AFRICAN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES

OF THE 20TH CENTURY

Volume 59

THE GURAGE
 THE GURAGE
A People of the Ensete Culture

WILLIAM A. SHACK
First published in 1966 by Oxford University Press for the International African
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A G u r a g e elder

Frontispiece
T H E GURAGE
A People of the Ensete Culture

W I L L I A M A. S H A C K

Published for the

INTERNATIONAL AFRICAN INSTITUTE
by the
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON NEW YORK NAIROBI
Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W.1
GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON
CAPE TOWN SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA
BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA
KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO

© International African Institute 1966

First published 1966

Reprinted 1969

Printed in Great Britain by

Hazell Watson & Viney Ltd., Aylesbury, Bucks
 To
HAILU ARAYA
 w w
Oğama t yud dar žäk årä y kär bōdä; gam q rac ̣ y kär.

Until the tale-bearer has related (his story), he seems like an

elephant; after he has related (it) he seems a flea.
A Gurage proverb
r e c o r d e d b y w . LESLAU
 Contents

PREFACE xi

A N O T E ON O R T H O G R A P H Y xiii

I INTRODUCTORY I
The Ethno-historical field: South-West Ethiopia
The Gurage: 1342-1889
The politics of conquest: Menilek;
T h e Italians ; T h e restoration

II ECOLOGY A N D C O M M U N I C A T I O N S 29
The Central Ethiopian Plateau
Natural environment of Gurageland
The land and the people
Physical and human boundaries
Village settlement patterns

III LAND, LABOUR, A N D E N S E T E 50

The Äsät culture
Organization and structure of the market
Labour migration and the economic cycle

IV K I N S H I P , LOCAL O R G A N I Z A T I O N , FAMILY, 83
A N D MARRIAGE
The kinship structure
Territorial organization: the village
The district
Larger tribal divisions:the clan
Structure of the homestead
Husband and wife
Parent-child
Siblings
Mating and marriage
The corporate group
Sex and age groups
Status, rank, and social differentiations
viii Contents
V T H E P O L I T I C A L S Y S T E M : CLANSHIP
AND R I T U A L 143
The political community
The Gurage pattern of clanship
The politics of Gurage clanship
The rituals of chieftainship
The jural aspects of clanship:the clan council
Rituals and politics of Yä oka
Gurda: the rituals of contract
Local p o l i t y :the village headman

VI RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION 172

Religious associations
Ritual structure and organization
Structure of the C ̣ št cult
w w
Structure of the Däm am it cult
The Božä c u l t :ritual segmentation and political change
The political-ritual structure of Gurage society

VII C O N C L U S I O N S 199

APPENDIXES
I An historical note on the Gurage houses 205
w
II Lineage segmentation of the Y näk amt clan 206
I I I Gurage division of labour between men and women 208

BIBLIOGRAPHIES
A A bibliography for the Gurage 210
B Works cited in the text 211

INDEX 215
 Illustrations

PLATES
A Gurage elder frontispiece
I a Fuga hunters stalking game facing page 64
b A G žä, tanner, scraping hair from a cow skin. T h e tool
resembles a carpenter's plane; the blade is obsidian 64
II a A view of a Gurage village 65
b A view of the market at Agänna 65
y
III a Transplanting mätk ä, the third
planting stage of äsät 80
b Women decorticating äsät at harvest 80
IV a Young Gurage girls carrying water 81
b A Gurage woman in typical head-dress 81
w
V a M yät Chiefs leading the girls in ceremonial dancing.
w
Some M yät are carrying the lumc ̣ä-stick 120
b A Gurage bride astride her husband's mule
being led by the m ze. The dress and umbrella are
the main items of bridewealth 120
VI a Yä oka council meeting being presided over by
Šehotč seated under the sacred z gba-tree. Seated
second on the right, Chief Täsämä Amärga 121
b T h e sacred forest and ritual shrine of the
w w
deity Däm am it 121

FIGURES
1 Spatial arrangement of a Gurage settlement 47
2 Gurage nomenclature of Äsät 54
3 Calendar of agriculture 58
4 Primary and secondary crop distribution 59
5 Äsät cycle of cultivation 61
6 T h e market cycle in Gurageland 71
7 Sketch plan of a Gurage market 73
8 Gurage kinship terminology 84
9 T h e interrelationship of component lineages
of the Mogämänä clan 99
10 Skeleton genealogy of the Mogämänä clan 103
11 Succession in clan chieftainship 150
12 Structural relations of Yä oka 162
x Illustrations
h
13 Succession and marriage of Damo and Yogäp äča 183
14 T h e political and ritual structure of Gurage 196
15 T h e polarity of the sexes in cult rituals 197
w
16 Lineage segmentation of the Y näk amt clan 207

TABLES
I Dialect and religious grouping of Gurage tribes 36
II Administrative Divisions of Gurageland Awraja 38
III Size of land holdings among three Plateau tribes 45
IV Items of market transactions: 1886 69
V Items of market transactions:1957-9 74
VI Numbers of men away from village in labour migration 78
VII Gurage terms of relationship 85
VIII Distribution of children per homestead and the
relationship to marriage stability 126
IX Primary segments of four Gurage tribal divisions 146

MAPS
Page
1 Ensete culture a r e a :South-West Ethiopia 3
2 Tribal Provinces in South-West Ethiopia: 1935 26
3 Patterns of land use in Gurageland 56
4 Gurage A w r a j a :Shoa Province 209
 Preface

T H I S study is based o n field research among the Gurage of Shoa

Province in South-West Ethiopia, carried out intermittently b e ­
tween September 1957 and July 1959. T h e research was m a d e
possible by employment with the Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of
Education and the Administrative Staff of Tafari M a k o n n e n
Secondary School. I n all, extended stays of six to eight weeks o n
four occasions in two Gurage villages and several shorter visits
provided the only basis for direct observation of Gurage life. Field
data were supplemented b y extensive interviews with migrant a n d
resident Gurage in Addis Ababa.
T h e circumstances u n d e r which field work was conducted, c o m ­
bining field trips with teaching commitments, were obviously less
than ideal. But whatever measure of success I achieved I owe to t h e
co-operation, goodwill, and patience of the Gurage, w h o allowed
me to impose m y anthropological interests u p o n t h e m . H e n c e m y
deepest gratitude of all is to the Gurage people whose hospitality
and show of kindness have m a d e an unforgettable impression.
Balabbatt T ä s ä m ä Amärga, Chief of the Chaha Gurage, and Abba
François Markos, H e a d of the Catholic Mission in E n d e b e r ,
stand foremost among those who afforded m e m a n y pleasur­
able m o m e n t s and t h r o u g h t h e m m y investigations were greatly
facilitated. T h e y introduced m e to Gurage society.
I am also indebted to several of m y teachers who helped to shape
my interests in social anthropology. I n this regard, I owe m o r e
than a word of thanks to Professor Fred Eggan whose teaching,
guidance, and encouragement prepared m e as a graduate s t u d e n t to
conduct field research. At the L o n d o n School of Economics, F o r d
Foundation Fellowships in 1959-60 and 1960-1 provided m e with
financial support to prepare an earlier version of this study which
was presented as a doctoral thesis. A n d to the Foundation, I am
indeed thankful. Professor I . Schapera supervised m y writing and
he was a whetstone against which I could sharpen m y tools of
social anthropological inquiry; I am profoundly indebted to h i m .
I lack sufficient literary skills adequately to describe the intellec­
tual stimulus received in the G r a d u a t e Seminars conducted b y
Professor Raymond Firth, where m u c h of the material in this
xii Preface

