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![11.9 Grid/raster representation of point, line, and area features 179
11.10 Workflow diagram of the GIS layer creation approach 180
11.11 Typical examples of GIS topology build up for watershed features for
area–area and area–line features 180
11.12 Typical examples of GIS topology build up for watershed features for
point–line and point–area features 181
12.1 Total seasonal rainfall for the years 1962–2000 recorded at the
Evenari Farm at Avdat 194
12.2 Schematic description of a runoff agroforestry system with
P: precipitation, R: runoff water, B: cropping area, E, T: evaporation
and transpiration, D: deep drainage, W: walls surrounding the cropping
area, and S: spillway 196
12.3 Schematic description of an ideal sequence of events for a runoff
agroforestry system 198
13.1 Different sources of pollutants in a coastal watershed 203
13.2 Hydrological pathways in a coastal watershed 208
13.3 Location of the Godavari Delta 209
13.4 Variation of potassium concentration in groundwater in the
Godavari Delta 213
13.5 Variation of [Cl/HCO3 CO3] ratio in groundwater in the Godavari Delta 214
13.6 (a) Simulated hydraulic heads and (b) freshwater depth of Godavari
Delta in non-irrigation months 215
13.7 (a) Simulated hydraulic heads and (b) freshwater depth of Godavari Delta
in irrigation season months 215
13.8 Simulated hydraulic heads of Godavari Delta in different seasons 216
13.9 Location of waste disposal site and Ra-226 concentration in
Lake Ontario, Canada 217
13.10 Computed Ra-226 concentration in waste site, beach and observed
concentration in coast 218
x Figures
Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/21770-250316212124-d3238a9d/75/Advances-in-Water-Science-Methodologies-1st-Edition-U-Aswathanarayana-14-2048.jpg)
Advances in Water Science Methodologies 1st Edition U Aswathanarayana
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- 5. Advances in WaterScience Methodologies 1st Edition U Aswathanarayana Digital Instant Download Author(s): UAswathanarayana ISBN(s): 9780415375337, 0415375339 Edition: 1 File Details: PDF, 8.87 MB Year: 2005 Language: english
- 6. Advances in WaterScience Methodologies Advances in Water Science Methodologies addresses ways and tools for using remote sensing data in various applications to underpin the study of interactions between the atmospheric, oceanic, and hydrological processes. Various water-related applications such as water resources management, environmental monitoring, climate prediction, agriculture, and preparation for and mitigation of extreme weather events, are characterized by widely varying requirements of spatial, temporal, and spectral resolutions. This volume was composed with greatest care to address the varying issues with the appropriate data, assimilation methodologies, and technology transfer practices, to cover various dimensions of the subject area and to illustrate potential growth aspects of remote sensing. By making the relation with cognate subjects such as data management and geomorphology and with the support of two case histories of water resource management dealing with water harvesting and water pollution, a complete picture of the area is provided. The book will be useful to university students and professionals in the area of remote sensing, water sciences and technologies, earth and environmental sciences, resource management, agriculture, civil engineering, ecology, and related areas. The editor, U. Aswathanarayana, has over 50 years of research and teaching experience both in southern (India, Tanzania, and Mozambique) and northern countries (United States of America, United Kingdom, and Canada). He has specialized in Nuclear Geology, Geochemistry, Economic Geology, and Natural Resources Management. The author is currently engaged in the development of the Mahadevan International Centre for Water Resources Management, Hyderabad, India, which is a part of the UNESCO–TWAS Network of Scientific Organizations. The editor was awarded the prestigious Excellence in Geophysical Education Award (2005) of the American Geophysical Union for his meritorious contributions to the paradigm shift in geoscience instruction. His previously published works are Principles of Nuclear Geology (Balkema, 1986), Water Resources Management and the Environment (Balkema, 2001), and Mineral Resources Management and the Environment (Balkema, 2003). Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 7. Advances in WaterScience Methodologies Edited by U. Aswathanarayana Mahadevan International Centre for Water Resources Management, Hyderabad, India Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 8. Copyright © 2005Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK All rights reserved. No part of this publication or the information contained herein may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, by photocopying, recording or otherwise, without written prior permission from the publisher. Although all care is taken to ensure the integrity and quality of this publication and the information herein, no responsibility is assumed by the publishers nor the author for any damage to property or persons as a result of operation or use of this publication and/or the information contained herein. Published by: A.A. Balkema Publishers, Leiden, The Netherlands, a member of Taylor & Francis Group plc www.balkema.nl and www.tandf.co.uk ISBN 0–415–37533–9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested Typeset in Times New Roman by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd, Chennai, India Printed and bound in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham, Wiltshire Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 9. Contents List of figuresvii List of tables xi Foreword xiii Preface xv About the author xvii Annotations of technical terms xix PART 1 Remote-sensing sensors, data retrieval, assimilation, and technology transfer 1 1 Remote sensing and hydrology 3 VENKAT LAKSHMI 2 Hydrologic data assimilation 25 JEFFREY P. WALKER AND PAUL R. HOUSER 3 Analysis of remotely sensed data 49 R. KRISHNAN AND B.L. DEEKSHATULU 4 Technology transfer in remote-sensing applications 61 S. KALLURI AND P. GILRUTH PART 2 Remote-sensing data applications 71 5 Computing and mapping of evapotranspiration 73 RICHARD G. ALLEN, ANTHONY MORSE, MASAHIRO TASUMI, WILLIAM J. KRAMBER, AND WIM BASTIAANSSEN 6 Satellite remote sensing of soil moisture 91 THOMAS J. JACKSON 7 Ensemble streamflow forecasting: methods and applications 97 BALAJI RAJAGOPALAN, KATRINA GRANTZ, SATISH REGONDA, MARTYN CLARK, AND EDITH ZAGONA Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 10. 8 Regional climaticvariability and its impacts on flood and drought hazards 117 B. GOZZINI, M. BALDI, G. MARACCHI, F. MENEGUZZO, M. PASQUI, AND F. PIANI 9 Climate drivers, streamflow forecasting, and flood risk management 135 GONZALO PIZARRO AND UPMANU LALL 10 Remote sensing in water resource management 157 D.P. RAO 11 Geospatial information technology in watershed management 171 I.V. MURALI KRISHNA PART 3 191 Water resource management: case histories 12 Runoff agroforestry 193 P.R. BERLINER 13 Water pollution and its numerical modeling in coastal watersheds 201 A. GHOSH BOBBA AND VIJAY P. SINGH vi Contents Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 11. Figures 1.1 Land-atmosphere hydrologicalprocesses and variables attained by satellite remote sensing 4 1.2 Comparison of surface and air temperatures and vapor pressure deficits retrieved using TOVS and AVHRR for (a) January 1989 and (b) August 1989 10 1.3 Comparison of surface, air temperatures and vapor pressure deficits retrieved using TOVS and AVHRR for (a) January 1990 and (b) August 1990 11 1.4 Schematic representation of the variable infiltration capacity model 17 1.5 Monthly mean streamflow at Mississippi River at Grafton, IL, 1950–99 19 1.6 Illinois State averaged monthly soil moisture comparison 1981–99 19 2.1 Schematic of the hydrologic data assimilation challenge 26 2.2 Satellite observations of near-surface soil moisture content made by SMMR 27 2.3 Schematic of the (a) direct observer and (b) dynamic observer assimilation approaches 30 2.4 Example of how data assimilation supplements data and complements observations 33 2.5 True and prior surface soil saturation at three different times 43 2.6 Comparison of snow simulations on January 5, 1987 over North America for snow water equivalent, snow depth, average snow temperature, and areal snow fraction 44 2.7 Differences between simulated and reanalysis, assimilated and reanalysis mean skin temperature, and the resulting differences between simulated and reanalysis, and assimilated and reanalysis mean sensible heat fluxes for September–November 1992 45 3.1 Data volume evolution 50 3.2 Asynchronous imaging mode 51 3.3 Exposure principle of a TDI detector with three stages 51 3.4 Example of decision tree classifier 54 3.5 Classification accuracy 56 3.6 Data dimension vs number of elements 56 3.7 Accuracy vs dimensionality 57 3.8 Scale space effect achieved through diffusion 58 3.9 Hough transform 58 3.10 SNAKES 58 3.11 Road detection 59 4.1 Remote sensing application development life cycle 62 4.2 Cost of satellite data at different spatial resolutions 65 Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 12. viii Figures 5.1 Comparisonof ETr fractions derived from 7-day lysimeter measurements near Montpelier, Idaho during 1985 and values from METRIC for 4 Landsat dates 76 5.2 Hourly measurements of ET, ETr, ETrF, and 24-h ETrF for clipped grass and sugar beets at Kimberly, Idaho on July 7, 1989 79 5.3 Comparison of daily ET predicted by METRIC using ETrF and SEBAL using EF on satellite image dates for sugar beets, potatoes, peas, and alfalfa 81 5.4 Results by METRIC and ET by lysimeter as ETrF 81 5.5 Comparison of cumulative METRIC ET with maximum water-right ET for 426 water-right polygons in Idaho Department of Water Resources Basin 35 83 5.6 (a) FCC image of T3NR1E of the Boise Valley, (b) land use–land cover polygons in T3NR1E of the Boise Valley, and (c) ET image of T3NR1E of the Boise Valley 86 5.7 The scatter plot of pumpage vs METRIC ET for the period April–October, 2000 87 5.8 (a) April–October, 2000 METRIC ET compared with AgriMet ET extremes and (b) April–October, 2000 pumpage compared with AgriMet ET extremes 87 6.1 Brightness temperature–soil moisture sensitivity as a function of microwave frequency 92 7.1 Flow chart of the forecast framework 98 7.2 