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i
■ Borrowing
ii
iii
Borrowing
Loanwords in the Speech Community
and in the Grammar
Shana Poplack
3
iv
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Paperback printed by WebCom, Inc., Canada
Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America
v
■ For Nath
vi
vi
■ C O N T E N T S
Foreword xiii
Preface xv
Abbreviations and conventions xix
1. Rationale 1
1.1. Introduction 1
1.2. Definitions 5
1.3. Plan of this volume 8
3. Bilingual corpora 30
3.1. Introduction 30
3.2. The Ottawa-Hull French Corpus 31
3.3. Diachronic corpora 37
3.4. Other language pairs 38
vii
vi
viii ■ Contents
4.3. Results 44
4.3.1. O
verall distribution of English-origin words 44
4.3.2. L
exical integration of English-origin forms 45
4.3.3. B
orrowability of different parts of speech 48
4.3.4. L
inguistic integration of English-origin words 50
4.3.4.1. Gender assignment 50
4.3.4.2. Morphological integration 52
4.3.4.2.1. Plural marking 52
4.3.4.2.2. Verbal inflection 53
4.3.4.2.3. Adjective and adverb inflection 54
4.3.4.3. Syntactic integration 55
4.3.4.4. Phonetic integration 56
4.3.5. Th
e role of lexical need 58
4.4. Discussion 60
Contents ■ ix
x ■ Contents
Contents ■ xi
■ F O R E W O R D
Just days before I was honored by the request to write a foreword for this volume,
I had been thinking that Shana Poplack, if she had the energy, should assemble
her various writings on lexical borrowing into a single book. And, like rubbing
Aladdin’s lamp, there it was! Poplack did combine her research results into a sin-
gle book that reads like a monograph rather than a compilation. There can be no
doubt that this is the most coherent, authoritative, and comprehensive study of the
process of lexical borrowing so far undertaken, and it is hard to imagine another
book superseding it in the years to come.
The book is coherent because it was written with a slowly evolving single vision,
developed and fine-tuned during a research trajectory over almost 40 years. Very
rarely do we find a research program so consistently carried out over a long per-
iod, and with such great tenacity. In her work with the Puerto Rican speech com-
munity in New York, Poplack found that switching between Spanish and English
followed clear rules in which the grammatical properties of both languages were
respected. However, later studies, documented here, showed that in another kind
of language mixing—borrowing—borrowed elements show very different proper-
ties from code-switches. Here, the grammar of the “recipient” language is what
counts. Thus, in Fongbe-French bilingual speech, the French loans science and
tonnerre appear without the article, which would be almost impossible in French
but follows Fongbe rules:
Et puis science xlɛ́ mı̌ gbèɖé ɖɔ̀ tonnerre hù mɛ̀ ɖòkpó. (FON.003.3:780)
‘And science has never shown that thunder killed one person.’
The book is authoritative because every analysis and statement is supported
by thoroughly documented, and often dauntingly large, datasets. Particularly the
Ottawa-Hull French Corpus allows questions (and answers) that many smaller
datasets could not handle. Under Poplack’s strong academic leadership all datasets
gathered have been stored and annotated.
The book is comprehensive because it covers borrowing phenomena in 13
language pairs involving languages from five language families from all over the
world. This yields a rich perspective on borrowing. Like the Fongbe example
above, in Tamil sentences, English nouns as well as verbs are often incorporated
but with Tamil material added to them, as in the following example from Tamil-
English bilingual speech:
an̪ða car-ai drive paɳɳanum. (TAM.SH.846)
‘We must drive that car.’
xiii
xvi
xiv ■ Foreword
The English word car receives a Tamil accusative case ending, and drive is
accompanied by a Tamil helping verb meaning ‘do.’ Thus, in contrast to code-
switching, the shape of the borrowed word derives from the particular properties
of the recipient language involved in the mix, in conjunction with the norms of the
speech community under consideration.