study was first examined u n d e r his theoretical guidance. T h i s has

made an indelible imprint u p o n my thinking.
It will be obvious to the reader that this study of Gurage social
structure has been greatly influenced by the writings of Professors
Radcliffe-Brown, Evans-Pritchard, and Fortes, especially in m y
analysis of Gurage lineage and political systems ; and by Professor
Gluckman and his colleagues of the 'Manchester School' in m y
efforts to utilize the concepts of 'cross-cutting ties' in the analysis
of certain Gurage rituals.
T h e revisions to the original manuscript, u p o n which this book
is based, were made in Ethiopia between 1962-3. T h i s fortun­
ately afforded me several opportunities to recheck m y data by
revisiting the Gurage. Several of m y colleagues at the University
College of Addis Ababa assisted at various stages in the final
preparation of the manuscript. Woizerit Tsedala Marayam Bayu
has skilfully drawn many of the charts, diagrams, and the land-use
m a p ; my friend, Ato H a p t e Mariam Markos, upon w h o m I have
leaned heavily for linguistic assistance, made the orthographic
corrections ; M r . Georges Savard gave useful suggestions regarding
the prehistoric material ; M r . Patrick H u t t o n read the entire draft
and shaped my anthropological barbarisms into readable English,
and Mrs. Rose Bender typed the final copy. T h e first chapter
benefited from the comments of Professor Edward Ullendorff;
D r . A. J. Drewes read with critical attention the entire manuscript
from the vantage point of his rich knowledge of the Eastern
Gurage, and this has been of immense value in making final revi­
sions. I wish also to thank m y wife whose moral support has been
expressed immeasurably in patience and forbearance. Finally, as
with all other anthropologists whose field studies the International
African Institute has undertaken to publish, I too am deeply
grateful for the assistance of the Director, Professor Daryll Forde,
and the Editorial Secretary, Miss Barbara P y m .
W . A. S.
Haile Sellassie I University
University College
Addis Ababa, September 1964
 A Note on Orthography

T H E following orthography has been adopted for the spelling of

Guraginä words which appear in this book; all vernacular t e r m s
are in t h e Chaha dialect. T h e consonantal signs used are roughly
with English phonetic values, b u t there are some sounds in Chaha
y
which do not occur in English. T h e y are: the palatal series, g k y ;
w w w w w
labiovelars, g k ; rounded labials, b f m ; emphatics, q c ̣;
affricates, ğ č; sibilants, ž š. T h e phonemic values of the Chaha
vowels according to English equivalents are roughly as follows: ä,
as in ' u p ' ; a, somewhat similar to ' f a t h e r ' ; e, as in ' s a y ' ;ə, as in
' e r ' ;i, as in ' s e e ' ;o, as in ' g o ' ;u, as in 'fool'. N o distinction has been
made between long and short vowels. Amharic words which appear
in the text have not been rendered phonetically, they follow ac­
cepted usage of transcription. For easier reading of Gurage tribal
names they are spelled without phonetic notation. I n general, the
orthography, though greatly simplified, is consistent with that
used by W . Leslau in Ethiopic Documents: Gurage.
 CHAPTER I

Introductory

T H I S book is a study of the social institutions and modes of

livelihood of the G u r a g e of South-West Ethiopia. I n this first
chapter I p u t d o w n what is known of Gurage origins. I n later
sections I attempt to t h r o w into relief the salient features of G u r a g e
culture against a background of those political and religious factors
of Ethiopian history which have played so enormous a role in
shaping Gurage society. But now I summarize briefly the ethno­
graphic field of this study.
T h e Gurage tribal grouping, a small linguistic and ethnographic
enclave, occupies a portion of the southernmost range of the
Central Ethiopian Plateau. T h e people speak a Semitic language,
and are sedentary agriculturalists, clustered in n u m e r o u s small,
densely settled, kin-group villages. T h e distinguishing feature of
these village settlements is the extensive growth of towering
banana-like plants, called 'ensete' that c o m m a n d attention i m ­
mediately. Properly termed Ensete edulis, these plants look very
much like the c o m m o n variety of banana (Musa spp.) which is
1
cultivated t h r o u g h o u t East and Central Africa. But unlike M u s a ,
the true banana, Ensete edulis does not bear edible fruit; in fact,
tribes who do not cultivate ensete refer to it, as do foreigners, as
the 'false banana tree'. Ensete is the staple subsistence crop of the
Gurage, intensively cultivated, and a complex of cultural traits has
evolved connected with its m o d e of production. Ensete dominates
Gurage modes of t h o u g h t and interests, and m o u l d s their liveli­
hood. T h e cultivation of ensete is the prominent cultural feature
of nearly the whole of South-West E t h i o p i a ;I t e r m this region t h e
2
'Ensete Culture Complex Area' and say more about it later.
T h e structural features of Gurage society are typical of those
found in the many small-scale 'segmentary' societies in Africa. I n
1
See for e x a m p l e , R e a d , 1 9 5 6 ; Fallers, 1956.
2
T h e ecological a n d cultural features distinguishing S o u t h - w e s t E t h i o p i a
f r o m the p l o u g h c u l t i v a t i n g - g r a i n p r o d u c i n g a r e a s , a n d f r o m t h e c a t t l e - k e e p i n g
z o n e , o f E t h i o p i a are d e s c r i b e d i n S h a c k , 1 9 6 3 a . S e e also C h a p . III b e l o w .
2 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

terms of the typological framework within which African Political

Systems have been classified, Gurage society is on that end of the
continuum of tribes lacking centralized institutional political
3
leadership. G u r a g e society is one in which there is a low degree of
specialization of roles and in which local groups recruited by
unilineal descent form the core. Local agnatic kin-based groups are
distinguished by their corporateness. Social, political, and economic
relations are m o r e or less consistent with the principles of genea­
logical ties between local descent groups. Social grouping based on
lineages is reflected in their territorial distribution. Political power,
authority, and wealth are vested in the lineage structure, and in
theory, t h o u g h n o t in actuality, constituent lineages of the total
structure are politically and economically equal. Conversely, ritual
power, authority, and wealth are vested in the lineages directly
associated with the principal Gurage religious cults: the Male
w w
Cult, C ̣ št, t h e Female Cult, Däm am it, and the Cult of the
T h u n d e r G o d , Božä. Gurage religious congregations comprising
the total aggregate of local descent groups over-ride the genealogi­
cal and territorial principles of grouping.
I n Chapters I V and V it will be seen that the small descent
groups of shallow genealogical depth u p o n which Gurage political
units are built compare structurally with such tribes as the
4
Konkomba, A m b a , and Tallensi. Here, I only introduce sum­
marily the structural features of the Gurage political and ritual
systems. T h e Gurage political system is characterized by its
segmentary f o r m ; the religious system by its centralized form. T h i s
structural asymmetry, with ritual dominating, is the distinguish­
ing feature of G u r a g e political and religious organization. Political
units are relatively independent and positions with political author­
ity are attached to fields of clanship. Ritual officials sanction the
authority of political leaders, give mythical and ritual validation to
the principles of descent, and counterbalance the exercise of
secular power. T h e network of interlocking ties within the total
system, essentially expressed in ritual terms, makes for cohesion at
the level of agnatic kin ties and in the wider field of political rela­
tions between larger descent group structures.

8
F o r t e s a n d E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , 1 9 4 0 , p p . x i - 2 3 passim.
4
S e e M i d d l e t o n a n d T a i t , 1 9 5 8 , p p . 1 - 3 1 passim, a n d t h e t y p o l o g y of s e g ­
m e n t a r y societies s u g g e s t e d b y t h e w r i t e r ' s G r o u p I I c a t e g o r y . C f . also F o r t e s ,
1945.
MAP 1. Ensete Culture A r e a :South-West Ethiopia.
4 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

T h e Gurage tribal grouping is called b y the Gurage as well as

b y other tribes, ' Y ä säbat bet Gurage', ' G u r a g e of t h e . . . Seven
Houses (Tribes). T h e Chaha, Ezha, Geyto, M u h e r , Ennemor, Akilil,
and Walani—Woriro tribes comprise the seven houses. Since the
fourteenth century the säbat bet have u n d e r g o n e a slow process of
change. T h e y have been bordered by warring tribes such as the
5
S i d a m o , and the Mača and the Arussi Galla, all have threatened
their existence and prevented tribal movements. A n d when
hostilities could not be completely exhausted externally, they were
t u r n e d inwards and internecine strife became a c o m m o n feature of
Gurage tribal life. T h e Gurage have faced squarely the crusades
and prophets of both Ethiopic Christianity and Islam. T h e y have in-
corporated into their own indigenous beliefs and practices chosen
tenets of these faiths which best suited t h e m . T h e y shared a prob­
lem c o m m o n to the whole of Ethiopia in the nineteenth century:
the beginning of Amhara rule.

