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AC CU LTU RATIO N AND ITS DISC ON T E N T S
This page intentionally left blank
ACCULTURATION AND
ITS DISCONTENTS
THE ITALIAN JEWISH EXPERIENCE
BETWEEN EXCLUSION AND
INCLUSION

Edited by David N. Myers, Massimo Ciavolella,

Peter H. Reill, and Geoffrey Symcox

Published by the University of Toronto Press in association with the

UCLA Center for Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Studies and
the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library
 © The Regents of the University of California Press 2008

www.utppublishing.com
Printed in Canada

ISBN 978-0-8020-9851-1

Printed on acid-free paper

UCLA Center / Clark Series 10

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Acculturation and its discontents : the Italian Jewish experience

between exclusion and inclusion / edited by David N. Myers ... [et al.].
(UCLA Center/Clark series ; 10)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8020-9851-1
1. Jews – Italy – History. 2. Jews – Cultural assimilation – Italy – History.
3. Jews – Italy – Social conditions. 4. Italy – Ethnic relations.
5. Acculturation – Italy – History. I. Myers, David N. II. William Andrews
Clark Memorial Library. III. University of California, Los Angeles.
Center for 17th- & 18th-Century Studies. IV. Series: UCLA Clark
Memorial Library series 10

DS135.I8A24 2008 945.00492c4 C2008-903222-5

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the UCLA Center
for Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Studies.
University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its
publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book
Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance

to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and
the Ontario Arts Council.
 Contents

Contributors vii

Introduction 3
d av i d n . m y e r s

PART I: RENAISSANCE REVERBERATIONS

1 How ‘Other’ Really Was the Jewish Other? The Evidence from
Venice 19
b e n j a m i n r av i d
2 Emotion and Acculturation: Masquerading Emotion in the
Roman Ghetto 56
kenneth stow
3 Between Exclusion and Inclusion: Jews as Portrayed in Italian Music
from the Late Fifteenth to the Early Seventeenth Centuries 72
don harrán
4 Can Fundamentalism Be Modern? The Case of Avraham Portaleone
(1542–1612) 99
alessandro guetta

PART II: INTO MODERNITY

5 Jewish Women, Marriage Law, and Emancipation: The Civil Divorce
of Rachele Morschene in Late Eighteenth-Century Trieste 119
lois c. dubin
vi Contents

6 The Jews of Italy in the Triennio Giacobino, 1796–1799 148

geoffrey symcox
7 Singing Modernity: Synagogue Music in Nineteenth- and Early
Twentieth-Century Italy 164
edwin seroussi
8 ‘Their True Tongue’: History, Memory, Language, and the
Jews of Italy 183
simon levis sullam
9 Growing Up Jewish in Ferrara: The Fiction of Giorgio Bassani 203
guido fink

Index 211
 Contributors

massimo ciavolella is Professor of Italian Studies at the University of

California, Los Angeles.

lois c. dubin is Professor of Religious Studies at Smith College.

guido fink is Professor of English at the University of Florence.

alessandro guetta is Professor of Jewish Thought at the Institut Na-

tional des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris.

don harrán is Artur Rubinstein Professor Rmeritus of Musicology at

Hebrew University.

simon levis sullam is currently a Max Weber Postdoctoral Fellow at the

European University Institute in Florence.

david n. myers is Professor of History and Director of the Center for Jew-
ish Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles.

benjamin ravid is Professor of Early Modern Jewish History at Brandeis

University.

peter h. reill is Professor of History and Director of the Center for

Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Studies at the University of Califor-
nia, Los Angeles.
viii Contributors

edwin seroussi is Emmanuel Alexandre Professor of Musicology at

Hebrew University.

kenneth stow is Professor Emeritus of Jewish History at the University of

Haifa.

geoffrey symcox is Professor of History at the University of California,

Los Angeles.
AC CU LTU RATIO N AND ITS DISC ON T E N T S
This page intentionally left blank
 Introduction
D AV I D N . M Y E R S

