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ISBN 92-64-19943-8
91 2003 01 1 P
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies
and Practices
Beyond
Rhetoric:
Adult
Learning
Policies
and
Practices
Beyond Rhetoric:
Adult Learning
Policies and
Practices
Adults with busy lifestyles, whatever their education level or employment situation, may well ask why
they should resume learning. The reality is that the changing requirements of knowledge-based
societies, skill shortages and the increasing importance of civil participation and social cohesion
drive the need to continually update adults’ skills and knowledge. Yet those who are most in need
are often precisely the ones who participate least in adult learning and training programmes.
This publication aims to identify what works in the policy and practice of adult learning, drawing on
the experience of nine OECD countries: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom (England). It defines the features of a desirable system
of adult learning, including ways to motivate adults to learn and methods to deliver appropriate
services. Some countries rely more on individual incentive mechanisms; others use national
strategies and public supply; still others apply measures to encourage the private market.
This book will be indispensable to policy makers and those involved in the practice of adult learning.
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Beyond Rhetoric
ADULT LEARNING
POLICIES AND PRACTICES
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION
AND DEVELOPMENT
Pursuant to Article 1 of the Convention signed in Paris on 14th December 1960, and which came into
force on 30th September 1961, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
shall promote policies designed:
– to achieve the highest sustainable economic growth and employment and a rising standard of
living in Member countries, while maintaining financial stability, and thus to contribute to the
development of the world economy;
– to contribute to sound economic expansion in Member as well as non-member countries in the
process of economic development; and
– to contribute to the expansion of world trade on a multilateral, non-discriminatory basis in
accordance with international obligations.
The original Member countries of the OECD are Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France,
Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States. The following countries
became Members subsequently through accession at the dates indicated hereafter: Japan
(28th April 1964), Finland (28th January 1969), Australia (7th June 1971), New Zealand (29th May 1973),
Mexico (18th May 1994), the Czech Republic (21st December 1995), Hungary (7th May 1996), Poland
(22nd November 1996), Korea (12th December 1996) and the Slovak Republic (14th December 2000). The
Commission of the European Communities takes part in the work of the OECD (Article 13 of the OECD
Convention).
Publié en français sous le titre :
AU-DELÀ DU DISCOURS
POLITIQUES ET PRATIQUES DE FORMATION DES ADULTES
© OECD 2003
Permission to reproduce a portion of this work for non-commercial purposes or classroom use should be obtained
through the Centre français d’exploitation du droit de copie (CFC), 20, rue des Grands-Augustins, 75006 Paris,
France, tel. (33-1) 44 07 47 70, fax (33-1) 46 34 67 19, for every country except the United States. In the United States
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222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923 USA, or CCC Online: www.copyright.com. All other applications for
permission to reproduce or translate all or part of this book should be made to OECD Publications, 2, rue André-Pascal,
75775 Paris Cedex 16, France.
3
© OECD 2003
FOREWORD
In 1999, the OECD’s Education Committee and the Employment, Labour and Social Affairs
Committee launched a thematic review of adult learning. The review resulted from Ministries of
education and employment reacting to calls for provision of lifelong learning for all, with special
emphasis on improving employability in the labour market. The goal of the review was to analyse policy
options within the different national contexts, specifically in terms of how to improve access to and
participation in adult learning, and how an acceptable standard of quality and level of effectiveness
could be ensured. Nine countries took part in the first round: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway,
Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom (England). A number of countries have
signed up for a second round of reviews, leading to a continuation of this activity.
The term adult learning, as used in the review, defines all aspects of adult education and training,
and all learning activities undertaken by adults. The thematic review favoured a holistic approach by
analysing the variety of purposes that adult learning served, be it personal or professional, remedial or
re-skilling. Similarly, the learners’ perspective was examined in terms of the different levels of
opportunities which were available and supplied by any type of provider.
This comparative report provides an overview of the adult learning policies and practices within
the participating countries and concludes by identifying a range of desirable features that make for
successful adult learning systems. It draws heavily on background reports and country notes as well as
information gathered through country visits and is the final exercise of the first round of the thematic
review. The methodology followed is similar to that adopted in other thematic reviews conducted on
behalf of the OECD Education Committee. Countries were required to prepare a background report,
following a common outline, describing their adult learning practices. OECD expert review teams then
visited each country, after which a country note was prepared summarising the teams’ views and
suggestions. These individual country documents and other relevant documents, can be found on the
OECD Adult Learning website (www/oecd.org/edu/adultlearning).
National co-ordinators from each country, listed in Annex 4, and national steering committees were
vital to the organisation of the country visits and the writing of the background reports. Their efforts
were key to the success of this activity. Equally essential to the thematic review process, with their hard
work and insights, were the OECD expert review teams, and especially the rapporteurs (also listed in
Annex 4). They contributed to broad discussions during country visits and prepared the country notes.
From the OECD Secretariat, Ms. Beatriz Pont, Ms. Anne Sonnet, and Mr. Patrick Werquin were authors of
this report, with editorial assistance from Mr. Randy Holden. Statistical assistance was provided by
Ms. Sophie Vayssettes and administrative assistance by Ms. Dianne Fowler. The project was carried out
under the supervision of Mr. Abrar Hasan, Head of the Education and Training Division, and the late
Mr. Norman Bowers and Mr. Raymond Torres, Head of the Employment Policy and Analysis Division.
This report is published under the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD.
5
© OECD 2003
TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIGHLIGHTS....................................................................................................................................................................... 7
Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................... 15
1.1. Purpose of the thematic review....................................................................................................................... 16
1.2. Organisation and process................................................................................................................................. 16
1.3. Structure ............................................................................................................................................................. 19
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 20
Chapter 2. ISSUES IN ADULT LEARNING....................................................................................................................... 21
2.1. An old issue brought up to date...................................................................................................................... 22
2.2. Defining adult learning..................................................................................................................................... 23
2.3. Why adult learning is important...................................................................................................................... 26
2.4. Key issues .......................................................................................................................................................... 32
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 36
Chapter 3. PATTERNS OF PARTICIPATION AND PROVISION: ASSESSING NEEDS.............................................. 37
3.1. Profiles of participation in adult learning....................................................................................................... 38
3.2. The supply of adult education: different modes of provision..................................................................... 55
3.3. Trends, needs and priorities ........................................................................................................................... 63
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 66
Chapter 4. OVERVIEW OF COUNTRY POLICIES AND PRACTICES ............................................................................. 69
4.1. A diversity of objectives for public intervention in adult learning............................................................. 70
4.2. Country policy approaches to adult learning ................................................................................................ 71
4.3. Features of policy design and implementation ........................................................................................... 86
4.4. Adult learning and policy making ................................................................................................................... 91
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 102
Chapter 5. STRENGTHENING THE INCENTIVES AND MOTIVATION FOR ADULTS TO LEARN.......................... 105
5.1. Covering learning needs – the challenge....................................................................................................... 106
5.2. Employment-related training.......................................................................................................................... 125
5.3. Public training programmes............................................................................................................................. 146
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 157
Chapter 6. IMPROVING THE DELIVERY OF LEARNING TO ADULTS........................................................................ 161
6.1. Learning methods specific to adults............................................................................................................... 162
6.2. Delivery mechanisms to suit the learner ....................................................................................................... 180
6.3. Outlook on delivery .......................................................................................................................................... 194
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 197
Chapter 7. PROMOTING BETTER INTEGRATION OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND........................................................ 199
7.1. The diversity of provision of adult learning................................................................................................... 200
7.2. The functioning of the adult education and training market....................................................................... 205
7.3. New directions for guidance, counselling and support services ................................................................ 208
7.4. Key aspects for promoting better integration............................................................................................... 212
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 214
6
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
Chapter 8. DESIRABLE FEATURES OF ADULT LEARNING SYSTEMS ...................................................................... 215
8.1. The increasing policy-relevance of adult learning........................................................................................ 215
8.2. The challenges ahead: improving equity and efficiency in provision........................................................ 216
8.3. Addressing the challenges: key features of an integrated approach to adult learning policies ............ 217
8.4. In conclusion....................................................................................................................................................... 222
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 224
Annex 1. Comparable Sources of Data on Adult Learning ...................................................................................... 225
Annex 2. Data for Figures .............................................................................................................................................. 227
Annex 3. National Co-ordinators and Review Team Members............................................................................... 239
Annex 4. Country Codes Used in Tables and Charts................................................................................................. 249
Annex 5. Acronyms .......................................................................................................................................................... 251
Tables
3.1. Adult learners by type of learning undertaken ...................................................................................................... 48
3.2. Differences in training paid for or provided by the employer ............................................................................. 53
3.3. Adult learners by mode of provision ....................................................................................................................... 56
3.4. Supply of adult learning ............................................................................................................................................ 56
4.1. Costs of training courses in enterprises .................................................................................................................. 85
4.2. Different country approaches to adult learning ..................................................................................................... 93
5.1. Public training programmes ...................................................................................................................................... 148
Figures
2.1. Literacy levels in selected countries .................................................................................................................... 28
2.2. Ageing of the population........................................................................................................................................ 31
2.3. Younger generations are more educated............................................................................................................. 31
3.1. Participation in adult learning by gender............................................................................................................. 39
3.2. Participation and average days of training........................................................................................................... 40
3.3. Participation in adult learning by age groups...................................................................................................... 42
3.4. Adult learning by educational attainment ........................................................................................................... 44
3.5. Adult learning by literacy levels............................................................................................................................ 45
3.6. Adult learning by residence situation .................................................................................................................. 46
3.7. Reasons for adult learning...................................................................................................................................... 47
3.8. Adult learning by labour force status.................................................................................................................... 49
3.9. Adult learning by occupation................................................................................................................................. 50
3.10. Training enterprises and type of training............................................................................................................. 52
3.11. Adult learning by firm size ..................................................................................................................................... 54
4.1. Sources of adult learning financing by labour force status ................................................................................ 83
5.1. Self-assessment of reading skills by prose literacy level .................................................................................. 108
5.2. Prose literacy level by self-assessment of reading skills ................................................................................... 108
5.3. Prose literacy level by response to whether reading skills limit opportunities at work................................ 109
5.4. Prose literacy level by self-assessment of reading skills in selected countries ............................................. 110
5.5. Learners and non-learners by educational attainment...................................................................................... 117
5.6. Linking individual financial assistance and individual level of qualification.................................................. 118
5.7. Unsatisfied demand for learning........................................................................................................................... 119
5.8. Unsatisfied demand for training by educational attainment............................................................................. 120
5.9. Reasons for not participating in adult learning activities................................................................................... 123
5.10. Return to training by initial educational attainment .......................................................................................... 144
5.11. New participants in public training programmes................................................................................................ 148
6.1. The pedagogical triangle........................................................................................................................................ 165
6.2. Households with access to a home computer and the Internet........................................................................ 191
7
© OECD 2003
HIGHLIGHTS
Adult learning has taken on a much higher profile in the last decade, as OECD economies and
ageing societies are increasingly knowledge-based. High unemployment rates among the unskilled, the
increased and recognised importance of human capital for economic growth and social development
– together with public interest in improving social and personal development – make it necessary to
increase learning opportunities for adults within the wider context of lifelong learning. Depending on
the country and context, these opportunities may be related to employment, to the need for basic skills
or upskilling, or may respond to social and civic preoccupations. At the same time however, there are
strong inequities in terms of access and provision.
It is therefore time to go beyond rhetoric and consider concrete policy answers to expand learning
opportunities for all adults. The purpose of this publication is precisely to document the experiences of
nine countries in this field.
Participation in adult learning
Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning according to different reference periods
Note: Period of reference is one year for Switzerland in both surveys. Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate for IALS data.
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98) and Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001).
70 %
60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS)
Finland
Denmark
Sweden
Norway
United
Kingdom
Canada
Switzerland
Portugal
Spain
70 %
60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS)
Finland
Denmark
Sweden
Norway
United
Kingdom
Canada
Switzerland
Portugal
Spain
8
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
The problems
What is adult learning? The concept of adult learning adopted in this publication encompasses all
education and training activities undertaken by adults for professional or personal reasons. It includes
general, vocational and enterprise based training within a lifelong learning perspective. Throughout the
nine OECD countries participating in this study there is a broad range of possibilities provided by the
public and the private sector, education institutions, firms, commercial organisations, NGOs and other
community organisations.
Participation in adult learning varies considerably across countries. In the Nordic countries, the
United Kingdom, Switzerland and Canada, at least one out of every three adults participates in some
training activity throughout the year (IALS). Similarly, in most of the Nordic countries and the United
Kingdom at least one in five adults participated over a one-month period (ELFS). Spain and Portugal
have lower participation rates.
Moreover, participation in adult learning is highly unequal among specific population subgroups.
Younger adults, those with higher educational attainment, those with jobs or those employed in high-
skilled occupations take greater advantage of or have greater access to learning opportunities than others.
Age is important, as adults’ rates of return to learning have been found to diminish with age and thus act
as deterrent to learning. In most countries those aged 25-29 participate most, but active participation
does continue until around age 50, at which point there is a considerable drop.
The persons who especially benefit from adult learning are those who have higher educational
attainment levels – the higher educated continue learning throughout life. They are aware of the
benefits, of the need for upgrading and reskilling, and are perhaps more motivated because of the
potential returns. In short, learners are in most cases already convinced of the value of learning.
Adult learning by educational attainment
Ratio of participation rates at each educational level to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,
2000
Note: Period of reference is four weeks except for Canada and Switzerland, where it is one year.
Source: Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey data except for Canada (1997 AETS data).
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0 0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
High
C
a
n
a
d
a
Medium Low
D
e
n
m
a
r
k
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
N
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4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0 0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
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1.5
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C
a
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9
Highlights
© OECD 2003
A high proportion of adult learning focuses on professional upgrading, as the enterprise is one
of the main catalysts of training. More than 50% of those who trained did so with employer’s support,
and employers tend to choose investments from which they expect a high return. Thus training tends to
concentrate on workers who are already qualified and enjoy relatively high professional status in large
companies. This leaves out low-skilled or older workers, those in small companies, and those on
temporary contracts. Larger firms train more, as do firms in the service sector, primarily social and
personal services, financial intermediation and real estate.
There are different reasons for low and unequal participation rates. Time constraints are the
reasons adults cite most for not being able to undertake learning, especially for non-vocational training.
Reflecting work and family commitments, it is difficult to find time to engage in learning courses,
especially for those unconvinced of the benefits of learning. Financial constraints are also mentioned as
a barrier to undertake training.
