers. Those relationships are more problematic, how-
ever, when puberty occurs at an earlier or later than the normal age. Two factors

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 258 Chapter 8

that influence off-time puberty include family stress and overweight or obesity.
The effects of stress and weight problems on puberty timing differ for males and
females with overweight related to early puberty for girls and later puberty for
boys. The type of family stress experienced by the adolescents also has different
effects on puberty timing for males and females.
• Define the ways in which developmental changes in the adolescent contribute to
alterations in the family system and escalated parent-adolescent conflict.
The developmental changes that occur during adolescence contribute to altera-
tions in adolescents’ behaviors. These behavioral changes contribute to modi-
fications in the behaviors of other family members. The changes in behavior
of all family members bring about modifications in the family system, which
result in family disequilibrium. Although family disequilibrium is associated
with parent–adolescent conflict, the degree of parent–adolescent conflict that
has been attributed to that stage has been largely exaggerated. It has been
demonstrated that effectively managed parent–adolescent conflict fosters the
interpersonal adaptations necessitated by the physical, social, and cognitive
changes of adolescents.
• Designate the role that parents play in the problems adolescents sometimes face,
such as weight problems, depression, substance abuse, crime, and delinquency.
Parental influences on adolescent depression include insecure attachments,
parental depression, physical abuse, and the stress related to divorce and remar-
riage. For weight problems, authoritative parenting style and parental restrictions
on television watching help adolescents maintain a healthy weight. Family meal
frequency and a positive mealtime atmosphere are also associated with healthy
eating patterns and fewer eating disorders. Adolescent delinquency has been
linked with authoritarian, permissive, indulgent, or indifferent parenting; harsh
punishment; coercive control; and low levels of parental monitoring and lack of
parental closeness. Factors associated with adolescent substance abuse include
(a) living apart from parents, (b) certain parental childrearing patterns, (c) a lack
of secure attachment, (d) having at least one parent who models substance abuse,
and (e) a lack of parental monitoring.
• Describe the benefits and challenges of media and other technology in the lives
of adolescents and their parents.
Adolescents’ sophisticated use of technology demonstrates their ever-expanding
cognitive abilities. Their usage of social media reflects their psychosocial search
for identity as well as their individuation from parents. The use of cell phones
and the Internet by family members also has the potential to positively influence
family dynamics. Some of the risks related to the use of media and technology
by adolescents include exposure to media content, which is increasingly infused
with violence and sexual references; challenges related to Internet addiction; and
dangers associated with adolescents being contacted by sexual predators on the
Internet.

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 Parent–Adolescent Interactions 259

✓ Test Your Knowledge

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES

The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this chapter.

Al-Anon Family Groups

Harvard School of Public Health
Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG)
The Tufts University Child and Family WebGuide
The Resource Center of the Department of Human Resources
Transactive Gender Center

KEY TERMS

Abstract thought Identity diffusion

Anorexia nervosa Identity moratorium
Body image distortion Imaginary audience
Body mass index Invincibility fable
Bulimia nervosa Parental monitoring

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 The
260 Chapter 9

9 Relationships
of Young
Adults, Their
Parents, and
Their Children

Blend Images/Shutterstock

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 261

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Discuss
the role of parents in young adults’ ■■ Explainthe influence of parent–child
assumption of adult roles. relationships on young adults’ cognitive
■■ Identify
examples of the enduring bonds that development.
young adults have with their parents. ■■ Describehow young adults and their parents
■■ Describe the ways in which parents influence influence each other’s social roles through the
the social-emotional development of young process of parallel development.
adult children.

I n the last several decades, the lives of young adults have been impacted by a num-
ber of societal changes. These changes have altered the pace at which they assume
adult responsibilities and have contributed to variations in their living arrangements.
Nevertheless, the bonds between young adults and their parents remain close, and
parents continue to contribute to the well-being of their adult children in a variety
of ways. The lives and ongoing development of parents are also affected by the rela-
tionships they have with their adult children.

THE ROLE OF PARENTS IN YOUNG ADULTS’ ASSUMPTION OF

ADULT ROLES
One of the most significant changes in the lives of young people in Western societies in
the last several decades is a progressive delay of transition into adult roles, such as living
independently, having steady full-time work, and being married and parents (Billari &
Liefbroer, 2010). Based on these changes, Arnett (2004) proposed emerging adulthood
as a new definition of development for the period from the late teens through the twen-
ties. According to Arnett’s theory, emerging adulthood is the age of identity exploration.

The Launching of Young Adults

Whereas the launching of young adults is a normative event, there is considerable
diversity in patterns of leaving home. Even though most Americans leave home by
age 19, many others remain in their parents’ home for several more years. The pat-
tern of leaving home in the United States is aligned with a number of factors, which
include gender, parents’ marital status, perceived availability of material and nonma-
terial resources, geographical region, ethnicity, and unmarried parenthood.

Factors Related to Leaving Home Early. American young adults typically leave
home when they go to college between the ages of 18 and 19. College attendance,
however, is only one path to early departure for American young people. Furthermore,

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 262 Chapter 9

even among those who go to college, there are gender differences in their departure
from their parents’ home. Women generally leave home at a younger age than men
because they complete college earlier, form cohabiting unions earlier, and marry
about two years earlier than men. Parental divorce and remarriage have been also
associated with earlier home leaving among young adults (Furstenberg, 2010).

Factors Related to Delayed Home Leaving. Regionally, coresidence is markedly

higher among families in the Northeast United States than elsewhere in the country
due to the higher costs of housing, higher rates of college attendance, and later entry
into full-time employment. Another factor that influences the delay of leaving home
is family ethnicity. Staying at home through their early 20s is more common among
Latinos, African Americans, and Asian Americans than among European Americans
(Fuligni & Witkow, 2004). Greater emphasis on family closeness and interdepend-
ence coupled with placing less value on independence are some of the reasons for
these emerging adults staying at home (Arnett, 2007).

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
NONMARITAL MOTHERHOOD AND CORESIDENCE WITH PARENTS
Complicating the home-leaving progression for lower-income emerging adults, particularly women, is the
increasing probability of nonmarital parenthood. Whereas cohabitation or marriage is typically associated
with earlier home departure for young women, nonmarital parenthood frequently works in the opposite
direction. Whereas in the past, the majority of these young parents would have married before or shortly
after the birth of the child, today, young mothers often turn to their parents for economic and social sup-
port. These young mothers and their children tend to fare better if they remain in the parents’ home dur-
ing the first one or two years of the child’s life but fare somewhat worse if they fail to move out thereafter
(Furstenberg, 2010).

When Young People Move Back Home. Even when young adults leave home at
the typical ages of 18 or 19, they do not always continue to reside separately from
their parents. For those who left home to go to college, moving back home with
parents often is a way of bridging their transition to post-college life. For those who
left for more independence, the glow of such independence often dims as it is over-
shadowed by the reality of taking care of a household and paying their own bills. A
period of military service and/or an early divorce are other reasons emerging adults
often return home (Aquilino, 2006).

Thinking Critically
What do you think the challenges might be for young adults who move back home with their
parents after having lived independently for a period of time?

The Relationship Quality Of Young Adults And Parents Who Live Together. Young
adults who continue to reside with their parents get along better with them when young

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 263

adults are studying, working, or looking for work than when they are having serious
difficulties moving toward independence (Furstenberg, 2010). Furthermore, regardless
of the reasons for or the timing of the move, most emerging adults experience greater
closeness to and fewer negative feelings about their parents after m
­ oving out (Aquilino,
2006). An explanation might be that it is easier to have a positive view of parents when
you no longer live with them. Also, after moving out, young people have more control
over the frequency and timing of their interactions with their parents (Arnett, 2004).

Watch this short video showing the issues faced by young adults who live at home with
their parents. In what ways do the issues raised in this video correspond with those of
other young adults you know who are living with their parents?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QuX9OhZYI3M

When Young Adults Establish Separate Residences

As young adults move out of the homes they lived in with their parents, a number of
changes occur in their parent–child relationships that necessitate that both genera-
tions readjust their expectations of each other and modify their roles in relation to
each other. Furthermore, there are different degrees of leaving home. Even though
college students in the United States live in college residences, they typically still
go home for holidays, many weekends, and the summer. When college students
go home, they often are surprised and/or disappointed to discover that their rooms
have been taken over by younger siblings or that younger siblings have achieved a
status in the family hierarchy that the college students held prior to leaving home.
Similarly, parents of young adult college students frequently are taken aback by their
adult children’s new independence.

Even though young adults

become increasingly
more independent, their
relationships with their
parents typically remain
strong.
Monkey Business/Fotolia

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 264 Chapter 9

When Young Adults Enter Committed Relationships And Have Children. Not only
do family roles and expectations change when young adults leave their parents’
home but also the rules and roles are modified further when young adults enter into
committed relationships and have children. Young adults’ entrance into cohabita-
tion or marriage is associated with less face-to-face contact with parents. Then, after
young adults become parents themselves, there is increased contact with their own
parents (Bucx, van Wel, Knijin, & Hagendoorn, 2008).

New Spouses or Partners. The challenge for parents when their children’s spouses
or partners enter into the family system is that the previous relationships they had
with their adult children require alterations to support their children’s allegiance
to their spouses or partners. Helping the partners or spouses of adult children feel
­­welcome in the family requires an understanding that these individuals have come
from family systems with roles, expectations, and boundaries that may differ from
those of their new family. There will be times when family members feel that “this is
not the way we did things in our family.” These discoveries will sometimes be pleas-
ant surprises and at times will be disappointing. The degree to which everybody is
sufficiently open minded and flexible to incorporate the needs of old and new family
members makes a difference in the level of satisfaction experienced by all mem-
bers of the expanded family system. Successful assimilation of new persons into an
existing family system requires that all members receive encouragement to openly
discuss their feelings and expectations (Steinberg & Steinberg, 1994).

Thinking Critically
If you or your sibling(s) is (are) married or in committed relationships, what changes did you
observe in the family system as spouses or partners became a part of the family system?

The Arrival of Children. New parents are suddenly placed in the largely expanded
roles of mother and father, and this important transition requires significant adapta-
tions. You might recall from an earlier discussion that these changes reflect a strong
nesting movement toward new parents’ nuclear family, which is associated with
increasing levels of intergenerational support over time and less time spent with
friends. These changes require new parents to negotiate the roles they will play in
taking care of the child while meeting household responsibilities and employment
obligations. Since there is a movement toward more involvement with extended
family members and less time spent with friends, those altered roles also require
adjustment and renegotiation.

Implications For Parents And Professionals. It is important for parents of young

adults to be aware of the advantages of renegotiating their roles and expectations when
welcoming new family members such as children’s spouses, partners, and children. It
is also helpful when young adults understand that the arrival of children necessitates
the renegotiation of roles and expectations of partners, parents, and friends.

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 265

SPOTLIGHT ON TECHNOLOGY:
NEW PARENTS AND SOCIAL MEDIA
Many of the discussions related to new parenthood can be worked out in person, although cell phone
usage helps to keep the other parent abreast of what is happening and assists in negotiating schedules and
other needs. New parents’ use of social networks also keeps them connected with friends and family mem-
bers and might be viewed as a way of garnering social capital. As a case in point, Bartholomew, Schoppe-
Sulivan, Glassman, Kamp Dush, and Sullivan (2012) examined new parents’ Facebook use from a social
capital perspective and found that their use of this social media influenced parenting satisfaction, parenting
self-efficacy, and parenting stress. For mothers, better parental adjustment occurred when more of their
Facebook friends were family members or relatives. In contrast, better parental adjustment for fathers was
associated with connecting with more of their Facebook friends outside of Facebook. Both mothers and
fathers who reported that their friends commented on photos they had posted of their child also described
greater satisfaction in the parenting role.

THE ENDURING BOND BETWEEN YOUNG ADULTS

AND THEIR PARENTS
The parental relationships that have endured throughout childhood and adolescence
continue to influence the lives of young adults. For example, young adults who
report that they experienced positive parenting as children have more positive rela-
tionships with others during adulthood (Dalton, Frick-Horbury, & Kitzmann, 2006).
The importance of young adults’ relationships with their parents was emphasized
by van Wel, Bogt, and Raaijmakers (2002), who studied changes in the well-being
of young adults and concluded that young adults typically maintain positive and
reasonably stable relationships with their parents over a long period of time. They
emphasized also that positive relationships with parents are of lasting importance for
the well-being of their adult children and that the parental bond ranks in importance
alongside having a partner or best friend.

The Economic Interdependence of Young Adults and Their Parents

The enduring bonds between parents and young adult children can be observed in
their economic interdependence. In much of the world, such as in China, India, and
Mexico, working to help support the family is expected of young adults. In many
industrialized societies (such as the United States and Canada), on the other hand,
most young adults are not expected to assist in the financial support of their parents.
In such societies, financial aid typically is given from the parent to the child. Parental
financial contributions to their adult children include cash, tuition, medical care,
food, and other material support.

Parental Support of Young Adults in College. The research of Kim and Schnei-
der (2005) describes parental support of their young adult children’s transition to
­college as “social capital in action.” According to these authors, the goals of parents

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 266 Chapter 9

and their young adult children are aligned when parents provide the necessary
resources and information that allow young adults to make informed choices about
college. For example, parents’ financial support in meeting the expenses of edu-
cation and training is associated with their adult children enjoying higher living
standards chiefly as a result of enhanced labor market opportunities. The findings
of Cobb-Clark and Gørgens (2014) have also demonstrated that parents’ economic
support can be important in protecting young people against economic declines or
relationship breakups, reducing the damaging effects of credit constraints, and gen-
erally increasing the resources available to them as they complete their education
and move into the labor market.

Parental Support of Young Adults Who Do Not Go to College. Even those

young adults who do not go to college usually benefit from some form of finan-
cial assistance from their parents. Because few entry-level jobs pay enough for
true independence, many parents underwrite their young adult children’s inde-
pendent living. Furthermore, most young adults are given substantial gifts of time,
such as help with laundry, moving, household repairs, and free child care for
young adults who become parents (Foster & Gifford, 2005). Whereas most young
adults receive assistance from their parents, some offspring receive more aid than
their siblings because of parental perceptions of greater need (Suitor, Pillemer, &
Sechrist, 2006).

Thinking Critically
Do some adult children in your own family, or other families that you know, receive
more financial assistance due to perceptions by parents of greater need? If so, what are
the circumstances that lead those parents to provide more financial support to those adult
children?

Socioeconomic Constraints on Parental Financial Assistance. Not all young

adults have access to the parental support they want and/or need. The findings of
Cobb-Clark and Gørgens (2014) demonstrated that young people who experience
socioeconomic disadvantage while growing up get less coresidential and financial
support from their parents than do their more privileged peers. Fewer economic
resources also explain less giving in African American families. For Latino par-
ents, income and parental education are the most important influences. Whereas
economic circumstances often constrain intergenerational financial support, Afri-
can American and Latino families help compensate for these differences through
financial transfers with coresidence. For example, many of these young adults live
with their parents and/or grandparents who take care of household expenses and
provide meals (Berry, 2006).

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 267

PARENTHOOD AND THE SOCIAL-EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

OF YOUNG ADULTS
Whether living together or apart, individuals become less dependent on their parents
during young adulthood in comparison to earlier years. Nonetheless, the parent–
child relationships in which they continue to be involved are important influences
on young adults’ social and emotional development. Participation in parent–child
relationships as adult children contributes to individuals’ ongoing attachment to their
parents and the achievement of intimacy with others (van Wel, Linssen, & Abna,
2000). For those young adults who become parents, participation in simultaneous
relationships with their parents and their own children is related to their achievement
of a sense of generativity (Goldhaber, 2000).

The Attachment of Young Adults to Their Parents

Throughout the world, researchers have found a connection between early attach-
ment and adult relationships with friends, partners, and children. Adults who were
securely attached as infants are more likely to become happily married adults whereas
adults who were avoidant infants tend to show hesitancy to marry (Mikulincer &
Goodman, 2006). Another illustration of the benefit of young adults’ attachment to
their parents was demonstrated by Leonardi and Kiosseoglou (2000), who studied
university students in Greece and found a positive association between security of
attachment and freedom from guilt, anxiety, and resentment toward parents. In addi-
tion, students with secure attachment to their parents scored higher on self-esteem
and lower on measures of anxiety and loneliness.

The closeness between

these adult children and their
parents demonstrates the
endurance of the parental
bond.
gstockstudio/Fotolia

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 268 Chapter 9

The Role of Gender in Parental Attachment. The findings of van Wel and col-
leagues (2000) demonstrated that fluctuations in the quality of the parental bond
have more repercussions for the emotional stability of young women than for the
emotional stability of young men. Moreover, although attachment to both mothers
and fathers predicts greater competence in relationships and better emotional adjust-
ment, the contributions of mother and father attachment to these two outcomes
differ. Attachment to mothers predicts better conflict resolution behavior, and attach-
ment to fathers is predictive of better social skills (Ross & Fuertes, 2010).

Attachment and Individuation. When considering the attachment bonds of young

adults and their parents, it is important to consider the ways in which the young
adult’s development of individuation influences parent–child attachment. It has
been suggested that the process of individuation is related to attachment since indi-
viduation tends to occur without altering the quality of attachment that young people
have with their parents. According to this view, attachment and individuation should
be considered as dual and equally important pathways to young adult development
(Baumrind, 1991). Thus, a differentiated sense of self (individuation) can be achieved
during young adulthood without severing emotional ties (connectedness) with par-
ents. Moreover, young adults benefit from relationships with their parents in which
both their separateness and individuality are supported.

Thinking Critically
In what ways has the relationship between you and your parents evolved as you became more
independent to allow for both individuation and connectedness?

The Role of Regular Communication. One of the ways that young adults and their
parents stay connected to each other is through ongoing communication. Fortu-
nately, today’s communication technology makes regular communication between
parents and their young adult children easy and affordable. That this type of frequent
communication influences the lives of emerging adults in college was highlighted by
Small, Morgan, Abar, and Maggs (2011). The findings of these researchers demon-
strated that on days that students spent communicating with parents 30 minutes or
more, they consumed more fruits and vegetables and were more likely to engage in
moderate to vigorous exercise. They also found that the amount of time spent com-
municating with parents on weekend days predicted the number of drinks consumed
or whether or not students engaged in heavy drinking. Those who communicated
more with parents consumed fewer drinks and were less likely to engage in heavy
drinking.

Implications for Parents and Professionals. The previous findings highlight the
importance of ongoing communication between parents and their adult children
who are in college. According to Small and colleagues, during those communica-
tions, parents may remind students to eat a variety of healthy foods and engage in

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 269

physical activity. It was also conjectured that communication with parents may
remind students of shared values, thus influencing their decisions regarding alcohol
consumption.

The Role of Parents in Promoting Young Adults’ Achievement

of Intimacy
It is easy to confuse the concepts of attachment and intimacy especially because both
are related to parent–child closeness. The distinction is that attachment to parents is
linked to the individual’s psychological well-being, such as levels of self-esteem and
feelings of security versus feelings of loneliness or anxiety (Leonardi & Kiosseoglou,
2000). In contrast, achievement of a sense of intimacy enables the young adult to
maintain committed, enduring intimate relationships (Erikson, 1968). The way in
which parents influence young adults’ achievement of a sense of intimacy is that
many of the patterns that young adults bring into their relationships are developed in
the relationships they have with their parents.
Family interaction patterns also have been shown to influence young adults’
friendship closeness (Ledbetter, 2009). Finally, there are gender differences in
parents’ influence on young adults achievement of a sense of intimacy. For exam-
ple, Robinson (2000) demonstrated that a positive relationship with one’s mother
during adolescence is related to more positive intimate relationships in young
adulthood.

The Effect of Parental Divorce on the Quality of Parent–Young Adult Relation-

ships. Because parental involvement contributes to the quality of young adults’
intimate relationships, it is not surprising that parental divorce might have a negative
effect on the quality of these relationships. Parental divorce has been found to be
associated with young adults’ low level of relationship quality as a result of a pes-
simistic attitude toward marriage and a lack of commitment to their current relation-
ships (Cui & Fincham, 2010). It has been suggested, however, that it is important
to examine multiple factors when assessing the effect of parental divorce on young
adults. Richardson and McCabe (2001) found that having close relationships with
both mother and father was the most important predictor of psychological adjust-
ment. They also found that following parental divorce, high intimacy with at least
one parent is positively linked with positive adjustment.
In addition to maintaining close relationships with divorced parents, young adults
who are able to achieve an integrative perception of parental divorce have more
favorable adjustment. An integrated perception of divorce consists of re-­examining
stressful events and focusing not only on painful feelings but also on the future and
its possibilities. Such an attitude contributes to the search for new perspectives and
accepts change without denying reality (Shulman, Sharf, & Lumer, 2001). Another
factor that has been associated with more positive romantic relationships among
young adults is maternal remarriage. Finally, whether married or remarried, parents’
marital happiness has been found to be a significant predictor of young adult inti-
mate relationship outcomes (Jeter, 2010).

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 270 Chapter 9

Parent–Child Relationships and the Achievement of a Sense of

Generativity
We now will turn our attention to the ways in which the achievement of a sense of
generativity derives from the parent–child relationships in which young adults par-
ticipate with their own children and with their parents. Included in this discussion
are the contributions that young adults make to their parents’ ongoing generativity
needs. Generativity researchers typically describe generativity as the long period of
adulthood during which individuals take on various roles of societal responsibility
(Sabir, 2015). The way the achievement of generativity plays out in the relationships
of young adults and their parents is that while young adults are assuming new social
responsibilities, their parents take on new social roles that support their children in
those endeavors.

Parenthood and the Achievement of A Sense of Generativity. As noted by Gold-

haber (2000), each of Erikson’s stages builds upon those that precede it, and each
moves individuals more fully into the role of a mature, active participant in their
culture. Therefore, the achievement of a sense of intimacy better prepares young
adults for the next step of generativity achievement in which they consider the sig-
nificance of their efforts for the next generation. As Erikson (1982) pointed out, even
though generativity achievement might take a variety of forms, its chief expression
is found in “establishing and guiding the next generation.” In their establishment of
a sense of generativity, young adults develop the ability to care for others, which is
a basic strength that reflects young adult maturity. Whereas a positive association
has been confirmed between the achievement of generativity and psychological
well-being (Rothrauff & Cooney, 2008), it is important to emphasize that the devel-
opment of a sense of generativity requires work and patience. All parents are tested

An expression of generativity
is seen when parents provide
financial and emotional
support to their young adult
children to help them achieve
their dreams.
Leungchopan/Fotolia

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 271

and transformed by the dynamic experiences of their children. Moreover, just when
they think they have mastered the challenges of parenting at one stage, their child
advances to the next stage, which requires parents to make major adjustments in the
caregiving relationship.

Generativity, Gender, and Coparenting. In cultures throughout the world, main-

taining a household and caring for children has been a primary source of genera-
tivity achievement for women. Conversely, providing food and other goods for the
family has been the main way in which men have been able to achieve a sense of
generativity. Although in many cultures the socialization into distinct gender roles
continues to occur, this picture has shifted considerably during the past 50 years
in most industrialized societies. Today, the majority of married women in Western
societies are working in paid employment outside the home, including those whose
youngest children are not in school. The husbands of almost all of these women also
are employed, and the majority of these husbands share household responsibilities
with their wives. In spite of the alterations in roles over the past 50 years, gender con-
tinues to play a role in dual-worker, dual-parent relationships. Furthermore, having
young children at home is a critical catalyst for gender differences in the work–family
interface (Martinengo, Jacob, & Hill, 2010).

Combining Work and Family Roles. The fundamental problem for parents when
both of them work outside the home is being able to coordinate family and work
obligations. Role overload occurs when the demands of work and family roles result
in a person feeling strained and overwhelmed. Role overload not only negatively
affects family relationships but also working mothers are more negatively affected by
role overload in comparison to working fathers. The higher levels of stress related to
role overload for working mothers has been attributed to gender role expectations
associated with child care and household responsibilities. On the other hand, coping
strategies used by dual-career parents attenuate the relationship between role over-
load and symptoms of burnout. There are gender differences, however, in the ways
that men and women deal with the stresses of role overload. Working mothers are
more likely than working fathers to cope by seeking outside support and by scaling
back either their home or work responsibilities. In contrast, men are less likely than
women to use the coping strategies of scaling back or seeking support. Both men and
women, though, are equally likely to cope with role overload by restructuring work
and family roles (Higgins, Duxbury, & Lyons, 2010).
Moving beyond the problems associated with role overload, a more positive sce-
nario of working parents has been provided. First, women who are simultaneously
carrying out the roles of wife, mother, and employee do not necessarily suffer role
overload. Second, role overload is less common in dual-worker families than is role
buffering. In many dual-income families, both parents act in many ways to buffer the
impact of stress associated with performing the dual roles of parent and paid worker.
It seems that the stresses related to job and family are buffered by intimacy and care­
giving in various settings (Voydanoff, 2004).

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 272 Chapter 9

Thinking Critically
What are some examples that you have observed of the influence of gender and work respon-
sibilities on the lives of young adults who are combining parenthood with employment?

Generativity Achievement and Culture. The drive to be generative is a powerful

theme of adulthood and occurs in two major ways—through parenthood and through
employment. At the cultural level, differences in generativity achievement goals
relate to individualism and collectivism. For parents in an individualist ­culture, such
as the majority culture of the United States, generativity achievement needs might
take any of the following forms: (a) being the best parents they can be, (b) achieving
individual success in their occupational roles, or (c) seeking to be the best parents
possible while being highly competitive in their occupational roles. In contrast to
the drive for individual success in their work and family roles, young adults in
­collectivist cultures, such as ethnic minority cultures in the United States, are more
likely to link generativity achievement with communal living. These parents are
able to attain a sense of generativity through being involved in cooperative efforts
that maximize the likelihood of group success in the family and in the workplace
(Goduka & Kunnie, 2006).

Implications for Parents and Professionals. It is helpful for professionals working

with parents in collectivist cultures to recognize that the young adult’s role as a par-
ent is likely to be integrated with extended family and community roles. Therefore,

This Native American boy

dancer is taking part in a
celebration of his family’s
culture.

Kimberly Cossairt/Fotolia

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 273

the establishment of a relationship with these young parents must be based on a

respect for the traditions of shared caregiving and other family and community sup-
ports that are integral parts of collectivist cultures.

Generativity Is a Two-Way Street. The achievement of a sense of generativity is linked

not only to taking on adult social roles related to careers and childrearing but also to the
quality of adults’ relationships with their parents. Young adults’ development of a sense
of generativity, therefore, is related to caring for their children while being responsive to
the needs of their parents. As noted by Erikson (1982), the young adult still relies on the
support and guidance of parents, and the mature adult, in turn, “needs to be needed.”
Thus, the interdependence of parents and children is a lifelong process. Examples of
this interdependence can be observed in the ways in which young adults involve their
parents in the planning of and participation in their weddings, the births or adoptions of
their children, family birthday parties, and graduation celebrations.

Thinking Critically
What are some examples of ways that you or other young adults have involved parents in
important events in your life/lives?

The Role of Family Rituals in Generativity. Types of family rituals include celebra-
tions of religious holidays, family traditions (e.g., family reunions and birthdays), and
patterned family interactions (e.g., mealtime rituals). Family rituals reflect the level of

One of the ways in

which families maintain
their cohesiveness
is through their
participation in family
rituals that mark
significant transitions in
family members’ lives.
Monkey Business/Fotolia

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 274 Chapter 9

satisfaction with family relationships and provide roles for both older and younger
family ­members. They also serve to highlight how culture, the family, and individual
characteristics intersect to shape the whole family. Additionally, family rituals reflect
the ways in which adults and their parents support each other at times of family cri-
ses, such as illness or death. They are particularly significant to young adult men and
women who are beginning to think about commitments to work and family (Fiese,
Tomcho, Douglas, Josephs, Poltrock, & Baker, 2002). Nonetheless, it is important to
consider young adults’ perceptions of the frequency and quality of their parents’ ini-
tiation of family rituals. For instance, “rigid ritualization,” in which family members’
autonomy is stifled and parental directiveness is pronounced, is associated with resent-
ment of family rituals by family members. In this situation, young adults are likely to
find family rituals less personally meaningful. On the other hand, those young adults
who view their parents as caring (conveying warmth and responsiveness) typically
view their family rituals as more personally meaningful (Friedman & Weissbrod, 2004).

Watch the following video that focuses on family rituals as children are growing up.
What rituals did you have while growing up? Since becoming an adult, how involved
are you with your parents in the planning and carrying out of rituals such as family
celebrations?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ykzR9MLg6zk

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
THE INFLUENCE OF ACCULTURATION ON THE ACHIEVEMENT OF GENERATIVITY
The cultural values of individualism and collectivism have different effects on young adults’ achievement
of generativity. Furthermore, the values of collectivism often collide with those of individualism in the case
of families that immigrate to another country. A study by Quek, Knudsen-Martin, Rue, and Alabiso (2010)
demonstrated the ways in which the merging of different cultures influences the relationships of Chinese
American young couples and their parents. In their study, Quek and colleagues found that these young
couples had not abandoned their traditional values. Instead, they had forged an approach that is highly
“we” focused but also more equal than traditional gender structures. The conclusion was that by doing so,
second-generation Asian Americans are changing the meaning of social harmony itself. They are creating
a new kind of harmony that embraces individualistic values such as collaborative decision making, flexible
roles, two voices, self-directedness, and validation of partners.

Generativity Issues of Cohabitating Young Adults and Their Parents. Most West-
ern countries have perceived a retreat from marriage, which is increasingly preceded
or replaced by cohabitation. It has been suggested that in countries where the level
of social acceptance of cohabitation is low and the value placed on marriage is
high, cohabitation may result in lower levels of emotional and material support
from parents (Schröder, 2008). To answer that question, researchers have studied

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 275

the parent–child relationships of young cohabitants in various Western countries.

For example, Eggebeen (2005) examined the impact of cohabitation among young
people in the United States on their relationships with their parents. Their findings
showed that cohabitation of young adults is related to significantly less intergenera-
tional exchange of support. It has been suggested that a possible explanation for low
levels of intergenerational exchange between cohabiting adults and their parents is
that cohabitation is not institutionalized.
Because parents of cohabiting young adults face uncertainty regarding what their
role as parents should be, they frequently back away. Similarly, adult children who
are confronting their own doubts regarding the permanency of their cohabiting rela-
tionship often make few demands on their parents. These young adults are also less
likely than married couples to participate in family activities that often strengthen the
ties between the young adults and their parents, such as visiting on vacations, spend-
ing holidays together, or involving parents in family events. Consequently, the social
distance is likely to generate barriers to the flow of routine kinds of assistance. In a
more recent study, Baranowska-Rataj (2014) examined the relationships that cohabit-
ing young adults in Germany had with their parents. The findings of that study showed
that young cohabiting couples rated their level of satisfaction with their parental rela-
tionship lower than their peers who were married. Finally, Schröder (2008) surveyed
cohabiting women in Italy and found that cohabiting young adults received less emo-
tional and financial support from parents than did married young adults.

Generativity Issues of LGBT Adults and Their Parents. As previously discussed,

young adults everywhere benefit from the emotional, practical, and financial sup-
port that their parents typically provide. For lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgen-
der (LGBT) young adults who tend to face disapproval of their lifestyle from peers
and the general public, parental acceptance and support are especially important.
Unfortunately, rather than being able to benefit from parental support, LGBT adults
frequently experience moderate to strong parental disapproval of their sexual orien-
tation and/or gender identity.

Generativity Issues for Lesbian, Gay, or Bisexual Adults and Their Parents. It has
been determined that parental acceptance and sexuality-specific support are critical
protective resources for lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) adults as they are working
on the consolidation of their sexual identity. Furthermore, even if families provide
nonsexuality-specific support, sexuality-related identity struggles and high parental
rejection remain linked to LGB identity (Bregman, Malik, Page, Makynen, & Lindahl,
2013). Findings that have shown that sexual minorities report lower levels of parental
support during young adulthood help explain why sexual identity has been linked
to a number of health issues for LGB individuals, including depressive symptomatol-
ogy and hazardous substance use (Rothman, Sullivan, Keyes, & Boehmer, 2012).
Moreover, as we learned in Chapter 3, gay and lesbian adults who become parents
receive less parental support than do heterosexual parents, which might create stress
in their relationships with their partners or spouses and affect the lives of their chil-
dren (Goldberg & Smith, 2008).

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Generativity Issues for Transgender Adults and Their Parents. For t­ ransgender adults,
parental support is particularly important since transgender persons confront a
­variety of obstacles related specifically to their gender identity, such as barriers
related to transition-related care. Furthermore, transgender adults almost universally
report some degree of social exclusion and transphobia. Transgender people are
exposed also to invisibility in institutional settings, high levels of discrimination and
rejection, harassment, violence, and poverty. A significant problem associated with
­transgender-related social exclusion is an increased number of suicide attempts.
Whereas a number of other supports are important for lessening the distress expe-
rienced by transgender persons, for example social inclusion and gender-specific
identity documents, it has been demonstrated that the most important support is from
parents (Bauer, Scheim, Pyne, Travers, & Hammond, 2015).

Implications for Parents and Professionals. Interventions designed to strengthen

relationships between LGBT young adults and their parents could lead not only
to less stress associated with sexual identity struggles but also might contribute to
a reduction in health disparities linked to sexual orientation. Furthermore, parents
of LBGT adults should be aware that parental support has been related not only to
reduction in stress-related health problems but also to lower levels of suicide idea-
tion as well as actual suicide.

Watch this short video showing a U. S. soldier coming out to his father. How important is
the father’s love and acceptance to this young man?
www.youtube.com/watch?v=UqY43exPP3E

THE INFLUENCE OF PARENT–CHILD RELATIONSHIPS ON

YOUNG Adults’ COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
Young adults’ relationships with their children and with their parents not only affect
their social-emotional development, they also influence their cognitive develop-
ment. In the upcoming discussions, we will examine the various ways in which the
responsibilities of young parenthood contribute to advanced problem-solving abili-
ties. We also will consider how the challenges of working out their relationships with
their parents affect the ability of young adults to reason at higher cognitive levels.

Parenthood and Higher-Level Reasoning: A Piagetian Perspective

As young adults thoughtfully consider the real-life dilemmas that are a necessary
part of their relationships with their parents and their children, they increasingly
align their thinking processes with their contextual awareness. For many problems in
young adults’ parent–child relationships, there are no single solutions, no predeter-
mined right answers, and no absolute rules. The ups and downs in the lives of their

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 277

parents and of their children often lead young adults to consider the world in novel,
more complex, and less rigid ways. Followers of Piaget emphasize that, in compari-
son to adolescents, young adults are better problem finders. Their problem-finding
capability helps them discern the problems that need their attention. According to
these theorists, young adults also are capable of dialectical reasoning, which allows
them to come up with more effective solutions to the problems they encounter
(Riegel, 1976).

Young Parents’ Problem-Finding Ability. The problem-finding capability seen

in adulthood emphasizes that the ability to provide solutions to problems can be
applied only when these problems have been identified. For instance, to remedy a
child’s sore throat or stomach upset, the parent must first determine that a problem
exists and what that problem is likely to be. Similarly, buying a child a new pair of
shoes must be preceded by a realization that the shoes the child is currently wearing
are getting too small or becoming too worn. Moreover, providing emotional support
to a child who is feeling disappointed or depressed must be preceded by the ability
of a parent to recognize that something seems to be bothering the child.

The Dialectical Reasoning of Young Parents. After problem finding, young parents
typically are compelled to resolve problems for which there are a number of possible
solutions. Because they can use dialectical reasoning that involves the recognition
and tolerance of ambiguities and contradictions in many life dilemmas, these parents
are typically able to come up with satisfactory solutions. As an example, when young
parents are considering child care for their children, they might be confronted with
the dilemma of choosing the child care program that is less expensive and closer
to their home or the one that costs more and is farther away from their home. The
easier solution to the problem is to choose the less expensive and more conveniently

The problem-finding ability of

this young mother helps her
identify the need to take her
child to the doctor.
Tom Wang/Fotolia

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 278 Chapter 9

located child care setting. If that child care facility has child care providers who use a
form of discipline that is not consistent with the values of the parents, however, these
parents might engage in dialectical reasoning to resolve the dilemma.

Experiences that Promote Young Parents’ Higher-Level Reasoning. A variety of

complex life circumstances associated with adulthood provide opportunities for young
parents to develop their cognitive abilities of problem finding and dialectical reason-
ing. Whereas in the process of pursuing an advanced degree, for instance, individuals
are challenged to participate in the critical thinking process that is based on problem
finding and dialectical reasoning. Moreover, the critical thinking process engaged
in within college classrooms influences the parenting decisions of young adults.
Researchers have found, for example, that college-educated persons are more likely
than those who are not college educated to have an authoritative child socialization
pattern (Hoff-Ginsberg & Tardif, 1995). One of the primary features of the authoritative
pattern of parenting is the willingness of parents to provide reasons for their actions
and to engage their children in problem-solving activities (Steinberg & Levine, 1997).
Real-life experiences that promote higher-level reasoning processes occur both
inside and outside formal educational settings. Young adults who do not go to col-
lege typically take responsibility for their own financial well-being while considering
their future direction in life, such as gaining and keeping employment. While strug-
gling with these real-life decisions, many of these young people enter into committed
partnerships and/or become parents and begin to make multifaceted decisions—
including ways in which to provide suitable housing for their families and how to
feed and care for their infants and children. Because their real-life circumstances do
not provide easy answers, these responsibilities are likely to promote young adults’
problem-finding abilities and dialectical reasoning.

Parenthood and Vygotsky’s Concept of Scaffolding

Another theoretical approach to understanding the ways in which parent–child rela-
tionships contribute to young adults’ cognitive development was provided by Lev
Vygotsky (1978), who postulated that individuals are better able to demonstrate
proficiency in various activities when supported by persons with specialized exper-
tise. As noted in Chapter 1, Vygotsky emphasized that with the help of their parents or
other more accomplished persons, individuals often can reason at a higher level than
they can by themselves. We also learned in earlier chapters that through activities
such as modeling, instruction, and direct support, more competent persons provide
scaffolding for the skill development of less experienced individuals. Discussions of
the concept of scaffolding typically focus on the role that parents and teachers play
in sustaining the learning experiences of young children. The upcoming discussion,
however, emphasizes that the problem solving of young adults is scaffolded by inter-
actions with their own parents and/or spouses or partners on many occasions.

Parental Scaffolding of Young Adults’ Lives. As noted earlier, college students typi-
cally receive financial assistance from their parents that enables them to pursue studies

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 279

in preparation for careers. In addition to financial backing, young adults often benefit
from consultation with their parents regarding important decisions they are making,
such as the selection of a major and/or choice of a career. Research findings demon-
strating a link between parental support and academic success suggest that academic
success is scaffolded by the relationships young adults have had and continue to have
with their parents. The findings of Abar, Carter, and Winsler (2009) showed that authori-
tative parenting is associated with high levels of academic performance and study skills
among African American college students. Parental scaffolding of academic success
also has been documented for young adults who have immigrated to the United States.
Kim and Chung (2003) provided evidence that authoritative parenting and the number
of years lived in the United States predict higher academic competence.

Parental Scaffolding of Young Parents’ Childrearing Efforts. The role that parents
play in scaffolding the ongoing development of their young adult children is not lim-
ited to assistance provided to those who are pursuing academic degrees and making
choices regarding future careers. Most young adults benefit as well from parental
support when they become parents. Even when young adults have been financially
independent for a period of time, their parents are likely to provide financial, practi-
cal, and emotional assistance to them after they become parents. Examples of inter-
generational financial support range from the gifts or loans that parents provide their
young adult children for buying their first house to the clothing and toys they buy for
their grandchildren. Even though financial support and practical support are excel-
lent examples of ways in which the older generation of parents scaffolds the efforts
of the younger generation of parents, perhaps the most important scaffolding role
of older parents is that of emotional supporter. When young adults experience real-
life problems, such as difficulties with the rearing of their children, illnesses, or life
crises, they typically turn to the same individuals who were there for them at earlier
developmental stages when they had skinned knees or wounded hearts.
The most common practical help that parents make available to their young
adult children who are parents is related to assistance with child care. Even in the
majority cultures of the United States and Canada where grandparents, aunts, and
uncles do not typically assume coparenting roles, they frequently provide some level
of child care if they live in proximity to their children and grandchildren. Further-
more, circumstances such as illness or teenage parenthood often influence these
relatives to step in and scaffold young parents’ childrearing efforts. For instance, the
majority of unmarried young parents live with their parents who provide financial,
practical, and emotional support, thereby extending the childrearing efforts of these
young parents. The scaffolding provided by parents of unmarried young parents is
particularly important because these young parents are the most vulnerable in terms
of their ability to care for and provide the basic necessities for their children (Martin,
Hamilton, Sutton, Ventura, Menaker, & Kirmeyer, 2006).

Implications for Parents and Professionals. The foregoing discussion emphasizes

the important role of parents in providing continuing support for their young adult
children in a variety of areas. Being able to scaffold the success of their adult children

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 280 Chapter 9

helps parents feel as if they are able to contribute to their children’s ongoing devel-
opment. The benefit for adult children is the realization that parents are there to assist
them when needed. Parental scaffolding also sends the important message to young
adults that parents are interested in their well-being and want to support them toward
the achievement of their goals.

The Scaffolding of Childrearing Efforts by Parental Partners. Finally, the vital part
that parental partners play in supporting young parents’ childrearing efforts has been
well documented. In an earlier discussion, we focused on how working parents
coordinate their work and parental efforts. Another important aspect of scaffolding
seen in two-parent families is emotional support of each other’s parenting efforts. In
addition to emotional support, there are numerous practical opportunities for sus-
taining each other’s childrearing efforts in the typical family. Examples of practical
help that support childrearing efforts include taking turns getting up with a crying
baby, participating in the bathing of the children, preparing meals for the family, and
taking the children to school. When parents work together to provide for the needs
of their children, the effectiveness of each parent’s childrearing efforts is promoted.

Thinking Critically
Have you observed a young couple at home with their young child or children? If so, what
examples of scaffolding of each other’s childrearing efforts were you able to discern between
those two parents?

THE PARALLEL ROLE DEVELOPMENT OF YOUNG ADULTS AND

THEIR PARENTS: THE ROLE OF FILIAL MATURITY
The previous discussions focused on the many ways in which the lives of young
adults and their parents are intertwined. The influence of parents on young adults’
establishment of adult social roles as well as parental influences on social-emotional
and cognitive development was emphasized. That young adults continue to have
strong bonds with their parents was also established. We will now consider the ways
in which parents and their young adult children influence each other’s role devel-
opment through a process that contributes to their parallel development. This is a
process by which the roles of young adults and their parents continue to be redefined
in relation to each other. To achieve parallel development with their parents, young
adults must develop filial maturity. Blenkner (1965) introduced the concept of filial
maturity to describe an adult’s capability of responding to the needs of the parent,
which represents a move away from egocentrism and a step toward the development
of a more mature adult role. Forcefully rejecting the notion of role reversal, Blenkner
pointed out that mature sons or daughters do not take on a parental role in relation to
their parents but rather assume a filial role, which involves the ability to be depended
on by their parents.

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 281

Dimensions of Filial Maturity

Two dimensions are essential to the development of filial maturity: parental distanc-
ing and parental comprehending. Distancing is necessary in the parent–adult child
relationship to allow each party a certain level of independence, and comprehend-
ing serves to keep the parent and adult child close to each other. Development in
each of these dimensions requires the ability to balance the two forces (Nydegger &
Mitteness, 1991).