THE ETHNO-HISTORICAL FIELD:

S O U T H - W E S T ETHIOPIA

I t u r n now to discuss broadly the h u m a n and cultural features

of South-West Ethiopia. H e r e Gurageland is situated. I t is here
that several culturally similar and dissimilar groups have been
historically in contact, giving u p ground in one place, holding fast
in other areas, and adapting to various ecological conditions gener­
6
ally. It is in South-West Ethiopia, and u n d e r similar circumstances,
that the Gurage and their culture have evolved.
South-West Ethiopia is a vast area defined roughly as lying
between the Rift Valley lake chain and the international boundaries
of the Sudan with Ethiopia. (Map 1.) I t borders the northern
frontier of K e n y a ; the 8·5° longitude is about its northern limit.
It is traversed by two great rivers, the Ghibie and the Gojeb,
neither of which is navigable. I n the East and in part of the South-
East the terrain is mountainous with m a n y valleys and plains, some
5
' S i d a m o ' is u s e d t h r o u g h o u t i n a b r o a d l i n g u i s t i c a n d e t h n o g r a p h i c s e n s e
t o refer t o t h e S i d a m o L a n g u a g e G r o u p , c o n s i s t i n g of t h e t r i b e s k n o w n as t h e
G u d e l l a ( H a d y a ) , K a m b a t t a , J a m b a r o , A l a b a , a n d t h e S i d a m o p r o p e r . C f . also
F n . 1 1 , p . 6, b e l o w .
6
T h e e t h n i c a n d l i n g u i s t i c c o n f i g u r a t i o n of S o u t h - W e s t E t h i o p i a h a s b e e n
t e r m e d b y B r y a n , ' A L i n g u i s t i c N o - M a n ' s L a n d ' , Africa, X V , 4 , 1 9 4 5 , p p . 188-205.
 Introductory 5

fertile, others barren, while most of the high country is dotted

with patches of heavy forest growth. T o w a r d s Lake R u d o l p h in
the South, where tribes keep cattle and practise r u d i m e n t a r y
agriculture, the terrain is less fertile. M u c h of the land r o u n d
Lakes Rudolph and Stephanie is barren.
On racial and cultural grounds, South-West Ethiopia distin­
guishes itself from N o r t h e r n Ethiopia. Today, the South-west is
inhabited by representatives of Negroid and Prenilotic branches of
mankind, as well as by a Caucasoid element which is a Cushitic
7
subfamily of the Hamitic stock. T h e predominant Semitic in­
fluence characteristic of the N o r t h has penetrated southwards,
being strikingly preserved in the physical features of the people
known collectively as 'Sidamo', a people who have had a profound
influence on the shaping of Gurage culture. T h e Sidamo possess a
significant Negroid strain and speak a Cushitic language, as d o
many tribes in this region. T h e y are sedentary cultivators of
ensete, tilling the soil b y hoe, and t h o u g h cattle are kept their use
is mainly as a source of food and fertilizer. Near t h e S u d a n b o r d e r
are the Prenilotes, people speaking languages of the Sudanic
8
stock, some of these specifically of the Nilotic subdivision. T h e
Anuak, Mao, Koma, and G u m u z are representatives of this group,
all depending for subsistence primarily u p o n agriculture. I n the
far south, many elements of the 'East African Cattle Complex',
such as t h e milking-complex and age-grade cycling, obtain in
modified form among the sedentary Konso, and the semi-nomadic
Reshiat tribes. But in its more representative form, the cattle
complex dominates the culture of the Borana Galla w h o occupy
nearly the whole of Southern Ethiopia, extending over into t h e
9
Northern Frontier District of K e n y a . I n the main, however,
intensive cultivation of Ensete edulis is b y far the most character­
istic mode of livelihood in South-West Ethiopia.

II

T h e Gurage are basically of Sidamo stock, and their territory,

which I t e r m 'Gurageland', was once inhabited b y Sidamo tribes
who formerly occupied the whole of Western a n d S o u t h e r n
Ethiopia. I n a later epoch the Sidamo were decimated, or absorbed,
in part by 'Aksumites', the 'Semitized' Hamites, w h o p u s h e d
7
Murdock, 1959, p. 187
8
Ibid, p. 170.
9
E r n e s t a C e r u l l i , 1 9 5 6 . S e e also M u r d o c k , o p . cit., p p . 1 9 6 - 2 0 3 .
6 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

southwards about t h e seventh century A.D., after the fall of the

Aksum kingdom, and in part b y hordes of Galla invaders w h o
began their move W e s t w a r d s and N o r t h w a r d s in the early thir­
10
teenth c e n t u r y . I n consequence, the Sidamo were subsequently
reduced to small groups, such as now exist in and a r o u n d the
Ghibie River valley; they speak kindred languages and are racially,
11
culturally, and physically h o m o g e n e o u s . D u r i n g the fourteenth
century the Sidamo were once again invaded by other waves of
Semitic Ethiopians from the northern highlands; the descendants
are the present-day Gurage. T h r o u g h the centuries the Sidamo
and Semitic invaders intermarried to produce the Gurage,
whose physical characteristics resemble, in general, those of the
Sidamo.
T h e Semitic element in the Gurage peoples came from the same
basic stock that provided the nucleus of the Semitic peoples in the
H o r n of Africa. T h e migration of Semites from Southern Arabia
to Ethiopia is held to have taken place between 1,000 to 400 B.C.
T h e s e people, who at some time during the first millennium before
Christ, crossed the R e d Sea to colonize the highlands of the H o r n ,
were an off-shoot of the Semitic Sabean civilization, which flour­
ished in South-western Arabia. T h e physical appearance of this
Ethiopian-Semite is generally Caucasian, where it has not been
modified b y Negroid or Hamitic mixtures, the colour ranging
from brown to black. T h e s e physical characteristics, together with
those acquired t h r o u g h Hamitic influences, are observable in
Gurage communities, t h e Semitic characteristics predominating.
Whatever their physical appearance, the Gurage generally
recognize an ideal type w h i c h to t h e m is distinctively characteristic
of the 'purest' stock. T h e attributes of this ideal are lightness of
1 0
O n t h e q u e s t i o n of ' e a r l y p r o t o - H a m i t i c ' e x p a n s i o n i n E a s t A f r i c a , f r o m
w h i c h t h e S i d a m o a r e b e l i e v e d t o b e d e s c e n d e d , s e e C l a r k , 1 9 5 4 , p . 2 3 2 passim;
C o l e , 1 9 5 4 , p p . 2 7 5 - 7 8 ; H o n e a , 1 9 5 8 , p . 98.
A n e x c e l l e n t s e a r c h i n g a c c o u n t of t h e A k s u m i t e p e r i o d i n a n c i e n t E t h i o p i a n
h i s t o r y is g i v e n b y P a n k h u r s t , 1 9 6 1 , p p . 1 - 6 2 . F o r t h e G a l l a i n v a s i o n s c o n s u l t
B e c k i n g h a m a n d H u n t i n g f o r d , 1 9 5 4 ; C f . also, H u n t i n g f o r d , 1 9 5 5 , p p . 1 9 - 2 2 .
1 1
L i n g u i s t i c classification of t h e C u s h i t i c - s p e a k i n g g r o u p s is still a m a t t e r of
c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r o v e r s y as i n d i c a t e d b y t h e f o l l o w i n g s o u r c e s . T u c k e r a n d
B r y a n , 1 9 5 6 , p . 1 2 3 , classify t h e ' S i d a m o L a n g u a g e G r o u p ' as C u s h i t i c , c o n ­
s i s t i n g of t h e S i d a m o , H a d y a , K a m b a t t a , A l a b a , D a r a s a , a n d p e r h a p s t h e
B a m b a l a . M u r d o c k , o p . cit., p . 1 8 7 , c o n s i d e r s t h e S i d a m o as m e m b e r s of t h e
' W e s t e r n ' b r a n c h of t h e C u s h i t i c s u b f a m i l y of t h e ' H a m i t i c ' s t o c k ; t h e D a r a s a
and K a m b a t t a belonging to the 'Eastern' branch. Greenberg, 1 9 5 5 , places
S i d a m o i n t h e C u s h i t i c s u b f a m i l y of t h e ' A f r o a s i a t i c ' stock.
 Introductory 7

skin colour, a long straight nose, thin lips, and delicate b o n e struc­
ture. Although these features are seldom found together in one
individual Gurage, the high esteem in which the tribe, as a whole,
holds t h e m has contributed to ethnic consciousness and pride. T h e
Gurage are considered b y other Ethiopians as well as b y foreigners
to be t h e handsomest of Ethiopian peoples. G u r a g e w o m e n ,
perhaps m o r e widely k n o w n for their beauty t h a n for any other
quality, usually come closer to the ideal t h a n do the m e n .