Yet another reason is the fact that often, those adults most in need of education and training are
also those least aware of that need or the benefits. Many low educated or low-skilled individuals
believe their skills are good or excellent and thus do not see any need to improve. One of the
important challenges ahead for policy makers, then, is to assist in revealing the benefits of learning and
making learning easy and accessible for adults, especially for the low-skilled.
Even though there is some investment in adult learning from the public and private sectors, it is
not enough. Even in the case of highly skilled workers, the return on investment for companies is risky;
bearing in mind the possibility of “poaching” skilled labour in imperfect labour markets, companies
often prefer to “buy in” skilled labour rather than invest in training. The lack of visibility of the benefits
of training outcomes to companies or workers may also be an important factor.
Overall, there are barriers to participation in learning for adults. There is some evidence of
unmet demand, with the existence of waiting lists for adult basic education courses in some countries
Self-assessment of reading skills by prose literacy level
Percentage of population 25-64 years old at each self-assessment level by prose literacy level, 1994-98
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98).
% %
100
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
100
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
Respondents’ self-assessment levels:
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5
Excellent Good Moderate Poor No response
High
Low Prose literacy levels
% %
100
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
100
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
Respondents’ self-assessment levels:
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5
Excellent Good Moderate Poor No response
High
Low Prose literacy levels
10
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
visited. Hidden unmet demand is not as evident: people with low skills and low levels of education,
populations living in distant or rural areas, people with psychological barriers to participation do not
make their needs heard. Furthermore, there are institutional barriers: fragmented provision of learning
opportunities means that there is a complex diversity of institutions – firms, trade associations, the
public education system and private institutions – that provide learning but not in a transparent or
coherent manner. There is a range of learning opportunities, but supply is fragmented and there are not
enough incentives in place to reach those most in need.
The solutions
OECD Member countries have recognised the need for public intervention in this market, for
equity and efficiency reasons. Overall, countries agree on the long-run goals, which include economic
and non-economic reasons: the need to target low educational attainment and to intervene for social
cohesion and economic growth, to reduce unemployment and for personal and social development.
The development of democratic values and the improvement of skills to participate in the economy
and labour market are all stated as vital reasons for government participation in adult learning.
Many countries mobilise a variety of resources to support the development of adult learning at
different levels. Most have specific adult basic education to provide opportunities for higher
educational attainment. There is a wide array of vocational training programmes to improve adults’
ability to obtain employment. There are also efforts geared toward training for workers in companies by
way of legislation, financial incentives and contractual agreements. The non-profit or community-based
organisations are also important suppliers of learning opportunities for adults.
Countries have recently adopted a variety of approaches to target adult learning. These range
from general action plans to increase learning opportunities for all adults to more specific programmes
designed to upgrade skills, target particular adult sub-groups of the population, or increase training
opportunities for those in the labour force. A number of these reforms are also geared towards
improving the performance and results of adult learning in a more integrated or holistic approach that is
learner-centred. Efforts have been made towards greater system efficiency through providing general
frameworks for policy development, improving co-ordination among different (including social)
partners, rationalising existing supply, focusing on cost-effectiveness, and taking greater account of
individual needs. Decentralisation has been an important aspect of this process. Policy responses vary
according to a country’s economic and social contexts, the historical development of its education
systems, and the political structures and systems in place.
The key: access and participation
Adopting an integrated approach to adult learning policies can address a diversity of issues
concurrently. A comprehensive strategy can help OECD governments to improve adult learning
opportunities, to raise the efficiency and quality of adult learning provision and ensure better
coherence in the delivery of learning. The publication documents in depth desirable features that can
shape an integrated approach to adult learning policies. Under the five key ingredients listed below
some of the different policy approaches possible are provided.
1. Measures and approaches directed towards making learning more attractive to adults can help
increase participation. As already shown, motivation is one of the key issues: learning has to be
made attractive to adults. Specific desirable elements can be highlighted:
• The use of pedagogical methods suited to adults rather than to the young. This implies
learning that is learner centred and contextualised to make it relevant to adults’ experiences.
The craft school workshops, trade schools and employment workshops in Spain are a good example.
Courses offered by Migros “club schools”, a private initiative, play an important role in
attracting adults back into learning in Switzerland.
11
Highlights
© OECD 2003
• Flexibility in provision to suit adults’ circumstances and schedules. The creation of modular
systems, as has been done in Denmark, Switzerland and initiated in Portugal, can assist adults
to study at their own pace. ICT and distance education can be effective tools to reach those
hardest to reach in a flexible manner. The Mentor Programme in Spain is organised in local
centres that provide anytime computer-based, audio-visual and telecommunication resources
for adult learning.
• Outreach policies to reach adults who otherwise might not consider learning, or who have
little motivation to learn. The availability of pertinent, up-to-date information, sound advice
and guidance suited to the individual needs of adults is key to success. Adult Learners’ Week
in the United Kingdom, Learnfestival in Switzerland or Opintoluotsi open search service in
educational information in Finland are good examples of outreach efforts. Community Access
Programme sites throughout Canada are designed to provide adults with access to the
information available on the Web.
• Recognition of prior learning. Assessing and giving credit for knowledge and skills acquired in
work, home or community settings can ensure that adults do not waste time relearning what
they already know. Portugal’s national system for the recognition, validation and certification
of school attainment and personal experience is a good practice in this respect.
2. As learning is largely related to employment, measures to stimulate employment-related training,
in enterprises, for workers and for the unemployed are important. It may imply acting on
several levels to overcome barriers, such as arranging and financing training, reconciling
production time and training time, and putting the gains from training to profitable use. Among
different key elements to be emphasised are:
• Practices to help workers overcome some of the barriers to training, including time and costs
(through, e.g., flexible time management). The rights to education or training leave from work
in Finland and Norway are an important incentive for workers to undertake learning.
• Ensuring access to skills assessment and the possibility of skills development in firms for
groups at risk – such as workers who are victims of restructuring, who did not have a proper
initial education, or older workers. The Skandia company individual learning accounts
initiative in Sweden is worth noting: workers payments into the accounts are matched by
Skandia, and are tripled in the case of employees over 45 years old who do not have a higher
secondary diploma. Other good practices have been found in enterprises in all visited
countries.
• Public employment services that operate flexible models of public training programmes.
Modules, tailor-made programmes, continuous admission and certification have been applied
successfully in the public employment service in Norway or through the Vaggeryd-model for
labour market training (named after the municipality where it was originally developed) in
Sweden.
• Avoiding the sole criteria of quantitative results when financing training for the unemployed. It
may lead to creaming in skills training, since the objective is immediate placement. Quality
criteria must also be included in the call for tender.
3. Enhancing the financial incentives to invest in the human capital of adults, at the individual and
enterprise levels. Financing of adult learning systems is a complex issue. Funding comes from
both public and private sources in all the countries under review. And indeed the consensus
seems to be that responsibility for financing should be shared among all partners, exploring
co-operative financing mechanisms. In some cases, making individuals participate in the
financing, if they can afford it, can also be applicable as a return on the benefits that they
receive from participation. Different policy avenues are possible to enhance incentives to
invest:
• The introduction of individual incentive mechanisms such as loans, grants or individual
learning accounts. In Canada, some of these mechanisms have been used to stimulate adults
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© OECD 2003
to undertake learning opportunities. In the United Kingdom there is a broad range of financial
support to encourage individuals to undertake learning throughout the country. In Finland,
Norway and Sweden there are individual income support allowances complementary to free
provision.
• Offering entitlements for learning or study leave during working hours. Alternation leave in
Finland, for example, has a twofold purpose: employees can have leave from work, and
unemployed job seekers can obtain work experience.
• The introduction of subsidies to private suppliers or to individuals. Compensation for part of
the opportunity costs can help to attain an appropriate level of training. The Danish taximeter
system, tax exemptions and subsidies for employer-financed training can be viewed in this
light. Financial incentives can also be increased by allowing training to be treated as an
investment for taxation purposes rather than an expenditure.
• The establishment of enterprise training levies or the setting up of national or sectoral
training funds under specific conditions. The Development of Labour Promotion Act in
Quebec, Canada to boost workers’ qualifications, skills and performance through continuing
training is a measure of the “train or pay” kind.
4. Approaches to improve the quality of adult learning can greatly contribute to increase access
and participation. A number of these can focus on quality control and measurement of
outcomes. Improvement can be achieved, for example, through better monitoring and
evaluation; through improving statistical systems; through better accreditation systems; through
better performance evaluation at the institution level; and through better monitoring of student
outcomes and graduate destinations. Research in this field is imperative. Different elements
may be highlighted:
• The introduction of quality assurance systems. The programmes EduQua in Switzerland and
the Programme for Certification of Training Institutions (QUALFOR) in Portugal are interesting
examples of monitoring. Many countries have also created institutes in charge of evaluating
the quality of education and training, devoted exclusively to adult learning (such as the
Norwegian Institute for Adult Education in Norway) or more broadly to all kinds of learning
(such as the Danish Evaluation Institute in Denmark).
• Setting standards for service delivery and publicly certifying of the achievement of these
standards. The Investors in People (IiP) label is awarded to companies that make a recognised
training effort in the United Kingdom.
• Including evaluation as an integral part of policy design. Unfortunately, most evaluation of
adult learning policies is limited to the measurement of the number of students taught and
funding spent, with use of surveys to measure change and learning profiles. Broader
evaluation tools to measure effectiveness of policies are not present in many country adult
learning policies.
• Providing better support of policy choices requires research and analysis. National efforts in
statistical and homogeneous data collection on participation and spending, and research and
sharing of best practices at a national as well as an international level can contribute to
improve quality of policies and programmes.
5. Adopting a co-ordinated approach to adult learning, by bringing the relevant partners together.
Co-ordinating the activities of the different actors can help to rationalise scarce resources and
contribute to more efficient public spending. Partnerships are useful tools, as is an outcomes-
based approach. Countries are grappling with ways to develop comprehensive and integrated
policy frameworks for adult learning. In contrast to the fragmented approach that can be
observed in many countries, a holistic approach – encompassing both formal and informal
learning as well as general education, vocational education and enterprise training – requires
co-ordination. Key ingredients to a co-ordinated policy are:
13
Highlights
© OECD 2003
• Developing a co-ordinated approach in the public adult learning system. Countries have
worked towards increasing supply at different levels, rationalise and give coherence to the
diversity of offerings, and co-ordinate the different actors involved. In most of these cases,
that implies free or near-free provision of formal adult education or other educational
opportunities. This is the case with the reforms introduced by Denmark, Finland, Norway and
Sweden, and efforts undertaken by Spain and Portugal.
• Co-ordination within government, as well as between government and a wide range of non-
government actors such as employers, trade unions, private and public educational
institutions, and community groups. Examples of specific institutions to help co-ordinate
adult learning policies include ANEFA in Portugal and the Learning and Skills Council in the
United Kingdom.
• A balanced interaction between a top-down approach – in which governments define
structures and financing procedures – and a bottom-up approach that enables local actors to
provide feedback on the problems they face and the innovative solutions that they have
found. The Adult Education Initiative in Sweden is an excellent example of this approach.
Monitoring the implementation process of reforms is also essential.
• The promotion of partnerships. They have appeared in a number of countries as a means of
co-operation and co-ordination. Examples are those developed in Canada or in the Economic
Development Agency of La Rioja in Spain.
• Policy processes that co-ordinate well across the sectors and among the many actors involved,
that incorporate rational funding mechanisms, and that build monitoring and evaluation into
policy development all make systems more effective. These are the aims of the recent adult
education and training reform in Denmark.
Such integrated policy frameworks also need to place the individual and the enterprise at the centre
– in shaping incentives to participate; in funding mechanisms; in the design of adult learning programmes;
and in determining outcomes. They need to make explicit the relative responsibilities of individuals,
enterprises and governments within an overall framework. As in initial education, they need to balance goals
of economic development with equity goals and social and personal development. They need to recognise
the reality that many adults in OECD countries have at best completed lower secondary education; that they
often have low levels of basic skills; and that many have been away from formal learning for some years.
Overall, countries are moving in the right direction – but there is still a great deal of work to be done.
15
© OECD 2003
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
1. It should be understood that while throughout the report references are made to the United Kingdom, the
thematic review in fact covered only England.
With the evolution toward knowledge-based societies, adult learning has taken on a much
higher profile in the last decade. High unemployment rates, the increased and recognised
importance of human capital for economic growth and social development, and changing
economic contexts – together with public interest in improving social and personal
development – have spurred an increase in learning opportunities for adults within the
wider context of lifelong learning. There are broad learning opportunities in different
contexts and countries for employment or personal purposes, for upskilling or for remedial
purposes – but there are also strong inequities in terms of access and provision.
This publication analyses means for improving access to and participation in adult
learning as well as its quality and effectiveness. It does so by reviewing current learning
opportunities, the reasons for non-participation, and the different policies and approaches in
place to improve both access and participation. It is based on information from nine
countries that participated in this OECD thematic review on adult learning: Canada, Denmark,
Finland, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom (England).1
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1.1.Purpose of the thematic review
Education and labour
ministers had
recognised
the importance
of lifelong learning
opportunities for all.
The thematic review process began at the January 1996 meeting of
OECD education ministers, who at that time argued that far-reaching
changes were needed to make lifelong learning a reality for all: “Strategies
for lifelong learning need a wholehearted commitment to new system-
wide goals, standards and approaches, adapted to the culture and
circumstance of each country.” Recognising that adults encounter
particular problems in participating in lifelong learning, the ministers
called on the OECD to “review and explore new forms of teaching and
learning appropriate for adults, whether employed, unemployed or
retired”. In October 1997, OECD labour ministers expanded on the
message, adding a note of heightened importance. Identifying the adverse
labour market consequences that can and do arise due to the lack of
access to lifelong learning opportunities, they “underlined the importance
of ensuring that lifelong learning opportunities are broadly accessible to
all persons of working age, in order to sustain and increase their
employability”.
A cross-country
thematic review would
be of great value in
analysing lessons from
national experiences.
