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The Story of A Stuffed Elephant Laura Lee Hope PDF Download

The document discusses various ebooks available for download, including 'The Story of a Stuffed Elephant' by Laura Lee Hope and other titles. It also includes historical excerpts regarding petitions and events from the 15th century, touching on issues like currency scarcity and naval defense. The content highlights the importance of maintaining order and governance during tumultuous times.

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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
53 views37 pages

The Story of A Stuffed Elephant Laura Lee Hope PDF Download

The document discusses various ebooks available for download, including 'The Story of a Stuffed Elephant' by Laura Lee Hope and other titles. It also includes historical excerpts regarding petitions and events from the 15th century, touching on issues like currency scarcity and naval defense. The content highlights the importance of maintaining order and governance during tumultuous times.

Uploaded by

odrhxcgtu570
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
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Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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of silver; insomuch that men travelling over countries, for part of
their expenses of necessity must dispart our sovereign Lord’s coin,
that is to wit, a penny in two pieces, or else forgo all the same
penny for the payment of an halfpenny; and also the poor common
retailers of victuals, and of other needful things, for default of such
coinage of halfpennies and farthings oftentimes may not sell their
said victuals and things, and many of our said sovereign Lord’s poor
liege people which would buy such victuals or other small things
necessary, may not buy them for default of halfpence and farthings
not had, neither on the party buyer, nor on the party seller: which
scarcity and wanting of halfpence and farthings hath fall, and daily
yet doth, because that for their great weight and their fineness of
alloy, they be tried and molten, and put into other use, unto the
increase of winning of them that so do....
... enact ... that every pound weight of the Tower ... which be now
of the number of 30/-from this time forth, to be of the number of
33/-, no fineness abated of the alloy ... moreover that halfpennies
and farthings run not, only in payment of great sums among the
people, without other money among; that is to say that no man be
bound to receive in payment but after the quantity and rate, in every
20/-of grotes, half grotes and pence, twelve pence in halfpence and
farthings and no more; and yet, [even] that by the will and consent
of him that shall receive the payment; and this ordinance endure
unto the next Parlement; provided also that no white money, as
grote, halfgrote, penny, halfpenny, nor farthings, be broken nor
molten for the cause above said, on pain of forfeiture to the king,
the double value of as much as is so molten or broken; considering
furthermore that by this means, plenty of halfpennies and farthings
shall be had in short time through this said realm, and the people
greatly eased, and the king profited in his seigneurage, and all
clipping and melting of halfpennies and farthings hereafter finally
fordone.
Response: Soit fait sicome il est desire, etc.
FOR THE SAFEGUARD OF THE SEA
(Petition of the Commons, 1442. 20th Henry VI Rot. Parl. V, 59)
Prayen the Commons, that it please the King, our sovereign Lord,
for the safe keeping of the sea, to ordain and authorise by the
authority of this Parlement ...
Forasmuch as it is thought by all the Commons of this land, that it
is necessary the sea to be kept, there must purveyance be made for
certain ships defensably in manner and form following:
First it is thought that least purveyance that can be made for the
worship of the King our Sovereign Lord, and welfare and defence of
this realm of England is for to have upon the sea continually, for the
seasons of the year from Candlemas to Martinmas 8 ships with
forstages, the which ships it is thought must have one with another,
each of them 150 men, sum (1200) men.
Item, every great ship must have attending upon him a barge and
a balinger, and every barge must have 24 men, sum 146 men.
Item, the 8 balingers must have in each of them 40 men, sum 320
men. There must be awaiting and attendant upon them 4 Spynes, in
each spyne 25 men, sum 100 men; sum of the men 260 men, every
man taking 11 shillings by the month, amounteth in the month £226.
[Follows a list of “where the ships are to be had,” Bristol, Hull,
Dartmouth, Newcastle, etc. each contributing certain vessels
named].
Item, it is thought there should be chosen and named, eight
Knights, and worthy Squires of the West, South and of the North, so
that no countrie should be dispesid (sic) [despised]; and thereof the
King our Sovereign Lord chose such one as him liketh to be a chief
Captain; and other seven as the King liketh of the said eight, for to
attend the said Captain; so that every great ship have a Captain
within board.
Item, it is to remember that the King will give them in charge, by
his officers to them sent, that all these said ships stuffed and
arrayed, make their first assemble in the Cuambre ... there to obey
such rule and governance, as by their Captain and under captain
shall to them be ordained and there muster of every ship to be seen
by such persons as the King will depute thereto by his commission.
Item, there such proclamation and ordinance to be made and
established amongst and in the said Navy, that none ship or ships
harm nor hurt none other ship of our friends; where through any
trouble or breaking of Peace might fall between the King our
Sovereign Lord, and other of his Friends.
Item, it is thought necessary, that if any ship or ships be taken as
enemies, when the goods in the said ship be brought into any port
of this land; that the goods nor the ships be not disperbled nor
divided, unto the time that it be duly known, whether it be enemies’
goods or friends’ goods; foreseen always that the press be made
within the six weeks after the landing or havening of said ship or
ships and goods so taken....
Item, it is thought that the goods and ships that may be taken by
them, in the sea of our enemies, shall be departed in the form after
serving; that is to say, the masters of the ships, quartermasters,
shipmen and soldiers shall have half of the ships and goods so
taken, and other half of the ship and goods shall be departed in
three, of which the owners of the ships, barges, balingers and
spynaces shall have two parts, and the chief Captain and under
captains the third part; the chief captain shall have double that one
of the under captains shall have.
N.B.—[Payment of the Navy to be made out of the Tonnage and
Poundage.]

