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 To my daughter, Elizabeth Meghan Archer, forgenerously spending the past fewyears providing me with
intensive post-doctoral training in adolescent development.

ROBERT P. ARCHER

To my parents who are my "essential"guides in life; And my siblings, Uma and Karthik, who are always close
to my heart.

RADHIKA KRISHNAMURTHY

7
Series Preface

One Overview

Two How to Administer the MMPI-A

Three How to Score the MMPI-A

Four How to Interpret the MMPI-A

Five Strengths and Weaknesses of the MMPI-A

Six Clinical Applications of the MMPI-A

Seven Illustrative Case Reports

Appendix A Item Composition of MMPI-A Scales and Subscales

Appendix B T-score Conversions for MMPI-A Scales and Subscales

References

Annotated Bibliography

Index

About the Authors

8
 n the Essentials of PychologicalAssessnnent series, we have attempted to provide the reader with books
that will deliver key practical information in the most J efficient and accessible style. The series features
instruments in a variety of domains, such as cognition, personality, education, and neuropsychology. For the
experienced clinician, books in the series will offer a concise, yet thorough way to master utilization of the
continuously evolving supply of new and revised instruments, as well as a convenient method for keeping up
to date on the triedand-true measures. The novice will find here a prioritized assembly of all the information
and techniques that must be at one's fingertips to begin the complicated process of individual psychological
diagnosis.

Wherever feasible, visual shortcuts to highlight key points are utilized alongside systematic, step-by-step
guidelines. Chapters are focused and succinct. Topics are targeted for an easy understanding of the essentials
of administration, scoring, interpretation, and clinical application. Theory and research are continually woven
into the fabric of each book, but always to enhance clinical inference, never to sidetrack or overwhelm. We
have long been advocates of "intelligent" testing-the notion that a profile of test scores is meaningless unless it
is brought to life by the clinical observations and astute detective work of knowledgeable examiners. Test
profiles must be used to make a difference in the child's or adult's life, or why bother to test? We want this
series to help our readers become the best intelligent testers they can be.

In Essentials of MMPI-A' "' Assessment, the authors present a broad range of basic information intended
for clinicians, researchers, and students who are seeking an introduction to the most widely used objective
personality assessment instrument with adolescents. The text provides a summary of the development and
available research on the MMPI-A and a step-by-step procedure for test interpretation. Essentials of MMPI-
A4" Assessment, also provides a concise review of all the standardly used MMPI-A scales and subscales,
including a section on single scale and two-point codetype approaches to basic scale profile interpretation.
Additionally, this text introduces the MMPI-A Structural Summary approach developed by the coauthors. The
Structural Summary approach simplifies the process of MMPI-A interpretation by emphasizing the basic
underlying dimensions of psychopathology found in the scale and subscale structure of this instrument. Topics
include applying the MMPI-A to special populations of adolescents including juvenile delinquents, substance
abusers, sexually abused adolescents, and adolescents with eating disorders. Clinical interpretation principles
are illustrated in a series of four clinical case examples to provide a better understanding of the application of
interpretive principles with individual cases. The goal of the text is to enable the reader to approach the task of
MMPI-A assessment in an organized and confident manner, while also ensuring that the test user has an
appreciation of the complexity and limitations inherent in the use of this instrument.

Alan S. Kaufman, PhD, and Nadeen L. Kaufman, EdD, Series Editors

Yale University School of Medicine

9
Essentials of M M P I-ATM Assessment

10
One

INTRODUCTION

The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) has been described as the "psychometric success
story of the 20th century" and has been the dominant objective personality assessment instrument in surveys
of test usage since the early 1950s. This test has generated a massive research literature entailing thousands of
articles, hundreds of book chapters, and dozens of books and has been a dominant commercial force in the
psychological assessment market. Before presenting the adaptation of the MMPI that was released in 1992
specifically for use with adolescents, it is useful to briefly review the history of this singularly important
personality assessment instrument.

HISTORY OF THE MMPI

The original form of the MMPI was developed in a collaborative effort between Stark Hathaway and John
McKinley that began in the late 1930s. Hathaway, the driving force in the development of the MMPI, received
his master's degree in psychology from Ohio State University in 1928 and his doctorate in Physiology with a
minor in Anatomy from the University of Minnesota in 1932. Hathaway spent his early faculty years pursuing
post-graduate studies in gross and microscopic anatomy and teaching courses in laboratory psychology and
statistics. In 1937, in his role as a medical school psychologist, he began collaboration with McKinley on the
MMPI project. John McKinley received his MD degree in 1919 and his PhD in 1921 from the University of
Minnesota and subsequently trained as a neuropsychiatrist and neuropathologist. After psychiatric training at
the New York City Psychiatric Institute, McKinley re turned to the University of Minnesota and progressed
through the faculty ranks until he became head of the Department of Medicine and Neuropsychiatry.
Hathaway and McKinley initiated work on what was to become the MMPI with the goal of assisting
physicians in screening medical patients for psychiatric problems at the University of Minnesota Hospitals.

The MMPI was not the first effort to develop an objective personality assessment instrument. Earlier self-
report personality questionnaires can be traced back to the late 19th century. In particular, the need for
psychiatric screening of military recruits during World War I supported the development and use of self-report
measures of psychopathology. Test developers usually selected the items for these self-report measures based
on a rational scale construction method in which items were included in a scale or test if such items appeared
to be logically or rationally related to the measurement task based on the test developer's theory, clinical
experience, or intuition. Unfortunately, many of these tests proved to be more interesting in theory than useful
in actual practice.

The earliest versions of the MMPI were referred to as the "Medical and Psychiatric Inventory" and the
"Multiphasic Personality Schedule," and the MMPI developed through a series of stages. In the initial stage,
Hathaway and McKinley developed an item pool for test construction purposes by generating items from
psychiatric examination forms, from various psychiatric text books, and from earlier published scales of social
attitudes, temperament, and personality. This original list consisted of more than 1,000 items, which the
researchers then reduced to an item pool of 504 by eliminating duplicate items and items that appeared to be
less relevant to the purpose of a personality inventory. These original items were subsequently supplemented
by additional items primarily related to masculinity and femininity.

11
 Hathaway and McKinley then administered this preliminary item pool to participants from several normal
control groups that predominantly included 724 visitors of patients receiving treatment at the University of
Minnesota Hospitals. This group, referred to as the "Minnesota Normals," was also augmented by three
smaller groups of normal individuals including high school graduates receiving precollege counseling at the
University of Minnesota, skilled workers engaged in local projects funded through the Federal Work Progress
Administration (WPA) Program, and a group of medical patients at the University of Minnesota Hospitals who
did not have symptoms of psy chiatric disorder. In addition to these normal groups, test data was also collected
on a group of 221 patients receiving treatment for psychiatric disorders at the University of Minnesota
Hospitals. These clinical patients were divided into subgroups based on discrete diagnostic categories such as
hypochondriasis, depression, hysteria, psychopathic deviancy, schizophrenia and hypomania.

The existence of the normal and clinical samples allowed Hathaway and McKinley to group their items
into scales using an empirical method in which item selection was based on the ability of items to discriminate
effectively between psychiatric and normal patients. An item analysis was conducted separately for each of the
clinical criterion groups (reflected in the labels of MMPI basic clinical scales) in order to identify those items
that differentiated signifi- candy between the specific clinical groups and the group of normal individuals. This
methodology of scale construction has been referred to as "criterion keying" or "empirical scale construction,"
and the critics of this approach have referred to it as "dustbowl empiricism." In contrast to earlier test
development approaches in which items were generally selected rationally based on face validity, or the extent
to which the items appeared to be relevant to the domain being measured, the empirical keying procedure
selected individual test items using statistical analyses that indicated the extent to which a test item could
differentiate among the criterion groups. Variations of the empirical keying technique were used to construct
the item pools for the Hypochondriasis (Hs), Depression (D), Hysteria, (Hy), PychopathicDeviancy (Pd),
Paranoia (Pa), Psychasthenia (Pt), Schizophrenia (Sc), and Mania (Ma) scales. Following the construction of
these clinical scales, two additional scales were added to the MMPI. As previously noted, the Masculinity-
Femininity (Mf) scale was subsequently added to the MMPI through an item-selection process that initially
included a comparison of homosexual and heterosexual men, but eventually also included items that were
differentially endorsed by men and women in the normative sample. Finally, the Social Introversion (Si) scale
was included as the final basic MMPI scale adopted from a previously existing scale developed by Drake
(1946), and cross-validated by comparing the scores of female college students who scored on the higher or
lower ranges of an introversion-extroversion scale. The Si scale is the only basic scale that was developed
outside of the Hathaway and McKinley group and is the only basic scale for which a psychiatric criterion
group was not obtained.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE VALIDITY SCALES