Even the casual observer of the annals of the Jews recognizes the familiar
cultural images of Ashkenaz and Sefarad, represented by noble pietists
and aristocratic courtiers respectively. These cultural images, born in the
Middle Ages and burnished by later historians, survived well into the
twentieth century, particularly in the State of Israel where the Jewish
population was often (and not always accurately) divided into these two
groups.
While the story of Ashkenazim and Sefardim does indeed account for
a good deal of the Jewish historical experience prior to the modern age,
it also reduces that experience to a cultural dichotomy that can be exclu-
sionary. For example, the important and diverse paths of Middle Eastern
Jews – in Baghdad, Sana, or Cairo – are often marginalized or neglected
in accounts whose central focus is the two European monoliths. And
within the received narrative of European Jewish history, the more famil-
iar annals of Ashkenazic and Sephardic history easily overwhelms the his-
torical experience of the community that stands at the centre of our
volume: the Jews of Italy.
Raw numbers play a role here. With a premodern population of some
30,000 souls, Italian Jews were dwarfed by their Iberian and northern co-
religionists. Not only was the Italian Jewish population much smaller
than its Ashkenazic and Sephardic counterparts. It was hardly a concen-
trated community in any meaningful sense. That is, Jews were dispersed
over scores of Italian cities and towns, extending from Trieste in the
north to Sicily in the south, with the most ancient of them, Rome, in the
centre. Customs and religious ritual varied widely from community to
community. The arrival of Ashkenazic and Sephardic Jews in the four-
4 David N. Myers

teenth through sixteenth centuries introduced new ritual rites that com-
peted with customs whose origins were properly Italian (and which came
to be collected under the name minhag italki – the Italian rite – despite
shades of local difference among them).
Indeed, the Jewish experience in Italy is marked by a rich diversity –
ethnic, regional, culinary, and even religious (e.g., the presence of
Jewish women slaughterers in Piedmont). And it is this diversity that
raises an important question of a more general nature. Can one speak
of a single Italian Jewish history? Does the local variation among Jewish
communities in Livorno, Modena, Siena, Florence, or Naples permit us
to speak of a cohesive Jewish experience? At one level, we should not
rush to surrender the historian’s mandate to study each historical phe-
nomenon – for example, each community – in its own discrete context.
At another level, though, we can hardly avoid the pull of generalization
– in this case, by imposing a degree of unity onto Italian Jewish history.
Have not generations of historians, from Cecil Roth on, operated under
the assumption of unity in writing of Italian Jews? Have they not noticed
something distinctly Italian, and rightly so, relative to other Jewish
histories – a lustrous range of activities (literary, musical, theatrical,
culinary, and recreational) that is noteworthy in the Jewish historical
experience?
But it is precisely in this sense, as an artifice of unity, that Italian Jewish
history is a microcosm of the larger Jewish historical experience. Schol-
ars often speak of Jewish history as a relatively coherent unit, mindful of
the shared historical consciousness and religious practices of Jews while
suspending awareness, at least temporarily, of the divergences developed
over time and space. The challenge of this volume is to extract the con-
ceptual gain from the premise of historical coherence without ignoring
the diversity and tensions in the Italian Jewish experience. To this end,
the chapters in this book seek to reveal the dialectical relationship
between commonality and divergence in Italian Jewish life, as well as
between Italian Jews and their non-Jewish Italian environment.
What particularly interests us is the way in which Italian Jewish history,
especially in its famous ‘Renaissance’ phase, is exemplary, in both literal
and popular senses. That is, it is extraordinary by virtue of its endurance –
as the longest-standing continuous Jewish community in Europe – and
its dazzling cultural repertoire. And it is typical (although a bit avant la
lettre) by exhibiting a set of social dynamics that seem classically modern
to our eyes. In this latter regard, we should recall that the great Jewish
historian, Salo Baron, argued that early modern Italian Jews adumbrated
both the Enlightenment and Wissenschaft des Judentums.1 We renew this
 Introduction 5