CAPTURE OF FRENCH AND HANSARD SHIPPING,


A.D. 1449
(Paston Letters, Vol. I, p. 84)
Part of Robert Wynyngtone’s report of his service to the king “for
the cleansing of the sea, and rebuking of the robbers and pirates
thereof, which daily do all the noisance they can.”
First I send you word, that when we went to sea, we took two
ships of Brest coming out of Flanders; and then after, there is made
a great arming in Britanny to meet with me and my fellowships, that
is to say, the great ship of Brest, the great ship of the Morlaix, the
great ship of Vannes, with other viij ships, barges and balingers to
the number of iij mli [thousand men;] and so we lay in the sea to
meet with them.
And then we met with a fleet of a hundred great ships of Prussia,
Lubeck, Campe, Rastocke, Holland, Zealand and Flanders, between
Guernsey and Portland; and then I came aboard the Admiral and
bade them strike in the King’s name of England, and they bade me
skite [? strike] in the King’s name of England; and then I and my
fellowships said, but he will strike down the sail, that I would
oversail him, by the grace of God, an God will send me wind and
weather; and they bade me do my worst, by cause I had so few
ships and so small that they scorned with me. And as God would, on
Friday last was, we had a good wind, and then we armed to the
number of ii.m. men in my fellowship, and made us ready for to
oversail them; and then they launched a boat and set up a standard
of truce, and come and spake with me. And there they were yielded
all the hundred ships to go with me in what port that me lust and
my fellows; but they fought with me the day before and shot at us a
j.m. guns, and quarrel out of number, and have slain many of my
fellowships, and maimed also. Wherefore me thinketh that they have
forfeit both ships and goods at our sovereign lord the King will ...
and so I have brought them all the hundred ships, within Wight, in
spite of them all ... for I dare well say that I have here at this time
all the chief ships, of Dutchland [Germany], Holland, Zealand and
Flanders, and now it were time for to treat for a final peace as for
that parte.
MISRULE IN NORFOLK

LETTER TO PASTON FROM HIS WIFE, A.D. 1449


(Paston Letters, Vol. I, p. 82).
Right worshipful husband,
I recommend me to you and pray you to get some cross bows and
windacs to bind them with, and quarrels; for our houses here be so
low that there may no man shoot out with no long bow, though we
had never so much need.
I suppose ye should have such things of Sir John Falstaff, if ye
would send to him; and also I would ye should get ij or iij short
pollaxes to keep within doors, and as many jacks, an ye may.
Partridge [one of Molyns’ men] and his fellowship are sore afraid
that ye would enter again upon them, and they have made great
ordinance within the house, as it is told me. They have made bars to
bar the doors crosswise, and they have made wickets on every
quarter of the house to shoot out at, both with bows and with hand
guns; and the holes that be made for hand guns, they be scarce
knee high from the plancher [floor], and of such holes be made five.
There can no man shoot out at them with no hand bows.
I pray you that you will vouch save to do buy for me 1 lb. of
almonds and 1 lb. of sugar, and that ye will do buy some frieze to
make of your child his gowns; ye shall have best cheap and best
choice of Hayes wife as it is told me. And that ye would buy a yard
of broad cloth of black for an hood for me of XIIIjd or IIIjs a yard,
for there is neither good cloth nor good frieze in this town. As for the
child his gowns, an I have them I will do them maken.
The Trinity have you in his (sic) keeping, and send you good
speed in all your matters.

PETITION OF JOHN PASTON, ESQ.