In addition to the 10 basic clinical scales on the MMPI, Hathaway and McKinley (1943) also developed
several validity scales to detect problematic testtaking attitudes or response sets. These scales include the
Cannot Say or (?) scale, which is not actually a scale in itself but rather reflects the total number of MMPI
items that the participant either omitted or endorsed as both true and false. The Lie or L scale consists of 15
rationally derived items that represent a variety of common human failings or faults (e.g., "I do not like
everyone I know," and "I gossip a little at times"). The L scale was developed to detect crude attempts to
present oneself in an unrealistically favorable light. Although very few people endorse a majority of L-scale
items, many individuals endorse several of these items in the scored (False) direction. The Infrequency or F
scale was originally composed of 64 items that were selected because they were endorsed in the infrequent
direction by 10% or fewer of the Minnesota Normative Sample. These items cover a broad array of content
(e.g., "I have a cough most of the time," and "Evil spirits possess me at times"), but share a low frequency of
endorsement among normals. Hathaway and McKinley (1946) suggested that elevations on the F scale might
invalidate the interpretation of the clinical scale profile because the participant was careless or unable to
comprehend the content of the items. The final validity scale added to the original MMPI was the Correction
or Kscale. When early experiences with the MMPI indicated that the L scale may be insensitive to certain less
blatant types of test distortion, the K scale was developed as a more subtle indicator of attempts to deny
psychopathology and to present oneself in the most favorable light. Typical Kscale items are "I certainly feel

12
useless at times," and "Criticism or scolding hurts me terribly." The original K scale included 30 items (all but
one item scored in the false direction) that were empirically identified by contrasting item responses of clearly
disturbed psychiatric patients who produced normal range scores on the clinical scales with the item responses
of a group of normal individuals. The main function of the K scale was to improve the ability of the clinical
scales to detect psychopathology accurately, and specific proportions of the K-scale raw score have
traditionally been added to five of the MMPI basic scales when using the K-correction procedure with adult
respondents. These basic clinical scales that receive different proportions of K are scales Hs (1), Pd (4), Pt (7),
Sc (8), and Ma (9). Although the K-scale correc tion procedure was carried over to the MMPI-2 (Butcher,
Dahlstrom, Graham, Tellegen, & Kaemmer, 1989), K-correction is not used for the basic clinical scales on the
MMPI-A because the research on this topic has not shown that such a procedure improves the interpretive
accuracy derived from adolescents' profiles.

IMPORTANT FEATURES CONTRIBUTING TO THE POPULARITY OF THE

MMPI

Hathaway and McKinley developed the MMPI to offer pragmatic assistance in assessing and diagnosing
patients with mental disorders at the University of Minnesota Hospitals. However, its use quickly extended far
beyond the University of Minnesota Hospitals into clinical settings across the United States for use with both
adolescent and adult populations. As noted earlier, by the 1950s the MMPI was routinely appearing in lists of
the most frequently used psychological assessment instruments. By the 1960s, MMPI use had extended into
employment selection procedures and was particularly used to test individuals who were applying for highly
responsible or sensitive positions such as police officer, nuclear power plant worker, airline pilot, or other
positions in which psychological stability and resiliency were important to the public safety. Furthermore, the
MMPI rapidly became an international instrument, with the first translations of the MMPI appearing in the
late 1940s and early 1950s and with more than 50 foreign language translations of the MMPI available by
1976. Butcher and Williams (2000) report that by 1992 there were more than 140 translations of the MMPI
into the languages of 46 countries. Finally, as previously noted, the MMPI has been the subject of a
phenomenal amount of scholarship and research. Butcher and Owen (1978) report that 84% of all research in
personality assessment instruments has focused on the MMPI, and Butcher (1987) estimates that over 10,000
books and articles have been published on this test instrument.

What factors are responsible for the remarkable success of the MMPI? In the mid-1960s, Stark Hathaway
listed several aspects of the MMPI that he believed contributed to its popularity. These include "the provision
for some control over undesirable response patterns, detection of invalid records such as those from non-
readers, the use of simple language, the simplicity of administration and scoring, and, finally, the general
clinical familiarity of the pro file variables" (1965, p. 463). To underscore and expand on Hathaway's
observations, the current authors would like to propose three factors that have been centrally important to the
unique amount of success of the MMPI. These factors may be described as the atheoretical foundation of the
test instrument, the extensive development of validity scales, and the advantages accrued by the massive
research literature underlying the use of the instrument.

The MMPI, as previously noted, was based on an empirical scale development procedure that was
atheoretical in terms of the actual selection of items for scale membership. Specifically, Hathaway and
McKinley did not use a preconceived notion of which particular items should be included in scale
membership, but rather empirically compared the responses of normal subjects with those of groups of well-
defined clinical patients to determine which items were selected for a specific scale. This "atheoretical"
approach allows clinicians from a wide variety of theoretical orientations to use the test instrument for
personality assessment purposes. Psychoanalytically oriented psychotherapists from Boston, health
psychologists from the Midwest, behaviorally oriented practitioners from Georgia, and neuropsychologists
from California may all enthusiastically embrace the MMPI as an important tool in describing and diagnosing
their patients. Thus, in contrast to instruments that are based on specific theoretical formulations and implicit
or explicit views of personality structure, the MMPI is attractive to a wide variety of practitioners. Perhaps as
importantly, this atheoretical foundation is also attractive to a wide variety of university graduate school and

13
professional school instructors and professors who teach personality assessment courses to future generations
of psychologists. From this standpoint, the MMPI is so popular today because its strong empirical base was
widely popular 15 to 20 years ago among a wide variety of college professors responsible for teaching
objective personality assessment.

The second factor, noted by Hathaway in 1965, relates to the remarkable usefulness of the validity scales
in detecting and describing important testtaking approaches consciously or unconsciously employed by the
individual responding to the MMPI item pool. The MMPI was among the first personality assessment
instruments to strongly emphasize the use of validity scales in determining the interpretability of test findings.
Furthermore, the use of validity scales on the MMPI has been developed far beyond that found in any other
widely used psychological assessment instrument. The MMPI validity scales allow the interpreter to estimate
both the degree of confidence he or she may place in test findings and the capacity and willingness of the
respondent to provide an accurate and valid self-report. As we address in future chapters, both the MMPI-2
and MMPI-A bring additional va'Idity scales (beyond the four provided on the original MMPI) to bear on
issues related to the technical validity of an individual profile. The availability of these numerous validity
scales have, in turn, allowed for the psychological screening of individuals in a variety of settings beyond the
traditional clinical settings originally envisioned by Hathaway and McKinley. For example, the interpretation
of validity scale data plays a central and crucial role in the assessment of individuals in personnel screening
settings, and in forensic evaluations in which the accuracy and honesty of the individual's self-report may
become the primary focus of the clinical psychologist's evaluation.

Finally, the massive research literature available for the MMPI has been salient in promoting the clinical
success of this instrument. The large number of research studies documenting the MMPI's reliability and
validity have allowed clinicians to confidently use the test instrument to describe individual client
characteristics, behaviors, and problem areas. Because the MMPI has been so useful in describing various
types of psychopathology, researchers have used it extensively in studies of special populations including
alcoholics and drug abusers, chronic pain populations, brain-injured patients, medical patients, prisoners,
military personnel, and delinquent adolescents, to name just a few of these groups. These studies, in turn, have
frequently shed light not only on the population of interest but also on the characteristics of the test
instrument. Additionally, much research has focused specifically on the functioning and characteristics of the
MMPI as a psychometric instrument. Thus, numerous studies have dealt with the reliability and validity of
various MMPI scales and subscales, the effectiveness of various combinations of validity scales in detecting
particular response sets, and issues related to the operation of norms and normative samples with this test
instrument. All of this information provides an empirical foundation which the clinician may use to provide a
useful and practical assessment of the individual's psychological functioning and psychopathology. This
foundation is unique among objective personality assessment instruments and rivaled only by the Rorschach
Inkblot Technique among projective personality assessment measures. It is a foundation based on the efforts of
hundreds of researchers involving hundreds of thousands of participants across a time frame spanning 6
decades. Although it is possible that other personality assessment instruments may be developed that rival the
MMPI in terms of the array and usefulness of validity scales, and it is certainly likely that many instruments
may surpass the MMPI in terms of overall psychometric elegance, it will take many years for any personality
assessment instrument to amass the extent of empirical research base that is associated with the original MMPI
instrument.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE MMPI-2