III
Guraginä, as the Gurage term their language, is a Semitic lan­
guage. I t has been influenced considerably b y Sidamo, a Cushitic
12
s u b s t r a t u m language of South E t h i o p i c . T h e n u m e r o u s Sidamo
elements in the Gurage language cluster, in the phonology,
morphology, syntax, and mainly in vocabulary, on the one hand,
and the N o r t h Ethiopic (Semitic) features in t h e morphology a n d
vocabulary o n the other hand, are evidence p u t forward b y lin­
guists to support the accepted theory of Gurage origins reviewed
above. Guraginä is classified as belonging to t h e S o u t h Ethiopic
13
group of languages.

Gurage linguistic groupings are divided into three categories

which roughly correspond to the political and geographical divi­
sions of G u r a g e tribes. Usually the tribal n a m e is also the name of
the dialect spoken by that tribe. T h e major linguistic groupings
14
and their corresponding subdivisions are t h e s e :

Eastern Western Northern

Selti Chaha Aymellel
Wolane (Walani) Ezha
Ulbarag (Urbarag) Ennemor
Innek'or Endegen
Zeway Gyeto
Muher
Masqan
Gogot
1 2
T h i s p r o b l e m is d i s c u s s e d b y L e s l a u , 1 9 4 5 . H e also g i v e s s e v e r a l s u c c i n c t
d e s c r i p t i o n s of l i n g u i s t i c influences o n Guraginä; See Leslau, 1 9 5 2 , a n d 1 9 5 6 .
1 3
Cohen, 1 9 1 0 - 1 1 , pp. 39-46, 1 9 3 1 ; pp. 5 5 - 2 4 1 ; Ullendorff, 1950, 1 9 5 5 ;
Mondon-Vidailhet, 1902, 1 9 1 3 .
14
T u c k e r a n d B r y a n , o p . cit., p . 1 3 6 . ' Z e w a y ' d i a l e c t is s p o k e n b y t h e fisher­
m e n o n t h e i s l a n d of L a k e Z e w a y . N o t e also t h a t t h e w r i t e r s classify t h e s p e a k e r s
of Guraginä as f o r m i n g a ' D i a l e c t C l u s t e r ' .
8 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

E a c h Gurage dialect is usually understood only by its own

speakers, and there is a rough correlation between the contiguity
of dialect groups and the extent to which their dialects are mutually
intelligible. O n the other hand, contact with neighbouring peoples
has also had its effect on Gurage dialects. I n contrast with the
W e s t e r n Gurage, there is a close linguistic relationship between the
Eastern Gurage and the Harari, owing to their spatial and cultural
proximity, and the vocabulary of the Eastern Gurage shows con­
siderable infiltration of Arabic. T h e influence of Sidamo on
Guraginä has already been mentioned, and the effects that Amharic,
the lingua franca for most of Ethiopia's non-Amhara people, has
h a d on the Gurage should also be borne in mind. T h e Gurage
have developed a n u m b e r of interlingual taboos about words
having phonetic correspondence in b o t h languages, particularly
15
w o r d s concerned with s e x . Other linguistic changes in Guraginä
are due to the mobility of certain sections of the population and,
as the trend toward geographical mobility appears to be increasing,
especially owing to labour migration, linguistic changes will most
probably occur concomitantly.

IV

A m o n g the Gurage, as among several other tribal societies in

Ethiopia, there exists a low-caste occupational group of hunters,
artisans, and ritual specialists who are, according to tenable theor­
ies, believed to be remnants of earlier inhabitants of the H o r n .
T h e y are known generally as Watta t h o u g h each tribe ascribes a
n a m e to its g r o u p :among the Amhara they are known as Wayto, to
t h e Galla as Watta, to the Kafa as Manjo, to the Somali as Midgaan,
16
Tumaal, and Yibir, and to the Gurage as Fuga.
F u g a is the generic name given to that portion of the Central
17
g r o u p of Watta who inhabit the region of the G u r a g e . Although
15
L e s l a u , 1 9 5 2 , p . 2 7 5 . S e e also p . 1 2 7 b e l o w w h e r e t h e u s e of i n t e r l i n g u a l
t a b o o s in r e l a t i o n s h i p t o G u r a g e c o - w i f e b e h a v i o u r is d i s c u s s e d .
16
T h e m o s t c o m p l e t e s u r v e y of t h e Watta is g i v e n b y E n r i c o C e r u l l i 1 9 2 2 ,
p p . 2 0 0 - 1 4 . C f . also I s e n b e r g a n d K r a p f , 1 8 4 3 , p . 1 8 1 passim; B i a n c h i , 1 8 8 4 ,
p p . 3 0 3 - 1 3 ; a m o n g the Somali see in particular Lewis, 1 9 6 1 , p p . 1 1 - 1 4 ; on
t h e p r e h i s t o r i c a l a s p e c t s of t h e p r o b l e m c o n s u l t C l a r k a n d H o n e a , loc. cit. O n
t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e Fuga c a s t e s e e S h a c k , 1 9 6 4 .
17
I u s e Fuga h e r e i n t h e g e n e r a l s e n s e t o r e f e r t o all a r t i s a n s , clarifying t h i s
usage o n p. 11 below.
 Introductory 9

there is some variation in their physical characteristics, F u g a

mainly resemble t h e Bantu Negro. As with the W a y t o and Manjo
of similar status, t h e F u g a also have adopted the language of t h e
dominant group, while retaining their own 'language' or 'jargon',
which in certain ritual observances is highly esoteric, being u n d e r ­
stood only by those belonging actually or symbolically to their
caste. Fuga relationships with the wider society in social a n d eco­
nomic activities are institutionalized and reinforced by s u p e r ­
natural sanctions. T h e ritual language of Fuga ritual experts is
called Fedwät, which only they and the Gurage w o m e n speak; it
is kept carefully guarded from Gurage m e n and strangers,
for it forms an integral part of the initiation rites for girls.
T h i s is described later in Chapter VI on G u r a g e religious
organization.
T h e religion of the F u g a most probably has had some effect o n
the beliefs and practices of the Gurage since certain magical p r a c ­
tices and sorcery are in the hands of Fuga. As we show
subsequently, they take part, and play an important role in G u r a g e
ceremonials. Fuga rituals and beliefs, apparently, have been c o m ­
pletely merged with the religious organization of the Gurage. If
the Fuga have ritual observances of their own, I uncovered n o
evidence of this, b u t the Gurage believe that F u g a ritual experts
possess rich powers of magic and their sorcery and malediction
18
are greatly feared.
Marriage between Fuga and Gurage is f o r b i d d e n ; this b a n being
enforced and backed b y ritual sanctions. Fuga marry 'close' kin,
'even brothers and sisters', it has been reported. T h e y are landless,
forbidden to till soil or h e r d cattle, and only in very recent times
have Fuga been permitted to enter Gurage households w i t h o u t
permission. I n the past, during times of warfare, it is reported that
Fuga remained in the village lest their presence, which is commonly
associated with the 'evil eye', should bring defeat to G u r a g e
warriors; neither could they carry spears, considered to b e t h e
19
weapons of the Gurage w a r r i o r s . Before Gurage took to firearms
for fighting, the weapon of the Fuga was the bow and arrow, w h i c h
h e used for hunting such game as gazelle, and especially h i p p o -

