MUSEUM AND GALLERY STUDIES
THE BASICS
Museum and Gallery Studies: The Basics is an accessible guide for the student approaching
Museum and Gallery Studies for the first time. Taking a global view, it covers the key
ideas, approaches and contentious issues in the field. Balancing theory and practice, the
book addresses important questions such as:
x What are museums and galleries?
x Who decides which kinds of objects are worthy of collection?
x How are museums and galleries funded?
x What ethical concerns do practitioners need to consider?
x How is the field of Museum and Gallery Studies developing?
This user-friendly text is an essential read for anyone wishing to work within museums
and galleries, or seeking to understand academic debates in the field.
Rhiannon Mason is Professor of Heritage and Cultural Studies and Head of the School
of Arts and Cultures at Newcastle University, UK. Her teaching and research focuses
on the role of heritage and memory institutions in mediating public understandings of
people’s histories, cultures and identities.
Alistair Robinson is Director of the Northern Gallery for Contemporary Art, having
held positions at the Victoria & Albert Museum and the National Museum of Photography
Film & Television. He is undertaking research into museums of modern art collecting
contemporary art.
Emma Coffield is an Early Career Academic Fellow in Media, Culture, Heritage
(MCH) at Newcastle University, UK, and leads the MA in Art Museum and Gallery
Studies. Her research focuses on contemporary art history, production and display, and
the spatial politics of artistic practice.
THE BASICS
For a full list of titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com/
The-Basics/book-series/B
MEN AND MASCULINITIY
NIGEL EDLEY
NARRATIVE
BRONWEN THOMAS
POETRY (THIRD EDITION)
JEFFREY WAINWRIGHT
THE QUR’AN (SECOND EDITION)
MASSIMO CAMPANINI
RESEARCH METHODS
NIGEL EDLEY
SEMIOTICS
DANIEL CHANDLER
SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL NEEDS AND DISABILITY (SECOND EDITION)
JANICE WEARMOUTH
SPORT MANAGEMENT
ROBERT WILSON AND MARK PIEKARZ
SPORTS COACHING
LAURA PURDY
TRANSLATION
JULIANE HOUSE
MUSEUM AND GALLERY
STUDIES
THE BASICS
Rhiannon Mason, Alistair Robinson
and Emma Coffield
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
¤ 2018 Rhiannon Mason, Alistair Robinson and Emma Coffield
The right of Rhiannon Mason, Alistair Robinson and Emma Coffield to be identified
as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
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Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
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ISBN: 978-0-415-83454-4 (hbk)
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CONTENTS
List of illustrations vii
Acknowledgements ix
Introduction 1
1 First principles 17
2 Collecting and collections 54
3 Visitors and audiences 86
4 The business of culture 130
5 Display, interpretation and learning 164
6 Looking forward 205
Index 222
ILLUSTRATIONS
FIGURES
0.1 The Great Court, British Museum, London.
¤ The Trustees of the British Museum 5
0.2 Tate Modern, Bankside, London.
¤ Tate, London 2017 12
1.1 The frontage of the British Museum.
¤ The Trustees of the British Museum 18
2.1 Spirit-preserved specimens in the Collection of
the Natural History Society of Northumbria.
¤ Dan Gordon, Tyne and Wear Archives
and Museums 55
3.1 Visitors at the Great North Museum: Hancock,
Newcastle University. ¤ Colin Davison/Tyne
and Wear Archives and Museums 95
3.2 Exterior view of the National Museum of the
American Indian, Washington, DC.
¤ Rhiannon Mason 116
4.1 Proportion of overseas and UK visits to
DCMS-sponsored museums in 2013/2014. ¤ DCMS 150
5.1 Furniture in the French Second Empire style, owned
by John and Josephine Bowes and used in their
VIII ILLUSTRATIONS
homes in Paris in the 1850s and 60s, now displayed
in The Bowes Museum. ¤ The Bowes Museum,
Barnard Castle, County Durham 165
5.2 The Ardabil Carpet, by Maqsud of Kashan. Iran,
mid-16th century. ¤ Victoria and Albert
Museum, London 166
5.3 National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. Designed
1937 and opened 1941. ¤ Rhiannon Mason 176
5.4 Museo Universitario Arte Contemporáneo
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (MUAC),
Mexico City. Opened 2008. ¤ Rhiannon Mason 177
5.5 Museu d’Art Contemporani de Barcelona (MACBA),
Spain. Opened 1995. ¤ Alistair Robinson 178
5.6 Tate Modern: Interior gallery with visitors.
¤ Tate, London 2009 181
5.7 Installation at Northern Gallery for Contemporary
Art (NGCA), Sunderland, 2006.