Perhaps because the original form of the MMPI worked so well for so many people for so long, serious efforts
to revise the test instrument did not occur until the early 1980s. Specifically, the University of Minnesota Press
appointed a committee in 1982 to undertake a restandardization revision of the MMPI. The committee's task
was to revise and modernize the test booklet by deleting, modifying, or replacing outdated items, potentially
developing new scales to address problem areas not covered in the original MMPI, and to collect a new adult
normative sample representative of the population of the United States in terms of ethnic background, age, and
geographic location. The MMPI-2 was released in 1989, 46 years after the original publication of the test

14
instrument. In addition to modernizing the content and language of test items and eliminating objectionable
items, the MMPI-2 presented new scales, including a series of 15 content scales. The development of the
MMPI-2 also involved collecting a nationally representative normative data sample of 2,600 adult men and
women throughout the United States. The MMPI-2 contains 567 items that heavily overlap with the content
and item pool of the original test instrument. In addition to the MMPI-2 test manual, other comprehensive
guides to the MMPI-2 are now available, including several texts that serve as interpretive guides for the
instrument. In addition, a research base is gradually developing for the MMPI-2, including several large-scale
studies that have used MMPI-2 data from psychiatric patients in inpatient and outpatient settings. It should be
specifically noted, however, that the MMPI-2 was designed and normed for individuals who are 18 years of
age or older. The MMPI-2 is not intended for the assessment of adolescents ages 17 or younger, and
adolescent norms were not developed for the MMPI-2.

In summary, the MMPI-2 is a revised version of the original MMPI, in tended for evaluating adults, in
which the MMPI basic validity and clinical scales have remained virtually intact. However, a number of new
scales have also been developed for the MMPI-2 that expand the clinical applications available for the test
instrument. New norms based on a large representative sample of 2,600 men and women provide a
contemporary point of comparison for the interpretation of test scores. In addition to the standard four validity
scales contained within the original test instrument, a series of new validity scales was developed for the
MMPI-2 that were also carried over in the development of the MMPI-A; these scales are addressed under the
description of this latter instrument.

USE OF THE MMPI WITH ADOLESCENTS

The application of the original MMPI to adolescent populations began in the early 1940s, around the time of
the original publication of the MMPI. Several of these early studies examined the usefulness of the MMPI
scale 4 in accurately discriminating adolescents who did and did not have histories of juvenile delinquency. In
the largest MMPI data sample ever gathered on adolescents, for example, Hathaway and Monachesi (1953,
1963) conducted a longitudinal examination of the relationships between MMPI test scores and delinquent
behavior in samples involving approximately 15,000 Minnesota adolescents, using data collected in the late
1940s and early '50s. Their study provided very valuable information on the MMPI correlates of delinquency,
but it also generated important data on differences in item endorsement patterns between boys and girls, and
between adults and adolescents.

The most frequently used adolescent norms available for the original MMPI were developed by Phil
Marks and Peter Briggs in the late 1960s and published in a variety of guides and textbooks on the MMPI. The
adolescent norms developed by Marks and Briggs (1972) were based on the responses of approximately 1,800
normal adolescents and were reported separately for boys and girls at age groupings of 17, 16, 15, and "14 and
below." Unfortunately, there was also a substantial amount of norm-related confusion in using the MMPI with
adolescents, and many clinicians mistakenly continued to use adult norms when interpreting adolescent
profiles. This practice often resulted in grossly elevated profiles that were not accurate in terms of describing
adolescent characteristics or predicting important behaviors. In 1974, Marks, See man, and Haller published a
textbook that contained actuarial-based personality descriptors for a series of 29 MMPI high-point codetypes.
A high-point codetype refers to the configural pattern produced by the MMPI basic scales, with codetypes
classified by the most elevated scales present in the basic scale profile. For example, a 2-4 high-point codetype
refers to an MMPI basic scale pattern in which the highest elevations occur for MMPI basic scale Depression
(2) and Psychopathic Deviancy (4). Marks and his colleagues derived their codetype descriptors for 29 high-
point pairs based on a study of 834 adolescents evaluated between 1965 and 1970, ages 12 through 18, who
had received at least 10 hours of psychotherapy and an additional sample of 419 adolescents who received
psychiatric services during 1970 to 1973. The Marks et al. clinical correlate data, which included therapists'
ratings, were crucial in providing clinicians with the first correlate information available to interpret
adolescents' MMPI codetype patterns. Based on a survey conducted with clinicians working with adolescents,
Archer, Maruish, Imhof, and Piotrowski (1991) report that the MMPI was the most widely used objective

15
personality assessment instrument with this age group and the third most frequently mentioned assessment
instrument with adolescents overall.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE MMPI-A

Despite the relative popularity of the MMPI for assessing adolescents in clinical settings, both researchers and
clinicians had concerns regarding the use of the original test instrument with teenagers. Many clinicians felt
that the 566item original form of the MMPI was too long to use with teenagers. Many were also aware that the
original adult norms were not applicable to adolescents and that the available adolescent norms (based on data
collected between the late 1940s to mid-1960s) were substantially outdated in assessing contemporary
adolescents. Additionally, many researchers and clinicians had concerns regarding the reading level presented
by some of the original MMPI items and the inappropriate or outdated language used in others. For example,
two of the original items in the MMPI that were eliminated or modified in the test revisions were, "In school
my marks in deportment were quite regularly bad," and "I used to like drop-the-handkerchief." Finally, the
original MMPI item pool, although extensive, also lacked items in certain specific areas relevant to ado lescent
experience, including issues related to drug use, peer relationships, and school-related problems.

In response to these and other concerns, the University of Minnesota Press initiated an adolescent-specific
revision of the MMPI in 1989. One important goal of the revision was to maintain as much continuity with the
original MMPI as possible, including preserving the basic structure of the MMPI validity and clinical scales.
Therefore, the test revisors made an effort to minimize the amount of changes that occurred in the MMPI basic
scales, while also recognizing that more extensive changes might be needed for MMPI scales F, Mf, and Si. In
developing a form suitable for assessing adolescents, it was also deemed desirable to include items and scales
directly relevant to adolescent development and to the expression of psychopathology during adolescence.
Finally, it was anticipated that releasing an adolescent form of the MMPI would help to standardize
assessment practices with adolescents, particularly in terms of appropriate administration criterion, selection
of useful special scales, and elimination of confusion regarding the appropriate norms to employ with
adolescents. Rapid Reference 1.1 provides a summary of the basic reasons for developing the MMPI-A.

The Experimental Form

The process of developing the MMPI-A began with the creation of an experimental test booklet that contained
704 items, identified as MMPI Form TX. The 704-item Form TX was administered to 815 girls and 805 boys
in the MMPI-A normative sample and was also used in the collection of various clinical samples. The first
section of the test booklet contained 550 items from the original MMPI form, followed by 154 experimental
items that covered a variety of potentially relevant content areas, including problems in peer group and family
relationships, alcohol and drug abuse, eating disorders, and identity problems. Of the original 550 items in
Form TX, approximately 13% had been reworded to increase content clarity for adolescent respondents. For
example, items related to childhood and adolescent experiences that were worded in the past tense in the
original booklet (primarily designed for adults) were changed to the present tense in the experimental form. In
this process, MMPI validity scale Fwas revised extensively in order to increase its effectiveness as a measure
of infrequent item endorsement for adolescents, and the item pools for the nonclinical basic scales Mf (5) and
Si (0) were somewhat shortened. Finally, the item pools for the remaining eight basic clinical scales were
essentially held intact with only minor revisions to some items to improve clarity.

RapiGRejereace /. /

Reasons for Developing the MMPI-A

16
• To obtain contemporary norms based on a nationally representative adolescent sample

• To modify and improve MMPI items, including improving grammar and wording, and to eliminate
inappropriate or objectionable items

• To develop new scales relevant to adolescent problem areas

• To standardize approaches for evaluating adolescents using the MMPI

The MMPI-A Normative Sample

Normative data on MMPI Form TX was collected in eight states and involved a total of approximately 2,500
adolescents. After implementing a series of exclusion criteria to eliminate unreliable or incomplete data, the
resulting adolescent norms were based on 805 boys and 815 girls between the ages of 14 and 18, inclusive.
The ethnic distribution of the MMPI-A normative sample was reasonably consistent with the relative
distribution of ethnicity as revealed in the 1980 U.S. Census, and certainly more diverse than both the adult
norms for the MMPI collected in the late 1930s and early 1940s and the MMPI adolescent norms developed
by Marks and Briggs.