Map of the Truckee–Carson Basin 100 7.3 Gunnison River Basin and streamflow locations 100 7.4 Climatology of streamflows and precipitation in the Truckee River, at the gauging station Farad 101 7.5 Correlation of Carson River spring streamflows with winter climate variables (a) 500 mb geopotential height (Z500) and (b) SST 103 7.6 Composites of vector winds, SST and Z500 during the winter of high and low streamflow years 104 7.7 Correlation between PC1 of spring flows and November–March climate indices 105 7.8 Composite of vector wind at 700 mb for (a) wet years and (b) dry years 105 7.9 Residual resampling to obtain an ensemble forecast 107 7.10 Skill scores of forecasts issued from the first of each month November–April for Truckee and Carson rivers 111 7.11 PDF of the ensemble forecasts in a (a) dry year (1992) and (b) wet year (1999) for the Truckee River 112 7.12 Median RPSS score for forecasts issued on January 1 and April 1 for the six streamflow sites 112 7.13 Boxplots of ensemble streamflow forecasts at the station East River, Almont, for the dry, wet, and average years 113 8.1 (a) Seasonal precipitation time series over the Sahel area and (b) boundaries of the Sahel region 121 8.2 Composite difference of the storm track strength between strong and weak West African monsoon events during August 122 8.3 (a) Location of the Arno River Basin and (b) orography of the Arno River Basin and location of the rain gauges 123 8.4 Annual precipitation time series over the Arno River Basin: (a) annual frequency of rainy days and total precipitation and (b) annual frequency of rainy days and average daily precipitation intensity over the lower portion of the Arno River Basin 124 Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 13. Figures ix 8.5 Winterseason precipitation time series over the Arno River Basin: annual frequency of rainy days and total precipitation 125 8.6 Frequency of rainy days over high thresholds: (a) lower Arno River Basin, (b) rain gauge in the upper Arno River Basin, and (c) rain gauge in the medium Arno River Basin 126 8.7 (a) Global topography of the underlying surface in the CGCM2 climate scenario and (b) 1 km resolution topography and boundaries of the Arno River Basin in the grid cell of the CGCM2 climate scenario 127 8.8 Annual time series of the frequency of rainy days over the threshold 20 mm around the Arno River Basin, simulated by means of the CGCM2-A2 scenario 128 8.9 (a) Annual time series of the summer average rainfall intensity around the Arno River Basin and (b) annual time series of the summer total precipitation and frequency of rainy days around the Arno River Basin, simulated by means of the CGCM2-A2 scenario 129 8.10 Annual time series of the seasonal average surface air temperature around the Arno River Basin, simulated by means of the CGCM2-A2 scenario 130 8.11 Arno River discharge at the Subbiano section, during 1930–2003 130 8.12 Changes of the winter storm track strength, simulated by means of the CGCM2-A2 scenario 132 8.13 Changes of the summer storm track strength, simulated by means of the CGCM2-A2 scenario 132 9.1 Economic losses due to major weather-related natural disasters in the 1950–2000 period, 2001 prices, USD millions 135 9.2 Normal state of (a) sea surface temperature and (b) sea level pressure 138 9.3 Typical extent of (a) the warming, (b) cooling in the equatorial Pacific, (c) weakened Pacific high-pressure center, and (d) enhanced Pacific high-pressure center during developed El Niño (a and c) and La Niña (b and d) events 139 9.4 Typical climatic anomalies attributable to fully developed El Niño or La Niña events 140 9.5 Sea surface temperature anomalies during the (a) positive and (b) negative phase of the Pacific Decadal Oscillation 141 9.6 Relationship of the highest annual daily flow at 137 locations for streams in the western United States to two slowly varying modes of global climate 142 9.7 CO2 concentrations at different epochs 144 9.8 Risk adequate premiums as a function of the size of the risk community 148 9.9 Institutional structure for a catastrophe bond 149 9.10 Concept diagram for climate-driven risk management approach for flood hazard 152 11.1 A comparative study of spatial and attribute data in related information systems 173 11.2 The relationship between GIS and base map/data 174 11.3 Classification of GIS with reference to mapping and analysis capabilities 174 11.4 Concept of GIS 175 11.5 GIS project cost scenario 176 11.6 Vector data model 177 11.7 Vector data structure 178 11.8 Topology for point, line, and polygon 178 Copyright © 2005 Taylor & Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 14. 11.9 Grid/raster representationof point, line, and area features 179 11.10 Workflow diagram of the GIS layer creation approach 180 11.11 Typical examples of GIS topology build up for watershed features for area–area and area–line features 180 11.12 Typical examples of GIS topology build up for watershed features for point–line and point–area features 181 12.1 Total seasonal rainfall for the years 1962–2000 recorded at the Evenari Farm at Avdat 194 12.2 Schematic description of a runoff agroforestry system with P: precipitation, R: runoff water, B: cropping area, E, T: evaporation and transpiration, D: deep drainage, W: walls surrounding the cropping area, and S: spillway 196 12.3 Schematic description of an ideal sequence of events for a runoff agroforestry system 198 13.1 Different sources of pollutants in a coastal watershed 203 13.2 Hydrological pathways in a coastal watershed 208 13.3 Location of the Godavari Delta 209 13.4 Variation of potassium concentration in groundwater in the Godavari Delta 213 13.5 Variation of [Cl/HCO3 CO3] ratio in groundwater in the Godavari Delta 214 13.6 (a) Simulated hydraulic heads and (b) freshwater depth of Godavari Delta in non-irrigation months 215 13.7 (a) Simulated hydraulic heads and (b) freshwater depth of Godavari Delta in irrigation season months 215 13.8 Simulated hydraulic heads of Godavari Delta in different seasons 216 13.9 Location of waste disposal site and Ra-226 concentration in Lake Ontario, Canada 217 13.10 Computed Ra-226 concentration in waste site, beach and observed concentration in coast 218 x Figures Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 15. Tables 1.1 List ofcontinental regions used for comparison of TOVS and AVHRR 9 1.2 Statistics of mean and standard deviation over the study regions averaged over a 2-year period 13 1.3 Comparison of monthly spatially distributed surface skin temperature, surface air temperature, and vapor pressure deficit derived using the TOVS and AVHRR using bias, standard deviation, and correlation coefficient 13 1.4 VIC vs TOVS surface temperature comparison 1981–99 20 1.5 Upper Mississippi River Basin averaged monthly soil moisture 21 2.1 Characteristics of hydrologic observations potentially available within the next decade 28 2.2 Commonly used data assimilation terminology 31 3.1 Dichotomies of classification 52 5.1 Summary of METRIC- and lysimeter-derived ET for weekly and monthly periods and the associated error for Bear River, 1985 77 5.2 Summary and computation of ET during periods represented by each satellite image and sums for April 1–September 30, 1989 for lysimeter 2 at Kimberly, Idaho 80 5.3 A comparison of METRIC ET with average ET for three cells of the Treasure Valley hydrologic model 83 5.4 Mean seasonal ET by land use–land cover class 84 6.1 Microwave satellite systems 93 7.1 Median skill scores for ensemble forecast issued on April 1, for all years, wet and dry, for the Truckee–Carson Basin 111 7.2 Median skill scores for ensemble forecast issued on April 1, for all years, wet and dry, for the Gunnison Basin 114 10.1 The morphological and spectral characteristics of different rock groups as expressed on the satellite imagery 160 10.2 Hydro-geological classification system 162 10.3 Hydro-geomorphological classification system 164 10.4 Classification of recharge conditions 166 11.1 A comparative analysis of the cost in INR per hectare for carrying out integrated resources mapping 172 11.2 Data quality components 176 13.1 Point sources of pollution in a coastal watershed 202 13.2 Non-point sources of pollution in a coastal watershed 203 13.3 Major water- and excreta-related pathogens 205 Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 16. Foreword Water science hasto be the basis for good water management. Although modern society may be characterized by specialization and expert advice, we cannot all be specialists on everything. We depend on each other. Cooperation is a necessity, and for cooperation we need a common language. A common language and a basis of a common knowledge are necessary elements in our mutual sharing of new knowledge. Textbooks like Advances in Water Science Methodologies are therefore important building blocks in the dissemination of new knowledge. We are living in a period of time when one of the basic conditions of human life is threatened by increasing water consumption and loss of availability caused by uneven distribution and degrading quality of the world’s freshwater. There is, however, a broad consensus that global water resources are, and will continue to be, sufficient provided we manage these resources equitably and wisely. There is no ground for desperation, but new approaches need to be explored. Sustainability is the key factor in this effort. Sound water management is neither simple nor easy. There is strong need for political will to reform the water sector, to improve water-related legislation, to introduce economic tools when necessary, and to efficiently plan and control water supply and demand. Rational decision mak- ing in water management has to be based on water science and water technologies. Experience with good, successful practices should be disseminated.Again, the situation calls for cooperation. The emphasis of this book on remote sensing as a tool is very pertinent, and its chapters cover highly important aspects of water management such as soil moisture and agriculture, evaporation and drought, streamflow, climate change and flood hazard, and water pollution. The problems associated with water stress and scarcities are inherently most pronounced in the world’s arid and semi-arid zones, and the book will have a particularly important message for these parts of the world. However, application of remote sensing to solving water management problems is definitely of global relevance. It is a sad fact that our systems for monitoring the world’s water resources are far from suffi- ciently developed. We have little or no systematic infrastructure for providing early warnings when global, or even regional and national water resources are at risk. In fact, hydrological data collection networks are deteriorating in many countries, and statistics on water withdrawal are generally very poor. Remote sensing has definitely become a major tool for mitigating this lack of knowledge. It has for long been a promising avenue, and it is high time that we refine and make operational its use for water management purposes. This book provides both an updated background of the technological possibilities as well as examples of cost-efficient applications and useful case studies. By its very nature, water science is interdisciplinary. The chapters in this very current volume, imaginatively put together by Prof. U. Aswathanarayana, draw the attention of the university students and professionals to the high-technology observing systems, global and regional simulations, assimilation schemes, etc. available to understand and address the anthropogenic impact on the water resources and optimal ways of managing them. Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 17. xiv Foreword Scientific advancesare always welcome and laudable. Their application for the benefit of humanity is even better. This book is an important step in that direction. Arne Tollan Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate, Oslo, Norway December 2004 Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 18. Preface Two significant advances,which definitely need to be incorporated in water resources management methodologies, have been made since the publication of the well-received, broad-spectrum work of the author, Water Resources Management and the Environment (A.A. Balkema Publishers, The Netherlands, 2001). The first area of advance is conceptual. There is widespread recognition that only through synergy between the earth (including the atmospheric and oceanic realms), space and informa- tion sciences, is it possible: ● to reduce the predictive uncertainty in hydrological sciences; ● to address the complex issues involved in the management of the four kinds of waters (rain water, surface water, groundwater, and soil water); and ● to generate employment in the process of utilizing them. The second advance is in the area of tools. Because of the advantages of repetitive coverage and capability for synoptic overview, satellite remote sensing has emerged as a powerful and cost-effective tool covering all aspects of water resources management. Advances in Water Science Methodologies was written to promote research, development, and education in this subject area, so that the scope of remote-sensing applications is enlarged. This way, it is aimed to make these methodologies commercially viable through launching of dedicated satellite systems, developing new retrieval algorithms for remote-sensing data, and formatting them for ingestion into GIS packages. In addition, the interaction with stakeholders, training of cadres, public policies, and other conditions varying per country should also be taken greatest care of. It is evident that this can only be done properly when customized to the biophysical and socioeconomic situations of a country. In this book, methods and means of using remote-sensing data to underpin the effect of inter- actions between the atmospheric, oceanic, and hydrological processes are treated together with their use in various applications. Technical terms used in the remote-sensing chapters have been annotated, to make it possible for non-specialists to understand them. Different water-related applications such as water resources management, environmental monitoring, climate predic- tion, agriculture, and preparation for and mitigation of extreme weather events are characterized by widely varying requirements of spatial, temporal, and spectral resolutions implying that different data assimilation methodologies and technology transfer practices are needed under different conditions. The themes of the chapters in the volume have hence been chosen carefully to cover various dimensions and potential growth areas of remote sensing such as the existing and projected satellite sensors, image analysis, data assimilation methods, technology transfer modalities, agriculture-related applications (involving evapotranspiration and soil moisture), prediction of runoff and flood risk, management of water resources in watersheds through linkages with geomorphology, etc. The last two chapters deal with two critically important themes of water resources management, namely, water harvesting and water pollution. Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 19. xvi Preface The contributorsof the chapters are well-known experts in the subjects of their contribution. Some material from other anthologies edited by the author and for which he holds the copyright has been included in the volume to make the coverage comprehensive and self-contained. Although most chapters are essentially non-mathematical, a few chapters need knowledge of advanced mathematics for comprehension. The training and publications activities of the Mahadevan International Centre for Water Resources Management, Hyderabad, India, have been actively supported by Mr P.V .R.K. Prasad, Director General, MCR Human Resources Development Institute of the Andhra Pradesh Government, and Mr B.K. Rao, a senior civil servant of the Government of India, who has been closely associated with water resources management in the country. The volume carries a perceptive foreword by Arne Tollan, Senior Adviser, Norwegian Directorate of Water Resources and Energy, Oslo, Norway. The author started compiling and editing this volume when he was in Linkoping, Sweden, to visit his son’s infant daughter, appropriately named Neera (Nira), which means water in Sanskrit. His children Srinivas, Indira, and Vani, and his friend, Mr H.L. Hung, provided technical support. The book will be useful to university students and professionals in the area of remote sens- ing, water sciences and technologies, earth and environmental sciences, resource management, agriculture, civil engineering, and ecology. U. Aswathanarayana Boulder, Colorado, USA September 2004 Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 20. About the author U.Aswathanarayana who edited the volume has research and teaching experience of half-a-century in the countries of the South (India, Tanzania, and Mozambique) and of the North (United States of America, United Kingdom, and Canada). He received his BSc (Hons), MSc, and DSc degrees from Andhra University, Visakhapatnam, India. He specialized in Nuclear Geology, Geochemistry, Economic Geology, and Natural Resources Management. He is the author of over 100 original scientific papers. His first book titled Principles of Nuclear Geology (A.A. Balkema Publishers, The Netherlands, 1986) was followed by a quartet of books on the ecologically sustainable and employment-generating utilization of natural resources, namely Geoenvironment: An Introduction (A.A. Balkema Publishers, The Netherlands, 1995), Soil Resources and the Environment (Science Publishers, Enfield, USA, 1999), Water Resources Management and the Environment (A.A. Balkema Publishers, 2001), and Mineral Resources Management and the Environment (A.A. Balkema Publishers, 2003). While in Africa during 1980–2001, he served as a Consultant to UNIDO (Vienna), Commonwealth Secretariat (London), SIDA (Stockholm), World Bank (Washington, DC), Louis Berger International Inc. (New Jersey, USA), and the Ministry for the Coordination of Environmental Affairs (Mozambique). He is the Chairman of the Working Group on ‘Geochemical Training in the Developing Countries’ of the International Association of Geochemistry and Cosmochemistry (IAGC). He is presently engaged in developing the Mahadevan International Centre for Water Resources Management, Hyderabad, which is a part of the UNESCO–TWAS Network of Scientific Organizations. He is the recipient of the Excellence in Geophysical Education Award (2005) of the American Geophysical Union. Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 21. Annotations of technicalterms ADJOINT Operator allowing the model to be run backwards in time AIRS/AMSU An advanced version of HIRS2-MSU or the TOVS, which has a higher spatial and spectral resolution for the atmospheric soundings and land surface temperature ANALYSIS Prediction after an update ANN Artificial Neural Networks – a mathematical model used in classification which derives its inspiration from the working of the human brain ASTER Advanced Spaceborne Thermal Emission and Reflection sensor – senses the land surface temperature and emissivity AVHRR Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer – instrumental system mounted aboard NOAA’s Polar Orbiting Environmental Satellite, provides data about the temporal and spatial distribution of vegetation AVIRIS Airborne Visual and Infrared Imaging Spectrometer – a remote sensing Instrument BACKGROUND Prediction prior to an update CEOP Coordinated Enhanced Observing Program – a system that uses the existing satellites and ground networks to understand the land-atmosphere-ocean states of the earth. This is a collaborative partnership between various countries/space agencies/meteorological organizations CERES Clouds and Earth Radiant Energy System COVARIANCE Describes the standard deviations and correlations MATRIX DAAC Data Active Archival Center – a GSFC-based computer system that collects, archives, and helps distribute satellite data DAO Data Assimilation Office – carries out some of the LDAS work at GSFC DBMS Database Management System DEM Digital Elevation Model – this describes the altitude at every geographical point in the image; it is usually available in the form of a grid or as an irregular triangulated model of points DIAGNOSTIC A model state/flux diagnosed from the prognostic states – not required to propagate the model DTC Decision Tree Classifier – this is a method of labeling GAIN MATRIX Correction factor applied to the innovation GAPP GEWEX Americas Prediction Project GCMs General Circulation Models – a land surface – ocean model of the earth, which is used to predict future climate states GEOS Goddard Earth Observing System GEWEX Global Water and Energy Experiment – project to better predict the water and energy flows in and out of the