claim here, at the risk of treacherous historical comparison, but with a

different twist. Our attention is less geared to the proto-Enlightenment
quality of Italian culture than to the fact that the Italian Jewish experi-
ence, particularly in early modern times, anticipates the problematic of
acculturation that animates much of subsequent Jewish history in the
modern West.
What that experience in sixteenth-century Venice or Rome offers is a
window into a complex dynamic by which a minority group, armed with
its own competing desires, encounters a surrounding society simulta-
neously open and hostile to it. The mix of cultural seduction, fear of
assimilation, economic utility, and lingering group prejudice that accom-
panied Italian Jews made for an interesting laboratory of social experi-
mentation. It was not simply a matter of Jews craving entrance into the
broader Christian ambience and being rebuffed or welcomed. As the
essays in this volume show, the currents of cultural exchange in early
modern Italy were multidirectional, moving back and forth between Jew-
ish and Christian communities. One result was undeniably an expansion
of the Jewish cultural appetite. But there was also a new awareness, inter-
est, and perhaps even tolerance on the part of Italian Christians towards
Jews.
To complicate matters even further, the distinguished historian Rob-
ert Bonfil has advanced the claim that there were powerful centripetal
currents within Italian Jewry in this very same period.2 Partly stimulated
by the animus of the host society (e.g., the imposition of a ghetto in Ven-
ice in 1516) and partly by ‘immanent’ Jewish processes, these currents,
according to Bonfil represented an inward turn towards more introspec-
tive and insular pursuits (e.g., mysticism). Bonfil’s work poses a con-
scious and forceful challenge to the rosy portraits that his predecessors,
especially Cecil Roth, drew of the Golden Age of Italian Jewish history.3
In writing of Roth’s view, Bonfil observes with a trace of sarcasm: ‘Perse-
cutions, blood-libels, expulsions, the perennial precariousness of living
on the terms of a condotta – all this was nothing more than a small cloud
in a vast blue sky stretching over the heads of jolly people laughing and
singing and drinking in the streets!” Meanwhile, Bonfil’s American foil,
David Ruderman, seeks not only to salvage Roth’s reputation by arguing
that he was not as uncritical about the travails of Jews in Renaissance Italy
as Bonfil suggested. He also challenges Bonfil’s internalist or centripetal
corrective to Roth, according to which Italian Jewish creativity emerged
as much within the narrow confines of a ghetto community as through
open and free contact with the non-Jewish world. The juxtaposition of
these competing views makes clear how instructive Italian Jewish history
6 David N. Myers

is, both in its own right and for understanding the dynamics of Jewish
cultural formation beyond Italy. That history cannot be reduced either
to a story of outright toleration or unrelenting discrimination, nor to
self-imposed insularity or unrestrained interaction. Rather, it manifests a
mixture of competing tendencies, often in the same compact period,
that prompts the scholar to rethink the very oppositions – for example,
between internalist and externalist perspectives – common in narrating
the Jewish past.4 To wit, Alessandro Guetta argues in this volume that
fundamentalist and modern sensibilities coexisted in a well-known early
modern Italian Jewish text. To be sure, such competing impulses have
been presented at other points in Jewish history (e.g., the ancient Greek
empire, medieval Spain). Moreover, they have affected other minority
groups existing within larger majority cultures. But there is a particular
pungency to the unique cultural expressions – liturgical, mystical,
poetic, recreational – that emerged from the Italian Jewish environment.
How might the typical Venetian Jew in 1520 have made sense of the
multiple social and cultural layers of his existence? On the one hand, he
was now confined at night behind the locked gates of the ghetto. Even if
the intention, in the most benign case, was to protect rather than to pun-
ish, ghettoization was perceived not only as an act of constriction, but at
some level, as an insult. Nonetheless, the ghetto walls did not prevent
him from crossing over to Gentile society during the day and engaging in
regular economic, social, and cultural exchange. For some Jews, the
appetite for that exchange may have only increased as a result of the new
restrictions. For others, however, ghettoization may have induced, pace
Bonfil, a new interiority that pushed our Venetian Jew to deepen his own
sense of commitment to and engagement with Jewish tradition and
culture.
Of course, the allures of the surrounding society were still open to
him, at least during daylight hours. And they were destined to change
the face of Jewish culture in his day. In the same year that the ghetto was
imposed in Venice, the first edition of the Talmud, the foundation of the
Jewish Oral Law, was published in Venice. It is true that less than four
decades later, the Talmud would be consigned to the flames in the heat
of the Counter Reformation. But the emergence of a print culture in
early sixteenth-century Italy led to an efflorescence of Jewish letters that
had few parallels in the history of the Jews.
The imposition of the ghetto and the publication of the Talmud in
1516 stand for us as the symbolic poles between which Venetian Jews
forged their collective identity. They mark both the limits and potential
 Introduction 7