Parental Distancing. A critical task for personal development during young adult-
hood is to distance oneself from one’s parents and establish one’s separate identity
as an adult. As one begins the process of separating from one’s parents, however, it
is important to simultaneously take the first step toward development in the filial role
(being responsive to the needs of one’s parents). The challenge, therefore, is to achieve
emotional emancipation while remaining engaged as a son or daughter. Establishing
a psychological distance from their parents is a necessary step for young adults to take
in order to see both themselves and their parents more objectively. Acquiring a level
of objectivity in relation to their parents allows young adults to perceive their parents
as persons apart from the parental role (Nydegger & Mitteness, 1991).
Although parental distancing is a normal and beneficial process, the course of
emotional weaning is likely to be slow and painful for parents and their adult children
(Erikson, 1963). The initial phase of parental distancing is triggered by the physical
separation from parents typical of early adulthood in the United States. Whereas this
period of adjustment is likely to be characterized by elevated criticism and reduced
contact (Nydegger & Mitteness, 1991), it is important to examine the processes under-
lying these interactions. Transitions such as physical separations from parents can be
stressful because they challenge attachment bonds between family members. Just as
there are hindrances to parental distancing, there are factors that serve to advance the
level of distancing necessary for the development of mature relationships between
adult children and their parents. Interviews of young adults and their parents have
suggested that demonstrating maturity in other adult roles promotes young adults’
self-confidence, which, in turn, encourages parental distancing. Another factor that
has been suggested as important in the progression of parental distancing is the
maturity of the parents themselves (Nydegger & Mitteness, 1991). In addition, open
­communication and the processing of emotions are crucial when family members
change. The expression of emotions fosters the renegotiation of bonds and the clarifi-
cation of family members’ needs and concerns (Dankoski, 2001).

Renewed Acquaintance. The separation phase in which young adults temporarily

withdraw from their parents, is generally followed by a stage of renewed acquaint-
ance. The emancipation that occurs during the withdrawal phase tempers young
adults’ egocentrism, thereby helping them see their parents more realistically during
the phase of renewed acquaintance. The more realistic perception of the parent,
which occurs in the reconnecting phase of the parent–child relationship, typically
is accompanied by a greater appreciation of the parent as an individual. A second

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 282 Chapter 9

When adult children begin to comprehend their

parents, they are able to see their parents as persons
outside the parental role.

Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

outcome of young adults’ distancing and renegotiated relationships with their ­parents
is the young adults’ improving ability to perceive themselves in the adult child role
from the viewpoint of what their parents need from them (Nydegger & Mitteness,
1991). A concern of young adults that emerges during the emancipation stage and
continues during the stage of renegotiated relationships with parents is the issue of
privacy. It is therefore important to devise a family etiquette to handle the delicate
balance between the parents’ interest in knowing what is going on in their adult
­children’s lives and their adult children’s right to privacy.

Thinking Critically
What is an example of family etiquette that you and your parents have worked out (or are
currently in the process of working out) to handle the delicate balance between your parents’
interest in knowing what is going on in your life and your right to privacy?

Parental Comprehending. There is much emphasis on the need of parents to

­understand their children, and this is an appropriate focus of parent–child ­relationships
when children are developing toward adulthood. When children become young adults,

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 283

though, they develop filial maturity, which includes the ­capability of ­understanding
their parents. The development of the ability to comprehend their parents brings adult
children to the place in which they realize that their parents had their own existence
prior to assuming the role of parent and continue to exist as individuals outside their
parental role. As might be expected, the ability to appreciate one’s own parents requires
considerable objectivity. The development of this ability not only lags behind parental
distancing but also is a slower process. Most adults can remember a time when they
began to really understand their parents (typically in their early 20s). They usually real-
ize that this discernment was a gradual process that occurred as they themselves began
to take on the adult roles held by their parents—those of spouse, parent, and worker.
A positive outcome of young adults’ development of the capability of understanding
their parents is the decrease of conflict with parents. Typically, the comprehension of
mothers happens earlier than does the comprehension of fathers. Moreover, the level
of comprehension of fathers is not expected to be achieved during early adulthood but
instead is anticipated to occur during the 40s (Nydegger & Mitteness, 1991).

Thinking Critically
Can you identify the ways in which you distanced yourself from your parents as you became
a young adult? Are you currently in the process of comprehending your parents? If so, what
have you discovered that helps you appreciate your parents as individuals?

SUMMARY

• Discuss the role of parents in young adults’ assumption of adult roles.

Parents assist their young adult children in the assumption of adult roles by pro-
viding financial, practical, and emotional support. Parental financial contribu-
tions to their adult children include cash, tuition, medical care, food, and other
material support. Parents also support many young adult children by allowing
them to continue to live at home. Coresidence with parents during adulthood is
related to socioeconomic constraints, geographical location, ethnicity, and non-
marital parenthood. For their young adult children who become parents, parents
typically provide assistance through financial help, gifts for grandchildren, and/
or child care.
• Identify examples of the enduring bonds that young adults have with their parents.
Young adults typically become independent without weakening the bonds they
have with their parents. Those who have had positive relationships with their
parents while growing up have better mental well-being than those who had less
favorable parent–child relationships during their childhood. Young adults who
have experienced positive parenting as children also have more positive rela-
tionships with others during adulthood. There is also economic interdependence

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 284 Chapter 9

between young adults and their families. In much of the world, young adults
contribute to the support of their parents. In Western societies, parents typically
contribute to the economic support of their young adult children.
• Describe the ways in which parents influence the social-emotional development
of young adult children.
The relationships that young adults have with their parents contribute to their
ongoing attachment to their parents, their emotional well-being, and their
achievement of intimacy with others. There is a positive association between
young adults’ security of attachment and freedom from guilt, anxiety, and resent-
ment toward parents. Moreover, young adults with secure attachment to their par-
ents have higher self-esteem and less anxiety and loneliness. The ways in which
parents contribute to their adult children’s achievement of intimacy is that many
of the patterns that young adults bring into their relationships with significant
others are established in the relationships they have with their p ­ arents. Young
adults’ relationships with their parents and with their own children ­contribute to
their achievement of generativity. The achievement of generativity is associated
not only with taking on adult social roles but also to the quality of adults’ rela-
tionships with their parents.
• Explain the influence of parent–child relationships on young adults’ cognitive
development.
According to followers of Piaget, in comparison to adolescents, young adults are
better problem finders, which helps them recognize the problems that require
their attention. Young adults also are capable of dialectical reasoning, which
helps them to come up with more effective solutions to the problems they
encounter. Experiences related to being a parent and maintaining relationships
with their own parents encourage both problem finding and dialectical reason-
ing. According to Vygotsky, through the scaffolding of their parents or other
more accomplished persons, individuals often can reason at a higher level than
they can by themselves. Parents of young adults scaffold their adult children’s
academic efforts as well their efforts related to the acquisition of social roles such
as parenthood.
• Describe how young adults and their parents influence each other’s social roles
through the process of parallel development.
This is a developmental progression during which the social roles of young
adults and their parents are redefined in relation to each other. The processes
of parallel development include distancing from parents (by going to college
or establishing a separate residence) and then reconnecting with parents with
a renewed appreciation of the parent–child relationship. Through this process,
young adults develop filial maturity that allows them to move beyond egocen-
trism toward the development of a more mature adult role. This helps them to
comprehend their parents, which involves appreciating the parent as a person
outside the parenting role.

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 The Relationships of Young Adults, Their Parents, and Their Children 285

✓ TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES
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KEY TERMS

Dialectical reasoning Individuation

Generativity Intimacy
Identity exploration Social capital

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 286 Chapter 10

10 Middle-Age
and Older
Parenthood and
Grandparenthood

get4net/Fotolia

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 287

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Explainthe effects of role transitions on the relationships on older persons’ psychological

parent–child relationships of middle-age adults development.
and their adult children. ■■ Identify
the factors influencing the quality of
■■ Demonstrate an understanding of the ways parent–child relations of the able elderly and
in which the role transitions of older parents their adult children.
and their middle-age children influence their ■■ Show an understanding of the alterations that
relationships with each other. occur in the roles of adult children and their
■■ Describe the impact of intergenerational aging parents.

T he well-being of middle-age and older adults is affected by the relationships

in which they participate with their children and grandchildren. These relation-
ships influence and are influenced by the role transitions of all the individuals
involved as well as the continuing growth and development of the family systems
in which the transitions take place. The interactions that middle-age and older
adults have with their children and grandchildren also affect their ongoing social-
emotional development. In the upcoming discussions, we will consider the ways
in which these relationships play out in diverse cultures within the United States
and throughout the world. In addition, we will consider the influence of varied life
circumstances (such as divorce, remarriage, retirement, and widowhood) on these
relationships.

THE INFLUENCE OF ROLE TRANSITIONS ON THE

RELATIONSHIPS OF MIDDLE-AGED ADULTS
AND THEIR ADULT CHILDREN
Beginning when their children are in early adulthood, the relationships of middle-age
adults and their adult children are altered along a series of social status transitions.
Normative transitions of adult children contribute to increased intergenerational
closeness and contact (Mottran & Hortacsu, 2005). Adult children’s non-normative
transitions, on the other hand, tend to negatively affect parent and adult–child rela-
tionships (LaSala, 2002). As their young adult children are making the normative
transitions into their adult roles and sometimes undergoing non-normative tran-
sitions, middle-age parents also are experiencing normative and non-normative
transformations in their own lives. The social status transitions in the lives of both
generations affect their relationships with each other.

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The Effects of Adult Children’s Normative Transitions

When adult children go off to college, begin careers, get married, and have children,
parent–child relationships generally improve. The positive changes that occur in
intergenerational relations when adult children experience normative transitions
have been attributed to two factors. First, such transitions verify that the adult child
is conforming to social norms in terms of maturational development. Second, the
transitions themselves increase the number of adult social roles that adult children
share with their parents (Suitor et al., 1994).

Thinking Critically
As you have undergone normative adult transitions, such as going to college or getting a job,
how have your relationships with your parents improved?

The Effects of Adult Children’s Non-Normative

Social Status Transitions
When adult children have not established their own households or become independ-
ent, their parents are often placed in the role of continuing to provide financial support
for them (Cichy, Lefkowitz, Davis, & Fingerman, 2013). Additionally, the unanticipated
burden of providing financial support to dependent children tends to have a negative
effect on parent–child relations. Studies that document the effect of adult children’s job
loss support this argument. Adult children’s unemployment has been found to be one
of the main factors in parental conflict when generations share a home (Furstenberg,
2010). Having at least one coresidential adult child also decreases the psychological
well-being of middle-age parents, especially mothers (Pudrovska, 2009).

Gender Differences in Parents’ Concerns Regarding Their Adult Children’s Non-

Normative Transitions. Although perceptions of a lack of career success have been
linked to parental frustration for both parents, perceptions of children’s lack of rela-
tionship success have been primarily associated with mothers’ negative emotions
(Cichy et al., 2013). In explaining this difference, Kalmijn and De Graaf (2012) sug-
gested that mothers tend to feel more responsibility for their adult children’s relation-
ship problems, particularly their daughters’ unsuccessful relationships, and fathers
tend to accept more responsibility for their children’ lack of career success.

The Effects of Middle-Age Parents’ Social Status Transitions

A universal social status transition of middle age occurs when parents become grand-
parents, and this transition generally has a positive effect on both middle-age persons
and their adult children. The non-normative transitions of middle-age parents (such
as divorce and remarriage), on the other hand, present a variety of challenges for
adult children.

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The Normative Transition into Grandparenthood. Becoming a grandparent is

a welcome role shift for most individuals and provides the opportunity for the
acquisition of new roles. Many grandparents perceive the role of grandparent as
easier and as more gratifying than the role of parent, affording them pleasure and
gratification without requiring them to take on the major responsibility for the care
and socialization of the children. Reitzes and Mutran (2004) found that both men
and women tend to feel more positive about their grandparent identities in com-
parison to their other adult identities. One of the reasons that middle-age adults
derive such a high level of satisfaction from the role of grandparent is likely to be
that they bring more energy and financial resources to the grandparent role than
did grandparents a generation ago. Grandparent satisfaction has been related as
well to the continued development of generativity. Thiele and Whelen (2008)
found that increasing levels of generativity predicted greater satisfaction as did
the role of valued elder and the meanings that these grandparents attached to
this role. Thiele and Whelen concluded that grandparenting is apt to be satisfy-
ing because it provides a sense of purpose and feelings of being valued during
middle and later life.

Why The Grandparent Role Is Significant. One of the reasons for the significance
of the grandparent role is that it is one of the few new roles that can be embraced
in later phases of life and offers many opportunities for continued adult socializa-
tion. During this process, roles can be adjusted to fit the changing lives of parents,
grandparents, and grandchildren. Moreover, since the grandparent role is typically
invested with importance, it has a greater impact on mental health than less impor-
tant roles (Muller & Litwin, 2011).

Individuals generally derive a high

level of satisfaction from being
grandparents.
Kelly Colson

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Thinking Critically
It is likely that you have or know grandparents who get a lot of satisfaction from their roles of
grandparents. What behaviors of these grandparents demonstrate their satisfaction with that
social role?

The Effects of Middle-Age Parents’ Non-Normative Transitions. Divorce and remar-

riage, serious illness, disability, and the death of a spouse represent non-normative
social status transitions in the lives of middle-age adults. These non-normative tran-
sitions present challenges for both parents and their adult children and require a
higher level of adjustment than predictable normative transitions. Since the effects
of parental illness, disability, and death will be covered in upcoming chapters, The
focus here is the influence of parental divorce and remarriage on the relationships of
middle-age parents and their children.

The Effects of Parental Divorce and Remarriage. The most consistent finding is that
divorce of middle-age parents adversely affects parent–child relationships. It has
been found that being “put in the middle” along with strained parent–child relation-
ships both negatively impact the adult child’s experience of parental divorce (Loucks
Greenwood, 2014). Furthermore, there are gender differences in the influence of
parental divorce on adult children. Divorced fathers are more prone than married
fathers to have less regular contact with their adult children. In contrast, divorced
mothers are more apt than married mothers to experience an increase in contact
with an adult child (Graff & Fokkema, 2007). Financial transfers to adult children
are also affected by divorce, and both gender of parent and remarriage influence
these financial contributions. The findings of Clark and Kenney (2010) demonstrated
that following divorce, single fathers, single mothers, and remarried mothers are as
likely to provide financial assistance to their adult children as are parents who are
not divorced. In contrast, remarried fathers give significantly less to their biological
children. Thus, remarriage substantially reduces fathers’ transfers while it increases
mothers’ transfers to their biological children.

Risk and Protective Factors That Influence Adult Children’s Reactions to ­Parental
Divorce. There are a number of risk and protective factors that affect adult chil-
dren’s reaction to their parents’ divorce. For example, a risk factor is a longer
parental marriage and a protective factor is a lengthier period of time taken for par-
ents to consider a divorce. The longer parents have been married, the more likely
they are to have established social networks together, drawn closer to in-laws,
and formed a variety of routines, norms, and traditions. Consequently, the end of
a longer versus shorter marriage often leads family members to see the divorce
as more catastrophic and more emotionally or socially unsettling. In contrast,
lengthier periods of time taken to consider a divorce serve as a protective factor. It
has been conjectured that more time taken in anticipation of divorce allows both
parents and their adult children to better prepare for the divorce. Adult children

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from families in which parents have been divorced before also seem to be less
vulnerable to mid- or late-life ­parental divorce than children of parents who are
divorcing for the first time. Finally, adult children whose parents’ divorce results
from abuse or control issues are less likely to experience poor emotional reactions
than adult children whose parents’ divorce is not related to obvious problems
(Jensen & Bowen, 2015).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. It is important for

parents and professionals to understand that strained parental relationships and
being put in the middle both have negative effects on adult children’s psychologi-
cal well-being. Also, except in the case of abuse or control issues, it is helpful when
parents take time to allow their adult children to adjust to their impending divorce. It
is important as well to recognize the challenges of adult children whose fathers tend
to provide less financial assistance to them following remarriage.

THE INFLUENCE OF ROLE TRANSITIONS ON THE

RELATIONSHIPS OF OLDER AND MIDDLE-AGE ADULTS
As will become evident in the upcoming discussions, older persons and their ­children
have relationships that vary in terms of residential proximity, frequency of interac-
tion, mutual aid, feelings of affection, and beliefs regarding filial obligation.

The Effects of Older Adults’ Normative Role Transitions on the

Relationships with Their Children and Grandchildren
The two primary normative transitions of older adults are retirement and widow-
hood. Each of these significant role transitions alters the relationships that older
persons have with their children and with their grandchildren.

The Effects of Parental Retirement. In the case of retirement, the support required
by older parents from their children in coping with retirement is minimal. Retirement
also has no significant effects on the relationships of older adults and their children
and grandchildren with whom they continue to have frequent contact through visits,
telephone calls, e-mail, and social media. Actually, following retirement, there is
likely to be increased family participation by the older family member. A number
of factors, however, influence the degree to which retired parents interact with their
adult children and grandchildren. These include the geographic distance between
parents and children, the gender of retired parents, and the presence or absence of
grandchildren. For those children living within 10 miles, their mothers’ retirement
is associated with fewer visits, and their fathers’ retirement is associated with more
visits. In contrast, for children living more than 10 miles away, mothers increase
and fathers decrease their visits. As might be expected, the presence or absence
of grandchildren also influences visits between older parents and their children.

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Retired mothers are more likely to visit their children who have children living in
the household whereas retired fathers are more likely to visit their childless children
(Szinovacz & Davey, 2001).

Parental Widowhood and Parent–Child Relationships. Like retirement, widow-

hood is a normative transition for older adults. In contrast to retirement, however,
this status change results in a number of modifications in the relationships between
older parents and their children. Spousal loss increases older adults’ dependence on
their children and decreases their children’s dependence on the surviving parent.
There also are gender differences in dependence. Compared to widowers, widows
rely more on their children for financial aid and/or financial and legal advice yet
provide more emotional and instrumental support. Instrumental support of adult
children includes a variety of tangible supports such as child care, housekeeping,
and transportation. These gender differences, though, are contingent on the older
parents’ educational attainment. Education decreases widows’ dependence on their
children for financial aid and/or financial and legal advice and increases widowers’
provision of emotional support to their children (Ha, Carr, Utz, & Neese, 2006).

Geographic Proximity of Widowed Older Parents and Their Children. Widowed

older adults who live within an hour’s drive from their children experience signifi-
cantly lower levels of psychological distress compared to those who live more than
an hour away (Choi, 2003). Furthermore, as we learned earlier, grandparents in
many ethnic groups live with their adult children and grandchildren. For those older
parents, widowhood or dependency does not result in a major life change. For those
who had been residing apart from their adult children, increasing health problems
often lead to a move into the home of one of their children. A consequence of mov-
ing in with their children is that older parents are less likely to be a part of informal
networks of friends, neighbors, and relatives (Ha & Carr, 2005).

Older Parents’ Adjustment to Their Children’s Transitions. In addition to the

effects of their own transitions, older adults also are affected by the transitions in
their children’s lives. The normative transitions in the lives of middle-age children
generally do not strain the relations between older parents and their children. The
non-normative transitions of middle-age adults, on the other hand, tend to burden
older parents and contribute to difficulties in the parent–child relationship.

The Effect of Adult Children’s Stressful Life Circumstances. Stressful life circumstances
and prolonged dependency are two primary problems that middle-age adults ­encounter
that tend to have a harmful effect on their relationships with their older ­parents. These
problems also detrimentally affect an older parent’s psychological adjustment. Older
parents of children who have mental or physical impairments, substance abuse, or
stress-related problems experience more depression than older parents whose children
do not have these problems. The morale of older parents also suffers if their ­middle-age
children’s problems necessitate their continuing to provide high levels of care and
support. According to Sechrist, Suitor, Howard, and Pillemer (2014), the decline of

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 293

psychological well-being of older parents with middle-age children who continue

to lean on them for financial and other types of support can be explained by Equity
­Theory. Equity Theory suggests that individuals are the most satisfied with relationships
in which they experience a comparatively equal exchange of resources rather than
being significantly overbenefited or underbenefited in their exchanges.

THE INFLUENCE OF INTERGENERATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS ON

OLDER PERSONS’ PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
The psychological development of older persons is impacted by their relationships
with their adult children and grandchildren. The identity of older persons, their
ongoing striving toward generativity, and their development of a sense of integrity
are interconnected with these intergenerational relationships.

Parent–Child Relations and Older Adults’ Sense of Integrity

According to Erikson (1968), during old age, individuals re-examine their lives and
make judgments regarding whether they have accomplished the things they had hoped
for in their work and in their personal relationships. If their interpretation of their lives is
a positive one, they incorporate a sense of integrity. If they look back with regrets, they
develop a sense of despair. Because parent–child relations play such an integral role
in the lives of individuals, the development of a sense of integrity or a sense of despair
is related to whether or not their children have turned out as parents had hoped they
would. The attainment of a sense of integrity is linked as well to whether parents have
been able to maintain satisfactory relations with their children over the years.

Generativity and the Role of Social Networks. The social networks of older men
and women reflect greater striving toward generativity and ego integrity, both of
which have been positively related to subjective well-being (Sheldon & Kasser,
2001). Whereas both older men and older women evaluate their life histories in
terms of the social networks of which they have been a part, there is a gender dif-
ference in these life reviews. In their remembered past, feeling as if they have had a
social influence on others is more highly valued for older fathers and grandfathers.
In contrast, for older mothers and grandmothers, social anchorage is seen as more
important (McCamish-Svenson, Samuelsson, & Hagberg, 1999).

Grandparenthood, Personhood, and the Life Course

Earlier in this chapter, we discussed the ways in which becoming a grandparent rep-
resents a social status transition that typically occurs during middle adulthood and
alters the relationship between middle-age parents and their adult children. We will
now explore the ways in which participation in the role of grandparent affects the
psychological development of older individuals.

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Grandparenthood and Older Adults’ Psychological Development. According

to Erikson, Erikson, & Kivnick (1986), grandparenthood offers many individuals a
“­second chance” at generativity because it provides the possibility of caring for
the newest generation more vigorously and less ambivalently than they did with
their own children. Additionally, participation in the role of grandparent contributes
to the psychological development of older adults based on their inclusion of this
experience in their life reviews. Kivnick (1982) identified five distinct dimensions of
meaning that grandparenthood brings to the life review process: (a) role centrality
(grandparenthood as central to grandparents’ lives), (b) valued eldership (passing on
traditions and being valued in that role), (c) immortality through clan (patriarchal or
matriarchal responsibilities, identification with grandchildren, and family involve-
ment), (d) re-involvement with personal past (grandparents reliving their own earlier
lives and identifying with their own grandchildren), and (e) indulgence (attitudes of
lenience or indulgence toward grandchildren).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Whether the adult
child of an older parent or a professional working with a family that includes an older
adult, it is important to appreciate the distinct dimensions of grandparenthood since
being a grandparent brings meaning to an older person’s life review and contributes
to a sense of integrity.

The Greater Number and Various Roles of Contemporary Grandparents. Today,

an unprecedented number of people in American society are grandparents, and
with the increase of grandparents has been a parallel boost in the variety of ways in
which the grandparent role has come to be defined. Thinking of grandparents
in terms of the stereotype of persons with a common lifestyle who have few roles
outside their role as grandparent is very difficult to maintain. Not only do we have

Participation in the role of

grandparent contributes to the
psychological development of
older persons.

Pressmaster/Shutterstock

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 295

difficulty ­identifying grandparents by the roles they play in society, but also we are
unable to pin them down in terms of a life stage because they range in age from 40
to 100! The increase in longevity and the change in fertility patterns not only has
increased the occurrence of early and late grandparenthood but also has provided
more individuals with an opportunity to experience grandparenthood.

The Cultural Role of Grandparent. In addition to the variations in age and lifestyle
of grandparents, there are cultural differences in the roles grandparents assume in
relation to their grandchildren. These roles differ according to the degree to which
there is a cultural norm of independence (found in individualistic cultures) or of
interdependence (seen in collectivistic cultures). Because traditional cultures value
family interdependence, the lives of grandparents in these cultures are more inte-
grated into the daily lives of grandchildren, and grandparents are expected to play
a central role in the upbringing of grandchildren. In cultures characterized by large
extended families and a reverence for elders, grandparents are likely to live with
their adult children and grandchildren and be part of the social support system of the
family. An illustration of the influence of a traditional culture is found in the central
role that elders play in the Latino American culture. In this culture, older adults are
twice as likely to influence childrearing, family decision making, and advising in
comparison to their African American or European American peers. In contrast to the
role of the grandparent in ethnic minority cultures, European American grandparents
are more likely to maintain close relationships with their grandchildren while living
independently from the parent–child household (Dunifon, 2013).

The Contributions of Grandparents. Despite cultural and social differences in the

expectations associated with the grandparent role, grandparents everywhere make
valuable contributions to the lives of their grandchildren. One of the most important
types of support provided by grandparents is the help they provide just by being
there. Their presence in the lives of their children and grandchildren represents
symbols of longevity and continuity, and having grandparents who are available
increases feelings of security in younger generations. Another important role served
by grandparents is that of family historian. The evolution of the family is passed
down from generation to generation by the stories told by grandparents and great-
grandparents. Grandparents also sometimes serve as mentors and role models to
their grandchildren. Taking the perspective of grandchildren, Block (2000) identified
five roles that grandparents might play in their grandchildren’s lives: (a) historians
who provide a sense of family history, (b) mentors who impart knowledge and wis-
dom, (c) role models who assist in the socialization of grandchildren, (d) wizards
who draw on their imaginations to entertain grandchildren, or (e) nurturers who
become a vital part of grandchildren’s social support system. Additionally, grand-
parents fulfill the role of crisis managers in the family. When crises such as divorce,
death, or prolonged unemployment occur, older parents often provide substantial
assistance to their children and grandchildren. Finally, many grandparents assume
the role of custodial parents when neither of their grandchildren’s parents is able to
fulfill that responsibility (Neely-Barnes, Graff, & Washington, 2010).

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Grandfathers can play an

important role in the lives of
their grandchildren.

Bikeriderlondon/Shutterstock
The Importance of Grandfathers. Although much of the research has focused on
the role of the grandmother, both grandmothers and grandfathers play an important
role in the lives of their grandchildren. Furthermore, challenging family situations
often lead to grandfathers becoming more actively involved with their grandchildren.
Although most grandfathers tend to rely on traditional male discourse in describing
their roles as grandfathers, some grandfathers transcend traditional expectations of
remote relationships and construct more involved relationships with their grandchil-
dren (Roberto, Allen, & Blieszner, 2001). An example of the closeness between a
grandfather and his grandson is exemplified in the following quote:

I asked [Grandson] one time, I said “[Grandson], who’s your best friend?” I didn’t have any
idea what he was going to say. He said “Granddad, you are my best friend in the whole
wide world.” You know, so that’s a special relationship (Roberto et al., 2001, p. 417).

Grandparent Caregivers in the United States

We now will turn our attention to the ways in which intergenerational relations are
altered when older Americans become the caregivers of their grandchildren. As noted
in Chapter 3, the number of grandparents who are assuming the role of primary
caregivers of their grandchildren has substantially increased in the United States.
Although there has been an increase in grandparent-headed households, there are
ethnic differences in the prevalence of these households. African Americans are three
times as likely and Latino Americans twice as likely as other grandparents to be pro-
viding custodial care for their grandchildren. The skipped-generation caregiving by

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grandparents in these ethnic groups does not reflect less family responsibility among
African American and Latino American parents in comparison to parents in other eth-
nic groups but rather an integration of cultural norms with social forces. A large num-
ber of children in the United States are cared for by nonbiological parents, and many
of these children are growing up in foster care or adoptive families. Rather than watch
their grandchildren being placed in foster care or being adopted when their adult
children are unable or unwilling to provide the care they need, African American and
Latino American grandparents are likely to step into the vacated parental role.

Watch this short video showing the concerns of grandparents who are raising their grand-
children. In what ways do you think these concerns influence the well-being of these
grandparents?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e0FztEZzp30

Challenges Faced by Custodial Grandparents. Whereas the role of primary care

grandparent is on the rise in the United States, caring for one’s grandchildren is not as
simple as transferring residences. To better understand the challenges faced by second-
generation parents (those individuals who have raised their children and are now rais-
ing their grandchildren), Gibson (2002) interviewed a number of these grandparents
to determine their concerns about their grandchildren and adult children. One of the
findings from the study was that after assuming their role of primary care grandparent,
these older adults became aware of previously unknown problems faced by their grand-
children. These problems included a lack of age-appropriate skills, low self-esteem,
developmental delays, sexualized behaviors, and hyperactive behavior. As they became
aware of their grandchildren’s troubles, these grandparents began to realize that their
grandchildren behaved differently than their parents did at similar ages. The following

Many grandparents serve

as custodial parents for their
grandchildren.
Monkey Business/Fotolia

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quote exemplifies a custodial grandmother’s reaction to her residential grandson’s

­behaviors: “M. was so hyper and he was so angry . . . and he broke everything.
I mean he fought constantly. He would just . . . he had a foul mouth that was hard
for me to get used to” (Gibson, 2002, p. 6). The next quote demonstrates a grand-
mother’s worries regarding her grandchildren’s low self-esteem: “I’m trying to work
on the children’s self-esteem. . . They are missing a lot of things, and I want them to
be proud of who they are and what they can do” (Gibson, 2002, p. 6).
Besides the adjustments related to the direct care of their grandchildren, skipped
generation parents often are burdened with worries about their own children. Gib-
son (2002) found expressions of disappointment related to their children’s present
and past behaviors and attitudes. These disappointments centered on three primary
themes: parenting skills, parenting attitudes, and irresponsible behavior. Gibson found
that chief among the concerns of these custodial grandparents was ensuring the safety
of their grandchildren by keeping them out of foster care and monitoring interactions
between them and their parents. Some of the custodial grandparents had no concerns
regarding grandchildren safety when interacting with their parents. When there were
concerns, the grandparents reacted by supervising the interactions between the par-
ents and the grandchildren and by placing limits on these interactions.

The Role of Social Support in Coping with Raising Grandchildren. We learned in

Chapter 3 that both formal and informal social support enhances the effectiveness of
custodial grandparents. Kramer and Thompson (2002) pointed out that information
regarding the ways in which each grandparent functions in the parenting role should be
incorporated into the planning and development of services by professionals. We also
learned in Chapter 3 that extended family members often provide emotional assistance
such as advice and encouragement as well as practical help, for example, transporta-
tion and financial assistance (Waldrup & Weber, 2001). That these types of support
help custodial grandparents cope with the challenges associated with their role was
exemplified by Gerard, Landry-Meyer, and Roe (2006), who found that perceived infor-
mal and formal social support is associated with alleviation of grandparents’ stress and
higher levels of life satisfaction. In a related study, Sands, Goldberg-Glen, and Thornton
(2005) found that, in addition to having necessary resources, a low perception of stress
associated with caring for grandchildren is related to high levels of caregiver well-being.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. In responding to the

needs of custodial grandparents, it is helpful to consider cultural values, the needs of
the children, difficulties these grandparents might be experiencing with the parents
of these children, and the level of family and community assistance that is available.
It is helpful as well to consider the grandparents’ perception of stress.

Grandparent–Grandchildren Relationships: A Global Perspective

To appreciate the important role that grandparents throughout the world play in their
grandchildren’s lives, we now will examine world demographic trends in the emerg-
ing roles of grandparents.

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 299

World Demographic Trends in the Emerging Roles of Grandparents. In a study to

identify world demographic trends in the emerging roles of grandparents, Settles et
al. (2009) identified five examples that reflect the influence of global, local, social,
and economic changes on grandparent–grandchildren relationships. Those exam-
ples are primary caregivers, off-time grandparents (those who become grandparents
earlier due to their adolescent children having babies or later due to their children’s
delay of childbearing until their 30s or 40s), surrogate parents, custodial grandpar-
ents, and skipped generation parents.

The Grandparent Role in China: Changing From the One-Child Policy to the Two-
Child Policy. In November 2015, China changed its one-child policy to allow
parents to have two children. The “one-child” policy corresponded with the “4-2-1”
style (four grandparents, two parents, and one child). Thus, parents in China have
been able to take for granted an abundance of assistance from grandparents and are
expected to continue to benefit from high levels of support if they choose to have a
second child. The typical form of assistance offered to families by grandparents in
China is child care no matter where the grandparents live. When both parents work,
grandparents are a good source of child care, and they often act as substitute parents.
When grandmothers are not living with their adult children, they frequently travel to
help out in times of need (Settles et al., 2009).

THE ABLE ELDERLY IN THE FAMILY CONTEXT

We now will take a look at the able elderly in the family context, including the fac-
tors that influence the communication between generations and the importance and
quality of these relationships. We also will examine the ways in which adult chil-
dren’s problems contribute to their older parents’ concerns and ambivalence.

The Relationships of Older Adults and Their Children

In Chapter 9, we considered the meaning of filial obligation, which focused on the
obligations young adults have toward their parents. Moving beyond the emphasis
of filial obligation, filial maturity is a concept which focuses on the relationships
between adults and their parents. Filial maturity has its beginnings in early adulthood
as young adults begin to perceive their parents as persons with histories that began
before parenthood and as individuals who have roles in addition to their parental
roles. Filial maturity is expressed also in the relationships that adult children have
with their older parents. Birditt, Fingerman, and Kamp (2008) found that offspring
reported higher levels of filial maturity with mothers and with parents with whom
they reported greater relationship quality, closeness, and autonomy. Moreover, older
parents who described more satisfactory relationships with their children had chil-
dren with higher levels of filial maturity. As suggested by these researchers, filial
maturity is a dyadic phenomenon that influences the quality of parent–child relation-
ships across the lifespan.

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Residential Proximity. One indicator of the importance of the relationships of

middle-age children and their older parents is the effect of these relationships on
where people live. It is clear that older persons prefer to live near their children.
The majority of older adults have children who live less than an hour away. Fur-
thermore, as previously discussed, there is evidence for a positive link between
proximity of children and parental well-being, especially for widowed and sep-
arated mothers and for separated fathers (van der Pers et al., 2015). Even for
elderly parents and grown children who do not live in proximity, their relation-
ships typically are close. Surprisingly, geographic distance does not seem to det-
rimentally affect these close ties. Technological advances over the years such as
cheaper telephone rates, the availability of electronic mail, social media, Skype,
and increased air travel allow frequent contact between parents and children
who reside at a distance (Fingerman, 2001). Cultural beliefs also influence the
residential proximity of middle-age and older parents. In individualist cultures,
such as the majority cultures of the United States, Great Britain, and Canada,
middle-age persons and their elderly parents are not expected to live together. In
collectivist cultures such as India, South America, and much of Asia and Africa,
it is anticipated that older persons will live with their middle-age children (Settles
et al., 2009). Within the United States, African American, Latino American, and
Asian American middle-age parents are more likely to have their parents living
with them in comparison to European American middle-age parents (Phua, Kauf-
man, & Park, 2001).

Watch this short video showing the rising trends of multigenerational households in the
United States. What factors that have contributed to this trend were identified?
www.youtube.com/watch?v=8rMQGngOfpo

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
DIFFERENCES IN GEOGRAPHIC PROXIMITY OF PARENTS
AND THEIR ADULT CHILDREN IN EUROPE
There are distinct differences in the living distances between parents and their adult children across coun-
tries in Europe, especially between the north and the south. Coresidence occurs relatively frequently in
the southern countries (Greece, Italy, and Spain) as well as in traditionally Catholic Poland. Nevertheless,
the generations (irrespective of coresidence) tend to live close together. Geographical proximity is more
pronounced in the southern European countries where approximately 80% live within a radius of
25 kilometers. By contrast, in Denmark and Sweden, only about 50% live that close to their parents. Then,
in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, about 40% of parents and children live within 5 kilometers of each
other. Taking everything into account, it can be observed that the pattern of living distance increases from
the south to the north. This trend might also be explained by the fact that coresidence plays a somewhat
peripheral role in Scandinavia where only 5% (in Denmark) and 6% (in Sweden) of generations live
together under one roof (Isengard, 2013).

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 301

Frequency of Interaction and Quality of Intergenerational Relationships. Whether

living close to each other or not, the interaction rates between older persons and
their children in the United States tend to be high. Several status factors influence the
frequency of these interactions. First, the gender of each party plays an important role
in the interaction patterns of older adults and their children. Women’s intergenera-
tional ties tend to be characterized by greater intimacy than men’s intergenerational
ties. Therefore, mothers and daughters are likely to experience greater intimacy in
comparison to fathers and sons (Willson, Shuey, & Elder, 2003). The marital status
of older parents is another factor that affects intergenerational relationships. Married
older women interact less with their children than do those who are widowed or
divorced (van der Pers et al., 2015).

The Role of Mutual Aid. A crucial dimension of the relationship between adult
children and their older parents is mutual aid. Mutual aid flows in both directions
and is multidimensional, consisting of services such as child care and/or housework,
information and advice, and money and gifts. Although the stereotypical view of
dependency is that older parents are dependent on their children, research findings
have demonstrated that older parents are primarily donors who provide substantial
aid to their middle-age adult children. Mothers and fathers typically provide emo-
tional, financial, and practical help every few weeks to each of their children. Also,
the level of assistance that older parents make available to their children is directly
proportional to parents’ perceptions of their children’s level of need. Elderly parents
provide much of the care of adult children who are developmentally disabled or
mentally impaired and not living in institutions. It is interesting that older parents also
provide more assistance to their children whom they perceive as more successful. It
has been suggested that the motivation for providing more assistance to more suc-
cessful adult children might be to enhance the self or to ensure support later in life
(Fingerman, Miller, Birditt, & Zarit, 2009).

Degree of Closeness. Whereas proximity, interaction frequency, and mutual aid

are significant indicators of the quality of relationships between middle-age adults
and their older parents, qualitative aspects of the relationship, such as the degree of
closeness or strength of feelings, might be even more revealing. Intimacy between
aging parents and their offspring is marked by two features: (a) recognition of the
other person as an individual with strengths and weaknesses and (b) a deep concern
for the other party’s well-being. The acceptance of each other’s weaknesses and
foibles allows adult children and their aging parents to achieve a closeness that was
not available to them in their earlier relationship. Unlike other intimate relationships,
such as those between romantic partners, the increased closeness of aging parents
and their offspring does not typically include a greater sharing of problems. As off-
spring pass through early and middle adulthood, each party realizes the other has
different needs and limitations requiring a new kind of distance. The type of mutual
respect that marks the relationships of older parents and their adult children influ-
ences parents to cease trying to direct their children’s lives and influences children
to seek to protect their parents from worry (Fingerman, 2001).

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 302 Chapter 10

Thinking Critically
How do your parents demonstrate concern for their parents’ well-being, and in what ways do
your grandparents express concerns for your parents’ well-being?

The Influence of Age and Gender. Both age and gender play an important role
in determining the quality of parent–child relationships during later life. Age gen-
erally has a positive influence on intergenerational relationships. As adults grow
older, they experience less conflict and greater closeness in the relationships they
have with their children and with their parents (Fingerman, 2001). In addition to
age, the gender of both the older parents and their middle-age children affects their
intergenerational relations. There are more affectionate ties between mother and
daughter than any other combination and less affectionate ties between son and
father than any other combination. Both sons and daughters report greater close-
ness to their mothers than to their fathers, and both mothers and fathers acknowl-
edge more closeness to their daughters than to their sons (Willson et al., 2003). An
important gender role that daughters usually fulfill that contributes to relationship
quality across the generations is that of kinkeeper. Kinkeeping appears to be a
mechanism for the achievement of social anchorage that has been linked to the
realization of a sense of generativity for women (McCamish-Svenson et al., 1999).
Daughters are not only more likely to assume the role of kinkeeper in the family
but are also twice as likely as sons to become primary caregivers to their parents
(Gill & Morgan, 2012).

Thinking Critically
In considering the extended family relationships of your family, can you identify the kinkeep-
ers? What are some of the behaviors of the kinkeepers that promote family closeness?

The Role of Leisure Activities. Intergenerational leisure and recreation provide

meaning for all family members, contribute to continued family development, and
serve as a platform for the rehearsal of family dynamics. Leisure serves as a stage
on which aspects of a family’s history are replayed (such as rituals associated with
family holidays or family vacations). Leisure activities in the form of rituals also
support alterations in family composition or roles (such as celebrations of birth,
adoption, marriage, or graduation). As celebrations of these family events, leisure
activities have the potential for promoting family harmony and cohesion. Finally, lei-
sure activities of older parents, their children, and their grandchildren provide some
illumination of the family dynamics across generations. For example, whether family
members are engaged in putting together a family celebration, traveling together, or
simply deciding which restaurant to go to for dinner, action, interaction, and transac-
tion are all occurring. In the course of sharing ideas, opinions, and feelings, a shared
reality develops.

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 303

Participation in leisure
time together strengthens
intergenerational
relationships.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

Tensions and Ambivalence in Intergenerational Relationships. Tensions are ­normative

in the older parent and adult child relationship due to discrepancies in developmental
needs that vary by generation, gender, and age (Birditt, Miller, Fingerman, & Lefkowitz,
2009). The source of these tensions and how they are resolved influence the quality of
these relationships. For example, men and women report greater ambivalence toward
children with more physical and/or emotional problems, less career success, and/or less
relationship success (Birditt, Fingerman, & Zarit, 2010). Two other predominant sources
of ambivalence when older parents discuss their relationships with their adult children
are (a) perceptions of their children being busy and (b) dissatisfaction with the frequency
and quality of time spent together (Peters, Hooker, & Zvonkovic, 2006). Regardless of
the sources of ambivalence, tensions inevitably arise in the older parent and adult child
relationship. Moreover, the quality of the relationship is related to the strategies that
these parents and children use to address their different preferences. The three most
commonly used strategies are constructive (working constructively to find solutions),
destructive (the use of inflammatory or emotional language, accusations, yelling, and
criticism), and avoidant (avoiding certain topics in order to preserve peace and maintain
relationships). The good news is that, across dyads, parents and adult children report
using more constructive strategies than destructive or avoidant strategies. Older parents,
though, are more likely to use constructive strategies than are adult children. As might
be expected, constructive strategies predict better relationship quality than destructive
and avoidant strategies (Birditt, Rott, & Fingerman, 2009).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Recognizing that

tension and stress are normative in intergenerational relationships, older parents and
their adult children might be encouraged to discuss their different preferences rather
than avoid the issues or engage in destructive dialogue. Since older parents are more
likely to use constructive approaches, adult children might need support in using
constructive strategies.

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 304 Chapter 10

THE RELATIONSHIPS OF AGING PARENTS

WITH ADULT CHILDREN
As older parents continue to advance in age, the relationships they have with their
children undergo ongoing modification. The adaptation of middle-age, or older,
children to the needs of their aging parents is observed in continued filial role devel-
opment whereby adult children become increasingly aware of their parents’ failing
health or diminished functional ability. The term filial role derives from the Chinese
term for filial piety, which in general terms means to take care of one’s parents,
including showing love, respect, and support; displaying courtesy; and wisely advis-
ing one’s parents (Nydegger & Mitteness, 1991). Based on this model, Cicirelli (2000)
conducted a study to determine the ways in which filial role development plays out
in the lives of the adult children of aging parents. Findings of that study indicated that
adult children progress through several predictable stages that parallel their parents’
aging process. In the first stage, adult children show high levels of concern for their
parents’ health. This concern is not tied to indicators of the parents’ health status;
instead, it seems to be a pervasive aspect of the relationships that adults have with
their aging parents. The second stage is urging, which refers to adult children seeing
their parents’ physical health worsening and attempting to influence their parents to
take action to improve their health. At a still later stage, termed action, adult children
observe that their parents’ functional mobility, maintenance of daily activities, and
everyday problem solving are deteriorating. At that point, they take direct action to
assist their parents in dealing with their health problems. During the action phase,
there are clear manifestations of health problems such that adult children actually
observe their parents having difficulty. This later stage of filial role development is
not related to the existence of various chronic conditions and symptoms but only to
the later stages of such conditions when the parent’s functional abilities are affected.

When Older Parents Become Chronically Ill and/or Frail

As previously discussed, adult children typically become increasingly aware of their
older parents’ failing health and increasing difficulty in everyday functioning. This
awareness is expressed in concern for the well-being of their older parents. If parents’
health or frailty leads to the necessity of assistance with daily living, adult children
often intervene to be certain that their parents receive the care they need.

The Cultural Context of Caregiving. Differences in the caregiving dynamics of

older parents and their adult children are related to whether or not the older parent
has individualistic or collectivistic values. Older persons with individualistic values
emphasize personal independence, whereas those who embrace collectivist values
have a history of working together for the welfare of the entire family.

When Older Parents Have Individualist Values. Individualist parents expect to

maintain their power base of autonomy and self-determination as long as they are
healthy. If their health fails, however, they often experience a sudden and dramatic

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 305

decline in their personal autonomy when their children intervene in order to ensure
that their parents are receiving proper care. The loss of parental power that coincides
with children’s well-intended intervention frequently leads individualistic older par-
ents to resist and resent children’s assistance.