watersheds in North America Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 22. xx Annotations oftechnical terms GOES Geostationary Earth Observing System, in the visible, near infrared and visible channels – provides information on incoming solar radia- tion, clouds, and surface temperature GSFC Goddard Space Flight Centre of NASA, Baltimore, USA INNOVATION Observation-prediction LAI Leaf Area Index and NDVI are well correlated LDAS Land Surface Data Assimilation Scheme – use of estimation theory to “correct” the predictions made by the land surface model using the observations and the error characteristics of the model and the observations MLC Maximum Likelihood Classifier – a supervised classification system MODIS Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectro-Radiometer – a satellite sensor in the visible infrared and thermal bands that characterizes the vegeta- tion and the temperature of the land surface MTF Modular Transform Function – a ratio of the output and input contrast of an imaging system NDVI Normalized Difference Vegetation Index is given by the ratio: Near Infra RedRed/Near Infra RedRed – Green leaf foliage is characterized by a strong absorption in the red region, and a strong reflectance in the Near Infra Red NIR region, due to scattering. A decrease in NDVI is indicative of reduced photosynthetic activity and green biomass NNC Neural Network Classifier – based on ANN principle OBSERVATION Measurement of a model diagnostic or prognostic PR Pattern Recognition – a method of labeling PROGNOSTIC A model state required to propagate the model forward in time SSMI Special Sensor Microwave Imager – a four-frequency, seven-channel, microwave imager that provides information on surface temperature, wetness, atmospheric water vapor, and precipitation for land and oceans STATE Condition of a physical system, that is, soil moisture SVM Support Vector Machine – a method to create decision boundaries between classes TANGENT LINEAR Linearized using Taylor’s series expansion version of a non-linear MODEL model TDI Time Delay Integration – a method of imaging which reduces the needed aperture TOVS TIROS Operational Vertical Sounder – contains HIRS High Resolution Infrared Sounder and MSU Microwave Sounding Unit, which sense the air temperature and water vapor at various levels in the atmosphere TRMM Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission – a satellite package containing instruments that sense the rainfall in the tropics UPDATE Correction to a model prediction using observations VCL Vegetation Canopy Lidar – a Lidar system that determines the vertical distribution of the vegetation on the canopy VIC Variable Infiltration Capacity – a hydrological model developed by the University of Washington WCRP World Climate Research Program – climate research agenda for the world Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 23. Part 1 Remote-sensing sensors,data retrieval, assimilation, and technology transfer Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 24. CHAPTER 1 Remote Sensingand Hydrology Venkat Lakshmi Department of Geological Sciences, University of South Carolina, Columbia SC 29223, USA 1.1 INTRODUCTION The themes of the chapter are grouped into Satellite Remote Sensing (1.1–1.6), Satellite Validation Studies (1.7–1.10), and Hydrological modeling (1.11–1.15) (the remote-sensing technical terms used in the chapter are defined in Annotations). Satellite data sets offer many advantages to conventional in-situ ground-based observations. Traditional in-situ ground observations have limitations for input, validation, and assimilation in models. Point data is difficult to interpret over spatial domain of models that range from 1/8 1/8 for the high resolution Land Surface Data Assimilation Schemes (LDAS) to 2 2.5 in the case of Global Climate Models. Satellite data provides continuous spatial coverage and repeat temporal coverage. The spatial and temporal coverages are dependent on the orbit and swath of the satellite, and the resolution of the sensor. The use of satellite data sets is extremely important in the context of the EOS satellites that provide data sets on a wide num- ber of atmospheric and land surface variables. The EOS Terra satellite has been launched in December 1999 and the EOS Aqua has been launched in May 2002. Furthermore, there are a variety of satellites such as those launched by Japan (ADEOS II), Europe (ENVISAT), and India (INSAT) that will also have global coverage using different sensors but sense similar/same variables at different overpass times. Together, these satellites carry new and enhanced sensors that will provide high-resolution data sets that will be made available to the scientific commu- nity through the Goddard Data Active Archival Center (DAAC). Figure 1.1 depicts the physical variables that can be sensed by multiple satellite remote sensors. Land surface modeling of hydrological and ecological processes on continental and global scales is an important research problem. Comprehensive observations of the land surface and near surface atmospheric variables needed as input for models or for validating model outputs are lacking. The lack of ground observations is a result of the prohibitive costs of establishing and maintaining the large number of sample stations required to characterize the spatial het- erogeneity of the variables. Remote-sensing data are attractive to the modeling community as they are available at high spatial and temporal resolutions. 1.2 OBJECTIVES The remotely sensed satellite data are utilized to fulfill the following objectives: 1 Input variables to offline land surface hydrological models. These input variables include vegetation content, air temperature, precipitation, total atmospheric precipitable water content, atmospheric temperature and water vapor profile, cloud fraction, and height to cloud base. 2 Validation of model output products such as surface temperature and soil moisture content. 3 Assimilation of satellite-derived products in land surface models. The products assimilated include surface temperature and soil moisture. Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
- 25. 4 Comparison ofsatellite-derived land surface products with the observations during field experiments and other data sets collected as a part of the coordinated enhanced observing program (CEOP). 1.3 REMOTE-SENSED DATA SETS This section will outline the various variables that are retrieved using satellite data. These vari- ables are classified according to their usage as stated in the previous section on objectives. Therefore, this section proposes utilization of single variables that may be derived from sensors with different spatial and temporal resolutions, coverage, and times of overpass. It may be noted that even though the same data sets have been mentioned in the validation and the assimilation modes these are designed to be complementary. The data used in the assimilation will not be used in validation and vice-versa. 1.3.1 Input variables and parameters in land surface models Land surface models require various input data sets in order to characterize the properties of the land surface as well as to provide meteorological forcings. The input data sets include: 1 Leaf area index (LAI) derived from the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) from the Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer (AVHRR) and/or Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectro-Radiometer (MODIS). 4 Venkat Lakshmi Closing the terrestrial water budget using remote sensing ⌬W/⌬t = E +T – P– div Q ⌬Z Rn Radiation Shortwave GOES Longwave AIRS/AMSU The land surface water and energy budgets are linked via evapotranspiration Energy balance ∗Planning phase Water balance Water table Groundwater flux AIRS/AMSU T q E T P R H, G Surface temperature AIRS, AVHRR, MODIS Clouds GOES Water vapor (LE) AIRS/AMSU Rn + H +LE+G =0 ⌬Z ⌬/⌬t =P – E – T – R R Runoff/river level Laser HYDRASAT∗, TOPEX T Transpiration/ND VI Visible/NIR MODIS, AVHRR, GLI, VCL E Evaporation/surface humidity Infrared/microwave AIRS/AMSU P Precipitation Microwave TRMM/TMI, SSM/I, GPM Soil moisture Microwave AMSR, SMOS, HYDROS∗ Atmospheric water balance Figure 1.1. Land-atmosphere hydrological processes and variables attained by satellite remote sensing (see Color Plate I). Copyright © 2005 Taylor Francis Group plc, London, UK
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- 27. 1807 the numberswere 120,000 for the first month, and then 135,000. In 1814 they were 140,000 for seven, and 90,000 for six months. The vote was by the month of twenty-eight days and thirteen to the year. During the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars the use of the carronade in the navy was considerably extended. This piece, invented by General Melville, and first cast in the Carron foundry in Scotland, was introduced into the navy in 1779. It was a short piece with a large bore, and a powder chamber, light, easily handled and destructive to timber when fired at short range. The shot was large in proportion to the size of the piece, and because of its destructive effect on wood it was to have been named the “Smasher.” At first the carronades were only placed where there was no room for long guns. But its effect at close quarters proved so tempting that in some cases the long guns were replaced by carronades. In 1782 the Rainbow, 44, was so rearmed. The change made in the weight of her broadside added—or seemed to add—immensely to her strength. Her forty-four long guns gave a broadside weight of 318 lbs. The forty-eight carronades she received in lieu of long guns, gave her a broadside of 1238 lbs. The Rainbow made an easy capture of a beautiful French frigate, the Hébé. But then she was able to come close to the French ship before opening fire. When this advantage could not be secured the carronade was of no value, for it had only a short range. Its weakness was fully demonstrated in the action between the Phœbe and the American frigate Essex. The American ship was armed with carronades on her gun deck. The Phœbe was to windward, and her captain, Hillyar, who knew the inferiority of his opponent’s armament, kept his distance, and battered the American into ruin. As the carronade was never counted officially in the armament of a ship, its introduction led to confusion, and some dishonesty in estimating the strength of our ships and our enemies. We counted all the pieces of ordnance of our opponent but only our own “guns.” The carronade was adopted by foreign navies after 1783. During the wars which began in 1793 the navy had the benefit of a much improved system of signalling. The old system was one by