In 1998, the OECD and the US Department of Education co-organised an
international conference, “How Adults Learn”, to review recent research
results and practices with regard to teaching and learning adapted to the
needs of adults (OECD and US Department of Education, 1999). One of the
conclusions from the conference was that a cross-country thematic review had
valuable potential for identifying and analysing the lessons from different
national experiences with adult learning, and for understanding how the
policy and institutional environment could be made more supportive. At the
end of 1998 the OECD Education Committee launched the Thematic Review
on Adult Learning (TRAL) and, at its meeting in Spring 1999, the Employment,
Labour and Social Affairs Committee requested that the TRAL be carried out
as a joint activity of the two committees.
The result was
the thematic review
on adult learning.
The purpose of the thematic review is to analyse policy options in
different national contexts for improving access to and participation in adult
learning, as well as its quality and effectiveness. The review examines
whether learning opportunities for adults are adequate and how adult
education and training should respond to the labour market. The following
are among the key issues covered by the review:
• Patterns of participation and non-participation in adult learning.
• Diagnoses of the problems that arise because of these patterns.
• Policy programmes and institutional arrangements used by countries
for expanding learning opportunities for adults.
• Options that can be regarded as “good practices” under diverse
institutional circumstances and how these can be applied more widely
within and across countries.
1.2. Organisation and process
Nine countries
volunteered
to participate
in the review…
A meeting of national representatives was held in June 1999 in Paris to
discuss the proposed terms of reference and identify the countries interested
in participating. Nine countries volunteered. The first visit was in
December 1999 and the last one in November 2001.
17
1. Introduction
© OECD 2003
… which involved
a five-step procedure.
At the meeting of national representatives an agreement was reached
concerning the framework, scope and procedure of the review, and major
policy issues for investigation were identified. The methodology involves the
analysis, in a comparative framework, of country-specific issues and policy
approaches to adult learning. A five-step procedure used for other thematic
reviews in education was adopted:2
• Preparation by the country of a background report.
• Preliminary one- or two-day visit to the country by the OECD Secretariat.
• A visit to the country by the review team.
• Preparation of a country note.
• Preparation of a comparative report.
Background reports
provided a state-of-the-
art overview of policy
and provision in each
country beforehand.
Each participating country has prepared a background report on the
basis of a common outline and data questionnaire. These reports provide a
concise overview of the country context, current adult learning policies and
provision, major issues and concerns, and available data. The preparation of
the background report was managed by a national co-ordinator or team of
co-ordinators, and guided by a steering committee that brought together
experts and officials from both education and labour. The reports were written
either by government officials or by commissioned authors. By providing a
state-of-the-art overview and description of policy and provision in each
participating country, the background reports have been important outputs of
the review process. In several countries, it was the first time that such
information had been brought together in one comprehensive document.
Some of these reports have been published as such in the country. Their
main purpose was to brief the expert reviewers prior to their country visit. As
a consequence, they are designed to be descriptive; the analytical work is
performed by the review team.
Visiting teams then met
with a wide range
of education and labour
market stakeholders
in each country.
Following the preparation of the background report and a visit by the
OECD Secretariat to prepare the programme for the full visit, each
participating country hosted a multinational team of two OECD Secretariat
members and three reviewers (including the rapporteur in charge of
co-ordinating the preparation of the country note) for a one- to two-week
review visit. The visits, which were organised by government officials in
co-operation with the OECD Secretariat, enabled the experts to study both
education and labour market issues related to adult learning. The background
report formed the basis for analysis, and the visiting teams discussed the
issues with a wide range of stakeholders: government representatives, senior
policy makers, officials in education and employment, trade unions,
employers, representatives of training institutions, education professionals,
non-governmental organisations and members of the research community.
Usually there were field visits to institutions and organisations. A total of
27 external experts from 18 countries and four members of the OECD
Secretariat took part in the nine review visits. This wide range of participants
– with varied backgrounds in fields such as economics, education, political
sciences and sociology – furnished a rich set of perspectives for analysing
2. TRAL is the fourth thematic review of this sort. It follows similar studies undertaken on different subjects such as
tertiary education (OECD, 1998), school-to-work transition (OECD, 2000) and early childhood education and care
policy (OECD, 2001). Other thematic reviews currently in process are analysing attracting, retaining and
developing effective teachers and the role of national qualification systems in promoting lifelong learning.
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© OECD 2003
countries’ experiences, while also facilitating cross-national discussions of
policy lessons. The details of the national co-ordinators and members of the
review teams are provided in Annex 4 and in the country notes.
Following these visits
the review teams
prepared country
notes drawing together
their analyses.
After each visit, the review team prepared a country note drawing
together observations and analyses of country-specific policy issues. The
qualitative assessments of the review teams have been supplemented by
statistics and documents supplied by participating countries and the OECD.
Data sources include the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS), Labour
Force Surveys (LFS), and Continuing Vocational Training Surveys (CVTS)
(Annex 1 for more information on data sources). The country notes provide
insights into current adult learning policy contexts, identify the major issues
arising from the visit, and propose suggestions to improve policy and
practice. In addition, each note highlights examples of innovative approaches
with the goal of promoting cross-national exchange of good practice.
The descriptions and analysis included throughout this publication draw
heavily upon the background reports and country notes. These reports are
not individually cited in the text (unless directly quoted), but they can be
found on the adult learning thematic review website together with other
relevant material (www.oecd.org/edu/adultlearning). They offer rich contextual
material on each of the participating countries; the country notes provide the
review teams’ assessments and policy suggestions.
This resulting
publication does not
rank countries but
speaks of differences,
similarities
and implications.
This publication is the final output of the first round of this activity. In
order to respect the diversity of policy approaches to adult learning, it does
not attempt to compare countries in terms of better/worse or right/wrong, or
to rank countries. Instead, the report seeks to analyse the nature of and
reasons for similarities and differences in policy approaches across the nine
participating countries, and to identify some of the possible implications for
policy makers.
Adult learning is a very complex field for at least two reasons. First of all,
there is no universally accepted definition of who is an adult learner or what
is adult learning. In comparison with tertiary education or early childhood
education, for example, the age range is very wide and the nature of the
provision piecemeal. In this domain, the very concept of learning is itself
complex. The second source of complexity has to do with the wide number of
stakeholders, who sometimes have competing interests. This factor has made
the tasks of the review team and the authors of this publication difficult. If the
thematic review has been able to address different sets of issues in an
integrated manner, it is because the process entailed having specialists from
education and employment work together, both in the OECD Secretariat and
in the participating countries.
The collaborative process has in fact encouraged knowledge and data
sharing among all participants. The comparative methodology has
encouraged those charged with making decisions regarding adult learning to
reflect upon their own policy approaches and to be informed of successful
policy initiatives in other countries or other regions of the same country. For
instance, the project gave different government departments and ministries
with responsibility for adult learning the opportunity to work together and
exchange information and perspectives. It has also promoted collaboration
and consultation between policy officials and other stakeholders in the field.
The OECD Secretariat has worked closely with country authorities during the
19
1. Introduction
© OECD 2003
course of the review in preparing the reports, selecting the members of
review teams, and developing the programmes for the review visits.
The intention of this
report is to provide
illustrative material
and insight into relevant
policy issues.
The intention of the comparative report has not been to provide carefully
controlled data for in-depth research, but to provide illustrative material and
insights into policy issues and trends identified in country reports and other
sources. The collection of cross-national data in a short time frame has
allowed for lessons from country experiences to be considered before
national circumstances have changed. The short time frame, however, was not
sufficient to address rather broad policy changes that occurred after the visits
in some of the participating countries, particularly those visited toward the
beginning of the review process (end of 1999 and beginning of 2000). These
recent major policy changes demonstrate the growing importance accorded to
adult learning in some of the participating countries, and even hint that the
OECD review team’s visits may well have contributed to moving the policy
agenda forward.
1.3. Structure
Chapter 2 of this report provides the definitions and framework for the
review and the rationale for the focus on adult learning. It lists the key issues
that will be addressed in the subsequent chapters. Chapter 3 identifies
patterns of participation in adult learning and assesses the needs and gaps in
provision. Chapter 4 provides a summary of the general policies and
priorities currently under way in adult learning in the nine participating
countries. Chapter 5 analyses barriers to participation and different practices
and incentives that can enhance motivation for learning in the labour market
and other areas. Chapter 6 examines measures that can improve the quality
of learning and outcomes through the use of appropriate pedagogy and
modes of learning provision, teacher preparation and quality control.
Chapter 7 analyses policy options to address problems of fragmented
provision of services and inadequacies of delivery infrastructures.
Chapter 8 provides a general overview of findings, key elements and features
of a desirable adult learning system.
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
20
© OECD 2003
BIBLIOGRAPHY
OECD (1998),
Redefining Tertiary Education, Paris.
OECD (2000),
From Initial Education to Working Life: Making Transitions Work, Paris.
OECD (2001),
Starting Strong: Early Childhood Education and Care, Paris.
OECD and US DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION (1999),
“How Adults Learn”, Proceedings of the Conference held 6-8 April 1998, Georgetown University, Washington.
21
© OECD 2003
Chapter 2
ISSUES IN ADULT LEARNING
Adult learning is not a new idea, but one that has been evolving for centuries. Efforts are
now under way to examine the issues in a lifelong learning perspective. The different views of
what adult learning involves – including formal, informal and non-formal learning, learning for
personal and professional reasons, full time or part time – make the analysis challenging.
Taking account of all that adult learning implies is an important issue in public policy making
because of the wide range of needs to be addressed and the range of actors and policy areas
that are involved. This chapter describes the policy rationale and presents the key issues that
were analysed for the comparative report – issues having to do with strengthening the
incentives and motivation for adults to learn, improving the delivery of adult learning, and
promoting a better integration of the supply and demand.
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© OECD 2003
2.1. An old issue brought up to date
Retaining knowledge
and acquiring further
knowledge are concerns
dating back
to Condorcet.
Education should be universal, that is to say extended to every citizen. It
should, in its various degrees, embrace the entire system of human knowledge
and provide people, throughout their lives, with the ability to retain the
knowledge they have and acquire more. People will be taught about new laws,
agricultural observations and economic methods that they need to be aware of:
they will be shown the art of educating themselves (Condorcet, 1792).
Condorcet’s speech to the French National Assembly soon after the
1789 Revolution proves that lifelong learning is not a new idea – far from it.1
Nor is adult learning. Key issues of concern to modern-day researchers and
policy makers are mentioned in this speech, which dates back over two
centuries: retaining knowledge, which is often associated with the idea that
information and skills become obsolete when left unused, and acquiring
further knowledge.
Folk high schools are
an early example
of adult learning based
on demand.
It was in Denmark in the mid-19th century that adult learning was put into
practice on a larger scale. Based on the ideas developed by N. Grundtvig and
C. Kold, folk high schools2 were set up in local communities based on
demand. This was an example of a service launched in response to a more or
less explicit need on the part of users. In those days small farmers were
becoming increasingly important to the economy, and the folk high schools
were designed to raise their political awareness. The idea gradually spread
through northern Europe, and Grundtvig’s precepts are still very much alive
today in other countries. There are folk high schools throughout Norway and
Sweden; they are the direct legacy of the schools founded in Denmark over a
century and a half ago, in spite of some differences in the role they now play
and in the way they operate.3
“Lifelong learning” has
evolved into a holistic
vision that accords
greater weight to adult
learning…
It was in the early 1970s that the notion of lifelong learning first came to
be clearly and universally formalised (UNESCO, 1972; OECD, 1973). This work
marked a turning point in adult learning4 policy, since it recognised for the
first time the need for periods of learning to take place throughout people’s
lives, not just in the early years. By the early 1970s the idea of lifelong
learning was already a major advance on recurrent education. The first
explicitly integrates education into a person’s life cycle, whereas the second
is sporadic and is merely for remedial purposes. Twenty years later (UNESCO,
1996; OECD, 1996), the concept of lifelong learning was further refined.
The 1970s vision had emphasised adult learning at the expense of other
phases of lifelong learning. The 1990s view established a holistic view of
education and learning as a truly lifelong process (“from cradle to grave”) that
is, as stated, multidimensional. Adult learning, while a major feature of
lifelong learning with which it is often confused, has long been the “poor
relation” compared with other major domains, particularly formal education
(primary, secondary and higher).
1. The reference is to “education in life” made in Plato’s Republic.
2. Folkehøjskole in Danish, Folkhögskola in Swedish and Folkehøgskole in Norwegian. In
English this is translated as folk high schools, but a more appropriate translation
might be adult schools for liberal studies.
3. These adult education schools are described in Chapter 3.
4. Adult learning and adult education and training are used interchangeably
throughout this publication.
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2. Issues in Adult Learning
© OECD 2003
… but to what extent
has that vision been
realised?
Precisely because Condorcet’s speech is so relevant to the modern
world, it is also rather worrying. It shows that little has changed, and that many
countries are probably still at the stage of mere rhetoric. In fact, one of the
recurring comments heard during the review visits to individual countries was
that the arguments developed over the past 25 years had not changed a great
deal, in either substance or form. Major tasks of the thematic review,
therefore, are to distinguish between rhetoric and genuine progress and to
identify the ways to achieve further progress.
2.2. Defining adult learning
No consensus on a single definition
Lack of agreement
on definitions can lead
to a lack of comparable
data…
Finding accurate definitions for “adult learning” and “adult learners” is
not an easy task, for several reasons. One is that it is hard to define who an
adult learner is – or, for that matter, what learning is. The definitions vary in
terms of coverage, settings and age according to the country and, sometimes,
to the regional authority or the type of programme (Box 2.1). As an example,
formal learning is always included in the definition but non-formal and
(especially) informal learning are less often so. The minimum age for defining
the adult learner also varies: the lowest in some definitions is 16 if employed,
for example in Spain and Portugal. In some other cases, it could be 17.5, 18,
19 or 25. Countries also differ in their coverage of non-vocational learning:
Switzerland, for example, is preparing a law on adult learning that deals with
vocational training only.
… which can in turn
hinder policy making.
The lack of consensus on a single definition is a problem of deeper
significance. There are insufficient comparable statistical data on adult
learning, largely due to the lack of a coherent definition across countries or
even within a country. One example comes from Canada, where no single
definition is applicable in all provinces. The participation rate in adult
learning in 1998 was 27.7%, according to the Adult Education and Training
Survey (AETS). That same year, however, the New Approach to Lifelong
Learning Survey (NALL) revealed that 96.7% of Canadians feel that they
engage in some sort of informal learning in their everyday life. Another
example: some countries provide a breakdown of participation by age, but
the key information for definitional purposes of whether or not a person is
returning to learning or is still in the initial system may be missing. Available
data on adult learning are very patchy and not easily comparable across
countries, which can hinder policy making (Annex 1 contains information on
data sources).