Structure of the MMPI-A

After examining the preliminary data, the MMPI Adolescent Project Committee created a final form of the
MMPI for adolescents, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-Adolescent (MMPI-A). Most of the
items on the MMPI-A appeared on the original form of the MMPI. However, a number of new items were also
added to the test booklet to address a variety of problems areas that occur during adolescence. Rapid
Reference 1.2 provides some basic facts about the MMPI-A.

The final form of the MMPI-A includes the original 13 standard scales combined with four new validity
scales (see Rapid Reference 1.3), 15 content scales, 6 supplementary scales (see Rapid Reference 1.4), and 28
HarrisLingoes and 3 Si subscales (see Rapid Reference 1.5). These scales are presented in more detail in
subsequent chapters.

Ro/iGRejeieMe /.1

Basic Facts about the MMPI-A

Test Authors: Butcher, J. N., Williams, C. L., Graham, J. R., Archer, R. R, Tellegen, A., Ben-Porath,Y. S., &
Kaemmer, B.

Publication Date: 1992

Measures: Personality and psychopathology in adolescents

Age Range: 14-18 years

Reading Level: 7th grade

Administration Time: 60-90 minutes

User Qualification: Graduate training in testing, adolescent development, personality, psychopathology, and
psychodiagnostics

17
 iPapiGRejerence /..l

From a broad perspective, it may be stated that the MMPI-A is a new instrument that is based
substantially on the original form of the MMPI, but that it also incorporates several of the innovative features
of the MMPI-2. Nevertheless, the MMPI-A also contains some distinctive features that are found only in this
adaptation of the MMPI for adolescents. Because a considerable emphasis was placed on maintaining
continuity between the original form of the MMPI and the MMPI-A, much of the research done using the
original form of the MMPI with adolescents may be validly generalized to the MMPI-A.

/lopiG/lejerence /4

18
 iPopiGRejereWe /.S

MMPI-A Harris-Lingoes and Si Subscales

Harris-Lingoes Subscales

• Scale 2 Subscales

• Scale 3 Subscales

19
• Scale 4 Subscales

• Scale 6 Subscales

• Scale 8 Subscales

• Scale 9 Subscales

• Si Subscales

20
 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF THE MMPI-A

Reliability

The MMPI-A manual provides extensive information concerning the reliability of this instrument. For
example, 154 adolescents in the normative sample volunteered to return 1 week later to provide important test-
retest information on the test instrument. The range of test-retest correlations for the basic clin ical scales was
.65 to .84, which is comparable to the test-retest correlations reported in the MMPI-2 manual for the adult
revision of the test. Furthermore, based on these reliability data, the typical standard error of measurement for
the MMPI-A basic scales is 4 to 6 T-score points. Thus, we are able to state that if an adolescent retakes the
MMPI-A within a relatively short time interval, and without significant change in his or her psychological
functioning, his or her basic scale scores will fall in a range of roughly ±4 to 6 T-score points approximately
50% of the time. The standard error of measurement data are very important in evaluating any changes
obtained from readministering the MMPI-A to adolescents in order to measure changes over time, such as
those associated with treatment effects. Changes of 5 T-score points or less are more likely to reflect
measurement error than reliable change. Beyond the test-retest reliability on the basic scales, test-retest data
are also available in the MMPI-A manual for the content and supplementary scales.

In addition to test-retest data as an index of reliability, evidence of internal consistency based on

coefficient alpha is also presented in the test manual for the MMPI-A basic scales, content scales, and
supplementary scales. The coefficient alpha statistic developed by Cronbach in 1951 is a measure of the extent
to which the items comprising scale membership tend to be intercorrelated, a desirable feature in scales
attempting to measure a unitary or homogeneous construct. Contemporary scale development procedures often
use coefficient alpha results to select or eliminate items (this was part of the method used in the construction
of the MMPI-A content scales, for example), thereby creating scales with relatively high internal consistency
values. In contrast, scales derived through empirical item selection, such as the MMPI-A basic scales, often
tend to produce lower internal consistency findings because these scales are typically more heterogeneous in
terms of content areas. In general, these trends are clearly reflected in the coefficient alpha findings for the
MMPI-A scales; that is, basic scales have widely fluctuating alpha coefficient levels, ranging from relatively
low values on scales such as Mfand Pa (.40 to .60) to much higher values on other MMPI-A scales such as Hs
and Sc (ranging from .78 to .89). In contrast, the MMPI-A content scales tend to yield somewhat higher
internal consistency values of .55 to .89 on the psychometric equivalency between the original and revised
forms of items modified on the MMPI-A.

In addition to test-retest and internal consistency measures of reliability, the MMPI-A manual also
provides information concerning the intercorrelation of MMPI-A scales, the factor structure of the MMPI-A,
and information concerning the item endorsement frequencies and reading levels related to each MMPI-A
item.

Validity

During the half-century of use of the original MMPI, an extensive literature had developed on the use of this
instrument with adolescents. Because of the substantial continuity between the original form of the MMPI and
MMPI-A, much of this basic literature may be generalized to the MMPI-A. In support of this point, the

21
MMPI-A manual provides data on the rate of agreement between adolescents' profiles generated from the
original test instrument on adolescent norms and the same response pattern produced for the MMPI-A.
Although the two forms are clearly not identical, there is ample evidence of substantial compatibility or
congruency. Eventually, however, the MMPI-A (like all revised tests) must develop a research literature based
on this specific form in order to have full confidence in the revised test instrument. Fortunately, there is
evidence that this research literature has been developing on the MMPI-A. Archer's (1997) text on the MMPI-
A, for example, provides more than 400 references, although many of these are related to either the original
test instrument or to the MMPI-2. A recent survey of the literature reveals more than 50 studies that have been
published in the 8 years following the 1992 publication of the MMPI-A and focus on various aspects of this
instrument. These research studies include investigations of the effectiveness of the MMPI-A validity scales in
detecting response sets such as random responding and underreporting or overreporting of symptoms. This
literature also examines the usefulness of the MMPI-A basic clinical and content scales in detecting
disabilities such as Attention-deficit Disorder and learning disabilities, and psychopathology including
delinquency, eating disorders, suicidal ideation, depression, Conduct Disorder, substance abuse, and fire-
setting tendencies.

A number of MMPI-A studies have focused on the factor structure of the MMPI-A, including the
characteristics and effectiveness of the MMPI-A Structural Summary, which is based on the MMPI-A factor
structure. Additionally, a number of studies have also looked at responses to the MMPI-A as a function of age,
ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and gender. Studies of the MMPI-A have also been undertaken among
Mexican-American adolescents and with Hong Kong residents using a Chinese translation of the MMPI-A. It
should also be noted that the MMPI-A manual provides extensive validity data, including scale correlates for
normative and clinical samples for the MMPI-A basic scales, provided separately by gender. Finally, the
MMPI-A text by Archer (1997) provides extensive validity and correlate data for the MMPIA, and the text by
Archer, Krishnamurthy, and Jacobson (1994) provides correlate data in support of the validity of the Structural
Summary approach to MMPI-A organization and interpretation.

Information concerning the correlates of the original MMPI basic scales for adolescents was reported by
several researchers, including Hathaway and Monachesi (1963). These studies are also relevant and applicable
to the interpretation of the MMPI-A because of the high degree of similarity between the MMPI and MMPI-A
basic scales. In addition, however, the MMPI-A manual provides substantial MMPI-A basic scale correlate
information based on analyses conducted with both normal adolescents and adolescents in treatment settings.
For the normative sample, MMPI-A correlates were based on biographical and life events information
provided by each adolescent. A wider array of correlates was reported for the clinical sample based on
biographical and life events information, and parental ratings and treatment staff ratings, as well as
information obtained through review of the adolescents' residential or inpatient treatment records.
Furthermore, basic clinical scale correlate information has also been provided by Archer (1997) for a sample
of 222 adolescents receiving psychiatric inpatient treatment. Thus, our understanding of the correlates or
descriptors of the MMPI-A basic clinical scales rests on research on the meaning of these scales with the
original form of the test instrument, as well as new data generated through independent studies of the clinical
correlate patterns for the MMPI-A. In general, the clinical correlates found for the basic clinical scales of the
MMPI, MMPI-2, and MMPI-A show a high degree of consistency. Furthermore, correlate patterns are
typically better documented and better understood for elevated scores in contrast to lower-range scores, and,
hence, there is greater confidence in interpreting high-point elevations.