- 28. which particular combinationsof flags, or the place of flags in the rigging, conveyed a certain order. The new or numerary system was elaborated by Lord Howe in combination with Kempenfelt, and was largely developed by Sir Home Popham. It will be seen from this list that the navy attained to its maximum of numbers of ship’s officers and men in the years following Trafalgar. The increase was most marked after 1808, the year of the beginning of the war in Spain, and the largest numbers were reached from 1810 to 1814. There is a very general agreement among the best authority that the augmented size of the fleet was not accompanied by a growth in real power. It is maintained that, on the contrary, the efficiency of the fleet fell off. Its gunnery was neglected for mere “polish,” and the crews deteriorated in quality. Many explanations of the decline have been given. The disappearance of French fleets from the sea is said to have rendered our officers somewhat careless of their gunnery. The unwillingness of the Admiralty to authorise expenditure of powder in practice has been rendered responsible for the decline of skill. The hardships of life in the navy aggravated by the brutality of some officers are held to have deterred men from entering the service, and to have made them eager to desert when they were in it. The large proportion of foreigners employed is given as another cause of the loss of efficiency. There are elements of truth in all this criticism and apology. When seven hundred vessels more or less were in commission, only a small minority had an opportunity to see service. Some officers of known zeal and capacity passed years without once being under fire. If the heart of a captain was intent on seamanship and smartness he might be tempted, by the small chance of meeting a foe, to neglect the gun drill of his crew. If he feared to be blamed by the Admiralty for expending too much powder, he would not venture to avail himself of the device employed by some of his colleagues, who obtained practice for their men by pretending to see suspicious strangers, and who did not hesitate to make fictitious entries in their logs. After the loss of several English vessels, captured in rapid succession by the Americans in the war of 1812, the decline of our gunnery became a
- 29. commonplace. So didthe cruelty of certain captains of “crack” ships, who sacrificed everything, including humanity, to “overpolish.” We hear of crews driven to mutinous explosions by officers who would send their men aloft ten or twelve times to finish off some mere detail of the set or stowing of sails. Such men enforced attention to their pedantry and foppery by the lash. Mere declamation can be neglected, but we cannot reject the testimony of Codrington given in the very midst of the American war, in a private letter written from the station, and supported by examples. “I have heard,” he said, “many shocking stories of cruelty and misconduct witnessed by the relators, officers now in this ship.” If there is any truth in the statement that the number of floggings inflicted in English ships diminished by a half when the Admiralty ordered quarterly returns of punishments to be made, it is manifest that there must have been a gross abuse of the power to flog. It is certain that we employed many foreigners, and one of the English vessels lost in the war of 1812, the Epervier, had foreigners in her crew. Yet it is doubtful whether these explanations of the decline of our discipline and skill are satisfactory. No vessel lost to the Americans was so scandalously lost as the Ambuscade, taken by the French Bayonnaise in 1798. She was outmanœuvred by a smaller ship, and carried by boarding. In the American war the Phœbe, which took the Essex in the South Seas, and the Shannon, which took the Chesapeake, were nowise inferior to their opponents in gunnery. Nor were we always beaten in that war by gunnery or by American seamen. The Decatur, which took the Dominica by boarding, was commanded by a French privateer, Captain Diron, and manned by a French crew. The discipline of the navy was as severe for the marine as for other men. Yet there never was any difficulty in recruiting for the marines. If our navy sank below the level of 1805, the reason must be sought in its size. One hundred and forty-five thousand men was an immense number to take from the population of Great Britain when it was less than half what it is to-day. And they had to be found just when increased numbers of soldiers were needed, when our merchant shipping had doubled, and when there was a great
- 30. development of manufacturingindustry and of agriculture. If we had been forced to rely on our own population we could not have found the men. We succeeded because multitudes of foreign seamen were driven to seek service in England by the ruin of commerce in their native countries. Even with their help the Admiralty was unable to supply crews of good quality to all the ships. If the Epervier was largely manned by negroes and foreigners, she had many feeble, undersized Englishmen who were taken because no better could be obtained. The physical strength of the men was a consideration of the first importance in the warships of the old navy. All the work at the guns had to be done by downright pulling and hauling. The proportion of one man to every 500 pounds of metal was just sufficient to work the gun, and could not be maintained when the crew was short-handed, or when it was necessary to fight both broadsides. The effort required to run out a 32-pounder, which weighed 55 cwt. 2 lb. on the weather broadside when the ship was leaning over, was severe even for a full crew of twelve men. The demand for good men had far outrun the supply. The existence of the United States added materially to our difficulties, for it supplied our sailors with an English-speaking country to which they could escape. During the later stages of the war the navy was compelled to form its crews with ever-increasing difficulty. It found marines who, when they enlisted, had a security for permanent employment and a pension. The sailors did not form a permanent corps and were sent adrift when their ship was paid off. The regular bred seamen preferred the good wages and freedom of the merchant service, or emigrated to America. The miscellaneous landsmen, who formed a large part of our crews, were obtained by bounties and the press. The press did indeed take time-expired apprentices from the merchant ships at sea, and they constituted a valuable part of our crews. On land it was of little value. During 1811, 1812, and 1813, 29,405 men were impressed, 27,300 of them deserted, and as 3000 trustworthy men were employed in the gangs which seized them, the navy was in fact the loser to the amount of 1000 men. The naval rendezvous, placed in “the vilest sort of public house, with a something that had once been a Union Jack suspended from a pole,
- 31. but from filthand dirt wearing the appearance of a black flag,” was not only a scandal, but a useless expense. Pressgang midshipman was a byword for a ruffian. The practice of incorporating criminals and vagabonds in the navy, which was as old as the reign of Queen Elizabeth, was continued throughout the great war. Captain Anselm Griffiths, whose description of a naval rendezvous has been quoted above, is emphatic about the criminal element in the navy. “What,” he says, “was the mass of discontent and impatience generated by a forced association with the refuse of our jails, convicts, vagabonds, thieves not brought to justice from lenity, smugglers, White Boys, suspected Irish during the rebellion, all who from loss of character could not procure employment, the idle and the worthless,—all was fish that came to the net.” Such accounts of the crews of the navy as this might be quoted in numbers. We are tempted to wonder how the work was done with such men, and whether there can be any foundation for the praise given to the seamanship and gunnery of the navy. But Captain Griffiths, and other authorities who support him, spoke of the bad elements. With them were others of a very different order—the marines and the pressed men of good character. The great length of the war allowed time for the formation of a class of men who were trained wholly in the navy and were attached to it by habit and affection. When Broke commissioned the Shannon, he left England with a crew composed of drafts from the guardships of very mixed quality, and of a majority of boys provided by the Patriotic Society and the workhouses. If the Shannon had met a well-appointed American frigate within three months she would have fared no better than the Epervier or the Java. But she was six years in commission before her famous action. Broke had time to weed out the bad characters. The boys grew to manhood under his wise training. The same process was going on in other ships. If we could have limited the establishment of the navy to 80,000 or even 100,000 men, every ship might have been as well manned as the Shannon. It is even possible that the weaknesses of the navy were made to appear greater than they really were by the fact that the Admiralty, which