(Paston Letters, Vol. I, pp. 106-8)
To the King, our Sovereign Lord, and to the right wise and discreet
Lords, assembled in this present Parliament.
Beseecheth meekly your humble liegeman, John Paston, that
where [as] he and other ... have be peaceably possessed of the
manor of Gresham, within the county of Norfolk xx year and more,
till the xxij day of February, the year of your noble reign xxvi, that
Robert Hungerford, Knight, the Lord Molyns, entered in to the said
manor ... the said Lord sent to the mansion a riotous people, to the
number of a thousand persons ... arrayed in manner of war, with
cuirasse, briganders, jacks, salettes, glaives, bowes, arrows, pavyse
(shields) pans with fire burning therein, long cromes (hooks) to draw
down houses, ladders, pikes, with which they mined down the walls,
and long trees with which they broke up gates and doors, and so
came into the said mansion, the wife of your beseecher being at that
time therein, and xlj persons with her; the which persons they drove
out of the said mansion, and mined down the wall of the chamber
wherein the wife of your said beseecher was, and bare her out at
the gates, and cut asunder the posts of the houses and let them fall,
and broke up all the chambers and coffers within the said mansion,
and rifled, and in manner of robbery bare away all the stuffe, array,
and money that your said beseecher and his servants had there,
unto the value of ccli ... saying openly that if they might have found
there your said beseecher and one John Damme, which is of council
with him, and divers others of the servants of your said beseecher,
they should have died. And yet [i.e. still] divers of the said misdoers
and riotous people unknown, contrary to your laws, daily keep the
said manor with force, and lie in wait.... And also they compel poor
tenants of the said manor, now within their danger, against their will,
to take feigned plaints in the courts of the hundred there against the
... servants of your said beseecher, who dare not appear to answer
for fear of bodily harm, nor can get no copies of the said plaints, to
remedy them by the law, because he that keepeth the said courts is
of covyn with the said misdoers and was one of the said risers....
Please it your highness, ... to purvey ... that your said beseecher
may be restored to the said goods and chattels thus riotously taken
away ... and that the said Lord Molynes and his servants be set in
such a rule, that your said beseecher, his friends, tenants and
servants may be sure and safe from hurt of their persons, and
peaceably occupy their lands and tenements under your laws
without oppression or unrightful vexation of any of them; and that
the said risers and causers thereof may be punished, that other may
eschew to make any such rising in this your land of peace in time
coming. And he shall pray to God for you.

PETITION OF THE COMMONS TO HENRY VI IN 1460 ON BEHALF OF


WALTER CLERK, M.P.
(Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. III, p. 265)
To the King our Sovereign Lord; Prayen the Commons,
Forasmuch that great delay has been in this Parlement, by that
Walter Clerk, Burgess of Chippenham in the shire of Wilts, which
came by your high commandment to this your present Parlement,
and attending to the same in the House for the Commons
accustomed, the freedom of which Commons so called, hath ever
before this time been and oweth to be, the same Commons to have
free coming, going and there abiding: against which freedom the
said Walter was, after his said coming, and during this your present
Parlement, arrested at your suit for a fine to be made to your
Highness, and imprisoned in the Counter of London, and from
thence removed into your Exchequer, and then committed into your
prison of Fleet ... and sithen that committing, the said Walter was
outlawed.... Please it your Highness ... him to dismiss at large ... so
that the said Walter may daily tend of this your Parlement, as his
duty is to do.... Saving also to your said Commons called now to this
your Parlement, and their successors, their whole Liberties,
Franchises and Privileges in as ample form and manner, as your said
Commons at any time afore this day have had, used and enjoyed
and oweth to have, use and enjoy....
Response:—Le Roy le voelt.
CONDITION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES

VISITATION OF BARDNEY
(Alnwick’s Visitations of Religious Houses, Vol. II, 1436-1449. Ed., A.
Hamilton Thompson. Lincoln Record Society)
In the year A.D. 1437 in the chapter house of the monastery of
Bardney, of the Order of St. Benet, of the diocese of Lincoln, these
appeared before ... William ... bishop of Lincoln ... brother John
Waynflete, abbot of the same monastery and the monks of the same
place ... to undergo with lowliness the visitation of the said reverend
father....
Brother John Waynflete, the abbot, being examined says that they
are sixteen in number ... also he says that there are three
establishments in the monastery, to wit the abbot’s hall, the
infirmary and the frater; and sometimes the monks that do stay in
the infirmary take their meals not together but separately, to wit,
one by himself, and another by himself and a third by himself, and
send their broken meat into the town whither they will, and so the
alms are wholly wasted.
Also he says that whatsoever guests come down to the monastery
are entertained in the guestmaster’s quarters, and not, as is the
usual custom, in the abbot’s hall.
Also he says that long and many watchings are kept at night in
the guest-house in the infirmary, at which beer from the frater is
consumed, and this by monks who spend their time in such offences
against discipline and will not give them up.
Also he says that all day long they sit in the frater drinking and
spending their time in messes and drinkings as though it were a
public tavern, and to these they bring in secular folk.
Also he says that the monks too often make expeditions into the
town of Bardney, where for their ease they haunt the taverns to the
great scandal of the monastery....
Also he says that the church, manors, granges and tenements
belonging to the monastery are much dilapidated and stand in need
of large repairs. Also he says that the monastery is many ways in
debt, as is apparent in the roll delivered to my lord.
Also he says that there is a sore division and discord among
almost all of the convent who are confederate together and in
conspiracy one with another against Thomas Bartone....
Also he says that the baker, the brewer, the porter, the smith and
the lime-burner receive corrodies severally of a large amount [and]
do eat almost daily of the abbot’s victuals.
Also he says that they who abide in the frater have each his
separate dish and they in the infirmary do eat by two and two, and
every day in the frater they will have at least three sorts of fish.
Also he says that women have too free and often access to the
cloister precincts and most especially to the infirmary [where there
is] eating, drinking and chattering between the monks and the same
women to the great expense and scandal [of the monastery].
Also he says that in the conventual church the monks almost of
custom do chatter with women during divine service [in a very ...]
manner, by reason whereof the monastery is very evil spoken of.
Also he says that each monk receives for his clothing year by year
forty shillings in divers parcels.