When Older Parents Have Collectivist Values. Whereas individualist parents some-
times resent their children taking over their affairs even when they are unable to take
care of themselves, parents with collectivist beliefs are less likely to think that their
adult children should mind their own business. Adult children of aging collectivist
parents are usually permitted to participate in (and direct) the decisions of their aging
parents, and their involvement in their parents’ affairs is less often a source of dis­
agreement. Furthermore, although collectivist adult children are allowed to interfere
in their parents’ lives, their parents carefully refrain from interfering in the lives of
their middle-age children. This arrangement reflects middle-age children’s greater
power in these families. This also clarifies why children and grandchildren in collec-
tivist families frequently describe their aging members as especially understanding
and easy going (Pyke, 1999).

Thinking Critically
Do you have older grandparents or great-grandparents who need assistance from their adult
children? If so, are you able to determine whether these older family members have individu-
alistic or collectivistic values?

The Challenges Associated With Providing Care for Elderly Parents

We now will consider varying aspects related to providing care for aging parents.
As you will see, characteristics of aging parents and of their middle-age (or older)
children influence who takes on the role of providing care for elderly parents. The
personalities of both generations also influence the dynamics between them.

Who Are the Caregivers of Elderly Parents? In the United States, the first choice
related to providing care for their parent by the majority of adults is to provide no
care. The second choice of adults faced with their parents’ need for care is to desig-
nate one child as the caregiver. The third choice is for siblings to share the respon-
sibilities. A number of child characteristics influence whether a child takes on the
caregiver role or shares parental care with siblings. These characteristics include
geographic location, employment, age, gender, and marital status (Checkovich &
Stern, 2002; Mulder & van der Meer, 2009). Besides the effects of geographic prox-
imity, adult children often face the obstacles of competing responsibilities. For exam-
ple, the adult children of an aging parent might still have children at home and/or
have career responsibilities, both of which make it more challenging to provide the
level of assistance required of an aging parent. The influence of age is that older adult
children are less likely to assume the caregiver role than younger adult children.

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 306 Chapter 10

Many middle-age or older

daughters or daughters-
in-law take on the role of
caregiver for elderly parents
when those parents become
frail or ill.

Absolut/Shutterstock
The link between older children’s decreased likelihood of becoming caregivers
might reflect situations in which frailty or disability is more common among the
­oldest of the elderly population whose oldest children are likely to be elderly them-
selves (Checkovich & Stern, 2002). The influence of gender is that, all things being
equal, women provide considerably more care of aging parents than do men. Both
daughters and daughters-in-law are more likely to assume the role of caregiver of
older parents than are sons or sons-in-law (Gill & Morgan, 2012).

Child Versus Spousal Care. Because women typically outlive their husbands, older
fathers who become ill, frail, or disabled typically have wives who provide the care they
require. In contrast, older women who become ill, frail, or disabled are usually widows.
Therefore, older fathers who require assistance with the tasks of daily living tend to be
cared for by their wives, and older mothers in that same situation are more often cared
for by their daughters or daughters-in-law (Checkovich & Stern, 2002). Finally, the
“sandwich” generation has been conceptualized as middle-age adult children who are
simultaneously involved in the raising of their dependent children and providing care
for their frail, elderly parents. In reality, such a combination of dependency is unusual.
Those adults who become caregivers of their aging parents are usually in late mid-life
or early old age and typically do not have dependent children. There are exceptions, of
course, when caregivers of older parents have adult children who continue to be partly
dependent on them (Grundy & Henretta, 2006). Moreover, with the increase of grand-
parents caring for their grandchildren (Sands et al., 2005), many of these older adults
might be faced with the need to simultaneously provide care for their aging parents.

The Influence of Parental Characteristics. The characteristics of parents that influ-

ence whether or not they will be cared for by their children include not only their
marital status but also their level of education, the number of children they have, and

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 307

whether or not they have a disability. Married parents are less likely to receive direct
care from their children than are parents who are widowed or divorced, which reflects
the tendency of spouses to take on the role of caregiver for an ill or disabled spouse.
More educated parents also are less likely to have children in the role of care­giver
because each year of parental education decreases the amount of long-term care
provided by children. The relation between parental education and decreased care
by children might reflect the link between education and income. Parents with more
education typically have higher incomes and, therefore, are better able to provide for
their own care by funding in-home care, opting to pay for institutionalized services,
or living in a retirement community that offers appropriate services. Finally, the level
of parental need and the presence of children to meet these needs influence the deci-
sions that children make related to parental care. That children consider parental
need in making caregiving decisions is reflected in findings that parents with disabili-
ties receive more assistance from children than do parents without disabilities. Fur-
thermore, when several children in the family can divide the caregiver responsibilities
among themselves, those children are more likely to provide direct care for their
parents (Checkovich & Stern, 2002; Tolkacheva, van Groenou, & van Tilburg, 2014).

Thinking Critically
It is likely that you have or know a grandparent or great grandparent who is receiving assis-
tance with daily living. If so, how does that person’s marital status, number of children, geo-
graphical distance, and level of education influence who is providing care?

Older Parents’ Views and Expectations Regarding Care. It is important not to over-
look the intellectual capabilities of older parents to participate in the decisions gov-
erning their care whenever possible. Coleman, Smith, and Frank (2004) conducted
a study to determine whether an intervention designed to encourage older patients
and their caregivers to assert a more active role during care transitions could lower
rehospitalization rates. Their findings revealed that for adults older than age 65 who
continued to live in their communities, supporting patients and caregivers in taking
a more active role during care transitions showed promise for lowering rates of sub-
sequent hospitalizations. Furthermore, Pillemer and Suitor (2006) emphasized that
older parents have views regarding their care and expectations regarding which chil-
dren will serve in the role of primary caregiver. In their study of aging mothers, they
found that emotional closeness and similarity of gender and attitudes were strongly
associated with which children mothers identified as probable caregivers. In select-
ing a primary caregiver, these older mothers emphasized expressive characteristics
of intergenerational relationships rather than contextual factors such as availability.

Caregiver Stress and Adaptation. Even with careful decision making by aging parents
and their children, the care of elderly parents often has negative effects on the c­ aregivers,
who show more financial, physical, and emotional strains than do noncaregivers.

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 308 Chapter 10

Moreover, because women provide more intensive personal care than do men, they tend
to experience more problems and strains related to caregiving than do men (­Clyburn,
Stones, & Hadjistavropoulos, 2000). Clinical observation and empirical research have
demonstrated that assuming a caregiving role can be stressful and burdensome. Care­
giving has all the features of a chronic stress experience: It generates physical and
psychological strain over extended periods of time, is associated with high levels of
unpredictability and uncontrollability, and has the capability to generate secondary
stress in various life domains such as work and family relationships (Ice et al., 2012).

Adaptation to the Role of Caregiver. Although the stresses related to assumption of the
role of caregiver of one’s parents have received much research attention (e.g. Clyburn
et al., 2000; Ice et al., 2012), it is important to emphasize that the coping behaviors of
these caregivers varies. In their study of the coping mechanisms of caregivers, Schulz
and Sherwood (2009) found that approximately one-third of caregivers report neither
strain nor negative health effects, especially in the early stages of caregiving. These
researchers also found that, even when caregiving demands become more intense and
contribute to high levels of distress and depression, many caregivers frequently men-
tion positive aspects of the experience. They say that caregiving helps them feel good
about themselves, makes them feel needed, provides meaning to their lives, allows
them to learn new skills, and strengthens their relationships with others. In an attempt
to discern the meaning of the experience of caregiving on a personal level, Noonan,
Tennstedt, and Rebelsky (1996) interviewed caregivers of elderly family members. The
results of these interviews revealed several common ways in which caregivers were
able to find meaning in their caregiver roles, including (a) gratification and satisfaction
with the caregiver role, (b) a sense of family responsibility/reciprocity, (c) the friend-
ship and company that caregiving offered, and (d) a commitment to doing what needs
to be done. Less common themes that emerged from this investigation were having
the ability to express a caring personality, experiencing personal growth, and hav-
ing an improved relationship with the elderly parent. The quality of the marital role
has been also linked to adaptation to the role of caregiver. The findings of Choi and
Marks (2006) showed that for those caregivers who are married to supportive spouses,
marital role quality moderates the psychological consequences of the transition to a
caregiver role. In contrast, those researchers found that, compared to non-caregivers,
new caregivers experience both a greater decline in happiness and a greater increase
in depressive symptoms when they report a higher level of marital discord. Finally, Ron
(2009) found that the caregiver’s self-image and emotional well-being mediate role
strain and result in more satisfactory fulfillment of the role of caregiver (Ron, 2009).

Watch this short video showing recommendations for adults who are caring for their
elderly parents in their home. Which of these recommendations allow the elderly person
greater independence?
www.youtube.com/watch?v=R1lhupjwlso

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 309

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. In attempts to pro-

vide support for ­parental caregivers, it is important to examine not only the stresses
involved in being in the caregiver role but also the various ways in which caregiv-
ers might find meaning in the role. Additionally, determining the level of support
caregivers are able to count on from spouses and other family members is helpful.

Families and Assisted Living

Assisted living is a residential care option for older adults who do not have family
members who are available to act as caregivers or whose physical and/or mental
frailties require more time and specialized care than family caregivers are able to
provide. Similar to other family transitions, the transition of a parent and/or grandpar-
ent into assisted living alters the roles and relationships within the families of these
older adults. To determine the social ramifications of residents’ transitions to assisted
living, Gaugler (2007) reviewed 62 studies that focused on family involvement in
assisted living, including family structures of residents, types of involvement from
family members, and outcomes for these family members. They found that family
members visit frequently and provide a wide range of instrumental assistance but
provide only minimal personal care. Furthermore, these family members reported
relatively high levels of satisfaction regarding the level of care provided for their fam-
ily members in assisted living.

Changes in Social Role Identities. When older parents transition into a continu-
ing care community, their social role identities change. Not all older parents take
on the same social role identities as a result of this major life transition. Some focus
primarily on family roles, and others focus more on friendship roles. The changes
in social roles during this transition emphasize that social role identities are not
fixed but are altered to accommodate changed life circumstances (Moen, Erickson,
& Dempster-McClain, 2000). Whereas there are changes in social roles during
this transition, the findings of Randers, Mattiasson, and Olson (2003) indicated
that the “social self” category of integrity affects the quality of care of older adults.
They identified two themes inherent in the social self: social exchange (negotiated
exchanges with others) and social interactions. They suggested that offering more
therapeutic social interactions, such as listening, talking, and storytelling; provid-
ing information from newspapers, radio, and television; and communication with
fellow patients and significant others help improve the quality of care and increase
awareness of the social self.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The previous

discussion emphasizes the importance of elderly individuals maintaining the
integrity of a social self as they transition into a community care facility. Profes-
sionals involved in that transition might remind adult children and grandchildren
of the significance of listening, talking, storytelling, and sharing information with
the elderly family member.

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 310 Chapter 10

SUMMARY

• Explain the influence of role transitions on the parent–child relationships of

­middle-age adults and their adult children.
When adult children experience normative changes, such as going to college,
beginning careers, getting married or having children, their relationships with
their middle-age parents generally improve. The non-normative transitions of
adult children, such as prolonged unemployment and difficulties in relationships,
tend to negatively affect their relationships with their middle-age parents. The
normative changes in middle-age parents’ lives tend to have a positive effect on
their relationships with their children. The most common normative transition of
middle-age adults is becoming grandparents, which usually brings them closer to
their children. The non-normative transitions of divorce and remarriage of middle-
age parents tend to negatively affect their relationships with their adult children.
• Demonstrate an understanding of the ways in which the role transitions of older
parents and their middle-age children influence their relationships with each other.
The two primary normative transitions of older adults are retirement and widow-
hood. The support required by older parents from their children in coping with
retirement is minimal and has no significant effects on their relationships with
their children. The transition of widowhood, however, results in alternations in
intergenerational dependency, which triggers a renegotiation of parent–child
roles. The most evident change in roles results in daughters providing increas-
ingly more care for parents. The normative transitions in the lives of middle-age
children, such as becoming grandparents, generally do not strain the relations
between older parents and their children. The non-normative transitions of
­middle-age children such as divorce and unemployment, however, tend to bur-
den older parents and lead to problems in the parent–child relationship. Older
parents of children whose problems necessitate their parents’ continuing to pro-
vide high levels of care and support experience higher levels of depression.
• Describe the impact of intergenerational relationships on older persons’ psycho-
logical development.
The relationships older persons have with their children and their grandchildren
influence their identity, their continuing development of generativity, and their
development of a sense of integrity. Since parent–child relations play such a vital
role in the life of older individuals, the development of a sense of integrity or a
sense of despair is related to whether or not their children have turned out as the
parents had hoped they would. The life course of older adults also continues to
be linked to the lives of their children and grandchildren. Participation in the
role of grandparent contributes to the psychological development of older adults
based on the inclusion of this experience in the older adult’s life review.
• Identify the factors influencing the quality of parent–child relations of the able
elderly and their adult children.

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 Middle-Age and Older Parenthood and Grandparenthood 311

Geographical proximity is one to the factors influencing the quality of these relation-
ships. The majority of older adults have children who live less than 1 hour away,
and there is a positive link between proximity of children and parental well-being.
The frequency and quality of interactions also affect the quality of the relation-
ships of older parents and their children. Mutual aid is another aspect of relation-
ship ­quality. Mutual aid consists of services such as child care and/or housework,
information and advice, and money and gifts. The degree of closeness or strength
of feelings also reveals the quality of these relationships. The acceptance of each
other’s weaknesses and shortcomings allows adult children and their aging parents
to achieve a closeness that was not available to them in their earlier relationship.
• Show an understanding of the alterations that occur in the roles of adult children
and their aging parents.
As older parents advance in age, the relationships they have with their children
undergo ongoing modification. The adaptation of children to the needs of their
aging parents is reflected in continued filial role development whereby adult chil-
dren become increasingly aware of their parents’ failing health or diminished func-
tional ability. If parents’ health or frailty leads to the necessity of assistance with
daily living, adult children often intervene to be certain that their parents receive
the care they need. In those families where children become caregivers of their
parents, the characteristics of aging parents and of their children influence who
takes on the role of caregiver. Another option for providing care for elderly parents
is assisted living. The transition of a parent and/or grandparent into assisted living
alters the roles and relationships within the families of these older adults.

✓ Test Your Knowledge

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES

The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this chapter.

AARP—Grandparenting, Parenting, Friends and Family Relationships

Grandfamilies of America
Caregivers Aging Parents–Mayo Clinic

Key Terms
Filial maturity Skipped generation parents
Filial obligation Social anchorage
Kinkeeper Social status transitions

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 Parent–Child
312 Chapter 11

11 Relationships in
Families Where
Children or
Parents Have
Special Needs

Jaren Jai Wicklund/Shutterstock

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 313

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Describethe experiences of parents with ■■ Specify

how raising children with sensory
children who have exceptionalities. impairments impacts families.
■■ Identify
the parenting challenges related ■■ Show an understanding of the dynamics in
to caring for children who are cognitively families where there are children with physical
impaired, autistic, or have ADHD. disabilities or chronic illnesses.
■■ Detail
the difficulties faced by parents of children ■■ Explainhow a parent’s special needs affect
who have exceptionalities related to learning. family interactions.

I n this chapter, we will examine the lives of parents and their children when chil-
dren have exceptionalities or chronic illnesses. We will also focus attention on the
lives of children whose parents have one of several exceptionalities or a physical
disability. Since more families include a child with special needs than a parent with
special needs, most of the chapter will focus on relationships in those families.

PARENTING CHILDREN WHO HAVE EXCEPTIONALITIES

Whenever the development of a child deviates from the expected norm, that child is
considered to be exceptional. Children with impairments have physical, psychologi-
cal, neurological, intellectual, or medical conditions that make it difficult for them to
learn and/or behave according to normal expectations. Children identified as gifted
deviate from the norm in that their talents and/or academic capabilities exceed nor-
mal expectations. Children whose developmental progress places them outside the
realm of normal expectations, whether impaired or gifted, require special attention
from parents, educators, and other professionals in order to realize their develop-
mental capabilities. The purpose of the following discussions is not to address all the
exceptionalities of children that affect parent–child relations but rather to provide
an overview of some of the typical experiences of parents of children with common
exceptionalities. The exceptionalities discussed in this section include mental and
physical impairments, autism, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), learn-
ing disabilities (LDs), and giftedness.

The Importance of Person-First Language

The first thing that parents should be aware of in addressing the specialized needs
of their children who have exceptionalities is the importance of seeing the child
first and the exceptionality second. Rehabilitation professionals have been strongly
encouraged to adopt person-first language. This perspective helps parents of children

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who have impairments to understand the whole child. The adoption of person-first
language also assists parents in focusing on what a child can do or is able to learn
rather than what a child has difficulty achieving or cannot do. For parents of children
who are gifted, seeing the child first helps them appreciate that, although their child
has special gifts and talents, that child also has needs and abilities that fall within the
normal range. Expressions that place the child before the exceptionality include the
child who is blind rather than the blind child and the child who has a mental impair-
ment or intellectual disability rather than a mentally impaired child (Lynch, Thuli,
& Groombridge, 1994). According to Jensen et al. (2013), person-first language is
a form of verbal expression that reflects awareness, a sense of dignity, and positive
attitudes about people with disabilities.

Parental Reactions to Having a Child With a Disability

On learning of their child’s impairment, parental adjustment is required to accept the
reality of having a child who has a disability. Some feelings that are common dur-
ing this adjustment stage include grief over the loss of the child parents expected to
have, feeling guilty about their disappointment, and being resentful of the time and
energy that caring for their child will require (Barnett, Clements, Kaplan-Estrin, &
Fialka, 2003). Although the reactions to learning that their child has a disability are
initially negative, parents of exceptional children undergo tremendous development
as they gain knowledge of the skills necessary to meet their children’s special needs.
Furthermore, parents typically report that their children with special needs have a
positive effect on their families Taunt (2002).

The Role of Parents of Children With Exceptionalities

As they undertake the growth required to become skilled parents of children who
have exceptionalities, parents typically report that the role brings joy and satisfac-
tion in addition to the obvious adjustments. These parents must (a) learn to manage
internal opposing forces between loving the child as he or she is and wanting to
erase the disability, (b) deal with the child’s incurability while pursuing solutions,
and (c) maintain hopefulness for their child’s future while being given negative
messages and battling their own fears. As a result of their conflicting emotions,
much effort is required in the development of their parental role. In addition to
learning to provide the care their children require, these parents must find a way to
develop hopeful life trajectories for themselves and their children. Despite the effort
involved, evidence indicates that these parents are able to meet the challenges they
encounter (Vacca, 2006). Parents who are primary caregivers for a child with a dis-
ability typically identify positive aspects of being in that role. For example, Schwartz
(2003) found that these parents reported a sense of gratification related to being able
to fulfill their parental duties and from learning about themselves. Some of these
parents described caring for their child with a disability as a commitment that gave
their life content and meaning.

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 315

The Challenges of Parenting Children With Exceptionalities

Whereas parents of children typically rise to the challenges associated with the roles
of caring for and socializing their children with exceptionalities, they must confront
unique challenges. In addition to the challenges associated with the daily care of
their children, they must learn as much as they can about their children’s disabilities.
They must also find out how to obtain the services their children need and maintain
ongoing working relationships with various specialists. Because these parents face
significant challenges in their parenting responsibilities, they are at increased risk for
excessive levels of personal distress that can affect the well-being of the child with
a disability and the entire family (Plant & Sanders, 2007). An important first step in
responding to the needs of parents of children with disabilities is to examine the
sources of their challenges. Resch, Mireles, Benz, Grenwelge, Peterson, & Zhang
(2010) interviewed parents about their concerns, and four themes emerged as the
most prominent barriers to parental well-being: (a) access to information and ser-
vices, (b) finances, (c) school and community inclusion, and (d) family support.

Access to Information and Services. According to Resch et al. (2010), access or

lack of it was identified as the most salient and overarching concern by these parents.
As one parent stated: “You start at the overwhelmed stage. I have absolutely no idea
where to begin. I can’t even believe this.” (p. 142).

Financial Barriers to Obtaining Services. In the study by Resch and colleagues

(2010), parents also reported financial barriers to obtaining the services their chil-
dren needed. They emphasized two types of financial issues: (a) direct financial
strain placed on the family resulting from acquiring services for their child (these
services were usually related to health care) and (b) the inability to access needed
services because of the family’s financial status. Finally, several parents in the study
stated that they did not qualify for many services since their financial status was not
in the poverty range.

School and Community Inclusion. The third strong theme voiced by parents in the
Resch et al. (2010) study related to a continual struggle to ensure that their children
with disabilities were included in their schools and communities. The fundamental
significance of inclusion was aptly described by one mother who emphasized that
as parents of children with disabilities, they were fighting the human rights fight on
behalf of their children. This theme was echoed in the following parent’s comments:
“[I want] everyone to see [that] my child is a person within the community. She’s a
person within her community that has Down Syndrome, you know, and she can still
participate in some form or fashion” (p. 144).

Family Stress. The parents in the study also called attention to the ways in which
the challenges related to access, financial barriers, and school and community inclu-
sion place families under unusual stress. The stress on families was voiced in the
comments of one of the parents who stated, “I think counseling is a must for families,

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and then you have to have reliable people to watch that particular child with a dis-
ability. . . . Respite, a lot of times is what families need, you know . . . parents don’t
get to spend any time together” (p. 145).

Support for Parents Caring for a Child With a Disability

Whether provided by professionals, family, or friends, parents of children with
­disabilities need emotional and psychological support (Collins et al., 2014).

Respite Care or Short Breaks. One of the ways to support parents who are caring
for a child with a disability is by providing respite care, which has the potential of
alleviating many of the stresses of caregiving. Unfortunately, multiple findings have
demonstrated that respite care demands far exceed supply and that many families
are left waiting for it for long periods of time. For example, in Ireland, Caples and
Sweeney (2010) examined the lives of caregivers of children with intellectual dis-
abilities to determine the degree to which they were able to access respite care from
family members or from the agencies who provided other support services. The
majority of these caregivers indicated that the amount of support they received from
family and others was little to none. Because of the lack of support, these parents
were experiencing reduced social lives, and often had to socialize separately.

The Legislation of Respite Care in England. “Short breaks” is a term used in England
to refer to a range of services for parents of disabled children, many of which were
previously referred to as respite. Recent legislation in England requires local authori-
ties to provide family caregivers of disabled children with short breaks in order to
enable them to continue to provide care. The findings of Welch et al. (2012) showed
that these short breaks were not only essential in helping parents with disabled chil-
dren continue to provide care but were also used in other ways that addressed the
wider consequences of caring. For example, short breaks reduced social isolation.
Furthermore, caring for nondisabled siblings was facilitated by parents who took
advantage of the short break provision.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. The findings of Welch
and colleagues (2012) suggest that professionals should not just identify that parents need
a break from caring but also should include an understanding of how parents make sense
of their need for a break. For example, a professional working with parents who are car-
ing for a child who is disabled might point out problems associated with social isolation.
Additionally, it might be suggested that one of the ways in which to take advantage of
respite care or short breaks is to participate in activities with nondisabled children.

Grandparent Support. Many grandparents provide practical and emotional sup-

port for parents of a child with a disability. Factors that influence grandparents’ sup-
port and involvement are residential proximity, their level of understanding of their
grandchild’s disability, and the emotional harmony between them and their adult
child who is the parent of the grandchild (Lee & Gardner, 2010).

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 317

Parental Advocates for Their Children With Exceptionalities

Although all parents work with professionals to meet the varied educational and
health needs of their children, parents of children who have exceptionalities work
with more professionals because of their children’s need for greater assistance. In the
United States, all children with exceptionalities are entitled to receive assistive ser-
vices, and their parents have the opportunity and challenge of working with profes-
sionals to determine which services best meet their children’s needs. The Individuals
with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), a law that has been in effect since 1975,
was reauthorized by Congress in 2004. The IDEA is based on six basic guidelines,
which include the right to (a) a free and appropriate public education, (b) appropri-
ate evaluations, (c) an Individual Education Program (IEP), (d) placement in the least
restrictive environment (LRE), (e) parent and student participation, and (f) procedural
due process (Anderson, 2007).
Although the guidelines of IDEA are consistent from state to state, each state is
charged with ensuring that the process it uses is consistent with the federal law. The
role of parents in this process is to advocate for the needs of their children. As their
children’s advocates, parents of children with special needs are true partners in their
children’s education experiences. Parents are equal to the professionals in those
meetings in that the professionals are qualified by virtue of their specialized educa-
tion and parents are qualified by virtue of their role as their children’s designated
advocates. When children observe how effectively their parents express needs and
opinions during IEP meetings, they learn a valuable skill that will be important for
their future when they must advocate for themselves (Anderson, 2007).

Watch this short video showing an IEP meeting between parents, their child, and the pro-
fessionals involved in meeting the child’s special needs. What information did the parents
provide that could help the other members of the IEP team provide appropriate services
for the child?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ok0irMNfKmY

The Distinction Between Needs and Services. In considering ways in which to

advocate for their children with special needs, it is important for parents to under-
stand that a service is not a need. According to Luker and Luker (2007), parents
frequently ask professionals how they can obtain specific services for their children
with statements such as “My son/daughter needs an aide, more occupational ther-
apy, a smaller class, and so on.” When parents state their requests in this fashion,
they run the risk of being told that a school will not provide a service. The problem
with this approach is that needs are being confused with services. When preparing
for IEP meetings, parents might keep in mind that special education is a needs-driven
service delivery system. A need, simply stated, is a problem that requires that an
action be taken, either by the child or another person helping the child. If parents are

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able to explain their child’s problem, they and the professionals working with them
are better prepared to work on resolving the problem, and there might be a variety
of ways in which the problem might be addressed. For example, a parent might say
that a child needs to have friends. Based on being made aware of that need, the IEP
team is better able to follow through with services to help the child meet that need.
Before providing services, though, the team has to determine which services would
best meet the need of that particular child. For example, the IEP team members
might explore whether the child lacks social skills, receives segregated educational
services, has intensive personal care needs that make scheduling social activities dif-
ficult, or lacks access to general community interactive experiences.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. For parents who
are interested in advocating more effectively, it is valuable to learn about the sys-
tem and the process of special education. Community Parent Resource Centers, for
example, offer free workshops about special education law and parent advocacy.
Also, communication skills are an important part of advocacy. Useful communica-
tion tips include self-awareness (e.g., understanding one’s level of receptiveness),
listening and talking, and asking questions (especially of the person most likely to
have the information or expertise the parent needs) (Anderson, 2007).

PARENTING CHILDREN WHO HAVE COGNITIVE DEFICITS,

AUTISM, OR ADHD
In discussions of parenting challenges related to caring for children with specific
exceptionalities, we will begin by discussing the lives of parents who have a child
who is cognitively impaired. We then will focus on the challenges in families that
include a child with autism. Next, we will examine the family relationships of chil-
dren with ADHD.

Parenting Children With Cognitive Impairments

A child with a cognitive impairment, or intellectual disability, is a slow learner in
all, or almost all, intellectual pursuits. In young children, cognitive impairment is
frequently labeled as pervasive developmental delay to allow for the possibility that
the child will catch up to normal, age-appropriate development.

The Alignment of Parental Care to the Special Needs of Children With Cognitive
Impairments. An important first step in matching parental care to the special needs
of a child who is cognitively impaired comes with the recognition and acceptance
of the child’s impairment. When parents initially fail to recognize that their child
has an intellectual disability, they might regard that child as fussy, disinterested,
or unresponsive and react by being punitive or less spontaneous toward the child.
In contrast, when parents are aware of their child’s intellectual disability from the

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 319

Shared book reading is

an enrichment activity that
enhances the development
of children with or without
Lisa Payne Photography/Pearson Education

cognitive impairments.

beginning, they have an advantage in that they are more prepared to respond to their
child in appropriate ways (Volkmar, Cook, & Pomeroy, 1999). Furthermore, parents’
involvement in their children’s education and other treatment contributes to higher
levels of functional progress for their children. For example, Szumski and Karwowski
(2012) found that among other factors explored, the engagement of parents in learn-
ing at home was the only factor that explained their children’s school achievement.

Addressing Parental Stress. Professionals working with parents of children with

intellectual disabilities understand that addressing parental stress has implications for
the psychological well-being of all members of the family. Based on this goal, Hastings
and Beck (2004) identified a number of interventions that have been used for
reducing parental stress in these families, including (a) child-focused interventions,
(b) appropriate services, (c) facilitation of parent networks, and (d) grandparent sup-
port. It has also been demonstrated that helping families to frame the experience of
having a child with an intellectual disability in a positive light is beneficial for both
parents and children (Saloviita, Italinna, & Lienonen, 2003).

Child-Focused Interventions. These types of interventions address the accommo-

dations that parents make in order to care for their child with a cognitive deficit.
For example, Wiggs and Stores (2001) found that behavioral intervention for sleep
problems led to improvements in parents’ and children’s sleep and a reduction in
parental stress.

Facilitation of Parent Networks. Professionals working with families of children with

intellectual disabilities sometimes facilitate networks of parents. An example of this type
of network is the Parent-to-Parent Movement, through which parents support other par-
ents by providing emotional support and acting as sources of information, mainly over

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 320 Chapter 11

the telephone (Santelli, Poyadue, & Young, 2001). Group interventions also contribute
to identification with parents sharing similar experiences and learning about practical
solutions from parents and professionals (Soloman, Pistrang, & Barker, 2001).

Grandparent Support. We learned earlier that many parents of children with dis-
abilities benefit from the support of their own parents. Thus, it should come as no
surprise that grandparent support has been shown to affect the well-being of parents
of children with intellectual disabilities. Heller, Hsieh, and Rowitz (2000) found that
maternal depression of mothers of children with intellectual disabilities was lower
when they received emotional support from the grandparents of the children.

The Beliefs and Values of Parents. The Double ABCX Model (which you learned
about in Chapter 1) was used by Salovita et al. (2003) to explain the ways in which the
beliefs and values of the family act as a filter through which stressors are processed.
Their findings demonstrated that the single most important predictor of parental
stress in these families was the negative definition of the situation by the mother. On
a positive note, Salovita et al. showed that families who had been able to reframe
their child’s intellectual disability into a positive referent or a routine component of
their daily life experienced lower levels of stress.

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
ADDRESSING THE NEEDS AND CONCERNS OF CHILDREN
WITH INTELLECTUAL DISABILITIES WHO RECEIVE SERVICES
Whereas professionals play a key role in supporting parents of children with disabilities, it is also important
for professionals to address the needs and concerns of the children who receive services. To find out how
these children feel about the services they receive, Boyden, Muniz, and Laxton-Kane (2012) conducted
interviews of children with intellectual disabilities to determine their views of what would make them
more comfortable with receiving services. These children talked about a number of things that helped put
them at ease, including handshakes, what the staff wore, high fives, and smiles. They also expressed more
satisfaction when staff talked to them about their interests. Additionally, these children had preferences
regarding the location of the services with some children preferring to meet at home and others preferring
to meet outside the home. Based on input from these children, it was recommended that staff (a) make sure
that communication is at a level appropriate for the client, (b) have a welcoming approach, and (c) offer a
reasonable choice of location.

Parenting the Child With Autism

Children with autism have impairments in social interactions, including language
used in social interactions and/or symbolic or imaginative play. These impairments
create practical problems related to teaching self-help behaviors and managing
­difficult behavior. As a result, living with a child who is autistic is not easy, and the
combination and severity of their child’s behavior and communication deficits pre-
sent their parents with unique challenges (Falk, Norris, & Quinn, 2014).

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 321

The Challenges for Parents. Parents and other family members frequently become
aware that the child shows precocity in memory, artistic tendencies, or mathemati-
cal skills, which sometimes leads to unrealistic expectations for the child. These
idealistic hopes contribute to feelings of disappointment or blame as parents consist-
ently are confronted by their child’s lack of progress. A further challenge for parents
is that children with autism typically show little affection but instead appear aloof.
Their parents, therefore, receive little reinforcement from these children for the care
the parents provide them. For all these reasons, parents whose children are autistic
typically endure more stress than do parents of children with other disabilities (van
Steijn, Oerlemans, van Aken, & Rommelse, 2013). The strain experienced by these
parents comes from dealing with the difficult behaviors of their children and from the
reactions of others to them and their children. In response to these challenges, fami-
lies with a child who has autism often become socially isolated; the more stress that
is experienced, the more socially isolated these families become (Dunn, Burbine, &
Bowers, 2001).

Assistance for Parents of Children With Autism. Although children with autism
will inevitably have a significant effect on their families, the nature and extent of that
effect can be mediated by awareness and sensitivity on the part of extended family
members, friends, and professionals. An important moderator of parental stress has
been found to be social support. For that reason, practitioners would be well advised
to facilitate social support for these parents. In addition to needing social support,
securing appropriate direct services for their child with autism is a high-priority need
for parents and a goal that typically will override all other family considerations.
Finding suitable educational, residential, and treatment programs is of such urgency
that parents have observed that until they had identified an appropriate school or
program for their child with autism, they were unable to adequately address their
own needs and the needs of their other family members (Dunn et al., 2001). Finally,
as emphasized by Falk, Norris, & Quinn (2014), providing psychological therapy
as well as respite care for parents is likely to provide long-term benefits in reducing
parental stress.

Watch the first six and one-half minutes of this video focusing on what it is like to live
with a child with autism. Based on the comments of the mother, what are the advantages
of seeking early intervention for a child with autism?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vIuIwD-fh9M

Parenting Children With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity

Disorder (ADHD)
Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is the most common behavioral
­disorder of childhood. Children with ADHD have difficulty in focusing their atten-
tion, are easily distracted, display impulsive behavior, have trouble waiting their

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 322 Chapter 11

turn when playing games with other children, and tend to begin but not finish
numerous activities (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). They also are unable
to remain seated or calm for periods of time that are perceived as normal for other
children their age. Furthermore, they are at risk for problems in relationships with
parents, teachers, siblings, and peers. As a result of their difficulty in sitting still,
­paying attention, and following instructions, children with ADHD are typically
placed in special education classrooms and are frequently prescribed stimulant
medication that often is effective for helping them manage their behavior (Ibrahim
& Donyai, 2015).

The Reactions of Parents and Other Adults to Children With ADHD. Parents of
children with ADHD report that their children have more difficulty with b ­ ehavior
regulation than children without ADHD (Schroeder & Kelley, 2009). Whether the
negative behaviors associated with children who are highly active are qualities
directly attributable to their high activity levels is debatable. Some researchers have
suggested that the undesirable traits credited to children who are highly active
are related to the nonconstructive responses of their parents and other adults who
lack an understanding of the special needs of these children (e.g. Cunningham &
Boyle, 2002; Schroeder & Kelley 2009). For instance, Cunningham and Boyle
(2002) found that the mothers and fathers of children with ADHD tend to be direc-
tive, intrusive, and authoritarian. Those researchers also found that these parents
tend to get into power struggles with their children and appear to be hostile and
unresponsive to their children’s needs and interests. The findings of Schroeder and
Kelley (2009) also demonstrated that parents of these children have higher levels of
conflict and lower levels of family organization as compared to parents of children
without ADHD.
One of the reasons that parents are likely to react negatively toward their chil-
dren with ADHD is that these parents have higher levels of stress and depression than
do other parents (van Steijn et al., 2014). Some of the stress experienced by these
­parents is from other factors common to having a child with a clinical ­diagnosis,
such as increased health care costs or diminished leisure time (Theule, Wiener,
Tannock, & Jenkins, 2010). Another explanation is that parents of children with
exceptionalities are more likely to hold their children responsible for their problem
behaviors when the exceptionality is characterized as a behavioral excess (Chavira,
Lopez, Blacher, & Shapiro, 2000).

The Influence of Gender. Gender differences have been documented in the ways in
which parents respond to the behaviors of their children with ADHD. Parents react
more negatively to their sons who have ADHD in comparison to their daughters with
ADHD. Mothers of girls with ADHD give more rewards for positive behavior than do
mothers of boys with ADHD (Cunningham & Boyle, 2002).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Although parents of

children with ADHD are challenged by their children’s higher-than-usual activity levels,

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 323

1. Spend at least 15 minutes per day doing what the child would like to do such as playing a game or reading a story.
2. Do not express disapproval of the child’s behavior unless some extreme behavior occurs.
3. Provide constant approval of positive behavior.
4. Nurture a child’s gifts and interests.
5. Establish daily routines that place highly active children in an active role and allow their high energy levels to be put to
constructive use.
6. Assist highly active children to create order in their lives by providing structure without rigidity, including
a. Having places for books, toys, and clothes that the child can easily access (such as child-level hooks for coats and
hats)
b. Having regular times for meals, snacks, playtime, bath time, and bed time
c. Giving clear, concise instructions

FIGURE 11.1 Six Guidelines for Developing and Maintaining Positive Interactions with Children Who
Are Highly Active
Sources: Based on Barkley, 1990; Smith, 2002.

it is important that they not develop a pattern of disapproving responses. ­Consistent

pessimistic responses to children contribute to a negative cycle of parent–child
interactions and less positive developmental progress for children. Thus, it is help-
ful when parents of children with ADHD consciously work on ways to prevent
the development of negative parent–child interactions. One approach for helping
parents interact more positively with their children with ADHD was suggested by
Podolski (2001), who found that parental coping through the use of reframing (think-
ing about problems as challenges that could be overcome) is related to higher sat-
isfaction in the parental role for both mothers and fathers of children with ADHD.
Furthermore, positive parenting (characterized by warmth, sensitivity, expressive-
ness, and adequate limit setting) is linked to children’s ability to maintain attention
(Eisenberg, Zhou, Spinrad, Valiente, Fabes, & Liew, 2005), better self-control, and
fewer behavior problems (Bradley & Corwyn, 2005). Recognizing that parents of
highly active children might need assistance in establishing and maintaining harmo-
nious relationships with them, some researchers have developed specific guidelines
for parent–child interactions. These guidelines are outlined in Figure 11.1. (Barkley,
1990; Smith, 2002).

PARENTING CHILDREN WITH EXCEPTIONALITIES

RELATED TO LEARNING
Children with exceptionalities related to learning have learning disabilities (LDs) or
are gifted. Whereas giftedness is a welcome exceptionality and LD is not, parents of
children with either of these exceptionalities are faced with challenges.

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 324 Chapter 11

Children With Learning Disabilities

A child with an LD has at least a normal intelligence level but falls markedly behind
in a specific area of learning. An LD is part of a larger diagnosis of underachieve­
ment, which might represent a number of different areas, including difficulty in
perceiving, processing, storing, and understanding information. The problems that
children with LDs experience are compounded by the difficulties they encounter
in their social relationships. In comparison to children without LDs, they have
fewer and less stable friendships, and the friends they have are also likely to
have LDs or to be younger. With regard to friendship quality, children with LDs
have higher levels of conflict, lower levels of validation, and more problems with
relationship repair in comparison to children without LDs. One of the reasons
that children with LDs have trouble in social relations is that, in comparison to
children without LDs, they have more difficulty in the accurate perception of
social cues (Sprouse, Hall, Webster, & Bolen, 1998). Another reason is that these
children tend to have problems hearing and understanding what others are say-
ing when there is background noise. Children with LDs also frequently encounter
demanding contexts in school because they must expend considerable energy
attending to and accomplishing schoolwork that is much easier for their peers.
(Bradlow, Kraus, & Hayes, 2003).

Parents of Children With Learning Disabilities. Children with LDs are at risk for
developing low self-esteem. Other individuals’ annoyance at and disapproving
responses to their behavior sets up a negative cycle with playmates, teachers, and
parents. Hence, children with LDs need the encouragement of their parents to per-
severe in demanding situations. Through parental encouragement, these ­children
develop higher self-esteem, and positive self-esteem could be an important f­actor
in ­motivating them to persevere when confronted with difficult tasks (Jerome, Fujiki,
Brinton, & James, 2002). Furthermore, although children with LDs encounter more
challenges in making and keeping friends, improvement in social skills has been
found to enhance their friendships (Weiner & Schneider, 2002). Finally, Al-Yagon
(2010) found that children’s attachment relationships and mothers’ emotional
resources explained differences in social-emotional and behavioral adjustment
among these children.

The Use of Technology by Children Who Are Learning Disabled. In focusing on the
ways in which parents, siblings, and school professionals work together to provide
services to assist children with LDs, it is easy to overlook the reality that these chil-
dren, in spite of their limitations, possess the ability and imagination to access much
of the information they need to succeed via nonconventional means. The following
video is an example of children and adolescents with LD who demonstrate such
resourcefulness in their use of technology to assist themselves in overcoming their
reading difficulties.

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 325

This father is reading with

his sons and encouraging
his sons’ efforts to read on
their own, both of which
are beneficial for children
with learning disabilities.
Ilike/Fotolia

Watch this short video showing how many children with learning disabilities are access-
ing technology to be able to enjoy reading. What are some of the strategies suggested by
these children that could help parents of children with LD to meet their needs?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pqMyXvjAapg

Parenting Children Who Are Gifted

Unlike other exceptionalities that reflect some aspect of disability, giftedness is not
generally considered to be a disability but rather a welcome exceptionality. Children
are identified as gifted when they have demonstrated outstanding abilities and/or
have shown themselves to be capable of high academic performance. They demon-
strate higher than average performance in such areas as general intellectual ability,
specific academic aptitude, creative thinking, leadership ability, and talent in visual
and performing arts (Chan, 2002).

Parents of Children Who Are Gifted. Not only is giftedness generally welcomed,
but also there is evidence that parents might play an important role in the promotion
of giftedness in their children. In recognition that early life experiences can powerfully
influence children’s early attitudes toward learning and later educational achievement,
Sankar-DeLeeuw (2007) conducted a case study of the lives of a group of kindergarten
children who were gifted. In this study, the parents of these children expressed the
belief that they should provide stimulating intellectual experiences appropriate for their

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 326 Chapter 11

1. Discover, not chart, your child’s identity.

2. Listen to your child’s own thoughts, feelings, joys, sorrows, hopes, and fears.
3. Encourage responsibility by offering choice.
4. Allow your child to do things without assistance.
5. Support friendships.
6. Be patient.
7. Be a good role model (including providing for rich language expression and lifelong learning).
8. Read both to your child and on your own.
9. Discuss and debate daily news, songs, and books.
10. Mediate television viewing.
11. Let your children know that you have high expectations and high hopes for them.
12. Demonstrate confidence in your ability to manage and assist your gifted child.

FIGURE 11.2 Twelve Guidelines for Rearing Gifted Children

Sources: Based on Sankar-DeLeeuw, 2007; Koshy, Smith, & Brown, 2014.

children’s developmental level. These parents pointed out that they provided a variety
of reading material for their children, including picture books; fiction and nonfiction
books; songbooks; and books of poetry, fantasy, folktales, fables, and jokes. In addition,
some of the parents read materials with their children that their children could read
independently. While reading to their children, these parents compared story content
to their children’s own knowledge with questions such as, “Does it make sense?” Also,
the parents focused on reading for meaning versus identifying letters or words.

The Contributions of Parents with Low Incomes. Parents with low incomes who
have children who are gifted and talented face a number of difficulties in their daily
lives. The findings of Koshy, Smith, and Brown (2014), however, showed that these
parents demonstrate similar approaches to parenting to those of other parents whose
children are gifted. For example, they (a) show high expectations of their children,
(b) demonstrate confidence in their ability to manage and assist their gifted child,
and (c) have high hopes for their children. Figure 11.2 outlines 12 guidelines for
parenting children who are gifted based on the previous discussion.

PARENTING CHILDREN WITH SENSORY IMPAIRMENTS

Children who are blind or visually impaired as well as children who have hearing
impairments or are deaf influence the family interactions in their families according
to their sensory impairment. They also require professional assistance and specific
types of parental involvement in order to meet their potential.