- 32. naturally looked firstto fleets Napoleon was building in European ports, kept its best men for the European stations, and compelled captains, whose ships were commissioned for distant seas, to put up with the worst. The increase in the staff of officers from over two to over five thousand, brought with it the necessity for not being too exacting as to their quality. Something must be allowed for the jobbery of the time. There were men in the navy who owed their positions to no merit of their own, but to the fact that some one of influence had spoken for them. We must, again, allow for the fact that there was as yet no uniform standard of discipline. The captains had wide discretion, and the bad ones were unchecked. Whatever evils the overgrowth of the navy brought with it, the increase was unavoidable. In the years following Trafalgar, the English Navy was in something not unlike the position of the French armies in Spain after 1809. They were far more numerous than the army of Wellington in Portugal. Yet they were frequently unable to collect a force to oppose him, because they were compelled to spread themselves over the whole of Spain. We have recently learned how rapidly an army, which is powerful on a field of battle, can be frittered into small detachments when it has to guard long lines of communication, and to occupy a wide expanse of territory. The English Government was, from the year 1793, under a peremptory obligation to guard trade routes extending from Canton to the St. Lawrence. The task did not become lighter after Trafalgar. Napoleon adopted a definite policy. He began to build line of battleships on a great scale. As his power spread he increased their numbers till he had upwards of one hundred and fifty in ports extending from Venice to Hamburg. They were rarely sent to sea. Many of them, built hastily of green timber, began to rot so soon as they were launched. But it was impossible to neglect them. Squadrons must be employed to watch them. The bulk of our navy was necessarily employed in that work. While our squadrons were watching hostile ports, our commerce was subject to a double form of attack. Light squadrons and single ships sailed from French ports on commerce destroying cruises. Privateers sailed not only from
- 33. French ports, butfrom colonial harbours, Martinique and Guadaloupe, Bourbon and Mauritius, and the Dutch islands of Java and Sumatra. These attacks had to be guarded against by blockade, by convoy, by patrol, and by the conquest of the ports from which the privateers sailed. The history of blockade cannot be told. It is a long monotonous roll of sailings from one point to another and back again, of periodical returns to port to refit or for provisions, of ships driven away by gales from the land, or forced to work to sea that they might not be driven on a lee shore. The daily fulfilment of a routine, isolation from family life and all society other than that of messmates, exposure to cold, to heat, to wet, make up the lot of the officers and men of a blockading fleet. And this was the work on which the majority of the navy was employed. The brief intervals spent in a home port when food and water had to be renewed, were hardly less painful than the time spent on the cruising-ground, for the rule that neither officer nor man might sleep on shore rendered the promise of more leave, given in 1797, almost nugatory. Indeed an increase of pay was the most solid advantage the seamen gained in that year. In 1808, when the need for more men became very urgent the pay of the sailor was raised to £1, 12s. for the lunar month. The secluded unnatural life of the blockading squadrons was terrible for all ranks. Some of the consequences it produced cannot be named. Not a few of the men went mad under the strain, multitudes were hardened in heart and distorted in character. The blockades did the work assigned them. When, in 1809, Napoleon endeavoured to send a strong squadron, drawn partly from the Brest fleet and partly from ships at Rochefort, to the West Indies, his plan was ruined by the Channel fleet. The bulk of his force did get away from Brest, but only to be sighted by the British forces and driven into the Basque roads. There they were attacked by fireships under the immediate command of Lord Cochrane (Dundonald) and the superior direction of Lord Gambier. The operation was not so completely successful as it might have been. Cochrane was so dissatisfied by the interference of his commander-
- 34. in-chief that heforced the Admiralty to bring Gambier to a court martial. Even so, the attack ruined the French squadron, and the reinforcements never reached the French islands. Here we see the normal working of the blockade, which left the French fleet no chance of getting to sea, except by the help of good fortune in evading the watch of the British ships. No great French fleet ventured to sea, and only once did a considerable French squadron incur the risk of trusting itself far from port among the English forces. Napoleon would not hazard the great fleet he was building up till he had vanquished all enemies on the Continent, and could make a final attack with all the forces of Europe. But though the main purpose was achieved the duty became continually more severe till after the Russian campaign, when the destruction of the Grand Army compelled the Emperor to take the crews of his ships and make regiments of them. As his power spread up to 1812, more and ever more ports had to be watched, and it became constantly less possible to block them all effectually. The vast works he carried out at Cherbourg made the harbour capable of holding line-of-battle ships and imposed more blockading duty on the navy. After the fall of Prussia in 1807 he brought the coast of the Baltic under his control, and more ships were needed to counteract his plans. The coast-line to be watched was so long that though the English Government strained its resources to the utmost, though the navy was increased by desperate measures, it was impossible to prevent cruisers and small squadrons from escaping to sea. In 1812 when 621 vessels were in commission, and the establishment of the navy was 145,000 men, Admiral Allemand sailed from Rochefort. He eluded the blockading squadron. He almost succeeded in cutting off the Pompée, 74, which was compelled to start eighty tons of water to lighten herself for flight. He cruised in the Atlantic for the destruction of commerce, and, though he had little fortune in meeting English trading vessels, he got safe back to Brest. Allemand’s raid shows that the new fleet Napoleon was forming was not so incapable of keeping the sea as it has often been supposed to have been. An action fought in this
- 35. same year musthave been a warning to the English Government, if any were needed, that it dare not fail to maintain its naval forces at the highest attainable level of strength. On the 21st February the Victorious, 74, Captain Talbot, which was watching the growing Franco-Venetian squadron at Venice, fought an action with one of the vessels belonging to it, the Rivoli, 74, Captain Barré. The Victorious had been detached from the Toulon blockade, the Rivoli was at sea for the first time, yet the action lasted for four hours, and though the Rivoli was finally compelled to surrender, she inflicted a loss of 27 killed and 99 wounded on the Victorious. At the beginning of 1808, the year in which the great increase began, the need for numbers had been even more effectually taught. English troops were then engaged in somewhat fretful operations on the coast of Calabria. The French had recovered Corfu and held Venice. The calls on our fleet in the Mediterranean were many. Collingwood was co-operating with the troops, in southern Italy, leaving frigates to watch Toulon. The French Government decided to reinforce its squadron at Toulon by bringing round six ships—the Majestueux, 120, the Ajax, Jemmappes, Lion, Magnanime, and Suffren, 74’s, from Rochefort. They were commanded by the same Admiral Allemand who was throughout his career very successful in avoiding the many squadrons sent against him. Rochefort was blockaded by Sir Richard Strachan with seven sail of the line. Sir Richard generally kept his squadron at anchor in the Basque Roads, but at the close of November 1807 he was compelled, by the lack of provisions, to go to the rendezvous he had assigned to the victuallers which were coming to join him—a point thirty miles or so south of Roche Bonne. A frigate and a brig were left to keep watch. North-easterly gales forced Strachan to the south. The victuallers did not keep touch punctually. The work of transferring cargo at sea in rough weather was tedious. Allemand, seeing that he had only a frigate and a brig before him, put to sea on the 17th January and steered for the Mediterranean. He had a good start, and as the wind turned to the west and rose to a storm he got clear away with five of his ships. The Majestueux was injured
- 36. in the galeand compelled to return to Toulon. Allemand passed the Straits of Gibraltar and reached Toulon, unseen by any English cruiser, on the 6th February. Strachan, who was fighting his way back to his station against the north-easterly wind when he heard of Allemand’s escape, followed him to the Mediterranean. But he was embayed by the westerly gale. He did not pass the Straits till the 10th, and he joined Thornborough, Collingwood’s second in command, at Palermo on the 21st. Ganteaume, who commanded at Toulon, put to sea with Allemand’s ships on the 7th February, made his way round to Corfu to revictual the garrison, drove off the Standard, which he found there, discharged his mission, and was safe back at Toulon by the 10th April. Collingwood, who concentrated his ships and pursued him, failed to meet him. In the meantime, two French frigates, the Pénélope and Thémis, which sailed from Bordeaux on the 21st January, had cruised near Madeira, had destroyed English property to the value of a quarter of a million, had entered the Mediterranean, and had reached Toulon before the end of March. Criticism after the event could show that if this or the other officer had done something he did not do, Allemand, Ganteaume, and the frigates would have been cut short somewhere. But the palpable fact was that our forces had not prevented the cruises of the Frenchmen. When Strachan followed Allemand he necessarily left Rochefort free for the privateers to enter or leave. With all our superiority over the French fleets we still could not have too many men, too many ships, and an increase was not to be avoided, be the evils it entailed what they might. The blockading fleets composed the screen covering all the other operations of our ships. They were not able to protect completely, but without such protection as they did afford other duties could not have been performed. The most exacting and most constant of these was convoy. The whole British Navy was engaged in the protection of trade, but the task was peculiarly imposed on the ships which sailed with the fleets of merchant vessels. It had always been counted one of the most pressing of an admiral’s duties to protect “the trade.” Hood took a crowd of merchant crafts with him when he