Brother John Rose, deacon, says that a young layman who dwells
with the abbot did most foully browbeat and scold this deponent,
and it is notorious [that] this youth, by name Taylboys, is upheld by
the abbot against the young monks.
Also he says ... that the chantries of Partney and Skandleley and
the others are not served.
Also he says as above concerning the scanty supply of victuals for
the monks in the frater and infirmary, insomuch that after their
meals nothing is left for the sustenance of their serving men or for
the alms and this is Bartone’s default.
Also he says that Bartone is every night in the infirmary without
lawful cause.
Also he says that the injunctions made by the last my lord of
Lincoln in his visitation are not observed in aught, nor are they
shown publicly in the Chapterhouse.
Brother Richard Anderby says that Bartone makes too much haste
in singing the psalms and in other [parts of the service], causing
discord among them when they chant.
Also the same Bartone is past bearing among the brethren, and all
that he has he wastes in meat and drink and presents, that he may
win to himself for his support the influence of layfolk.
Also he speaks of the unwary and improvident sale of manors.

CATESBY PRIORY
Sister Juliane Wolfe says that there should be two lights burning in
the upper church and quire in time of divine service (p. 47).
Also she says that the prioress does not shew the account of her
administrations to the Sisters.
Also she says that the prioress has pawned the jewels of the
house....
Also she says that the prioress did threaten that, if the nuns
disclosed aught in the visitation, they should pay for it in prison.

Also Isabel Wavere, the prioress’ mother, rules almost the whole
house together with Joan Colworthe, the kinswoman of a certain
priest, and these two do carry all the keys of the offices.
Also when guests come to the house, the prioress sends out the
young nuns to make their beds, the which is a scandal to the house
and a perilous thing.
Also the prioress does not give the nuns satisfaction in the matter
of raiment and money for victuals: and she says that touching the
premises the prioress is in the nuns’ debt for three-quarters of a
year.
Also the buildings and tenements both within and without the
priory are dilapidated, and many have fallen to the ground because
of default in repairs.
Dame Isabel Benet says that when the prioress is enraged against
any of the nuns, she calls them whores and pulls them by the hair,
even in quire....
The prioress denies the article of cruelty as regards calling them
whores and beggars; she denies also the violent laying of hands
upon the nuns.
As to not having rendered an account, she confesses it, and for
the reason that she has not a clerk who can write.
As to the burden of debt she refers herself to the account now to
be rendered.
As to the neglection in repairing the sheep-folds, she refers herself
to the visible evidence.
As to pawning the cup, she says that the same was done with the
consent of the convent for the payment of tithes....
As to the disclosures on the last visitation and the reproaching of
them that made them and the whipping, she denies the article....
As to her mother and Joan Coleworthe, she denies the article.
As to the bedmaking and the other tasks she denies the article.
As to withholding victuals and raiment from the nuns, she
confesses it in part.
As to the dilapidation of the outer tenements, she says that they
are partly in repair and partly not.
As to the sowing of discord, she says that she might have done
this, she is not certain....
She has the morrow for clearing herself, of [the articles] she has
denied, with four of her sisters, and to receive penance for those she
has confessed. At the which term she brought forward no
compurgators; ... she was pronounced to be convicted....
My lord ordained that there be two [nuns] receivers, to receive
and to pay out [the money to be kept in a chest] under three locks,
and that all live in common, leaving off their separate households,
and that these things do begin at Michaelmas next. And all were
warned to remove all secular folk from the dorter on this side the
morrow of the Assumption. And all were warned under pain of
excommunication that none do reproach another by reason of her
disclosures. And the prioress was warned to [shut] and open the
doors of the church and cloister at the due times, and to keep the
keys with her by night in the dorter.

Dames Isabel Benet and Agnes Halesley, nuns of Catesby, will not
obey or hearken to the injunctions of the lord bishop, and especially
that concerning giving up their [private] chambers, asserting that
they are not subject to the same.
Also the said dame Isabel on Monday last past did pass the night
with the Austin friars at Northampton, and did dance and play the
lute with them on the same place until midnight, and on the night
following she passed the night with the friars preachers at
Northampton, luting and dancing in like manner.