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 327

Parenting Children Who Are Blind or Visually Impaired

Being visually impaired means one can see but cannot see well whereas being blind
means not being able to see at all. Children who are visually impaired sometimes
can read large print and must sit in the front of the classroom, and children who are
blind might use a cane and read braille (Jenks, 2005). For parents of children who
are visually impaired or blind, the experience of caring for their children is frequently
stressful and can be challenging. With the goal of providing a better understanding
of these families, Leyser and Heinze (2001) asked parents about the particular con-
cerns they had that were related to their child’s visual impairment or blindness. The
primary concern voiced by these parents was anxiety regarding their child’s future.
Their apprehension regarding the future of their children focused on uneasiness
regarding the child’s independence and ability to achieve, concerns related to their
child’s self-esteem, and worries about their child’s future job opportunities. Another
major concern expressed by parents was their ability to provide for the needs of
their child. Other concerns were finances, adequate services, and the effects of their
child’s disability on their other children.
The lives of these parents also were the focus of Jenks (2005), a researcher who
has a son who is visually impaired. Jenks collected narratives told by parents of
children with visual impairments and included her own experiences as well. Their
stories suggested that adjusting to the fact that a child is blind or visually impaired is
never completed and that coping is cyclical and ongoing. Examples of Jenks’s experi-
ences with her own son include the family going to a baseball game and her son not
being able to see the field. In discussing how she addresses this issue, she said that
they bring a radio with a headset so he can listen to the game as they watch it. She
also pointed out that they take binoculars so he can see the scoreboard. By making
these accommodations, “he eats French fries and drinks soda and cheers when our

The independence shown by

this child who has a visual
impairment is crucial to his
well-being.
WavebreakMediaMicro/Fotolia

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 328 Chapter 11

team scores just like his little brother, who is not visually impaired” (p. 161). Jenks
also related an exchange with her son that demonstrates a challenge faced by p ­ arents
of children who are visually impaired or blind that cannot be remedied. In this exam-
ple, her son wanted his new friend to visit his home after camp ended and suggested
that his friend’s father could drive his friend. Her reply was, “Oh, no, his Dad can’t
drive. His Dad is visually impaired, too” (p. 145). Her son, focusing only on the issue
implied, said, “But, I’ll be able to drive, won’t I, Mom?” (p. 145).

Enhancing the Development of Children Who Are Blind or Visually Impaired. Although
parents of children who are blind or visually impaired have a number of concerns about
their children’s future and the ability to provide appropriate care for their children, these
parents might enhance their children’s development in a number of ways. Mary Zabelski
(2001), a past president of the National Association for Parents of Children with Visual
Impairments (NAPVI), and a parent of an adult child who is blind, offered a number of
recommendations regarding ways in which to encourage self-esteem in children who are
visually impaired. Her first recommendation was that these children be given opportuni-
ties to help others. Zabelski pointed out that most people want to assist individuals who
are blind and that children who are blind also need to have opportunities to help others.
Zabelski shared a story about when her daughter brought her guide dog to a grade school
where several other children who were blind could meet her and her dog. In that visit, her
daughter demonstrated how she uses her dog to assist her in daily tasks, explaining that first
she had to be a good cane user. By her demonstration, Zabelski’s daughter was able to pro-
vide other children with hope for their future and a belief in their ability to be independent.
Besides providing their children with opportunities to help other people, Zabel-
ski emphasized the importance of parents giving children domestic responsibilities
(such as putting toys away, walking the dog with parents, and setting the table) at a
very early age. She stressed that a child’s ability to perform small domestic chores
might represent a critical step toward independence in later years. She, therefore,
cautioned parents not to feel sorry for their children and not to always do everything
for them because that attitude lowers the child’s feelings of self-worth. Based on her
belief that all children need structure and discipline, Zabelski advised parents to let
their children who are blind know that they are expected to behave according to
the rules of the family just like their brothers and sisters. She pointed out that when
parents have expectations of their child who is blind that are similar to those they
have for their other children, they show confidence in all their children. Finally,
Zabelski suggested that when children who are blind are provided opportunities to
demonstrate their capabilities in various areas, these incremental successes build on
one another, leading to self-assurance and self-esteem.

Watch this short video showing an interaction between a mother and her 5-year-old
daughter who is blind. In what ways does this mother provide a positive model of how
to parent a child who is blind?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sZu1CwSfm0g

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 329

Parenting Children Who Are Hearing Impaired

Of all the areas of childhood disability, deafness is probably the most confusing
and controversial because the ability to speak is so closely connected in our minds
with thought, communication, and intelligence. For children whose lack of hearing
begins at a very early age, their most serious problem is not their hearing loss but
rather their challenge to develop an adequate communication system. The means of
communication chosen can profoundly affect almost every area of the child’s life,
including parental hopes and expectations for the child, selection of educational and
recreational programs, and how best to include the child in family communication.
Therefore, it is important to recognize and respond to deafness as early as possible.
Infants whose hearing deficits are recognized at birth and remediated in the first year
become more proficient in understanding and expressing language than those whose
deficits are not noticed until later (Kennedy et al., 2006).

The Challenges for Parents of Children Who Have Hearing Impairments. Most
children with hearing loss are born to hearing parents. Parents who have lived their
entire lives using language are initially hampered in their attempts to understand
their child who has an auditory impairment. On the other hand, parents who are
deaf themselves are better able to understand their child who is deaf and to teach
that child valuable communication skills. The vast majority of parents who are hear-
ing impaired communicate with each other and their children primarily in sign lan-
guage. In contrast to parents who are deaf, fewer hearing parents use sign language
with their child who is deaf and very few of those do so from the time of diagnosis.
Because the majority of parents of children with hearing impairments are members
of the hearing world, the decision regarding whether or not to learn to use and to
teach sign language to their child must be addressed very early. There are differing

This child’s mastery of sign

language allows her to
communicate with family,
friends, and a variety of other
people.
Gareth Boden/Pearson Education

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 330 Chapter 11

beliefs, however, regarding whether the child who is deaf should be taught sign
language or should be expected to learn to lip-read and speak. The reality is that not
all individuals who are deaf can readily learn to lip-read. On the other hand, studies
have shown that children who are deaf learn sign language as easily as children who
can hear learn spoken language. Furthermore, sign language is more easily mastered
during the first years of the child’s life, which represents the critical period of lan-
guage development (Berger, 2008).

Ensuring That Children Who Are Deaf Have Peers With Whom They Can
­Communicate. It is important for parents to consider ways in which to ensure that
their children with hearing impairments have peers with whom they can communi-
cate. Even if family members use sign language at home, the school interpreter might
be the only person within a rural school who understands the child. There are many
types of school placements for children with hearing loss. Some of these children
attend schools designed exclusively for them that employ teachers who also have
hearing losses and use sign language. Others attend small self-contained hearing
support classes within a mainstream school. In this setting, hearing loss is viewed as
a disability that requires remediation. It is helpful when parents consider the various
school placements that are available to them and determine which school best meets
their child’s needs, including whether the school offers a peer group with whom their
child can communicate (Broussard & Mathos, 2005).

Thinking Critically
Based on the previous discussions, how important do you think it is for parents of children
who are deaf to ensure that their children have peers with whom they can communicate and
goals that they might plan to achieve?

PARENTING CHILDREN WITH PHYSICAL DISABILITIES

OR CHRONIC ILLNESSES
Children with physical impairments or chronic illnesses have functional limitations
that require specialized care from parents and professionals. Their special needs
also influence the relationships within their families. Nonetheless, the dynamics in
families where a child has a physical impairment is different from the dynamics in
families where a child has a chronic illness.

Parenting Children With Physical Impairments

Children with physical disabilities (PDs) have congenital birth defects, disorders such
as cerebral palsy, diseases such as muscular dystrophy, or acquired disabilities that
have caused them to have impaired motor control (Konrad, 2005).

Parental Challenges. One of the realities that parents of children with disabilities face
is that, because of their functional limitations, their children will require a wide range of

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 331

rehabilitation services. The mobilization of family resources allows parents to arrange

for medical attention, work with rehabilitation teams, and assist their child who has a
PD with daily living tasks. Unfortunately, these goals are often accomplished by divert-
ing resources from other purposes. Consequently, physical impairments of children
frequently are associated with a variety of potentially negative outcomes in families,
including impacts on time, finances, employment (especially for mothers), other rela-
tionships within the family, social relationships outside the family, and physical and
psychological health (Guyard, Michelsen, Arnaud, Lyons, Cans, & Fauconnier, 2012).

The Tendency to Overprotect Their Child. One of the primary challenges that
parents of children with PDs face is a tendency to overprotect that child. Holmbeck,
Johnson, and Wills (2002) found that mothers and fathers of preadolescent children
with spina bifida were significantly more protective than were other parents and that
mothers were more overprotective than fathers. Their findings also demonstrated that
parental overprotection is associated with lower levels of preadolescent decision-
making autonomy and more externalizing behaviors.

Parental Coping and Support. According to Family Stress Theory discussed earlier,
adaptation to major life alterations are influenced by family type as well as family
strengths and capabilities (McCubbin & McCubbin, 1987; Patterson, 1988). Thus,
parental adaptation to living with a child with a PD may be predicted by character-
istics related to the child, the parent, and the environment. These characteristics are
mediated by parental assessment of the situation and coping capabilities and may be
resolved by the available family, social and health care-related resources (Cavallo,
Feldman, Swaine, & Meshefedjian, 2009).

Grandparents as Important Sources of Support. Whereas many families that include

children with PDs do not have the level of support that they need, many others benefit
from assistance from the child’s grandparents. The role of grandmothers in these fami-
lies is especially important because they tend to provide emotional support for family
members (Findler, 2000) and often serve as secondary caregivers (Green, 2001). For
instance, Green (2001) showed that (a) grandmothers are a common source of weekly
assistance, (b) when grandparents participate, the number of other sources of assis-
tance is higher, and (c) help from grandparents has a positive effect on parental ability
to maintain a positive emotional outlook and to avoid physical exhaustion.

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. In recognition of the

centrality of grandparents in families of children with physical impairments, it is rec-
ommended that social workers and other professionals working with these families
consider grandparents among other service providers. For example, they might offer
both parents and grandparents joint workshops designed to facilitate caregiver skills
with children who have PDs.

Parenting Children With Chronic Illnesses

We will take a look at the dynamics in families when children experience a number
of chronic illnesses: spina bifida, cystic fibrosis, and sickle-cell anemia. Children are

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Children who experience the

stresses of chronic illness
need extra support from their
parents.

spotmatik/Shutterstock
sometimes born with or develop shortly after birth a number of other diseases, such
as leukemia, cancer, diabetes, kidney disease, and heart disease. In the past several
decades, an increasing number of children have been born with fetal alcohol syn-
drome, drug addiction, and/or positive HIV. These chronic illnesses that result from
prenatal exposure to alcohol, drugs, or the HIV virus present challenging problems
for their parents or caregivers—many of whom are adoptive or foster parents.

The Effects of a Child’s Chronic Illness

on Parental Stress and Family Relationships
Having a child who has been diagnosed with a possibly life-threatening illness is
one of the most difficult experiences parents might have, and caring for a child
with a chronic illness presents parents with a number of challenges. This caregiv-
ing experience evokes an intense emotional interdependence with the child and
involves a range of tasks, including brokering information for the child and gaining
the child’s cooperation with treatment. When faced with a severe or life-threatening
illness, parents have everyday concerns about the child’s diet or management of
the child’s behavior, which take on a new significance and are likely to contribute
to heightened parental stress. The parental caregiver role also tends to compromise
the parent’s ability to function in other roles, including the role of parent to the
other children in the family. Thus, the stress of a child’s chronic illness alters the
relationships parents have with the child who is ill as well as the relationships they
have with each other and with their other children (Young, Dixon-Woods, Findlay,
& Heney, 2002).
The extent to which family relationships are affected is related to the length of
time that the child is ill, the degree of medical involvement, and the interruption of
normal family activities (Lavee, 2005). One of the influences of parental distress is

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 333

parental perception of ways in which the child’s illness intrudes on parents’ lives.
A perception of illness intrusiveness is related to poorer parent adjustment among
parents of older youths than among parents of younger children. According to the
model of the family life cycle, the natural inclination of parents is to behave in a
more disengaged manner as their children reach adolescence. The introduction
of restrictions imposed by a chronic illness, however, can significantly disrupt that
normal developmental trajectory (Andrews, Chaney, Mullins, Wagner, Hommel, &
Jarvis, 2009).

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY:
LOW-INCOME FAMILIES WITH CHRONICALLY ILL CHILDREN
Children with chronic illnesses frequently need special medical care, therapeutic services, a longer period
of care, and often specialized care. The expenses of all of these create an especially heavy burden for
low-income families. A primary expense for these parents is lost employment, especially for low-income
mothers because they cannot afford to pay for specialized child care while they work. Although low-
income families whose children have chronic illnesses are more dependent on financial assistance than
other families, many of these parents provide exemplary care for their children. For example, Koenig and
Chesla (2004) studied asthma management among low-income Latino and African American parents and
found that although they held differing beliefs regarding how best to respond to their children, they clearly
were effective caregivers. These mothers managed their children’s asthma using management styles that
reflected their own personal beliefs. Some mothers tended to believe that their child’s survival depended
primarily on them whereas others relied more on medical professionals.

The Adaptation of Children and Parents to Childhood Chronic Illness. In depart-

ing from the usual practice of relying solely on parental report by also soliciting
children’s views, Gannoni and Shute (2010) were able to determine not only how
parents and children adapted to the stress of the child’s Illness but also noted the
bidirectional relationships between these children and their parents. The researchers
found numerous examples of ways in which parents provided emotional support for
their children, such as providing information about their illnesses, answering ques-
tions these children might have, helping them in the management of their ­illness, and
being there during medical procedures. The emotional support that these children
provided to their parents included reassurance regarding their health and capabil-
ity as well as their ability to function independently with treatment tasks. In addi-
tion to bidirectional support between parents and their children, both parents and
children had specific suggestions regarding what they needed to help them cope.
A recommendation that was mentioned by children as well as parents was for fur-
ther psychosocial interventions to enhance transitions (e.g., home–hospital–school,
next treatment stage, development stage). For instance, one child’s idea of bring-
ing personal belongings from home to the hospital was an attempt to minimize
disruption. Another child suggested that disease-related information be provided
to teachers and classmates in order to lessen perceived differences and enhance
acceptance upon return to school. Consistent with children’s views regarding the

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need to provide information to school staff, parents also pointed out the necessity
to increase ­community awareness regarding childhood illness. Two main service
improvements were recommended: (a) the availability of an identified person to act
as a liaison across different systems (e.g., health and education) whom parents could
contact when they have a problem and (b) and the provision of specific-purpose sup-
port groups (e.g., transition to adolescent groups).

WHEN PARENTS HAVE EXCEPTIONALITIES OR DISABILITIES

We will now turn our attention to the lives of parents and children when a parent
of minor children has an exceptionality or a disability. Similar to the coverage of
parent–child relationships when a child has one of these conditions, only the most
common exceptionalities and disabilities will be addressed.

Parents With ADHD

One of the most common exceptionalities seen in parents that was also present dur-
ing their childhood is ADHD. Thus, when a child is diagnosed with ADHD, there is
a high likelihood that at least one of the parents also has symptoms of ADHD. In their
study designed to determine the extent to which parental ADHD symptoms predict
ADHD diagnosis in their children, Karakas, Bakar, Dinçer, Ülsever, Ceylan, & Taner,
(2015) found that, for children diagnosed with ADHD, the frequency of parents with
ADHD symptoms was higher than the parents without ADHD symptoms.

Responding to the needs of parents with ADHD. While children with ADHD are
often treated with stimulant medication, there is evidence that parents with ADHD
might also benefit from stimulant medication and that some of these parents might
benefit from a combination of stimulant medication and behavioral parenting train-
ing (Babinski, Waxmonsky, & Pelham, 2014). The case for providing treatment and
perhaps training for parents with ADHD was provided by Chavira and colleagues
(2000) who found that when both a child and a parent have ADHD symptoms,
those symptoms contribute to parental depressive symptoms as well as the spouse’s
depressive symptoms. Therefore, parents with ADHD symptoms often have poorer
parenting skills, which makes it more difficult for them to cope with the behavior of
their child. As a consequence, these parents tend to experience additional stress and
depressive symptoms. Furthermore, as we learned earlier, parents are more likely
to hold their children responsible for their problem behaviors when their children’s
exceptionality is characterized as a behavioral excess. Accordingly, when parents
have higher levels of stress and depression and hold their children accountable for
annoying behavior, they often respond to these behaviors with directive negative
suggestions and fewer positive or preventive suggestions.

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 335

This mother who is deaf

and her hearing daughter
are demonstrating the
effectiveness of the use of
sign language for parent–
child communication.
Mediteraneo/Fotolia

When a Parent Has a Sensory Impairment

Earlier in this chapter, we learned about the parent–child interactions in families
with children who are either deaf, visually impaired, or blind. We will now turn our
attention to the lives of parents and children in families in which at least one of the
parents has one of these impairments.

Parents Who Are Deaf. Families with parents who are deaf often have hearing
children who are bilingual and bimodal, meaning that both a spoken language as
well as a signed one is regularly used among family members. These family members
are also highly likely to have social affiliations with both communities comprising
individuals who are deaf and communities of hearing individuals. Nevertheless, like
families everywhere, these families are not a homogenous group. To demonstrate
this point, Pizer, Walters, and Meier (2013) interviewed young adult children of par-
ents who were deaf and reported widely varying language practices, sign language
abilities, and social affiliations. Analysis of those interviews revealed a language
ideology supporting the obligation of all family members to make the necessary
efforts to overcome potential communication obstacles. This ideology was shared
by all of the young adults who were interviewed, despite substantial differences in
their family language practices, sign language abilities, and affiliations with deaf and
hearing cultures and communities. Whatever their affiliations, the majority of these
adults defined their sense of their own identities in terms of their language use. For
example, Tabitha reported that, as a child of parents who are deaf, she has had to
stand up for her right to a hearing identity and to hearing language practices. Other
interviewees described their language skills and language use patterns as a part of
who they are. For instance, David made a connection between language and identity
while describing his less fluent signing:

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 336 Chapter 11

I’m a very Englishy signer, I actually feel most comfortable signing along with my
speech. . . . I can communicate well with almost all deaf people, but no one ever looking at
me signing is gonna go, oh, native signer. . . . And I’m, I’m, it’s who I am, y’know? (p. 80).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. When communi-

cating with families that include the hearing children of at least one parent who is
deaf, it is helpful to understand that although these families vary in language prac-
tices, sign language abilities, and social affiliations, the children are likely to have
both bilingual as well as bimodal communication. Furthermore, whereas there are
variations in the lives of these children, they tend to include their language use in
their sense of identity.

Parents Who Are Blind. To understand the lives of parents who are blind and their
children, we will first examine the lives of these parents with their infants, which is a
time where mutual gaze plays an important part in infant development. Then we will
look at the lives of adolescents who have undergone several developmental stages in
families with at least one parent who is blind.

Infants and Their Parents Who Are Blind. Being reared with reduced experience
of eye contact and gaze behavior from the primary caregiver does not preclude
sighted infants from developing typical gaze processing and social-communication
skills. Furthermore, there is a propensity for these infants’ developmental abilities,
primarily in the areas of visual memory and attention, to be advanced around the
second half of the first year of life. These infants perform typically (or similar to
sighted infants of sighted parents) when observing or interrelating with sighted
adults but adapt their behavior when interacting with their parent who is blind.
The developmental advantage of these infants is comparable to those of bilingual
infants (Senju et al., 2013).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Whereas infants

whose primary care­givers are blind tend to have a developmental advantage
analogous to bilingual infants, the assumption is that sighted persons are also
interacting with these infants. Thus, parents’ concerns might be put to rest regard-
ing their infants’ development if the primary caregiver is blind. On the other hand,
parents and professionals should ensure that these babies have ample opportunity
to interact with sighted persons.

Beyond Infancy: Children Who Grow up With a Parent Who Is Blind. In order to
shed light on the developmental implications of living with a parent who is blind,
Duvdevany, Moin, & Yahav (2007) compared the lives of adolescents with a par-
ent who is blind to those of adolescents whose parents are sighted according to
emotional state, feelings toward parents, and relationships with peers. One of the
most important findings of their study was that the adolescents who had at least
one parent who was blind had better-quality peer interactions than did those of

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 337

parents who were sighted. It was conjectured that children who grow up in fami-
lies with parents who are blind are more flexible, less stigmatizing, more tolerant,
and have more practical skills in comparison to those who grow up in families
with parents who are sighted. Finally, the findings of Duvdevany et al., 2007
demonstrated that, in comparison to adolescents of parents who are sighted, ado-
lescent children of parents who are blind express more positive feelings toward
their parents.

Thinking Critically
Since adolescence is a stage of development when individuals begin the process of identity
achievement, in what ways do you think that being the child of a parent who is blind contrib-
utes to this process?

When the Parent Has a Physical Disability

Whereas many adults with disabilities such as the inability to walk become par-
ents, a number of other parents become physically disabled as a result of a dis-
ease, an accident, or a result of having sustained injuries in a war. In the case of
PDs that were present before parenthood, the adjustment to parenthood might
be more challenging in comparison to parents without PDs. On the other hand,
when a history of parenting is there before the disability is present, there are likely
to be expectations from both parents and children that affect the parent–child
relationships. For instance, Mazur (2008) interviewed parents with acquired PDs
and their adolescent children and found both positive and negative factors that
influenced adjustment. Reports from parents showed that they experienced better
adjustment when they were able to disconnect their image of effective parenting
from speed of task completion. Interestingly, both they and their children ben-
efited from adolescents’ greater assistance with household tasks. Contrary to the
prevailing opinion that children of parents with PDs are burdened by household
tasks, adolescents in that study were less often negative about performing house-
hold chores than were their peers. None of the adolescents considered the tasks
of helping parents shop or doing a household chore as negative. Moreover, most
enjoyed cooking a meal for themselves, and nearly all considered as either posi-
tive or neutral the recurrent experience of parents with disabilities asking them to
retrieve an object.

Thinking Critically
Why do you suppose that adolescents who have a parent with an acquired PD do not seem to
mind helping with chores or meal preparation?

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 338 Chapter 11

SUMMARY

• Describe the experiences of parents with children who have exceptionalities.

The role of these parents includes (a) learning to manage internal opposing
forces between loving the child as he or she is and wanting to erase the dis-
ability, (b) dealing with the child’s exceptionality while pursuing solutions, and
(c) maintaining hopefulness for their child’s future while being given negative
messages and battling their own fears. The unique challenges these parents
face consist of (a) the daily care of their children, (b) learning as much as they
can about their children’s disabilities, (c) finding out how to obtain services for
their children, and (d) maintaining ongoing working relationships with various
specialists.
• Identify the parenting challenges related to caring for children who are cogni-
tively impaired, are autistic, or have ADHD.
Parents’ involvement in their children’s education and other treatment con-
tributes to higher levels of functional progress. Parental engagement in learn-
ing at home also contributes to these children’s school achievement. Parents
whose children are autistic usually endure more stress than do parents of
children with other disabilities. This stress comes from dealing with their
child’s difficult behaviors and the reactions of others. In response to these
challenges, these families often become socially isolated with more stress
leading to greater socially isolation. Parents of children with ADHD report
that their children have difficulty with behavior regulation. The undesirable
traits credited to these children have been related to the nonconstructive
responses of their parents and other adults who lack an understanding of their
special needs.
• Detail the difficulties faced by parents of children who have exceptionalities
related to learning.
Having a child with an LD is associated with parental guilt, marital discord,
and family stress. Family stress is related to perceived lack of support from
extended family members and from society at large as well as a perceived
failure of schools to meet the needs of children with LD. Discrepant parenting
practices with the mother taking on more responsibilities for the child with LD
also contributes to family stress. A positive effect is that siblings of a child with
an LD are better educated regarding disabilities and have a greater tolerance
of differences. Giftedness in a child is generally welcomed, and parents tend
to play an important role in the promotion of giftedness. These families tend
to have (a) mutually supportive relationships, (b) appropriate degrees of close-
ness, (c) flexibility, and (d) open expression of thoughts and feelings. These
parents also provide stimulating intellectual experiences appropriate for their
children’s developmental level.

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 Parent–Child Relationships in Families Where Children or Parents Have Special Needs 339

• Specify how raising children with sensory impairments impacts families.

Caring for children who are visually impaired or blind is often stressful and can be
challenging and threatening to family members. These parents also tend to have
anxiety regarding their child’s future, which focus on their child’s (a) ­independence
and ability to achieve, (b) self-esteem, and (c) future job ­opportunities. Other
concerns include the parents’ ability to provide for the needs of their child,
finances, and adequate services and the effects of their child’s disability on their
other children. Parents of children who are deaf must make the decision regard-
ing whether or not to learn to use and to teach sign language to their child very
early. Siblings and extended family members (e.g., grandparents) also must learn
sign language so that the child is able to converse with all members of the family.
It is important as well for parents to ensure that their children have peers with
whom they can communicate.
• Show an understanding of the dynamics in families where there are children with
physical disabilities or chronic illnesses.
Parents of children with PDs must arrange for medical attention, work with reha-
bilitation teams, and assist their child with daily living tasks. These parental
duties impact time, finances, employment (especially for mothers), other rela-
tionships within the family, social relationships outside the family, and physical
and psychological health. Caring for a child with a chronic illness evokes an
intense emotional interdependence with the child and involves a range of tasks,
including brokering information for the child and gaining the child’s cooperation
with treatment. The parental caregiver role also tends to compromise the parent’s
ability to function in other roles, including the role of parent to the other children
in the family.
• Explain how a parent’s special needs affect family interactions.
There is evidence that parents with ADHD might benefit from stimulant medica-
tion and some might also benefit from behavioral parenting training. Hearing
children of parents who are deaf communicate with both a spoken as well as a
signed language. These families usually have social affiliations with communi-
ties of individuals who are deaf and communities of hearing individuals. Infants
of parents who are blind tend to have a developmental advantage similar to
that of bilingual infants. Adolescents in these families have better-quality peer
interactions than those with sighted parents. When a parent has a chronic illness,
both parent and children tend to benefit from children’s greater assistance with
household task. Also, adolescents in these families report less negativity about
performing household chores than their peers.

✓ Test Your Knowledge

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

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 340 Chapter 11

USEFUL WEBSITES

The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this chapter.

ARCH National Respite Network and Resource Center

The Beach Center on Disability
Bookshare: An Accessible Online Library for People With Print Disabilities
BRITESPARKS
Gifted Children
Parent to Parent USA
The National Association of Children’s Hospitals

Key Terms
Exceptional Pervasive developmental delay
Person-first language Respite

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 Families at Risk
12 and Families
Coping with
the Death of a
Family Member

altanaka/Fotolia

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 342 Chapter 12

LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this chapter, you should be able to

■■ Compare historical and contemporary ■■ Explainthe challenges families face

responses to child abuse and neglect and in coping with the untimely death of a
describe the effects of child maltreatment. family member and ways to support these
■■ Discuss the impact of children’s exposure individuals.
to interparental violence and recommended ■■ Show an understanding of the effect of an
interventions. older person’s death on their children and
■■ Describe the effects of parental alcoholism on grandchildren.
children’s lives and the various pathways for
recovery from addiction to substances.

I n this chapter, we will examine responses to child maltreatment in the United

States from historical and contemporary perspectives. We will also consider the
effects of child abuse and/or neglect on the lives of children. We will then turn
our attention to the circumstances of domestic violence and its effects on children.
After that, we will examine the dynamics in families where at least one parent has
an addiction to alcohol. Following those discussions, we will consider the lives of
parents and children who are dealing with the untimely death of a family member.
Finally, we will contemplate the effects of an older person’s death on their adult
children and grandchildren.

HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY RESPONSES TO CHILD

MALTREATMENT IN THE UNITED STATES
When parents (or other persons who are responsible for children’s welfare) inflict
nonaccidental physical injury on children under the age of 18, that act is legally
defined as physical abuse. When parents (or other persons responsible for the child’s
well-being) engage in sexual activity with children under the age of 18, that act is
legally defined as sexual abuse. When parents or caregivers fail to provide children
with basic care and protection, those persons can be held legally accountable for
child neglect. All of these types of maltreatment are prohibited by law in all states
within the United States.

The History of Child Maltreatment in the United States

Child maltreatment has been a common occurrence for many centuries, but the pub-
lic objection to it in the United States is a relatively new phenomenon. In the past, it
was believed that “child discipline” needed to be maintained even if “harsh corporal
punishment had to be used” (Radbill, 1974). The first scientific documentation in

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 343

the literature of the harmful effects of child abuse did not occur in the United States
until the publication of a revolutionary article by Kempe, Silverman, Steele, Droe-
genmueller, and Silver (1962), who coined the phrase battered child syndrome.
The authors of that article noted that child battering is frequently undiagnosed and
mishandled by professionals because of a hesitancy to report such violence to the
authorities. The public reaction to the article was extraordinary, and child abuse
soon became a topic that was openly discussed in the research literature and in the
media (Newberger, 1991).
A decade after the publication of the article by Kempe and colleagues, the first
documented use of the phrase family violence to refer to violent acts of family mem-
bers against one another and the effects of these actions on children appeared in an
article by Havens (1972). Havens suggested that, as a result of the increasing aware-
ness of child abuse within the family, medical and health professionals should stop
idealizing family life and accept the fact that some parents intentionally injure and
sometimes kill their children. The work of Kempe and colleagues in the 1960s and
Havens in the 1970s led to laws in the United States that were designed to protect
children from violence. These publications also led to mandatory reporting laws
for mental health and other professionals who work with children (such as doctors,
teachers, and counselors). Subsequently, the identification of other types of child-
hood maltreatment (neglect, sexual abuse, and the witnessing of maternal battering)
has received considerable attention. Although less attention has focused on emo-
tional abuse and neglect, Baker and Maiorino (2010) emphasized the need for greater
public awareness of the prevalence and outcomes of psychological maltreatment.

Thinking Critically
Based on what you have learned about parent–child relationships in previous chapters, what
do you think took researchers so long to acknowledge the presence of child maltreatment in
some families?

Factors Related to Child Maltreatment

Despite the growing awareness of child abuse and neglect within the family result-
ing in the passage of laws to protect children from maltreatment, many children
continue to be abused and/or neglected today. The United States continues to have
one of the highest records of child abuse in the industrialized world. Furthermore,
a considerable number of these cases are missed and go undocumented in state
and federal reporting agencies (Ross & Juarez, 2014). Based on the developmental-­
ecological model, which was described in Chapter 1, the risk for child maltreatment
is influenced by individual-level child and parental characteristics, family-level fac-
tors, and the broader social context (Lee, Taylor, & Bellamy, 2012).

Parental Characteristics. One of the characteristics of parents that places them at

greater risk for abusing or neglecting their children is having witnessed abuse and/or

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 344 Chapter 12

having been abused or neglected during their own childhood. Other parental charac-
teristics associated with child maltreatment include (a) maternal and/or paternal depres-
sion, (b) parental stress, (c) parental substance abuse, and (d) teenage parenthood.

Parental Maltreatment During Childhood. A great deal of research has emphasized

the relation between having experienced or witnessed abuse during childhood and
subsequent violence during adulthood toward children. Specifically, adults are pre-
dicted to replicate the aggressive behaviors of their parents (Kim, Trickett, & Putnam,
2010). Furthermore, the findings of Kim (2009) have shown that there is type-­specific
intergenerational transmission of neglectful and physically abusive parenting. Those
findings demonstrated that parents who had been neglected during their child-
hood were more likely to be neglectful toward their children and those who were
physically abused during their childhood were more likely to be physically abusive
toward their children. It is important to point out, however, that the cycle of violence
is hardly a sealed fate. The most typical outcome for both men and women who were
abused as children is to be nonviolent in their adult families. Thus, the link between
previous childhood abuse and the maltreatment of one’s own children is not that
simple. It is more appropriate to consider previous childhood abuse as a risk factor
for future parental abuse instead of stigmatizing parents based on their own child-
hood victimization.

Parental Depression. Both mothers and fathers who were abused and/or neglected
during childhood often experience chronic or recurrent depression, which puts them
at risk for abusing or neglecting their own children (Kim, 2009). Furthermore, pater-
nal depression (whether or not it is related to childhood maltreatment) plays an
important, independent role in risk for child neglect in father-involved families (Lee
et al., 2012).

Parental Substance Abuse. Looking at parental alcohol usage over time and in dif-
ferent contexts, Freisthler, Holmes, and Wolf (2014) found that both ex-drinkers as
well as recurrent heavy drinkers use physically abusive parenting practices more fre-
quently than nondrinkers do. They also found that each additional drinking episode
at a bar or home party is related to more frequent use of physical abuse. The relation
between child maltreatment and parental substance abuse was also documented by
Meyer, McWey, McKendrick, and Henderson (2010). These researchers examined
the lives of a large number of children in foster care and found that many of these
children had been removed from homes where they were abused and/or neglected
by alcoholic or drug-addicted parents.

Teenage Parenthood. The research linking parental age and child maltreatment has
consistently shown that adolescent mothers are more likely to abuse and/or neglect
their children than are older mothers (e. g. Carothers, Borkowski & Whitman, 2006;
Taylor, 2009). In Chapter 3, we learned that teenagers who become parents typi-
cally are already disadvantaged youth who face greater exposure to multiple stress-
ful circumstances such as poverty, neighborhood crime, poor schools, and single

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 345

parenthood (Carothers et al., 2006). We also learned that one of the most serious
disadvantages of adolescent motherhood is a lower level of education (Taylor, 2009).
These conditions undoubtedly present considerable challenges for these young par-
ents and increase the likelihood that they will abuse their children. Lee and Guter-
man (2010) looked also at the partners of these young mothers to determine if they
influenced child maltreatment. They found that paternal coercion against the mother
and the father’s use of spanking were both associated with maternal harsh parenting.

Familial Risk Factors. A number of family risk factors have been found to be spe-
cifically associated with the maltreatment of children and adolescents, including
interparental violence, family isolation, residential mobility, the presence of a step-
father in the home (Bailey & McCloskey, 2005) as well as low income and poverty
(Pelton, 2015).

SPOTLIGHT ON POVERTY:
THE RELATION TO CHILD MALTREATMENT
The findings of Pelton (2015) constitutes a 20-year update to an earlier publication by Pelton (1994), which
provided overwhelming evidence that poverty and low income are strongly associated with child abuse
and neglect. Pelton’s recent evidence confirms that the relation between poverty and child maltreatment
continues to be strong. There is also additional confirmation that reductions in child maltreatment follow
increases in material supports and that job loss has a complex relationship to child maltreatment. Finally,
there is ongoing evidence that children placed in foster care as a result of child maltreatment are predomi-
nantly from economically disadvantaged families.

Child Characteristics. Whereas all children in a family are at risk for maltreatment
by parents with the risk factors identified, child maltreatment is most often perpe-
trated against the most vulnerable children and adolescents. The age of a child as
well as the presence of a disability have both been identified as risk factors for child
abuse and neglect.

The Age of the Child. A primary characteristic of children that puts them at higher
risk for being maltreated is their age. Physical abuse and neglect fall most heavily
on children under age 6, and the greatest risk of abuse occurs during the first year of
life when children are the most vulnerable. The most common type of infant abuse
occurs when an adult becomes angry and shakes the baby to stop the crying. For the
past 50 years, the “shaken baby” syndrome has been the term used to describe this
type of abusive head trauma in children. That term has been replaced by the term
pediatric abusive head trauma (AHT), which reflects the understanding that certain
forms of head trauma are intentionally inflicted. The annual incidence of AHT is
assessed to be 20 to 30 cases per 100,000 children younger than 1 year, and the
fatality rate for these infants and young children exceeds 20% (Albert, Blanchard, &
Knox, 2012). AHT causes significant disability for about two-thirds of survivors and

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 346 Chapter 12

results in major health care costs (Parks, Annest, Hill, & Karch, 2012). Although the
highest rates of abuse are perpetrated against the youngest children, high ­numbers
of older children and adolescents also are abused. In homes where parents are
involved in domestic violence, adolescents are at particularly high risk for physical
abuse. Child sexual abuse also is most prevalent just after puberty, especially for girls
(Arshad & Fitzgerald, 2013).

The Presence of a Disability. Children with disabilities are at much greater risk for
parental maltreatment than children without disabilities. Furthermore, children with
disabilities are over three times more likely to experience sexual abuse than children
without disabilities. To understand why these children are at escalated risk for mal-
treatment, it is important to understand the unique parenting challenges associated
with caring for a child with a disability. It has been suggested by Algood, Hong,
Gourdine and Williams (2011) that these responsibilities are related to compromised
parent–child relationships and problems with attachment between the parent and
the child. Those researchers also emphasized that those children with disabilities
whose parents favor physical punishment are particularly at risk.

Watch this video that focuses on the prevention of child abuse. Which risk factors are
discussed?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JXz94Yktq38

The Effects of Maltreatment on Children’s Lives

Experiencing child abuse and/or neglect has been associated with a full range of
problems for children, including anxiety/depression, lower levels of self-esteem, dis-
turbances in the attachment process, difficulties in adjusting to the school environ-
ment, poor academic performance, and higher levels of risk-taking behaviors.

Insecure Attachment, Lower Levels of Self-Esteem, and Anxiety and/or

­Depression. Children who have been neglected and/or abused typically do not
develop the sense of security, trust, and self-esteem associated with secure attach-
ment. Instead, they are likely to develop insecure attachments that interfere with
their ability to trust others (Godbout, Lussier, & Sabourin, 2006). Children who have
experienced parental maltreatment also tend to have anxiety and or depression
(Thompson & Tabone, 2010).

Cognitive Deficits and Poor Academic Performance. As children and adolescents

get older, those who have suffered from any form of maltreatment demonstrate more
cognitive deficits and are considered to be at higher risk for school failure and school
dropout than are peers who have not been maltreated. The neglect of children is
particularly detrimental to those children’s ability to achieve in school (Cicchetti &
Toth, 2005).

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 347

Problems Related to Peer Relationships and Identity Development. Based on

­findings that abused children have difficulties in trusting others, experience problems
in developing secure attachment relations, and have lower levels of self-esteem, it
is probably not surprising that abused children face more challenges in establishing
positive peer relationships (Cicchetti & Toth, 2005).

Developmental Challenges. For adolescents who have been victims of abuse, their
experience of abuse as well as their problems related to making and keeping friends
interferes with their identity development (Cicchetti & Toth, 2005). The findings of
Natsuaki, Leve, and Mendle (2011) also demonstrated that the menarcheal transition
is particularly difficult and anxiety provoking for girls with a history of child sexual
abuse.

Risk-Taking Behaviors. Parental abuse intensifies adolescents’ risk-taking and

escape behaviors, for example, running away from home, premature sexual behav-
ior, truancy, and youth behavior problems (Simmel, 2010), delinquency (Williams,
Van Dorn, Bright, Jonson-Reid, & Nebbitt, 2010), and drug use including binge
drinking (Shin, Edwards, & Heeren, 2009). Those who have been sexually abused
also are more susceptible to later revictimization and/or engagement in high-risk
sexual behavior (Lalor & McElvaney, 2010).

Interventions for Parental Maltreatment of Children

Because children who are maltreated are at high risk for the development of psycho-
logical, social, and cognitive problems, it is critical to understand the steps that might
be taken to prevent or interrupt the cycle of child maltreatment. Based on their previ-
ous experiences and present life circumstances, parents who are at risk for abusing
their children are in need of informal and formal intervention.

Informal Interventions. Informal support from family members, friends, and com-
munity members in the form of respite child care, transportation, or financial assis-
tance might relieve the stress of parents and in so doing reduce the possibility of
child maltreatment. Second, community supports, such as family therapy and provi-
sion of food and clothing, can go a long way toward mediating the stresses experi-
enced by parents who are at risk for child maltreatment. Third, programs that teach
basic parenting skills are particularly helpful in reducing child maltreatment.

Formal Interventions: Involvement with Protective Services. When child maltreat-

ment has been reported and substantiated, parents and children become involved with
protective service agencies, and parents are typically given a service plan to assist them
in developing nonabusive relationships with their children. DePanfelis and Zuravin
(2002) found that those parents who attended the services outlined in their service plan
(such as parenting classes) were much less likely to abuse their children. Although one
of the goals of protective services is to help parents develop nonabusive relationships
with their children, their primary goal is to ensure the safety and well-being of the

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 348 Chapter 12

children. When protective service agencies determine that children’s safety and well-
being are being compromised by living with their families, the agencies take steps to
remove the children from the home and place them in foster care.

Foster Children and Foster Parents. Foster parents frequently experience challenges
as they attempt to gain the trust of children who have been traumatized. Maltreated
children not only have lower levels of trust but also frequently exhibit problem-
atic behaviors and/or a lack of basic skills that reflect the maltreatment they have
received (Cox, Cherry, & Orme, 2011). Furthermore, even though these children
have experienced abuse and neglect from their parents, they typically suffer feelings
of grief related to (a) separation from the only parents they have ever known, (b) the
loss of a familiar environment, and (c) the loss of a number of established and ongo-
ing relationships with other family members, friends, and teachers. Thus, children
and adolescents who are grieving the separation from their parents need understand-
ing and support as they work through the grief process (Fineran, 2012).

Children’s Behaviors Related to Separation From Their Parents. Feelings of anxiety

and wishes to search for their parents or previous caregivers might interfere with
foster children’s ability to settle into their new home. Additionally, it is not unusual
for children who are being placed in an unfamiliar environment to have problems in
their sleeping, elimination, and eating patterns. Troubles with paying attention and
remembering things they are told are other common difficulties for children during
this adjustment phase (Edelstein & Burge, 2001). Leathers (2003) also found that
foster children experience conflicting allegiances to foster families and ­biological
parents. These anxieties typically are triggered by visits with biological parents.
Leathers suggested that the anxieties experienced by foster children might be some-
what alleviated by interventions designed to reduce loyalty conflicts.

Children who are removed

from homes where they
have been abused are often
confused and upset.

Robert Hoetink/Fotolia

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 349

The Honeymoon Phase. Another confusing aspect of the adjustment of children in

foster care placement is that initially foster parents and their foster children experience
a “honeymoon phase” during which the children are on their best behavior. Then,
several weeks or months after a child has seemingly adapted to the new environment,
that child might suddenly begin to display behavior problems (a testing of the limits) or
emotional withdrawal. This behavior often is distressing to their foster or adoptive par-
ents who are prepared to give emotionally but encounter an emotional void instead.
Consequently, the child’s inability to respond emotionally to foster or adoptive parents
sometimes elicits unexpected anger from those parents (Edelstein & Burge, 2001).

Adolescents in Foster Care. Many adolescents who are removed from their homes
go directly into foster care. Many others spend some time in group care before being
placed in foster families. Some supportive elements appear to assist youth who are
transitioning from group care to foster care, including (a) visits between youth and pro-
spective caregivers prior to placement, (b) providing foster parents with adequate infor-
mation regarding the adolescents and their background, and (c) support from agency
staff (Castellanos-Brown & Lee, 2010). Whether coming directly from their families or
from group care, once adolescents have been placed with foster families, the follow-
ing processes contribute to their resilience: (a) increasing self-efficacy, (b) distancing
themselves from the risks of maltreatment, (c) having new opportunities, and (d) having
multiplication of benefits (Drapeau, Saint-Jacques, Lepine, Begin, & Bernard, 2007).
An illustration of how resilient adolescents in foster care learn to distance them-
selves from the risks of maltreatment is shown in the statement of a 15-year-old girl,
“Being at X. That changed everything! It turned the whole thing around. I don’t take
drugs anymore! You have to get up in the morning. I don’t sleep until two in the
afternoon anymore” (Drapeau et al., 2007, p. 979).

Children’s EXPOSURE TO INTERPARENTAL VIOLENCE

Children’s development is compromised not only when they are abused and/or
neglected but also when they are exposed to acts of violence between parents or
between a parent and a romantic partner. These violent interactions between spouses
or partners also have detrimental spillover effects on other family relationships.
­Taylor, Guterman, and Lee (2009) found that mothers who experience interparental
violence (IPV) have higher levels of stress, which contribute to a greater likelihood
that they will abuse or neglect their children. They also found that in the majority of
these families, both parents were aggressors toward the children.

The Effects of Interparental Violence on Children’s Development

Children who face violence in the home are at heightened risk for experiencing mul-
tiple types of violence and adversity in childhood. These children are at particularly
high risk for having unfavorable social, behavioral, and health outcomes well into
adulthood. Their health problems often include physical symptoms (such as head-
aches or stomachaches) and post-traumatic stress disorder.