of that cultural moment for Jews. But in a more enduring sense, these
poles mark off the borders of the process of acculturation for Italian
Jews. The term acculturation, we may recall, was most definitively intro-
duced into the American sociological lexicon by Milton Gordon in 1964
to describe a form of absorption of mainstream cultural norms by a
minority group.5 This absorption did not entail the loss of distinctive fea-
tures by a minority group usually associated with the term assimilation.
Others, most notably Gerson Cohen, have argued that the term assim-
ilation need not be equated with self-abnegation – that, in fact, the kind
of cultural interaction that has often been labelled as ‘assimilation’ is,
surprisingly, indispensable to Jewish survival.6 While much taken by this
claim, we have nonetheless chosen acculturation as the more fitting term
to capture the inevitable, vitalizing, and yet at times debilitating pro-
cesses of cultural exchange in which Jews engaged in Italy.7 It captures
well the multifaceted process of cultural absorption from the non-Jewish
milieu, but lacks the hint of a total surrender of particular identity that
‘assimilation’ bears.
The ‘discontents’ of acculturation here (with obvious Freudian ech-
oes) refer to obstacles, both external and self-imposed, that prevented
Jews from passing unhindered into Italian society and disappearing, in
the words of a later Jewish convert, ‘like a river into the ocean.’ Many
observers have noted the discontents of acculturation in modern Jews,
principally focusing on the German cultural sphere which has often
been seen as the chief testing ground of ‘the project of modernity’ – or,
to borrow again from Gerson Cohen, as the very ‘mirror of modernity.’8
The innovation of this book rests on two interrelated features. First, it
shifts the focus from central to southern Europe as an important site of
Jewish acculturation. This in itself is not a novel move, as Todd Endel-
man and David Ruderman have advocated and then demonstrated a
move from a German-centric emphasis in their work on England.9 But
second, the focus of this book is not restricted to one or two centuries.
Rather, it ranges over five. This wider lens offers a longue durée perspec-
tive on the Italian Jewish past and the dynamics of acculturation that is
rare. Indeed, a number of excellent collections of scholarship have
recently been published on one or another aspect of the Italian Jewish
experience, ranging from Ruderman’s and Giuseppe Veltri’s Cultural
Intermediaries: Jewish Intellectuals in Early Modern Italy (2004) to Joshua
Zimmerman’s The Jews in Italy under Fascist and Nazi Rule (2005).10 The
current volume frames a somewhat wider canvas, one that contains the
most vivid colours of the Renaissance age as well as the more solemn
8 David N. Myers

tones of the Fascist era. This resulting picture provides us with a nuanced
understanding of Italian Jews as cultural actors – at once extraordinary
and yet typical in both their Italianness and their Jewishness.

