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WHO KILLED
HOW THE CIA GOT AWAY WITH MURDER CHE?

MICHAEL RATNER AND MICHAEL STEVEN SMITH


WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY RICARDO ALARCÓN, PRESIDENT OF THE CUBAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
WHO KILLED CHE?
“Sorting through the archives of the fallen Arbenz regime in Guatemala City a
few weeks after the [1954] coup, [CIA official] David Atlee Phillips came across
a single sheet of paper about a twenty-five-year-old Argentine physician who had
arrived in town the previous January to study medical care amid social revolution.
‘Should we start a file on this one?’ his assistant asked. The young doctor, it
seemed, had tried to organize a last-ditch resistance by Arbenz loyalists; then
he sought refuge in the Argentine Embassy, eventually moving on to Mexico. ‘I
guess we’d better have a file on him,’ Phillips replied. Over the coming years the
file for Ernesto Guevara, known as ‘Che,’ became one of the thickest in the CIA’s
global records.”

Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles by Peter Grosse


WHO KILLED CHE?
HOW THE CIA GOT AWAY WITH MURDER

MICHAEL RATNER AND MICHAEL STEVEN SMITH

OR BOOKS
New York
© 2011 Michael Ratner and Michael Steven Smith.

Published by OR Books, New York and London.


Visit our website at www.orbooks.com

First printing 2011.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or
by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information
storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher, except brief
passages for review purposes.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data:


A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

British Library Cataloging in Publication Data:


A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN paperback 978-1-935928-49-2


ISBN e-book 978-1-935928-50-8

Typeset by Wordstop Technologies, Chennai, India

Printed by BookMobile, USA, and CPI, UK

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
DEDICATION

This book is dedicated to our friend, attorney Leonard Weinglass (1933-2011).


For fifty-three years Len took on what he called “the machinery of the state,” by
defending extraordinarily courageous women and men fighting for social justice
against the American imperium. He died representing the Cuban Five, Cuban
patriots jailed for their efforts to prevent counter-revolutionaries based in Miami
from launching terrorist attacks against people and property in Havana.
Len will be remembered: personally, for his good company, wide-ranging
intellect, generous spirit, loyalty, kindness and gentleness; politically, as an
excellent persuasive speaker, an acute analyst of the political scene and a far-
seeing visionary who understood that capitalism was not compatible with
democracy; and professionally, as one of the great lawyers of his time, joining the
legal pantheon of leading twentieth-century advocates for justice.
Leonard Weinglass: Presente!
CONTENTS

Preface 9

Foreword 11

Chronology 15

Che Guevara, His Life and Death 25

Documents 83

Acknowledgements 197

About the Authors 199

Index 201
PREFACE

Four years ago, and ten years after our initial Freedom of Information Act request
for the American secret police dossier on Che Guevara, we received a second batch
of documents from the U.S. government [Document 44, p195]. The first batch
resulted in our 1997 book, Che Guevara and the FBI: The U.S. Political Police
Dossier on the Latin American Revolutionary. In it we published documents from
various U.S. government agencies concerning Che. Now, drawing on the new
material we have obtained, and combining it with the large body of scholarship
that has appeared since our first publication, we have produced a book that sets
out the facts and circumstances of Che Guevara’s murder.
As we read the CIA, White House, State and Defense Departments
documents on Che, together with the recent biographies about his life, we
realized that the full story of the CIA’s ultimate responsibility for killing Che had
never before been documented. Rather, the American cover story, that it was the
Bolivians that ordered and carried out the murder despite the U.S government
wanting Che kept alive, has been widely accepted. In these pages we attempt
to set out the truth about these matters. A legal case requires, in essence, the
marshaling of evidence, both factual and circumstantial. With the publication
of these documents, together with our commentary relating to their historical
context, we hope we have presented the evidence with sufficient force and clarity
to persuade the reader, as we ourselves have been persuaded, that it was the CIA
who killed Che.
Michael Ratner
Michael Steven Smith
New York, June 2011
FOREWORD

KILLING CHE: THE HIDDEN HAND


“Everyone must be prepared to swear that he has not heard of it.”
—President Dwight D. Eisenhower