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 350 Chapter 12

Many parents are unaware

of the harmful effects of
domestic violence on their
children.

dmitrimaruta/Fotolia
The Effects of IPV According to Children’s Ages. Although a common belief is that
infants and young children are not affected by IPV because of their inability to fully
comprehend violent episodes, their distress can be discerned by their behaviors.
Mothers victimized by domestic violence have reported that their infants exhibit
one or more trauma symptoms (increased arousal, unusual fears, and/or increased
aggression) and show more distress related to conflict in comparison to infants living
in homes where domestic abuse is not present (DeJonghe, Bogat, Levendosky, von
Eye, & Davidson, 2005). Changes that have been observed in the behaviors of young
children who have been exposed to IPV include irritability, sleep disturbances, emo-
tional distress, fear of being alone (Margolin & Gordis, 2000), and increased aggres-
sion (Levendosky, Huth-Bocks, Shapiro, & Semel, 2003). School-aged children’s and
adolescents’ exposure to IPV compromises their ability to regulate emotions, show
empathy, and attend to increasingly complex cognitive material, Their family experi-
ences make it exceedingly challenging for them to accomplish the developmental
tasks of achieving in school and establishing positive relationships with their peers
(DeJonghe et al., 2006). Witnessing IPV also increases the risk of being a victim
of bullying for both adolescent boys and girls, and gender differences have been
observed in these risks. Whereas adolescent boys who have witnessed IPV have
a 2.5 greater risk of being a victim of bullies, adolescent girls have a 10-fold risk
(Mustanoja, Luukkonen, Hakko, Rasanen, Saavala, & Riala, 2011).

Watch the first 8 minutes of this video that focuses on the ways in which exposure to
violence affects the developing brain. What are some of the effects of IPV that were dis-
cussed in this video?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=brVOYtNMmKk

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 351

Interventions for Domestic Violence

A number of scholars have provided recommendations regarding ways that profes-
sionals and policy makers might work together to make families safer for children.
Edleson (2004) emphasized the need to refer battered women and their ­children
to community services and Graham-Bermann and Halabu (2004) pointed out that
intervention programs need to be culturally relevant. Additionally, it has been
emphasized that these families need safety planning strategies for both women and
children (Hardesty & Campbell, 2004) and treatment programs for male batterers
(Davis, 2004).

Safety Planning Strategies for Both Women and Children. Safety planning strate-
gies have been a significant intervention with IPV victims since the beginning of
the battered women’s movement. Safety planning consists of ongoing assessments
of risks, resources, and priorities and the adoption of strategies to maximize safety.
Women use a wide variety of strategies in response to IPV, but no one strategy is
effective for everyone or across all circumstances (Hardesty & Campbell, 2004).

Four Dimensions of Safety Plans. Davies, Lyon, and Monti-Catania (1998) proposed
four dimensions of safety plans that continue to be used today. Those include
(a) staying strategies, (b) leaving strategies, (c) protection strategies, and (c) time frames.
Additionally, contemporary approaches to safety planning emphasize the impor-
tance of a holistic, relational, culturally sensitive, and respectful process accom-
plished in partnership between a domestic abuse advocate and an IPV survivor that
respects the uniqueness of each individual and includes accepting the survivor’s
perspectives on risk and safety as well as safety efforts (Chanmugam & Hall, 2012).

Including Children and Youth in Safety Planning With Adults. Whereas child safety
concerns were not initially prominent in safety planning with adults, both IPV advo-
cates and researchers have noted the necessity to address them. Professionals today
understand the need to plan directly with children and youth, particularly during the
high-risk period just after separation. For children and youth who may have unsuper-
vised visitation with batterers as well as those in shelter settings, the following safety
plans are recommended: (a) offering empowerment, (b) handling fear and anxiety,
(c) teaching critical thinking, and (c) developing skills that lessen the potential for
violence (Chanmugam & Hall, 2012).

Treatment for Male Batterers. Most batterer intervention programs (BIPs) involve the
use of group treatment, which is typically structured, has an educational format, and
is frequently of limited duration. The purpose of group interventions is to draw on the
influence of the group to challenge the men to accept responsibility for their behavior
and to acknowledge responsibility for the harm they have caused their families. These
programs focus on issues such as anger management, monitoring negative interpreta-
tions of discussions in conflict situations, identification of signs preceding a violent
episode, and methods for controlling violence (Gondolf, 2012). Treatment for male
batterers also often includes couples’ therapy (Stith, McCollum, & Rosen, 2011).

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THE EFFECTS OF PARENTAL ALCOHOLISM

Many children’s lives are negatively affected by their parents’ alcoholism, which
is the most frequent form of substance abuse found among parents. As noted by
Brown and Lewis (1999), growing up with an alcoholic parent is both a common and
unique experience. The uniqueness of the experience is that the family with an alco-
holic parent has different dynamics than a family in which parental alcoholism is not
present. On the other hand, the dynamics within alcoholic families are similar, and
the roles that children assume in order to adapt to that family system are predictable.

The Dynamics in Families Affected by Parental Alcoholism

The dynamics in families in which a parent is an alcoholic sets this family apart from
other families. These dynamics include unpredictable or disrupted family routines
and rituals, compromised parenting behaviors, and a greater tolerance of adolescent
drinking and other substance abuse.

Unpredictable or Disrupted Family Routines and Rituals. Family rituals include tradi-
tions developed to celebrate culturally defined occasions and family traditions such as
birthdays and anniversaries. Family rituals also incorporate daily interaction patterns, such
as mealtime and bedtime rituals. Daily routines and rituals provide stability, structure,
and predictability to everyday life. By engaging in routines and rituals, children learn the
rules, roles, and values that govern their family life. Family rituals also strengthen family

Parental alcohol abuse has

a harmful effect on all family
members.

Sangoiri/Fotolia

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 353

identity by establishing the roles and belongingness of family members. Unfortunately,

family rituals are often interrupted in families with an alcoholic parent who is more likely
to be the father than the mother because men are three times more likely than women to
drink at harmful levels (Zajdow, 2002). In these families, most nonalcoholic parents try to
compensate for the alcoholic parent’s failure to sustain parental roles and responsibilities
during episodes of drinking and hangovers. The degree to which these spouses manage
to maintain routines and rituals determines how much the alcoholic parent’s drinking
influences the lives of the children in the family (Haugland, 2005).

Compromised Parenting Behaviors. In comparison to other parents, those who abuse

alcohol are less emotionally available to their children as a result of drinking-related
consequences, including hangovers, irritability, and negative mood states (Brown &
Lewis, 1999). While intoxicated, these parents also tend to become more (or less)
accepting of their child’s failure to perform household tasks, do their homework, and
act responsibly in a number of other ways. This parental inconsistency undermines a
child’s sense of order, control, and stability in the family relationship, thereby reducing
feelings of self-esteem and perceptions of self-competence (Windle, 1996). Further-
more, parental problem drinking leads to a decrease in parental monitoring, which
places children at greater risk for alcohol and other drug usage and involvement in
delinquent behavior (Eastin, Greenburg, & Hofschire, 2006). Alcoholic parents also
tend to exercise poorer judgment in disciplining their children and might become less
inhibited and overly aggressive. Even when only one of the parents has an alcohol
addiction, both the alcoholic parent and the nonalcoholic parent tend to overreact to
their children’s behaviors (Edwards, Homish, Eiden, Grohman, & Leonard 2009).

The Parentification of Children. Another way in which parenting behaviors are

compromised in families with an alcoholic parent is the tendency of alcoholic par-
ents to parentify their children. Children who have been parentified might be enlisted
to care for their parents’ physical, emotional, or even financial needs (Kelley, French,
& Bountress, 2007). Even though parentification might be a mutually agreed upon
situation, it robs children of their childhood and of the care and protection of their
parents. Finally, whereas children of alcoholic parents experience more parentifi-
cation than other children, those whose mothers are alcoholics experience more
parentification than children of fathers with drinking problems (Kelley et al., 2007).

Greater Tolerance of Adolescent Drinking and Other Substance Abuse. Parents

who are problem drinkers not only model alcohol abuse but are more likely than
other parents to show a greater tolerance for adolescent drinking and substance use,
thereby providing implicit approval for their children’s substance use (Hopfer, Stall-
ings, Hewitt, & Crowley, 2003). The way in which parents’ alcoholism contributes
to their children’s substance usage might be explained by Social Learning Theory.
Parents who model such behaviors encourage imitation by their children. Thus,
adolescents who believe that alcohol and drug use is normative are more likely to
perceive social reinforcement for such behavior and are more inclined to smoke,
drink, or use drugs (Unger & Chen, 1999).

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Adapting to the Dynamics of a Family Affected

by Parental Alcohol Abuse
Parental alcohol abuse places a strain on family relations, which, in turn, compro-
mises children’s development of healthy family roles. When a parent drinks too
much, all family members typically are engaged in a conspiracy of silence regarding
the issue of alcoholism. Although everyone in the family is generally aware that a
parent has a drinking problem, one of the main rules in the alcoholic family is to
behave as if the problem does not exist. In this family, children usually are exposed
to a high level of stress while simultaneously receiving the consistent message that
they are not to acknowledge the predicament the family is in or talk about their feel-
ings (Black, 2002).

The Roles of Family Members The roles in a family with an alcoholic parent reflect
the ways in which each person adapts to living in a dysfunctional family system.
For children in that family, these constrained roles limit their development of other
aspects of their personalities. Moreover, parents in these families tend to see children
in terms of their role positions rather than in relation to their feelings or developmen-
tal potential. Even though these roles are developed to help these children cope with
a dysfunctional family system, they tend to persist into adulthood. The roles assumed
by parents and children in an alcoholic family were carefully detailed by Weg­
scheider (1989) and have been used in the work of Black (2002) to help professionals
working with families with an alcoholic parent to understand the dynamics in these
families. The roles in this family include the (a) alcoholic parent, (b) codependent
spouse or partner, (c) family scapegoat, (d) family hero, (e) family mascot or clown,
and (f) lost child.

The Alcoholic Parent and Codependent Spouse. The primary role of the alcoholic
parent consists of behaviors focused on obtaining and drinking alcohol. As a co-­
dependent, the spouse of an alcoholic typically spends a great deal of time and energy
trying to control the drinking of the alcoholic spouse while enabling that person to
continue drinking by covering up or denying the problem.

The Family Scapegoat. The scapegoat in a family with an alcoholic parent is

viewed as a troublemaker whose visible traits include hostility, defiance, and sul-
lenness. These behaviors are designed to draw attention away from the real problem
and direct negative attention toward the scapegoat. Instead of admitting that there is
a problem in the family system, such as parental alcoholism, family members tend to
blame the scapegoat for the family’s difficulties.

The Family Hero. The family hero is super responsible, an overachiever, typically
does what is right, and needs everyone’s approval. Often the oldest child, or the first
boy, the family hero provides family members with a sense of self-worth. In their
denial that a problem exists in the family, parents point to the family hero as an
example of their parenting effectiveness and a symbol of family normalcy.

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The Family Mascot or Family Clown. The child in this role is considered to be espe-
cially cute and will usually do anything for a laugh or to gain attention. What this
child represents to the family and why family members play along is comic relief,
fun, and humor. From the perspective of others, the family clown is having a great
time and sees life from a fun, laughable point of view. The family clown’s role in the
family is to keep everyone laughing.

The Lost Child. The lost child is a loner and a daydreamer who is usually quiet,
engages in solitary play, and is generally ignored by other family members. The ben-
efit the lost child provides for this family is relief because this child does not cause
any problem or inconvenience.

Thinking Critically
If you or someone you know grew up in a family with an alcoholic parent, you probably rec-
ognize at least one of the roles previously described. If so, what are the behaviors you have
noticed that are associated with that role?.

The Effects of Parental Alcoholism on the Lives of Children

Parental alcoholism has been associated with lower levels of maternal and paternal
warmth/sensitivity, which, in turn, have been linked to children’s difficulty with
self-regulation as young as 3 years of age, which predicts externalizing behavior
in kindergarten (Eiden, Edwards, & Leonard, 2007). Young children in these fami-
lies also have higher levels of depression/anxiety, which has been associated with
alcoholic fathers’ higher levels of aggression (Eiden, Molnar, Colder, Edwards, &
Leonard, 2009). For older children, the effects of compromised parenting behavior
in families with an alcoholic parent include increased externalizing behaviors (Hus-
song, Huang, Curran, Chassin, & Zucker, 2010), conduct disorders, and disruptive
behaviors (Malone, McGue, & Iacono, 2010). Also, both adolescent alcohol abuse
and alcohol dependence are related to parental alcohol usage (Malone et al., 2010).

Adult Children of Alcoholic Parents

As previously discussed, growing up in a dysfunctional family contributes to the devel-
opment of roles that help children adapt to a dysfunctional way of life. As a result, adult
children of alcoholics typically have not established roles that cultivate their ability to
achieve happiness and fulfillment in the adult world. These adults have less positive
relationships with mothers, fathers, and peers, which contributes to higher levels of
depressed mood (Kelley, Braitman, Henson, Schroeder, Ladage, & Gumienny, 2010).
In romantic relationships, both men and women who grew up with an alcoholic parent
report more anxious and avoidant behaviors; however, gender differences have been
found in those influences. For example, daughters of alcoholic mothers reveal signifi-
cantly greater avoidance in their romantic relationships as compared to daughters of

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mothers who were not alcoholics (Kelley, Schroeder, Cooke, Gumienny, Platter, &
Fals-Stewart, 2010). Furthermore, both men’s and women’s appraisals of their marital
relationships are associated with alcoholism in the opposite gender parent. For hus-
bands, maternal alcoholism has been linked with lower levels of marital satisfaction
and higher levels of physical aggression. For wives, alcoholism in the father has been
related to lower levels of marital intimacy (Kearns-Bodkin & Leonard, 2008).

A Task of Adult Children of Alcoholism: Making Sense of Parental Alcoholism. In

interviews of adult children of alcoholic parents, Jarvinen (2015) found three distinct
patterns in these dialogues that linked adults’ understandings of their parents’ alco-
holism to the ways they perceived their relationship to them. Those patterns included
(a) alcoholism as a deliberate choice, (b) alcoholism as a disease, and (c) alcoholism
as socially conditioned.

Alcoholism as a Deliberate Choice. The adult children of alcoholics who considered

alcoholism as the consequence of deliberate choices were the ones who described
their alcoholic parents in the most negative terms. Their statements reflected feelings
that their parents had abandoned their family and chosen alcohol instead of their
children. Consequently, many of these adults said that they wanted nothing to do
with their alcoholic parents.

Alcoholism as a Disease. Participants who regarded alcoholism as a disease fre-

quently voiced ambivalent feelings toward their parents. Their statements reflected
the belief that alcoholics cannot be blamed for their drinking because they have “lost
control” over their lives. An example of this attitude toward parental alcoholism is
demonstrated in the next statement, which is from a 34-year-old woman who had
grown up with an alcoholic father. “It’s a disease. In my view, it’s not people’s own
fault if they become alcoholics. It’s their own responsibility to do something about it.
But nobody chooses to become an alcoholic, just like nobody chooses to get cancer
or depression” (Jarvinen, 2015, p. 811).

Alcoholism as Socially Conditioned. Those adults who regarded alcoholism as

socially conditioned were the ones whose statements reflected the most understand-
ing and accepting of their parents’ drinking. The following expression reflects this
attitude regarding parental alcoholism by a 39-year old woman of an alcoholic father.
She indicated that in her neighborhood it was absolutely normal to be alcoholic. “It
was a culture where you drank beer in the morning, at lunch, in the afternoon . . .
just like we nowadays walk around with a bottle of spring water. And if you go on
drinking beer like that for a while, you become dependent” (Jarvinen, 2015, p. 812).

Families in Recovery
Two of the most successful treatment approaches for recovery from addiction to
alcohol or other substances are Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and Narcotics Anony-
mous (NA). Those two programs and their closely affiliated programs, Al-Anon and
Nar-Anon, are designed to support family members of persons with substance abuse.

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 357

Alcoholics Anonymous/Narcotics Anonymous. Alcoholics Anonymous is a vol-

untary worldwide fellowship of men and women who meet together regularly to
attain and maintain sobriety. AA is a total abstinence program; members stay away
from one drink one day at a time, and sobriety is maintained through the sharing of
experience, strength, and hope and through the suggested Twelve Steps for recovery
from alcoholism (Alcoholics Anonymous World Services, 2007). NA operates under
the same principles and guidelines as AA, but its goal is to help their members stay
clean from drugs. Like AA, NA is a voluntary worldwide fellowship. Membership is
open to all drug addicts, regardless of the particular drug or combination of drugs
used (Narcotics Anonymous World Services, 2005).

Al-Anon and Nar-Anon Family Groups. Al-Anon and Nar-Anon Family Groups
are worldwide fellowships for family members or others affected by someone else’s
alcoholism or drug addiction. Similar to AA and NA, both groups offer support to
members through the sharing of experience, strength, and hope. Both also use a
Twelve-Step program, which is designed to help members recover from the effects
of living with an addicted relative or friend. The only requirement for membership
and attendance at these meetings is that the individual has a friend or relative with
alcoholism (for Al-Anon) or a problem with drugs or drug addiction (for Nar-Anon).

COPING WITH THE UNTIMELY DEATH OF A FAMILY MEMBER

We will now turn our attention to the challenges that family members face when
they are confronted with the untimely death of a family member. We will begin by
exploring the ways in which children cope with feelings of loss and grief following
the death of a parent or sibling. We then will consider the feelings of loss and grief
of adults who lose a child through death. Finally, we will consider the effects of an
older person’s death on their children and grandchildren.

The Death of a Parent During Childhood or Adolescence

The loss of a parent during childhood or adolescence represents a profound psy-
chological insult that threatens a person’s social and emotional development (Lin,
Sandler, Ayers, Wolchik, & Luecken, 2004). Children and adolescents typically expe-
rience a sense of unreality or numbness as they are faced with the pain of separation
from a parent. As they move beyond the initial feelings of grief, disorganization is
common because familiar routines, habits, and roles become disrupted. Although
children at every age feel profound sadness and grief following the death of a parent,
they have different conceptions of death than do adults, and young children have
difficulty comprehending what death means.
Infants and toddlers equate parental death with parental separation, and pre-
schoolers do not comprehend that death is permanent. Thus, young children not only
are saddened by the loss of a family member but also are at a disadvantage when they
attempt to understand why a parent has disappeared from their lives (Perry, 2001).

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 358 Chapter 12

Whereas older children and adolescents have a clearer understanding about death,
they nevertheless struggle to come to grips with the loss of a parent. Fear of abandon-
ment has been found to be a problem for youths who have experienced a parent’s
death. This fear has been associated with depressive symptoms that influence rela-
tionships with caregivers, peers, and romantic partners (Schoenfelder, Sandler, Wol-
chik, & MacKinnon, 2011). Eventually, a period of reorganization or recovery occurs;
even though the sadness still is felt, its intensity is somewhat diminished. With the
passing of time, most children and adolescents who have experienced the death of a
parent find that they carry that parent with them in numerous memories (Perry, 2001).

Watch this video in which an adolescent who lost his father shares his story and offers
advice to others who undergo similar losses. What is some of the advice that this young
man provides to children or adolescents in similar situations?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nM8eggBj99g

The Loss of a Parent to Suicide. Children and adolescents who lose a parent
through suicide are especially vulnerable to depression in the months following
the death. For those who lose a mother through suicide, blaming others, low self-
esteem, negative coping, and complicated grief contribute to feelings of depression.
The loss of either parent through suicide during adolescence makes these youths
more vulnerable to depression and at greater risk for alcohol or substance abuse.
Interventions that target the complicated grief and blaming of others might improve
the outcomes of these bereaved children and adolescents (Brent, Melhem, Dono-
hue, & Walker, 2009).

The Death of a Sibling During Childhood or Adolescence

Siblings are a part of one’s past, present, and future. They form strong attachments
to one another, have a shared history, and expect their relationships to continue
into adulthood and old age. The sibling relationship affects a child’s or adolescent’s
personality development because siblings are a central part of everyday family
experience and social adjustment (Horsley & Patterson, 2006). Siblings are also
important sources of companionship and affection and typically serve as confidants
for one another. Thus, like the death of a parent, the childhood experience of a sib-
ling’s death is a rare event with profound and enduring effects on surviving children
and adolescents. The painful and traumatic loss of a sibling through death is further
complicated by the fact that children and adolescents are at high risk for failing to
grieve that loss (Worden, Davies, & McCowen, 1999). According to Machajewski
and Kronk (2013), the future of a child or adolescent who has experienced the death
of a siblings depends on a successful journey through the grief process. Unfortu-
nately, a major challenge these children and adolescents face as they attempt to
navigate the grief process is that their parents, to whom they typically turn for sup-
port, are also grieving.

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 359

Comforting Grieving Children and Adolescents

Children’s and adolescents’ adjustment to a family member’s death is affected by
a number of circumstances. First of all, they need to be able to express their grief
and receive comfort from surviving parents and/or other adults. Also, children and
adolescents need help as they struggle to adapt to the many changes that occur in
the family system during a time of grief and confusion. It is helpful when adults are
willing to talk with children and adolescents about the feelings they are having. In
discussing the death of a family member with a child or adolescent, it is important
to attempt to get a sense of what they are thinking about the loss they have experi-
enced and to try to find out how they view death in general. Grieving children and
adolescents also need to be given information about the circumstances of a family
member’s death according to their ability to understand (Perry, 2001).
In explaining a family member’s death to a child, adults should keep in mind
that they might need to repeat the same information time and again because chil-
dren have difficulty processing information in the midst of a stressful experience. In
addition, it is helpful for grieving children and adolescents when adults avoid the
tendency to do most of the talking. After inviting a child or adolescent to talk about
feelings related to their loss, the adult should let the child or adolescent take the lead
as to when, how long, and how much is discussed. Finally, surviving parents or other
adults should (a) exercise caution in making decisions related to the deceased par-
ent or sibling (e.g., about disposal of possessions of the deceased) and (b) proceed
carefully in making further changes in the family during the days, weeks, and months
following a family member’s death (e.g., changing residences) (Perry, 2001).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. Having knowledge

of community resources to aid child survivors can be a valuable resource for grieving
families. For instance, children’s hospitals all over the country provide programs that
are designed to assist young mourners. Such programs are offered as well by hospice
workers, an organization known as The Compassionate Friends, and many religious
organizations. These various organizations can provide emotional support so that
no child survivor is left to navigate the journey of grief unassisted (Machajewski &
Kronk, 2013).

The Grief of Parents When Their Child Dies

The death of a child is a devastating life experience, and disbelief that one’s offspring
has died before oneself is a common response regardless of the age of the child or the
cause of the death. A child’s death causes parents intense personal suffering and affects
family reorganization and reintegration into community life. Despite the cause of
death and irrespective of the establishment of accountability and blame, parents typi-
cally feel responsible for their child’s deaths because the role of the parent is to protect
the child and contribute to the child’s continued growth and development. When their
child dies, parents feel grief that encompasses their lives in a variety of ways, including
every aspect of day-to-day living (Murphy, Johnson, Gupta, & Das, 1998).

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 360 Chapter 12

The feeling of parents’ being unable to escape the pain associated with the death
of their child contributes to various reactions. Some bereaved parents tend to panic and
run in all directions in an attempt to return to a normal life whereas others are inclined
to sit and wait for the hurting to subside. Over time, the grief related to the death of
one’s child subsides, but the life of an adult who has lost a child through death is forever
altered. Many of these parents express the belief that their lives have a different meaning
following the death of their child, which suggests that the process of meaning making is
a significant aspect of recovery for grieving parents (Wheeler, 2001).

The Death of a Child by Suicide. In addition to their grief, parents whose ­children’s
deaths result from suicide have reported experiencing additional symptoms of
­distress. Those symptoms include horror, fear, extensive blaming, shame, isolation,
and an intense search for meaning (Gibson, Gallagher, & Jenkins, 2010). Unfor-
tunately, the nature of the traumatic death and associated stigma often leads to
these parents receiving less social support than those bereaved in other ways. The
­experience of this stigmatization has been linked to grief difficulties, depression, and
­suicidal thinking (Feigelman, Gorman, & Jordan, 2009). Some families have reported
withdrawing from social networks because of real or perceived stigmatization. Other
parents have indicated that they derived solace from a caring work role or have
­considered a career change that would help others (Sakinofsky, 2007).

Helping Parents Cope with the Death of a Child

Regardless of the nature of a child’s death, each bereaved parent must make a tre-
mendous endeavor to get through the grief associated with the death of a child. This
effort is more effective, however, when it occurs within a framework of supportive
people. Several guidelines have been suggested by Chin-Yee (1990) for assisting
parents in dealing with the death of a child, including (a) understanding a parent’s
unique response to death, (b) reinforcing the child’s identity, (c) expecting to deal
with a bereaved parent’s anger, and (d) providing support for the other children.

This grieving mother is

being comforted by her
therapist.
wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 361

Understanding a Parent’s Unique Response to Death. The first step in assisting

grieving parents is to understand that one person’s way of coping with the death of
a child cannot be compared to someone else’s. People tend to deal with loss based
on how their family of origin coped with loss. The most helpful approach others
can take to assist grieving parents is to allow them the freedom to express their grief
according to their individual way of coping.

Reinforcing the Child’s Identity. A second suggestion for helping bereaved par-
ents deal with the loss of a child is to reinforce that child’s identity by encouraging
parents to talk about the events surrounding their child’s birth, life, and death. It
is beneficial as well for family members and friends to always refer to the baby
or child by name and to call parents mother or father and siblings brothers and/
or sisters.

Expecting to Deal with a Bereaved Parent’s Anger. It is not unusual for parents
who have lost a child through death to have feelings of anger, and family members
and friends sometimes bear the brunt of that anger. Parents whose child has died are
simply lashing out at the world, and those people just happened to get in the way.
Persons who are providing support to sorrowful parents should realize that anger is
a natural expression of anguish when one’s child has died.

Providing Support for a Bereaved Parent’s Other Children. An important but often
overlooked step in helping bereaved parents who have other children is to talk to
those children about the death of their sibling. When talking to these children, it is
valuable to reassure them that although their parents are very sad, they still love their
children, will continue to take care of them, and will be available to talk with and
play with them soon.

THE DEATH OF AN OLDER PARENT OR GRANDPARENT

Most research on the effects of parental death has been concerned with the impact
of a parent’s death on the lives of minor children. Actually, the death of a parent is
much more likely to occur when one is an adult than when one is a child. Further-
more, for the majority of children and adolescents, the death of a grandparent is their
first experience with losing a family member.

The Death of an Older Parent

Even though adults are not as dependent on their parents as are children, the loss
of a parent during adulthood is a significant loss because of the importance of the
parent–child relationship at any age. Relationships with parents have unique symbolic
importance for adult children because of special aspects of the parent–child bond
that set it apart from other types of kinship relations. Parents socialize children and

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 362 Chapter 12

help shape their definition of self. The parental influence continues to be important
throughout adulthood because social interaction patterns learned during childhood
remain central to adult children’s lives. Older parents and their adult children also
typically remain in frequent contact, share many values and attitudes, and engage in
mutual exchanges of support and services. Following the death of an older parent,
adult children not only grieve the loss but also undergo alterations in family interac-
tion patterns.

Changes in Family Interaction Patterns Following Parental Death. Generally, the

death of a parent negatively affects the relationships adults have with their siblings.
Although siblings typically rally following the death of a parent, after the initial
period of grieving, there tends to be a decline in sibling closeness and in some fami-
lies a reactivation of childhood power struggles. Persons who have experienced the
death of at least one parent are more likely to report that they do not get along with
at least one sibling in comparison to persons with two living parents (Khodyakov &
Carr, 2009).

The Death of a Grandparent

The loss of a grandparent is often a child’s first experience with death, and the reac-
tion to the loss depends on the quality of the grandparent–grandchild relationship.
Grandparents are typically significant figures in a child’s life as sources of uncon-
ditional love. Grandparents also might have been the children’s primary caregivers
as surrogate parents. In other cases, the loss of a grandparent is a non-event, and
children are not likely to be upset by the loss due to little or no relationship with
the grandparent (Hatter, 1996). When there has been a close grandparent–grandchild
relationship, typical responses of bereaved children include loss of interest, loss of
appetite, sleep disturbances, agitation, declining school performance, guilt, head-
aches, and stomach upsets. Common manifestations of grief displayed by adoles-
cents who have experienced the death of a grandparent include shock, depression,
fear, loneliness, sleeping difficulties, feelings of emptiness, disbelief, a sense of hope-
lessness, and guilt. Furthermore, because adolescents (unlike children) are usually
confronting beliefs about life and death, the death of a grandparent might also con-
tribute to their death anxiety level (Ens & Bond, 2005).

Implications of This Information for Parents and Professionals. When an aging

parent dies, adults’ experience of their own grief might cause them to overlook or
minimize the grief of grandchildren, especially since children’s grief often shows up
in behavior problems or physical symptoms. It is important that children are assisted
in grieving the loss of a grandparent and that others are patient with them and talk
with them about their feelings. In helping children deal with the loss of a beloved
grandparent, healthy supportive relationships with other family members often is
enough. For a smaller proportion of bereaved children and adolescents, professional
help might be needed (Abeles, Victor, & Delano-Wood, 2004).

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 363

The Legacy That Older Persons Leave for

Their Adult Children and Their Grandchildren
Parents care about the well-being of their children throughout their lives and toward
the end of life, they think about the impact of their life and death on their adult chil-
dren and consider the legacy that they will leave them. Legacies for one’s children
and grandchildren consist of three distinct but overlapping categories: biological
legacy, material legacy, and a legacy of values. Findings of Hunter and Rowles
(2005) showed that aging parents identify with at least one form of legacy and that
the majority express all three with the legacy of values viewed as the most important.
Aging parents typically contemplate the legacy they will leave for their children, and
there is evidence that the bond between parents and their children continues after
the death of the parent. For example, in a study of bonds with living versus deceased
parents, Shmotkin (1999) found that bond intensity with parents was not diminished
by parental death. These findings suggest that the affective bonds of adult children
toward their parents transcend parental death and mourning.

SUMMARY

• Compare historical and contemporary responses to child abuse and neglect and
describe the effects of child maltreatment.
Public objection to child maltreatment is relatively new. The first documen-
tation of the damaging effects of child abuse occurred in 1962, and the first
documented use of the phrase family violence occurred a decade later. Those
publications led to laws in the United States to protect children from violence
and to mandatory reporting laws for mental health and other professionals
who work with children. Children who experience abuse and/or neglect have
a variety of psychological, social, and academic problems. Parents who abuse
or neglect their children need both informal and formal intervention. When
child maltreatment has been reported and substantiated, protective services
become involved and parents might be assisted in developing nonabusive
relationships with their children and/or those children might be placed in
foster care.
• Discuss the impact of children’s exposure to interparental violence and recom-
mend interventions.
Children exposed to IPV are at high risk for having social, behavioral, and health
problems. Their health problems often include physical symptoms (such as
headaches or stomachaches) and PTSD. The effects of IPV differ according to
children’s ages. Recommended interventions for IPV include referring battered
women and their children to shelters and other community services and making
sure intervention programs are culturally relevant. Ensuring cultural relevance
includes delivering public service messages about domestic violence in different

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 364 Chapter 12

languages and involving community leaders in helping challenge views that tend
to play down the scope of the problem of IPV. These families also need safety
planning strategies for both women and children and treatment programs for
male batterers.
• Describe the effects of parental alcoholism on children’s lives and the various
pathways for recovery from addiction to substances.
The dynamics in families in which a parent is an alcoholic include unpredictable
or disrupted family routines and rituals, compromised parenting behaviors, and
a greater tolerance of adolescent drinking and other substance abuse. Living in
a family with an alcoholic parent also affects children’s development of healthy
family roles. The roles that children assume in order to adapt to the dysfunction
in this family include the super hero, the clown, the lost child, or the scapegoat.
Pathways to recovery for parents with alcohol or other substance abuse problems
include AA or NA. For individuals with a family member who is addicted to
alcohol or drugs, Al-Anon and Nar-Anon are programs that are closely affiliated
with AA and NA.
• Explain the challenges families face in coping with the untimely death of a family
member and ways to support these individuals.
When children and adolescents grieve the loss of a parent, disorganization is
common because familiar routines, habits, and roles become disrupted. Although
children feel profound sadness and grief, their conceptions of death differ from
adults, and young children have difficulty comprehending what death means.
When children and adolescents lose a sibling through death, they are at risk for
not being supported through the grief process since their parents are also griev-
ing. A child’s death causes parents intense personal suffering and affects family
reorganization and reintegration into community life. Despite the cause of death,
parents typically feel responsible for their child’s deaths. When a parent, child,
or sibling experiences the unexpected loss of a family member, it is important to
have supportive individuals to assist them in the grief process.
• Show an understanding of the effect of an older person’s death on their children
and grandchildren.
Due to the importance of the parent–child relationship throughout one’s life, the
death of a parent during adulthood is a significant loss. Following the death of an
older parent, adult children not only grieve the loss but also undergo alterations
in family interaction patterns. After the initial period of grieving, there tends to
be a decline in sibling closeness and in some families a recurrence of childhood
power struggles. When children lose a grandparent with whom there has been
a close relationship, typical responses include loss of interest, loss of appetite,
sleep disturbances, agitation, declining school performance, guilt, headaches,
and stomach upsets. Reactions of adolescents to the death of a grandparent
include shock, depression, fear, loneliness, sleeping difficulties, feelings of emp-
tiness, disbelief, a sense of hopelessness, and guilt.

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 Families at Risk and Families Coping with the Death of a Family Member 365

✓ Test Your Knowledge

Click here to gauge your understanding of chapter concepts.

USEFUL WEBSITES

The following organizations have additional information on the topics discussed in this chapter.

Al-Anon Family Groups

Keep Kids Healthy
Kidshealth
National Domestic Violence Hotline
Prevent Child Abuse America
The Compassionate Friends

Key Terms
Battered child syndrome Pediatric abusive head trauma (AHT)
Interparental violence (IPV) Post-traumatic stress disorder
Parentify

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 Appendix
Four Nationally Recognized
Parenting Programs

A ll states and communities have various parent education initiatives designed to meet
both general and specific parenting needs, and many of these programs are exemplary.
A listing of these programs would be exhaustive, and it would be difficult to assess their
quality. Selecting some of these programs for inclusion in this appendix would have resulted
in the exclusion of other equally high-quality programs. For these reasons, the parenting
programs described in this appendix include only nationally recognized programs. All of
these programs have parenting goals that align with the democratic philosophy of childrear-
ing, which has been consistently emphasized in this book.

THE ACTIVE PARENTING PROGRAM

This parenting program, which was developed by Michael Popkin, is video based so
that workshop participants are able to view scenes that demonstrate how the skills
they are learning might be effectively used. The use of videos is combined with
activities and discussions in all versions of this program. The goal of the program
is to assist parents in raising responsible and cooperative children. The skills taught
to parents in the program exclude violence and emphasize the encouragement of
children. This program can be presented in three ways: (a) as a video and discussion
program in which the presenter teaches the entire program as a three-session class,
90 minutes each, (b) as a video library, which can be used for in-home visits or made
available for parents to check out and view themselves, and (c) as a lunch-and-learn
program, which can be offered in three short (30–40 minute) parenting classes. The
three most popular versions of this program are listed here:

1, 2, 3, 4 Parents—This version of Active Parenting is for parents of children

ages 1 to 4, available in English and Spanish and presented in three ses-
sions. In Session 1, the focus is on the special job of parenting, the ages and

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 Four Nationally Recognized Parenting Programs 367

stages of development, the way the participants will parent, the way to build
the bond between the parent and child, and activities to try at home. In
­Session 2, parents share and tell, are taught how to use nonviolent discipline
skills, are provided tips for avoiding accidents and problems, and learn the
A-C-T of parenting. Parents also learn about rules in this session. The top-
ics presented in Session 3 include choices and consequences, the power of
encouragement, and the importance of caring for the caregiver.
Active Parenting Now is an updated version of the basic skills-­ building
­program for parents who have children between ages 5 to 12. This p ­ rogram is
presented in six 2-hour sessions: Session 1 focuses on styles of parenting;
mutual respect and how to get it; drugs, sexuality, and violence; and caring
for the caregiver. Session 2 emphasizes emotional intelligence, handling
problems, active communication, and the think-feel-do cycle. In Session 3,
parents learn about teaching responsibility, effective nonviolent discipline,
“I-messages,” and logical consequences. The topics of Session 4 include
why children misbehave, the four goals of misbehavior, and stimulating
independence. In Session 5, discussions include success and failure cycles,
as well a method of encouragement, and stimulating independence. In Ses-
sion 6, participants discuss parents' influencing events and family m ­ eetings.
Active Parenting of Teens. This program is for parents of adolescents between
ages of 13 to 19 and is also taught in six 2-hour sessions. In all of these
­sessions, drugs, sexuality, and violence are presented along with other
­specific topics. In Session 1, discussions include current teen issues and
styles of parenting. In Session 2, participants focus on building courage and
self-esteem and ­discuss the “think-feel-do” cycle. The topics of Session 3
include problem solving, five goals of teen behavior, and problem-­prevention
talks. In ­Session 4, parents learn about respectful discipline skills and mutual
respect. The focus of Session 5 is effective communication skills and avoid-
ant ­communication skills. In the final meeting, Session 6, the topics include
family talks, family council meetings, and active problem solving.

THE NURTURING PARENTING PROGRAMS

These parenting programs represent an evidence-based family-centered initiative to

teach parents nurturing parenting skills as an alternative to abusive and/or neglectful
childrearing practices. These programs target families at risk for abuse or neglect of
children from birth to 18 years old. The programs can be offered in a group setting,
a home setting, or in a combination of home and group settings. The philosophy of
these programs is nonviolent parenting, the development of empathy, self-worth,
self-awareness, empowerment, appropriate family roles, and age-appropriate devel-
opmental expectations. The parents and children in these parenting classes learn
how to play games, sing songs, and have fun as a family. To meet the specific needs
of families, the following programs have been designed according to the levels of

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 368 Appendix

prevention, including prevention programs, intervention programs, and treatment

programs. Nurturing Programs also are offered to parents according to their chil-
dren's developmental ages and for families dealing with specific issues. Many pro-
grams are designed for specific family situations, five of which are described next:

The Nurturing Program for Parents and Their Infants, Toddlers, and
­Preschoolers—In this 48-session home-based or 24-session group-based
program, parents learn how to recognize and understand feelings, provide
infant and child massage, and establish nurturing parent routines; alterna-
tives to hitting; child development; and ways to promote their children's
self-esteem and self-concept.
The Nurturing Program for Parents and Their School-Age Children, 5–11 Years
of Age—In this 15-session group-based program, parents and children are
assisted in increasing their empathy. Parents also learn nurturing ways to encour-
age appropriate behaviors and ways to build self-concept and self-esteem.
The Nurturing Programs for Parents and Adolescents—In this 12-session group-
based program, parents and adolescents learn how to use nurturing com-
munication strategies, recognize each other's needs, and understand the
developmental stage of adolescence and ways in which to build their own
personal power, self-esteem, and self-concept.
The Nurturing Program for Teen Parents and Their Children—In this 50-session
home-based or 26-session group-based program, adolescent parents learn
about children's brain development, infant and child massage, develop-
mental milestones, how to have fun with their children, nurturing parenting
routines, and ways in which they might help their children build self-esteem
and self-concept.
The Nurturing Program for Parents and Their Children with Health
­Challenges—This parenting program was designed to provide support for
families as they deal with the unexpected challenges of parenting a child
who is born or is diagnosed with a life-altering illness. In these sessions,
family members explore their hopes and fears, develop effective parenting
strategies, learn valuable communication skills, develop strategies for facing
challenges, and learn to identify opportunities for celebration. The primary
goal of this program is to establish a foundation of cooperation for fami-
lies that will carry them through difficult times and create opportunities for
growth as they face their various challenges.

THE PARENTING NOW PROGRAM

This parenting program, which is a division of the national Zero to Three initiative,
is a group-based positive parenting curriculum based on best practices principles.
The target audience for this program is highly stressed parents of young children
(birth to 8 years). This program has two distinct curricula, both of which offer the

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 Four Nationally Recognized Parenting Programs 369

same content adapted according to the goals of that curriculum. This content includes
group-based parent education, positive parenting principles and skill building, an
opportunity to build social support for families, individual modules for each parent
education session, videos spotlighting segments of the curriculum, parent booklets,
a parent educator guide, and a group-based program to complement home-visiting
programs. The two curricula are as follows:

Making Parenting a Pleasure (MPAP)—This curriculum is designed for highly

stressed families with children from birth to 8 years of age whose parents
meet together in a group. This program is adaptable for specific populations,
such as adolescent parents, parents who have been mandated by the court
to attend parenting classes, and parents with developmental disabilities.
Spanish adaptation also is available.
Parenting the First Three Years (P:F3Y)—This curriculum is for the general
population and offers developmental information specific to the age of the
children whose parents are attending the program. These groups include
families with same-age children, either infants, 1-year-olds, or 2-year-olds.
Families can participate for 3 years, and organizations can offer all three of
the series, Incredible Infants, Wonderful Ones, and Terrific Twos, or they can
offer just one of the three.

THE SYSTEMATIC TRAINING FOR EFFECTIVE

PARENTING PROGRAM
This program, which was developed by Don Dinkmeyer and Gary McKay, is one
of the most widely used parenting programs in the United States. There are three
versions of the program, and each of the versions is designed to be taught as a class
that meets for seven sessions. One-day seminars also can be taught, and various seg-
ments of the program can be taught in 1-hour parent or lunch-and-learn meetings.
All versions of the program teach positive approaches to understanding and guid-
ing children, including The Goals of Child Misbehavior, The Goal to Be Imperfect,
Effective Listening, Effective Discipline, Problem Solving, Natural and Logical Conse-
quences, and Encouragement. Leaders of each of the three program versions teach
parenting skills and strategies designed specifically for parents of young children,
parents of school-age children, or parents of teenagers. Brief descriptions of the con-
tents of each of these programs are listed as follows:

Early Childhood STEP—This program is for parents of children younger than

age 6. In addition to the basic skills previously mentioned, this program
also emphasizes understanding young children, understanding young chil-
dren's behavior, building self-esteem in the early years, communicating
with young children, helping young children learn to cooperate, effective
discipline, and nurturing emotional and social development.

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 370 Appendix

STEP—Systematic Training for Effective Parenting—For Parents of Children 6

to 12 Years Old—In this program, in addition to learning positive approaches
for guiding children, participants also focus on understanding themselves
and their children, understanding beliefs and feelings, and encouraging their
children and themselves. Participants also learn to listen to and talk with
their children, to help their children learn to cooperate, to use discipline
methods that make sense, and how to choose their parenting approach.
STEP/Teen—For Parents of Children 13–19—In this program, parents learn the
basic skills previously described and learn to better understand themselves
and their teenage children. They are taught ways in which to change their
responses to their teenagers, how to communicate respect and encourage-
ment, ways to encourage cooperation and solving problems, and how to use
consequences and build responsibility. Finally, there are discussions called
Deciding What to Do, Parts I and II that help parents synthesize what they
have learned.

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 Glossary

Abstract thought. Characterized by adaptability, flexibility, and the use of concepts and
generalizations.
Active listening. A technique in which the listener listens to and reflects back (in their own
words) the feelings and content of the speaker’s message.
Alloparents. Older siblings, grandparents, or other kin who assist parents in providing child
care.
Amae. Emphasizes close, affectionate mother–child relationships.
Anorexia nervosa. An eating disorder that contributes to losing more weight than is consid-
ered healthy.
Assisted reproductive technology. Refers to the techniques developed to assist infertile cou-
ples to conceive and then sustain a pregnancy.
Authoritarian. A type of parenting that is strict, harsh, and less nurturing.
Authoritative. A parenting approach that is demanding but also nurturing.
Autocratic parenting. A strict, harsh childrearing practice where parents tolerate no argu-
ments—or negotiations—from their children.
Battered child syndrome. A condition in which a child has sustained serious physical injury
from an adult caregiver.
Body image distortion. Refers to a discrepancy between perceived and actual weight status.
Body mass index. An index for relating weight to height, which is a person’s weight in kilo-
grams divided by his or her height in meters.
Bulimia nervosa. An eating disorder characterized by episodes of secretive binge eating
­followed by inappropriate efforts to lose weight, such as self-induced vomiting, abuse of
­laxatives and diuretics, or excessive exercise.
Childhood bullying. Repeated aggression in which one or more children harm or disturb
another child physically, verbally, or psychologically.
Coadopt. When both parents jointly adopt a child.
Communalism. A common value in traditional families that emphasizes family and commu-
nity cooperation and the success of the group rather than the success of the individual.
Community social support. Consists of the perceived willingness of neighbors to supervise or
assist the children in their neighborhood.
Compadrazgo. The institution of godparenting, which names persons as protectors of new-
borns and others passing through important life events.
Confianza. Refers to a shared desire and disposition to initiate and maintain a relationship of
mutual exchange.
Chronosystem. Highlights the effect of time on the various interacting systems that shape a
person’s development.
Cued care. Optimizes the neurohormonal synchrony between mother and baby and has
mutually beneficial physical, behavioral, and psychological effects for both.