Different forms of adult learning
Some of the definitional problems stem from the variety of forms and
settings of adult learning. For the purposes of this report, and to take the
debate forward with a view to developing policy recommendations, three
major, non-mutually exclusive distinctions need to be made:
• Whether or not learning is formal – to some extent this entails defining
what learning is.
• Whether it is undertaken for personal or professional reasons.
• Whether it is on a full-time or part-time basis.
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Box 2.1. Institutional definitions of adult learning in the nine countries of the thematic review
Canada: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education. Age and time spent since
leaving initial education and training are the main criteria, but these vary according to the province,
ministry and programme. There is no reference to the type of learning. However, situations differ from one
province to another. Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Ontario, Saskatchewan,
Alberta and British Columbia do not have an official definition for adult learners. Four provinces (Prince
Edward Island, Quebec, Manitoba and the Northwestern Territories) state that they do.
Denmark: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal, non-formal
and informal learning. All adult learning activities are defined in contrast to initial education and training,
which is confined to youth. There is no one definition of adult learning, but all facilities providing adult
education courses are clearly identified; adult learners therefore can be said to be those who are enrolled
there. There is mention of age especially in two respects: 1) general adult education at lower secondary
level and preparatory adult education at an even lower level (18 years is the minimum entry age for basic
general adult education, corresponding to the age at which schooling in the initial system at that level is no
longer open to participants); and 2) adult vocational education and training (VET) and basic adult
(vocational) education (25 years is established as the minimum entry age to post-compulsory vocational
education and training, so as to avoid having financial income or student recruitment efforts play the
dominant role in education decisions). 17½ years is the minimum age for entering a “folk high school”.
Finland: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal and non-
formal learning. The definition of adult learning was contingent on the nature of the host institution and
education/training provision rather than on the learner’s profile. Until recently, learning has to be
organised specifically for adults to be viewed as adult learning. Nowadays the definition is more based on
learners’ profile and also takes informal learning into account, for those 25 and over.
Norway: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal, non-formal
and informal learning. The definition therefore encompasses all the settings, whether formal or not, in
which learning can occur. On the age side this generally means 19 and over, 19 being the age limit for
students in secondary education and not enrolled in a higher education facility.
Portugal: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal, non-
formal and informal learning. However, the ministries of education and labour do not use the exact same
definition even if the two jointly set up the National Agency for Adult Education and Training (ANEFA).
The agency’s definition initially covered those over 18 but now includes those aged 16 and over in work.
Spain: Adult learning covers people over 18 who have left initial education and training, and those
over 16 who are in work. It includes vocational training and general education, which are defined in
relation to provision and individual situations. Adult basic education refers to education for basic skills to
function in today’s society. Training is related to work and comprises initial regulated vocational training
provided by the ministry of education, occupational training for the unemployed arranged by the public
employment services, and continuing training to qualify and requalify workers.
Sweden: Adult learning is defined in relation to education/training provision rather than individuals.
An adult learner is therefore someone who participates in some form of education organised and
provided in an adult facility (e.g. municipal learning centre, folk high school, learning circle, jobseeker
scheme, etc.), regardless of age. On the other hand, self-learners and those who learn in the workplace or
at university, for instance, are not covered by the definition. 20 would appear to be the threshold age.
Switzerland: Adult learning covers any learning process that enables adults to develop their skills,
increase their knowledge and upgrade their general and vocational qualifications, or to switch to a new
form of employment better matched to their own needs and those of society. There is little or no scope
for non-vocational learning. In Swiss law and in practice, learning is virtually synonymous with vocational
training, even if the term “general training” appears in some places. There is no mention of age.
United Kingdom (England): An adult learner is a person engaged in education and training outside the
formal initial education system. Policy tends to target those aged 19 and over. The type of learning concerned
includes formal education or training leading to a qualification and a range of informal learning opportunities
that can be significant sources of skill or knowledge development. The focus is now broadening to encompass
informal (as well as formal) learning and non-vocational (as well as vocational) learning.
Source: Definitions are taken from the country background reports (www.oecd.org/edu/adultlearning).
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© OECD 2003
Formal, non-formal and informal learning
Formal, non-formal and informal learning are terms that have emerged
from work by UNESCO on lifelong education and the knowledge society, which
culminated in the report Learning to Be: The World of Education Today and Tomorrow
(UNESCO, 1972). To simplify matters, this report uses the most recently
developed definitions, adopted for European Union work (Bjørnåvold,
2000 and 2001):
• Formal learning is defined as taking place in an organised, structured
setting. It is clearly identified as a learning activity. One example is formal
instruction – i.e. primary, secondary and higher education – or vocational
training. This kind of learning, by its very nature, leads to certification, by
the ministry of education, a professional branch, or another ministry
(usually labour, social affairs, industry, agriculture or defence).
• Non-formal learning refers to organised activities that are not explicitly
identified as learning activities but that have a major learning
component. This means, for instance, that it does not lead to
qualifications or certification. It may occur within the workplace or
outside. This type of learning supplements more formal learning.
• Informal learning occurs by chance or during everyday activities (work,
family life, leisure, etc.). Another term used is experiential learning
(learning through experience). It is not provided through any formal
structure. Typically, self-learners using new ICTs, television or radio, for
instance, participate in informal learning if these activities do not
constitute part of an organised course or programme. It may be useful,
for the purposes of policy making or argument, to break down informal
learning into planned and unplanned learning. In the former, people
set aside time for informal learning, whereas in the latter they are not
conscious of acquiring knowledge. Informal learning is sometimes
presented as the only real process of active lifelong learning.
Learning for personal or professional purposes
The personal/
professional distinction
applies particularly
when the decision
to learn is taken
Another major distinction further complicates the picture. A number of
different factors (e.g. the types of funding available) often make it necessary to
clarify whether the training is for professional or personal reasons. This distinction
does not necessarily hold over time, but it is relevant when the decision to learn
is taken. Initial motivation for non-professional reasons could well eventually
lead to interest in a particular career or facilitate access to a specific job.
Learning for private, social and/or recreational purposes or for reasons
not directly related to work is an important facet of lifelong learning, and falls
within the scope of this thematic review. It also adds something to earlier
concepts such as recurrent or remedial education, which is heavily influenced
by the idea of making up for initial underachievement. The background
reports and country notes drawn up for the review and country visits reveal
that non-vocational aspects, including learning related to citizenship,5
democracy and general well-being are much in evidence.
5. Citizenship is here taken to mean entitlement to social goods created by the state and
institutions, for the benefit of all. These include education, learning and health care.
26
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It should be remembered that while people are learning all the time, not
all types of learning can receive equal attention from those who provide adult
learning. For roughly the same reason, not all forms of learning can be
addressed in this report. Informal learning in particular will only be viewed
through examples because of lack of data or focus on those issues during the
review visits.
Full- or part-time learning
Part-time learning
interferes less with
lifestyles, and so is the
more common avenue
for adults.
This third and final distinction is very significant and raises many issues
important to adult learning. Full-time learning, the basis for many of the
calculations used to measure return(s) to investment in education and/or
training, requires that adults take time off from other activities – mainly
employment, which means not earning wages. It generally involves adults
returning to formal education, normally higher education or specialisation
courses. Part-time learning is more compatible with other life situations, such
as working. Adults thus do not need to cease to earn wages, but have to find
time in their schedules to arrange for learning. Part-time learning is a more
common avenue for adults, as the investment is not as time- or resource-
intensive and is more compatible with working.
The adopted definition: resumption of learning
There may well be no point in reaching agreement on one single
definition. However, the review’s terms of reference define potential adult
learners as adults aged 25 to 64 who have left initial education and training. This
definition serves for comparison, throughout this publication, when statistics
or figures are available in the countries concerned. When analysing policy
issues and measures within a country, on the other hand, there is no real
need to adopt a precise, universal definition.6
The important point is that the
adults in question returned to some kind of learning activities at some point
after having left initial education and training.
2.3. Why adult learning is important
Describing objectives
is simpler than defining
terms.
As seen above, there is considerable complexity in pinpointing a
comprehensive and agreed definition of adult learning. The objectives that adult
learning policies pursue, on the other hand, can be described easily in broad
terms: they must ensure high levels of adult participation in education and
training activities while preserving equity among individuals and subgroups of
the population, with high-quality programmes that are efficiently resourced.
There are several reasons why, in recent years, adult learning has
become an important item on the policy agenda. Education and training
contribute to the human capital of individuals and make them more efficient
workers as well as better-informed citizens in a knowledge society. More
specifically, the increased interest can be put down to a number of factors. In
the economic domain there are possible benefits of increased employability,
greater productivity and improved-quality employment. In the social domain,
one can include individual well-being and increased social returns such as
6. For instance, 16 and 19 would be more relevant ages in the United Kingdom and
Norway, respectively. In addition, Portugal opted for a review of the issues involved
with low-qualified individuals only.
27
2. Issues in Adult Learning
© OECD 2003
better health, lower incidence of crime, etc. There are as well the political
benefits of improved civic participation and a strengthening of the foundations
of democracy. All these aspects are closely linked, and described in greater
detail below. The rest of the chapter will then describe the main policy issues
examined in this report. Before turning to the main issues, it is worth noting
that the general context is provided by the wide range of adult learning
needs, whether those of the employers, workers, or simple citizens.
A wide range of needs
The market alone has
not been able to meet
a wide range
of complex needs.
Adult learning cannot be understood or approached in the same way as
initial learning. The range of needs is wider and more complex. Historically,
the system of adult learning can only be described as highly fragmented and
an inadequate response to problem areas and needs that have not often
been explicitly articulated. Adult learning has involved public intervention,
mainly because some of those needs are not always met by the market. As a
consequence there are many gaps in adult learning provision, partly due to
market failures. It is important, as a starting point, to keep the range of adult
learning needs in mind:
• Vocational training needs in the workplace. These may relate to
cutting-edge technology for highly skilled workers – a field not covered
by the thematic review – or more classic needs to update knowledge
and know-how. Although there are no fully reliable data, there is
evidence that employers provide most of the training of this type,
compared with the public or non-governmental organisations.
• Basic education needs (reading, writing and arithmetic). This refers
mainly to “second-chance” or recurrent education, for those who have
left the initial education system without basic skills (Levels 1 and 2 in
Figure 2.1). Clearly, the lack of basic literacy skills can severely limit an
individual’s civic participation and ability to reap benefit from the
opportunities society has to offer.
• Special needs of low-paid workers. Research evidence shows that
workers with average or above salaries have good access to training
opportunities, as have the unemployed through public training
systems. Workers at the lowest wage level tend to be overlooked.
• Workers in small firms do not receive as many training opportunities as
workers in larger firms, as it is usually difficult to arrange and to cover
workers who are training. Similar situations occur for workers in
insecure and short-term contracts.
• Immigrants as a group have specific needs, especially with regard to
language training and cultural adaptation.
• Other target groups. Some countries visited have substantial native
populations, such as the Lapps in northern Europe or First Nations in
Canada, whose education and training needs are not readily met by
the general system of provision because that system does not cater to
the many special problems of these groups.7
7. The very notion of pedagogy or a cognitive process among members of Canada’s
First Nations has very little to do with what those terms mean in relation to groups
of European origin.
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• Disabled workers. Their needs cannot be easily met by a general-
purpose system of provision either.
• The training needs of women and men, may as a group, also differ. This
issue requires further analysis however, as evidence shows that in a
number of countries, women participate slightly more in learning
activities than men.
• Geographical variables also impact on the diversity of learning. In
some cases, training needs outside major urban centres are not readily
met except by distance learning. In almost half of the countries visited
during the review, there was a severe demographic imbalance of
training provision owing to, e.g., climatic factors and a highly dispersed
population (Canada, Finland, Norway and Sweden).
Designing a comprehensive system of adult learning is complex mostly
because the needs are so diverse for different sections of the population. At
the same time, learning needs can vary within a given group of the population.
Hence, it is difficult to identify the type of provision needed simply in terms of
the broad characteristics of the population groups. Developing a good and
detailed knowledge base on population subgroups is, therefore, one of the key
requirements for policy making.
Adult learning contributes to human capital and to economic growth
Human capital plays
an important role
in the process
of economic growth…
One aspect of the importance of adult learning is its contribution to
human capital. While the size of the contribution of human capital to
economic growth is the subject of considerable debate, there is little
question that human capital is a key factor. An OECD study (2000) sets the
Figure 2.1. Literacy levels in selected countries
Percentage of population aged 25-64 at each prose literacy level, 1994-98
Note: Countries are ranked in increasing order, by the proportion of the population in Levels 1 and 2.
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98).
% %
Literacy levels:
Sweden
80
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
80
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
Norway Finland Canada Denmark United Kingdom Switzerland Portugal
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5
% %
Literacy levels:
Sweden
80
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
80
60
40
20
0
20
40
60
80
Norway Finland Canada Denmark United Kingdom Switzerland Portugal
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5
29
2. Issues in Adult Learning
© OECD 2003
average long-term impact of one year’s additional education on per capita
output at between 4 and 7%. This is still a wide range, which is partly due to
the lack of consensus on how best to measure investment in human capital;
most studies focus on the growth effect of initial education, rather than on the
possible contribution of adult learning. However, despite the divergences in
the methods of measurement used and the orders of magnitude of the
impact, there is consensus that human capital plays an important role in the
process of economic growth.
… and adult learning
is undeniably part
of human capital.
Adult learning is also part of human capital, and there are grounds for
expecting that it will contribute to human capital accumulation and growth.
Individuals who have left the initial education and training system can
strengthen their human capital through adult learning in all sort of settings,
whether formal or not. Adult learning may help improve workers’ skills and
productivity, especially useful in periods of rapid technological change.
Also, it is often argued that adult learning enhances employability and
workers’ ability to cope with job loss. In other words, investment in the
human capital of workers may help mobilise labour resources, thereby
supporting the growth process (OECD, 2002b). The necessary reliance on
human capital in all economic sectors in the nine countries under review
calls for a good understanding of how human capital is acquired and kept
alive. Research on the contribution of adult learning to human capital could
certainly help governments in their investment decision processes.
All adults are potential workers… if properly qualified
Considering that economic growth and employment creation is at the
forefront of the preoccupations of all governments, it is of paramount
importance to ensure that the largest possible share of the population is
available for work. Adult learning programmes can increase the size of the
available pool. This is especially important because the large fraction of the
population that is not working (young people, retired people, other non-
participants in the labour market) or not always working full time
(unemployed, part-time workers) is likely to increase for at least two reasons:
the strengthening of the knowledge economy and the ageing of the
population.