¤ Colin Davison/NGCA 182
5.8 ‘The Road to Partition’ Gallery showing different
coloured kerbstones on either side.
¤ Tower Museum Derry/Londonderry 188
5.9 The Annunciation, by Sandro Botticelli
(circa 1445–1510). ¤ CSG CIC Glasgow Museums
and Libraries Collections 197
6.1 ‘Game Changers’ Gallery in the National Museum
of African American History and Culture.
¤ National Museum of African American History
and Culture (NMAAHC) 206
6.2 Exterior view of the National Museum of African
American History and Culture. ¤ National
Museum of African American History
and Culture (NMAAHC) 210
TABLES
0.1 Visitor figures for London’s top four most
visited museums 10
0.2 Most visited art galleries in the world in 2015 11
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book represents the shared thinking and practice around museums
and galleries in which we have been engaged, both independently and
collaboratively, for the past two decades. Our perspectives owe much
to our experiences of teaching on the Masters and PhD programmes in
Museum, Gallery and Heritage Studies at Newcastle University. Our
ideas have been tested, challenged and developed through discussions
with our students and colleagues in this context. Similarly, our col-
laborations with colleagues on research projects and publications have
further shaped our own understandings of the field.
Most importantly, our fascination with museums and galleries has
been enriched and sustained through the collective enthusiasm for
our subject that defines the community of museum, gallery and her-
itage scholars, practitioners and students at Newcastle. At the same
time, academics at other museum, gallery and heritage HE depart-
ments and institutions in the UK, and beyond, have also shaped our
thinking. We recognize that ours is a very rich, interdisciplinary and
cooperative field of study.
We would like to thank the reviewers at proposal and draft stage who
provided us with such constructive and thoughtful feedback. Thanks
also to the team at Routledge for their support and endless patience
throughout the long process of bringing this project to completion.
X ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Specifically, we would like to thank the following people for
their input: Joanne Sayner who read an early draft, Katherina Massing
who helped us understand the linguistic issues around terms such as
museum and gallery in the Chinese context, Susannah Eckersley who
similarly informed our understanding of the terms in the German
context, Chris Whitehead who greatly informed our understanding
of museum and gallery history, as well as how to critically think about
display, Bethany Rex who contributed to our review of international
museum definitions, Peter Davis who both inspired and encouraged
us, as well as introducing us to a much broader, international under-
standing of museological thinking and practice, and Areti Galani for
teaching us so much about Digital Heritage over the years. Our thanks
also go to Zelda Baveystock, Gerard Corsane, Elizabeth Crooke,
Simon Knell, Viv Golding, Katherine Lloyd, Suzanne McLeod,
Wayne Modest, Andrew Newman, Aron Mazel, Bryony Onciul,
Richard Sandell, Peter Stone, Iain Watson, Sheila Watson, Iain
Wheeldon, Helen White, Conal McCarthy, and Andrea Witcomb
for many stimulating discussions around museums, heritage and gal-
leries over the years. Any errors remain our own responsibility.
Our thanks also go to the following museums and galleries who
gave their permission for us to include the images and tables in this
book: Tower Museum, Derry; British Museum, London; Tate
Gallery, London; DCMS; Kelvingrove Museum and Art Gallery,
Glasgow; Bowes Museum, County Durham; V&A Museum,
London; Great North Museum, Hancock, Newcastle; National
Museum of African-American History and Culture, Washington.
INTRODUCTION
What are museums and galleries for? Why do societies have them?