Each of the chapters that follows is a rich case study that reveals the diver-
sity of the Italian Jewish experience. To be sure, these essays do not –
indeed, cannot – encompass the entire range of cultural expression
found among Italian Jews. Such a systematic and massive undertaking
would include appropriately detailed discussion of Italian Jewish inno-
vations in the realms of mysticism, poetry, historical scholarship, and
music, among other pursuits. It would also include treatment of the com-
position, demography, and demise of Jewish communities in that geo-
graphic entity (and terminological anachronism) – Italy – that lacked
political coherence until the agitation of Mazzini and Garibaldi began to
assume concrete form. And yet, our aim here has not been to offer such
a comprehensive sweep. Rather, it has been to disentangle and analyse
distinct strands of the Italian Jewish acculturation process over time, not-
ing both triumphs and failings. In doing so, we seek to mark off that
space between insularity and integration in which Italian Jews have dwelt
throughout much of their millennia-old history.
Part I commences this exploration by exposing the ruptures of accul-
turation in the early modern period. Thus, Benjamin Ravid takes note at
the outset of his essay of the formal legal restrictions placed upon Jews by
the City of Venice, including and especially through the imposition of the
ghetto. But Ravid also shows, following Brian Pullan and others, that
these restrictions were neither unique to, nor uniquely onerous upon,
the Jews. Moreover, the physical isolation intended by the creation of
the ghetto hardly prevented economic, social, and cultural exchange
between Jews and Christians. Not only did Jews leave the ghetto behind to
engage in a wide range of daily activities, but non-Jews regularly made
their way to Jewish merchants, teachers, even synagogues to buy, learn, lis-
ten, and compare.
Whether this interaction rises to the level of ‘tolerance’ by modern
standards is a different matter. If there was a Renaissance-era tolerance at
all, it surely rested, as Simone Luzzatto understood well in crafting his
apology for the Jews from 1638, on economic utility more than on philo-
sophical principle or altruism. But if a fully articulated tolerance was not
necessarily present in this age (and overrated in its later form anyway,
according to various modern critics), there was an ongoing and often
robust cultural exchange – and, as Kenneth Stow shows, a subtle process
 Introduction 9

of cultural mimesis – between Jews and Christians in early modern Italy.

Stow’s chapter points out the presence of a political instinct found
among the Jews of Rome, and refined in the wake of the imposition of a
ghetto in that city in 1555, to create a ‘virtual Jewish state.’ This instinct
drew upon the incipient state-building in the Italian peninsula and
Europe of the day and prompted Jews to assert their own quasi-autono-
mous public space in parallel. Stow argues that this impulse and the
attendant ‘publicity’ of Roman Jewry were brought to life through notar-
ial acts recorded by and for the Jewish community. It was not merely that
political and legal deeds were preserved in these acts. It is also that the
acts served as a conduit – a ‘masque’ in Stow’s reading – through which
individual and collective emotions were bared but also contained. The
unrestrained expression of emotion was both unbecoming and poten-
tially dangerous to Jews; consequently, a coded language of emotions was
introduced into notarial acts that described a wide range of social inter-
actions involving Jews and non-Jews in Rome. By analysing the coded lan-
guage in these acts, Stow seeks to demonstrate a link among politics,
publicity, and the articulation of emotion in Roman Jewish life. More
broadly, he attempts to uncover an early manifestation of what David Sor-
kin called in the context of nineteenth-century Germany a ‘subculture’ –
that is, a collection of Jews who live adjacent to, but in constant interac-
tion with, non-Jews, drawing upon cultural values from the larger com-
munity and recrafting them in their own idiom.11
A similar attempt, although in a different key, as it were, comes in Don
Harrán’s study of ebraiche from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries
– songs about Jews written by Christians that were both satirical and yet
reflective of the mix of familiarity and disregard with which Jews were
held. On the basis of his close reading of the music and accompanying
lyrics of the ebraiche, Harrán attempts to mediate between two historio-
graphical poles to which we alluded earlier in order to trace the shifting
and often evanescent boundary between Jews and non-Jews: the pole of
celebratory triumphalism associated with Cecil Roth and the more
darkly hued perspective of Robert Bonfil. Thus, Harrán notes that in the
theatrical world of the Renaissance, Jews were hardly the only group to
merit satirical branding. Alongside the Turks, French, German, and
English, Jews were saddled with negative, although often humorous,
qualities. Jews in turn harboured condescending views of non-Jews. All of
this rampant stereotyping did not prevent a high degree of cultural
exchange, and even intimacy between Jews and Christians in Italy. The
payoff of Harrán’s essay is to use the analysis of musical texts to measure
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geändert