371

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 372 Glossary

Deployment. A long-term military assignment, usually to a combat or war zone.

Dialectical reasoning. The skill that involves arriving at a decision as a result of the exchange
of logical arguments.
Egalitarian relationships. Shared household chores and child care without reference to
­gender.
Emotion competence. The ability to regulate emotional expressiveness and experience when
required.
Enuresis. Repeated voiding of urine during the day or at night into bed or clothes with a fre-
quency criterion of at least twice per week for at least 3 months.
Executive function. The regulation and control of cognitive processes, including working
memory, reasoning, and problem solving as well as planning and execution.
Exceptional. A classification of impairments or giftedness depending on the nature of the
exceptionality.
Exosystem. Refers to the influences of various social systems on parents and other adults who
interact with the child.
Externalizing behavior. Consists of rule breaking, displays of aggression, and oppositional
behavior.
Externalizing problems. Directing negative behaviors toward the external environment.
Fast mapping. A process by which preschool children learn new words at a rapid rate of
about 10 to 20 per day, usually from hearing them only once.
Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder. This is an umbrella term that describes the range of effects
observed in persons whose mothers drank alcohol during pregnancy.
Filial maturity. An adult’s capability of responding to the needs of the parent.
Food desert. Refers to an area with limited access to retail food stores, which often is charac-
terized by higher levels of poverty and food insecurity.
Food insecurity. The state of, or risk of, being unable to provide food for oneself or one’s
family.
Guided participation. Wherein the teacher engages the learner in joint activities, providing
instruction and direct involvement in the learning process.
I-messages. Communication with another in which individuals accept responsibility for their
feelings and thus do not blame others for the way they feel.
Identity diffusion. A lack of goals or clear direction.
Identity exploration. Trying out various possibilities before taking on firm adult commitments.
Identity foreclosure. Refers to adolescents’ making commitments to adult roles without hav-
ing considered other possible roles.
Identity moratorium. Refers to an adolescent identity status marked by a delay of commit-
ments to future adult roles.
Indifferent. A style where parents have either rejected their children or do not expend the
time and energy required of the parenting role.
Individuation. The process by which individuals become differentiated from others.
Indulgent. An excessively permissive childrearing pattern that emphasizes high ­responsiveness
and low demandingness.

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 373
Glossary

Infertility. The inability to produce a pregnancy after at least a year of trying.

Interparental violence. When violence occurs between parents.
Intimacy. A psychosocial achievement by which individuals have been able to join their lives
with others.
Intrusive coparenting behavior. Behavior that consists of disagreements between parents
regarding child care responsibilities.
Imaginary audience. The belief of adolescents that they are on center stage with all eyes on
them.
Kangaroo care. A technique wherein a parent holds a newborn baby, usually preterm, skin-
to-skin.
Kinkeeper. Typically a middle-age or older woman in an extended family who tends to pro-
vide the key connections between families.
Kinkeeping role. Consists of gathering family members for celebrations and making sure that
everyone stays in touch.
Language broker. Role in which immigrant children translate and interpret for their parents,
other members of the family, and sometimes school administrators and health care providers.
Learned resourcefulness. An acquired repertoire of behaviors (mostly cognitive) by which a
person self-regulates internal responses that interfere with the execution of desired behavior.
Linguistic bands. When two or more people in a family speak the same language.
Mesosystem. Refers to connections between the contexts within the microsystem, for exam-
ple, the partnerships between parents and teachers.
Microsystem. According to Bronfenbrenner, in this system, the child’s development is influ-
enced by immediate interactions with other people.
Mother-tongue shift. When the first language learned and spoken by parents and their chil-
dren is used less frequently due to the increased usage of English.
Neighboring. Membership in neighborhood associations and helping out neighbors in need.
Open adoption. An arrangement by which the relationship between a child’s adoptive and
biological parents is maintained.
Overregularization. A tendency of preschool children to apply regular rules of English to
words that have an exception.
Parental intrusiveness. Consists of behaviors that are coercive and interrupt normal infant play.
Parent–infant synchrony. This occurs when the parent and infant engage in playful and/or
verbal exchanges, each taking cues from the other.
Parental monitoring. A set of parenting behaviors that consists of attention to and tracking of
the child’s whereabouts, activities, and adaptations.
Parentese. In comparison to ordinary language, is higher pitched; has more low-to-high fluc-
tuations; has a simpler, more concrete vocabulary; and has shorter sentences.
Parentify. The distortion of the parent–child relationship in such a way that the child often is
placed in the role of the parent.
Pediatric abusive head trauma (AHT). An injury to the skull or intracranial contents of an
infant or child younger than 5 years of age resulting from inflicted blunt impact and/or violent
shaking.

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 374 Glossary

Permissive. When parents are noncontrolling and nondemanding but highly responsive to
their children.
Perseveration. Sticking to a thought or action.
Person-first language. Focuses on the person rather than the exceptionality.
Pervasive developmental delay. Patterns of impediment in the development of communica-
tive, social, and cognitive skills that arise in the first year of life.
Post-traumatic stress disorder. A debilitating condition that often follows a terrifying physical
or emotional event, which causes persistent frightening thoughts and memories of the ordeal.
Reinforcement. A consequence that maintains or increases behavior.
Respite. To take a break from the daily challenges of caring for a child or a parent with special
needs.
Respite care. Short-term or temporary care for a few hours to provide relief (or respite) to a
regular caregiver.
Scaffolding. Providing social and instructional support to a person who is attempting to learn
a new task.
Self-actualization. The experience of heightened aesthetic, creative, philosophical, and spir-
itual understanding.
Self-esteem. A person’s evaluative feelings regarding one’s self.
Self-reliance. The degree to which a child shows personal initiative, self-regulation of
­behavior, autonomy, persistence, and engagement in completing tasks.
Sense of generativity. The desire to be needed and to make a contribution to the next
­generation.
Serial adoptions. When one partner initially adopts a child as a single parent and then the
other partner petitions for a second-parent adoption.
Skipped generation parents. Grandparents who have stepped into the parenting role.
Social anchorage. Maintaining connections to others.
Social capital. A wide variety of benefits that flow from the trust, reciprocity, information, and
cooperation associated with social networks.
Social referencing. The process by which infants rely on caregivers’ emotional displays to
regulate their behaviors.
Social skills. A set of learned behavior that supports social interactions and prosocial behavior.
Social status transitions. Those changes in an individual’s life that modify that person’s
social role.
Surrogacy. The practice by which a woman becomes pregnant and gives birth to a child
whose biological parents are unable to conceive and/or sustain a pregnancy to full-term. This
is also a means by which gay men are able to become parents.
Teratogens. Agents and conditions, including malnutrition, viruses, drugs, chemicals, and
stressors that can interfere with prenatal development and cause birth defects.
Three-generation household. This household consists of grandparents, parents, and child(ren).
Traditional parenting. A childrearing pattern that emphasizes high responsiveness and a type
of demandingness that does not encourage discussion or debate.

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 Name Index

Abar, B., 279 Allès-Jardel, M., 37, 242 Appulgiese, D., 239
Abar, C., 36, 42, 268 Almas, A. N., 33 Aque, C., 49, 53
Abeles, N., 362 Almed, T., 162 Aquilino, W. S., 262–263
Abernathy, A., 242 Almendros, C., 32 Ara, J., 143
Abna, R., 267–268 Altenhofen, S., 78 Aram, D., 179
Acock, A., 214 Alva, S. A., 96–97 Arauz, R. M., 178, 180
Adair, L. S., 84 Al-Yagon, M., 324 Ariel, J., 91
Adam, E. K., 219, 246 Alyahri, A., 129 Aries, P., 3–4
Adelson, J., 241 Amato, P., 80 Arim, R. G., 239
Adler, A., 16 Amato, P. R., 76 Armstrong, E. K., 226
Adolph, K. E., 163–164 Ambler, A. P., 186 Arnaud, C., 331
Afifi, Afifi, Ohs, 79 American Academy of Arnaut, G. L., 81
Afifi, T. D., 76 Pediatrics, 221–222 Arnett, J. J., 47–48, 64, 242–243,
Aftab, S., 143 American Academy of Pediatrics 261–263
Aguilar, E., 84 Policy Statement, 226 Arredondo, E. M., 122
Ahmed, L. M., 239 American Psychiatric Arroyo, C. G., 50
Ainsworth, M. D. S., 3, 6, 8–10, ­Association, 322 Arseneault, L., 208
33, 64, 149–151, 171 Anctil, T. M., 73 Arshad, M., 346
Aksan, N., 59 Anderson, C., 317–318 Artis, J. E., 81
Alabiso, C., 274 Anderson, C. A., 225–226 Ascensio, M., 53
Albert, D. M., 345 Anderson, D., 226 Ash, D. M., 218
Alcoholics Anonymous Anderson, J., 179 Ashby, J., 98
World Services, 357 Andrews, B., 78 Ashmead, D., 163
Ale, C. M., 248 Andrews, N. R., 333 Ashraf, H., 162
Alexander, D. B., 193 Angelitto, C., 178, 180 Aspy, C. B., 253
Alexander, K. L., 55, 58 Angold, A., 72 Assis, S. G., 245
Algood, C. L., 346 Anjum, N., 53, 55 Atkins, M. S., 179
Allegrante, J. P., 249 Annest, J. L., 346 Auinger, P., 246, 256
Allen, B. A., 215 Ansbaugh, R., 193 Aunola, K., 33, 36, 205
Allen, K. R., 296 Appelman, P., 203 Avanci, J. Q., 245

420

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 Name Index 421

Ayala, G. X., 122 Bartholomew, M. K., 265 Berlin, L. J., 171, 192
Ayers, T. S., 357 Barton, L. R., 25 Bernard, M., 349
Ayon, C., 71, 74 Bartowski, J. P., 56 Bernburg, J. G., 249
Azuma, H., 243 Bartu, A., 142 Bernier, A., 155
Bassett, H. H., 173 Bernstein, M., 88
Babinski, D. E., 334 Bates, J. E., 129, 193 Beron, K. J., 39
Bacallao, M. L., 243 Battioto, A. C., 122 Berry, J. W., 266
Bacigalupe, G., 95 Bauer, A., 187 Beyers, J., 193
Bacigalupe, S., 95 Bauer, G. R., 276 Beyers, W., 236
Bagot, K. S., 249 Baum, A. C., 71 Bhattacharya, J., 217
Bailey, C. T., 215 Bauman, K. E., 12, 124 Bhutta, Z. A., 184
Bailey, M., 195–196 Baumgartner, E., 85–86, 146 Biblarz, T. J., 89, 92
Bailey & McCloskey, 345 Baumrind, D., 4, 7, 10, 30–33, Biddle, S. J. H., 216
Bakar, E. E., 334 35–39, 47–50, 126, 205, Bigner, J. B., 94
Bakeman, R., 93 235, 248, 250, 268 Bijstra, J., 120
Baker, A. J. L., 343 Baur, L., 256 Billari, F. C., 261
Baker, J., 163 Bauserman, R., 77 Bingham, G., 154
Baker, T., 274 Beach, S. R., 33 Biocca, F. A., 227
Baldry, A. C., 210 Bean, R. A., 73–74 Birditt, K., 299, 301
Baldwin, A. L., 37, 75 Beaver, K. M., 210 Birditt, K. S., 303
Baldwin, C., 75 Beck, A., 319 Biringen, Z., 78
Bales, S. S., 147 Beckett, C., 66–67, 69 Blacher, J., 322, 334
Ball, H., 151 Bednar, D. E., 34, 37, 39 Black, B., 112
Ball, H. L., 152 Bednar, L. M., 73 Black, C., 354
Ball, J., 153–154 Beebe, B., 158 Black, D. E., 116
Balunda, S., 108 Beevar, D. A., 3, 19 Black, M. M., 86
Bambrick, C., 203 Beevar, R. J., 3, 19 Blake, W. M., 52
Bandura, A., 3, 12, 64, 123–124, Begin, G., 349 Blanchard, J. W., 345
132, 234 Behne, T., 154 Blehar, M. C., 8, 149
Bankole, A., 83 Belin, T., 73 Blenkner, M., 280
Baquero, B., 122 Bell, E. F., 145 Blieszner, R., 296
Baranowska-Rataj, A., 275 Bell, S. M., 150 Blinka, L., 256
Baranowski, J. C., 185 Bellamy, J. L., 343–344 Block, C. E., 295
Baranowski, T., 185 Belle, D., 85 Blum, R., 98–99, 251
Barbaranelli, C., 234 Belsky, J., 22, 59, 165, 205 Bodzy, M., 101
Barber, S., 186 Beltran, D. O., 226 Boehmer, U., 275
Bardhan, P. K., 162 Benedict, G. C., 111 Boelter, E. W., 12, 122
Barker, C., 320 Bentley, K. S., 54 Bogat, G. A., 350
Barker, L. K., 184 Benton, D., 217 Bogt, T., 265
Barkley, R. A., 323 Benz, M. R., 315 Bohr, Y., 85–86, 146
Barnes, J., 153–154 Berg, A., 161 Bois-Reymond, M., 208
Barnett, A. E., 245 Berge, J. M., 246 Boivin, J., 146
Barnett, D., 314 Berger, K. S., 139, 226, 232, 330 Bolen, L., 324
Barnett, M., 126 Bergman, K., 89 Boller, K., 57–58
Barth, R. P., 74 Berkel, C., 237 Bolton, H., 186

Z04_HEAT0058_04_SE_NIDX.indd 421 9/30/16 2:36 PM

 422 Name Index

Bolzendahl, C., 88 Breivik, F., 77 Buehler, C., 21, 71–72, 78

Bond, J. B., 362 Brendgen, M., 124 Buist, K. L., 195
Boner, A. L., 162 Brenner, M., 212 Bullock, K., 74
Bonesronning, H., 59 Brenner, V., 54 Burbach, A. D., 53–54, 197
Bonnett, D. M., 142 Brent, D., 358 Burbine, T., 321
Booth-LaForce, C., 206 Breslau, N., 142 Burchinal, M., 165, 205
Boren, D., 98–99 Brett, B., 76 Burchinal, M. R., 165
Borge, A. I. H., 142 Brevik, K., 78–79 Bureau, J. F., 171
Boris, N. W., 59, 197 Brice, C. S., 248 Bureau, J. S., 116
Borja, J. B., 84 Briceno, A. L., 86 Burge, D., 348–349
Borkowski, J. G., 84, 86, 344–345 Briceno, J., 86 Burgess, C., 5
Bornstein, M. H., 49 Bridges, L. J., 22 Burgess, K., 206
Bosmans, G., 236 Bridges, T. H., 36, 40 Burke, M., 45
Bosnia, H., 120 Bridgett, D. J., 152 Burns, B. J., 72
Boss, P., 101 Briggs, D., 106–107 Burns, L. H., 139
Bosson, J., 172 Bright, C. L., 347 Burrow, A. L., 50
Bountress, K., 353 Brill, A., 7 Burton, A., 92
Bourdeaudhuij, I., 209 Brinkley, D. Y., 39 Burton, R., 39
Bourke, J., 142 Brinton, B., 324 Buscemi, J., 220
Boursaw, B., 221 Briskin, S., 224 Bush, H. M., 226
Boutelle, K., 248 Bristol, M. M., 21 Bushman, B. J., 226
Boutelle, K. N., 245–246 Britton, L., 3, 13, 33 Bussing, R., 73
Bowen, D. K., 21 Brkovic, I., 234 Butch, J., 42
Bowen, G. L., 21, 100, 291 Broberg, A. G., 37 Butler, R., 173
Bower, C., 142 Brockman, R., 26, 38, 60 Buyse, E., 171, 192
Bowers, C., 321 Brody, G., 45–46
Bowlby, J., 3, 6, 8–10 Brody, G. H., 237 Cable, S., 21, 98–99
Boyce, W. T., 187 Bronfenbrenner, U., 3, 16–17, 171 Cabrera, N. J., 151
Boyden, P., 320 Brooks-Gunn, J., 83, 85, 171, Cai, L., 12, 124
Boykin, A. W., 215 192, 236 Caldera, Y., 147–148
Boyland, E. J., 226 Broussard, E. R., 330 Call, J., 154
Boyle, M., 322 Brown, B. B., 256 Calvin, J., 4
Bradley, R. H., 152, 239, 323 Brown, D. L., 50 Camarena, P., 207, 244–245
Bradlow, A. R., 324 Brown, J., 326 Camarena, P. M., 245
Bradshaw, C. P., 98–100 Brown, J. D., 73 Campbell, C. L., 21
Brady, H. E., 55 Brown, R. P., 172 Campbell, J., 38, 351
Braet, C., 236 Brown, S., 352–353 Campbell, M. J., 329
Braitman, A., 355 Brown, S. L., 81 Campbell, N., 122
Brand, H., 46 Brownridge, D. A., 126 Campbell, S. B., 205
Brandstadter, J., 178 Brownson, R. C., 123 Canavarro, M. C., 146
Branje, S. J., 242, 251 Brumarui, L. E., 235 Cannon, M. J., 140, 142
Branje, S. J. T., 133 Bruyn, E., 57 Cans, C., 331
Braungart-Reiker, J. M., 159 Bucher, S., 246, 256 Cantarero, R., 18, 204
Braveman, P., 143 Buck, S. M., 214 Capaldi, D. M., 58
Bregman, H. R., 275 Bucx, F., 264 Caples, M., 316

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 Name Index 423

Caprara, G. V., 234 Chanmugam, A., 351 Cohen, D., 6

Caputo, R. K., 56 Chao, R. K., 49, 53, 233 Coie, J. D., 171
Carlo, W. A., 144 Chapman, M. V., 72 Colarossi, L. G., 125
Carlson, J. J., 59 Charmont, T., 336 Colder, C., 355
Carlson, K., 253 Chassin, L., 355 Cole, A., 44
Carlson, S. M., 186 Chaunsheng, D., 31 Cole, R. E., 75
Carlson, V., 53 Chavira, V., 322, 334 Coleman, E. A., 307
Carothers, S. S., 84, 86, 344–345 Checkovich, T., 305–307 Coleman, M., 21, 79–80, 82,
Carp, E. W., 65 Cheever, N. A., 60 98–99
Carpenter, M., 154 Chen, C., 71–72, 234 Coley, R. L., 165
Carr, D., 292, 362 Chen, L. K., 49 Coll, C. G., 85
Carrier, L. M., 60 Chen, X., 353 Collins, M., 316
Carrobles, J. A., 32 Chen, Y.-F., 237 Collins, W. A., 242
Carr-Steelman, L., 88 Cheon, H. J., 227 Colvert, E., 66–67, 69
Carter, K. L., 279 Cherry, D. J., 71, 73, 348 Colwell, M., 147–148
Carton, M., 34 Chesla, C., 333 Comfort, M. E., 214
Cartwright, C., 81–82 Child Welfare Information Commons, M. L., 8
Cartwright, C. T., 81 ­Gateway, 65 Conger, R., 46
Carvalho, A. E. V., 145 Chin-Yee, F., 360 Conger, R. D., 45, 56
Carver, A., 208 Chisti, M. J., 162 Connell, J. P., 22
Casapia, M., 84 Cho, C-H., 227 Cook, C., 208, 252, 256
Caspi, A., 186, 208 Choe, D. E., 126 Cook, E., 319
Castellanos-Brown, K., 349 Choi, H., 308 Cook, E. C., 36, 40
Castelli, D. M., 214 Choi, N. G., 292 Cook, S. R., 246, 256
Castle, J., 66–67, 69 Chomba, E., 144 Cooke, C. G., 356
Cauble, A., 3, 20–21, 94 Christakis, D. A., 26, 38, 60, Cooney, T. M., 270
Caughy, M. O., 206, 208 156, 160 Coontz, S., 23
Cavallo, S., 331 Christopher, C., 39 Coplan, R. J., 207
Ceballo, R., 206 Chuang, S., 176 Corona, R., 96
Ceci, S. J., 17 Chung, R. H. G., 279 Correa-Chavez, M., 178, 180
Centers for Disease Control Ciarrochi, J., 33 Corwyn, R. F., 152, 239, 323
and Prevention, 83 Cicchetti, D., 346–347 Costello, D. M., 245
Cerankosky, B. C., 226 Cichy, K. E., 288 Costello, E. J., 72
Cerini, C., 218 Cicirelli, V. G., 304 Costigan, C. L., 95
Ceylan, A. Ö., 334 Cislak, A., 122 Cote, L. R., 49
Chacko, M. R., 236 Clark, S. D., 290 Cottrell, L., 251
Chalip, L., 111 Clemans, K. H., 239 Covington, S. N., 139
Chamberlain, P., 74 Clements, M., 314 Cox, M. E., 348
Chan, D., 325 Clever, M., 98–99 Coy, K. C., 242
Chan, D. K-S., 49 Cleverley, J., 4 Craig, W., 210
Chan, R., 90 Clyburn, L., 308 Crain, A. L., 26, 38, 60
Chan, S. F., 245 Clyman, R. B., 71 Crase, K. L., 71
Chandra, A., 101 Coatsworth, J., 204 Crase, S. J., 71
Chaney, J. M., 333 Cobb-Clark, D. A., 266 Crawford, D., 208, 216
Chang, L., 129, 205, 210, 253 Coffelt, N., 32, 36, 248, 250 Cripps, K., 235

Z04_HEAT0058_04_SE_NIDX.indd 423 9/30/16 2:36 PM

 424 Name Index

Crisp, C., 238 Deater-Deckard, K., 129 Dixon, R., 246

Criss, M. M., 129 DeBellis, M. D., 187 Dixon, S., 144
Crockett, J. L., 12, 122 Deci, E. L., 175 Dixon-Woods, M., 332
Cromley, T., 246 Deck, A., 90 Dodd, V. L., 145
Crous, B., 46 DeCourcey, W., 155 Dodge, K. A., 40, 171, 205, 210,
Crouter, A. C., 133, 203, 207 Deeba, F., 143 250, 253
Crowley, T. J., 353 De Feyter, A., 86 Dokis, D. P., 95
Crown, C., 158 De Graaf, P. M., 288 Domina, T., 206
Cui, M., 269 Deguzman, M. R. T., 18, 204 Dominguez, M., 34
Cullen, J. P., 174 de Haan, M., 187 Donohue, M. B., 358
Cullen, K., 185 DeHart, T., 33, 42 Donoto, K. M., 51, 53, 192
Cullen, K. W., 218 DeJong, J., 122 Donyai, P., 322
Cullen, M. R., 96 DeJonghe, E. S., 350 Doodson, L., 82
Cummings, E. M., 45–46 DeKlerk, N. H., 142 Doorn, M. D., 133
Cunningham, C., 322 de Klerk, N. H., 161 Dorey, E., 246
Cunningham, J. A., 50 Delano-Wood, L., 362 Doucet, J. H., 85
Curran, P. J., 355 DeLeire, T., 217 Douglas, M., 274
Currie, C., 121 DeLeon, J., 18, 204 Douglas, P., 152–153
Cushing, G., 67 Delgado, C., 25 Douglas, P. S., 152–153
Cutrona, C. E., 60 DeLisi, M., 210 Doumen, S., 171, 192
Delsing, M., 57 Douvan, E., 241
Daciuk, J., 208, 252, 256 Delva, J., 248 Doyle, A. B., 124
Dahinten, V. S., 239 Demaray, M. K., 210 Doyle, K. W., 78
Dallago, L., 121 Demi, A. S., 21 Drapeau, S., 349
Dalton, W. T. III, 220, 265 DeMier, R., 145 Dreikurs, R., 3, 16–17, 64, 113–115
D’Andrade, R., 18 Dempster-McClain, D., 309 Driver, D., 52
D’Angelo, D., 140 Denham, S. A., 173 Droegenmueller, W., 343
Daniluk, J. C., 66 Denny, C. H., 140, 142 Drotar, D., 192
Dankoski, M., 281 DePanfelis, D., 347 Drummet, A. R., 21, 98–99
Danner, E., 184 Derdikman-Eiron, R., 132 Duarte, G., 145
D’Antoine, H., 142 Derksen, T., 17, 204 Dubas, J. S., 250
Darling, C. A., 52 DeSilva, A. M., 50 Dubois, L., 184
Das, A., 145, 359 Deveaux, L., 251 Duerkson, S., 122
D’Augelli, A. R., 42, 93–94 de Vries, H., 249 Dumenci, L., 36
Davey, A., 292 Dhayanandhad, B., 146 Duncan, C. B., 42
Davidson, A., 161 Dhayanandhan, B., 85–86 Duncan, G. J., 165, 219, 246
Davidson, W. S., 350 Diamond, G. M., 238 Dunger, D. B., 239
Davies, B., 358 Diener, M. L., 160 Dunifon, R., 295
Davies, J. M., 351 Dierker, L. C., 245 Dunn, M., 321
Davies, P. T., 45–46 Dietz, T., 130 Dunne, G., 90
Davis, D., 351 Dinçer, E. D., 334 Durrant, J. E., 37
Davis, E. M., 288 Ding, Y-H., 151 Duvall, E. M., 19, 147
Davison, K. K., 26, 38, 60 Dinkmeyer, D., 108, 110, 125, Duvdevany, I., 336–337
Dawson-McClure, S. R., 78 127, 130 Duxbury, L. E., 271
Dearing, E., 165 Dixon, K. H., 143 Dye, B. A., 184

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 Name Index 425

Eastin, M. S., 353 Erhart, M., 220 Fergusson, D. M., 85

Eccles, J. S., 125 Erickson, M. A., 309 Fernandes, C., 171
Eddy, K. T., 246–247 Erikson, E., 3, 6, 12, 23, 64, 138, Fernandez-Alcaraz, C., 32
Edelstein, S., 348–349 149, 155, 172, 202, 236, Ferrer, E., 235
Edgerton, J., 251 255, 269–270, 273, 281, Festa, N., 96
Edleson, J. L., 351 293–294 Fialka, J., 314
Edwards, E. M, 347 Erikson, J., 294 Fidelman, L., 145
Edwards, E. P., 353, 355 Erkut, S., 85 Fiese, B. H., 274
Edwards, K. L., 221 Erwin, H. E., 214 Fincham, F. D., 269
Edwards, O. W., 74 Esgalhado, U., 70 Findlay, L. C., 207
Edwards, S., 44 Esperanza, L., 66 Findlay, M., 332
Edwards, S. L., 44 Esposito-Smythers, C., 101 Findler, L. S., 331
Eggebeen, D., 275 Evans, A., 12, 124 Fine, L., 82
Ehrenberg, M. F., 78 Evans, I. M., 174 Fine, P., 65, 67
Ehrenreich, S. E., 39 Evans, M. D. R., 76 Fine, Y., 179
Eide, M., 101 Eye, A. V., 227 Finer, L. B., 83
Eiden, R. D., 353, 355 Fineran, K. R., 348
Eisenberg, N., 36, 58, 205, Fabes, R. A., 323 Fingerman, K., 299–302
243, 323 Fabricius, W. V., 78 Fingerman, K. L., 288, 303
Eisenmann, J. C., 219–220 Fagan, J., 85, 87 Finkel, L. B., 98
Eisler, I., 247 Fagot, B., 149 Finnegan, R. A., 210
Elben, C., 153–154 Fairlie, R. W., 226 Finn-Stevenson, M., 184, 186
Elder, G. H., Jr., 12, 122, 124, Falk, N. H., 320–321 Fish, M., 54, 56
301–302 Fals-Stewart, W., 356 Fisher, K., 40
Elder, J. P., 122 Farkas, G., 165 Fisher, P. A., 74
Elek, E., 237 Farmer, A., 184 Fisher, P. C., 71
Elicker, J., 154 Farmer, E. M. Z., 72 Fisher, T. D., 34, 37, 39
Elkin, F., 8 Farr, R. H., 70 Fitzgerald, H. E., 25
Elkind, D., 6, 15, 177, 207, 232 Farrie, D., 85 Fitzgerald, M., 346
Ellers, M. A., 83 Farruggia, S. P., 71–72 Fitzpatrick, M. A., 120
Ellickson, P. L., 39 Farver, J. A. M., 40 Fletcher, A. C., 12, 36, 40,
Ellis, B. J., 239 Fauconnier, J., 331 122, 124
Elsabbagh, M., 336 Federle, K., 91 Flewelling, R. L., 251
Else-Quest, N. M., 59 Feigelman, W., 360 Flores, G., 236
Emerson, E., 316 Feinauer, L. L., 73–74 Floyd, F. J., 93
Emery, R. E., 80 Feinberg, M. E., 59–60, 148 Foehr, U., 219
Endersen, I., 78–79 Feistman, R., 79–80 Fokkema, T., 290
Engels, R. C., 249 Feldman, D. E., 331 Folan, P., 141
Englund, M. M., 165 Feldman, R., 132, 145, Foltz, J. L., 246, 256
Ennett, S. T., 12, 124 151–154, 193 Forehand, R., 32–33, 36,
Ens, C., 362 Feldstein, S., 158 248, 250
Ensor, R., 173 Feliciano, C., 97 Forns, J., 161
Entwisle, D. R., 55, 58 Felker-Thayer, J. A., 81 Foshee, V. A., 12, 124
Erera, P., 90 Feng, D., 52 Foster, E. M., 266
Erera-Weatherly, P., 82 Feng, X., 42 Foster, H., 83, 85

Z04_HEAT0058_04_SE_NIDX.indd 425 9/30/16 2:36 PM

 426 Name Index

Fourdrinier, C., 37, 242 Garasky, S., 220 Goldin-Meadow, S., 159
Fowles, E., 192 Garber, J., 239 Goldsmith, H. H., 59
Fox, G. L., 24 Garces, A., 144 Goldstein, H., 139
Fox, K. R., 26, 38, 60, 116 Garcia, J. F., 33, 36, 235 Golinkoff, R. M., 183
Fox, L. E., 214 Garcia-Bacete, F. J. G., 55 Golombok, S., 92
Fox, R. A., 53–54, 197 Garcia-Estevan, R., 161 Gondolf, E. W., 351
Frank, J. C., 307 Gardner, J. E., 316 Gonzales, T., 96
Fraser, L. K., 221 Garg, R., 33, 213 Gonzales-Kruger, G., 204
Fredrickson, K., 90 Garriga, A., 76, 79 Gonzalez-Kruger, G., 18
Freeman, H. S., 77 Garrison, M. M., 156, 160 Goodman, C. C., 74
Freisthler, B., 344 Gartrell, N., 90 Goodman, G. S., 267
French, A., 353 Gartstein, M. A., 152 Goodman, R., 129
Freud, A., 40, 241 Gaspar, T., 122 Goodnow, J., 126
Freud, S., 3, 6–7, 9–10, 33, 38 Gasper, J. A. F., 80 Goodnow, J. J., 18
Frick, P. J., 59, 197 Gass, C. B., 142 Goodrich, W., 159
Frick-Horbury, D., 265 Gaugler, J. E., 309 Gopnik, A., 157–158
Friedman, G., 207 Gaylord-Harden, N. K., 50 Gordis, E., 350
Friedman, S. R., 274 Ge, X., 46 Gordon 2000, 204
Froebel, F., 14 Geist, C., 88 Gordon, T., 116–120, 130, 132
Fu, Q., 210 Gelfand, M., 49 Gørgens, T., 266
Fuertes, J., 268 Gelman, S. A., 183 Gorka, S. M., 249
Fujiki, M., 324 Gentile, D. A., 219, 225 Gorman, B. S., 360
Fuligni, A. J., 48, 52, 262 Georgiou, S. N., 210, 253 Gorman, G. H., 101
Fulkerson, J. A., 248 Gerard, J. M., 298 Gottfried, A. E., 25
Fuller-Thomson, E., 52 Gerrard, M., 232 Gottfried, A. W., 25
Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., Gershoff, E. T., 32, 129 Goudar, S. S., 144
262–263, 288 Giarrusso, R., 52 Gourdine, R. M., 346
Futris, T. G., 87 Gibbons, F. X., 232 Goyal, G., 46
Gibson, J., 360 Graber, J. A., 239
Gadalla, T., 208, 252, 256 Gibson, P., 52, 297–298 Graff, J. C., 295
Gadlin, H., 37 Gifford, E. J., 266 Graff, P. M., 290
Gaertner, B. M., 36, 58 Gill, A., 203 Graham, S., 209
Gahler, M., 76, 79 Gill, E. A., 302, 306 Graham-Bermann, S., 351
Gaitan, C. D., 25 Gill, J. L., 46 Grant-Marsney, H. A., 70
Gale, C. R., 141 Gilmore, L., 38 Grass, G. A., 98–100
Galinsky, E., 3, 21–22 Girard, M., 184 Grass, S. R., 98–100
Gallagher, M., 360 Glassman, M., 265 Gray, S., 180
Galliher, R. V., 253 Godbout, N., 346 Green, C., 111
Gamble, W. C., 195 Godfrey, K. M., 141 Green, P. P., 140, 142
Gameiro, S., 146 Goduka, N. I., 47, 272 Green, R. J., 89
Gamez-Gaudix, M., 32 Goldberg, A. E., 68–69, 92, 275 Green, R. L., 74
Gannon, A. J., 84 Goldberg, W. A., 148 Green, S. E., 331
Gannoni, A. F., 333 Goldberg-Glen, R., 298, 306 Greenbaum, C., 151–152, 193
Ganong, L., 82 Goldhaber, D., 11–12, 149, Greenberger, E., 31, 71–72
Ganong, L. H., 79–80 267, 270 Greenblatt, S. B., 67

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 Name Index 427

Greenburg, B. S., 353 Haider, B. A., 184 Hatfield, R., 145

Greenburg, C., 98–99 Haider, S., 217 Hatter, B. S., 362
Grenwelge, C., 315 Haines, C., 188 Hattersley, L. A., 256
Greving, K. A., 36, 58 Haire-Joshu, D., 123 Hatton, C., 316
Grey, L., 17, 64, 113 Hakala, P., 246 Haugland, B. S. W., 353
Grier, S., 221 Hakko, H., 253, 350 Havens, L., 343
Griffin, A., 68 Halabu, H. M., 351 Hawk, S. T., 243
Griffin, S., 12, 124 Halberstadt, A. G., 174 Hawkins, A., 66–67, 69
Grimes, M. D., 93 Hale, W. W., 243 Hawkins, S. A., 101
Grogan-Kaylor, A., 129 Halfond, R., 96 Hayes, E., 324
Grohman, K. K., 353 Halford, J. C. G., 226 Hayslip, B., Jr., 80
Grolnick, W. S., 155, 175 Hall, C., 324 Hazen, N., 39
Groombridge, L., 314 Hall, G. S., 3–6, 241 Head, M. R., 207
Groothues, C., 66–67, 69 Hall, K., 351 Heal, N. A., 190
Gross, M. S., 161 Halpern-Meekin, S., 82 Heath, P., 113, 115, 207, 244–245
Grossman, A. H., 93 Hamama, A., 76, 78 Heath, P. A., 245
Grossman, K., 8 Hamama, L., 76, 78 Heaton, T. B., 139
Grossman, K. E., 8, 175 Hamilton, B. E., 83–84, 138, 279 Heaven, P. C. L., 33
Grossman, N. S., 71, 74, 90 Hammond, R., 276 Hecht, M. L. E., 237
Grotevant, H. D., 70 Hamvai, C., 241 Heeren, T., 347
Grouden, M., 174 Han, M., 95 Heesink, J., 147
Grundy, E., 306 Han, W.-J., 246 Heinonen, O. J., 246
Grusec, J., 57, 126 Han, W-J, 97 Heinze, T., 327
Grusec, J. E., 33 Han, W-J., 214 Helgason, A. R., 249
Grzybowski, S., 143 Handal, A. J., 221 Heller, T., 320
Grzywacz, J. G., 21 Handel, G., 8 Helm, L., 253
Gumienny, L., 355–356 Hanekom, J., 46 Helms, J. E., 50
Gunderson, C., 220 Hanish, L. D., 211 Henderson, C. E., 80
Gunnoe, M., 56 Hanley, G. P., 12, 122, 190 Henderson, T. L., 344
Guo, J., 140, 142 Hansen, J., 79 Heney, D., 332
Gupta, K. C., 359 Harakeh, Z., 249 Henneberger, A. K., 42, 250
Gurland, S. T., 155 Hardesty, J., 351 Henretta, J., 306
Guterman, N. B., 345, 349 Hardy, L., 256 Henry, P. J., 82
Guxens, M., 161 Harris, A., 242 Henson, J. M., 355
Guyard, A., 331 Harris, A. L., 256 Herek, G. M., 238
Guyll, M., 215 Harris, S., 143 Herge, W. M., 245
Harris, Y., 39, 175 Hermann, J., 255–256
Ha, J.-H., 292 Harrist, A. W., 38 Hermanns, J. M. A., 33–34
Haddad, E., 234 Hart, B., 54 Hernandez, D. J., 52
Hadjistavropoulos, T., 308 Hart, C. H., 205 Herpertz-Dahlmann, B., 220
Hagan, M. J., 78–79 Hart, C. N., 192 Herzog, D. B., 246–247
Hagberg, B., 293, 302 Harter, S., 108, 173, 203 Herzog, M. J., 85
Hagen, J., 83, 85 Harwood, R., 53 Hesketh, K., 208
Hagendoorn, L., 264 Hastings, P., 57 Hess, C. R., 86
Hagopian, L. P., 12, 122 Hastings, R. P., 319 Hetherington, E., 56

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 428 Name Index

Hetherington, E. M., 79 Holt, P. G., 142 Iacono, W. G., 355

Hetherington, M., 77, 79–81 Homish, G. G., 353 Iacovou, M., 150
Hewitt, J. K., 353 Hommel, K. A., 333 Ibrahim, K., 322
Hewlett, B., 3, 24 Hong, J. S., 346 Ice et al, 308
Hickman, D., 314 Hooker, E., 151 Ickovics, J. R., 85
Higginbotham, B., 82 Hooker, K., 303 Ikeda, K., 194
Higgins, C. A., 271 Hoover-Dempsey, K., 122 Imamoglu, E. O., 139
Higgins, J. W., 189 Hopfer, C. J., 353 Ingoldsby, E. M., 206
Hill, D. B., 237 Horsley, H., 358 Ingram, M., 44
Hill, E. J., 271 Hortacsu, N., 287 Ingvarsson, E. T., 190
Hill, H. A., 346 Houck, G. M., 155 Inhelder, B., 177, 195, 212,
Hill, J., 111 Houston, C., 123 232, 255
Hill, P. S., 152–153 Howard, A. R., 292 Irby, M. B., 21
Hill, R., 20 Howard, J. A., 67 Iriart, C., 221
Hillman, C. H., 214 Howard, K., 171, 192 Isengard, B., 300
Hinduja, S., 256–257 Howard, L. M., 186 Ishizawa, H., 96
Hines, D. A., 41 Howard, M. O., 210 Isolauri, E., 161
Hinrichs, C. C., 221 Howe, R-A., 65, 67 Isosomppi, R., 161
Hintz, D. E., 145 Howlett, S., 256 Italinna, M., 319–320
Hintz, S. R., 145 Hrdy, S. B., 23–24 Iverson, J., 159
Hipwell, A., 250 Hsai, H.-C., 48
Hipwell, A. E., 42, 250 Hsieh, K., 320 Jabagchourian, J. J., 34, 42, 213
Hirisave, U., 46 Huang, C-C, 97 Jablonska, B., 77
Hiroshi, A., 151 Huang, J., 96 Jackson, L. A., 227
Hirsh-Pasek, K., 183 Huang, W., 355 Jackson, S., 120
Hisle-Gorman, E., 101 Hubbs-Tait, L., 38 Jacob, J. I., 271
Hjern, A., 71 Huber, F. N., 76 Jacob, K., 155
Hobbes, T., 3–4, 35 Hudry, K., 336 Jacob, T., 42, 205
Hobbins, J. C., 140 Hudson, P., 73 Jacobvitz, D., 39
Hodges, E. V., 210 Huebner, A. J., 98–100, 253 Jaffe, J., 158
Hoeve, M., 250 Hughes, C., 173 Jago, R., 26, 38, 60
Hofferth, S., 85 Huh, S. H., 70 Jaiswal, N., 185
Hoff-Ginsberg, E., 53–54, 278 Humes, K. R., 138 James, J. E., 249
Hofschire, L., 353 Hunter, E. G., 363 James, R., 203
Holben, D. H., 217 Hurford, D. P., 44 James, S., 74, 80, 324
Holbrook, M., 16 Hurley, E. A., 215 James, W. H., 92
Holcomb, P. A., 87 Hurt, T. R., 237 Jamison, T., 79–80
Hollams, E. M., 142 Hurtado, A., 96–97 Jansen, E., 220
Holling, H., 220 Hurtig-Mitchell, J., 66 Jarmolowicz, D. P., 12, 122
Holloway, S. L., 208 Hussong, A., 12, 124 Jarrett, R. L., 43, 224
Holmbeck, G. N., 36, 39, 236, Hussong, A. M., 355 Jarvinen, M., 356
252, 331 Hutchinson, J. W., 98 Jarvis, J. N., 333
Holmes, M. R., 344 Huth-Bocks, A. C., 350 Jasmina, G. A., 40
Holt, M. K., 41 Hyde, J. S., 59, 147 Jasnow, M., 158
Holt, N. L., 116 Hynan, M., 145 Jaszyna-Gasior, M., 249

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 Name Index 429

Jefferson, S., 43, 224 Kahn, J. H., 132 Kelly, J., 77, 79–81
Jehan, I., 144 Kahn, M., 58 Kempe, C., 343
Jenkins, J. M., 322 Kaila, M., 161 Kendrick, D. E., 145
Jenkins, M., 360 Kaiser, J., 140 Kennedy, C. R., 329
Jenks, E. B., 327–328 Kaitosaari, T., 246 Kennedy, E. M., 180
Jensen, E. B., 221 Kakinuma, M., 151 Kennedy, S., 44
Jensen, M. E., 314 Kaljee, L., 251 Kennedy, S. J., 44
Jensen, T. M., 291 Kallis, C., 139 Kennedy, T. S., 38
Jeon, H-J., 154 Kalmijn, M., 288 Kenney, C., 290
Jernigan, M. M., 50 Kam, C. L. H., 181 Keogh, D., 86
Jerome, A., 324 Kamon, J., 36 Kerestes, G., 234
Jeter, N. S., 269 Kamp, E. L., 299 Kermani, H., 212
Johnson, B., 209 Kamp Dush, C. M., 265 Kerns, K. A., 206
Johnson, C. C., 359 Kanaiaupuni, S. M., 51, 53, 192 Kerns, L. A., 235
Johnson, M. H., 157, 187 Kantarevic, J., 59 Kerr, D. C., 126
Johnson, N., 193 Kantor, G. K., 41 Kerr, D. C. R., 58
Johnson, Q., 185 Kaplan-Estrin, M., 314 Kershaw, T. S., 85
Johnson, S. Z., 331 Kaprio, J., 218 Keski-Rahkonen, A., 218
John-Steiner, V., 16 Kapungu, C. T., 36, 39, 252 Keyes, S., 275
Joiner, T. E., Jr., 147 Karaka, S., 334 Khaleque, A., 31, 42
Jones, A., 141 Karass, J., 159 Khodyakov, D., 362
Jones, D. J., 33 Karch, D. L., 346 Kim, A. H., 206
Jones, J., 226 Karwowski, M., 319 Kim, D. H., 265
Jones, K. P., 122 Kasser, T., 293 Kim, E., 215
Jones, M., 9 Katon, W., 244 Kim, H., 279
Jones, M. D., 253 Katz, J., 147 Kim, H. K., 71
Jones, N. A., 138 Katzman, D. K., 248 Kim, J., 76, 344
Jonson-Reid, M., 347 Katz-Wise, S. L., 147 Kim, K., 344
Jordan, A. B., 219, 226 Kaufman, G., 300 Kim, P., 206
Jordan, J. R., 360 Kauppi, C., 33, 213 Kim, S., 143
Jordan-Black, J. A., 188–189 Kayastha, P., 46 Kimonis, E. R., 59, 197
Jose, P., 243 Kaye, K., 85 Kindler, H., 175
Jose, P. E., 95 Kazi, S., 143 King, K. A., 252–254
Josephs, K., 274 Kearns-Bodkin, J. N., 356 King, L., 256
Joshi, H., 139 Keefer, C. H., 144 Kiosseoglou, G., 267, 269
Joussemet, M., 116 Keenan, K., 42, 250 Kirby, J. B., 81
Jovanovic, D., 233 Keeton, S., 288 Kirby, M., 184
Jovanovic, M., 233 Keijsers, L., 243 Kirkham, C., 143
Juarez, C. A., 343 Kelleher, K. J., 192 Kirkorian, H. L., 226
Juffer, F., 69 Keller, H., 153–154 Kirmeyer, S., 279
Julvez, J., 161 Kelley, J., 76 Kittler, J. E., 53–54
Juvonen, J., 209 Kelley, M. L., 98, 129, 322, 353, Kitzmann, K. M., 220, 265
355–356 Kivnick, H., 294
Kaciroti, N., 239 Kelly, B., 226 Klein, D. J., 39
Kagan, J., 4, 35 Kelly, E., 151 Klemfuss, J. Z., 183