This book presents a perceptive and coherent explanation of the death of Ernesto
Che Guevara, on October 9th 1967, after he had been captured, injured, and
disarmed two days previously. Attorneys Ratner and Smith demonstrate, with
numerous declassified documents and irrefutable arguments, that: “the U.S.
Government, particularly its Central Intelligence Agency, had Che murdered,
having secured the participation of its Bolivian client state.”
It was not just a run-of-the-mill crime. It was one for which a state was
responsible, and the burden of guilt evidently falls on people who held the highest
government posts in Washington. Ratner and Smith set out the magnitude of the
crime: “Under the laws that govern warfare, including guerilla war, the killing
of a prisoner is murder and constitutes a war crime. It is not the actual shooter
who is guilty of a war crime. Those higher up that ordered, acquiesced or failed
to prevent the murder are guilty of a war crime as well. There is no statute of
limitation for this crime.”
Recognizing that Che’s guerilla movement was the most serious threat to
their plans for hemispheric domination, the U.S. government held defeating
Che and his comrades as its highest priority. That its representatives murdered
him, using the intermediaries of Bolivian soldiers, is something that should not
surprise anyone. After all, official violence, including torture and death, practiced
by regimes imposed by the United States—who trained, armed and advised the
torturers and murderers—was by no means rare in those days, or now for that
matter. Rather it strikes us as curious, to say the least, how some have accepted and
disseminated the official American version of the story that the U.S. government
was not responsible for Che’s death.
In the 60s, the United States strived to isolate the Cuban Revolution, and
openly pressed Latin American governments to yield to its anti-Cuban strategy.
A few resisted. Among them, only Mexico was capable of maintaining diplomatic
12 WHO KILLED CHE? HOW THE CIA GOT AWAY WITH MURDER

relations with Cuba and surviving. The others—Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina,


Uruguay and Chile—were to pay an extremely high price for their dissent. One
after the other, starting in 1964 with the overthrow of President Goulart of Brazil
and President Paz Estensoro of Bolivia, these countries suffered the dissolution
of their democratic institutions and their replacement with the worst of
tyrannies, entirely supported by successive U.S. governments. Tens of thousands
of Brazilians, Bolivians, Argentineans, Uruguayans, Chileans and other Latin
Americans died at the hands of local henchmen, trained and guided by American
advisors. Today, many still remain on the dreadful lists of the “disappeared.”
Ernesto Guevara was an object of interest for the American secret services
before he entered our history, long before he became ‘Che.’ The United States,
in particular, worked tirelessly to do away with the guerillas in Bolivia. To that
end, they openly intervened in the country, not only by training and equipping
the local military, but also by placing American officials and agents in positions
of command.
This was not the first time Washington had done this, nor the first time
they had tried to kill Che and his comrades. During the Cuban guerilla war
against Batista’s dictatorship, the Eisenhower Administration implemented the
same approach as that later applied by the Johnson Administration in Bolivia.
At the end of 1956, Fidel Castro, with a group of revolutionaries including
Che, disembarked on the east of the island to create a guerilla movement against
the Batista dictatorship. They suffered significant setbacks in the first weeks
after their arrival. Batista’s propaganda machine—and the American media—
announced the liquidation of the guerillas and even Fidel’s death.
The truth, hidden from the public, was moving in another direction altogether,
something the Eisenhower Administration understood. The administration went
to great pains to arm and prepare Batista’s troops to combat the guerillas. In
1991, the State Department partially declassified—with the usual crossing-outs
and omissions—a set of hitherto-secret documents relating to Cuba (Foreign
Relations of the United States. 1958-1960 Volume VI Cuba).
The documents reveal the extent of the American participation in the
early stages of the conflict. They describe how “200 men of MAP [US Military
Assistance Program]-supported1 battalion (First Battalion, First Infantry

1 U.S. Military Assistance Program


— FOREWORD — 13

Regiment) of Cuban Army was transferred to Oriente Province a few days after
landing there on December 2, 1956 of group led by Fidel Castro . . . In late May
1957 entire battalion of approximately 800 men moved to Oriente and is still
there. From 75 to 90 percent of its officers have received MAP training.” And it
was not only the infantry that received instruction from the US: “approximately
70 percent of all officers of Cuban Air Force have received MAP training.”2
Also evident was the American involvement in the Batista dictatorship’s
machinery of repression set up under the Police, the Bureau of Investigations,
the Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities (BRAC), the Military
Intelligence Service, and the Naval Intelligence Service. The officers in these
organizations had studied in American academies, and American advisors were
stationed in their headquarters.
As the crisis of the Cuban dictatorship intensified, concern rose in
Washington. On Christmas Eve 1958, in a dramatic meeting at the White
House, the Head of the CIA asserted that “we ought to prevent a Castro victory,”
and the Secretary of State, summarizing the discussion, observed that “opinion
as to the undesirability of a Castro regime appeared to be unanimous.” A couple
of days later, Eisenhower indicated that “he did not wish the specifics of covert
operations to be presented to the NSC.”
These efforts, of course, failed and the struggle of the people of Cuba
against Batista’s dictatorship was successful. The United States then intensified its
covert operations, launching an economic war, military aggression, and terrorist
violence against Cuba. In all of this activity it attempted to adhere to Eisenhower’s
guideline that: “our hand should not show in anything that is done.”
Among the many ways that the American empire has used to preserve its
dominance, suppression and manipulation of information stands out. The
essence of this is to conceal or falsify the truth and spread the lie. Michael Ratner
and the Center for Constitutional Rights have carried out a consistent battle
against such untruths and secrecy. This book serves as an additional proof of its
co-editors’ determination to defend truth, adherence to the law, and freedom.
As the book itself does, I would like to finish with some thoughts on Che’s
legacy. The American empire may have had him murdered in cold blood, with