- 37. sailed to reinforceRodney in the West Indies in 1780. Rodney brought the trade with him when he returned home in ill-health. Howe was called upon to see a hundred trading ships well clear of the Channel when he sailed in 1794. But after that year the main fleets were relieved of the duty. They were left free to pursue the enemy’s fleets, and the protection of the traders against privateers, and single man-of-war cruisers was left to detachments. It was a tedious and thankless duty. The rate of sailing of the merchant ships was very slow. The need for vigilance was unceasing, and peculiarly great, while just leaving or approaching the land, for it was then that the prowling privateer was most active. As the trading fleet neared its destination the skippers were tempted to push ahead to reach their market first, and they frequently fell into the hands of the hostile commerce destroyers. The naval officers, who were liable to be accused of neglecting their duty by the owners of the captured ships, had long complained of their inability to control the merchant skippers. When the war was renewed in 1803 the Government took measures to reduce the loss inflicted on our shipping to the lowest attainable level, by compelling all vessels not specially exempted to sail in convoy. It passed “An Act for the better Protection of the Trade of the United Kingdom during the present Hostilities with France” (anno 43d Geo. iii. cap. 57). By this Act merchant ships were required to sail in convoys, to obey the naval officer commanding, and not to separate wilfully under a penalty of £1000, if the cargo belonged to a private owner, and of £1500 if it was composed of naval or military stores. If a vessel did leave the convoy, and was captured, the owner forfeited all right to recover his insurances. Vessels might be licensed to sail without convoy, and the vessels of the East India Company, and of the Hudson’s Bay Company were expressly exempted. An event which occurred on the 14th and 15th February 1804 would seem to indicate that the East India Company could well dispense with convoy. The French admiral, Linois, the victor of Algeciras, had been sent to the east with General Decaen. He obtained early news of the outbreak of hostilities when at or near Pondicherry and went
- 38. off at onceto Java in such a hurry, that he did not wait for an English naval officer whom he had invited to breakfast. On his way he captured a number of valuable English ships, and then he sailed from Batavia to intercept the Company’s vessels on their way from Canton to Europe. This very valuable trading fleet consisted of sixteen vessels of the nominal burden of 1200 tons, but a real tonnage of from 1300 to 1500. They were armed with from 30 to 36 guns, and carried crews of 60 white seamen, and 120 Lascars. Their guns were as a rule of no great value, and in real force they were far inferior not only to a frigate but to a heavy corvette. Linois had with him the Marengo, 74, the Belle Poule, 40-gun frigate, the Semillante, 36, the Berceau, 22, and the Aventurier, 16. On the 14th February he sighted the Company’s ships to the E.N.E. of Pulo Aor, an island near the east side of the southern extremity of the Malay Peninsula. They were on their way to the Straits of Malacca—sixteen of them in all—the Earl Camden, the ship of the Company’s commodore, Nathaniel Dance; the Warley, Henry Wilson; Alfred, James Farquharson; Royal George, John Fam Timmins; Coutts, Robert Torin; Wexford, W. Stanley Clarke; Ganges, William Moffat; Exeter, Henry Meriton; Earl of Abergavenny, John Wordsworth; Henry Addington, John Kirkpatrick; Bombay Castle, Arch. Hamilton; Cumberland, W. Ward Farrer; Hope, Jas. Prendergass; Dorsetshire, Rob. Hunter Brown; Warren Hastings, Thomas Larkins; Ocean, J. Christ. Lochner. The size of the 1200-ton ships, the fact that they were painted to represent two tiers of guns, the craft of Commodore Dance, who hoisted the man-of-war pennant on three of them, and the bold bearing they all assumed, cowed Linois. He hesitated to attack till the Indiamen saw his hesitation, bore down on him and drove him to flight. The Company’s skippers richly deserved all the praise and rewards they received. The knighthood given to Dance was handsomely earned. Yet it would be a great mistake to conclude from the affair of Pulo Aor that the Company’s ships could rely on their own strength. Linois was singularly disappointing to his friends whenever he attempted to attack, though he could fight manfully with his back to the wall. Indiamen did on several occasions make gallant and successful fights. On the other hand they were frequently taken by frigates and
- 39. privateers. When SirE. Pellew came to take the command in the East Indies in 1804 the shipping had been well-nigh ruined in the Bay of Bengal by French and Dutch privateers. It was only by submitting to accept convoy that the Company was able to revive its trade. There were, however, limits to what the navy could do to protect trade by convoy. Vessels might be captured while on their way from their port of departure to the rendezvous. Gales might scatter them when collected. Fog and mist might afford cover to the assailant. By far the most effectual of all ways of protecting trade was to capture the ports from which the assailants sailed. Therefore from 1793 to 1811, when the Dutch island of Java was taken, the navy was engaged in a series of colonial expeditions. They began with the seizure of St. Pierre and Miquelon, the two little islands belonging to France on the south coast of Newfoundland, and of Pondicherry— three ports always occupied at the beginning of a war, and restored at the close. St. Pierre and Miquelon were taken in May, and Pondicherry was occupied August of 1793. In the same year Tobago was taken from the French, and Martinique was attacked without success. The royalists of the island called the English forces in, but Rochambeau, the general in command, held his ground. The planters of the French half of San Domingo also appealed to England for protection against their insurgent slaves. It was so freely given that Jamaica was for a time left without a garrison. The spectacle of a triumphant servile revolt was dreadful to all the slave owners of the West Indies. The operations on the coast of this island were disastrous to the troops. They dared not carry negroes with them from our own islands lest they should be infected in the rebellious spirit of the French slaves. No use could be made of the negroes of San Domingo. Therefore the soldiers had to engage in work which is fatal to the white man in the tropics. Whole battalions were swept away by fevers. The part of the navy in this case and in most colonial expeditions was to carry the troops, to land them, to supply naval brigades. These services were necessarily unvarying in character. The occupation of a Dutch island in the Moluccas differs
- 40. only in thenames of the men and ships from the occupation of a French island in the West Indies. In these cases, too, the navy though an indispensable, was a subordinate, part of the forces engaged. It carried the soldiers and it helped them, but the army effected the conquest. Nothing could well be more idle than to speculate as to which of the two, the sailor or the soldier, was the more essential to the victory. The soldiers could not reach the place to be taken unless they were carried in ships, and the sailors could not occupy the land without the soldiers. To speak of these conquests as the gift of the Sea Power is inaccurate if not absurd. The Sea Power of itself could never have taken the Cape, or Mauritius. Many of them were not taken to be kept. The permanent occupation of Martinique or Guadaloupe would have been offensive to the West Indian interest, since their produce would have competed with that of our own islands in the home market. These islands were taken primarily because they were the headquarters of the privateers who preyed on our commerce, and secondarily because they were useful pledges to have in hand when peace was to be arranged. A list of these expeditions given without monotonous detail will show by what steps England applied and completed her command of the sea. In January 1794 Sir John Jervis arrived at Jamaica with four sail of the line, escorting 7000 troops under the command of Sir C. Grey. They made an easy conquest of Martinique, which had a garrison of only 700 men in March, and in April occupied St. Lucia and Guadaloupe. In June, Victor Hugues, by birth a mean white of the last-named island, and a Jacobin of the most brutal character, but of energy and capacity, arrived from Europe with nine vessels, and troops. He landed in Guadaloupe. An attack made on his ships at Pointe à Pitre by Jervis was repulsed. He drove the British garrison from pillar to post, and reconquered the island by December. Reinforcements reached him in September. Others sailed from Brest
- 41. in November, and,though attacked by English ships near Désirade, reached Guadaloupe in January 1795. Hugues rapidly took or retook Santa Lucia, St. Vincent, Grenada, and Dominica. Our naval forces were not numerous enough to watch everywhere. Nor were our troops, who were rapidly diminished by disease, able to occupy in sufficient force. In August of 1795 Rear-Admiral Keith Elphinstone (Lord Keith) landed the troops which occupied the Cape. In July and August of the year the ships on the East India station and troops from India occupied the Dutch posts on the east side of Ceylon, in Molucca, and Cochin. In April 1796 Rear-Admiral Christian came to take the command in the West Indies in succession to Jervis, bringing troops under the command of Sir Ralph Abercromby. Santa Lucia was retaken at once, St. Vincent and Grenada in June. In the East Indies the Dutch posts at Colombo, Amboyna, Banda, etc., were occupied. In August a half- manned Dutch squadron of three line-of-battle ships and four frigates fell into the hands of Keith at Saldanha Bay. In February 1797 Spain having declared war, Rear-Admiral Harvey and Abercromby, with 5 sail of the line and troops, seized Trinidad. The Spanish admiral, Ruiz de Apodaca, whose ships were half- manned, burnt his squadron, and the small garrison could offer no resistance. An attack on Porto Rico in April was beaten off. In 1799 Surinam was occupied. In September 1800 Curaçao was surrendered by the inhabitants, who were terrorised by a mob of piratical adventurers calling themselves republicans. In 1801, on the formation of the Northern Coalition, the Danish and Swedish islands in the West Indies, St. Martin, Saba, St. Thomas, St. John, Santa Cruz, St. Bartholomew, were occupied. The Dutch island, St. Eustatius, was occupied. In the East Indies, Ternate was taken. Portugal having been driven by the threats of France and Spain to exclude other trade, we took possession of Madeira.