SIXTEENTH CENTURY ENCLOSURES, A.D. 1549


(Holinshed, Chronicle of England, III, p. 156)
So it was, that the King’s Majesty, by the advice of his uncle, the
Lord Protector, and other of the Council, thought good to set forth a
proclamation against enclosures, and taking in of fields and
commons that were accustomed to lie open, for the behoof of the
inhabitants dwelling near to the same, who had grievously
complained of gentlemen and others for taking from them the use of
those fields and commons, and had enclosed them into parks and
several pasture for their private commodities and pleasures, to the
great hindrance and undoing many a poor man.
This proclamation tending to the benefit and relief of the poor,
appointed that such as had enclosed those commons, should upon a
pain by a day assigned lay them open again. But how well soever
the setters forth of this proclamation meant, thinking hereby
peradventure to appease the grudge of the people that found
themselves grieved with such enclosures; yet verily it turned not to
the wished effect, but rather ministered occasion of a foul and
dangerous disorder. For whereas there were few that obeyed the
commandment, the unadvised people presuming upon their
proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had
set it forth, rashly without order took upon them to redress the
matter: and assembling themselves in unlawful wise, chose to them
captains and leaders, brake open the enclosures, cast down ditches,
killed up the deer which they found in parks, spoiled and made
havoc after the manner of an open rebellion. First they began to
play these parts in Somersetshire, Buckinghamshire,
Northamptonshire, Kent, Essex, and Lincolnshire.
In Somersetshire they brake up certain parks of Sir William
Herbert, and the Lord Sturton: but Sir William Herbert assembling a
power together by the King’s commission, slew and executed many
of these rebellious people. In other places also by the good diligence
and police used by the council, the rebels were appeased and
quieted.
But shortly after, the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall rose
by way of rebellion, demanding not only to have enclosures laid
open, and parks disparked, but also through the instigations and
pricking forward of certain popish priests, ceased not by all sinister
and subtle means, first under God’s Name and the King’s, and under
the colour of religion, to persuade the people to assemble in routs to
choose captains to guide them and finally to burst out into open
rebellion.

GRIEVANCES OF CAMBRIDGE MEN. (EXAMPLES)


(Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, Vol. II, p. 38)
Inprimis, we find that there be IV Almshouses decayed in Jesus
Lane, which ought to be upholden and maintained by Mr. Thomas
Hutton.
Item: we find that a piece of noisome ground is taken in out of
the common and enclosed with a muddle wall at the end of Jesus
Lane, for the which the incorporation of the town is recompensed,
but not the whole inhabitants of the town which find themselves
injured.
Item: we find that Andrew Lambes close is croft land and ought to
lie open with the field at Lammas as common.
Item: we find that Mr. Hynde unlawfully doth bring into Cambridge
field a flock of sheep to the number of VI or VII hundred, to the
undoing of the farmers and great hindrance of all the inhabitants of
Cambridge.
Item: we find that Trinity College hath enclosed a common lane
which was a common course both for cart, horse and man, leading
to the river, unto a common green, and no recompense made
therefore.
Item: we find that Mr. Muryell hath plowed up certain balks and
cart ways in the field.
Item: we find that Mr. Bykardyck hath plowed up the more part of
a balk behind the Black Friars of VII feet broad ... and he hath
ditched it at both ends.
Item: we find that Queen’s College have taken a piece of common
ground commonly called Gosling Green without recompense.
Item: we find that Mr. Fanne hath in his hands a piece of marsh
ground now severalled, which was common within these XVI years,
the rent is VIId.
Item: we find that beyond Styrbrydge Chapel, Dytton men have
pulled down a bridge, stopped the water, drowned the commons and
so enter upon Cambridge common.
Item: we find that Mr. Kymbalde hath walled and ditched upon the
highway in Barnwell, whereby the said way is much straitened.
Mem.: of a common balk through a pasture ground adjoining next
to Rutland’s house in Little St. Mary’s now inhabited by R.
Tomlynson, which balk should be a way to go to Thomas leys and so
forth on balks to Jesus Green, etc., which pasture is now purchased
by the town, etc.

RIOTERS’ BALLAD

JAKE OF THE NORTH


(Cooper, II, p. 40)
Jake of the North:
... Company by night I take
And with all that I may make
Cast hedge and ditch in the lake
Fixed with many a stake.
Though it were never so fast
Asunder it is wraste.
Thus I Jake do recompense
Their naughty slanderous offence[26].

As I am a true speaker,
I am but a Hedge breaker.

How sayest thou Robin Clout?


Is this night well wrought?

Robin Clout:
Yea, sir without doubt ...
It is as ye do say ...
Methought it but a play
To see the stakes fast stray
Down into the ray
Swimming evermore away,
Sailing toward the castle
Like as they would wrastle
For superiority
Or else for the Mayoralty.

