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Thugs and Thieves
 Thugs and Thieves
The Differential Etiology of Violence

J O A N N E S AVA G E

and

KEVIN H. WOZNIAK

1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Savage, Joanne, author. | Wozniak, Kevin H., author.
Title: Thugs and thieves : the differential etiology of violence / Joanne
Savage, Kevin H. Wozniak.
Description: 1 Edition. | New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2016. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016005538 (print) | LCCN 2016006005 (ebook) | ISBN
9780195393583 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190603939 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Violence. | Developmental psychology. | BISAC: PSYCHOLOGY /
Developmental / Child. | PSYCHOLOGY / Forensic Psychology.
Classification: LCC HM1116 .S368 2016 (print) | LCC HM1116 (ebook) | DDC
303.6—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016005538

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan, USA
In order to understand a violent person’s motives for violence, we must …
step into his or her shoes, and we must reconstruct his or her unique
perspective, no matter how odd or strange it may be. We must recreate
the world of the violent person, with all its fears and apprehensions,
with its hopes and ambitions, with its strains and stresses.
(Toch, 1992, p. 7)
 CONTENTS

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xi

1. What We Don’t Know About Violence 1

SECTION 1 Good Prospects in the Differential Etiology of Violence:

Logic and Reasoning
2. The Development of the Violent Person 23
3. Exploring Why: Motivation, Context, and Violent Offending 58

SECTION 2 The Differential Etiology of Violence: Developmental Factors

4. Intelligence, Executive Function, and Violence 71
5. Academic Achievement, Other Educational Factors, and Violent Behavior 95
6. Attachment, Bonds to Parents, Physical Aggression, and Violence 121
7. Parental Warmth and Rejection in the Etiology of Violence 139
8. Abuse Victimization, Trauma, and the Differential Etiology of Violence 161

SECTION 3 The Differential Etiology of Violence: Motivation and Context

9. The Role of Poverty in the Differential Etiology of Violence 191
10. Neighborhoods, Culture, and Violent Crime 206
11. Alcohol, Drugs, and Violent vs. Nonviolent Crime 222

SECTION 4 Implications for Research and Policy

12. Summary of Findings and Recommendations for Future Research 239
13. Theoretical Conclusions and Recommended Policies for Strengthening
Violence Prevention 257

Notes 283
References 285
About the Authors 359
Index 361
 PREFACE

Those who have studied psychology, or been around violent people, would likely find
it remarkable that almost all major criminological theories are “general” and that the
authors do not attempt to distinguish violent offenders from less serious offenders.
Many criminologists undergo their training in sociology, so it is easy to attribute
their acceptance of a “unidimensional criminality” to that training. Some authors
have concluded that violent criminals are simply criminals who happen to commit
violent acts, but we believe that this assumption is unmerited and reductive. The
ascendance of Moffitt’s dual taxonomy of life-​course-​persistent versus adolescence-​
limited offenders made an important contribution because at least criminologists
today are trying to predict serious problems, not just run-​of-​the-​mill delinquency
like underage drinking, petty theft, or vandalism. Nonetheless, there is clear evidence
that the overlap between persistent offending and violent offending is not complete,
and the field of criminology continues to exhibit complacency about disentangling
the causes of violence in spite of the fact that the causes of other forms of crime are
less important to the public and to policymakers. Combing through both the schol-
arly and popular literature, we find a plethora of case study examples of serious, vio-
lent offenders whose life histories and psychological states are notably different from
the average person and from other offenders. In the empirical literature, examples
abound where violent offenders differ from nonviolent ones. In light of such evi-
dence, the lack of a strong statement about the etiological differences between violent
and nonviolent crime is bewildering. It is our goal in this book to make that state-
ment and to evaluate the empirical evidence to see if our instincts are correct, or not.
We draw inspiration from evolutionary-​ecological theories that would predict
that frequent violence can become “normal” under certain conditions, and those
conditions might be quite different than the conditions that bring about a high
incidence of expropriative behavior. We want to better understand the robbers and
murderers, thugs and gangsters so that we can disentangle the facts in their lives that
lead them to hurtful, sometimes vicious behavior that may destroy others, but also
themselves. We also want to understand violence in order to better protect victims,
battered women, and beaten children. Many industrialized countries in the world
are currently experiencing an unprecedented crime decline. However, just because
overall rates of violence are lower than they were a decade or two ago does not mean
that violence, preventable violence, isn’t touching the lives of many people every day.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We wish to thank all the authors whose studies we relied upon in this book.
We wish to thank Jane Palmer and Alison Martin for their contributions to our
work on child abuse, some of which was used in this book. We wish to thank our
collaborators, Stephy Ellis and Amanda Murray, for their help with companion
projects.
We also wish to acknowledge the support of our family members: Aaron, Roger,
and Michael.
We must also thank the editorial staff at Oxford University Press, Sarah
Harrington and Andrea Zekus, for their support and patience.
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