1 8
A similar a c c o u n t of t h e A r i a n d o t h e r t r i b e s in t h e E n s e t e C o m p l e x a n d
occupational castes is given b y J e n s e n , 1 9 5 9 .
19
Gurage use the term Oze to refer to anyone possessed by the 'evil eye';
even Gurage can be so cursed.
 10 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture
20
potami r o u n d Lake Zeway and the Ghibie River valley. N o w a ­
days, the spear is chiefly used, t h e head being poisoned with an
a l k a l o i d ;b u t b o t h the killing and eating of these animals are still
considered by the Gurage to b e ignoble. O t h e r occupations of the
Fuga, woodworking, tanning, and smithing, are held by Gurage to
b e associated with evil spirits.
Gurage hold strongly to the belief that Fuga can destroy t h e
fertility of soil, injure the breeding capabilities of cattle, and change
their milk to blood or urine. F o r those reasons Fuga are never
permitted to assist in ensete cultivation or to tend cattle. A
widespread belief in Ethiopia credits the hyena with possessing t h e
'evil-eye', and the Gurage believe that Fuga take the form of
hyenas at night, attacking children and eating their entrails, and
consuming all the domestic animals that have died in the village.
Nowadays Fuga are usually paid in cash for their labours b u t at
festival times they still receive food as p a y m e n t for their services to
the village, such as cutting wood and constructing essential sections
of a new house. Each is given the ' F u g a ' s share' of any animal that
is slaughtered by the villagers, to b e eaten alone and apart from the
homesteads. T h e F u g a ' s share of the animal consists of the lower
21
part of the back and the feet.
I n other ways, status differences between Gurage and F u g a
are expressed in speech idioms. F u g a address Gurage as 'abiya'
which means 'master', to which a Gurage replies 'kill the animal';
to the greeting of a female Fuga, a Gurage replies 'may he kill t h e
22
animal for you and m a y you eat i t ' .
Fuga cannot b e b o u g h t or sold as property as slaves were form­
erly. Legal matters concerning G u r a g e - F u g a relations are dealt
with by the corporate b o d y of the village polity and, in some cases,
with the help of a ritual functionary. But F u g a behaviour to one
another is governed by their own separate legal codes and G u r a g e
do not intervene in these affairs. A Gurage, regardless of his
standing in t h e community, is subject to penalties usually in the
form of fines of money or cattle, or both, for grievously h a r m i n g a
Fuga. T h e strongest p u n i s h m e n t imposed is a ritual curse t h a t
entails an illness which is often incurable. Furthermore, the sever­
ity of p u n i s h m e n t depends o n the importance of the F u g a in the
2 0
If F a t h e r F e r n a n d e z ' s a c c o u n t of t h e G u r a g e i n t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n ­
t u r y is c o r r e c t , t h e y also f o u g h t w i t h b o w a n d a r r o w . S e e also p . 1 7 b e l o w .
21
Leslau, 1950, pp. 61-62.
22
Ibid., p. 62.
 Introductory 11

ritual system. If t h e F u g a concerned was an agent of a ritual

dignitary, t h e p u n i s h m e n t imposed could b e considerable.
F u g a are settled t h r o u g h o u t every tribal region in Gurageland.
T h e size of their settlements vary, t h e larger clusters of F u g a
settling in villages near t h e principal G u r a g e markets. I n former
times F u g a could n o t enter t h e market areas, their crafts being
b o u g h t b y G u r a g e t r a d e r s and later resold. I n p o o r e r regions F u g a
are m o r e dispersed. F u g a are not found in every village; none
were in t h e village I surveyed, b u t in t h e villages of ritual chiefs
there are always several F u g a clients w h o act as agents for t h e m .
Of the various estimates I obtained from G u r a g e on t h e size of
t h e F u g a population t h e average is a b o u t 5,000, inclusive of m e n ,
w o m e n , a n d children.
I n later chapters, t h e importance of t h e role F u g a play in G u r a g e
ritual life is dealt w i t h : t h e use of Fedwät, t h e language of t h e
F u g a in t h e rituals of G u r a g e w o m e n ; t h e role of F u g a in c i r c u m ­
cision r i t e s ;their participation in G u r a g e b u r i a l s ;all are examples
of this. As ritual agents of t h e chief representatives of G u r a g e
deities, F u g a are i m p o r t a n t intermediaries b e t w e e n G u r a g e and
t h e supernatural world. Rituals apart, w o r t h n o t i n g h e r e is t h e
client relationship obtaining between G u r a g e a n d F u g a , as well as
w
other occupational castes of blacksmiths, Näf rä, and tanners
23
G ža. G u r a g e consider work employing wood, metal, and leather
despicable and they despise t h e people w h o p e r f o r m it. Since these
craft specialists, regardless of their occupational skills, together
form an endogamous caste, what has b e e n described above for
F u g a holds t r u e for smiths and t a n n e r s as well. B u t only t h e F u g a
have dual roles as craftsmen and ritual specialists.
T h e knowledge and skills of t h e F u g a serve m o s t of t h e technical
r e q u i r e m e n t s of G u r a g e life. T h e y c o n s t r u c t t h e äčba, t h e centre
mainstay of the G u r a g e house, cut w o o d for t h e walls, a n d fit
together t h e rafters and b e a m s with precision a n d accuracy. T h e i r
technical role is symbolized by t h e äčba; t h e focus from w h i c h t h e
24
social, ritual, and economic life of t h e h o m e s t e a d r a d i a t e s . F u g a
are a centre of ramification of technical relations for t h e village
and tribe. Of no less importance, t h e y reinforce t h e aesthetic
2 3
S o m e G u r a g e men and w o m e n supplement their farming income w i t h
pottery, b a s k e t r y and w o v e n crafts; n o superstitious beliefs are associated w i t h
these activities, nor do G u r a g e engaged in s u c h w o r k f o r m a despised or l o w -
status g r o u p .
2 4
See Chapter II, p. 42 below.
12 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

values of the tribe t h r o u g h their art which is an extension of their

craft activity. Gurage technology is based on the Fuga and the
most important Gurage economic activities depend upon this
technology. Gurage commonly repeat a phrase which graphically
summarizes this relationship: 'a Fuga is the one who knows'.

I t has already been noted (p. 5) that t h e Sidamo region was

invaded during the fourteenth century by waves of Semitic peoples
from the northern highlands of Ethiopia. T h e s e Christianized-
pagan Ethiopians (and I take the position that they were originally
Christian t h o u g h a contrary view is equally plausible) became the
nucleus of the Gurage tribes. T h e y u n d e r w e n t many changes in
forms of culture and social organization before they later came to
b e known as Gurage. But what modifications actually did take
place are not a part of their recorded history which is reviewed in
the next section. Barely enough historical threads exist, and these
m u s t b e woven in several places, to patch together various pieces of
ethnography in an attempt to reconstruct the pattern of ecological
and social adaptation of these highland Ethiopians to the general
environmental conditions of South-west Ethiopia.
I t is not without conjecture that we assume the following
changes in the social system of the migrating 'bands' who later
25
came to be known as G u r a g e . Less speculative is the fact that
the Gurage system of reckoning kin has retained its basic Semitic
feature of descriptive cousin terminology; the trend of change has
been away from the bilateral descent system of the northern high­
land kinship pattern, and in a unilineal patrilineal direction, the
feature of kinship c o m m o n among the Sidamo tribes. T h i s is also
witnessed in the system of naming, land tenure, and inheritance,
and the development of agnatic descent groups and clan struc­
tures, features of social organization which are not found among
25
I u s e ' b a n d ' h e r e for t h e lack of a b e t t e r t e r m t o d e s c r i b e a p o p u l a t i o n
m o v e m e n t , w h i c h p e r h a p s d i d n o t a s s u m e t h e sociological f o r m of m i g r a t i n g
families, clans, o r tribal sections. W o m e n w e r e m o s t p r o b a b l y p r e s e n t , since t h e
c o m p o s i t i o n of E t h i o p i a n a r m i e s in historical t i m e s h a s b e e n d e s c r i b e d as p a r t l y
c o n s i s t i n g of female s e r v a n t s for p r e p a r i n g food a n d for m a k i n g b e e r a n d m e a d
d r i n k s . B u t w h e t h e r t h e G u r a g e b a n d s m o v e d w i t h t h e i r wives is d o u b t f u l ; t h e
early ' m a r r i a g e s ' w i t h S i d a m o w o m e n m i g h t h a v e b e e n a f o r m of c o n c u b i n a g e .
F o r g o o d a c c o u n t s of t h e general c u l t u r a l a n d l a n d features of h i g h l a n d
E t h i o p i a , see N a d e l , 1 9 4 6 , T r i m i n g h a m , 1 9 5 2 , C h . I ; a m o r e s u b s t a n t i v e r e p o r t
is g i v e n b y M e s s i n g , 1 9 5 7 ; also S i m o o n s , 1 9 6 0 .
 Introductory 13