Borrowed words also undergo a long trajectory, from nonce borrowings to
loanwords sometimes no longer recognized as such, as lucidly discussed by
Poplack. They become part of the social treasures of the speech community which
gives shape to the language in which they are embedded. While Poplack’s work
has always been a key reference for sociolinguists and contact linguists, I hope
that psycholinguists, trying to understand how lexical borrowing is handled cog-
nitively in the bilingual lexicon, also will become engaged, and possibly further
entangled, in the research program laid out in this book.
Pieter Muysken
Radboud University, Nijmegen
xv
■ P R E F A C E
My fascination with lexical borrowing arose over many years of studying code-
switching. Transcribing and poring over reams of densely populated Puerto Rican
Spanish-English bilingual recordings, collected by the peerless Pedro Pedraza
under the auspices of CUNY’s Center for Puerto Rican studies, my goal was to
locate and extract the code-switches, with a view to analyzing their syntax and
function. I brought to this endeavor a deep attraction to the speakers, their speech
community, and above all, their speech. I also brought a strong background in var-
iation theory, a predilection for counting, and a sense of the importance of know-
ing what to count. But the extremely rich and varied data collected by Pedraza
among fellow denizens of New York City’s El Barrio proved recalcitrant. These
materials were a far cry from the well-behaved examples I was used to seeing in
linguistics journals, and my forays into them repeatedly pointed up just how many
items they contained that I simply didn’t know what to do with. Some looked like
loanwords, but no one had ever heard them before; others were clearly English,
but sounded just like Spanish. It finally became obvious that lumping the English
portions together (under the working assumption of the time that other-language
incorporations in mixed discourse were all instantiations of the same thing) wasn’t
going to work. Some of these English items were consistent with English gram-
mar, but others, despite their etymology, displayed only Spanish features. Many
were recurrent, others very rare. Some were long stretches, but most consisted of
a single word.
Although I didn’t fully apprehend this at the time, the systematicity that would
later be shown to characterize these mixed structures was often obscured, due to
the as yet unacknowledged fact that bilingual speech, just like its monolingual
congeners, is inherently variable, involving choices during speech production that
incorporate some degree of unpredictability. My attempts to apply the variationist
framework to bilingual speech eventually led me to distinguish among different
manifestations of language contact and to contextualize the various mixing strate-
gies with respect to each other and to monolingual benchmark varieties. I owe the
discovery of when (and how) other-language items assume the linguistic structure
of a recipient language into which they are incorporated and when they retain
their donor-language identity to these methodological imperatives. Even more
important, in conjunction with systematic quantitative analyses of the data, they
eventually revealed patterns of language mixing within and across communities,
enabling me to tease out the major strategies from idiosyncratic outliers. The cor-
nerstone of this enterprise has always been the data of actual bilingual interactions
situated in the context of the speech community in which they were produced.
xv
xvi
xvi ■ Preface
Over time those data yielded to analysis, and structure began to emerge, revealing,
instead of mayhem, the startling systematicity of bilingual mixing. The chapters
assembled in this volume are a chronological reflection of this decades-long jour-
ney from chaos to order.
The reader will note the abundant use of the first-person plural we through-
out these chapters. This is neither royal nor stylistic, but reflects the fact that the
analyses presented here are the result of team effort. No work based on millions
of words, tens of thousands of tokens, and hundreds upon hundreds of analyses
could have been carried out otherwise. The neat tables and graphs gracing these
pages conceal the countless hours and wealth of brainpower that went into con-
structing them, and the massive infrastructure involved in collecting, transcribing,
correcting, computerizing, extracting, coding, correcting, recoding, analyzing,
reanalyzing, and interpreting the data on which they are based. I am extraordi-
narily fortunate to have been surrounded over the years by a team of exceptional
students and associates, whose participation in this research program made the
present work possible.