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 430 Name Index

Klemm, R. D., 185 Laghi, F., 85–86, 146 Lee, M., 316
Kluwer, E., 147 LaGreca, A. M., 245 Lee, P. S. N., 60
Knijin, T., 264 Lagstrom, H., 246 Lee, S. J., 343–344, 349
Knott, K., 71 LaGuardia, J. G., 175 Lee, Y., 85, 87, 345
Knott, T., 71 Lai, B. S., 245 Leff, M. K., 249
Knowles, E., 24 Laible, D., 171 Lefkowitz, E. S., 288, 303
Knox, B. L., 345 Laible, D. J., 171 LeGrange, D., 248
Knudsen-Martin, C., 274 Laird, R. D., 129, 251 Leiderman, P. H., 144
Koblinsky, S. A., 225 Lajunen, H.-R., 218 Lekes, N., 116
Kochanska, G., 59 Lalor, K., 347 Lemmon, K. M., 101
Kochenderfer-Ladd, B., 211 Lam, M., 48, 52 Lenzi, M., 111
Koenig, K., 333 Lamb, M., 3, 22 Leonard, H., 142
Koerner, A., 120 Lambert, K., 314 Leonard, K. E., 353, 355–356
Koestner, R., 116 Landoll, R. R., 245 Leonard, S. A., 85
Koga, A., 194 Landry, R., 116 Leonardi, A., 267, 269
Kohli, V., 59 Landry, S., 171 Lepine, R., 349
Koletzko, B., 186 Landry-Meyer, L., 298 Lesko, N., 43–44
Kondryn, H., 111 Landsverk, J., 71, 74 Leslie, L. K., 74
Konrad, S. C., 330 Landsverk, J. A., 74 Lessard, J., 31
Koshy, V., 326 Lane, D. J., 232 Letiecq, B. L., 225
Koury, A. S., 165 Langer, S., 316 Leung, D. W., 54
Kovácová, L., 247 Langer, W. L., 26, 38, 60 Leung, L., 60
Kovalcíková, N., 247 Lanigan, J., 186 Levasseur, K., 73
Kramer, B. L., 75, 298 Lansford, J. E., 129, 205, 210, 253 Leve, L. D., 347
Kraus, N., 324 Lapsley, D. K., 251 Levendosky, A. A., 350
Krcek, T. E., 71, 73 Lareau, A., 208 Leventhal, T., 252
Krebs, M., 67 Larsson, M., 252 Levická, K., 247
Kreppner, J., 66–67, 69 LaSala, M., 93, 287 Levin, E. U., 33, 213
Krishnakumar, A., 78 Laszloffy, T. A., 19–20 Levin, K. A., 121
Kristjansson, A. L., 249 Lau, M., 236 Levin, M. L., 56
Kuhl, P., 157–158 Lau, W. F., 60 Levine, A., 32, 38, 278
Kuhle, S., 111 Laursen, B., 242 Levine, J. A., 214
Kuhn, B., 193 Laurson, K. R., 219 LeVine, R., 144
Kuhn, R., 193 Lavee, Y., 332 LeVine, S., 144
Kulkofsky, S., 183 Law, C. M., 329 Levpuscek, M. P., 234
Kumanyika, S., 221 Laxton-Kane, M., 320 Levy, R. L., 26, 38, 60
Kunnie, J. E., 47, 272 Leach, P., 153–154, 170 Lewinsohn, P. M., 249
Kuntal, K. D., 226 Leadbeater, B. J., 85 Lewis, B. G., 184
Kurdek, L. A., 92 Leary, C. E., 129 Lewis, S., 153–154
Kwon, K-A., 154 Leathers, S. J., 348 Lewis, V., 352–353
LeCuyer-Maus, E. A., 155 Lewsader, J., 154
Labotz, M., 224 Ledbetter, A. M., 269 Leyendecker, B., 53
Ladage, J., 355 Lee, B., 349 Leyser, Y., 327
Laditka, J. N., 142–143 Lee, J. A., 219 Li, H., 151
Laditka, S. B., 142–143 Lee, J. M., 239 Li, W., 165

Z04_HEAT0058_04_SE_NIDX.indd 430 9/30/16 2:36 PM

 Name Index 431

Li, X., 179 Lumer, D., 269 Mancini, K. D., 299–300

Libbey, H. P., 245 Lunkenheimer, E. S., 53–54 Mandigo, J. L., 116
Liechty, J. M., 246–247 Lussier, Y., 346 Mantzipoulos, P., 33–34, 36
Liefbroer, A. C., 261 Luszczynska, A., 122 March, K., 66
Lienonen, E., 319–320 Luther, E. J., 249 Marchant, G. J., 39
Liew, J., 323 Luukkonen, A-H., 253, 350 Marcia, J. E., 236
Lillard, L., 139 Lynam, D., 171 Margolin, G., 350
Lin, H., 236 Lynch, J., 80, 89 Marion, M., 125
Lin, K.-H., 129 Lynch, R., 314 Markham, C., 236
Lin, K. K., 357 Lynch, S., 44 Markham, M. S., 79–80
Lindahl, K. M., 275 Lyon, E., 351 Markiewicz, D., 124
Lindberg, L., 77 Lyons, A., 331 Markman, E., 124, 181–182
Lindqvist, K., 223 Lyons, S. T., 271 Marks, N. F., 308
Lindsey, E. W., 147–148 Marrero, M. D., 251
Linhares, M. B. M., 145 Maccoby, E. E., 30, 125–126 Marshall, L., 253
Lino, M., 138 MacDermid, S. M., 25 Marti, C. N., 246
Linsk, N., 73 MacDonald, K. B., 23 Martin, A., 171, 192
Linssen, H., 267–268 Machajewski and Kronk, Martin, J., 171
Linville, D. C., 253 358–359 Martin, J. A., 30, 83–84, 125–
Litwin, H., 289 Macie, K. M., 79–80 126, 279
Liu, J., 162 Mackie, L., 111 Martin, J. E., 138
Liu, Y.-L., 245 MacKinnon, D., 358 Martin, L. T., 101
Lewallen, L. P., 143 Madden-Derdich, D. A., 85 Martinengo, G., 271
Lock, J., 248 Maddson, R., 246 Martinez, F. E., 145
Loeber, R., 250 Madison, K. J., 36, 40 Martinez, J., 33, 36, 235
Loftus, P. G., 96 Madon, S., 215 Masalha, S., 132
Logan, A., 112 Mageau, G. A., 116, 155 Mason, S., 73
Logan, H., 179 Maggs, J., 268 Massari, C., 32, 36, 248, 250
Lohaus, A., 153–154 Magnus, P., 141 Massih, S. S., 59
Lohman, B. J., 220 Mahoney, A., 126 Mastanduno, M. P., 142–143
Lopez, N. L., 126 Maiorino, E., 343 Masten, A., 204
Lopez, S. R., 322, 334 Maisto, S. A., 42 Mastroleo, N. R., 36, 42
Losoya, S. H., 205, 243 Majumdar, D., 108 Matejevic, M., 233
Loth, K., 246 Makenzius, M., 252 Mathos, K. K., 330
Loucks Greenwood, J., 290 Makynen, E., 275 Matson, J. L., 203
Louden, L., 80 Malecki, C. K., 210 Matsunaga, M., 237
Louis, V., 95 Malik, F., 53, 55 Matte-Gagne, C., 155
Loyde, E. C., 74 Malik, N. M., 275 Matthews, T. J., 138
Lucas, T., 139 Mallet, K. A., 36, 42 Mattiasson, A.-C., 309
Luciana, M., 157 Malmberg, L. E., 153–154 Matto, H. C., 214
Luczynski, K. C., 12, 122 Malone, P. S., 205, 210, 253 Mauro, C., 39, 175
Luecken, L. J., 357 Malone, S. M., 355 Maximova, K., 111
Luker, C., 317 Mameli, C., 218 Mayfield, J., 193
Luker, T., 317 Mammone, N., 57 Mazur, E., 337
Lumeng, J. C., 239 Mancini, J. A., 98–100 Mazzei, F., 162

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 432 Name Index

McBride, A. M., 53, 55 Mechoulan, S., 59 Minkler, M., 52

McCabe, M. P., 269 Meeus, W., 243 Minniti, F., 162
McCamish-Svenson, C., 293, 302 Meeus, W. H., 242, 251 Minuchin, S., 18, 93
McCann, D. C., 329 Meeus, W. H. J., 133, 236 Miracle, H., 140, 142
McCargar, L., 186 Meier, R. P., 335 Mireles, G., 315
McCartney, K., 165 Mekos, D., 12, 122, 124 Mishna, F., 208, 252, 256
McCarty, C. A., 244 Melchior, M., 186 Mitchell, V., 90
McCarty, M., 163 Melhem, N., 358 Mitteness, L., 281–283, 304
McCauley, E., 244 Melse-Boonstra, A., 185 Mmari, K., 98–99, 251
McClelland, M. M., 214 Meltzer, M., 143 Mmari, K. N., 100
McCollum, E. E., 351 Meltzoff, A., 157–158 Modecki, K. L., 78–79
McCowen, D., 358 Menaker, F., 83–84, 279 Modry-Mandell, K. L., 195
McCoy, K. T., 314 Mendez, M. A., 161 Moen, P., 309
McCubbin, H. I., 3, 20–21, 42, Mendle, J., 347 Moffitt, T. E., 208
94, 331 Mendoza, F. S., 96 Moin, V., 336–337
McCubbin, L. D., 73 Menvielle, E., 237 Moll, H., 154
McCubbin, M. A., 331 Mergler, R., 78 Molnar, D. S., 355
McCue, J., 82 Merianos, A. L., 252–254 Molto-Puigmarti, C., 161
McDaniel, B. T., 152 Merighi, J. R., 93 Mondschein, E. R., 163–164
McElvaney, R., 347 Merten, M. J., 255–256 Montazeri, M., 39
McElwain, N. L., 174, 195–196 Merzenich, M. M., 187 Montessori, M., 3, 13, 15, 33
McGavock, J., 111 Meshefedjian, G., 331 Monti-Catania, D., 351
McGue, M., 355 Meyer, A. S., 344 Moore, M. R., 85, 88–89
McGuire, S., 219, 226 Miall, C. E., 66 Moore, S., 81–82
McHale, J. P., 58 Micha, R., 217 Moreno, C., 66
McHale, S., 203 Michaels, M. L., 83 Morgan, M., 302, 306
McHale, S. M., 133 Michalski, R. L., 59 Morgan, N., 268
McIntyre, M. D., 65, 67 Michelsen, S. I., 331 Morley, D., 82
McKay, G., 108, 110, 125, Mikkelsen, E. J., 194 Morris, T. L., 248
127, 130 Mikulincer, M., 267 Morrison, F. J., 214
McKeague, I. W., 141 Mikulka, P. J., 129 Morrow, B., 140
McKee, L., 32, 36, 248, 250 Military Child Education Council, 99 Morrow, J., 129
McKendrick, W., 344 Miller, A., 36, 53 Mosher, C., 248
McKenna, F., 198 Miller, A. L., 195–196 Moskowitz, S., 174
McKinney, C., 46 Miller, D. P., 246 Moss, E., 171
McKinney, M. H., 25 Miller, E., 174 Mottran, S. A., 287
McLeroy, K., 253 Miller, J., 85 Mountain, N., 186
McLoyd, V. C., 31, 48, 206 Miller, J. R., 76 Mounts, N. S., 42–43
McMahon, C., 193 Miller, L., 301 Moura-Ramos, M., 146
McPhillips, M., 188–189 Miller, L. M., 303 Mulder, C. H., 300–301, 305
McRoy, R., 68 Miller, P., 165 Mulkens, S., 220
McWey, L. M., 72, 344 Miller, P. M., 8 Mullee, M., 329
Meade, C. S., 85 Miller, S., 250 Muller, Z., 289
Meagher-Lundberg, P., 246 Miller, T., 141 Mullins, L. L., 333
Mebert, C. J., 130 Minami, S., 194 Mullis, A. K., 72

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 Name Index 433

Mulvaney, M. K., 130 Neumark-Sztainer, D. R., 245 Olson, L. S., 55, 58

Muniz, M., 320 Newberger, E., 343 Olson, S., 126
Murphy, F., 203 Newell, L. D., 205 Olson, S. L., 53–54
Murphy, L. A., 226 Newland, L. A., 77 Olson, T. H., 309
Murphy, S. A., 359 Newport, E. L., 181 Olstad, D. L., 186
Murphy, T. P., 171 Ng, A. S., 85 Olweus, D., 78–79
Murray, A. A., 92 NICHD Early Child Care Research O’Malley, P. M., 248
Murray, A. D., 76 Network, 23, 175, 214 Oman, R. F., 253
Murray, E. K., 143 Nicholson, B. C., 53–54, 197 O’Neill, M., 71, 74
Murry, V. M., 24, 237 Nickerson, A. B., 206 Ong, K. K., 239
Mustanajo, S., 253, 350 Nicklas, T. A., 185 Oost, P., 209
Mutcherson, K. M., 90 Nickman, S. L., 65, 67 Oosterwegel, A., 236
Mutran, E. J., 289 Nicolas, G., 50 Oostra, L., 120
Nigg, J. T., 142 Oppenheimer, L., 37
Nabi, R., 81 Nikiforou, M., 210, 253 Orellano, M. F., 96
Nagaoka, R., 151 Ni Mhurchu, C., 246 Orme, J. G., 71–73, 348
Nagle, R. J., 206 Noonan, A., 308 Orthner, D. K., 100
Nair, H., 76 Norris, K., 320–321 Orthner, L. I., 21
Nalavany, B. A., 67 Norris, S. P., 179 Osterman, M. J., 138
Nanney, M. S., 123 Novakavic, B., 124 Otto, R. K., 80
Nansel, T. R., 208–210 Nucci, L. P., 176 Oud, J., 57
Narayanah, P., 95 Nurmi, J. E., 33, 36, 205 Overpeck, M., 208–209
Narayanan, P., 243 Nydegger, C., 281–283, 304 Overpeck, M. D., 210
Narcotics Anonymous World Owen, L., 58
­Services, 357 O’Brien, K., 73 Ownbey, J. B., 174
Natarajan, G., 46 O’Brien-Caughu, M., 50, 53, 237 Ownbey, M. A., 174
Nation, M., 111 Oburu, P., 205, 210, 253
Natsuaki, M. N., 347 Oburur, P., 205, 210, 253 Padilla, Y. C., 238
Nava, M., 236 O’Campo, P., 50, 53, 237 Padovani, F. H., 145
Naylor, P. J., 189 O’Campo, P. J., 206, 208 Padron, E., 89
Ndiaye, K., 237 Oddy, W. H., 161 Page, A. S., 26, 38, 60
Nebbitt, V. E., 347 Odgers, C. L., 208 Page, M. C., 38
Nederkoorn, C., 220 O’Donohue, W. T., 80 Page, M. J. L., 275
Neely-Barnes, S. L., 295 Oduor, A., 299–300 Pahike, E., 116
Neese, R., 292 Oerlemans, A. M., 321–322 Pahkala, K., 246
Negriff, A., 239 Offer, D., 241 Paikoff, R. L., 36, 39, 236, 252
Neissaar, I., 244–246 Oh, W., 206 Palacios, J., 66
Neitzel, C., 178 Oh-Hwang, Y., 33–34, 36 Pallanca, D., 171
Nelson, C. A., 187 Ohs, J., 76 Palmer, A. C., 185
Nelson, J., 150 Okum, B. F., 71, 74, 90 Palmer, C., 100
Nelson, M., 217 O’Leary, C., 142 Palmerus, K., 205, 210, 253
Nen, S., 39 Oliveira, R. V. C., 245 Panfile, T. M., 171
Nettles, S. M., 206, 208 Olsen, S. F., 205 Pangrazi, R. P., 207
Neumark-Sztainer, D., Olsen, S. L., 126 Panksepp, J., 152
245–246, 248 Olson, A. L., 32, 36, 248, 250 Papas, M. A., 86

Z04_HEAT0058_04_SE_NIDX.indd 433 9/30/16 2:36 PM

 434 Name Index

Paradise, R., 178, 180 Phillips, D., 4, 248 Pulkkinen, L., 218
Paret, I. H., 67 Phillips, D. I. W., 141 Purkey, W., 111
Parish, S. L., 209 Phillips, L. M., 179 Putnam, F. W., 344
Parish-Morris, J., 183 Phillips, S. D., 71 Pyke, K., 305
Park, S., 300 Phinney, J., 236 Pyne, J., 276
Parke, R. D., 23 Phua, V. C., 300
Parkes, F., 174 Piacentini, G. L., 162 Quach, W., 34, 42, 213
Parks, S. E., 346 Piaget, J., 3, 6, 13, 15, 156, 177, Quackenbush, S., 126
Parsasirat, Z., 39 195, 212, 232, 255, 277 Quas, J. A., 187
Parzynski, C. S., 249 Pierre, S., 299–300 Quek, K. M-T., 274
Paschall, M. J., 38, 251 Pierroutsakos, S. L., 160 Quinn, M. G., 320–321
Pasco, G., 336 Piko, B. F., 241 Quiroz, P. A., 68
Pastorelli, C., 234 Pilla, R. S., 208–209
Patchin, J. W., 256–257 Pillemer, K., 266, 288, 292, 307 Raaijmakers, Q., 265
Patterson, C., 90 Pilowsky, D. J., 65, 67 Raboy, B., 90
Patterson, G. R., 250 Pimlott-Wilson, H., 208 Radbill, S., 342
Patterson, J. M., 3, 20–21, 42, Pinkerman, B., 54, 56 Radesky, J. S., 26, 38, 60
94, 331 Pistrang, N., 320 Rahme, E., 84
Patterson, T., 358 Pitt-Catsouphes, M., 25 Raman, L., 183
Paulson, S. E., 39 Pizer, G., 335 Ramirez, R. R., 138
Paulussen-Hoogeboom, M. C., Planinsec, J., 188–189 Randall, P., 185
33–34 Plant, K. M., 315 Randers, I., 309
Pears, K. C., 58, 71 Platter, A. J., 356 Randolph, S., 50, 53, 237
Pearson, N., 216 Platz, D. L., 54 Rankin, J. L., 232
Pease, E. A., 314 Pleuss, J., 165 Ranum, P., 185
Peck, S., 193 Podolski, C., 323 Rapee, R. M., 44, 171
Pedlar, A., 207 Poel, Y., 208 Rasanen, P., 253, 350
Peebles, R., 248 Pokhrel, P., 121 Raudsepp, L., 244–246
Peetsma, T. T. D., 33–34 Pollack, H. C., 214 Rauer, A. J., 126
Pelham, B. W., 33, 42 Poltrock, S., 274 Raun, W. J., 208–209
Pelham, W. E., 334 Pomeroy, J., 319 Ravens-Sieberer, U., 220
Pellerin, L. A., 42 Popkin, M., 109–110 Ray, A. E., 36, 42
Pelton, L. H., 345 Pott, M., 243 Rebelsky, F., 308
Pempek, T. A., 226 Potter, D., 76 Reece, E. A., 140
Peroni, D. G., 162 Powell, B., 88 Reed, R. P., 122
Perron, B. E., 210 Power, T., 152 Reese, L., 215
Perry, B., 359 Poyadue, F. S., 320 Reese-Weber, M., 132
Perry, B. B., 92 Pratt, C., 3, 13–15, 22, 33, 153 Reid, L., 85
Perry, D. G., 210 Pratt, M., 122 Reid, W. J., 70
Peters, B., 78 Price, J. M., 74 Reidquinones, K., 96
Peters, C. L., 303 Pridgen, B., 254 Reimann, R., 88
Peterson, N. A., 209 Priess, H. A., 147 Reiss, D., 56
Peterson, R., 315 Prieto, L., 215 Reitzes, D., 289
Petrou, S., 329 Pritzker, S., 53, 55 Remirez, J. R., 55
Pettit, G. S., 129, 250 Pudrovska, T., 288 Renk, K., 46

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 Name Index 435

Resch, J. A., 315 Rodriques, G. P., 221 Russell, M. A., 208

Rettig, K. D., 243 Roe, J. G., 298 Russo, J., 244
Reviewed by Andrew M. Keenan, Rogers, P. J., 217 Rutherford, M. B., 107
M.D., K., 42 Rogoff, B., 16, 178, 180 Ryan, D. M., 142
Rew, D. L., 238 Rohner, R., 42 Ryan, J. A., 84
Rhodes, K. W., 71–72 Roland, E., 32, 36, 248, 250 Ryan, R. M., 175
Rhodes, R. E., 189 Roman, L. A., 25 Ryan, S. D., 67
Riala, K., 253, 350 Roman, M., 66
Riccio, G., 85–86, 146 Romero, I., 236 Saavala, H., 253, 350
Rich, A., 299–300 Rommelse, N. N. J., 321–322 Sabir, M., 270
Richardson, A., 101 Ron, P., 308 Sabourin, S., 346
Richardson, L., 244 Rose, J. S., 245 Saffran, J. R., 157
Richardson, S., 269 Rose, R., 243 Safron, M., 122
Richaud de Minzi, M. C., 235 Rose, R. J., 218 Saint-Jacques, M.-C., 349
Richman, A., 144 Roseberry, S., 183 Sakinofsky, I., 360
Rickard, N. S., 203 Rose-Krasnor, L., 37, 206 Salam, M. H., 162
Ricketts, S. A., 143 Rosen, H., 351 Saleem, M., 225
Rideout, V., 219 Rosen, L. D., 60 Salmivalli, C., 209
Riegel, K. F., 277 Rosen, L. H., 39 Salmon, C. A., 59
Rigby, K., 209 Rosenberg, K. D., 162 Salmon, J., 216
Ringwalt, C., 253 Rosenfeld, A. A., 65, 67 Salmon, K., 174
Ringwalt, C. L., 251 Rosenthal, D., 79 Salo, M. K., 161
Rischall, M. S., 42 Ross, A. H., 343 Saloviita, T., 319–320
Risley, T., 54 Ross, H., 133 Saluja, G., 210
Risley-Curtiss, C., 71, 74 Ross, J., 268 Samarova, V., 238
Rissanen, A., 218 Ross, L. T., 46, 76 Sameroff, A. J., 126, 204
Ritter, M., 91 Roth, C., 141 Sampson, R. J., 208
Ritt-Olson, A., 121 Rothbaum, F., 151, 243 Samuels, G. M., 68
Roach, A., 43, 224 Rothenberg, M. B., 10, 33 Samuelsson, G., 293, 302
Roberson, K. C., 67 Rothlisberg, B. A., 39 Sanders, L. M., 80
Roberto, K. A., 296 Rothman, E. F., 275 Sanders, M. R., 315
Roberts, A., 160 Rothrauff, T., 270 Sandler, I., 78–79
Roberts, D. F., 219 Rotolo, T., 248 Sandler, I. N., 78, 80, 357–358
Roberts, V., 246 Rott, L. M., 303 Sandoval, A. P., 162
Robertson, J., 316 Rousseau, J.-J., 4, 6, 13 Sands, R. G., 298, 306
Robinson, C. R., 116 Roux, A., 37, 242 Sankar-DeLeeuw, N., 325–326
Robinson, L. C., 269 Rowitz, L., 320 Sankofa, B. M., 215
Robinson, O., 314 Rowles, G. D., 363 Sansotta, N., 162
Robinson, S. M., 141 Royo, M. B., 249 Santelli, B., 320
Robinson, T. N., 219, 226 Rozie-Battle, J., 87 Santinello, M., 111
Robison, J., 288 Ruan, W. J., 210 Santos, A. J., 171
Roche, K. M., 252 Rubin, K. H., 206 Sanz, A. S., 150
Rockhill, C., 244 Rubio, R. J., 89 Sarigiani, P. A., 245
Rodas, C., 90 Rue, D., 274 Sass, T., 50
Rodine, S., 253 Russell, G. F. M., 247 Sauer, E., 159

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 436 Name Index

Saunders, R., 39 Shaffer, C., 96 Simons-Morton, B., 208–209

Savci, E., 89 Shamblen, S., 253 Singer, E., 67
Savin-Williams, R. C., 239 Shamir-Essakow, G., 171 Singh, S., 83
Sawitsky-Rose, B., 220 Shankman, S. A., 249 Singhal, A., 186
Sawyer, S. M., 248 Shannon, J. D., 151 Sinisi, C., 126
Scanzoni, J., 48 Shapiro, A. H., 189 Sirota, L., 145
Schafft, K. A., 221 Shapiro, D., 82 Siyez, D. M., 242
Schechtman, K. B., 123 Shapiro, D. L., 350 Skelton, J. A., 21
Scheidt, P., 208–209 Shapiro, J., 91, 322, 334 Skinner, B. F., 3, 11–12, 121
Scheim, A. I., 276 Shapiro, V. B., 67 Skogrand, L., 82
Schermerhorn, A., 46 Shapka, J. D., 239 Skrzypek, A., 50
Scherr, K. C., 215 Shaprio, J. R., 67 Sleath, K., 144
Schjolberg, S., 141 Sharf, M., 269 Slep, A. M., 54
Schlotz, W., 141 Shaw, D. S., 129, 206 Slovak, K., 253
Schlozman, K. L., 55 Shaw, H., 246 Sly, P. D., 142
Schmidt, J. J., 111 Shears, J., 57–58 Smahel, D., 256
Schmidt, M. E., 226 Shek, D. T. L., 49 Small, M. L., 268
Schmiedel, S., 171 Sheldon, K. M., 293 Small, S. A., 239
Schneider, B., 37, 265 Sherradan, M. S., 53, 55 Smalls, C., 50
Schneider, B. H., 242, 324 Sherriff, J. L., 161 Smeenk, W., 250
Schoenfelder, E. N., 358 Sherwood, N. E., 26, 38, 60 Smetana, J., 242
Scholle, S. H., 192 Sherwood, P. R., 308 Smetana, J. G., 176
Scholte, R. H. J., 249 Shilo, G., 238 Smith, C. P., 326
Schoppe-Sullivan, S. J., 87, 265 Shin, N., 171 Smith, J., 31, 48, 133
Schore, A. N., 149 Shin, S. H., 347 Smith, J. D., 307
Schröder, C., 274–275 Shmotkin, D., 363 Smith, J. H., 162
Schroeder, V., 355 Short & Rosenthal, 240 Smith, J. Z., 68–69, 92, 275
Schroeder, V. M., 322, 356 Shrewsbury, V., 256 Smith, K., 40, 171
Schulz, R., 308 Shuey, K. M., 301–302 Smith, R. S., 72, 75
Schwalberg, R., 143 Shulman, S., 269 Smith, S. L., 67, 323
Schwalberg, R. H., 96 Shute, R. H., 333 Smith, V., 184
Schwartz, C., 314 Sigfusdottir, I. D., 249 Smokowski, P. R., 243
Schwartz, R., 25 Sigvaldason, N., 73 Snell, E. K., 219, 246
Searcy, Y. D., 172–173, 190 Sillanmaki, L., 246 Sniezek, J. E., 140, 142
Sechrist, J., 266, 292 Sillars, A., 120 Soares, I., 146
Sedgh, G., 83 Silva, H., 84 Solmeyer, A. R., 59–60, 148
Seeley, J. R., 249 Silver, H., 343 Solomon, M., 320
Segal, D. R., 98–99 Silverman, F., 343 Solomon, S., 208, 252, 256
Segrin, C., 81 Silverstein, M., 26, 38, 52, 60, 74 Soltz, V., 113–115
Sektnan, M., 214 Simic, M., 247 Son, E., 209
Senju, A., 336 Simmel, C., 347 Song, H., 235
Senso, M. M., 26, 38, 60 Simons, D. A., 129 Sontag, L. M., 239
Sentse, M., 251 Simons, L. G., 45, 56 Sorkhabi, N., 34, 42, 213
Settles, B. H., 299–300 Simons, R., 129 Soska, K. C., 163
Shackleford, T. A., 59 Simons, R. L., 56, 237 Spatarella, A., 141

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 Name Index 437

Spencer, D., 173 Stoll, B. M., 81 Syed, S. B., 141

Spera, C., 214 Stoneman, Z., 45 Synnott, A., 6
Spieker, S., 205 Stones, M., 308 Szalacha, L. A., 85
Spielman, V., 145 Stoolmiller, M., 74 Szilagyi, P. G., 246, 256
Spinard, T. L., 36, 58 Stores, G., 319 Szinovacz, M., 292
Spinrad, T. L., 323 Story, M., 246, 248 Szumski, G., 319
Spirito, A., 101 Story, M. T., 245
Spitz, R., 3, 8–9 Stottenberg, C., 141 Tabone, J. K., 346
Spock, B., 3, 9–10, 33, 35, 38 Stover, C. S., 58 Tackett, J. L., 33
Sprouse, C., 324 Stowe, Z., 142 Taillieu, T. L., 126
Sroufe, L. A., 154, 175 Strage, A., 34, 42, 213 Takas, M., 75
Stacey, J., 92 Strambler, M. J., 215 Talukder, M., 161
Stainback, M., 51, 53, 192 Strasser, K., 175 Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., 163–164
Stallings, M. C., 353 Strauss, C., 18 Tammineh, K. A., 116
Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, M., 88–89 Strauss, J., 248 Tan, J., 85
Stams, G. J., 33–34 Strauss, M. A., 38 Tan, S., 184
Stancil, T., 143 Strickland, C. E., 5 Taner, Y. I., 334
Stanger, C., 36 Stright, A. D., 147, 178 Tang, C. S.-K., 128–129
Stanley-Hagan, M., 79 Strong, D. D., 73–74 Tanner, E. M., 184, 186
Stanton, B., 251 Stuart, J., 95, 243 Tannock, R., 322
Stapleton, J., 36, 42 Sturge-Apple, M. L., 45–46 Taras, H., 216–217
Stark, M. T., 93 Subhi, N., 39 Tardif, T., 53–54, 278
Stattin, H., 33, 36, 38, 205 Sudhinaraset, M., 98–100 Taubman, O., 145
Stavrinides, P., 210, 253 Suellentrop, K., 140 Taunt, H., 314
Steele, B., 343 Suitor, J., 288, 292 Taussig, H. N., 71
Steele, F., 139 Suitor, J. J., 266, 307 Tavis, R., 59
Stein, A., 88, 153–154 Suizzo, M-A., 116 Taylor, A. R., 195
Steinbeck, K., 218, 220 Sullivan, J. M., 265 Taylor, B. A., 165
Steinberg, L., 18, 32, 35, 38, 40–42, Sullivan, M., 275 Taylor, C. A., 343–344, 349
165, 205, 242, 250, 264, 278 Summers, J. A., 57–58 Taylor, J. L., 84, 344–345
Steinberg, W., 18, 264 Sumonja, S., 124 Taylor, R., 78
Stene-Larsen, K., 142 Suren, P., 141 Tein, J.-Y., 78, 80
Stern, S., 305–307 Susman, E. J., 239 Temple, V. A., 189
Stevens, G., 96 Susman-Stillman, A., 165 Tennen, H., 33, 42
Stevens, L., 96 Sussman, S., 121 Tennstedt, S., 308
Stevens, S. B., 248 Sutas, Y., 161 Tern, S., 82
Stevens, V., 209 Sutton, P. D., 83–84, 279 Tessler, R. C., 69, 97
Stevenson, H. C., 50 Swaine, B., 331 Teti, D. M., 152
Steverink, N., 300–301 Swank, P., 171 Teufel-Shone, N., 251
Stewart, P. A., 246, 256 Swann, C., 71 Tezer, E., 33, 36
Stewart, S. D., 81, 220 Swann, W. B., 172 Thatcher, D. L., 42
Stice, E., 246 Sweeney, J., 316 Theule, J., 322
Stith, S. M., 351 Sweeney, L., 44 Thiele, D. M., 289
Stockton, L., 193 Swendsen, J., 245 Thomas, K. A., 69, 97
Stolberg, A. L., 80 Swenson, R. R., 101 Thomas, K. M., 187

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 438 Name Index

Thompson, E. H., 75, 298 Turkel, Y. D., 33, 36 Verissimo, M., 171
Thompson, J. L., 26, 38, 60 Turner, R. J., 245 Vermande, M., 195
Thompson, R., 171, 346 Turrisi, R., 36, 42 Vermulst, A. A., 249
Thompson, R. A., 235 Tusaie, 238 Verscheren, K., 171, 192
Thompson-Colon, T., 51, 53, 192 Vesely, S. K., 253
Thorlindsson, T., 249 Ülsever, H., 334 Veugelers, P. J., 111
Thornton, P. L., 298, 306 Ulveseter, G., 77 Victor, T. L., 362
Thornton-Evans, G., 184 Ulveseter, K., 77 Vidourek, R. A., 252–254
Thuli, K., 314 Umana-Taylor, A. J., 85, 96–97 Vieno, A., 111
Tibbs, T., 123 Underwood, M. K., 39 Viken, R. J., 193
Tieman, W., 69 Ungar, M., 43–44, 252 Vinnerljung, B., 71
Tiger, J. H., 190 Unger, J. B., 121, 353 Voelker, S., 153–154
Tillman, K. H., 76, 81–82 Ungerer, J. A., 171 Voight, A., 111
Tilton-Weaver, L., 38 UNICEF, 162 Volkmar, F., 319
Timperio, A., 208, 216 Utz, R. L., 292 Vollebergh, W., 236
Timpka, T., 223 Volling, B. L., 126, 195–196
Tirone, S., 207 Vacca, J. J., 314 Vollrath, M. E., 142
Tolan, P. H., 211, 250 Valiente, C., 323 Von Borczyskowski, A., 71
Tolkacheva, N., 307 van Aken, M. A. G., 321–322 von Eye, A., 350
Tomasello, M., 154 Vandell, D., 195–196 Votruba-Drzal, E., 165
Tomcho, T. J., 274 Vandell, D. L., 165 Voydanoff, P., 271
Tomich, P. L., 206 van den Wittenboer, G. L. H., 33–34 Vroegh, K. S., 68
Tomson, L. M., 207 Vandergrift, N., 165, 205 Vygotsky, L., 3, 6, 13, 15–16,
Topham, G. L., 38 van der Laan, P. H., 250 156, 178, 212, 278
Torres, B., 234 van der Meer, M. J., 305
Torres, E., 82 van der Pers, M., 300–301 Wagner, C. G., 163, 211
Toschke, A. M., 186 Vander Ploeg, K. A., 111 Wagner, J. L., 333
Toth, S. L., 346–347 Van Deventer, M. C., 159 Wagner, K. D., 121
Toynbee, P., 24 van de Vliert, E., 147 Waite, L. J., 139
Tramonte, L., 239 Van Doorn, M. D., 242, 251 Waldfogel, J., 192
Travers, R., 276 Van Dorn, R. A., 347 Waldrup, D., 75, 298
Trawick-Smith, J., 189–190 Vanfrussen, K., 90–91 Walker, J. M., 122
Triandis, H. C., 48–49 van Groenou, M. B., 307 Walker, L., 192
Trickett, P. K., 344 Van Leeuwen, K., 236 Walker, M., 358
Trifan, T. A., 38 van Steijn, D. J., 321–322 Wall, M., 246
Tronick, E., 157 van Tilburg, T., 307 Wall, S., 8, 149
Troseth, G. L., 160 Van Vlierberghe, L., 236 Wallace, J. M., 248
Troutman, B. R., 60 van Wel, F., 264 Walls, J. K., 36, 40
Tse, L., 96, 237 van Wel, F. V., 265, 267–268 Walsh, D. A., 219
Tseng, V., 48, 52 Variyam, J. N., 220 Walters, K., 335
Tshefu, A., 144 Vaughn, B. E., 171 Walters, R., 3, 12, 64, 123
Tucker, C. J., 133, 203 Vaughn, M. G., 210 Wang, B., 251
Tucker, J. S., 39 Vega, L. A., 96–97 Wang, W-P., 151
Tucker, L., 336 Ventura, S. J., 83–84, 138, 279 Wang, Y., 239
Tuicomepee, A., 243 Verba, S., 55 Wang, Z-Y., 151

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 Name Index 439

Wanner, R. A., 76 Whitman, T. L., 84, 86, 344–345 Yahav, R., 336–337
Ward, C., 95, 243 Whittingham, K., 152–153 Yamada, H., 176
Wardrop, J. L., 211 Wiatkop, C. T., 141 Yang, X., 73
Warneke, C., 218 Wickman, M., 98–99 Yau, J., 176
Washington, C., 295 Wiener, J., 322 Ying, U.-W., 95
Waters, E., 8, 149 Wiggs, L., 319 Yirmiya, N., 151–152, 193
Watson, J., 3, 5–6, 9–10, 15 Wilcox, K. L., 78, 80 Yiyuan, X., 40
Watson, M., 40 Wilcox, R. M., 98–100 Yonkers, K. A., 142
Watson, R., 3, 5 Wilkins, J., 203 Young, A., Jr., 87
Waxmonsky, J. G., 334 Williams, A. B., 346 Young, B., 332
Way, N., 85 Williams, A. L., 255–256 Young, B. N., 152
Waylen, A., 198 Williams, J. D., 239 Young, J. L., 320
Weaver, T. L., 69 Williams, J. H., 347 Yu, S. M., 96
Weber, J., 75, 298 Williams, L., 71, 140 Yuen, H. K., 60
Webster, R., 324 Williams, L. J., 80 Yurkowski, K., 171
Weed, K., 86 Williams, L. R., 74 Yusooff, F., 39
Wegscheider, S., 354 Willie, N., 220
Weighall, A. R., 182 Wills, K. E., 331 Zabelski, M., 328
Weinberg, M., 157 Willson, A. E., 301–302 Zachary, E. M., 84
Weiner, J., 324 Wilson, D. K., 12, 124 Zajdow, G., 353
Weingarten, M. N., 192 Wilson, S., 69 Zarit, S., 301
Weinstein, R. S., 215 Wilson-Costello, D. E., 145 Zarit, S. H., 303
Weis, R., 226 Windle, M., 353 Zeigler-Hill, V., 172
Weisfeld, C. C., 139 Winsler, A., 279 Zeijl, E., 208
Weisfeld, G. E., 139 Winslow, E., 206 Zelli, A., 129
Weiss, R., 55 Winter, M. A., 46 Zengxiu, Z., 40
Weissbrod, C. S., 274 Wisner, K. L., 142 Zevenbergen, R., 179
Weisskirch, R. S., 96–97 Witkow, M., 262 Zhai, F., 192
Welch, V., 316 Wolchik, S., 358 Zhang, D., 315
Weller, A., 145 Wolchik, S. A., 78–80, 357 Zhang, Y., 234
Weller, A. S., 145 Wolf, J. P., 344 Zhoa, J., 299–300
Wells, E., 316 Wolf, T., 141 Zhou, M., 243
Wendorf, C. A., 139 Wolff, J., 101 Zhou, Q., 205, 323
Wentzel, K. R., 214 Wong, M. S., 174 Zigler, E., 50
Werker, J. F., 157 Woodward, A., 124, 181–182 Zima, B. T., 73
Werner, E. E., 72, 75 Woodward, L. J., 85 Zimmerman, F. J., 26, 156, 160
Werner, L. A., 157 Worden, J. W., 358 Zinsser, K., 173
West, A., 153–154 Wright, M. S., 12, 124 Ziv, M., 179
West, J., 151 Wu, B., 111 Zuccotti, G. V., 218
West, K. P., 185 Wu, C.-I., 129 Zucker, R. A., 355
Wetchler, J. L., 94 Wurtele, S. K., 129 Zuckerman, B., 26, 38, 60
Wheeler, I., 360 Zuravin, S. J., 347
Whelan, T. A., 289 Xiaoming, L., 251 Zvonkovic, A. M., 303
Whipple, N., 155 Xiong, Z. B., 243 Zyromski, B., 235
Whitelaw, A., 144 Xu, X., 56, 151

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 Subject Index

Note: Page numbers followed by f indicate figures.

able elderly, older adults as, in accomplishments, vs. worth, autonomy support for, 116
family context, 299–303 separation of, 109 blind parents and, 336–337
absorbent minds, of children, acculturation body image distortion in, 247
13–14 definition of, 94 brain development in, 255
abstract thought, 232, 234, 255 and generativity achievement, bullying of, 252–254
abuse/neglect. See also maltreat- 274 cognitive development of,
ment; sexual abuse and immigrant families, 94–95 231–234
emotional, 343 and parent–adolescent conflict, conflict resolution by, 132–133
and foster care placement, 71 243 crime and delinquency among,
intergenerational influences and secure attachment, 151 250–251
on, 58 active learning by children, 15 and cyberbullying, 252, 254
intergenerational transmission active listening, 117–118 dating by, 236
of, 344 adolescent(s). See also adolescent depression in, 244–245
physical, 342–343 parenthood developmental changes in
types of, 342 and abstract reasoning, and family disequilibrium,
academic achievement 232–233, 234, 255 240–241
abuse/neglect and, 346 abuse of, 346 and parent–adolescent
adolescents’, 233–234 academic achievement of, ­conflict, 240–243
authoritative parenting and, 33 233–234 divorced parents and, 77
birth order and, 59 alcohol use and abuse egocentrism of, 232
cultural influences on, 214–215 alcoholic parents and, 124, in foster care, 349
divorce and, 76 353, 355 gender of, and levels of
family risk factors and, 214 permissive parenting and, ­freedom, 24
immigrant families and, 215 39, 248 identity quest of, 236–238
Internet use and, 226 transitioning to stepfamily online social networking
permissive parenting and, 39 and, 81 and, 255
by school-age children, violent victimization and, indifferent parenting and,
213–215 254 42
socioeconomic status and, 55 authoritarian parenting and, 37 LGBT, identity quest of,
stepfamilies and, 82 authoritative parenting and, 34 237–238

440

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 Subject Index 441

media and technology use by, adoptive parents and, 66 child’s

254–257 birth parents and, 65–66 and effects of interparental
in military families, effects of children who are adopted and, violence, 350
relocations on, 98–99 67 and risk of maltreatment,
online behaviors of, 255 and cultural socialization, 345–346
overweight and obesity among, 68–69 and understanding of death,
245–246 domestic transracial, 68–69 357–358
parental academic expectations foster care and, 65 and parent–child relationships
and, 234 gay and lesbian families cre- in later life, 302
parental religiosity and, 56–57 ated by, 88–91 aggression/aggressive behavior
permissive parenting and, 39, historical perspective on, indulgent parenting and, 40–41
248 137–138 intergenerational transmission
pregnancy rates among, 83 international, 69–70 of, 344
and puberty, 238–240 nontraditional, 65 permissive parenting and, 39
and school-related conflict, older children and, 67 in preschoolers, 197
234 open, 66 attachment and, 171
self-esteem of, 234–235 by same-sex couples, 88–91 in young children, 197
sexual behavior of, 240, 243, second-parent, by same-sex aging parents. See also older
251–252 partners, 91 adults
sexual predators on Internet adoptive parents, 66 and adult children, caregiv-
and, 257 gays and lesbians as, 88–91 ing relationship among,
smoking by, 249 adult children of alcoholic par- 304–305
social-emotional development ents, 355–356 caregivers for, 305–309
of, 234–238 adulthood. See middle-aged adaptation to caregiver role,
social relationships of, 234– adults; older adults; young 308
238 adults stress in, 307–308
stepfamily and, 81 affectionate-distressed parenting, support for, 309
substance use and abuse 55 child versus spousal care for,
among, 248–249 African American children 306
alcoholic parents and, 353, in foster care, 71 chronically ill, 304–305
355 and transracial adoption, 68 frail, 304–305
underweight, 246–248 African American family(ies) legacy of, 363
victimization of, 252–254 extended family relations in, 52 providing care for
adolescent parenthood, 83–87 grandparents as caregivers in, challenges of, 305–309
challenges for fathers, 85 296–297 parental characteristics and,
challenges for mothers, 83–85 parental financial assistance 306–307
and child maltreatment, to young adults in, con- parents’ views and expecta-
344–345 straints on, 266 tions regarding, 307
and education, 84–87, 345 parenting patterns in, 55 relationship with adult chil-
outcomes for children of, racial socialization in, 50 dren, 304–309
85–86 socioeconomic status of, effects Aka foragers, father–infant con-
adoption, 65–70, 139 on parenting patterns, 55 tact among, 3f, 24
adolescents and, 67 age Al-Anon Family Groups, 357
and adoptees’ search for birth and caregivers for elderly par- Alcoholics Anonymous (AA),
parents, 70 ents, 306 356–357