Jake:

Truth now thou dost say


It was even worth a play
To see the stakes jombling
And in the water tumbling.
And fast away they hied
Lest they should have been spied
And with a boat been followed
And with a serjeant arrested
For to come to the Mayor
In all gudly affair ...
How sayst Tom of Trumpington?
Tom of Trumpington:

Forsooth sir down to Chesterton[27]


Great store of stakes be gone
Swimming thither one by one.
Glad they have escaped
And not of the baillies attached.
Wherefore they hied them hence
Paying yet no toll pence
Witness Robin with the red nose
And Benet with the blue hose
And Francis few clothes
Ye affirm the same I suppose?

Buntynge:

Sir I think that this work


Is as good as to build a kirk
For Cambridge Baillies truly
Give ill example to the country
Their commons likewise for to engrose
And from poor men it to enclose.

Jake:
How sayest thou Peter Potter?
Is here good hunting of the otter?

Peter Potter:

By Jesus sir the ditch be yuge (?) down,


Is the best hunting in all the town,
The poor say God bless your heart
For if it continued they should smart
The wives of it also be glad
Which for their cattle little meat had.
Some have but one sealy (?) cow
Where is no hay nor straw in mow
Therefore it is good conscience I ween
To make that common that ever hath been!

Jake:

Thou Pyrse Plowman by name


How say’st thou by this game?

Pyrse:
Sir it is both game and glee
All things well ordered to see
So suddenly altered in a night.
All things yet done is but right.
I wonder at this covetous nation
That scratt and get all out of fashion.
They seem men of no conscience
But only to satisfy covetous pretence
Ever desiring to take money
As greedy of it as bees of honey.

Jake:
... Hodge I thee commend ...
Because thou art a sturdy knave
Fit to wear anordyn Jacke (?)
And to lift up a wool pack
Wherewith of times my neck doth crack.
And you good friends every chone (sic)
I exhort ye all in one
To pass home right shortly
Lest the bailiffs do you spy
Or else serjeants with burbolts bright
Chance at you to have a flight
Therefore eschew before daylight
For till then they have no might....
Thus do I, Jack of the stile
Now subscribe upon a tile.

“This I do and will do with all my might


For slandering of me yet do I but right
For common to the commons again I restore
Wherever it hath been yet common before.
If again they enclose it never so fast
Again asunder it shall be wrast
They may be ware by that is past
To make it again is but waste.”
Fare well gentle reader.
CHAPTER VI

EXPLORATION

INTRODUCTORY NOTES
Voyages of Columbus

T hese accounts were written by Columbus himself, and may be


amplified very much by reference to the originals in the Hakluyt
Society’s volume. Another account of the fourth voyage written by
one of Columbus’ men, Diago Mendez, is of special value. The
accounts are here placed in their chronological order, but the
passage on voyage three really relates to the whole series, and
might with advantage be used as introductory. The Memorial on the
second voyage is a very long official document, from which only a
few fragments have been given in order to show the relations
between Columbus and the sovereigns, and how from the first the
Spanish Indies were under their direct personal control. Isabella had
forewarded the discovery, and the new regions remained the
property of the House of Castille rather than national provinces.
New Light on Drake
The Spanish reports have especial value in creating an impartial
view of Drake’s feats; the detailed personal character of the reports
makes them exactly suitable for children. Zarate’s evidence that
Drake carried the Queen’s commission conflicts with the usually
accepted statements, but appears irrefutable evidence.

Letter to Sanchez, Treasurer.


The entire absence of resistance should be remarked, and the
merely formal nature of the acquisition of rights.
It was, of course, the treasures of Cathay (see Mediæval Voyages,
p. 37), inaccessible by the old Eastern routes since the Ottoman
Turks seized the Levant and Constantinople, which formed the
original motive of exploration of a west or north-west route.
The inhabitants are still in the Stone Age, but have elements of
religion and live peacefully and in comfort until attacked. The closing
paragraph gives the main motives of the voyage as treasure,
luxuries, and naval supply, but also indicates the genuinely religious
zeal which must be reckoned with in all Portuguese and Spanish
exploration (see also voyages three, four).

Memorial of Second Voyage.


The strongly-worded approval of the rulers was not carried into
practical effect (see voyage four). Fonseca was constituted the royal
agent for the whole intercourse with the New World.

Third Voyage.
Columbus’s reference to “trustworthy and wise historians” seems
to indicate that more was known of the New World than has been
supposed, unless he is referring to records of the East. The
progressive temper of the friars carries on the traditions of
Rubruquis and Carpini, and may be used to balance the idea that the
church was always reactionary and conservative.

Fourth Voyage.
Chiefly valuable for detail of the hardships and dangers
encountered, and to illustrate the character and human relations of
Columbus, and corroborate points made above.