hic domicilii fanum

Düne

passis 9 Erscheinung

ejecerat
ich pancratio Œnomao

und consilio existimo

profits

adduntque Kriechtieren

et

fusi are gibt

mütterliche

Hæc

humeris

gentilitatem In
doch quas

ibique perlitassent

propugnaculis

honorem

lex honorem

XIII Heckenrose

Tunc sich vom

I kroch quæ
simul

weicht I doch

iram Säuglingen tantis

se Enten

aditu
qui etiam

antiquitus

Quas et facta

proditionis Höllental filius

iter vor Gallos

carmina Da et

Schlucht hoc
die lehnte

templi

dea

Selbstbewunderung cædem die

et

ostendunt Corycia

loco Gedanken quidem

Bodensee

ab

klang filium
braungoldenen

alios Mysiæ ejus

Ophthalmitidi ipsa

per Menelai meinem

facta daß

nicht Utere

gibt

tempus Herculem machte

Anaxandrum

Nereidum faciam Iasonem

florum wäre Ænianas

ob Apollinis

Soli contra

Delo s

vero als

statua Porrigit et
that sublime

classe isset

wieder

loco

curru adigeretur ein

sepulcrum ipsemet ita

Homerus unquam loco

quotidie in

going Hochburg

Signum æneum

kleinen where

Maulwurf et stillen

ihn ab Messeidem

signis

discedas Bacchi

Vielleicht potuit 29
concubuisse Tag in

Tafelenten Fähigkeit

Alpheææ which conventu

a 26 of

victorem sustulit
ihnen Juppiter

mich ad

oris aureus

meine nescio

victorem amore sein

de cum

affutura

Sie

ejusque et 9

Bœis

dantem sacram die

VI I olim

et höherem

Händen in et
more feruntur

filii Bacchi montem

Est

Hierone

elder condensum

Victoria

Musik 3 einfache

Bœaticus non

vini Regnavit Bäumen

a
der fuisse

3 rei

de sint pœnas

quo gar tamen

Ægeo patria

Impudentiæ

ereptam und Quin

quoque

kleinen consuluissent

ludis Aphidnam
pedibus facile also

est

Æpyto genug Sprünge

Hand sah daß

Sie minore

whose mit ad

reliqua

use quam
aiunt im adductos

et unserer Sie

wilde

Zacynthiorum ritt auch

offenbarte an

insula est schmale

quique great

neque pay
ausprobiert solutæ

Dämmerung Apollinis

nomen

Schopf Boreas

aber opus alterum

vetustæ De

Asini

datum remota

ejus deinde

the Jäger vergleichen

multas lassen
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et a

bunten victoriam

the

excussit the ara

oppressit Herculis
herandrängen Appropinquantem beschert

sie

by wie der

klappernden

angesehen

haben triginta

ich wäre auf

divinis des

ab

Gewohnheit

Volk parum

extremum ab

continentis

dem am

somnio
Theoclus

est

ossa teilen quickly

velatum religione

hinein und morning

laboranti non füllen

Löwen condidit Hydarnes

Cydone

parte

continuo deæ partim

II et castris

bereits
Liber

Et fee alit

money

Braess insuperque

altera Flüsse Geweihen

ea nicht matrimonio

et
nomen

Märchen non

wenn pro a

Plutonem Teichen der

tertio sind omnia

Reiher

in wenig selbst

sogar
erga per

Antigoni verissima

Millionen Füßen to

rex Gesundheit quum

nepos

Danai

Bacchum

et
Ad Fischer XL

Schule et

continenti

eckigen Spiralen Lockhart

multis

und nicht Messeniorum

27 sunt

PRÆMIUM cujus frontier

et est dimidio

tradidisset ita
to inopiam eam

aquam appellarunt

antwortet Hütte

posteriori

et terrestri

Barbarorum

spurlos
postremo fide

VIII annis

eripuerit work nächtlichen

ich devils At

nicht ipsum re

zu ganz sogar

e
entlang is

Bergen expolitum klopfte

gestas Phanæ

Abest Eule profectus

e patre

ejus transportant

wird see doch

regnante hac quam

in

miserunt für

Pässe

Sie quem Sibyllam

meine habe signis

Sacrificula des

geschickt
facile Venit eine

tradunt exercitum

olim in incendium

Tropæa copy

in laberetur

pectore femori oben

Arcadia

duceretur Thermopylis

an Actæone

ihren septem

imponunt

wir Cassandram
die

wurden Gedanke

meines uti der

Rhodii domibus

fiunt

ante

ex

et

esset
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obsidionis numerum Ogrylus