Basic skills are once
again necessary
to enter the knowledge
economy’s labour
market.
The knowledge economy has once again made basic skills a necessary
condition to cope with everyday life in general and to enter the labour
market in particular. The International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) shows
that the level of basic skills needed to function well in today’s societies is
greater than generally thought. Even in countries with better results for
prose literacy for instance, one-quarter of the population does not reach
the basic required level of attainment, which has been defined as Level 3
(Figure 2.1). The cross-country comparison of average scores from the
IALS shows considerable diversity in how adult skills are distributed
among country populations. On the one hand, countries like Canada have
high average levels of literacy but also a wide spread of literacy skills
around the average score. Other countries, like Denmark or Norway,
exhibit a narrow spread around the average score. These differences in
literacy patterns across populations are closely linked to differences in
the models of education and training of these countries (OECD and
Statistics Canada, 2000).
30
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Some skill shortages
concern the lack of
potential workers and
some the lack of
workers with
appropriate skills.
In some countries, the knowledge economy has also caused severe skill
shortages in some sectors of the economy. Shortages can be of two types.8 In
the first case, the employer demand for labour is not met; there is an
insufficient supply. In the second case, the employer cannot find the
appropriate characteristics among the available supply as the level of
qualification may not be optimal for an individual firm or the economy as a
whole. Adult learning policies can contribute to an improvement of the
situation in the labour market by addressing both types of shortages at the
same time – in the former case by helping non-participants in the labour
market to find a job, and in the latter case by providing appropriate
education and training to meet the requirements of enterprises.
There are solid
arguments for adult
learning…
The necessary training or retraining of the labour force goes far beyond
the need to fight against skill shortages. There is a need for adult learning
throughout the economy and the population to improve countries’ human
capital, prepare for the knowledge economy, and curb the side-effects of the
ageing of the population. This provides a good rationale for adult learning.
… relating to human
capital, the knowledge
economy and the ageing
of the population.
In regard to ageing of the population, data show that the size of older
populations is increasing in all the countries under study and will continue to
increase (Figure 2.2). It is clear that an important segment of the general
population and the workers concerned have left initial education and training
a long time ago, a period that increases with the ageing of the population.
This underlines the need for retraining policies, on the grounds that
educational attainment was lower at the time of that initial departure. It is also
argued that knowledge and skills deteriorate if not used, and that
technological progress entails an updating (Figure 2.3).
Retraining of populations and individuals for economic change
Adult learning policies
can help address
the phenomena
of multiple job
and career changes…
Unemployment affects low-skilled or low-qualified individuals to a greater
extent than it does other workers. This fact provides one more rationale for
adult learning policies that can aim to improve skills and the qualifications of
potential workers. Unemployment is not, however, the only rationale for adult
education and training. Technological change presents the labour force9
with a
challenge. The very notion of a career is changing: job tenure has decreased
and temporary employment has grown in a considerable number of OECD
countries in the past two decades (OECD, 2002a). Education and training is
needed to cope with multiple job and career changes by providing new skills
that contribute to greater versatility and mobility of workers. There are also
those individuals who want to change jobs, occupations and/or professions for
reasons of personal choice and career advancement.
8. Skill shortage is here defined as the scarcity of certain skills among workers who
ought to carry out particular tasks and/or master specific techniques, whether
relating to manual know-how or cognitive knowledge. This is a commonly accepted
definition that does not cover, for instance, what Oliver and Turton (1982) have
shown to be characteristics that employers refer to as skills, namely reliability,
autonomy and stability.
9. Those who are in work, looking for work, or both.
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2. Issues in Adult Learning
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Figure 2.2. Ageing of the population
Evolution of the 45-64 year-olds as proportion of total population, 1950-2020
Source: United Nations (2001).
1950
34
32
30
28
26
24
22
18
16
20
34
32
30
28
26
24
22
18
16
20
1952
1954
1956
1958
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
2016
2018
2020
Spain
Canada
Sweden
Denmark
Switzerland
Finland
United Kingdom
Norway Portugal
% of total population
% of total population
1950
34
32
30
28
26
24
22
18
16
20
34
32
30
28
26
24
22
18
16
20
1952
1954
1956
1958
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
2016
2018
2020
Spain
Canada
Sweden
Denmark
Switzerland
Finland
United Kingdom
Norway Portugal
% of total population
% of total population
Figure 2.3. Younger generations are more educated
Percentage of adults with at least upper secondary education by age group, 1999
Source: OECD (2001b).
% %
S
w
e
d
e
n
N
o
r
w
a
y
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
C
a
n
a
d
a
D
e
n
m
a
r
k
U
n
i
t
e
d
K
i
n
g
d
o
m
S
w
i
t
z
e
r
l
a
n
d
P
o
r
t
u
g
a
l
Ages 55-64
Ages 25-34
100
90
80
70
40
30
20
10
0
60
50
100
90
80
70
40
30
20
10
0
60
50
S
p
a
i
n
% %
S
w
e
d
e
n
N
o
r
w
a
y
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
C
a
n
a
d
a
D
e
n
m
a
r
k
U
n
i
t
e
d
K
i
n
g
d
o
m
S
w
i
t
z
e
r
l
a
n
d
P
o
r
t
u
g
a
l
Ages 55-64
Ages 25-34
100
90
80
70
40
30
20
10
0
60
50
100
90
80
70
40
30
20
10
0
60
50
S
p
a
i
n
32
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
… help furnish
the potential
for innovation…
Yet another rationale for high levels of participation in adult learning is
the probability that many of the occupations that will appear over the next
15 years are not yet invented. Innovation of this type might be encouraged if
the population at large – those in as well as out of the labour force – were to
attain a certain level of skills. There is, of course, no certainty that cutting-
edge and/or specific vocational training alone is conducive to innovation.
However, a general increase in skills attainment might create a conducive
environment in which innovation could thrive.
… and help refit
the labour force
as traditional skills
and structures
disappear.
In any event, the erosion or complete disappearance of some
occupations – with technical change and industrial restructuring – is already
making it necessary to retrain workers and adapt their skills. Adult learning
policies are the only tools available to refit the existing adult labour force to
the changing skill requirements of the economy. Even in the more durable
occupations, new work patterns and practices are leading to the introduction
of periods of learning to allow people to adapt to new skills; these may not
often top the list of hiring criteria, but they do in fact figure into final hiring
decisions (OECD, 2001a, Chapter 4).
Learning for functioning in today’s society
It can help society
benefit from the new
technologies…
The challenges are not confined to the workforce, because in the nine
countries under review, technology has clearly become part and parcel of
individuals’ everyday lives. Using interactive television, cash dispensers,
Internet or email, for instance, requires skills that most adults have not been
taught, particularly during their initial education. In addition, new ICTs have
rendered writing skills more necessary than during the age of the telephone,
for example.
… and even make
for a better society.
Adult learning also receives attention because it can affect every facet of
one’s life. It raises issues ranging from individual welfare and betterment to
citizenship and democracy. There is evidence, for instance, that some find it
hard to administer the right dose of medication to a child because they
cannot correctly read the label on a bottle or calculate the dosage. There are
also interesting correlations between political variables (such as women in
parliament) and literacy proficiency (OECD and Statistics Canada, 2000).
Many surveys have shown that one reason why adults, or pensioners, return
to learning is to help their children or grandchildren with their schoolwork.
2.4. Key issues
Patterns of participation and provision
To set the context for examining the key issues, it is useful to describe
the existing situation in terms of the basic characteristics of the participants,
providers and the mode of provision. Chapter 3 offers an overview of existing
patterns in the countries reviewed. With regard to patterns of participation,
some of the key questions addressed in that chapter are:
• Is there imbalance in the participation rates in terms of gender, age,
country of origin, occupational status?
• What are the patterns of participation? What are the main reasons
individuals have for learning?
• What are the characteristics of the training provided by the employers?
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2. Issues in Adult Learning
© OECD 2003
When dealing with the mode of provision, the key questions are:
• What are the types of provision and providers? What are the respective
roles of providers?
• Is classroom-based teaching still the prevalent way of teaching adults?
• Is the learning enterprise a reality?
• What is the private/public breakdown in terms of adult learning providers?
• To what extent is distance learning a solution? Is it widely used?
Countries’ policies and practices
The patterns described in Chapter 3 do not appear in a vacuum but are
closely related to existing policies and practices. Chapter 4 presents an
overview of country policies and practices, including the degree to which
adult learning is important for the policy agenda at the national level. The
chapter addresses, among others, the following questions:
• What are the policy approaches to adult learning across the nine
reviewed countries?
• Are there general strategies to increase learning opportunities?
• What are the tools of these policy strategies? For example, what
reliance is placed on national qualification systems, quality assurance,
financing mechanisms, use of benchmarks such as upper secondary
level?
• What is the division of roles between the national level and decentralised
levels in the development and implementation of policies?
• How is co-operation and partnership among different actors and
stakeholders organised?
Strengthening the incentives and motivations to learn
Existing literature on adult learning has identified the inadequacy of
incentives and lack of motivation to learn as key barriers to participation in
adult learning. Chapter 5 addresses these issues from two perspectives, the
more general situation applying to all training and the more specific context
of the labour market, for employed and unemployed adults. The enterprise is
a significant provider of training and it is essential to assess how incentives
can be improved in this context. Hence the following relevant questions:
• Has the perceived value of learning been sufficient to generate
adequate levels of participation – i.e. social values and citizenship on
one hand and economic benefits (better employability and increased
productivity) on the other?
• What specific mechanisms have been shown to work well in practice,
and which specific approaches have not worked well: training levy
schemes, a legal obligation for companies to finance training, loans or
grants, allowing time for training within the enterprise, general training
programmes for the unemployed?
• What approaches have proved efficient in public employment service
training programmes? General rather than targeted, incorporating on-
the-job components in training? Which good practices have been
found to reach the long-term unemployed?
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Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
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• What incentives and motivations have proved useful in improving
participation in adult learning: better information about learning
opportunities; wider room for personal fulfilment; opportunities for
collective self-help; greater autonomy in decision making; wider civic
involvement; a wider range of cultural activities?
• What specific barriers need to be removed in order to increase
participation (poor scheduling, lack of daycare centres for children,
inadequate financing, inadequate support from the employer or the
family)?
• What is the experience with approaches providing new incentives such
as right to study leave and the options of individual learning accounts?
• How can incentives be tailored to meet the population segments most
in need: target groups within non-learners, groups at risk, workers in
SMEs, unemployed people?
Improving the delivery of learning to adults
Incentive and motivation are two keywords in the field of adult learning.
While Chapter 5 analyses those issues in general and in the labour market,
Chapter 6 deals with one specific approach to motivating individuals to learn:
improving delivery. It outlines different dimensions of delivery that are key to
the interests of the learner and the smooth functioning of the adult learning
system. Delivery here is taken in a broad sense, embracing all the
components of the adult learning system, including the enterprise and the
teacher. A comprehensive approach is essential in ensuring a conducive
environment to adult learning. To assess how well such an approach is being
put into practice, the chapter addresses the following questions:
• How can the learning and teaching methods be tailored to meet the
specific needs of adults? If there is a specific pedagogy that is suitable,
what are its key features? Is it possible to create or invent adult
learning activities that are really learner-centred? How can education
and training be made useful to the participants?
• How can a conducive general environment be created (infrastructure,
targeted approach)? Under what conditions do non-vocationally
oriented learning activities improve accessibility to vocational
activities? Is sufficient effort given to investigating how particular
groups of adults learn most effectively?
• How can appropriate co-ordination be ensured between research
findings and their use by the policy makers? Can routine assessment of
programmes – before, during and after – help in spotting inefficient or
ineffective learning activities?
• How effective are some of the tools most often used: recognition of
prior learning, flexible organisation such as modularisation,
certification of current learning? Have some specific ways of delivering
learning proven useful: distance learning, e-learning, non-classroom-
based learning?
Promoting a better integration of supply and demand
Providing a coherent and transparent system is an important step in
creating an environment conducive to adult learning. Another element that
35
2. Issues in Adult Learning
© OECD 2003
needs to be considered is better integration of supply and demand, which is
taken up in Chapter 7.
In all the countries visited for the thematic review, there is a broad range
of providers of adult learning activities. One of the key barriers for adults to
resume learning activities after a long gap is the lack of simplicity and/or
transparency of the system. On the other hand, a certain degree of complexity
is sometimes made necessary by the wide range of needs. In this case, a good
system of information and guidance is also required. What can be done:
• To reduce fragmented provision of adult learning services and increase
support infrastructure?
• To take fuller account of learners’ needs and enable would-be learners
to come forward and participate in learning programmes?
• To make institutions work together? To encourage partnerships at all
levels?
• To regulate education and training markets so as to take account of the
demand for learning?
• To ensure that would-be learners have easy access to complete and
reliable information and guidance on the full range of learning
opportunities?
• To use the system and the infrastructure (support services, for
example) to reduce inequalities (by educational attainment for
instance) and extend opportunities to those adults hard to reach?
Adult education and training is a subject that raises important topics for
international debate, because of the diversity of individual country
experiences and policies. Even if not all experiences are transposable
beyond national borders, it is always instructive to see what works elsewhere,
how it works and why. The following chapters review major policy issues and
solutions in each of the nine countries visited. More exhaustive national
analysis can be found in the individual country notes. It goes without saying
that it is particularly hard to take the full measure of all the problems during
just a short visit, however intensive and well organised. The real problem is
to put into perspective everything seen and heard, and then accurately weigh
all the views and arguments in order to describe and analyse as faithfully as
possible the actual situation on the ground. Clearly, people learn everywhere,
all the time. This report consequently had to focus on the most obvious
advances in fields where some formalisation is possible. Questions such as
the recognition of prior learning and informal learning could not be dealt with
thoroughly here, but will be addressed specifically in the OECD thematic
review on national qualification systems.
Going beyond the rhetoric, it is likely that learning deficits will persist. In
fact, the chapters that follow attempt to describe how countries are trying to
overcome such deficits. But they are also to some extent analytical, in that
they try to see why, and in what settings, innovative solutions work.
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
36
© OECD 2003
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BJØRNÅVOLD, J. (2000),
“Making Learning Visible: Identification, Assessment and Recognition of Non-formal Learning in Europe”,
CEDEFOP, Thessaloniki, July.