What’s the point of them? How much power and influence do they
have over the way people understand the past, present and future
and what responsibilities does this bring? How do they communi-
cate ideas and values through their collections, displays and interpre-
tation? What public roles do and should they play? Who are they
for? Who do they represent and, crucially, who do they not represent
and why? Does it matter if they don’t represent everyone and their
cultures and histories? Is it even possible to represent everyone and
everything? Are museums political or are they neutral spaces?
Should the public pay for museums and galleries collectively
through general taxation, or should people pay on entrance through
ticketing, as with sports matches or theatre visits? Should museums
and galleries be expected to rely on the generosity or needs of pri-
vate donors and corporate sponsors to support them? What are the
ethical implications of the financial arrangements which underpin
museums and galleries? This book, and the field of museum and gal-
lery studies, addresses these questions among many others.
In Europe, museums and galleries have been in existence since
the seventeenth century (see Chapter 2) and are a ‘part of the land-
scape’ in almost every medium or large city. Elsewhere in the world,
2 INTRODUCTION
as in China and the Persian Gulf, there is a ‘museum boom’ going
on right now, where museums and galleries are being built in great
numbers and with great expense. In many parts of the world, we
are so used to having museums and galleries that it is easy to take
their existence and importance for granted. However, it is impor-
tant to ask ourselves why societies and governments worldwide
have taken hundreds of millions of objects out of commercial cir-
culation to keep ownership of them in ‘public’ hands. Building an
institution like a museum or gallery is a major financial burden. It
usually requires a huge form of ‘capital expenditure’ where a vast
sum of money must be found and not used on any other urgent
requirement. Maintaining an institution like a museum or a gallery
is disproportionately expensive to other spaces. They require special
air-conditioning and environmental controls, security, storage, con-
servation and, of course, staff to look after everything. Museums and
galleries have high fixed costs while having relatively few opportu-
nities to raise the funds to cover them; this means they are always
reliant on financial support from donors, patrons or the state. Most
importantly, the whole idea of the traditional museum or gallery
is that it has a responsibility to house, protect and conserve its col-
lections forever. This is not only a philosophical responsibility but a
financial commitment in perpetuity.
Seen in this light, we might conclude that museums are absurd
undertakings and historical anomalies left over from an earlier time.
After all, is impossible to arrest the decay or change that all objects
inevitably experience with age. On the other hand, if so many
societies have been prepared to invest such enormous resources
in preserving all these things for the future, then this does suggest
that those objects, and the institutions in which they live, have
been and continue to be incredibly important to humans in many
places and over many generations. So, for this reason, if nothing
else, they deserve serious attention. We have to ask ourselves, why
have so many societies decided that it is worth sacrificing so much
of their collective resources in order to keep and to show objects
to each other? What is it about these institutions and their prac-
tices of collecting, preserving and interpreting that makes so many
societies convinced that they are an essential part of our collective
public life?
INTRODUCTION 3
WHAT THIS BOOK WILL DO
This book explores these fundamental questions by providing an
introductory overview of the field of museum and gallery studies,
and establishing some of the key debates and parameters of this fas-
cinating and interdisciplinary field of study. We will also look at
policy and practice in museum and gallery work. The term ‘museum
and gallery studies’ refers to the formal academic examination of
just about any aspect of what museums and galleries are and do. It
encompasses the study of the institutions themselves and how they
operate. Just as museums and galleries themselves encompass many
different academic disciplines from art history, natural sciences,
human history, ethnography, geology, to archaeology, so museum
and gallery studies also draw on many different intellectual currents,
traditions and debates.
In this respect, this book is taking on a very difficult challenge.
Let us be clear; there is no one standard kind of museum or gallery
because they come in such different shapes and sizes and all with
their own histories, logics and peculiarities. Even the briefest look at
what cities and countries hold in trust will reveal a dazzling diversity
of archaeological and anthropological artefacts; fine art, paintings,
photographs, sculptures; decorative arts and designs; natural history,
materials from the natural sciences; and artefacts that relate to social
history, history and ‘culture’ in the wider sense of that word. We
absolutely recognise the tremendous diversity of the collections held
by museums and galleries and the disciplines to which they relate.