COMPREHENSIVE REFERENCES ON THE MMPI-A

The MMPI A (Minnesota Multipbasic Personality Invento Adolescent): Manual for Administration, Scoring,
and Interpretation (Butcher, et al., 1992) provides detailed information about the development of the test, such
as descriptions of scales and subscales, standardization, reliability, and validity. The second edition of
Essentials of MMPI2 and MMPIA Interpretation (Butcher & Williams, 2000) presents an overview and
interpretive guidelines for both instruments, and MMPI A Content Scales: Assessing Pychopathology in
Adolescents (Williams, Butcher, Ben-Porath, & Graham, 1992) details the development and interpretation of

22
these latter scales using illustrations with clinical cases. The MMPI-A Casebook (Archer, Krishnamurthy, &
Jacobson 1994) provides an introduction to the use of the MMPI-A Structural Summary developed by Archer
and Krishnamurthy (1994) for the interpretation of this test instrument, and highlights profile interpretation
strategies through the presentation of several clinical case examples. The MMPI-A: Assessing Adolescent
Pychopathology (2nd Edition) (Archer, 1997) provides a comprehensive overview of the MMPI-A and
coverage of the literature relevant to this test instrument. This text offers practical information to clinicians
regarding the use of the MMPI-A and also furnishes sufficient technical information to stimulate future
research efforts with the instrument. Interpretive strategies are addressed and illustrated in depth, and
extensive appendices provide normative information, scale composition, and T-score conversions.

TEST YOURSELF

1. The MMPI-A has substantial continuity with the original MMPI. True or False?

2. Hathaway and Monachesi's longitudinal study found that selected MMPI scales

(a) were associated with adolescent depression.

(b) were effective predictors of adolescent Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

(c) were effective predictors of adolescent delinquency.

(d) were never elevated for adolescents.

3. Which of the following were adolescent norm sets for the original MMPI?

(a) Marks and Briggs' norms

(b) Hathaway and Dahlstrom's norms

(c) a and b

(d) none of the above

(continued)

4. Which of the following test construction methods was used for developing the MMPI-A basic
scales?

(a) rational/intuitive

(b) criterion keying

(c) factor analysis

(d) all of the above.

5. How many items appear on the MMPI-A?

(a) 478

(b) 550

23
 (c) 566

(d) 350

Answers: I.True; 2. c; 3. a; 4. b; 5. a

24
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Title: The Socialist

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SOCIALIST

***
 By GUY THORNE
——
When It Was Dark
The Story of a Great Conspiracy
12o (By mail, $1.35) Net, $1.20
A Lost Cause

12o $1.50
——
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
New York and London

THE SOCIALIST

BY
GUY THORNE
AUTHOR OF "WHEN IT WAS DARK," ETC
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK AND LONDON
The Knickerbocker Press
1909

Copyright, 1909
BY
WARD, LOCK AND COMPANY

The Knickerbocker Press, New York

TO
JOHN GILBERT BOHUN LYNCH
Souvenir of February 8th, 1909
 CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER I
CONCERNING HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF PADDINGTON 1