the Tigre and A m h a r a . T h e thin veneer of monophysite Christian­

ity over older, more deeply rooted forms of traditional religious
ideas and ritual practices was soon rubbed off by the stronger
Cushitic religion as practised by the Sidamo. F u r t h e r m o r e , Galla
migrations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, flanking t h e
northern frontier of t h e Gurage, isolated t h e m from t h e cultural
and religious mainstreams of Christianity, as it developed a n d
emerged as the politically dominant force on the Central plateau
after the founding of t h e Solomonoid Dynasty in 1270 A.D. S o m e
features of the incorporation of Sidamo rituals and beliefs that are
observed in Gurage religion have been described as an amalgam
constituting 'Hamitic' conceptions, neo-Sudanese beliefs in divine
Kingship and ideas absorbed from Christian Ethiopians. Of this,
T r i m i n g h a m writes that 'their chief deity is the sky-god, in addi­
tion to w h o m flourishes a supernatural realm of local nature-spirits
associated with natural features such as mountain peaks, streams,
26
and t r e e s ' . Moreover, t h e structure and organization of traditional
rituals became the focal point where the important social a n d
political aspects of G u r a g e life crystallized. I t is not unreasonable
to assume that Christian rituals became most probably incom­
patible with other features of the developing social system. T h i s
seems especially true in view of the segmentary political system of
the Gurage and Sidamo tribal grouping, wherein political leaders
are legitimatized by ritual powers held in trust b y religious digni­
taries who, themselves, are representatives of tribal deities. T h e
Christian hierarchy of t h e Solomonoid Dynasty, represented b y
the E m p e r o r of Ethiopia, being u n d e r strict religious, as well as
political, obligations could only ritually legitimate those political
leaders on w h o m it depended for support, namely those of t h e
highland plateau peoples, the Amhara and Tigre, in the main. I t
was a political system with a dynasty founded on Biblical tradi­
tions.
T h e final significant change was ecological. T h e systems of
cultivation and land-use as practised by the Sidamo were taken
over by the Gurage. T h e y adapted the use of the digging stick to
the horticulture of ensete, t h e indigenous staple crop of this region,
apparently growing in abundance, for the cultivation of which t h e
plough is unsuitable. T h e y formed village settlements according
to the ecological conditions; they developed a series of traits that
26
Trimingham, op. cit., pp. 17-18.
14 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

are characteristic of the ensete culture. T h e s e features of Gurage

life are described in Chapters I I and I I I . T h e Gurage today, apart
from their Semitic language, cannot be distinguished readily in
other social and cultural features from the Sidamo, the people
their ancestors set out to colonize five centuries ago.

T H E G U R A G E : 1342-1889

T h e preceding sections have outlined the essential h u m a n and

geographical features of South-West Ethiopia as they relate to the
origins of Gurage culture. I n the following sections I p u t down
what is known of Gurage h i s t o r y ;b u t as already indicated, G u r a g e
history cannot be set apart entirely from the history of Ethiopia
proper, in which environmental, religious, and political factors
have helped to condition especially the cultural and social life of
the highland plateau peoples. Gurage history has been tempered
by the centuries-old, often changing, political climate of the
Ethiopian Plateau.
Recorded history of the Gurage dates back no farther than the
fourteenth century. M o s t of Gurage history is related in matter-
of-fact accounts within the oral tradition of the people w h o are
rich in oral traditions. Even though Gurage oral traditions lack
documentation, and should not be disregarded, the history of such
traditions often show that the facts have been altered in the process
of being handed down from generation to generation. People tend
to smuggle into historical narratives a personal element. An altera­
tion is thus made to coincide closely with particular events that
are of immediate concern to each generation of tale-tellers. G u r a g e
oral history can be manipulated and often is; and this is t r u e of
Gurage genealogies.
An historical background for the Gurage based on documentary
material can be drawn from Ethiopian chronicles relating to the
reign of the Ethiopian king A m d a Syon I (1312-42). F r o m this
period to the beginning of direct rule over all Gurage tribes, con­
quered finally by E m p e r o r Menilek I I in 1889, their political position
varied from what was apparently one of total autonomy to one of
semi-domination, involving the payment of tribute to maintain
some degree of autonomy, to one of complete subjugation. W e have
arbitrarily chosen 1889 as the date marking the final phase of early
Gurage history; a date that is as well the starting point of the
 Introductory 15

contemporary phase of their history, and from which can b e seen

t h e effective changes in their social structure as a consequence of
27
domination by Amhara-Ethiopian r u l e .
T h e n a m e 'Gerawege' appears to be first mentioned in the
Ethiopian Chronicles relating the Histoire des guerres d'Amda
28
Syon: 1 3 1 2 - 4 2 . Highland Christian armies spreading out u n d e r
the initiative of Syon I, w h o may well b e called t h e founder of the
Ethiopian state, moved south to colonize the M u s l i m and 'heathen'
unbelievers. D u r i n g A m d a Syon's reign one of the Ethiopian
armies u n d e r Azmač S ə b h a t left the T i g r e a n t o w n of G u r ' a , in the
province of Akkulo G ə z a y , came to Aymellel, now a district in
northern Gurageland, and settled there. According to the Ethio­
pian historian Aleqa Tayye, the n a m e of t h e country and the people
is said to b e derived from the word ' G u r a g e ' , the people or the
29
country of G u r ' a .
T h i s popular etymology of the G u r a g e ' s origin, for which there
is some historical foundation, is more widely accepted than other
suggestions that have been p u t forward. Isenberg, for instance, in
attempting to correlate linguistic expressions with geographical
place names, observed that ' G u r a g e ' is so called on account of its
situation, that is, being on the left, if one looks to the west from
Gondar, a province in the n o r t h ; 'gera' means the left, and 'gie'
30
signifies side; hence 'on the left s i d e ' . I n the version preferred
by Cecchi, who travelled through Gurageland in the last half of the
nineteenth century, some of the Gurage people are said to have

2 7
A l t h o u g h t h e u n i f i c a t i o n of E t h i o p i a b y M e n i l e k r e s u l t e d i n t h e m i l i t a r y -
political d o m i n a n c e of t h e A m h a r a , n e v e r t h e l e s s , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of n o n - A m h a r a
t r i b e s also filled p r o m i n e n t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s i t i o n s i n b o t h M e n i l e k ' s , a n d t h e
present, g o v e r n m e n t . Its cultural a n d political form w a s n o t exclusively
' A m h a r a ' ; r a t h e r it w a s b u i l t u p o n A m h a r a a n d T i g r e C h r i s t i a n c u l t u r a l c o m ­
plexes. H e n c e , it s e e m s i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o s p e a k of ' A m h a r a r u l e ' w h e n r e f e r r i n g
t o t h a t s y s t e m of g o v e r n m e n t . A n d ' A b y s s i n i a n ' as c u r r e n t l y u s e d b y s o m e
w r i t e r s s e e m s a n t i q u a t e d . I find t h e t e r m ' E t h i o p i a n ' , as u s e d t h r o u g h o u t t h i s
b o o k , a c c e p t a b l e s i n c e it d e s c r i b e s m o r e a d e q u a t e l y t h e s o c i o - c u l t u r a l a m a l g a m
of t h e E t h i o p i a n political s y s t e m . I u s e ' A m h a r a ' w h e n r e f e r r i n g specifically t o
G u r a g e - A m h a r a intertribal relationships.
2 8
J . P e r r u c h o n , 1 8 8 9 . F o r t h e b o u n d a r i e s of t h e o l d M u s l i m K i n g d o m
w h i c h e x t e n d e d t o G u r a g e see t h e m a p s i n C r a w f o r d , 1 9 5 5 .
29
Ullendorff, 1950, quotes Aleqa Tayye, 1927, p. 49.
3 0
I s e n b e r g a n d K r a p f , op. cit., p . 9 7 . T h i s v e r s i o n c a n n o t b e t o t a l l y d i s ­
r e g a r d e d s i n c e s o m e G u r a g e clans a p p a r e n t l y h a v e h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n s of t h i s k i n d ;
o r a few, s u c h clans. G u r a g e c l a n o r i g i n s a r e d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r V I , p p . 1 0 1 - 2
passim.
 16 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture

claimed descent from other parts of Gurage country from which

they had fled during the sixteenth-century wars with M o h a m m e d
31
G r a n , w h e n they are said to have been u n d e r t h e rule of ' C h i e f s ' .
I n t h e seventeenth century they sent an embassy to G o n d a r asking
Susneyos (1604-32), t h e reigning king of Ethiopia, for help against
t h e constant attacks from surrounding hostile Galla tribes.
Susneyos sent an army from T i g r e u n d e r Azmač Sebeate who, after
p u t t i n g down the Galla incursions, settled in the country and made
himself 'king', establishing himself on an island in Lake Zeway.
H i s immediate descendants ruled until Sahla Sellasie (1813-47),
K i n g of Shoa, overthrew the dynasty sometime between 1832 and
32
1840. T w o other views should also be m e n t i o n e d ; that of Marcel
Cohen, who holds that there was an independent settlement of
S o u t h Arabian peoples in the Lake Zeway region; and that of
Pere Azais, of more doubtful validity, who holds that there was an
immigration of fanatical Muslims fleeing from Harar during the
33
war with Gran, and settling in the region of G u r a g e .
T h e Gurage are next mentioned in the narrative of F a t h e r
Alvarez of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia: 1520-7, written
during the reign of L e b n a Dengel (1508-40), more commonly
k n o w n to the western world as Prester John. I n this rich account
of Ethiopian political, religious, and economic life appears the first
description of the religious condition of the Gurage, their attitude
toward Ethiopian rule a n d the degree to which they offered resist­
ance. According to Alvarez, Ethiopians described the region of
'Gorages' as a 'country of pagans',

a people (as they say) who are very bad, and of these there are no
slaves, because they say that they sooner allow themselves to die than
serve Christians. As it appears and as the Abyssinians say, these
34
Gorages dwell under ground.

By the first part of t h e sixteenth century, the conflict between

Christianity and Islam for political domination of the plateau
peoples had had considerable effect on the Gurage and neighbour­
35
ing Sidamo t r i b e s . Some indication of the way in which small
31
Cecchi, 1886, p. 89.
32
Beckingham and Huntingford, op. cit., p. ixix.
3 3
C o h e n , 1 9 3 1 , p . 2 4 4 ; Azais, 1 9 2 6 , p . 2 1 . B o t h v e r s i o n s h a v e s o m e validity
as t o t h e origins of t h e ' E a s t e r n ' G u r a g e .
3 4
p . 2 9 3 . T h e m e a n i n g of t h e last s t a t e m e n t is u n c l e a r .
35
F o r a good s u m m a r y of t h e conflict of C h r i s t i a n i t y a n d I s l a m i n E t h i o p i a
c o n s u l t J . S . T r i m i n g h a m , o p . cit., C h a p t e r I I .
 Introductory 17

independent groups like the Gurage attempted to maintain their

independence can be seen in t h e accounts given in the Futuh
el-Habacha. T h e province of Hadiya, for instance, which b o r d e r s
on the west of Gurage was required, in addition to other forms of
tribute exacted, to h a n d over to the Ethiopian court, each year,
36
'a maiden w h o had to become a C h r i s t i a n ' . D u r i n g the reign of
37
Galawdewos (1540-59), Gurage paid an annual tribute in gold
figurines, hides, and 1,000 head of cattle, in order to retain some
measure of political a u t o n o m y ; this in effect meant that G u r a g e
were u n d e r the suzeranity of N e g u s Galawdewos and that this
relationship could be dissolved whenever the G u r a g e withheld
their payment of tribute. T h i s characteristic pattern of Ethiopian
rule, extending t h r o u g h the reign of Sarsa Dengel (1563-96),
continued into the seventeenth century.
T h e Gurage-Ethiopian relationship was obviously t e n u o u s a n d
the weak b o n d s of tribute which attempted to maintain it were
apparently often broken. Gurage resistance to Ethiopian d o m i n a ­
tion is seen in the writings of Father Fernandez (1613-14) w h o
records that 'there are a people called Gurages w h o do not obey
the Emperor Susneyos, and that they fought on horseback as well
38
as with b o w and a r r o w ' . But neither the strength of this resistance
nor the type of weapons used was sufficient to sustain t h e G u r a g e ' s
quasi-political independence, and w h e n Susneyos appointed
Abyssinian Shums (Chiefs) to rule over the Gurage, an already
modest measure of autonomy was further reduced. Little is k n o w n
of the rule Azmač Sebeate established or what effect it had o n
Gurage social and political organization. His abortive attempts to
found a petty kingdom within the political boundaries of the
powerful Shoan dynasty were, as we have noted, ineffectual in the
face of the overwhelming and inexorable armies of Sahla Selassie.
T h e collapse of Sebeate's kingdom had far-reaching effects o n
the eventual fate of the Gurage, the Sidamo states, and the whole
of South-West Ethiopia. F o r coincident with a successful S h o a n
political domination of South-West Ethiopia was control over its
vast economic resources, which did not stop at t h e exploitation of
such material resources as gold, ivory, cattle, and valuable hides,
but included as well a seemingly endless supply of slaves, t h e t r a d e
36
I b i d . , p p . 7 8 - 7 9 , q u o t i n g f r o m t h e Futuh.
37
R e n e Basset, 1897, p. 223.
38
B e c k i n g h a m a n d H u n t i n g f o r d , o p . cit., p . 1 6 2 .
18 The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture
39
in which extended as far west as the N i l e . T r a d e routes passing
t h r o u g h these former i n d e p e n d e n t principalities were being gov­
erned and taxed directly either by appointed Shoan officials, or by
local political heads who were retained in subordinate positions on
agreeing to co-operate and to implement the imposed Ethiopian
system of indirect rule.
Gurage tribes waged war, at times independently and sometimes
as a federation, in resisting wholesale Ethiopian domination. Often
they joined forces with Sidamo and Arussi Galla tribes who, when
not being threatened by external forces themselves, were constantly
40
making attacks on the G u r a g e . Although the Gurage had not
been completely subjected by 1840, nevertheless, Sahla Sellassie
began to call himself ' K i n g of Gurage'. But it was u n d e r Menilek,
as K i n g of Shoa (1865) and later as E m p e r o r of Ethiopia (1889-
1911), that the complete and final conquest of Gurage between
1875 and 1889 was undertaken, putting an end to their frequent
uprisings and attempts to t h r o w off the Ethiopian yoke.

THE POLITICS OF CONQUEST: MENILEK;

THE ITALIANS; THE RESTORATION

T h e conquest of the G u r a g e brought t h e m under the centuries-

old Ethiopian system of rule. T h e object of Menilek was the
permanent occupation of conquered territory. W h e n tribes yielded
without resistance, unlike some Gurage tribes, the Chaha G u r a g e
for example, he left t h e m a measure of local autonomy and p r o m ­
ised fair treatment, as in the case of t h e J i m m a Galla; b u t w h e n
they opposed him, his policy was one of ruthless extermination.
M a n y tribesmen were sold into slavery. T h e vast majority of
conquered tribesmen were, however, reduced to the status of
gäbär. T h i s widely interpreted A m h a r a term describes the serf­
like status of the peasantry who, being reduced to tenants on their
own land, supported the feudal structure of the military colonies
of conquerors with food and services. Wherever Ethiopian military
colonies settled, Christianity soon followed and was established in