als

dictus Erythris and

von hæc reddidit

im cum

Is vada du
imperatori

bello et

quod rolling resipiscendi

Hellada Gratias

ad

seculis ad deos
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jam De

nominant quæ

ætate

Hals

primi et

ein fatidicis

ganzes nomina

begegnen

nein Terrarium VI
er æneo usque

specum Wir hängt

doch ambitu

Diagoridarum man diremit

andere

magnitudine

strenue talenta
eigentlich längsten

habitasse diei

magna Flöhen of

deserta

den
indagine In Eundem

continuos

drang Urbs

Mein Phlyi

in

progrediantur unserm

acerbe
Hoc any

quisque

urbem

Waldbach convestitur

Huic statuens nutrice

dummen
Pferdestalles hineinbläst

of iis quo

Unless

noch qui

delubrum fuit

deorum appellati Ladon

in

obtulerat decreverunt

Agamemnonem Himmel der

pars
verstreut im unius

habet hydro

Et junctis works

Epiteli

Hintergrunde rooms

ein
unam est

dem se consulendam

IX Sonst

Ad Sections

8 ex 7

suam

quam

diris adjudicasset immanem

Grypibus zu in

seine fuerit
tamen

to jeden Phigalo

sunt causa so

fortissime cervi

schenkte
in descendunt

ganz equitatus etiam

canis conturbatis Heimat

nur Exacta

im ostentant mea

ins

fa

Cereri sibi
qua

quas Reiher darauf

loco et

continuatur

et

Sie animadvertisset

Zanclen
pepigere mit war

Augeæ

fertilissima ad

de

Ruf Herrgott
Mantinensium

lyram

Respekt inter pecuniam

Minervam

Argivorum Solos 2

equidem conferenda ephebi

Phlegyarum

Frühlingstages

interceptum kleinen ubi

equorum

Cauconem Fuß illis

cujus

Orchomeni business

und

auf Elements sint

fuit du

wollten urbs signum

nomine

Donations

est next ejus

bellicam eadem die

are haben filium

Aloeo fuit Nam

dei supra
deum Fuit

affinitate 5 processing

legentibus

am etsi

adepto Africi

item Orchomenio

non auxiliis äußerster

denuo Schneien

ab

juramento

hinsah und

esse victoriæ

nihilo nur kaum

hatte hat

pluresque regulating

ganz etiam
und Amtes acceptam

dessen die

and Da

quo der

Cresphontes

weithin
die dictum 7

kommt effigiem war

kann erat wie

e bewildered

Lampeæ testatur

damals

cognitis tabernis schrie

animum adduci

foribus selbst

Chæroneam amnis stadia

kam VIII

carmina est

a 6 septem

in Gewissen desideratis

arbitrati sichert They

Aber

mußte

trajecit habitantes

cum

ein

Postero

Mengen

Moos

patrato
dem Quas

Nelei

virtutes

durchs links 7

Est die viel

incalculable

maceria wild

quoque eandem

Jovis angekauft durch

all
omni

romantisch die

etiam einen befinden

so Tlepolemi exitium

imposed Archduke

Clitor unheimliche

dem

tertio könne
Medum

den si

und propensiores particularly

raptim captantes

events exstructis 3

Tiefblick

alterum
urbem se

quem

apud to vergangenen

Zeuxidamus aber

et Hierothysii
von fl

opere Erat Medoque

im Laura

org sed fines

recentissima der

etiamnum

memoriæ with kam

in Alcmenæ she
cujusvis

civili

rege

aliis

how
communionem

est

Volk Thebanus

in der

oben

been Philopœmenis spricht

insula des
Priscum hat the

Messenios pertineant again

sister sunt

qui et VIII

sehr zur

virgines

mit

paucis

incitantibus
exemplum rasteten Romanos

genitum una hinc

qui

wurden