CHAPTER II
"HAIR LIKE RIPE CORN" 18

CHAPTER III
A MOST SURPRISING DAY 28

CHAPTER IV
THE MAN WITH THE MUSTARD-COLOURED BEARD 43

CHAPTER V
"TO INAUGURATE A REVOLUTION!" 56

CHAPTER VI
THE GREAT NEW PLAN 68

CHAPTER VII
KIDNAPPING UPON SCIENTIFIC PRINCIPLES 80

CHAPTER VIII
"IN CELLAR COOL!" 92

CHAPTER IX
MARY MARRIOTT'S INITIATION 103
 CHAPTER X
NEWS ARRIVES AT OXFORD 115

CHAPTER XI
THE DISCOVERY 126

CHAPTER XII
AT THE BISHOP'S TOWN HOUSE 139

CHAPTER XIII
NEW FRIENDS: NEW IDEAS 149

CHAPTER XIV
AT THE PARK LANE THEATRE 169

CHAPTER XV
THE MANUSCRIPT IN THE LIBRARY 190

CHAPTER XVI
ARTHUR BURNSIDE'S VIEWS 201

CHAPTER XVII
THE COMING OF LOVE 212

CHAPTER XVIII
A LOVER, AND NEWS OF LOVERS 234

CHAPTER XIX
TROUBLED WATERS 256

CHAPTER XX
THE DUKE KNOWS AT LAST 269
 CHAPTER XXI
IN THE STAGE BOX AT THE PARK LANE THEATRE 279

CHAPTER XXII
THE SUPPER ON THE STAGE 291

CHAPTER XXIII
POINTS OF VIEW FROM A DUKE, A BISHOP, A VISCOUNT,
AND THE DAUGHTER OF AN EARL 304

CHAPTER XXIV
"LOVE CROWNS THE DEED" 315

CHAPTER XXV
EPILOGUE 326

THE SOCIALIST
 CHAPTER I
CONCERNING HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF
PADDINGTON

There are as many social degrees in the peerage as there are in the
middle and lower classes.
There are barons who are greater noblemen than earls, viscounts
who are welcomed in a society that some marquises can never hope
to enter—it is a question not of wealth or celebrity, but of family
relationships and date of creation.
When, however, a man is a duke in England, his state is so lofty, he
is so inevitably apart from every one else that these remarks hardly
apply at all. Yet even in dukedoms one recognises there are degrees.
There are royal dukes, stately figureheads moving in the brilliant
light which pours from the throne, and generally a little obscured by
its refulgence. These have their own serene place and being.
There are the political dukes, Cabinet-made, who are solemnly
caricatured through two generations of Punch, massive, Olympian,
and generally asleep on the front benches of the House of Lords.
And every now and then it happens that there are the young dukes.
The fathers of the young dukes have lived to a great age and
married late in life. They have died when their sons were little
children. For years it seems to the outside public as if certain historic
houses are in abeyance. Nothing much is heard of these names, and
only Londoners who pay enormous ground rents to this or that Ducal
estate office realise what a long minority means.
From time to time paragraphs find their way into the society papers
telling of the progress of this or that young dukeling at Eton. The
paragraphs become more in evidence when the lad goes to Oxford,
and then, like a suddenly-lit lamp, the prince attains his majority.
Paragraphs in weekly papers expand into columns in all the dailies.
The public suddenly realises that the Duke of ——, a young man of
twenty-one, owns a great slice of London, has an income of from
one to two hundred thousand pounds a year, and by the fact of his
position is a force in public affairs. For a week every one talks about
the darling of fortune. His pictures are in all the journals. His castle
in Kent, his palace in Park Lane, his castle in Scotland, his villa at
Monte Carlo, are, as it were, thrown open to the inspection of the
world. The hereditary jewels are disinterred by popular rumour from
the vaults at Coutts' Bank. The Mysore Nagar emerald that the third
duke brought from India glitters once more in the fierce light of day.
The famous diamond tiara that the second duke bought for his
duchess (in the year when his horse "Strawberry Leaf" won the
Derby and His Grace eighty thousand pounds) sparkles as never
before. Photographers seek, and obtain, permission to visit the
famous picture galleries at Duke Dale, and American millionaires
gasp with envy as they read of the Velasquez, the three Murillos, the
priceless series of Rembrandt genre pictures, and the "Prince in
Sable" of Vandyck, owned by a youth who has in all probability never
seen any one of them.
The man in the street has his passing throb of envy, and then, being
a generous-minded fellow in the main, and deeply imbued with
loyalty to all existing and splendid institutions, wishes his lordship
luck and promptly forgets all about him.
What the man on the street—a very different sort of person—says, is
merely a matter which polite people do not hear, for who heeds a
few growls in cellars or curses in a cul-de-sac?
Women are even more generous, as is their dear mission to the
world. If your dukeling is a pretty lad, presentable and straight as
caught by the obsequious camera, they give him kind thoughts and
wonder who the fortunate girl will be. Who shall share the throne of
Prince Fortunatus? On whose white and slender neck shall that great
Indian emerald give out its sinful Asiatic fire? On whose shining
coronet of hair shall rise that crown of diamonds that the brave
horse won for the "bad old duke" on Epsom Downs?
And then all the stir and bother is over. Some newer thing engages
the public mind. Another stone is thrown into another pool; the
ripples upon the first die away, and the waters are tranquil once
more.
Prince Fortunatus has ascended his throne, and the echoes of the
ceremonial trumpets are over and gone.
* * * * * *
John Augustus Basil FitzTracy was the fifth Duke of Paddington, Earl
of Fakenham in Norfolk, and a baronet of the United Kingdom.
His seats were Fakenham Hall, at Fakenham, Castle Trink, N. B., and
the old Welsh stronghold, near Conway, known as Carleon, which
had come to him from his mother's aunt, old Lady Carleon of Lys.
In regard to his houses, there was, first and foremost, the great
square pile in Piccadilly, which was almost as big as the Duke of
Devonshire's palace, and was known as Paddington House. There
was an old Saxon house near Chipping Norton, in Gloucestershire,
which was used as a hunting-box—the late duke always having
ridden with the Heythrop. There was also a big blue, pink-and-white
villa upon the Promenade des Anglais at Nice—the late duke liked to
spend February among the palms and roses of the Riviera, though it
was said that the duchess never accompanied him upon these
expeditions to the sun-lit shores of the Mediterranean.
The Duke of Paddington was not a great country nobleman.
Fakenham was some three thousand acres, and though the shooting
was excellent, as is the shooting of all the big houses which
surround Sandringham Hall, the place in itself was not particularly
noteworthy. Nor did the duke own coal mines, while no railways had
enriched him by passing through any of his properties.
The duke's enormous revenues were drawn from London. He and
their graces of Westminster and Bedford might well have contended
for a new title—Duke of London. If extent of possessions and
magnitude of fortune could alone decide such an issue the Duke of
Paddington would have won.
A huge slice of the outer West End—anywhere north of Oxford
Street—belonged to him.
His income was variously stated, but the only truth about it, upon
which every one was agreed, was that it was incredibly large.
There was a certain modest, massive stone building in the Edgware
Road where the duke's affairs were conducted. It was known as the
FitzTracy Estate Office, forty clerks were regularly employed there,
and only old Colonel Simpson, late of the Army Service Corps, and
now chief agent to the duke, knew what the actual income was.
Possessor of all this,—and it is but the barest epitome,—the duke
was twenty-three years of age, had no near relations, and was just
finishing his university career at Oxford.
Everything that the human mind can wish for was his; there was
hardly anything in the world, worthy or unworthy, that he could not
have by asking for it.
The duke was an undergraduate of St. Paul's College, Oxford. Much
smaller than Christ Church, Magdalen, or New College, St. Paul's is,
nevertheless, the richest and most aristocratic foundation in the
university. It was a preserve of the peerage; no poor men could
afford to enter at Paul's, and it was even more difficult for the sons
of rich vulgarians to do so.
On one dull, cold morning at the end of the October term the duke
came out of his bedroom into the smaller of his two sitting rooms. It
was about ten o'clock. He had cut both early chapel or its alternative
roll-call—necessities from which even dukes are not exempt if they
wish to keep their terms.
The duke wore an old Norfolk jacket and a pair of grey flannel
trousers. His feet were thrust into a pair of red leather bath slippers.
He was about five feet ten in height, somewhat sturdily built, and
deliberate in his movements. His head was thickly covered with very
dark red hair. The eyes were grey, and with a certain calm and
impassivity about them—the calm of one so highly placed that
nothing can easily affect him; one sees it in the eyes of kings and
queens. The nose was aquiline, and thin at the nostrils, the nose of
an aristocrat; the mouth was large, and pleasant in expression,
though by no means always genial. There was, in short, something
Olympian about this young man, an air, a manner, an aroma of slight
aloofness, a consciousness of his position. It was not aggressive or
pronounced, but it was indubitably there.
In the majority of colleges at Oxford undergraduates have only two
rooms. In Paul's, more particularly in what were known as the new
buildings, men had three, a bedroom, a dining-room or small sitting-
room, in which breakfast and lunch were taken, and a larger sitting-
room.
The duke came out of his bedroom into the smaller room. It was
panelled in white throughout. Let into the panels here and there
were first impressions of famous coloured mezzotints by Raphael
Smith, Valentine Green, and other masters. They had been brought
from the portfolios at Paddington House, and each one was worth
three hundred pounds.
The chairs of this room were upholstered in red leather—a true
vermilion, and not the ordinary crimson—which went admirably with
the white walls and the Persian carpet, brick-dust and peacock blue
colour, from Teheran. A glowing fire of cedar logs sent a cheerful
warmth into the room, and the flames were reflected in the china
and silver of a small round table prepared for breakfast.
Although it was November, there was a great silver dish of fruit,
nectarines, and strawberries, grapes and peaches, all produced in
the new electric forcing houses which had been installed at the
duke's place at Fakenham. There was no apparatus for tea or coffee.
In some things the duke was a little unusual. He never drank tea or
coffee, but took a glass of thin white wine from Valperga. The tall
yellow bottle stood on the table now, and by its side was a fragile
glass of gold and purple, blown in Venice three hundred years ago.
The duke crossed the room and the larger one that opened out of it.
He pushed open the swing door—the heavy outer "oak" lay flat
against the wall—and shouted down the staircase for his "scout."
Despite the ineradicable belief of some popular novelists, there are
no bells at Oxford, and duke or commoner must summon his servant
in the good old mediæval way.
In a minute the man appeared with breakfast. He had previously
brought his master a printed list from the kitchens when he called
him. Gardener was an elderly, grey-haired man, clean-shaven, and
confidential of manner. He had served many young noblemen on
staircase number one, and each and all had found him invaluable.
He had feathered his nest well during the years, and was worth
every penny of ten thousand pounds. A type produced nowhere in
such completeness and perfection as at Oxford or Cambridge, he
represented a certain definite social class, a class more hated by the
working man than perhaps any other—the polite parasite!
"Beastly weather, Gardener," said the duke in a voice which every
one found musical and pleasant, a contented, full-blooded voice.
"It is indeed, sir," said Gardener, as he arranged two silver dishes
upon the table—"very dull and cold. I was told that there would be
skating on Port Meadow as I came into college this morning."
"Well, I don't think it will tempt me," said the duke. "You understand
thoroughly about lunch?"
"Thoroughly, sir, thank you. Do you wish anything else now, sir?"
"Nothing more, Gardener. You can go."
"I thank your grace," said the scout, and left the room. Gardener
had brought the art of politeness to a high point. Indeed, he had
elevated it to a science. He always made a distinction, thoroughly
understood and appreciated by his masters, between himself and
the ordinary flunkey or house servant. He called a duke or a marquis
"sir" in general address, reserving the title for the moment of leaving
the room, thus showing that he did not forget the claims of rank,
while he was too well-bred to weary his hearer by undue repetition.
The duke began his breakfast—a chop and a poached egg. The
young man was by no means of a luxurious turn of mind as far as
his personal tastes were concerned. Simplicity was the keynote of
many of his actions. But he was very punctilious that everything
about him should be "just so," and had he dined on a dish of lentils
he would have liked them cooked by Escoffier.
There was a pile of letters by his plate. He opened them one by one,
throwing most of them on to an adjacent chair for his secretary—
who called every day at eleven—to answer.
One of the letters bore the cardinal's hat, which is the crest of Christ
Church College, and was from the duke's greatest friend in the
university, Viscount Hayle.
This was the letter:

"My dear John,—My father and sister arrived to-night, and, as I

supposed, they will be delighted to lunch to-morrow. You said at
one, didn't you? I have been dining with them at the Randolph,
but I have come back to college, as I must read for a couple of
hours before I go to bed.
"Yours,
"Gerald."
Gerald, Viscount Hayle, was the only son of the Earl of Camborne,
who was a spiritual as well as a temporal peer inasmuch as he was
the Bishop of Carlton, the great northern manufacturing centre.
Lord Hayle and the Duke of Paddington had gone up to Oxford in the
same term. They were of equal ages, and many of their tastes and
opinions were identical, while the remaining differences of
temperament and thought only served to accentuate their strong
friendship and to give it a wholesome tonic quality.
The duke had met Lord Camborne once only. He had never stayed at
the palace, though often pressed to do so by Lord Hayle. Something
or other had always intervened to prevent it. The two young men
had not known each other during their school days—the duke had
been at Eton, his friend at Winchester—and their association had
been simply at the university.
Now the bishop, who was a widower, was coming to Oxford for a
few days, to be present at a reception to be given to Herr
Schmölder, the famous German Biblical scholar, and was bringing his
daughter, Lady Constance Camborne, with him.
As he ate his nectarine the duke wondered what sort of a girl Lady
Constance was. That she was very lovely he knew from general
report, and Gerald also was extremely good-looking. But he
wondered if she was like all the other girls he knew, accomplished,
charming, sometimes beautiful and always smart, but—stereotyped.
That was just what all society girls were; they always struck him as
having been made in exactly the same mould. They said the same
sort of things in the same sort of voice. Their thoughts ran in
grooves, not necessarily narrow or limited grooves, but identical
ones.
Before he had finished breakfast the duke's valet entered. The man
was his own private servant, and of course lived out of college, while
there was a perpetual feud between him and old Gardener, the
scout.
The man carried two large boxes of thin wood in his hands.
"The orchids have come, your grace," he said. "They were sent
down from the shop in Piccadilly by an early train in answer to my
telegram. I went to the station this morning to get them."
"Oh, very well, Proctor," said the duke. "Thank you. Just open the
boxes and I will look at them. Then you can arrange them in the
other room. I sha'n't have any flowers on the table at lunch."
In a minute Proctor had opened the boxes and displayed the wealth
of strange, spotted blooms within—monstrous exotic flowers,
beautiful with a morbid and almost unhealthy beauty.
The duke was a connoisseur of orchids. "Yes, these will do very
well," he said. "Now you can take them out."
The man, a slim, clean-shaven young fellow, with dark eyes and a
resolute jaw, hesitated a moment as if about to speak.
The duke, who had found a certain pleasure in thinking of his
friend's sister and wondering if she would be like her brother, had
been lost in a vague but pleasing reverie in fact, looked up sharply.
He wanted to be alone again. He wanted to catch up the thread of
his thoughts. "Well?" he said. "I think I told you to go, Proctor?"
The valet flushed at his master's tone. Then he seemed to make an
effort. "I beg your grace's pardon," he said. "I wish to give you my
notice."
The duke stared at his valet. "Why, what on earth do you mean?" he
said. "You've only been with me for nine months, and I have found
you satisfactory in every way. You have just learnt all my habits and
exactly how I like things done. And now you want to leave me! Are
you aware, Proctor, that you enjoy a situation that many men would
give their ears for?"
"Indeed, your grace, I know that I am fortunate, and that there are
many that would envy me."
"Then don't talk any more nonsense. What do I pay you? A hundred
and twenty pounds a year, isn't it? Well, then, take another twenty
pounds. Now go and arrange the orchids."
"I am very sorry, your grace," Proctor said. "But I do not seek any
increase of wages. I respectfully ask you to accept my month's
notice."
A certain firmness and determination had come into the valet's
voice. It irritated the duke. It was a note to which he was not
accustomed. But he tried to keep his temper.
"What are your reasons for wishing to leave me?" he said, asking the
direct question for the first time.
"I have been successful with a small invention, your grace. I occupy
my spare time with mechanics. It is an improved lock and key, and a
firm have taken it up."
"Have they paid you?" said the duke.
"A certain sum down, your grace, and a royalty is to follow on future
sales."
"I congratulate you, I'm sure," the duke said, with an unconsciously
contemptuous smile, for he shared the not uncommon opinion
among certain people that there is something ludicrous in the
originality of a servant. "No idea you were such a clever fellow. But I
don't see why you should want to leave me. Because you are my
servant it won't interfere with you collecting your royalties or
whatever they are."
The duke was a kind-hearted young man enough. He did not mean
to wound his valet, but he had never been accustomed to think of
such people as quite human—human in the sense that he himself
was human—and his tone was far more unpleasant than he had any
idea of.
The valet flushed up. Then he did an extraordinary thing. He took
two five-pound notes from his pocket and placed them upon the
table.
"That is a month's wages, your grace," he said, "instead of a
month's notice. I am no longer your servant, nor any man's."
As he spoke the whole aspect of the valet changed. He seemed to
stand more upright, his eyes had a curious light in them, his lips
were parted as one who inhales pure air after being long in a close
room.
The duke's face grew pale with anger. "What do you mean by this?"
he said in a voice which was a strange mixture of passion and
astonishment.
"Exactly what I say, sir," Proctor answered. "That I am no longer in
your service. I have done all that is legally necessary to discharge
myself. And I have a word to say to you. You are not likely to hear
such words addressed to you again, until your class and all it means
is swept away for ever. You sneer at me because I have dared to
invent something, to produce something, to add something to the
world's wealth and the world's comfort. What have you ever done?
What have you ever contributed to society? I am a better man than
you are, and worth more to society, because I've worked for my
living and earned my daily bread, even though fortune made me
your body servant. But I'm free now, and, mark what I say, read the
signs of the times, if one in your position can have any insight into
truth at all! Read the signs of the times, and be sure that before you
and I are old men we shall be equal in the eyes of the world as we
are unequal now! There aren't going to be any more drones in the
hive. Men aren't going to have huge stores of private property any
more. You won't be allowed to own land which is the property of
every one."
He stopped suddenly in the flood of high-pitched, agitated speech,
quivering with excitement, a man transformed and carried away.
Was this the suave, quiet fellow who had brushed the clothes and
put studs into the shirts? With an involuntary gesture the duke
passed his hand before his eyes. He was astounded at this sudden
volcanic outburst. Nothing, as Balzac said, is more alarming than the
rebellion of a sheep.
But as Proctor's voice died away his excitement seemed to go with
it, or at any rate long habit and training checked and mastered it.
The man bowed, not without dignity, and when he spoke again his
voice was once more the old respectful one. "I beg your grace's
pardon," he said, "if I have been disrespectful. There are times when
a man loses control of himself, and what is beneath the surface will
out. Your grace will find everything in perfect order." He withdrew
without another word and passed out of his master's life.
The duke was left staring at the masses of orchids which lay before
him on the table.
When Gardener, the scout, entered he found the duke still in the
same position—lost in a sort of day-dream.
 CHAPTER II
"HAIR LIKE RIPE CORN"