BJØRNÅVOLD, J. (2001),
Assessment and Recognition of Non-formal Learning in Europe: Main Tendencies and Challenges, Communication prepared
for the OECD-KRIVET International Conference on Adult Learning Policies, 5-7 December, Seoul, Korea.
CONDORCET (1792),
“Rapport à l’Assemblée nationale” (Report to the National Assembly), Paris.
OECD (1973),
Recruitment Education: A Strategy for Lifelong Learning, Paris.
OECD (1996),
Lifelong Learning for All, Paris.
OECD (2000),
OECD Economic Outlook, Vol. 68, December, Paris.
OECD (2001a),
Education Policy Analysis – Education and Skills, Paris, April.
OECD (2001b),
Education at a Glance – OECD Indicators, Paris.
OECD (2002a),
OECD Employment Outlook, July.
OECD (2002b),
“Supporting Economic Growth through Continuous Education and Training – Some Preliminary Results”, ELS
working paper, OECD, Paris.
OECD and STATISTICS CANADA (2000),
Literacy in the Information Age, Final Report of the International Adult Literacy Survey, Paris and Ontario.
OLIVER, J. and J. TURTON (1982),
“Is there a Shortage of Skilled Labour?”, British Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 20, pp. 195-200.
UNESCO (1972),
Learning to Be: The World of Education Today and Tomorrow, Report of the Commission chaired by E. Faure, Paris.
UNESCO (1996),
“Learning: A Treasure Within”, Report to UNESCO of the International Commission on Education for the
Twenty-first Century, Paris.
UNITED NATIONS (2001),
“World Population Prospects 1950-2050 (The 2000 revision)”, Population Division, Department of Economic and
Social Affairs, New York.
37
© OECD 2003
Chapter 3
PATTERNS OF PARTICIPATION AND PROVISION: ASSESSING NEEDS
This chapter offers an overview of patterns and profiles of participation and provision in
adult learning across the countries included in the thematic review. It shows how adults who
follow learning activities do it mostly for employment-related reasons and in short training
spells. Learning concentrates in specific subgroups of the population, such as those with higher
educational attainment, employed in white-collar high-skilled occupations or working in larger
firms or those at the forefront of the knowledge-based economy. The broad range of adult
learning providers includes private, public and quasi non-governmental institutions, with
enterprises playing a vital role in the process. There are similar patterns of participation across
countries – and therefore similar gaps in provision for specific groups of adults who might
require further learning opportunities.
38
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
3.1. Profiles of participation in adult learning
Issues of definition
make it difficult
to render a clear
picture of adult
participation
in learning.
Providing a clear picture of adult participation in learning activities is
quite challenging. Not only do perceptions differ with regard to what can be
considered learning within and across countries, but participation itself can
be measured in different ways. Some surveys might focus on vocational
training, or on training provided by enterprises; others include learning for
personal reasons, some may also include informal learning. The differences in
reference periods for learning activities also render the analysis difficult.
Learning can cover different periods – a week, a month or throughout the
whole year – and so not be comparable across countries. The definition of an
adult learner also varies. It is a matter of who is considered an adult in
different countries, and whether adults who have not left the education
system are included as adult learners or not (Table 2.1 reviews different
country definitions). Some surveys might also focus on the supply side, that
providies data on courses and participants, while others offer information
about people following training. These issues of definition and methodology
are important for a chapter that provides a profile of participation. The
different sources available will be used to provide a general picture of adult
learning in as comparable a manner as possible across countries1 (Annex 1 for
details on sources used for this publication).
Participation rates vary
greatly across countries.
Adults participate in learning processes in all countries, although the
percentages differ significantly (Figure 3.1). According to the International
Adult Literacy Survey, more than one in two adults participated in Finland,
Denmark, and Sweden. In Norway, the United Kingdom and Switzerland
participation ranged from 48 to 40%. In Canada it was more than one in three.
Portugal had the lowest rate of the countries that participated in this survey.2
It is important to note here that the survey was taken between 1994 and 1998,
depending on the country, and participation rates may have varied since then
due to economic and socio-demographic factors such as those listed in
Chapter 2.
The participation rates registered by the European Union Labour Force
Survey (ELFS) are generally lower (ranging between 3 and 24%) than those
from the IALS, mainly due to a difference in reference periods – four weeks
for the former and one year for the latter. In Sweden, the United Kingdom,
Denmark and Finland, one in five adults has received training in the month
prior to the survey. The distribution of countries in the ELFS follows a ranking
similar to that in the IALS with the exception of the United Kingdom. The
Nordic countries, Sweden, Denmark and Finland, have the highest and similar
participation rates, followed by Norway. The United Kingdom’s higher ranking
could be due to increased efforts in training undertaken in recent years with
1. A number of efforts are under way at the OECD to harmonise this information. The
working party on employment and unemployment statistics has already tried to
assemble an overview of the data variations and establish a framework for
harmonisation of training statistics (OECD, 1998). The INES network launched a
project to develop an International Continuing Education and Training Module
(OECD-Module) in April 2001 and work is in progress to try to achieve comparability
of data across OECD countries on adult learning and training statistics.
2. Spain was the one country among those in the thematic review that did not
participate in the IALS.
39
3. Patterns of Participation and Provision: Assessing Needs
© OECD 2003
the establishment of learning participation targets (7% reduction in non-
learners between 1998 and 2002) since the ELFS refers to the year 2000 and
IALS data for the United Kingdom refer to 1996. Norway has a slightly lower
participation rate than other Nordic countries. Spain and Portugal have the
lowest rates.
Country rankings
do not vary widely
according to sources.
Country rankings remain similar according to different data sources and
reference periods. The Nordic Countries and the United Kingdom are
followed by Switzerland and Canada. In these countries, at least one out of
every three adults participates in some training activity throughout the year
according to the IALS, while the ELFS shows that at least one in five
participates in training over a one-month period. Spain and Portugal show
lower participation rates.
Not every country shows
an increase
in participation.
Participation rates seem to have generally increased from 1995 to 2000,
but this does not hold for all countries. According to the ELFS, in Finland,
Denmark, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, adult learning has
increased by 15% while in Norway and Sweden there has been a downturn in
the past year. Portuguese participation rates have remained stable (data not
Figure 3.1. Participation in adult learning by gender
Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning by gender according to different reference periods
Note: Period of reference is one year for Switzerland in both surveys. Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate for ELFS
data.
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98); Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001).
70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
%
Switzerland
Sweden
United Kingdom
Denmark
Finland
Norway
Spain
Portugal
Canada
Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS)
Women Men Total
70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
%
Switzerland
Sweden
United Kingdom
Denmark
Finland
Norway
Spain
Portugal
Canada
Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS)
Women Men Total
40
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
shown). Canada experienced a decreasing tendency from 1991 through 1997
(Statistics Canada and Human Resources Development Canada (2001).
The number of learning
hours received varies
less.
There is less variation across countries in learning hours received than in
the rate of participation. The number of hours per participant according to
IALS data ranged from around 135 in Switzerland and the United Kingdom to
190 in Finland and Norway, to over 200 in Canada and Denmark. According to
OECD Secretariat data available for the thematic review, more than half of
participants in Finland, Canada and Norway took courses that lasted less than
50 hours each, while between 10 and 15% took courses that were over
200 hours. In general, this would indicate that the majority of adult learning
focuses on short learning processes.
There are extensive
and intensive models
of training.
Some differences are visible when employment-related training is
considered. Figure 3.2, based on the results of the Third European Survey on
Working Conditions in 2000, shows the average number of training days
financed or arranged by the employer during the last twelve months. This
number ranges from 30 days in Spain to 9 days in Finland. A comparison of
the participation rates and average training days reveals two models of
investment in training: an extensive model, which provides a fairly low
volume of training to a large number of workers (Denmark, Finland, Sweden
and the United Kingdom); and an intensive model, which concentrates more
training efforts on a smaller number of people (Portugal and Spain). This
Figure 3.2. Participation and average days of training
Percentage of people in training and average days of training, 2000
Source: European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, Third European Survey on Working Conditions, 2000.
0
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Spain
Days Days
Portugal
6-country average
Sweden
Denmark
United Kingdom
Finland
Participation (%)
0
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Spain
Days Days
Portugal
6-country average
Sweden
Denmark
United Kingdom
Finland
Participation (%)
41
3. Patterns of Participation and Provision: Assessing Needs
© OECD 2003
contrast has already been noted by the OECD in a study (1999) which also
placed Norway among countries with the extensive model, and Switzerland
and Canada somewhere between the two.
The sections that follow examine different trends in participation in adult
learning. The analysis shows some common patterns, particularly a tendency
for learning to be concentrated among certain groups and inequalities of
access across the board. The implication is that efforts have to be undertaken
to increase the opportunities for others who do not have access to learning.
The rest of the chapters in this publication provide an analysis of the different
country approaches to increasing these opportunities for their populations.
No substantial gender imbalances
Gender differences in
participation are minor.
There are no substantial gender differences in participation in adult
learning (Figure 3.1). According to the ELFS data, women train at slightly
higher rates than men, except in Switzerland, especially unemployed and
younger women (not shown). Similar patterns were found in the IALS data,
with higher participation by women in Nordic countries in Sweden, Denmark
and Finland, slightly higher for men in Canada, Norway and the United
Kingdom and much higher in Switzerland for men. There seem to be
differences when comparing sources of financing for training but they vary
according to the survey. In the IALS, employers are found to be the leading
sources of this support for men, while self and family were the most common
sources of funding reported for women (OECD and Statistics Canada, 2000).
This could be because there are more women undertaking learning for
personal reasons or adult basic education, as was evidenced throughout
country visits. However, according to a different source, the European Survey
on Working Conditions, training paid for by the employer had higher female
representation in most countries (Table 3.2).
Younger adults train more
Participation rates
are lower for older
population.
Younger cohorts participate in learning more than older cohorts
(Figure 3.3). In all countries, but especially in Portugal and Spain, adults
aged 25 through 29 have the highest participation rates. For the 30-49 age
groups, training rates decrease across countries. After age 50 there is a
considerable decrease in participation, with the lowest rates for those 60 to
64 years old. Data gathered through the thematic review show that adults over
65 also undertake training, although the rates are quite low.3
In Canada, Norway
and Switzerland, between 6 and 16% of those 65 through 69 years old receive
some kind of training. In fact, countries are making greater efforts to increase
adult education for retired people. Different universities and institutions are
creating special programmes for the elderly, as presented in the next section.
To some extent
the post-50 decrease
is a question
of economic returns.
The decline in participation rates after age 50 is partly explained by
economic returns to learning. A recent OECD study that analyses investment
in human capital through post-compulsory education and training (OECD,
2002) concludes that for younger people there are strong labour market
benefits and high rates of return to investments in training. For older adults,
3. OECD Secretariat questionnaire on Adult Learning.
42
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
Figure 3.3. Participation in adult learning by age groups
Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning by age according to different reference periods
Note: Period of reference is one year for Canada and Switzerland in both surveys.
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98); Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001) except for Canada (1997 AETS data).
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
Canada
Dernière année (IALS) 4 dernières semaines (ELFS)
Danemark
Finlande
Norvège
Portugal
Espagne
Suède
Suisse
Royaume-Uni
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
25-29 25-29
30-39 30-39
40-49 40-49
50-59 50-59
60-64 60-64
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
% %
Canada
Dernière année (IALS) 4 dernières semaines (ELFS)
Danemark
Finlande
Norvège
Portugal
Espagne
Suède
Suisse
Royaume-Uni
43
3. Patterns of Participation and Provision: Assessing Needs
© OECD 2003
on the other hand, there are certain disincentives to pursue post-compulsory
education and training. The opportunity costs of forgone earnings will be
significantly higher for older adults if education requires time out of work.
Furthermore, the eventual return in the form of higher earnings from formal
education or training at older ages may be subject to uncertainty. It may
require changing employers, which might cause a loss of seniority benefits or
employer-specific skills. Another disincentive is the fact that the remaining
length of working life implies a shorter period of time to amortise the
investment costs for the training programmes, and it might even eliminate all
financial gains from such investment.
The effects of some of these factors may not, however, be large as
expected. These are indeed important reasons for adults not to undergo
learning, but the fact is that most of adult learning programmes do not focus
on formal post-secondary education. Figure 3.1 and Figure 3.2 present
evidence that most of adult learning is short in duration and that it focuses on
professional or career upgrading. Less than 20% of those who train do so to
obtain a university degree or college or vocational diploma. Furthermore,
findings from the thematic review show that adult learning processes may be
organised around working schedules or within working hours by the
employers, so that they do not normally conflict with work or other life
situations. Therefore, the opportunity costs for older adults may not be as
high as the above study estimates: learning does not imply taking a long
period off from work, and there are financial assistance arrangements to
overcome the potential high opportunity costs.
High educational attainment/literacy and training are complementary
Those with highest
educational attainment
train most
and vice versa.
The level of education reached is one of the most relevant variables in
relation to adult learning. Those with highest educational attainment train most,
except in Portugal (Figure 3.4). Similarly, in each country, people with the
lowest levels of educational attainment have the lowest learning participation
rates. Patterns of participation are similar across countries except for Portugal
and Spain. In these two countries, those with secondary- and tertiary-level
education have learning rates much higher than the average. Those with low
levels have the least learning opportunities in all countries, but especially in
Canada, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.
These patterns suggest that education and adult learning are
complementary. Those who are more educated receive more training,
participate in employment that requires high skills use, and therefore have
the chance to reinforce their training (OECD, 1999).
The same pattern holds
in relation to literacy
levels, again suggesting
a virtuous circle.
The same pattern holds when analysing participation in training and
literacy levels (Figure 3.5). Rates are much higher for people with higher
literacy levels. Again, there is a virtuous circle. An analysis of education and
literacy levels of knowledge workers4
showed that those who are either highly
4. Described as those who are participating in the knowledge-based economy. This
definition, developed with IALS data, refers to those who are employed in white-
collar high-skilled occupations and perform a set of tasks that revolve around
creating and processing information. For more information see Box 4.2 in OECD
(2001a) for different definitions of knowledge workers.
44
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
educated or highly literate may well acquire the necessary skills and
competencies to become knowledge workers through means other than
formal education. Knowledge workers were found to participate in training
more than all other workers, revealing that participation in training can be
viewed as both a result and a cause of being a knowledge worker.