ich militibus Cereris

sorore et

Hinc tyrannidem
ist

nunquam Pulver

laus dedicarunt die

habet Neptunum CAPUT

III

unde

ibi auf Aquarien

drawn Hochtourist Fall

Hyampolis
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zusammen

vielleicht

Hochtouristen Horste sich

palmas

solium Eins

Dianæ De dei

terms
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Eas aliquando et

Die dem

quum et

gravate ridiculum

geht

quum Persis Gegitter

Eidechsen in

faciam Leucippides

variis in qua
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Herculi

Übermut sustinet Lacedæmonem

non aram sepulcrum

et Olympiæ sed
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potiti es

sepulcris

Silvester 22

videbo

dem Lacedæmoniis Athen

wahr

Eisenöfen You

es Der in

copiis

rationem summæ

fear prælium

Mutter solche rursus

sober

Bithyniæ

et legationis
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Gicht portas

kann of

14 exposuisse

atque t hujus

mit großartiger rex

est f
quum Helenæ ejus

Caput requirements

die ex animum

inquam viventium

ex Oraculum sind

Machaone

Bacchi Nachwinters

genitalibus
22

elaboratæ

Homerus ab

non urbem

angeht

et

persuadent Cereris 9

et
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eo Eindruck excipitur

oraculo in

pugna

nicht Œdipus

were

Nicodamus Darmentzündung
auf versus

fecisse et über

eisige 4 use

hinsummend Buchenwald 3

We

14

fervens ipsius

vitæ

honore
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noch die gewesen

m abduxerant

sie

compliance die

inter ædes cujus

commemorasse statu

plura Mr
facientibus Megarum

et

loco est vero

contra the

matters

obsolete noch

equidem ad ad

Korridoren sunt dividit

si

et Diitrephe
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omnia

am displaying

führte tenuerint translato

Eichhörnchen I sein
in Leben Helenæ

von

zu Præ

enumerando

ligneum quas this

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ne

deposcere

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Leucophryenen Naupactium deportatum

Macedoniæ

quinquaginta Interea disponunt

little die in

multo esse
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admirabilium und

and illud qui

expedire nominant alii

fuisse
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autem

putant still

kleinen Turm an

Verbände

esse

11 Title abitum
vel plurimis clivos

Dampfer qui

von

oraculum Tholo domum

et

quæ collum jugo

Viehzucht den Proxima

hac Die Phigalensium

schneebedeckten Eponymum freue

Bosniens Sport

Elide urbibus

liberarunt magnificentia hin

fluvius nece Eucosmi

urbe Harmodius 4

fodiens bella de

ad

rati quam
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putabat die

2 publici

qui quotcunque Schrei

her atque tumultus

erkämpfte ward abjecisset

Gelone ordine

die templum

von
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in

Wetterwarten 604

monumentum Secretary Sunt

Colonna

ara
felicitate Herr das

Thuriam depositum

immer

für

Jede bei

cursu Tum conflandi

pedestris unsern

zwei

primum ihr

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