39
S e e t h e a p p e n d i x o n s l a v e r y i n G u e b r e Sellassié, 1 9 3 2 , V o l . I I . I d e s c r i b e
i n C h a p t e r V , p p . 1 4 3 - 4 , p. 147 t h e effects of t h e slave t r a d e o n G u r a g e p o l i ­
tical o r g a n i z a t i o n .
4 0
O n t h e folk l i t e r a t u r e of t h e w a r s b e t w e e n G a l l a a n d G u r a g e see C e r u l l i ,
1 9 2 2 , loc. c i t .
 Introductory 19

m a n y areas of Gurage. Churches that h a d fallen into r u i n during

the long period of conflict between Islam and Christianity, were
rebuilt, a n d many new ones were founded to provide places of
worship for the conquerors. T h e hierarchy of Coptic clergy came,
a n d occupied a privileged position in t h e feudal administration.
A r m e d with the Psalter, and possessing the powers of excom­
munication, priests were held to be especially in charge of t h e
spiritual welfare of the conquerors, and of those conquered w h o
heretofore had not been baptized. Priests could exact special fees
for offering prayers for souls. M a n y conquered souls often needed
prayers.
T h e Menilek policy showed tolerance to Islam. Islamic courts
were recognized as part of the political and judicial structure of
M u s l i m tribes; recognition was necessary and politically expedi­
ent. T h e alternative, t h e suppression of Islam, would have incited
additional political turmoil, encouraging powerful M u s l i m leaders
to declare jihads against the 'Christian infidels'. Holy wars waged
in the early stages of the Menilek conquests in t h e South-west b y
41
the Arussi Galla, Somali, and other M u s l i m tribes, often
rendered Abyssinian forces helpless, and further delayed attain­
m e n t of the Menilek goal. Moreover, a jihad declared b y one
M u s l i m tribe had the effect of rallying other M u s l i m tribes, even
those normally hostile to one another, to form a monolithic front
against the oppressors of Islam.
T h e effect of this tolerant policy toward Islam provided, as it
were, an unwritten clause, the provisions of which m a n y M u s l i m s
sought to claim. T h i s situation encouraged powerful M u s l i m
leaders to found independent groups u n d e r their guidance as
self-proclaimed prophets. Some prophets, w h o claimed genealogies
traced back to founders of principal Islamic orthodox orders, broke
away from the main b o d y of the tribe and established separate
colonies. T w o such splinter groups, led by G u r a g e M u s l i m
prophets, are described later in C h a p t e r I V where the patterns of
fission in Gurage clan organization are dealt with. T h e first is that
of U m a r Baksa, a former pagan adventurer from Chaha, w h o
became a Muslim convert and established the a u t o n o m o u s state of

4 1
T h e G u r a g e w e r e allies of t h e A r u s s i a g a i n s t S h o a n forces l e d b y R a s
D a r g i e . C h i e f Bačči Šabo of C h a h a l e d t h e G u r a g e forces. S e e C e r u l l i , o p . c i t . ,
p . 9 3 . T h e A r u s s i G a l l a jihad a g a i n s t M e n i l e k w a s p r o c l a i m e d i n 1 8 8 7 , o r g a n i z e d
b y Shaikh N ü r u s a i n . C e r u l l i , loc. c i t . ; T r i m i n g h a m , o p . cit., p p . 2 0 7 - 9 .
 2o The Gurage: A People of the Ensete Culture
w
Qabena ( K b nna) from which his followers made religious
42
rebellions against M e n i l e k . M o r e recent is that of Shaikh Sayyid
Budella, also k n o w n as Abba Ramus, a third generation head of a
M u s l i m cult, the founder of which formerly represented the
43
G u r a g e T h u n d e r God, Božä. F o r Baksa, and Shaikh Sayyid
Budella, as well as for other Gurage, Chiefs and subjects alike,
Islam became a religious asylum, offering a protective political
façade b e h i n d which m a n y traditional customs and rights were
continued.
Conversely, the policy of Menilek and t h e C h u r c h was to uproot
the traditional gods and dispossess the Chiefs w h o m many of these
gods supported. T o retain their political position, traditional Chiefs
were forced to accept and support Christianity, and to encourage
their subjects to follow suit, bringing with t h e m tribute in food
and labour. Some Chiefs who led their flock in wholesale baptisms
received, in addition to the spiritual reward, the political reward of
t h e Ethiopian title, Balabbat (lit. 'owner of f a t h e r ' ) ; the economic
rewards were large parcels of fertile land which were leased for
tenant farming and from which the profits were often considerable.
B u t M u s l i m Chiefs were permitted to retain their faith as well as
their political position. T h i s provision, it seems, was an incentive
for m a n y n o n - M u s l i m Chiefs and their subjects hastily to join
other followers in the protective league of Islam.
T h e Ethiopian system of rule was dependent u p o n the labours of
the peasant. T h e excellent description of this system, as it formerly
obtained t h r o u g h o u t Ethiopia, given by Miss Perham, in the
44
Government of Ethiopia, leaves little to b e a d d e d . Amhara Ethi­
opians use the t e r m gäbär when referring to that system of rule,
but Gurage use this word when referring to 'outsiders' and 'aliens';
they pronounce it gäbbar. The use of this word in their language
probably comes from contact with A m h a r a E t h i o p i a n s ;the word
used b y them, the 'outsiders' to designate the status of the Gurage
was reversed in meaning and used b y Gurage to designate the
'alien' intruders.
T h e land of the Gurage, like the land of all conquered territories,
was divided into several categories of 'districts', each of which

4 2
C e c c h i , o p . cit., p p . 5 1 - 5 2 . T h e a u t o n o m o u s s t a t e of Q a b e n a w a s u n d e r t h e
r u l e of U m a r B a k s a w h o m a d e h i m s e l f C h i e f w i t h t h e title of Imam. H e w a s
s u c c e e d e d i n 1 8 7 8 b y H a s a n I n j a m o , s o n of o n e o f U m a r ' s c o m p a n i o n s .
43
See p. 190 below.
44
Chapters XIV-XX, passim.
 Introductory 21

supported an institutional hierarchy of military, political, a n d

religious officials. L a r g e parcels of land were divided into smaller
parcels, and these divided again into still smaller u n i t s ;the overall
division of land corresponded to the n u m b e r of strata in each
official hierarchy. T h e system of land use was complex, far too
complex to be dealt w i t h in detail here, b u t the principal categories
into which Gurage land was divided are of immediate interest.
46
They are:
(a) Sisso (third) or Balabbat Meurt (Balabbat's choice). Land decreed
by the Emperor, of which the Balabbat had, in principle, the right
to choose one-third. Tax levied on sisso land varied from one ox, or
one castrated goat or bull, or quantities of butter or other goods, for
each ten gashas of land [one gasha = 80-100 acres]. T h e Balabbat
was usually an officer in the a r m y ;he paid his tithe of the harvest
to the Emperor.
(b) Desseta. Land belonging to the Malkanya; the Governor's Deputy
in the district. Tax levied on Desseta land was 100 thalers or a
mule. T h e Malkanya retained nine quintals of cereal from the
annual tithe payable to the Emperor for upkeep of the animal.
(c) Gäbbar. Land of the Peasant. The taxes w e r e :one goundo, about
20 litres of honey; one day of work every third day, or instead of
labour, three quintals of cereals a year, or both. T h e gäbbar had to
grind 25 kilos of cereals and to transport them to the Governerate
three to four times a year. During times of war he had to transport
20 kilos of material for the forces. He followed the army but he was
not a combatant.
(d) Metkeya or Maderia. Land given to individuals especially favoured
by the Emperor. It was often parcelled out to the soldiery; u p to
three gashas for ordinary soldiers;up to ten gashas for higher ranks;
soldiery paid an annual tithe to the Emperor.

(e) Cann Gabb. Land owned by the Central Government. It was

divided into sub-districts, each governed by an appointed Mislane
[sub-district Governor]. He brought to the District Governor, or
the Emperor, bread, flour, and other foodstuffs annually from the
area for which he was responsible. He supervised the cultivation of
the houdad, the other government lands worked by the gäbbars;
45
T h e s e d a t a h a v e b e e n c o m p i l e d m a i n l y f r o m ' T h e L a n d S y s t e m of E t h i o p i a ' ,
a r e p o r t of t h e M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e , Ethiopia Observer, V o l . I , 9, O c t o b e r
1 9 5 7 , p p . 2 8 3 - 3 0 1 ; c i t e d l a t e r as t h e M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e . C f . also G e b r e -
W o l d - I n g i d a W o r q , ' E t h i o p i a ' s T r a d i t i o n a l S y s t e m of L a n d T e n u r e a n d
T a x a t i o n ' , (trs. M e n g e s h a G e s s e s s e , ' Y a I t y o p y a M a r e t n a G i b i r S i m ' ) Ethiopia
Observer, V o l . V , 4 , 1 9 6 2 , p p . 3 0 2 - 3 9 .