Growing migratory pressures and learning
Learning for immigrants
has now been accorded
a higher priority.
Growing migration rates spurred by globalisation and skills shortages in a
number of OECD countries may have helped to raise the importance of
learning for immigrants. A number of countries visited for the thematic review
have developed vocational training programmes designed especially for
immigrants.
Data for training by citizenship or place of birth show some differences
across countries; all but the United Kingdom have higher participation in
learning by national populations. Among the countries for which there is such
statistical information, Switzerland and Spain show the largest differences
between immigrant and native-born populations (Figure 3.7). A different
analysis of immigrants and native-born people with difficulties in their
reading abilities in 20 IALS participating countries showed that the training
Figure 3.4. Adult learning by educational attainment
Ratio of participation rates at each educational level to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1
2000
1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate;
a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate.
Note: Period of reference is four weeks except for Canada and Switzerland, where it is one year.
Source: Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey data except for Canada (1997 AETS data).
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0 0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
High
C
a
n
a
d
a
Medium Low
D
e
n
m
a
r
k
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
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w
a
y
P
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i
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d
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m
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0 0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
High
C
a
n
a
d
a
Medium Low
D
e
n
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F
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a
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a
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a
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p
a
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i
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g
d
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m
45
3. Patterns of Participation and Provision: Assessing Needs
© OECD 2003
rate of the immigrants at risk was higher than for the native-born population
(NORD, 2001). However, immigrant populations tend to be heterogeneous
and there are strong variations in their educational attainment and social and
employment situation. Some countries have a large share of highly educated
people among immigrant populations, so learning opportunities may vary
according to need and other factors.
Learning for personal or professional reasons?
Most reasons
for undertaking adult
learning are
employment-related…
One of the strongest links to adult learning is the world of work. Among
the different reasons stated for undertaking adult learning, most are
employment-related. On average, according to most surveys, three out of four
people who learn participate in job-related education and training in some
form or another. This implies that labour market considerations weight
heavily in individuals’ decisions to undertake learning.
… although many
learners in Finland,
Sweden and Switzerland
cite other reasons.
The IALS shows that learning is mostly for career or job-related
reasons; more that 60% of adult learners are in this category (Figure 3.6).
Data for Canada also showed that at least 70% of training was job-related.5
There are, however, a number of countries in which high proportions of the
Figure 3.5. Adult learning by literacy levels
Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning by document literacy levels, 1994-98
Note: Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate.
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98).
100
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
90
0
100
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
90
% %
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
e
D
a
n
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m
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r
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S
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i
s
s
e
C
a
n
a
d
a
P
o
r
t
u
g
a
l
Taux de participation totale Niveau 1 Niveau 2 Niveau 3 Niveau 4/5
100
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
90
0
100
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
90
% %
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
e
D
a
n
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g
a
l
Taux de participation totale Niveau 1 Niveau 2 Niveau 3 Niveau 4/5
5. The Adult Education and Training Survey (AETS).
46
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
population undertake training for personal or other reasons: in Finland,
Sweden and Switzerland, this type of learning may be closely linked to
goals of personal development, active citizenship and democratic values.
It is also the case that people who are pursuing remedial education, a
basic literacy level or primary or secondary education can state they are
doing so for personal reasons. Data from the ELFS (not shown) also reveal
differences in reasons for participation, although they cannot be
compared to IALS data. From a diversity of listed reasons, adapting to
technological change, obtaining a promotion and upgrading acquired
skills were the three main ones for learning for more than one in two
adults in Denmark, Finland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. Learning
for general interest was given high priority in Spain, Portugal and Sweden.
In those first two countries and Denmark, the proportions in initial
education or training were also high.
Actually, the divide
of personal/professional
motivation is not so
clear-cut.
However, a number of issues need to be considered for a clearer
understanding of the reasons for taking training. It can be difficult to
distinguish between what is job-related education and training and what is
not. Language courses, for example, might be followed for personal reasons
while the skills obtained are useful for professional purposes. The divide of
personal/professional motivation is not so clear-cut, e.g. in the case of training
Figure 3.6. Adult learning by residence situation
Ratio of participation rates by residence situation to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1
2000
1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate;
a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate.
Source: OECD Secretariat questionnaire on Adult Learning. See Annex 1 for details.
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0 0
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
National Foreigner
Canada Finland Spain Switzerland United Kingdom
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0 0
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
National Foreigner
Canada Finland Spain Switzerland United Kingdom
47
3. Patterns of Participation and Provision: Assessing Needs
© OECD 2003
to adapt to technological change, such as learning to use the Internet or other
technological software for work or personal reasons. Learning designed to
increase employability can also increase individual confidence and
willingness to engage actively in society. Also, training for personal reasons
can affect one’s position in the labour market, and give individuals the
capacity to influence their own opportunities at work. In fact, some studies
have found that general knowledge courses have a stronger impact on firm
productivity than firm-specific training (Barrett and O’Connell, 1999).
Furthermore, most surveys focus on job-related training, and the questions
specifically relate to those opportunities. There is also the issue of what
people recognise as learning; they may not include some learning processes
that could be considered as such.
Few learners are
enrolled in adult basic
education courses,
although that could be
due to lack
of availability.
An analysis of the enrolment patterns of adult learners can help clarify
that issue. According to the IALS, at least half the training participants were
involved in learning for professional or career upgrading (Table 3.1). In the
countries for which data are available, only between 5 and 10% of the people
who received training were seeking a university degree or college diploma,
and vocational diplomas or apprenticeships presented even smaller rates.
The goal of an elementary school diploma ranked lowest, with rates of less
than 3% in most countries. It should be noted here that in some of the
countries there were nonetheless waiting lists for adult basic education
Figure 3.7. Reasons for adult learning
Percentage distribution of adult learners 25-64 years old by reason, 1994-98
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98).
100
90
80
70
60
50
0
40
30
20
10
0
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
% %
Career- or job-related purposes Personal interest
Canada Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom
Other
Denmark Sweden
100
90
80
70
60
50
0
40
30
20
10
0
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
% %
Career- or job-related purposes Personal interest
Canada Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom
Other
Denmark Sweden
48
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
courses. That could imply that if there are not many people following these
courses, it could be because of lack of availability. Finally, there was a high
proportion of survey respondents who noted they were taking “other” types of
courses in Sweden and the United Kingdom.
Learning depends
largely on adults
position in the labour
force.
As the major reason for participation in adult education and training is
job-related, the individuals’ situation with respect to the labour force is
extremely significant. The incidence of training depends on whether
people work or not, what sector of the economy they work in, their
occupation, and the nature of the employment or the enterprise they work
for. Most active labour market policies are geared to training of the labour
force so as to improve productivity, assist the unemployed in finding work
and help those in the low wage groups to raise their skills and wage
opportunities.
Firms are aware of the
benefits of human
capital.
The benefits of human capital, which includes formal initial education as
well as adult learning, in the labour force, have been highlighted in a large
number of studies. Firms use training as a means to obtain higher worker and
firm productivity, as a large number of research evidence has proved (Finegold
and Mason, 1996, Barret and O’Connell, 1999, Lounds, 1999, Dearden, Reed and
van Reenen, 2000). Firms also use training to adapt to technological changes
(Dybowski, 1998, Kiley, 1999), or to introduce changes in workplace practices
and adapt workers’ skills to new requirements (Green, Ashton and Felstead,
2001; Osterman, 1995). Adults also benefit from training, as it may improve
their employability, reduce the risk of unemployment, and may contribute to
greater mobility or higher wages.
In most countries, both
the employed and
unemployed participate
more than those
who are out of the
labour force.
Different patterns emerge from the analysis of learning incidence by
labour force situation (Figure 3.8). What is most evident is that both the
employed and unemployed have higher training rates than those who are out
of the labour force in most countries, except for Sweden. While there are
similar participation patterns across countries included in the IALS, there are
cross-country variations according to the ELFS. In Canada, Finland, Switzerland
and the United Kingdom the employed have the highest training rates,
followed by the unemployed and by those out of the labour force. In Denmark,
Portugal, Sweden and Spain the ratio is higher for the unemployed as well as
for those not in the labour force, rather than the employed. In Norway, the
employed and unemployed have similar participation patterns.
Table 3.1. Adult learners by type of learning undertaken
Percentage distribution of adult learners 25-64 years old by type of learning, 1994-98
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98).
University College
Trade-vocational or
apprenticeship
Elementary or
secondary school
Professional or
career upgrading
Other
Canada 6.7 3.6 6.6 2.4 61.2 19.4
Denmark 2.0 2.5 3.5 0.2 68.7 23.0
Finland 4.5 0.9 1.4 0.5 77.2 15.6
Norway 2.8 3.4 1.4 0.2 82.1 10.1
Sweden 5.4 2.1 2.4 0.3 . . 89.8
Switzerland 2.0 0.2 7.7 . . 54.8 35.4
United Kingdom 2.9 2.3 5.3 1.9 22.6 65.1
49
3. Patterns of Participation and Provision: Assessing Needs
© OECD 2003
Targeted active labour
market policies may
account for differences
across training rates
of the unemployed.
These differences across training rates of the unemployed can be due to
the impact of targeted active labour market policies or different policies geared
towards increasing training for the unemployed. In general, employment and
unemployment rates have changed since 1994 and labour market training
programmes or others might have played a role at different periods of the
economic cycle. There are also differences according to data sources,
especially in time frames, which might have affected training rates by labour
force status: the IALS took place between 1994 and 1998 for different countries,
and the ELFS in the second trimester of the year 2000.
The high ratio of participation for out of the labour force populations’
reveals that countries may have chosen policies geared towards personal
development, active citizenship and democracy. Also, Denmark, Portugal,
Spain, and Sweden have devoted major efforts to raising the educational
level of adult populations through adult basic education programmes.
Figure 3.8. Adult learning by labour force status
Ratio of participation rates by labour force status to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1
2000
1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate;
a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate.
Notes: Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate of employed population for ELFS data.
Period of reference is one year for Switzerland in both surveys.
Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98); Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001).
2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5
Switzerland
Finland
Norway
United Kingdom
Denmark
Portugal
Sweden
Spain
Canada
Participation in past year (IALS) Participation in past 4 weeks (ELFS)
Employed Unemployed Not in labour force
2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5
Switzerland
Finland
Norway
United Kingdom
Denmark
Portugal
Sweden
Spain
Canada
Participation in past year (IALS) Participation in past 4 weeks (ELFS)
Employed Unemployed Not in labour force
50
Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices
© OECD 2003
Higher-skilled occupations and service sector employment receive more training
Participation rates are
highest for workers in
white-collar high-skilled
occupations.
In almost all countries, participation rates are highest for workers in
white-collar high-skilled occupations, normally those that require higher
education attainment levels. They include legislators, senior officials and
managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals. Together
with white-collar low-skilled occupations, which include clerks and service
workers, they make up for the largest proportion of training of the employed
labour force (Figure 3.9). Within blue-collar occupations, adult participation
rates in training are higher for high-skilled than low-skilled jobs in all
countries except Portugal and Spain, where the reverse is the case. The
strongest inequalities in participation are found in those two countries and
Switzerland.
Workers in service
sector jobs have higher
probabilities
of receiving training.
The ratio of participation by economic sectors of activity (data not shown)
reveals that workers in service sector jobs have higher probabilities of
receiving training than workers in other sectors. Within the service economy,
adults working in social and personal services, financial intermediation and
real estate sector, followed closely by the electricity, water and gas supply
sector participate more than others.
Figure 3.9. Adult learning by occupation
Ratio of participation rates by occupation to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1
2000
1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate;
a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate.
Note: Period of reference is four weeks except for Switzerland, where it is one year.
Source: Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001).
2.00
1.75
1.50
1.25
0
1.00
0.75
0.50
0.25
2.00
1.75
1.50
1.25
0
1.00
0.75
0.50
0.25
Portugal
Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom
Denmark Sweden
Blue-collar low-skill
Blue-collar high-skill
White-collar low-skill
White-collar high-skill
Spain
Index of relative intensity Index of relative intensity
2.00
1.75
1.50
1.25
0
1.00
0.75
0.50
0.25
2.00
1.75
1.50
1.25
0
1.00
0.75
0.50
0.25
Portugal
Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom
Denmark Sweden
Blue-collar low-skill
Blue-collar high-skill
White-collar low-skill
White-collar high-skill
Spain
Index of relative intensity Index of relative intensity
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
"More story-books!" cried she. "I have a good mind to confiscate
them. I do not approve of the number of books his parents
encourage him to read. If you ever catch him reading up here, Mr.
Ringrose, I must ask you to report the matter instantly to me, as I
regret to say that he has given trouble of that kind before."
Harry bowed obedience.
"Little Woodman," continued the schoolmistress, "though sharp
enough when he likes, is, I am sorry to say, one of our most indolent
boys. He would read all day if we would let him. However, he is
going to Mr. Scrafton this term, so he will have to exert himself at
last! And now, if you like your room, Mr. Ringrose, I will leave you to
put on your slippers, and will take you into the schoolroom when
you come downstairs."
The schoolroom was long and bare, but unconventional in that a
long dining-table did away with desks, and the boys appeared to be
shaking off their depression when Harry and his employer entered
five minutes later. They were making a noise through which the
same angry but ineffectual voice could be heard threatening a
hundred lines all round as the door was thrown open. The noise
ceased that moment. The governess rose in an apologetic manner;
while all the boys wore guilty faces, but one who was buried in a
book, sitting hunched up on the floor. Like most irascible persons,
however, the schoolmistress had her moments of conspicuous good-
temper, and this was one.
"These are the little men," said she. "Children, this is your new
master. Miss Maudsley—Mr. Ringrose."
And Harry found himself bowing to the lady with the voice, a lady of
any age, but no outward individuality; even as he did so, however,
Mrs. Bickersteth beckoned to the governess; and in another moment
Harry was alone with the boys.
The new master had never felt quite so shy or so self-conscious as
he did during the next few minutes; it was ten times worse than
going to school as a new boy. The fellows stood about him, staring
frankly, and one in the background whispered something to another,
who told him to shut up in a loud voice. Harry seated himself on the
edge of the table, swung a leg, stuck his hands in his pockets
(where they twitched) and asked the other boys their names.
"James Wren," said the biggest, who looked twelve or thirteen, and
was thickly freckled.
"Ernest Wren," said a smaller boy with more freckles.
"Robertson."
"Murray."