So, we are not attempting to write the definite, singular account
of museums and galleries worldwide. It cannot be done, and it is
their individuality which makes them so interesting. What we are
attempting to do in this book is to provide an insight into the kinds
of issues, challenges and features which many museums and galleries
will have in common and to provide a framework for thinking about
these institutions in all their many forms.
In recognition of the potentially enormous scope of our topic, we
have decided to place particular emphasis on how public museums
and galleries tell stories of human history, and of histories of art. This
decision is partly because these are our specialisms but also because
this allows us to look at many of the areas where there have been
4 INTRODUCTION
debates and controversies in recent museum and gallery studies. We
have adopted an international approach while recognising that our
knowledge is most extensive of the Anglophone literature on muse-
ums and galleries. While the parameters we have adopted mean that
we will inevitably not cover all possible ways of looking at the field
of museum and gallery studies, many of the principles and issues we
discuss are also applicable to other disciplines, other collections, or
different institutions to those examples given here.
WHO IS THIS BOOK FOR?
Put simply, this book is for anyone interested in the questions posed
above and anyone who has visited a museum or art gallery and wanted
to know about what they do, how they work and why they exist. If
you have never visited a museum or a gallery, we hope this book will
inspire you to discover them for yourselves and think about them in
a new way. Our book is also for those people who have wondered
what it might be like to work in museums and galleries. Our book
is not a training manual – those already exist – but it will provide an
insight into the kind of activities that make up ‘museum and gallery-
work’, and the challenges and pleasures involved. Crucially, we will
consider why this work matters to societies in the present day, but
also why it has mattered in the past, and why it will – we firmly
believe – continue to matter for the future generations yet to come.
At the end of each chapter we have provided suggestions for
further reading. In many cases, these suggestions are edited books
which contain many articles by different scholars. These kinds of
publications are an excellent next step into developing your under-
standing of museum and gallery studies because they offer a range of
perspectives from different countries and because the introductory
section will typically provide an overview of key issues and authors
in that particular topic. We recommend to always begin with the
introductory overview to build up a sense of the parameters and
most important debates in the ‘field’ of study. This broad overview
can then be developed by pursuing particular areas of interest in
more depth. At the back of the book you will find all the references
and weblinks for each chapter. These also provide further sources
to explore.
INTRODUCTION 5
WHAT ARE MUSEUM AND GALLERY STUDIES?
Museum and gallery studies look at all the different ways we can
understand museums and galleries. These range from their day-to-
day business to the symbolic roles they play in, and for, societies.
One crucial fact is that it is an interdisciplinary field which draws
on ideas from other academic areas. This is because it is a relatively
new field compared to some fields of academic enquiry. It is also
because as a domain of academic study, it is expanding rapidly,
internationally. This is, in part, because many more academics from
a wide range of disciplines are becoming interested in museums and
galleries and what they represent and do. It is also because of the
extraordinary expansion of high-profile museums and art galleries
world-wide in recent years, particularly since the 1980s. Another
reason for the proliferation of museum and gallery studies courses
and publications comes from the variety of institutions they encom-
pass, as we have already suggested. Museums and galleries can range
from so-called ‘universal’ museums like the Louvre and British
Museum (Figure 0.1) through to idiosyncratic, personal collections
Figure 0.1 The Great Court, British Museum, London.
¤ The Trustees of the British Museum.
6 INTRODUCTION
and brand-new collections. Scholars’ approaches are diverse, in
part, because of the sheer diversity of subjects they are discussing.
The field of study therefore encompasses topics such as visi-
tors’ types of behaviour: how visitors move through exhibit spaces,
what attracts their attention and ignites curiosity. It also includes
how nations’ galleries build or cement public expressions of national
identity, how they are part of political processes of ‘state formation’,
and how they actually create rather than merely attract a ‘public’.
Scholars study museums and galleries in terms of how they function
in the present, as well as what roles they served in the past.
Terminology is important: we define fields in academic life
through processes of what gets called ‘naming and framing’, as we
will explore. The precise names given to this field of study are differ-
ent in different countries, in part as they draw on varying traditions
of thought. ‘Museum and gallery studies’ is an Anglophone term
that encompasses both ‘academic theory’ and ‘practice’ (what profes-
sionals do every day), although we argue that they should be seen as
inseparable. Museum and gallery studies are taught and researched
in universities but museums and galleries equally produce, share and
authorise new knowledge through their collecting, displays, research
and publishing activities. Academic study, curating and indeed man-
agerial administration all require reflective thought and new ideas
about why museums and galleries exist, who they are for, as well as
how they should be run.