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 442 Subject Index

alcoholism, parental anxiety attachment disorder, in adopted

adult children’s understanding abuse/neglect and, 346 child, 66, 67
of, 356 parental alcoholism and, 355 Attachment Theory, 3f, 6, 8,
and alcoholic parent’s role, apps, 225, 255 22–23, 33
354 Asian American family(ies) attention, as goal of misbehavior,
and codependent spouse, 354 extended family relations in, 52 113–114, 113f, 115
dynamics of families affected and generativity achievement, attention-deficit/hyperactivity dis-
by, 352–353 274 order (ADHD), 321–323,
effects of, 352–357 Asian American youth 323f
effects on children’s lives, 355 bicultural identity in, 237 and overweight/obesity, 220
families in recovery from, dating behaviors, 236 and parenting practices, effect
356–357 assisted living, 309 of socioeconomic status,
and family hero, 354 assisted reproductive technology 54–55
and family mascot/clown, 355 (ART), 139 parents with, 334
and family members’ roles, for same-sex couples, 90 authoritarian parenting, 30, 31f,
354–355 attachment 35–38, 58
and family scapegoat, 354 abuse/neglect and, 346 and adolescent delinquency,
alcohol use and abuse. See also and adolescent identity quest, 250
alcoholism, parental; sub- 236 and adolescent substance use
stance use and abuse and adolescents’ self-esteem, and abuse, 248
adolescent 235 and conflict resolution, 130
alcoholic parents and, 124, and adolescent substance use cultural variations in, 47
353, 355 and abuse, 248 in ethnic minority families, 49
permissive parenting and, children in foster care and, 72 historical perspective on,
39, 248 disorganized, 8 37–38
transitioning to stepfamily early, and parent–preschooler in non-Western societies,
and, 81 relationships, 170–171 47–49
violent victimization and, father’s role in, 22–23 religiosity and, 56
254 infant, 149–151 and social relationships
and child maltreatment, 344 insecure-avoidant, 8 of school-age children,
death of parent due to suicide insecure-resistant/ambivalent, 8 205
and, 358 mother’s role in, 22 authoritative parenting, 10, 30,
alcohol use disorders (AUD), and preschooler social-emo- 31f, 32–35
indifferent parenting and, tional development, 171 and academic achievement of
42 and reduced risk of adolescent adolescents, 233
alloparents, 24 delinquency, 251 and academic achievement of
amae, 48 school-age children and, school-age children, 213
anemia 205–206 and adolescent identity quest,
iron-deficiency, 184 secure, 8 236
in pregnancy, 143 culture and, 151 and adolescents’ body weight,
anger play and, 154 246
of parents whose child died, and sibling jealousy among and adolescents’ self-esteem,
361 preschoolers, 196 235
young child’s, 174–175 young adults’, to their parents, cultural variations in, 46–47
anorexia nervosa, 247 267–269 and food acceptance, 184

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 Subject Index 443

and parental autonomy sup- birth order bullying. See also cyberbullying
port, 116 and academic achievement, 59 adolescent, 252–254
and reduced risk of adolescent and parenting, 58–59 childhood, 208–211
delinquency, 250 birth parents risk for, interparental violence
religiosity and, 56–57 adoptees’ search for, 70 and, 350
and social relationships of and adoption, 65–66
school-age children, 205 bisexual persons Calvinism, 4
autism, 320–321 young, sexual orientation iden- caregiver(s)
autocratic parenting, 2–6, 3f, 7 tity formation for, 238 for elderly parents, 305–309
autonomy young adult, and their parents, adaptation to role of car-
children’s, supporting, 116, 175 generativity issues for, 275 egiver, 308
toddler, parental influences on, blindness stress on, 307–308
155–156 children with, 327–328 support for, 309
parents with, 336–337 multiple, roles of, 23, 24
battered child syndrome, 343 body dissatisfaction, in adoles- responsiveness of, and infant
batterer intervention programs, cent girls, 246 attachment, 8
351 body image distortion, in adoles- unresponsive, harmful effects
bedtime, 193–194 cents, 247 of, 8–9
bed-wetting, 194 body mass index, 239 caregiving. See also caregiver(s)
behavior body weight. See also overweight quality of, and outcomes, 3f
authoritative parenting and, and obesity child care
33–34 diet and, 218 center-based, 165
punishment and, 32 and off-time puberty, 239 children’s outcomes in, factors
reinforcement of, 11–12 physical activity and, 218–219 affecting, 23
of school-age children, parent– of young children, factors home-based, 165
child coregulation of, 204 affecting, 185 infant/toddler, 164–166
behavior problems. See also mis- book reading. See reading nonparental, preschoolers’
behavior; punishment boundary(ies) adjustment to, 171, 192
children in foster care and, family, adolescents and, 243 parental satisfaction with, pre-
71–72 personal, preschoolers’, 175– dictors of, 192
divorce and, 76 176 for preschoolers, 165, 180,
in foster children, 348–349 brain development 191–192
in internationally adopted chil- adolescent, 255 preschoolers’ adjustment to,
dren, 69 gender differences in, 187 predictors of, 192
in later-placed adopted chil- infant quality of
dren, 67, 69 play and, 154 indicators of, 192
parental alcoholism and, 355 research on, 157 and outcomes, 165, 180
and sleep problems, 193 secure attachment and, standards for, 192
bell-and-pad method of condition- 149–150, 154 by young girls, in traditional
ing, for bed-wetting, 194 right hemispheric, secure attach- cultures, 190
belongingness, 112–116 ment and, 149–150, 154 child care providers, role of, 23
bicultural identity, advantages in young children, 186–189 childhood. See also
of, 237 breast-feeding, 161–162 preschooler(s); school-age
bilingualism, 97 termination of, 162 children; toddler(s)
birth, 144 bulimia nervosa, 247 work of, play as, 14–15

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 444 Subject Index

childrearing. See also parenting; colostrum, 161 parents’ use of, children’s imi-
parenting strategies communalism, 215 tation of, 132
Watson’s ”scientific communication. See also verbal permissive parenting and, 130
approach” to, 5–6 interactions preschoolers’ use of, 187
Child Study Movement, 3f, 5 parent–adolescent, 241 for young siblings, 196–197
China, grandparent role in, 299 and adolescent delinquency, consequences, natural and logi-
chronic illness 251 cal, 124–125, 127–128
adaptation of child and parents parent–child contingency, behavioral, 11–12
to, 333–334 effective, 116–121 contingent responsiveness, 149
children with, 331–334 improvement of, 106 control, parental, 30–32, 31f, 37
chronosystem, 17 parent–young adult, 268–269 coercive, and adolescent delin-
civic engagement, socioeconomic communication roadblocks, 118, quency, 250
status and, 53, 55 119f divorce and, 76–77
classification ability, develop- communication technology, and vs. guidance, 125
ment of, in school-age coparenting, 79 coparenting
children, 212 community by adolescent parents, 87
co-adoption, 91 at-risk, parenting in, 206 after divorce, 79
codependent spouse, in family high-risk, children’s safety in, and caring for infants/toddlers,
with alcoholic parent, 354 224–225 147–148
cognitive deficits parents and, 25 child characteristics and, 148
abuse/neglect and, 346 community inclusion, children child temperament and, 59
children with, 318–320 with exceptionalities and, and gender role expectations,
needs and concerns of, 315 147
addressing, 320 community social support, marital distress and, 58
cognitive development 206 parent attributes and, 147–148
adolescents’, 231–234 compadrazgo, 51 social context and, 147
of infants and toddlers, 156–160 competence and work–family interface, 271
insights on, from brain preschoolers’, 172–173 coresidence, of parents and adults
research, 157 school-age children’s, 202–203 children, 300
nutrition and, 216–217 compliance, children’s, motivat- corporal punishment, 4, 128–130
Piaget’s views on, 156, 177, 277 ing, 106, 111–112 effect on children’s develop-
of school-age children, 211– computer(s). See also screen time ment, 205
215 young children’s use of, 179 crime
Vygotsky’s views on, 156, 178, conduct disorder, parental alco- adolescents and, 250–251
278–280 holism and, 355 violent, and adolescent
young adults’, 276–280 confianza, 51 ­bullying/victimization, 253
of young children, 176–183 conflict resolution, 130–133. See crises. See also Double ABCX
cognitive impairments. See cogni- also parent–adolescent Model of Family Stress and
tive deficits conflict Adaptation
cohabitation, 80 authoritarian parenting and, 130 psychological, resolution
young adults’, and generativ- benefits of, 132–133 of, 12
ity issues, 274–275 No-Lose Method of, 130–132, cued care, 152, 153f
collectivism, 274 132f cultural conflict, and adolescent
older parents and, 305 in parent–adolescent conflict, identity quest, 236
and parenting pattern, 48–49 242, 250–251 cultural model, 18

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 Subject Index 445

cultural socialization, adoption demand feeding, 150 behaviors that cause, 109,
and, 68–69 demandingness, parental, 30–32, 110f
culture. See also traditional culture 31f divorce, 75–83. See also
and academic achievement, in non-Western societies, stepfamily(ies)
214–215 47–48 children’s adjustment to, fac-
and adolescent identity quest, democracy, in family, 16–17 tors affecting, 78–80
236 deployment, and military fami- coparenting after, 79
and caregiving relationship lies, 99–101 and custody arrangements,
among older parents and depression 76–78
adult children, 304–305 abuse/neglect and, 346 detrimental effects of, 76
and childhood overweight, 221 adolescent, 244–245 and economic hardship, 76
definition of, 47 caregiving environment and, 42 middle-age parents’, effects on
and eating disorders, 246–248 death of parent due to suicide parent–child relationships,
and generativity achievement, and, 358 290–291
272–273 parental nonresident parents and, 78
and grandparent role, 295 and child maltreatment, 344 parental, effect on parent–young
military, 99 child temperament and, adult relationships, 269
and parent–adolescent conflict, 59–60, 148 and psychological problems in
243 child with ADHD and, 322 children, 76
and parental ethnotheories, 18 socioeconomic status and, domestic violence. See interpa-
and preschoolers’ personal 54 rental violence
boundaries, 176 parental alcoholism and, 355 donor insemination, for lesbian
and secure attachment, 151 development. See also specific parents, 89, 90, 139
traditional, definition of, 47 development (e.g., social- Double ABCX Model of Family
cyberbullying, 208, 211, 252, 254 emotional development) Stress and Adaptation, 3f,
and adolescent depression, 245 Ecological Model and, 17 16, 20–21, 20f, 42, 44,
and family system, 18–19 94, 320
deafness home environment and, 25 drug use and abuse. See sub-
children with, 329–330 dialectical reasoning, 277 stance use and abuse
parents with, 335–336 of young parents, 277–278 dual-earner families, 3f, 25
death diet. See nutrition combining work and family
of child, parents’ response to, disability(ies) roles, 271
359–361 children with and coparenting, 147
of grandparent, 362 in foster care, 71, 73 dyadic affective relationship, 171,
grieving children and adoles- parental reactions to having, 192
cents after, comforting, 359 314
of older parent, 361–362 and risk of maltreatment, 346 eating disorders, 246–248
of parent, during childhood or support for parents of, 316, inconsistent parenting and, 46
adolescence, 357–358 318 Ecological Model, 3f, 16, 17
of sibling, during childhood or parents with, 334–337 education, adolescent parenthood
adolescence, 358 discipline. See also punishment and, 84–87
understanding of, child’s age socioeconomic status and, egalitarian relationships, 92
and, 357–358 53–55 egocentrism
delinquency, adolescents and, discouragement, of children, adolescent, 232
250–251 parental atttitudes and preschoolers’, 177

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 446 Subject Index

elderly. See able elderly; aging parental reactions to having, family structure(s). See also
parents; older adults 314 divorce; extended fam-
emotion(s). See also social-emo- parental role and, 314 ily; immigrant family(ies);
tional development parenting of, 313–318 stepfamily(ies)
labeling, 174 person-first language regard- adoption and, 65–70
preschoolers’ regulation of, ing, 313–314 overview of, 64–65
186–187 services for, vs. needs, 317–318 Family Systems Theory, 3f, 16,
talking to young children parents with, 334–337 18–19, 59, 93, 240
about, 173–175 executive function, 155 family violence, 343. See also
emotional regulation, caregiving exosystem, 17 interparental violence;
environment and, 42 exploratory behavior, toddler, maltreatment
emotion competence, 173–174 parental influences on, fast mapping, 180
empathy, in preschoolers, 171, 155–156 father(s)
196–197 extended family. See also inter- adolescent, 85
encouragement, of children, 106, generational relationships support for, 86–87
108–111 and birth of first child, 146 authoritarian, 36
parental atttitudes and behav- divorce and, 80 biological (birth), and adoption,
iors for, 110f in immigrant family, 52 65–66
and positive outcomes, 111 and new parents’ transition to divorced custodial, parenting
at preschool age, 173 parenthood, 146 by, 77
enuresis, 194 and social support for new divorced noncustodial, parent-
environment, and development, ­parents, 148 ing by, 78
17 and support for grandfamily, 75 in hunter-gatherer communi-
ethnicity. See also African Ameri- traditional cultures and, 51–52 ties, 24
can family(ies); Latino externalizing behavior/problems, in parental role, 22–23
family(ies) 36, 40, 46 parenting behaviors, intergen-
authoritative parenting and, 34 off-time puberty and, 239 erational influences on, 57
and bicultural identity, 237 parental alcoholism and, 355 fatherhood, and infant
and bullying victimization, 253 physical punishment and, 129 ­attachment, 8
ethnic minority family(ies), par- prevention of, inductive parent- favoritism, parental
enting patterns in, 49 ing and, 126 effect of birth order, 59
ethnotheories, parental, 16, 18, 49 extracurricular activities, of effect of gender, 59
exceptionality(ies) school-age children feeding, demand, 150
children with, 313 and academic achievement, 214 feelings, children’s, focusing on,
challenges of parenting, 109
315–316 poverty and, 208 Feminist Theory, 3f, 24
and family stress, 315–316 face recognition, 157 fetal alcohol spectrum disorders
financial barriers to obtaining family(ies) (FASD), 142
services for, 315 authoritative, characteristics of, 33 filial maturity, 280–283, 299
gifted, 313 relationships in, chronically ill dimensions of, 281–283
with impairments, 313 children and, 332–333 filial piety, 304
information about, parental Family Development Theory, 3f, filial role, 304
access to, 315 16, 19 development of, stages of,
needs of, 317–318 family of origin, and parenting, 304
parental advocates for, 317 57–58 fine motor skills

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 Subject Index 447

infant/toddler, 163–164 and intergenerational relation- family rituals and, 273–274

preschoolers’, 188–189 ships, 92 interdependence of parents and
folic acid supplementation, in pathways to parenthood, 89 young adults and, 273
pregnancy, 140–141 gender issues, for LGBT adults and
food desert, 221 and adolescent victimization, their parents, 275–276
food insecurity, 184–185, 217, 221 253 sense of, 138, 267, 270–276
foster care and brain development, 187 acculturation and, 274
for abused children, 348–349 and caregivers for elderly par- parenthood and, 270–271
adolescents in, 349 ents, 306 and work–family interface, 271
and adoption, 65 and caregiver stress with aging geographic proximity, of parents
children in parents, 308 and adults children, 300
characteristics of, 71 of child, and parental response gifted children, 313, 325–326,
lives of, 71–72 to child with ADHD, 322 326f
children with disabilities and, 73 and childhood overweight, 221 grandfamily(ies), 73–75, 296–298
honeymoon phase of, 349 and childhood victimization, support for, 75, 298
psychological effects of, factors 210 grandfather(s)
affecting, 73 child’s, and parental supervi- importance of, to grandchil-
public policy and, 9 sion, 198 dren’s lives, 296
selective mothers and, 73 and child socialization, 58 rearing grandchildren, risk fac-
unconditional mothers and, 73 and discipline, authoritarian tors for, 74
foster children parenting and, 36 grandmother(s)
anxiety in, 348 and eating disorders, 246–248 in African American family, 52
grief experienced by, 348 and family roles, 24 rearing grandchildren, risk fac-
loyalty conflicts of, 348 indifferent parenting and, 42 tors for, 74
foster parents, 71–73 and life review, 293 grandparent(s)
competencies needed by, 72 and motor skills, 163 and child care, 164, 191–192
importance to foster children, and parental favoritism, 59 and children’s adjustment to
72–73 and parental neglect, 41 divorce, 80
same-sex couples as, 88 and parent–child relationships in China, 299
Four Pluses and a Wish, 106, in later life, 302 contributions to grandchil-
111–112 and parents’ concerns about dren’s lives, 295–296
free play adult children’s non-nor- cultural role of, 295
parent–infant, 153–155 mative social status transi- custodial. See also
for school-age children, 222 tions, 288 grandfamily(ies)
and risk for bullying, 350 challenges faced by, 297–
gay and lesbian persons and work–family interface, 271 298
children/youth, 93–94 and young adults’ attachment death of, 362
coming out, 93–94 to their parents, 268 emerging roles of
sexual orientation identity gender roles, in gay and lesbian demographic trends in, 299
formation for, 237–238 families, 92 global perspective on,
young adult, and their parents, generativity 298–299
generativity issues for, 275 achievement of, culture and, legacy of, 363
Gayby boom, 90 272–273 numbers of, in contemporary
gay parents cohabiting young adults and, society, 294–295
challenges for, 91–92 274–275 and outcomes for children, 23

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 448 Subject Index

grandparent(s) (continued) hero, in family with alcoholic indigenous culture

rearing grandchildren, 73–75 parent, 354 children’s cognitive
role of, significance of, 289 historians, family, grandparents ­development in, 180
roles of, in contemporary soci- as, 295 children’s intent participation
ety, 294–295 home environment, and c­ hildren’s in, 180
support for parents of children development, 25 individualism, 274
with cognitive deficits, 320 house of self, 107 older parents and, 304–305
support for parents of children hunter-gatherer cultures, multiple Individualized Education Program
with physical disabilities, caregivers in, 24 (IEP), 317–318
331 Individual Psychology, 16
support for parents of disabled identity development, abuse/ Individuals with Disabilities
children, 316 neglect and, 347 ­Education Act (IDEA),
in traditional cultures, 51–52 identity exploration, 261 317
grandparenthood. See also identity moratorium, 236 individuation, 268
extended ­family; identity quest induction, 124–126
­intergenerational of adolescents, 236–238 effectiveness of, 126
­relationships online social networking other-oriented, 125–126
normative transition into, 289 and, 255 self-oriented, 125–126
and older adults’ psychological of LGBT adolescents, 237–238 indulgent parenting, 30, 31f,
development, 294 of LGB young adults, 275 40–41
grief imaginary audience, 232 and adolescent delinquency,
children and adolescents expe- I-messages, 117, 119–120 250
riencing, 359 preventive, 120 infant(s). See also low-birth-
parental, when child dies, imitation, 12, 123–124 weight infants
359–360 immigrant family(ies), 94–97 attachment in, 6, 8, 149–151
gross motor skills and academic achievement, 215 blind parents and, 336
infant/toddler, 163–164 and acculturation, 94–95 care of, when parents are at
preschoolers’, 188–189 extended family relations in, 52 work, 164–166
guidance intergenerational incongruence cognitive development of,
as encouragement of children, in, 95 156–160
108–111 language brokering in, 96–97 coparenting and, 147–148
as prevention of problems, language challenges in, 96–97 demand feeding of, 150
106–116 mother-tongue shift in, 96 health care for, 163
as reinforcement and modeling, parent–adolescent conflict in, language development,
121–124 243 157–160
guided participation, 16, 212– and transnationalism, 95 motor skills of, promoting,
213 immunization(s), 163 163–164
and preschoolers’ cognitive inadequacy, display of, as goal of parent–infant play and,
development, 178 misbehavior, 113–114, 113f 153–155
inconsistent parenting, 45–46 perceptual development of,
health care, for infant/toddler, 163 indifferent parenting, 30, 157–158
hearing, infant’s, 158 31f, 41–43. See also physical development of,
hearing impairment ­uninvolved parenting 160–164
children with, 329–330 and adolescent delinquency, safety of, 164
parents with, 335–336 250 sense of trust, 149–151

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 Subject Index 449

social-emotional development and childhood bullying/ children as active participants

of, 148–156 victimization, 210 in, 15
social support for parents of, effects on children’s develop- children’s enthusiasm for,
148 ment, 349–350 13–15
infant care, 144–145 interventions for, 351 scaffolding of, 15–16
infant carrying, 151 male batterers in, treatment for, learning disability(ies), children
infant mortality rate, 143, 144 351 with, 323–324
for adolescent pregnancy, 84 and safety planning strategies least restrictive environment
infertility, 139 for women/children, 351 (LRE), 317
information communication intimacy, achievement of, young legacy, of older persons and
­technologies (ICT), and adults’, 267, 269 grandparents, 363
transnationalism in intimate relationship, stability, lenient parenting, 9–10
­immigrant families, 95 effect of children on, 139 Freud and, 7
initiative, sense of, 172 intrusive coparenting behavior, lesbian parents
innate drives, Freud’s views on, 6 148 challenges for, 91–92
instinct(s), Freud’s views on, 6–7, invincibility fable, 232 donor insemination for, 89,
33, 40 iodine deficiency, 184 90, 139
integrity, older adults’ sense of, iron deficiency, 184 and intergenerational
parent–child relations and, ­relationships, 92
293 kangaroo care, 144–145 pathways to parenthood, 89
intellectual disability. See cogni- kinkeeping role, 24, 302 LGBT persons. See also
tive deficits language brokers, 96–97 ­bisexual persons; gay
intelligence language development and ­lesbian persons; gay
infant, Piaget’s views on, 156 fast mapping in, 180 parents; l­esbian parents;
sensorimotor, 156 infant/toddler, 157–160 ­transgender persons
intent participation, 180 parent–child book reading and, adolescent, identity quest of,
intergenerational relationships. 159 237–238
See also extended family in preschoolers, 180–183 egalitarian relationships formed
gay and lesbian parents and, in school-age children, 212 by, 92
92 toddler block play and, 160 families that include, 88–94
Internet. See also cyberbullying; young adult, and their parents,
screen time Latino family(ies) generativity issues for,
benefits and challenges of, 226 and academic achievement, 215 275–276
children’s use of, parenting authoritative parenting and, 34 life skills, young children’s
style and, 60 bilingualism in, 97 ­development of, 190–191
negative content on, protecting child outcomes in, 53 linguistic bands, 97
children against, 227 grandparents as caregivers in, logical consequences, 124–125,
sexual predators on, 257 296–297 127–128
usage of, and family dynamics, parental financial ­assistance to lost child, in family with
255 young adults in, ­constraints ­alcoholic parent, 355
Internet addiction, 256 on, 266 low-birth-weight infants,
interparental violence role of elders in, 295 144–145
and adolescent and school/community, 25 adolescent pregnancy and,
­bullying/­victimization, learning 83–84
253 as childhood’s work, 14–15 risk factors for, 143

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 450 Subject Index

maltreatment and their adult children, role preschoolers’, promoting,

child characteristics and, transitions and, 287–291 188–189
345–346 military family(ies), 97–102 of school-age children, promot-
effects on children’s lives, assistance for, 101–102 ing, 221–225
346–347 deployment and, 99–101 mutual gazing, parent–infant, 157
familial risk factors for, 345 relocations of, 98–99
nap(s), 194
historical perspective on, reunion after deployment,
Nar-Anon Family Groups, 357
342–343 100–101
Narcotics Anonymous (NA),
interventions for, 347–349 mind(s), absorbent, of children,
356–357
parental, during childhood, and 13–14
natural consequences, 127–128
risk for abuse/neglect of minority(ies). See ethnicity; tradi-
neglect. See abuse/neglect
own children, 343–344 tional culture
neighboring, socioeconomic
parental characteristics and, misbehavior. See also punishment
­status and, 55
343–345 four goals of, 106, 113–116,
new parents
marital discord 113f, 115–116
and role changes, 264
and coparenting patterns, 58 children’s awareness of,
and social media, 265
and inconsistent parenting, 45–46 115–116
No-Lose Method of Conflict
and sibling jealousy among prevention of, parenting strate-
­Resolution, 130–132, 132f
preschoolers, 196 gies for, 106, 114–116
noncompliance, indifferent
marital stability, effect of children punishment and, 32
­parenting and, 42
on, 139 responses to, 114
non-normative events, and family
mascot/clown, in family with mistakes, children’s, responding
system, 18–19
alcoholic parent, 355 to, 109
normative events, and family
media. See also screen time; modeling, 12
­system, 18–19
social media; television parental, 123–124
nurturers, grandparents as, 295
adolescents’ use of, 254–257 monsters, young children’s wor-
nutrition
benefits and challenges of, ries about, 194–195
and cognitive development,
225–227 Montessori Method, 13–14, 33
216–217
sexualized content, 256 mother(s)
for infant/toddler, 161–162
Spock’s use of, 9–10 adolescent, 84–85
and overweight in children,
Watson’s use of, 5–6 support for, 86
217–221
mentors, grandparents as, 295 biological (birth), and adoption,
and physical development, 216
mesosystem, 17 65–66
poverty and, 217
Mexican American family(ies), divorced custodial, parenting
in pregnancy, 140–141
extended family relations by, 76–77
for preschoolers, 183–186
in, 51–52 Freud’s views on, 6
for school-age children, 216–
microsystem, 17 in parental role, 21
217
middle-aged adults teenage, transition to parent-
nutritional deficiencies, 184, 185
divorce, effects on parent–child hood, 146
relationships, 290–291 unmarried, and coresidence obediance, authoritarian parent-
remarriage, effects on parent– with parents, 262 ing and, 35
child relationships, 290–291 mother-tongue shift, 96 obesity. See overweight and o ­ besity
stressful life circumstances of, motor skills older adults. See also aging ­parents
effect on older parents, infant/toddler, promoting, as able elderly, in family con-
292–293 163–164 text, 299–303

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 Subject Index 451

adjustment to children’s transi- overweight and obesity economic considerations, 138

tions, 292–293 in adolescents, 245–246 and gender role expectations,
adult children’s stressful life cir- attention-deficit/hyperactivity 147
cumstances and, 292–293 disorder and, 220 nonmarital, and mother’s coresi-
assisted living for, 309 in children, 217–221 dence with parents, 262
ego integrity, social networks detrimental effects of, 217 pathways to, 137–143
and, 293 diet and, 218 psychosocial considerations,
generativity achievement, family factors associated with, 138
social networks and, 293 220 six stages of, 21, 22f
legacy of, 363 and off-time puberty, 239 structural considerations, 138
normative role transitions, parental, and children’s weight transition to, 146
effects on parent–child and problems, 220, 246 parentification, of children, with
grandparent–grandchild personal characteristics and, parental alcoholism, 353
relationships, 291–293 219–220 parent–infant synchrony, 145
psychological development of physical inactivity and, 218–219 play and, 154
grandparenthood and, 294 risk factors for, 217–219 parenting. See also childrearing;
intergenerational relation- screen time and, 219 coparenting; parenting
ships and, 293–299 sleep habits and, 219 strategies
retirement, effects on parent– in young children, 185 in at-risk communities, 206
child and grandparent– changes in, historical perspec-
grandchild relationships, parent–adolescent conflict, tive on, 2, 3f
291–292 240–243 children’s characteristics and,
and their children. See also fil- and adolescent delinquency, 58–60
ial maturity 250–251 compromised, with parental
ambivalence among, 303 culture and, 243 alcoholism, 353
degree of closeness, 301 resolution of, 242, 250–251 democratic approach to, 16–17
frequency of interaction, 301 sources of, 242–243 family of origin and, 57–58
leisure activities of, 302 parental closeness, low- harsh, and adolescent bullying/
mutual aid, 301 level, and adolescent victimization, 253
parent–child relationships, ­delinquency, 251 intergenerational influences on,
effects of age and gender, parental intrusiveness, 145 57–58
302 parental monitoring parenting patterns. See also
quality of intergenerational and adolescent delinquency, 251 specific pattern (e.g.,
relationships, 301 and adolescent substance use, authoritarian parenting,
residential proximity of, 300 249 authoritative parenting)
tensions among, 303 of school-age children, 207 of American parents, 30–46
widowhood, effects on parent– parental role, importance of, 21–24 contextual influences on, 53–57
child relationships, 292 Parent Education Movement, 3f, 17 cultural variations in, 46–53
open adoption, 66 parentese, 158 in non-Western societies, 47–49
Operant Conditioning, 3f, 11–12 parenthood. See also adolescent parent-centered s. child-
orphanages parenthood; coparenting centered, socioeconomic
and child development, 9 and challenges to couple status and, 53–54
public policy and, 9 ­relationship, 139 religiosity and, 56–57
overprotective parenting, 43–44 and changes in family and socioeconomic status and,
overregularization, 181 friendship networks, 146 53–56

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 452 Subject Index

Parenting Process Model, 59 planned families, 89 empathy in, 171

parenting strategies, for prevent- play language development in,
ing misbehavior, 106, as children’s work, 14–15, 33 180–183
114–116 and infant brain development, linguistic understanding of,
Parent-to-Parent Movement, 154 182–183
319–320 and infant self-regulation, 154 mispronunciations by, manage-
pediatric abusive head trauma parent–infant, 153–155 ment of, 181
(AHT), 345–346 and parent–infant synchrony, motor skills of, promoting,
peer relationships, abuse/neglect 154 188–189
and, 347 parent–preschooler, 171 parents of, challenges and con-
permissive parenting, 30, 31f, and secure attachment, 154 cerns of, 192–198
38–40 Possums Sleep Intervention personal boundaries of, 175–
and adolescent delinquency, Model, 152, 153f 176
250 post-traumatic stress disorder, in physical development of,
and adolescent substance use children, interparental vio- 183–189
and abuse, 248 lence and, 349 preferences of, 175–176
and conflict resolution, 130 poverty. See socioeconomic protective optimism in, 172
and social relationships of status self-esteem of, 172–173
school-age children, 205 power, as goal of misbehavior, self-reliance of, 175
perseveration, 187 113–114, 113f, 115 sense of initiative in, 172
personality development, Montes- pregnancy sibling relationships of, 195–
sori on, 13–14 anemia in, 143 197
person-first language, regarding folic acid supplementation in, sleeping problems of, 192–195
children with exceptionali- 140–141 social-emotional development
ties, 313–314 healthy lifestyle before and dur- of, 170–176
pervasive developmental delay, ing, 140–143 worries about monsters,
318 nutrition in, 140–141 194–195
physical abuse, 342. See also smoking and, 141–142 preterm infants, 144–145
maltreatment substance use and abuse in, kangaroo care for, 144–145
physical activity 142 problem-finding ability, of young
and adolescent depression, 245 teenage, 83–84 parents, 277–278
and adolescent overweight/ prenatal care, 140, 142–143 problem ownership, 117
obesity, 246 preoperational thought, 177 process, focusing on, 109
child-organized, for school-age preschooler(s) prosocial behavior, inductive par-
children, 222 of adolescent parents, 85 enting and, 126
and healthy weight, 218 brain development in, 186–189 protection of children, parental.
physical development child care for, 165, 180, See also overprotective
infant/toddler, 160–164 191–192 parenting
nutrition and, 216 cognitive development of, vs. overprotective parent-
of preschoolers, 183–189 176–183 ing, 43
of school-age children, 215– development of personal and protective optimism, 172
225 family life skills, 190–191 protective services, for child mal-
physical disability(ies) egocentrism of, 177 treatment, 347–349
children with, 330–331 emotions of, talking about, psychological development, of
parents with, 337 173–175 older adults

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 Subject Index 453

grandparenthood and, 294 remarriage non-normative, effect on mid-

intergenerational relationships children’s reactions to, 81 dle-aged adults and their
and, 293–299 middle-age parents’, effects on adult children, 288–290
psychological safety, establishing parent–child relationships, normative, effect on middle-
atmosphere of, 106–108 290–291 aged adults and their adult
Psychosexual Development, resource allocation decisions, children, 288
Freud’s theory of, 6–7 parental, effect of birth
Psychosocial Development, Erik- order, 58–59 safety
son’s theory of, 12, 23 respect, parental, for chil- infant/toddler, 164
puberty, 238–240 dren, 37 of school-age children, 223–225
off-time, 239 respite care, 75 safety plans, for domestic vio-
and sexuality, 240 children with exceptionali- lence victims, 351
punishment, 32 ties and, 316 same-sex couples, 88
and adolescent delinquency, 250 responsiveness, parental, 3f, 30– assisted reproductive technol-
authoritarian parenting and, 31, 31f. See also authorita- ogy for, 90
35–36 tive parenting and co-adoption, 91
effect on parent–child relation- demand feeding and, 150 sandwich generation, 306
ships, 129 divorce and, 76–77 scaffolding, 15–16, 278–280
negative effects of, 128–130 importance of, 8–10 scapegoat, in family with alco-
parents who rely on, character- and infant security, 151 holic parent, 354
istics of, 130 and preschoolers’ attachment, school achievement. See aca-
socioeconomic status and, 54–55 170–171 demic achievement
Puritan beliefs, 3f, 4, 35 and secure attachment, 8 school-age children
Watson’s views on, 5 academic achievement by,
racial socialization, 50, 53 retirement, older adults’, effects 213–215
and adoption, 68–69, 70 on parent–child and and attachment, 205–206
benefits of, for ethnic minority grandparent–grandchild behavior of, parent–child
youths, 236–237 relationships, 291–292 coregulation of, 204
reading revenge, as goal of misbehavior, bullying and, 208–211
benefits of, 225 113–114, 113f child-organized physical activi-
parent–child risk taking ties for, 222
at bedtime, 193 abuse/neglect and, 347 cognitive development of,
and cognitive development, overprotective parenting and, 211–215
179 44 extracurricular activities
and language development, in young children, 198 and academic achievement,
159 rituals, family, and generativity, 214
reinforcement(s)/reinforcement 273–274 poverty and, 208
techniques, 11–12 robotics, 255 family activities for, 222
and consistency, 121 role models, grandparents as, free play for, 222
definition of, 121 295 injury prevention for, 223–224
effectiveness of, 122 role overload, 271 in sports, 221–222
use of, 121–122 role transitions language development in, 212
religiosity effect on middle-aged adults leisure time and peer group
and child outcomes, 56–57 and their adult children, relations of, 206–211
and parenting patterns, 56–57 287–291 logical reasoning by, 211–212

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 454 Subject Index

school-age children (continued) self-regulatory behavior sibling(s)

in military families, effects of infant as caregivers for elderly par-
relocations on, 98–99 parental support of, 151–152 ents, 305
motor skills of, promoting, play and, 154 death of, during childhood or
221–225 and sleep–wake patterns, adolescence, 358, 361
parental monitoring of, 207 152, 153f interactions after death of older
physical development of, permissive parenting and, 39 parent, 362
215–225 preschoolers’, 175 sibling conflict, 195–197
safety of, 223–225 self-reliance, preschoolers’, 175 sibling relationships, 195–197
self-esteem of, 204 sensory impairments sinful child, 4, 35
social-emotional development children with, 326–330 skipped-generation parents,
of, 202–204 parents with, 335–337 296–298. See also
social relationships of, parental serial adoptions, 91 grandfamily(ies)
influences on, 204–211 SES. See socioeconomic status global demographic trends
social skills of, 203–204 sexual abuse, 342. See also mal- in, 299
sports participation by, 207, treatment sleep
221–222 effects on children’s lives, 347 and bed-wetting, 194
victimization of, 208–211 preadoption, consequences daytime, of young children,
school inclusion, children with of, 67 194
exceptionalities and, 315 risk factors for, 346 overweight and, 219
science, and childrearing, Wat- sexual behavior parent–infant, behavioral inter-
son’s linkage of, 5–6 adolescent, 240, 243, 251–252 ventions that promote,
screen time early, 251–252 152, 153f
and childhood obesity, 219 authoritarian parenting and, problems with, of young chil-
and children’s health, 226 36, 252 dren, 192–195
concerns about, 25, 60 indifferent parenting and, smoking
permissive parenting and, 38, 42, 252 and breast-feeding, 162
60 overprotective parenting and, by family members, and ado-
self-actualization, authoritative 252 lescent smoking, 249
parenting and, 34 permissive parenting and, and pregnancy, 141–142
self-care skills, young children’s 39, 252 social acceptance, preschoolers’,
development of, 190–191 parent–child communication 172–173
Self-Determination Theory, 155 and, 121 social anchorage, 293, 302
self-esteem sexual orientation. See also LGBT social approval, as reinforcement,
adolescents’, 234–235 persons 122
overweight/obesity and, prejudice about, 91 social capital, 265
245–246 and young LGB adults’ identity Social Discipline Theory, 16–17
in children consolidation, 275 social-emotional development
authoritative parenting and, SFD. See Systemic Family Devel- of adolescents, 234–238
33 opment Model of infants/toddlers, 148–156
building/promoting, 106–108 shaken baby syndrome. See pedi- of preschoolers, 170–176
levels of, 106–107 atric abusive head trauma of school-age children, 202–
low, abuse/neglect and, 346 (AHT) 204
preschoolers’, 172–173 short breaks, for parents of disa- of young adults, 267–276
school-age children’s, 204 bled children, 316 socialization

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 Subject Index 455

context and, 16–21 sports injury prevention, 221–222 by family members, and adoles-
gender and, 58 sports participation, by school-age cent substance abuse, 249
in non-Western societies, children, 207, 221–222 indifferent parenting and, 42
47–49 stepfamily(ies), 80–83 parental, and child maltreat-
patterns, of American parents, gay, 89 ment, 344
30–46 healthy, characteristics of, parent–child communication
social learning, 3f 82–83 and, 121
Social Learning Theory, 12, 57, lesbian, 89–90 permissive parenting and, 39,
123, 132 transitioning into, 81 248
social media, new parents and, stepparents, roles of, 82 in pregnancy, 142
265 stepsiblings, 82 suicide
social referencing, 155 stress. See also Double ABCX adolescent, violent victimiza-
social relationships Model of Family Stress and tion and, 254
of adolescents, role of parents Adaptation death of child by, 360
in, 234–238 caregiver, with elderly parents, death of parent by, 358
of school-age children, parental 307–308 transgender-related social isola-
influences on, 204–211 family tion and, 276
social skills, school-age chil- and childhood overweight/ support. See also scaffolding
dren’s, 203–204 obesity, 220 for adolescent parents and their
social status transitions, 287 children with exceptionali- children, 86–87
adult children’s, non-norma- ties and, 315–316 for children of indifferent
tive, 288 and off-time puberty, 239 ­parents, 42
middle-age parents, 288–290 parental for grandfamilies, 75, 298
social support children with cognitive defi- parental, for children, 6. See
for parents of infants and tod- cits and, 319–320 also authoritative parenting
dlers, 148 child with ADHD and, 322 for stressed parents, 42
and social development of chronically ill children and, surrogacy, 139
school-age children, 206 332–333 surrogate parents, 52, 71–77.
society, definition of, 47 in stepfamilies, 82 See also foster parents;
Sociocultural Theory, 15–16 sources of, for preschoolers, grandparent(s)
socioeconomic status 187 symbolic thinking, 177
and adolescent overweight/ substance use and abuse. See also Systemic Family Development
obesity, 246 alcoholism, parental Model, 3f, 16, 19–20, 41
and childhood overweight, 221 adolescent, 248–249
and child maltreatment, 345 alcoholic parents and, 353, technology, 3f
and children’s extracurricular 355 adolescents’ use of, 254–257
activities, 208 violent victimization and, benefits of, 225
and chronically ill children, 333 254 for adolescent development
effect on children, 55 authoritarian parenting and, and family dynamics,
and food insecurity, 217 36 254–255
and malnutrition, 217 children in foster care and, 71 and children’s outcomes, 25
and parental supervision of death of parent due to suicide children’s use of, parenting
children, 198 and, 358 style and, 60
and parenting patterns, 53–56 families in recovery from, use of, by children who are
and prenatal risk factors, 143 356–357 learning disabled, 324

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 456 Subject Index

television traditional parenting, 30, 31f, visual impairment

and children’s health, 226 49–51 children with, 327–328
educational, 225 and adolescent academic parents with, 336–337
and parent–child interaction, 226 achievement, 233 vitamin A deficiency, 184
viewing, effects on infant/ and racial socialization, 50, 53
toddler development, 160 transgender persons warmth, parental, 30–31, 31f. See
violence on, 226, 256 children/youth, 93–94 also authoritative parenting
temperament, child’s, and parent- path to gender identity, 238 weaning, of infant, 162
ing, 59–60, 148 young adult, and their parents, widowhood, older adults’, effects
teratogens, 140, 142–143 generativity issues for, 276 on parent–child relation-
theory of mind, 195 transnationalism, 95 ships, 292
toddler(s) trust willful child, 4, 35
autonomy of, parental influ- infant, 149–151 wizards, grandparents as, 295
ences on, 155–156 maltreated children’s issues working parents, combining work
block play, and language with, 348 and family roles, 271
development, 160
care of, when parents are at understanding, parental, of chil- young adults
work, 164–166 dren, 6 achievement of intimacy, 267,
cognitive development of, underweight, in adolescents, 269
156–160 246–248 attachment to their parents,
coparenting and, 147–148 uninvolved parenting. See also 267–269
exploratory behavior, parental indifferent parenting childrearing efforts of
influences on, 155–156 and peer relationships of parental scaffolding of,
health care for, 163 school-age children, 205 279–280
language development, 157– scaffolding of, by partners,
160 value judgments, avoiding, 280
motor skills of, promoting, 108–109 in college, parental support of,
163–164 verbal interactions, parent–child, 265–266
physical development of, socioeconomic status and, college-educated, as parents,
160–164 53–54 278
safety of, 164 video games, 225 in committed relationships, and
social-emotional development violent content in, 226 role changes, 264
of, 148–156 video viewing, effects on infant/ and communication with par-
social support for parents of, 148 toddler development, 160 ents, 268–269
tooth decay, 184 violence. See also interparental delayed home leaving, 262
traditional culture(s) violence; maltreatment dialectical reasoning by,
definition of, 47 and adolescent victimization, 277–278
extended family relations in, 252–253 and divorced parents, relation-
51–52 community, protecting children ships of, 269
infant carrying in, 151 from, 224–225 filial maturity of, 280–283
life skills of young children in, on television, 226, 256 launching of, 261–263
190 in video games, 226 leaving home early, 261–262
and parent–adolescent conflict, violent crime, and adolescent moving back home, 262
243 bullying/victimization, as new parents, and role
role of elders in, 295 253 changes, 264

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 Subject Index 457

not in college, parental support living together, relationship in separate residences, 263–
of, 266 quality of, 262–263 264
and parental comprehension, renewed acquaintance of, social-emotional development
282–283 281–282 of, 267–276
and parental distancing, 281 separation of, 281 spouse/partner of, parents’
parental financial assistance to, understanding between, response to, 264
265–266 282–283 young children. See
constraints on, 266 as parents preschooler(s)
parental scaffolding of, 278– and higher-level reasoning,
279 277–278 zinc deficiency, 184
and parents parental scaffolding of,
bond between, 265–266 279–280
economic interdependence problem-finding ability of,
of, 265–266 277–278

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