2
Telegram From the Embassy in Cuba to the Department of State Havana, February
7,1958. (http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cable/cable-2-7-58.htm)
14 WHO KILLED CHE? HOW THE CIA GOT AWAY WITH MURDER

premeditation and cowardice, but it did not succeed in killing him. Today Che
is more alive than ever. He lives on through his image, worn on the chests of
millions around the world. He has become a standard bearer for all those who
want a better world and are prepared to fight to get it. Che remains alive, above
all, in a Latin America that today is building a new politics of independence and
solidarity, a politics that owes a great deal to his ideals and his sacrifice.
His spirit also lives on through the lives of the Cuban Five: Gerardo, Ramón,
Antonio, Fernando and René, who have been unjustly imprisoned for more than
twelve years for fighting anti-Cuban terrorism sponsored by Washington. When
they were kids, they had promised they would be like him. In their prisons,
subjected to cruel treatment, in utter solitude, our five heroes testify that Che is
still with us today.
—Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada, President of the Cuban National Assembly,
May 2011
CHRONOLOGY

CHE GUEVARA AND THE CUBAN REVOLUTION

June 14, 1928


Ernesto Guevara is born in Rosario, Argentina, of parents Ernesto Guevara Lynch
and Celia de la Serna.
1945-51
Guevara is enrolled at medical school in Buenos Aires.
January-July 1952
Guevara visits Peru, Colombia, and Venezuela. While in Peru he works in a leper
colony treating patients.
March 10, 1952
Fulgencio Batista carries out coup d’état in Cuba.
March 1953
Guevara graduates as a doctor.
July 6, 1953
After graduating, Guevara travels throughout Latin America. He visits Bolivia,
observing the impact of the 1952 revolution.
July 26, 1953
Fidel Castro leads an armed attack on the Moncada army garrison in Santiago
de Cuba, launching the revolutionary struggle to overthrow the Batista regime.
The attack fails and Batista’s troops massacre more than 50 captured combatants.
Castro and other survivors are soon captured and imprisoned.
December 1953
Guevara has first contact with a group of survivors of the Moncada attack in San
José, Costa Rica.
16 WHO KILLED CHE? HOW THE CIA GOT AWAY WITH MURDER

December 24, 1953


Guevara arrives in Guatemala, then under the elected government of Jacobo
Arbenz.
January 4, 1954
Guevara meets Ñico López, a veteran of the Moncada attack, in Guatemala City.
January-June 1954
Unable to find a medical position in Guatemala, Guevara obtains various odd
jobs. He studies Marxism and becomes involved in political activities, meeting
exiled Cuban revolutionaries.
June 17, 1954
Mercenary forces backed by the CIA invade Guatemala. Guevara volunteers to
fight.
June 27, 1954
Arbenz resigns.
September 21, 1954
Guevara arrives in Mexico City after fleeing Guatemala.
May 15, 1955
Fidel Castro and other Moncada survivors are freed from prison in Cuba due to
a massive public campaign in defense of their civil rights.
June 1955
Guevara encounters Ñico López, who is also in Mexico City. Several days later,
López arranges a meeting for him with Raúl Castro.
July 7, 1955
Fidel Castro arrives in Mexico with the goal of organizing an armed expedition
to Cuba.
July 1955
Guevara meets Fidel Castro and immediately enrolls as the third confirmed
member of the future guerilla expedition. Guevara subsequently becomes
— CHRONOLOGY — 17

involved in training combatants, with the Cubans giving him the nickname
“Che,” an Argentine term of greeting.
November 25, 1956
Eighty-two combatants, including Guevara as doctor, sail for Cuba aboard the
small cabin cruiser Granma, leaving from Tuxpan in Mexico.
December 2, 1956
Granma reaches Cuba at Las Cooradas beach in Oriente Province. The rebel
combatants are surprised by Batista’s troops and dispersed. A majority of the
guerillas are either murdered or captured; Guevara is wounded.
December 21, 1956
Guevara’s group reunites with Fidel Castro; at this point there are 15 fighters in
the Rebel Army.
January 17, 1957
Rebel Army overruns an army outpost in the battle of La Plata.
May 27-28, 1957
Battle of El Uvero takes place in the Sierra Maestra, with a major victory for the
Rebel Army as it captures a well-fortified army garrison.
July 1957
Rebel Army organizes a second column. Guevara is selected to lead it and is
promoted to the rank of commander.
May 24, 1958
Batista launches an all-out military offensive against the Rebel Army in the Sierra
Maestra. The offensive eventually fails.
August 31, 1958
Guevara leads an invasion column from the Sierra Maestra toward Las Villas
Province in central Cuba, and days later signs the Pedrero Pact with the March
13 Revolutionary Directorate, which has a strong guerilla base there. Several
days earlier Camilo Cienfuegos had been ordered to lead another column toward
Pinar del Río Province on the western end of Cuba.
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