MUSEUM AND GALLERY STUDIES AROUND
THE WORLD
In French-speaking countries and other Western European coun-
tries like Italy, a distinction is often made between the two terms
‘museology’ and ‘museography’ that suggests a difference between
practical and theoretical study. Museography usually refers to the
“practical or applied aspect of museology”, meaning exhibition
design, conservation, and collections management amongst other
areas (Desvallées and Mairesse 2010: 52). To complicate matters,
Desvallées and Mairesse note that in Central and Eastern Europe,
what French speakers call ‘museography’ would be referred to as
‘applied museology’ or what English speakers would describe as
INTRODUCTION 7
“museum practice” (2010: 52). From an international perspective,
they argue that ‘museology’ or ‘museum studies’ can take at least
five definitions. We share their preference for the most expansive
of these, which they explain as comprising “all the efforts at theo-
risation and critical thinking about the museal field” in their total-
ity (2010: 56). What has become called ‘new museology’ since the
1970s is an important, distinct development in the discipline which
we deal with below (see Chapter 1).
There are some further differentials. ‘Museum studies’ is now
well established as an academic discipline and in several countries
(e.g. UK, US, Sweden, Australia, New Zealand) there are univer-
sity departments which specialise in it. ‘Gallery studies’, though, are
less common and more often untaken inside university departments
for art history, fine art, museum studies, visual culture, or cultural
studies, rather than existing separately. Here we need to give some
clarification. When we use the term ‘gallery’, here we mean public
art galleries and art museums, as well as exhibition spaces or cen-
tres which specialise in temporary exhibitions rather than holding
permanent collections or displays. This understanding of the term
‘gallery’ is standard in the UK but does not translate into other lan-
guages or cultures, as we discuss below. Ordinarily, gallery studies
do not focus upon commercial galleries, even though in practice the
commercial art market and public galleries cannot be separated. In
the Anglophone literature, gallery studies has often discussed issues
like the ways public galleries help create systems of value, in cultural
and financial terms.
‘Heritage studies’ is an adjacent, overlapping field of study to
‘museum and gallery studies’. While it is essential to understanding
the relationships between museum and gallery studies, on one hand,
and heritage studies on the other, this book will not attempt to cover
heritage studies for reasons which will become clear in Chapter 1.
In the context of British universities, ‘museum and gallery
studies’ usually refers to an academic discipline that is pursued at
postgraduate rather than undergraduate level, after the completion
of a first degree in a subject like archaeology, history or art (fine
art practice or art history). Many of these postgraduate programmes
can be described as quasi-vocational, in the sense that they are
undertaken by students as a stepping-stone towards a career in a
8 INTRODUCTION
museum or gallery, or in academic research. Many museum and
gallery studies departments effectively therefore have two roles or
allegiances. One is to the academic and critical study of institutions
and their practices. The second is to ensuring students become
aware of what practical and everyday kinds of knowledge are
needed to work in museums successfully even though these can,
and must, be ‘theorised’ in various ways. Just as ‘theory’ and ‘prac-
tice’ are intertwined, these programmes are often both intellectual
and vocational, providing a route by which museum and gallery
professionals of the future are equipped, both practically and theo-
retically, to undertake particular jobs.
However, such programmes of study are not the only route by
which professionals enter the sector. Many will begin their academic
and working lives by studying disciplines such as art history, history,
the natural sciences, archaeology and ethnography and enter the
profession without a museum studies or gallery studies background,
learning their craft on the job. It has long been the case, however,
that in Europe, and in Britain especially, work in museums and gal-
leries is often paid far less than other graduate-level professions, and
this is a significant structural factor limiting the diversity of people
who go into museum professions. In countries like the UK, there
is a long-standing and important debate about the routes by which
people can access the museum and galley profession, and indeed,
the barriers which many face. In response some organisations have
offered traineeships and apprenticeships to attract under-represented
groups, particularly from ethnic minority backgrounds. Universities
have similarly been involved in such initiatives. To find out more,
look for debates about entry into the profession on the UK’s Museum
Association website.