COLUMBUS
(Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, Ed., R. H. Major; Hakluyt
Society, 1847)
LETTER TO LORD RAPHAEL SANCHEZ, TREASURER TO THEIR MOST
INVINCIBLE MAJESTIES, FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, KING
AND QUEEN OF SPAIN (p. I).
... Thirty-three days after my departure from Cadiz I reached the
Indian Sea, where I discovered many islands, thickly peopled, of
which I took possession without resistance in the name of our most
illustrious Monarch, by public proclamation and with unfurled
banners. To the first of these islands I gave the name of Our Blessed
Saviour [San Salvador].... As soon as we arrived at ... Juana [Nth.
Caico] I proceeded along its coast a short distance westwards, and
found it to be so large and apparently without termination, that I
could not suppose it to be an island, but the continental province of
Cathay....
At length after proceeding a great way and finding that nothing
new presented itself, and that the line of coast was leading us
northwards (which I wished to avoid because it was winter) and it
was my intention to move southwards and because the winds were
contrary, I resolved not to attempt any further progress but rather to
turn back.
... All these islands are very beautiful and distinguished by a
diversity of scenery; they are filled with a great variety of trees of
immense height, and which I believe to retain their foliage in all
seasons; for when I saw them they were as verdant and luxuriant as
they usually are in Spain in the month of May—some of them were
blossoming, some bearing fruit—yet the islands are not so thickly
wooded as to be impassable.... The nightingale and various birds
were singing in countless numbers, and that in November, the month
in which I arrived there.... There are besides, seven or eight kinds of
palm-trees ... the pines also are very handsome, and there are very
extensive fields and meadows, a variety of birds, different kinds of
honey, and many sorts of metals, but no iron....
The inhabitants of both sexes ... go always as they were born,
with the exception of some of the women, who use the coverings of
a leaf or small bough, or an apron of cotton which they prepare for
that purpose. None of them are possessed of any iron, neither have
they weapons ... because they are timid and full of fear. They carry,
however, in lieu of arms, canes dried in the sun, on the ends of
which they fix heads of dried wood, sharpened to a point, and even
these they dare not use habitually ... and have fled in such haste at
the approach of our men, that the fathers forsook their children and
the children their fathers.... I gave to all I approached whatever
articles I had about me, such as cloth and many other things, but
they are naturally timid and fearful ... they are very simple and
honest and exceedingly liberal with all they have ... they also give
objects of great value for trifles ... a sailor received for a leather
strap, gold worth three golden nobles ... thus they bartered like
idiots, cotton and gold for fragments of bows, glasses, bottles and
jars; which I forbade as being unjust....
They practise no kind of idolatry, but have a firm belief that all
strength and power, and indeed all good things, are in Heaven, and
that I had descended from thence with these ships and sailors, and
under this impression was I received after they had thrown aside
their fears. Nor are they slow or stupid but of very clear
understanding....
On my arrival I had taken some Indians by force from the first
island that I came to, in order that they might learn our language
and communicate to us what they knew respecting the country;
which plan succeeded excellently, and was a great advantage to us,
for in a short time, either by gestures and signs or by words, we
were enabled to understand each other. These men are still
travelling with me. At any new place ... crying out ... to the other
Indians, “Come, come and look upon beings of a celestial race,”
upon which both men and women, children and adults, young men
and old, when they got rid of the fear they at first entertained,
would come out in throngs, crowding the roads to see us, some
bringing food, others drink, with astonishing affection and kindness.
Each of these islands has a great number of canoes, built of solid
wood, narrow and not unlike our double banked boats in length and
shape, but swifter in their motion: they steer them only by the oar....
(pp. 9, 10).
I ordered a fortress to be built there [Espanola] which must by
this time be completed, in which I left as many men as I thought
necessary, with all sorts of arms and enough provisions for more
than a year.
... I did not find, as some of us had expected, any cannibals
amongst them, but on the contrary, men of great deference and
kindness. Neither are they black like the Ethiopians: their hair is
smooth and straight.... I saw no cannibals, nor did I hear of any,
except in a certain island called Chari (? Carib).
Finally ... I promise, that with a little assistance afforded me by
our most invincible sovereigns, I will procure them as much gold as
they need, as great a quantity of spices, of cotton and of mastic,
and as many men for the service of the navy as their Majesties may
require. I promise also rhubarb and other sorts of drugs.... (p. 15).
But these great and marvellous results are not to be attributed to
any merit of mine, but to the Holy Christian faith, and to the piety
and religion of our sovereigns.... Let processions be made and
sacred feasts be held, and the temples be adorned with festive
boughs.... Farewell.
Christopher Columbus,
Admiral of the Fleet of the Ocean.
Lisbon, 14th March.