The duke was reciting his adventure with the valet to his three
guests, but he glanced most often at Lady Constance Camborne.
No, the society journals and society talk hadn't exaggerated her
beauty a bit—she was far and away the loveliest girl he had ever
seen. He knew it directly she came into the room with Lord Hayle
and the bishop, the influence of such extraordinary beauty was felt
like a physical blow. The girl was of a Saxon type, but with all the
colouring accentuated. The hair which crowned the small, patrician
head in shining masses was golden. But it was not pale gold,
metallic gold, or flaxen. It was a deep, rich gold, an "old gold," and
the duke, with a somewhat unaccustomed flight of fancy, compared
it in his mind to ripe corn. Her eyebrows were very dark brown,
almost black, and the great eyes, with their long black lashes, were
dark as a southern night. Under their great coronet of yellow hair,
and set in a face whose contour was a pure and perfect oval, with a
skin like the inside of a seashell, the contrast was extraordinarily
effective. Her beautiful lips had the rare lines of the unbroken Greek
bow, and their colour was like wine. She was tall in figure, even as
though some marble goddess had stepped down from her pedestal
in the Louvre and assumed the garments of the daughters of men.
Some people said that, beautiful as she was in every way, her
crowning beauty was her hands. She had sat to Pozzi, at Milan, at
the great sculptor's earnest request, so that he might perpetuate the
glory of her hands for ever. Mr. Swinburne had written a sonnet,
shown only to a favoured few and never published, about her hands.
The duke talked on. Outwardly he was calm enough, within his brain
was in a turmoil entirely fresh to it, entirely new and unexpected. He
heard his own voice mechanically relating the incident of Proctor's
rebellion, but he gave hardly a thought to what he said. For all he
knew he might have been talking the most absolute nonsense.
He was lost in wonder that one living, moving human being could be
so fair!
He felt a sort of unreasoning anger with his friend, Lord Hayle. Why
hadn't Gerald introduced him to his sister before? Why had all this
time been wasted?—quite forgetting the repeated invitations he had
received to stay with the Cambornes.
"Well, what did you do in the end, John?" said Lord Hayle. "Did you
kick the fellow out? I should have pitched him down the staircase,
by Jove!"
"As a matter of fact, I did nothing at all," said the duke. "I was too
surprised. I just sat still and let him talk; I was quite tongue-tied."
"More's the pity," said the young viscount, a lean, sinewy lad, who
rowed three in the 'Varsity boat. "I should have made very short
work of him."
"Don't be such a savage, Gerald," Lady Constance answered. "It was
very rude, of course; but from what the duke says, the man was not
exactly what you would call impudent, and he apologised at the end.
And nowadays every one has a right to his own opinions. We don't
live in the middle ages any longer."
Her voice was like a silver bell, the duke thought, as the girl voiced
these somewhat republican sentiments. A silver bell, was it? No, it
was like water falling into water, like a flute playing in a wood at a
great distance.
"My daughter is quite a Radical, Paddington," said Lord Camborne,
with a smile. "She'll grow out of it when she gets a little older. But I
found her reading the Fabian Essays the other day; actually the
Fabian Essays!"—the bishop said it with a shudder. "And she met
John Burns at a ministerial reception, and said he was charming!"
"It's all very well for Constance," said Lord Hayle; "a girl plays at
that sort of thing, and if it amuses her it hurts nobody else. However
much Connie talks about equality, and all that, she'd never sit down
to dinner with the butler. But it's quite another thing when all these
chaps are getting elected to Parliament and making all these new
laws. If it isn't stopped, no one will be safe. It's getting quite
alarming. For my part, I wish a chap like Lord Kitchener could be
made Dictator of England for a month. He'd have all the Socialists up
against a wall and shoot them in no time. Then things would be
right again."
Lord Hayle concluded in his best college debating society manner,
and drank a glass of hock and seltzer in a bloodthirsty and
determined manner.
The bishop, a tall, portly man, with a singularly fine face and
extreme graciousness of manner—he was most popular at Court,
and it was said would certainly go to Canterbury when Dr. —— died,
—laughed a little at his son's vehemence.
"That would hardly solve the problem," he said. "But it will solve
itself. I am quite sure that there is no real reason for alarm. The
country is beginning to wake up to the real character of the Socialist
leaders. It will no longer listen to them. Men of sense are beginning
to perceive that the great fact of inequality as between man and
man is everywhere stamped in ineffaceable characters. Men are not
equal, and they never will be while talent, and talent alone,
produces wealth. Democracy is nothing but a piece of humbug from
beginning to end—a transparent attempt to flatter a mass of stupid
mediocrity which is too dull to appreciate the language of its
hypocritical and time-serving admirers. These contemptible courtiers
of the mob no more believe in equality than the ruin-bringing
demagogues of ancient Athens did. One only has to watch them to
see how eager they are to feather their nests at the expense of all
the geese that will stand plucking. Observe how they scheme and
contrive to secure official positions so that they may lord it over the
general herd of common workers. They have their own little game to
play, and beyond their own self-interest they do not care a straw.
Knowing that they are unfit to succeed either in commercial or
industrial pursuits, they try to extend the sphere of governmental
regulation. What for? To supply themselves with congenial jobs
where they won't be subject to the keen test of industrial and
commercial competition, and will be less likely to be found out for
the worthless wind-bags that they are!"
The bishop paused. He had spoken as one having authority; quite in
the grand manner, bland, serene, and a little pompous. He half-
opened his mouth to continue, looked round to recognise that his
audience was a young one, and thought better of it. He drank half a
glass of port instead.
The conversation changed to less serious matters, and in another
minute or so Gardener entered to say that coffee was ready in the
other room.
The "sitter," to use the Oxford slang word, was very large. It was,
indeed, one of the finest rooms in the whole of Paul's. Three tall
oriel windows lighted it, it was panelled in dark oak, and there was a
large open fire-place. It was a man's room. Luxurious as it was in all
its furniture appointments and colouring, all was nevertheless
strongly masculine. The rows of briar pipes, in their racks, a pile of
hunting crops and riding switches in one corner, a tandem horn, the
pictures of dogs and horses upon the walls, and three or four gun-
cases behind the little black Bord piano, spoke eloquently of male
tastes.
Though it is often said, it is generally quite untrue to say, that a
man's rooms are an index to his personality. Few people can express
themselves in their furniture. The conscious attempt to do so results
in over-emphasis and strain. The ideal is either canonised or
vulgarised, and the vision within is distorted and lost. At Oxford,
especially, very few men succeed in doing more than attaining a
convention.
But the duke's rooms really did reflect himself to some extent. They
showed a certain freshness of idea and a liking for what was
considered and choice. But there was no effeminacy, no over-
refinement. They showed simplicity of temperament, and were not
complex. Nor was the duke complex.
Lady Constance was peculiarly susceptible to the influences of
material and external things. She was extremely quick to gather and
weigh impressions—the room interested her, her brother's friend
interested her already. She found something in his personality which
was attractive.
The whole atmosphere of these ancient Oxford rooms pleased and
stimulated her, and she talked brightly and well, revealing a mind
with real originality and a gentle and sympathetic wit most rare in
girls of her age.
"And what are you going to do in the vacation?" the bishop asked
the duke.
"For the first three or four weeks I shall be in town; then I'm going
down to Norfolk. I sha'n't stay at Fakenham, Lord Leicester is putting
me up; but we are going to shoot over Fakenham. I can't stay all
alone in that great place, you know, though I did think of having
some men down. However, that was before the Leicesters asked me.
Then I am to be at Sandringham for three days for the theatricals. It
is the first time I have been there, you know."
"You'll find it delightful," said the bishop. "The King is the best host
in England. On the three occasions when I have had the honour of
an invitation I have thoroughly enjoyed myself. Where are you
staying when you are in town—at Paddington House?"
"Oh, no! That would be worse than Fakenham! Paddington House
was let, always, during my minority, but for two years now there
have just been a few servants there, but no one living in the house.
My agent looks after all that. No, I am engaging some rooms at the
Carlton. It's near everywhere. I have a lot of parties to go to, and
Claridge's is always so full of German grand dukes!"
"But why not come to us in Grosvenor Street?" said the bishop.
"You've never been able to accept any of Gerald's invitations yet.
Here is an opportunity. I have to be in town for three or four weeks,
at the House of Lords and the Westminster conference of the
bishops. You'd much better come to us. We'll do our best to make
you comfortable."
"Oh, do come, John!" said Lord Hayle.
"Yes, please come, duke," said Lady Constance.
"It's awfully good of you, Lord Camborne," said the duke; "I shall be
delighted to come."
It was a dark and gloomy afternoon—indeed, the electric bulbs in
their silver candelabra were all turned on. But suddenly it seemed to
the duke that the sun was shining and there was bird music in the
air. He looked at Lady Constance. "I shall be delighted to come," he
said again.
They chatted on, and presently the duke found himself standing by
one of the tall windows talking to his friend's sister. Lord Hayle,
himself an enthusiastic amateur of art, was showing his father some
of the treasures upon the walls.
"How dreary it is to-day—the weather, I mean,"—said the girl.
"There has been a dense fog in town for the last three days, I see
by the papers. And through it all the poor unemployed men have
been tramping and holding demonstrations without anything to eat.
I can't help thinking of the poor things."
The duke had not thought about the unemployed before, but now he
made a mental vow to send a big cheque to the Lord Mayor's fund.
"It must be very hard for them," he said vaguely. "I remember
meeting one of their processions once when I was walking down
Piccadilly."
"The street of your palace!" she answered more brightly.
"Devonshire House, Paddington House, and Apsley House, and all
the clubs in between! It must be interesting to have a palace in
London. I suppose Paddington House is very splendid inside, isn't it?
I have never seen more of it than the upper windows and the huge
wall in front."
"Well, it is rather gorgeous," he said; "though I never go there, or, at
least, hardly ever. But I have a book of photographs here. I will
show them to you, Lady Constance, if I may. So far we've succeeded
in keeping them out of the illustrated magazines."
"Oh, please do!" she said. "Father, the duke is going to show me
some pictures of the rooms of his mysterious great place in
Piccadilly."
As she spoke there was a knock upon the door, and the scout came
in with a telegram upon a tray.
"I thought I had better bring it at once, sir," he said; "it's marked
'urgent' upon the envelope."
With an apology, the duke opened the flimsy orange-coloured
wrapping.
Then he started, his face grew rather paler, and he gave a sudden
exclamation. "Good heavens!" he said, "listen to this:

"'Large portion front west wing Paddington House destroyed by

explosion an hour ago. Bomb filled with picric acid discovered
intact near gateway. The smaller Gainsborough and the Florence
vase destroyed. Please come up town immediately.
"'Simpson.'"

There was a dead silence in the room.

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