The large-scale analyses featured in these chapters carry a cost, the lion’s share
of which was graciously defrayed by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada. SSHRC has supplied me with decades of uninterrupted fun
ding in the form of back-to-back standard research grants, a Canada Research
Chair (twice renewed), and, most recently, its Gold Medal for Research. These
have allowed me to create and maintain, since 1982, the uOttawa Sociolinguistics
Laboratory, which has been a hotbed of research on language variation, contact,
and change, and the birthplace of the work assembled here. The Isaac Walton
Killam Foundation saw fit to honor me with both its Research Fellowship and
the Killam Prize, and the Ontario Ministry of Research and Innovation and the
Trudeau Foundation also awarded me prestigious research prizes which contri
buted greatly to furthering this work. I gratefully acknowledge all this support,
which has permitted me to offer research training and employment to linguistics
students and associates for over 30 years, many of whom contributed directly to
the contents of this volume.
Much of the research reported here originated as collective efforts. Early colla
boration with both David Sankoff and Marjory Meechan remains fundamental to
my thinking about language mixing. This is most evident in the material synthe-
sized in c hapters 4 (based on Poplack, Sankoff, and Miller [1988]), 5 (drawn from
Sankoff, Poplack, and Vanniarajan [1990]), 6 (Poplack and Meechan 1995) and
11 (Poplack, Sankoff, and Miller 1988). Nathalie Dion co-authored the work
presented in chapters 8 and 9 (Poplack and Dion 2012), and she and Suzanne
Robillard contributed to the analyses of c hapter 10 (Poplack, Robillard, and Dion,
under review). I gratefully acknowledge their valuable contributions, as well as
those of co-authors Chris Miller and Swathi Vanniarajan, and herewith absolve
them of any responsibility for the current formulations of this work.
xvi
Preface ■ xvii
Generations of students in the language contact seminars I have given over the
years have taught me a great deal of what I know about language mixing, often via
analysis of previously understudied or unstudied typologically distinct language
pairs. Many of their class papers, later developed into dissertations and/or publica-
tions, provided precious replications of the major analyses of this volume. Some of
these are reviewed in chapters 7 and 9.
It has been my great privilege to interact with a number of fellow seekers in
our common quest to make sense of the challenging data of bilingual speech,
though they may not agree with all, or even most, of the ideas expressed here.
I have particularly benefited from reading the work of (and engaging in spir-
ited exchanges with) Peter Auer, Ad Backus, François Grosjean, Jürgen Meisel,
and Jeanine Treffers-Daller. Pieter Muysken’s seminal work on each of the issues
treated in this book (and many others) has been an enduring source of inspira-
tion and insight. Rena Torres Cacoullos has been unstintingly generous with her
time and her vast store of professional and personal knowledge of bilingualism,
language mixing, and linguistic variation and change. In her combined capacities
of sounding board, editor, and critic extraordinaire, she has helped elucidate an
unending supply of seemingly intractable research problems.
Stephen Levey, Rena Torres Cacoullos, and Catherine Travis took much-needed
time to read drafts of these chapters, and provided comments that improved
them immeasurably. Swathi Vanniarajan was kind enough to convert our anti-
quated Tamil transcriptions to standard International Phonetic Alphabet format
for chapter 5. In a reprisal of his role as Art Director to the Sociolinguistics Lab,
Dave Norris designed the cover for this volume. Salvatore Digesto oversaw com-
pilation of the index. Suzanne Robillard shouldered the herculean tasks of edi
ting, standardizing, formatting, and otherwise cajoling these materials into shape
for publication, all with incredible efficiency and astonishingly short turnaround
times. Beyond reading, discussing, and critiquing every word of this text (some
many times), Nathalie Dion masterminded every aspect of this project in ways too
numerous to detail. Her precious contributions are evident in every page of this
volume. I am extremely grateful to them all.
To all the bilinguals who, by their example, have taught me so much about the
incredible creativity and abiding regularity of lexical borrowing, I dedicate this
work. If it contributes to dissipating even some of the bad press bilingualism has
received, in Canada and around the world, it will have fulfilled its mission.
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