‘THEORY’ AND ‘PRACTICE’?
As suggested above, it is our view that the terms ‘theory’ and
‘practice’ can be misleading because one cannot be separated from
the other. The process of studying makes us aware that what we
imagine is ‘natural’, ‘normal’ or ‘obvious’ is seldom that, and that
those things that seem simply ‘right’ or ‘good practice’ can be put
under question or amended. We also suggest that there is a false
INTRODUCTION 9
opposition between activities that are basically intellectual and
those that are practical. The ‘materials’ that museum and gallery
professionals work with, just like academics, artists, historians and
archaeologists, include ideas, artefacts and codes of professional
practice. Ideas that often get described as ‘theoretical’ are crucial
to museum studies and work, and inform our understanding of
how museums function. Understanding different ideas is essential
in thinking through what professional practice is for, and what it
is built upon.
We need to reiterate that there is not a single body of ‘museum
theory’ even though particular texts have sustained scholars’ inter-
est and provided key turning points in creating new areas of debate.
Museum and gallery studies are interesting to us precisely because
we have to draw upon ideas from different areas – and unite them.
Such work draws on ideas and writings in multiple fields including
cultural studies, philosophy, art history, archaeology, tourism and
leisure studies, economics, anthropology, ethnography, sociology
and linguistics. This is a challenge, and has many pitfalls to avoid.
But if we genuinely want to conceptualise the roles that museums
and galleries play in public life, we need to ask several complex ques-
tions, and these often necessarily relate to other areas. For example,
in order to think about museums and galleries as ‘public’ institutions
we need to refer to political theorists’ competing ideas of what ‘the
public sphere’ is and does. We need to know how this concept
differs from merely ‘public space’. We need to know why some
scholars consider museums as part of an ‘ideological state apparatus’
which conditions citizens, aligns them into a system of belief, and
impresses upon them the power of the state. Most people begin by
thinking that museums and galleries are intrinsically ‘good’, what-
ever they do, or however they do it. Often enough these institutions
are imagined to have an intrinsic moral good inbuilt in them, as they
uphold the values of ‘great art’ or even ‘civilisation’, but our job is to
ask how we arrived at these value judgements and think about why
this might be the case. It is important to take a position ourselves and
decide how autonomous museums are, or can be, from wider gov-
erning ideologies. Here, as throughout this book, we draw attention
to where ideas have been problematised or debated by placing them
inside inverted commas.
10 INTRODUCTION
WHY STUDY MUSEUMS AND GALLERIES?
There are many reasons to study museums and galleries. As Donald
Preziosi (1998) has argued, museums not only disseminate but pro-
duce ‘knowledge’. In many instances, national museums have some-
thing like a monopoly in their field in their own territory. They
provide the official public account of one area or history. This lends
them a special public authority and prestige, and despite the mass
availability of ‘information’, digital images and every kind of diver-
sion or entertainment, museums and galleries are more visited than
ever (see Tables 0.1 and 0.2). This is particularly true of the world’s
major cities. For example, ALVA, the Association of Leading Visitor
Attractions in the UK reported that 65,218,272 people visited
attractions in London in 2015, an increase of 7.5% on the previous
year, and that all of the UK’s top 10 most visited attractions were in
London (ALVA 2015).
It is not simply the numbers of visitors which make these institu-
tions significant as an object of study, but also what we can call the
visiting patterns that become visible on analysis. Also important are
the institutional responses to such patterns. When Tate Modern in
London (Figure 0.2) staged an exhibition of the work of the art-
ist Henri Matisse in 2014, it was seen by 3,907 visitors per day:
half a million visitors in just five months. Following its showing in
London, it toured to the Museum of Modern Art in New York,
where more than another half a million visitors saw it (Miller 2015).
The exhibition was extended due to excessive demand (Tate 2014).