MEMORIAL OF THE SECOND VOYAGE WITH COMMENTS THEREUPON OF


FERDINAND AND ISABELLA

... We have found upon the sea-shore ... so many indications of


various spices, as naturally to suggest the hope of the best results
for the future. The same holds good with respect to the gold mines;
for two parties ... found ... a great number of rivers whose sands
contained this precious metal in such quantities that each man took
up a sample of it in his hand....
Their Highnesses return thanks to God for all that is here
recorded, and regard as a very signal service all that the
Admiral has already done, and is yet doing ... (pp. 70, 71).
We are very certain, as the fact has shown, that wheat and grapes
will grow very well in this country. We must however, wait for the
fruit.... There are also sugar-canes, of which the small quantity that
we have planted has succeeded very well.
Since the land is so fertile, it is desirable to sow as much as
possible: and Don Juan de Fonseca has been desired to send over
immediately everything requisite for that purpose.... (pp. 77, 78).

LETTER ABOUT THE THIRD VOYAGE


This enterprise to the Indies [i.e., the original discovery] ... those
who heard of it looked upon it as impossible, for they fixed all their
hopes on the favours of fortune, and pinned their faith solely upon
chance. I gave to the subject six or seven years of great anxiety,
explaining ... how great service might be done to Our Lord, by this
undertaking, in promulgating his Sacred Name and most holy faith
among so many nations.... It was also requisite to refer to the
temporal prosperity which was foretold in the writings of so many
trustworthy and wise historians, who related that great riches were
to be found in these parts.... (p. 104).
In this your Highnesses exhibited the noble spirit which has
always been manifested by you on every subject; for all others who
had thought of the matter or heard it spoken of, unanimously
treated it with contempt, with the exception of two friars [a
Franciscan and a Dominican, afterwards Archbishop of Seville] who
always remained constant in their belief of its practicability.

LETTER RELATING TO FOURTH VOYAGE


... I pushed on for Terra Firma, in spite of the wind and a fearful
contrary current, against which I contended for sixty days, and
during that time made only seventy leagues (p. 171) ... other
tempests have been experienced but never of so long a duration or
so fearful as this: many whom we looked upon as brave men, on
several occasions showed considerable trepidation, but the distress
of my son who was with me grieved me to the soul and the more
when I considered his tender age for he was but thirteen years old,
and he enduring so much toil for so long a time. The Lord however
gave him strength even to enable him to encourage the rest, and he
worked as if he had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a
consolation to me.
I myself had fallen sick and was many times at the point of death,
but from a little cabin that I had caused to be constructed on deck I
directed our course. My brother was in the ship that was in the
worst condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on
this account was the greater that I brought him with me against his
will (p. 172).
Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service through which I
have passed with so much toil and danger, have profited me
nothing, and at this very day I do not possess a roof in Castille that I
can call my own; if I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but
to the inn or tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill.
Another anxiety wrung my very heartstrings, which was the thought
of my son Diege, whom I had left an orphan in Spain, and stripped
of the honour and property which were due to him on my account....
(p. 173).
I stopped to repair my vessels and take in provisions, as well as to
afford relaxation to the men, who had become very weak ... two
Indians conducted me to Carambaru, where the people (who go
naked) wear golden mirrors round their necks.... They named to me
many places on the sea-coast where there were both gold and
mines. The last that they mentioned was Veragua, nine days’
journey across the country westward: they tell me there is a great
quantity of gold, and that the inhabitants wear coral ornaments on
their heads, and very large coral bracelets and anklets, with which
article also they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes and tables. They
also said that the women there wore necklaces hanging down to
their shoulders (p. 175).... I had taken possession of land belonging
to Quibian [a native chief]. When he saw what we did and found the
traffic [in gold] increasing, he resolved upon burning the houses,
and putting us all to death; but his project did not succeed for we
took him prisoner, together with his wives, his children and his
servants ... the Indians collected themselves together and made an
attack upon the boats, and at length massacred the men. My brother
and all the rest of our people were in a ship which remained inside
[the river mouth, which had silted up]. I was alone outside upon
that dangerous coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with
fatigue. All hope of escape was gone and I toiled up to the highest
part of the ship, and with a quivering voice and fast-falling tears, I
called upon your Highnesses’ war-captains from each point of the
compass to come to my succour, but there was no reply. [Columbus
sleeps and sees a vision in which he is upbraided for want of faith]
(p. 184).
I collected the men who were on land.... I departed in the name
of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night, with the ships rotten, worn out
and eaten into holes [by the teredo].... I then had only two left.... I
was without boats or provisions, and in this condition I had to cross
seven thousand miles of sea; or as an alternative to die on the
passage with my son, my brother and so many of my people.... I
send this letter by means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a
miracle if it reaches its destination (pp. 186, 189).

NEW LIGHT ON DRAKE

DEPOSITION BY NUNO DA SILVA AS TO HOW HE WAS MADE


PRISONER BY ENGLISH PIRATES ON HIS VOYAGE FROM
OPORTO TO BRAZIL (p. 301).
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