- 42. By the termsof the Peace of Amiens, England made a wholesale restoration of her conquests. Trinidad, which was of value as a depôt for the smuggling trade with the Spanish colonies in South America, was retained. In the East we kept Ceylon. On the renewal of the war the work of the previous years had to be done over again. In 1803 the Dutch islands in the West Indies were reoccupied, and the negroes of San Domingo were helped to destroy the remnants of the French troops among them. In 1804, at the close of the year, an unsuccessful attack was made on Curaçao. Surinam was occupied in April and May. In 1806 the Cape was reoccupied. In 1807 Curaçao was taken at a rush by Captain Brisbane. In 1808 Marigalante fell into our hands, but an attempt to seize St. Martin ended in the death or capture of all the men landed. In 1809 Senegal was taken for the express purpose of rooting out the privateers who made it their headquarters. In the West Indies a powerful expedition, carrying 10,000 troops under General Beckwith, escorted by Admiral Cochrane, took Martinique. Cayenne was occupied by a naval brigade, and our old enemy, Victor Hugues, the Governor, became our prisoner. In 1810 Cochrane and Beckwith took Guadaloupe. In the East, Mauritius was taken, and Amboyna and the Moluccas fell into our hands. In 1811 the work was completed by the occupation of Java by a large army from India. These expeditions, which sailed to occupy islands from which attacks could be made on our trade, were not the only tasks imposed on the navy in the interest of commerce. As Napoleon fixed his yoke on Europe, and endeavoured to compel all its peoples to join him in excluding English trade, it became necessary to force an entry to
- 43. new markets, andto find the means of getting access to the old. It was in order to obtain fresh markets that the expeditions to the river Plate were undertaken in 1806 and 1807. Few passages in history are better fitted to show what is the rigid limit of the power of a fleet than these adventures. The first was promoted by the admiral on the Cape Station, Sir Home Popham. He saw that new markets were becoming necessary, and he knew that the Spanish colonists were discontented. From these sound premises he drew the illegitimate deduction that the people of Buenos Ayres would welcome English rule. He persuaded the authorities at the Cape to despatch troops to Buenos Ayres. The navy carried them there, but it could not save General Beresford and his men from being compelled to capitulate when the townsmen rose on them. The commercial classes in England forced the Government to continue the enterprise begun by Sir Home. Monte Video was occupied, and Buenos Ayres was again attacked in 1807. But our troops, ill- commanded by General Whitelocke, were again forced to surrender. England was on the verge of finding herself committed to a war of conquest in South America, which would have employed her whole disposable army, when the rising of Spain against Napoleon in 1808 gave her an honourable excuse for withdrawing from a compromising adventure. The eager disposition of the trading classes in England to follow the lead given by Sir Home Popham, was immediately stimulated by Napoleon’s Berlin decree of the 27th October 1806. It was the beginning of a furious rivalry between himself and the British Government, in which each endeavoured to prevent the other from obtaining any benefit from neutral trade. The emperor strove to exclude our commerce, and we to prevent any goods from reaching Europe except through English ports. The neutral was ground between the upper and the nether millstone. The navy was employed in covering a vast contraband trade, which arose inevitably from the natural desire of the inhabitants of Europe to obtain goods they needed, and England’s equally natural desire to sell. There was an element of hypocrisy on both sides, and in
- 44. practice each undidmuch of its public policy by an underhand use of a licensed trade. Napoleon undoubtedly employed this device to obtain the very things he pretended to exclude. But he attempted to confine the right to disregard his decrees to himself. Therefore the smuggling trade could not be dispensed with, and it became one of the duties of the navy to shepherd the smugglers. The great field of this peculiar commerce was the Baltic. The Peace of Tilsit, between France and Russia in July 1807, threatened England with a renewal of the Northern Coalition. Her Government, whether informed of the secret articles of the treaty directed against it, or acting, as it was entitled to act, on the certainty that the Emperor of the French would lay hands on any weapon he could reach to be used against England, took prompt measures to diminish the danger. In September it despatched a powerful combined expedition to occupy Copenhagen and seize the Danish fleet. If this vigorous measure requires any justification, one can be found in the paroxysm of rage which it provoked in Napoleon. The seizure of the Danish fleet entailed a war with Denmark, and during the ensuing years the navy had to fight many sharp actions in order to cover the merchant vessels on their way into and out of the Baltic. When in that sea the trading vessels were frequently compelled to cruise to and fro till they could co-operate with the smugglers on shore, or till the Governments found a way of admitting their goods out of sight of Napoleon’s agents. As Russia was compelled to make believe to go to war with England, and was very seriously engaged in depriving the Swedes of Finland, a brush took place in August 1808. The English fleet co-operated with the inefficient fleet of the Swedes, and escorted the 200 transports carrying English troops, under Sir John Moore, to their assistance. The Russian fleet would not be drawn into a battle, but one of their liners, the Sewolod, 74, was cut off and taken. The Russian crew showed solid courage, but their gunnery was not above the Spanish level. The British fleets remained in the Baltic till the downfall of Napoleon began. The service was trying, and the loss from shipwreck was at times severe. But the work was mainly political,
- 45. apart from theobligation to protect the traders from privateers sailing from ports under French control. Among the political duties discharged was one which demonstrated the scope of the navy’s power. Napoleon had compelled the Spanish Government to supply him with a body of troops for use in Germany—for he was as hard put to it to find men for the vast armies his victories compelled him to maintain, as the British Government was to keep up the establishment of its navy. He had stationed the Spaniards in Denmark, and they were there when their country rose against the French in 1808. The British Government found means to inform the Spanish general, Romana, of what had taken place. He concentrated the greater part of his men, by forced marches in August, at Nyborg in Fünen, and embarked them on board an English squadron commanded by Sir R. Keats. They were sent on to Spain. It cannot well be said that the power of the navy was shown in the discharge of another piece of political duty it had been called upon to perform at the other extremity of Europe from the Baltic. In 1806 Napoleon was instigating the Turks to attack Russia, who was still in arms against him. The English Government desired to help the enemy of our enemy, and Sir Thomas Duckworth was sent with a squadron to coerce the Turks into keeping the peace. He forced the passage of the Dardanelles in February 1807, and placed his squadron opposite Constantinople. But he unfortunately allowed himself to be played upon by the diplomacy of the Turks, and the French ambassador, General Sebastiani. He delayed action till the Turks had thrown up batteries which made the position of his squadron dangerous, and he was compelled to retreat. On his return his squadron was roughly handled by the Turkish batteries. With the beginning of the war in the Peninsula the navy was provided with a field on which it could perform, profitably and with a definite aim, duties which it had too often been called upon to discharge to no purpose. From the beginning of the war it had escorted troops to be landed for conquest or co-operation with allies. Many of these undertakings were of the most futile character. If it took Abercromby to success in Egypt, it also took General Fraser to
- 46. disaster. It carriedSir John Moore to the fiasco of the Swedish expedition, and General Stuart to that barren victory at Maida in Calabria, which was followed by re-embarkation, and served no other purpose than to aggravate the sufferings of the very people we came to help. After Sir Sidney Smith covered the escape of the Portuguese royal family in November 1807 and escorted them to Brazil, the work of our army was to be done on a great scale, nobly, and with triumphant results in Spain and Portugal. It would be pleasant to dwell on the incidents of the story; on the feats of the Impérieuse, and the untiring activity of English cruisers which intercepted the coast roads, and helped to keep the war alive all along the coast of the Bay of Biscay. The navy helped to take coast forts, or defend them. It embarked the Spanish irregular bands when hard pressed, and disembarked them to begin again. It contributed marines to hold the lines of Torres Vedras. It kept the sea routes clear for the food and reinforcements sent to Wellington’s army. But a service made up of scores of small actions cannot be shown by a few examples, or told fully except at great length. The same work was being done on a smaller scale on the coasts of Sicily and Calabria, to guard the island against the attacks of the two successive French rulers in Naples—the emperor’s brother Joseph, and his brother-in-law Murat—and to keep resistance to them alive on the mainland. When Napoleon had extorted Venice and Dalmatia from Austria, English ships entered the Adriatic to carry on there the work of blockade and harassment which others were doing elsewhere. But in this sea the little war of skirmishes, single combats, and affairs in boats, was varied by an action too considerable and too significant to be allowed to pass among minor operations. On the 13th March 1811 a Franco-Venetian squadron of four heavy frigates, two lighter frigates, and some small craft, commanded by Captain Dubourdieu, attacked an English squadron of three frigates and a 22-gun corvette, under Captain Hoste, near Lissa. The French officer was to windward, and he attacked in two divisions, a weather and a lee line, heading to cut through the English and surround the
- 47. rear ships. IfHoste had been forced to remain passive with an awkward fleet, Dubourdieu would no doubt have succeeded. But a good breeze was blowing, and the English squadron was thoroughly alert. Hoste closed his line till the bowsprit of one ship was over the taffrail of the ship ahead of her, and he stood on. As he was moving ahead the Franco-Venetians were compelled to advance on slanting lines, and the lee ships masked part of the weather line. Hoste knew that a sunk rock lay across his course. He stood on in hot action with the leader of the Franco-Venetian weather line and of the lee line, which came behind, till he could not safely go any further. He then wore his line together. The leading Franco-Venetian ship, the Favorite, ran on the rocks, and the others wore to escape her fate. Their division into two lines became a cause of confusion. The single unhampered English line cut them to pieces, and they were beaten with the loss of three frigates. Dubourdieu would have done better if he had formed his squadron in a single line, had engaged the four English vessels to windward with four of his frigates, and had left the two others to double on one end of Hoste’s line. Even so he would probably have been beaten. When the English had turned, two French vessels assailed the Amphion, Hoste’s frigate, which was now the rear ship of his line. But the English officer shot from between them, and crossed the bows of the vessel on his lee quarter. Superior mobility and quality more than counterbalanced advantages of number and position or ingenuity of plan of attack. This is the lesson which Lissa teaches, and which had been taught by every encounter in the war, great or small. But patent as it was, England might have overlooked it but for a series of actions with a new enemy which occurred at the close of the twenty-three years of war. It is not my intention to depart from my rule of not describing small ship actions or operations on lakes. Therefore I do not tell in detail the events of the war of 1812 with the United States. The single ship actions and encounters between flotillas on the American lakes, of which it was composed, have been affectionately studied by the patriotism of a great people. To us they are, but for one consequence they had, only minor events in a long and varied
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