What is particularly striking is that demand for the Tate exhibition
was sufficiently strong that the exhibition was kept open through the
Table 0.1 Visitor figures for London’s top four most visited museums
Institution Location Visitors in 2015
British Museum London 6.8 million
National Gallery London 5.9 million
Natural History Museum London 5.3 million
Tate Modern London 4.7 million
Source: ALVA (2016).
INTRODUCTION 11
Table 0.2 Most visited art galleries in the world in 2015
Institution Location Visitors in
2015
Louvrea Paris 8.6 million
British Museum London 6.8 million
Metropolitan Museum of Art New York 6.5 million
Vatican City Vatican City 6.0 million
National Gallery London 5.9 million
National Palace Museum Taipei 5.2 million
Tate Modern London 4.7 million
National Gallery of Art Washington, DC 4.0 million
State Hermitage Museum St Petersburg 3.6 million
Musée d’Orsay Paris 3.4 million
Source: Art Newspaper (2016).
Note:
a It should be noted that the Louvre’s visitor figures fell in 2015. In 2014, a total of
9.2 million people visited it. This drop in international tourist numbers has been
attributed to the terrorist attacks in Paris during 2015.
night on the last weekend to provide non-stop entry over thirty-six
hours. Are there other institutions that could possibly attract such
devotion in this way? This night-time ‘special’ opening has been
repeated with other exhibitions. Perhaps even more unusual is the
subsequent tour of the exhibition broadcast to over 200 UK cinemas
named Matisse Live and seen by 15,000 cinema-goers (initially). This
number continues to grow as the broadcast is shown again. We have
chosen this example because the patterns of visiting and experienc-
ing museums and galleries is changing. The museum is becoming
a “transmedia” institution working on different media “platforms”
of which the gallery space is only one (Kidd 2014). As this example
demonstrates, high numbers of visitors to museums and art galler-
ies has become a recognisable, international phenomenon in many
societies. Why?
The boom in people visiting museums and galleries can be linked
to broader demographic trends, like the growth of a middle-class in
many countries keen to consume cultural tourism. It has been argued
that ‘post-industrial’ economies are characterised by such factors as
12 INTRODUCTION
Figure 0.2 Tate Modern, Bankside, London.
¤ Tate, London 2017.
a rise in tourism, by widespread access to higher education, and by
rising disposable incomes, although this might also be said – at least
for some sections of the society – to be true for rapidly industrialising
countries, like China. In both contexts, we can argue that museums
have become ‘beacons’ for civic and national governments to attract
international tourists and inward investment. As such, they have
become understood as means by which cities and governments can
‘regenerate’ areas. For example, the term ‘the Bilbao effect’ became
popular around 2000 to describe how a museum, in this instance the
Guggenheim Bilbao, has been used to ‘rebrand’ an entire city rather
INTRODUCTION 13
than just one part of it (Plaza 2006). At the same time, there are critics
who point to the limits of culture-led regeneration approaches and
argue that the effect is too limited and often result primarily in low-
paid, job creation in the hospitality sector rather than providing an
industrial strategy which can benefit a wider-cross section of the econ-
omy and population. As this demonstrates, the study of museums and
galleries can provide insight into wider changes and trends in societies.
By looking closely at museums and galleries in different inter-
national contexts we can also find out about how states and
governments understand and deploy culture to achieve various poli-
tics goals, both internal and external. In rapidly growing economies
like China, there is not only a drive to create museums and galleries
for emerging international and domestic tourist markets but also to
assert cultural, political and economic power. Vickers, for example,
noted in 2007 that the Chinese government planned to build 3,000
new museums, whether to encourage tourism, to attract investment,
or for “training in patriotic education” (Zhao cited in Vickers 2007:
369). This target has already been exceeded (see Chapter 4). As well
as providing patriotic education for their citizens, the governments
in countries like China also see museums and galleries as valuable
players in international relations and cultural diplomacy.
CULTURE AS ‘SOFT POWER’
The use of museums and galleries as a form of what has been called
‘soft power’ in international relations is both widespread and long-
standing. Joseph Nye defines ‘soft power’ as: “the ability to get what
you want through attraction rather than coercion and payments. It
arises from the attractiveness of a country’s culture, political ideals
and policies” (Nye, 2004: x). Indeed, we can say that national self-
promotion has been a central reason in the establishment of such
institutions from the very outset. Not only do museums and gal-
leries serve as ambassadors for their nations by promoting them to
other countries, they also provide unifying symbols for nations at
home, particularly after or as part of a struggle towards political inde-
pendence. In Eastern Europe, for example, countries like Estonia
and Poland have sought to re-establish their own distinct national
cultural identities after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991
14 INTRODUCTION
through new national museum projects. Similarly, in Scotland, a new
national museum was opened in Edinburgh in 1998 at the same time
that political devolution was taking place and a newly independent
Scottish Parliament was being established. In Spain, the Museum of
the History of Catalonia in Barcelona (est. 1996) is similarly strongly
associated with Catalonia’s claims to cultural and political independ-
ence. In Taiwan a new National Museum of Taiwan History opened
in the city of Tainan in 2011 with a specific focus on the history and
culture of Taiwan as distinct from China. This is significant given that
the political autonomy and separateness of Taiwan continues to be
contested by the Chinese government. In all of these situations, what is
at stake is the story of who the people ‘are’ and their claim – accepted
or reputed – to political independence and cultural distinctiveness.
Each of these museums is inevitably charged with great political sig-
nificance, whether or not its staff or visitors might want it to be.
As we can see here, the importance that museums and galleries
have in promoting a nation, a people or a city on an international
stage can scarcely be overstated. ‘Culture’, in this sense, is about
symbols. A national museum or gallery is a large, expensive and per-
manent symbol of a city or nation’s place in the world, its self-image,
its aspirations or its sheer power. This is a global phenomenon.
Whereas many of the traditional, famous museums and galleries are
to be found in European countries, some of the most recent invest-
ments in such symbolic projects can be seen in the Persian Gulf. The
United Arab Emirates (UAE), for example, are investing very large
sums of money in new national museums and art galleries, some-
times employing Western architects to create ‘signature’ buildings
whose adventurous or unorthodox designs are intended to be pho-
togenic, and so seen in reproduction around the world. The aim is
for the UAE to become an international destination for a particularly
wealthy class of cultural tourist. The Louvre Abu Dhabi is another
high-profile example; it is part of an ‘island’ of museums where a
new national history museum, maritime museum, performing arts
centre and biennale park will all be built. Similarly, Sharjah in the
UAE opened its own Museum of Islamic Civilisation in 2008. It is
completing a new national art gallery, and has launched the Sharjah
Biennial, an international art exhibition. Qatar has employed French
architect Jean Nouvel to remodel its national museum, and in 2008
opened a brand new Museum of Islamic Art in Doha.
INTRODUCTION 15
Such enterprises are vastly expensive (see Chapter 4) and they
clearly indicate the value political leaders continue to place upon
museums’ symbolic and ‘ambassadorial’ roles as well as their edu-
cational and economic ones. At the same time, we need to remember
that museums come in many sizes and have diverse functions. In the
UK, for example, independent and community-run museums operate
alongside those receiving large-scale public subsidies. In the UK, there
are over 2,500 museums and galleries, the vast majority of which are
small-scale. In reality, a tiny number attract a disproportionate amount
of press coverage, and often resources (Museums Association 2014).
CONCLUSION
Public museums and galleries have been created, generation after
generation, for diverse reasons. The reasons for their existence, or
their success, have often changed, or been reattributed, over time.
Common to them, however, is the belief that museums and galleries
are an important carrier of a society or group’s collective memory,
and that they are crucial to advancing our understanding of our-
selves, others and the world around us. Because they address funda-
mental questions about who we are or who others think we are, the
political motivations attached to museums and galleries are crucial
to understand. We all have a stake in how societies represent us or
‘others’ (as we will discuss in the next chapter), our histories and our
collective achievements. We also have a stake in whether museums
narrate these histories ‘in the round’ and account for the parts of
our history we cannot be proud of, or the ideas our predecessors
believed which we no longer subscribe to. Given the importance
accorded to these institutions in societies and the strength of recent
interest in museums and galleries from politicians and publics alike,
they are essential topics of study in making sense of who we have
become, and the ways in which the world is ordered.
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16 INTRODUCTION
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