"Gifford."
"Simes."
"Perkins."
"Stanley."
"And that fellow on the floor?"
"Woodman," said James Wren. "I say, Woodman, don't you hear?
Can't you get up when you're spoken to?"
Woodman shut his book, keeping, however, a finger in the place,
and got up awkwardly. He was one of the smallest of the boys, but
he wore long trousers, and beneath them irons which jingled as he
came forward with a shambling waddle. He had a queer little face,
dark eyes and the lightest of hair; and he blushed a little as, alone
among the boys, but clearly unconscious of the fact, he proceeded
to shake hands with the new master.
"So you are Woodman?" said Harry.
"Yes, sir," said the boy. "Have you come instead of Mr. Scrafton, sir?"
"No, I have come as well."
At this there were groans, of which Harry thought it best to take no
notice. He observed, however, that Woodman was not among the
groaners, and to get upon safe ground he asked him what the book
was.
"One of Ballantyne's, sir. It's magnificent!" And the dark eyes glowed
like coals in what was again a very pale face.
"The Red Eric," said Harry, glancing at the book. "I remember it well.
You're in an exciting place, eh?"
"Yes, sir: the mutiny, sir."
"Then don't let me stop you—run along!" said Harry, smiling; and
Woodman was back on the floor and aboard his whaler before the
new master realised that this was hardly the way in which he had
been instructed to treat the boy who was always reading.
But he went on chatting with the others, and in quite a few minutes
he felt that, as between the boys and himself, all would be plain
sailing. They were nice enough boys—one or two a little awkward—
one or two vocally unacquainted with the first vowel—but all of them
disposed to welcome a man (Harry thought) after the exclusive
authority of resident ladies. Traces of a demoralising rule were not
long in asserting themselves, as when Robertson gave Simes a sly
kick, and Simes started off roaring to tell Mrs. Bickersteth, only to be
hauled back by Harry and given to understand (evidently for the first
time) that only little girls told tales. The bigger boys seemed to
breathe again when he said so. Then they all stood at one of the
windows in the failing light, and Harry talked cricket to them, and
even mentioned his travels, whereat they clamoured for adventures;
but the new master was not such a fool as to play all his best cards
first. They were still at the window when the gate opened and in
walked a squat silk-hatted gentleman with a yellow beard and an
evening paper.
"Here comes old Lennie!" exclaimed Gifford, who was the one with
the most to say for himself.
"Who?" said Harry.
"Lennie Bickersteth, sir—short for Leonard," replied Gifford, while
the other boys laughed.
"But you mustn't speak of him like that," said Harry severely.
"Oh, yes, I must!" cried Gifford, excited by the laughter. "We all call
him Lennie, and Reggie Reggie, and Baby Baby; don't we, you
fellows? Bicky likes us to—it makes it more like home."
"Well," said Harry, "I know what Mrs. Bickersteth would not like, and
if you say that again I shall smack your head."
Which so discomfited and subdued the excitable Gifford that Harry
liked him immensely from that moment, and not the less when he
discovered that the boy's incredible information was perfectly
correct.
Mrs. Bickersteth was a widow lady with three grown-up children,
whom she insisted on the boys addressing, not merely by their
Christian names, but by familiar abbreviations of the same. Leonard
and Reginald were City men who went out every morning with a
bang of the big front door, and came home in the evening with a
rattle of their latch-keys. Both were short and stout like their mother,
with beards as yellow as her hair, while Leonard, the elder, was
really middle-aged; but it was against the rules for the boys to
address or refer to them as anything but Lennie and Reggie, and
only the governess and Harry were permitted to say "Mr.
Bickersteth." As for the baby of the family, who was Baby still to all
her world, she was certainly some years younger; and the name was
more appropriate in her case, since she wore the family hair down to
eyes of infantile blue, and had the kind of giggle which seldom
survives the nursery. She knew no more about boys than any other
lady in the house, but was a patently genuine and good-hearted girl,
and deservedly popular in the school.
When Harry went to bed that night he smelt the smoke of a candle,
though he carried his own in his hand. Woodman was apparently
fast asleep, but, on being questioned, he won Harry's heart by
confessing without hesitation or excuse. He had The Red Eric and a
candle-end under his pillow, and the wax was still soft when he gave
them up. Harry sat on the side of his bed and duly lectured him on
the disobedience and the danger of the detected crime, while the
criminal lay with his great eyes wide open, and his hair almost as
white as the pillow beneath it. When he had done the small boy said
—
"If they had spoken to me like that, sir, last time, sir, I never should
have done it again."
"You shouldn't have done it in any case," said Harry. "You've got to
promise me that it's the last time."
"It's so hard to go asleep the first night of the term, sir," sighed
Woodman. "You keep thinking of this time yesterday and this time
last week, sir."
Harry's eye was on the little irons lying on top of the little heap of
clothes, but he put on the firmest face he could.
"That's the same for all," he said. "How do you know I don't feel like
that myself? Now, you've got to give me your word that you won't
ever do this again!"
"But suppose they say what they said before, sir?"
"Give me your word," said Harry.
"Very well, sir, I never will."
"Then I give you mine, Woodman, to say nothing about this; but
mind—I expect you to keep yours."
The great eyes grew greater, and then very bright. "I'll promise not
to open another book this term, sir—if you like, sir," the little boy
cried. But Harry told him that was nonsense and to go to sleep, and
turned in himself glowing with new ideas. If he could but influence
these small boys as Innes had influenced him! The thought kept him
awake far into his first night at Teddington. His life there had begun
more happily than he could have dared to hope.
Morning brought the day-boys and work which was indeed within
even Harry's capacity. It consisted principally in "hearing" lessons set
by Mrs. Bickersteth; and it revealed the educational system in vogue
in that lady's school. It was the system of question and answer, the
question read from a book by the teacher, the answer repeated by
rote by the boy, and on no condition to be explained or enlarged
upon by extemporary word of mouth. Harry fell into this error, but
was promptly and publicly checked by the head-mistress, with whom
some of the elder boys were studying English history (from the point
of view of Mrs. Markham and her domestic circle) at the other end of
the baize-covered dining-table.
"It is quite unnecessary for you to enter into explanations, Mr.
Ringrose," said Mrs. Bickersteth down the length of the table. "I
have used Little Steps for very many years, and I am sure that it
explains itself, in a way that little people can understand, better than
you can explain it. Where it does not go into particulars, Little Arthur
does; so no impromptu explanations, I beg."
Whereafter Harry received the answers to the questions in Little
Steps to Great Events without comment, and was equally careful to
take no explanatory liberties with Mangnall's Questions or with the
Child's Guide to Knowledge when these works came under his nose
in due course.
Saturday was, of course, a half-holiday; nor could the term yet be
said to have begun in earnest. It appeared there were some weekly
boarders who would only return on the Monday, while Mr. Scrafton
also was not due until that day. Meanwhile an event occurred on the
Saturday afternoon which quite took the new master's mind off the
boys who were beginning to fill it so pleasantly: an event which
perplexed and distracted him on the very threshold of this new life,
and yet one with a deeper and more sinister significance than even
Harry Ringrose supposed.
CHAPTER XVII.
AT FAULT.
Harry had been requested to put on his boots in order to take the
elder boys for a walk. He was to keep them out for about an hour
and a half, but nothing had been said as to the direction he should
take, and he was indiscreet enough to start without seeking definite
instruction on the point.
"Do you always walk two-and-two?" he asked the boys, as they
made for the High Street in this doleful order.
"Yes, sir," said two or three.
"But we needn't if you give us leave not to," added the younger
Wren, with a small boy's quickness to take advantage.
"No, you must do as you always do, at any rate until we get out of
the village," said Harry as they came to the street. "Now which way
do you generally go?"
The boys saw their chance of the irregular, and were not slow to air
their views. Bushey Park appeared to be the customary resort, and
the proverbial mischief of familiarity was discernible in the glowing
description which one boy gave of Kingston Market on a Saturday
afternoon and in the enthusiasm with which another spoke for
Kneller Hall. Richmond Park, said a third, would be better than
Bushey Park, only it was rather a long walk.
To Harry, however, who had come round by Wimbledon the day
before, it was news, and rather thrilling news, that Richmond Park
was within a walk at all. The boys told him it would be near enough
when they made a bridge at Teddington.
"There's the ferry," said one; and when Harry said, "Oh, there is a
ferry, then?" a little absently, his bias was apparent to the boys.
"The ferry, the ferry," they wheedled, jumping at the idea of such an
adventure.
"It's splendid over Ham Common, sir."
"The ferry, sir, the ferry!"
Of course it was very weak in Harry, but the notion of giving the
boys a little extra pleasure had its own attraction for him, and his
only scruple was the personal extravagance involved. However, he
had some silver in his pocket, and the ferryman's toll only came to
pennies that Harry could not grudge when he saw the delight of the
boys as they tumbled aboard. One of them, indeed, nearly fell into
the river—which caused the greatest boy of them all his first
misgivings. But across Ham fields they hung upon his arms in the
friendliest and pleasantest fashion, begging and coaxing him to tell
them things about Africa; and he was actually in the midst of the
yarn that had failed on paper, when there occurred on the Common
that which was to puzzle him in the future even more than it startled
him at the moment. A lady and gentleman strolled into his ken from
the opposite direction, and that instant the story ceased.
"Go on, sir, go on! What happened then?"
"I'll tell you presently; here are some friends of mine, and you
fellows must wait a moment."
He shook them off and stepped across the road to where his friends
were passing without seeing him. Thus his back was turned to the
boys, who fortunately could not see how he blushed as he raised his
hat.
"It's Mr. Ringrose!" cried Fanny Lowndes.
"The deuce it is!" her father exclaimed. "Why, Ringrose, what the
blazes are you doing down here, and who are your young friends?"
"I'm awfully sorry I didn't let you know," said Harry, "but the whole
thing was so sudden. As I told you when you came to see us, Miss
Lowndes, I have been trying for a mastership for some time; and
just as I had given it up——"
"You have got one!"
"Yes, quite unexpectedly, at the beginning of this week."
The girl looked both glad and sorry, but her father's nose was
twitching with amusement and his eyes twinkling in their gold
frames.
"You did well to take what you could get," said he, lowering his voice
so that nothing could be heard across the road. "Writing for your
living means writing for your life, and that's no catch; but by Jove,
Ringrose, you ought to get off some good things with such a capital
safety-valve as boys always on hand! When you can't think of a
rhyme, run round and box their ears till one comes. When you get a
rejected manuscript, try hammering their knuckles with the ruler!
Where's the school, Ringrose, and who keeps it?"
Harry hung his head.
"I am almost ashamed to tell you. It's a dame's school—at
Teddington."
"A dame's school at Teddington! Not Mrs. Bickersteth's?"
"Yes—do you know it?"
Harry had looked up in time to catch the other's expression, and it
was a very singular one. The lad had never seen such a look on any
other face, but on this face he had seen it once before. He had seen
it in the train, during the journey back to London, on the day that he
could never forget. It was the look that had afterwards struck him as
a guilty look, though, to be sure, he had never thought about it from
the moment when he took up his father's letter, and saw at a glance
that it was genuine, until this one.
"Do I know it?" echoed Lowndes, recovering himself. "Only by repute
—only by repute. So you have gone there!" he added below his
breath, strangely off his guard again in a moment.
"Come," said Harry, "do you know something against the school, or
what?"
"Oh, dear, no; nothing against it, and very little about it," replied
Lowndes. "Only the school is known in these parts—people in
Richmond send their boys there—that is all. I have heard very good
accounts of it. Are you the only master?"
"No, there's a daily pedagogue, named Scrafton, who seems to be
something of a character, but I haven't seen him yet. Do you know
anything about him?"
The question was innocently asked, for Harry's curiosity had been
aroused by the repeated necessity of preventing the boys from
opening their hearts to him about Mr. Scrafton. If he had stopped to
think, he would have seen that he had the answer already—and
Lowndes would not have lost his temper.
"How should I know anything about him?" he cried. "Haven't I just
asked you if you were the only master? Either your wits are
deserting you, Ringrose, or you wish to insult me, my good fellow. In
any case we must be pushing on, and so, I have no doubt, must
you."
Harry could not understand this ebullition, which was uttered with
every sign of personal offence, from the ridiculously stiff tones to the
remarkably red face. He simply replied that he had spoken without
thinking and had evidently been misunderstood, and he turned
without more ado to shake hands with Miss Lowndes. The father's
goodwill had long ceased to be a matter of vital importance to him;
but it went to his heart to see how pale Miss Fanny had turned
during this exchange of words, and to feel the trembling pressure of
that true friend's hand. It was as though she were asking him to
forgive her father, at whose side she walked so dejectedly away that
it was not pure selfishness which made Harry Ringrose long just
then to change places with Gordon Lowndes.
The whole colloquy had not lasted more than two or three minutes;
yet it had ended in the most distinct rupture that had occurred, so
far, between Harry and his parents' friend; and that about the most
minute and seemingly insignificant point which had ever been at
issue between them.
The boys found their new master poor company after this. He
finished his story in perfunctory fashion, nor would he tell another.
He not only became absent-minded and unsociable, but displayed an
unsuspected capacity for strictness which was really irritability. More
than one young wiseacre whispered a romantic explanation, but the
majority remembered that it was to the gentleman old Ring-o'-ring-
o'-roses had chiefly addressed himself; and the general and correct
impression was that the former had been "waxy" with old Ring-in-
the-nose. Harry's nickname was not yet fixed.
Those, however, with whom he had been "waxy" in his turn had a
satisfaction in store for them at the school, where Mrs. Bickersteth
awaited them, watch in hand, and with an angry spot on each fresh-
coloured cheek. She ordered the boys downstairs to take their boots
off, and in the same breath requested Mr. Ringrose to speak to her in
the study, in a tone whose significance the boys knew better than
Harry.
"I was under the impression, Mr. Ringrose, that I said an hour and a
half?" began the lady, with much bitter-sweetness of voice and
manner.
Harry pulled out his own watch, and began apologising freely; he
was some twenty minutes late.
"When I say an hour and a half," continued the schoolmistress, "I do
not mean two hours. I beg you will remember that in future. May I
ask where you have been?"
Harry said they had been to Richmond Park. The lady's eyes literally
blazed.
"You have walked my boys to Richmond Park and back? Really, Mr.
Ringrose, I should have thought you would know better. The
distance is much too great. I am excessively angry to hear they have
been so far."
"I beg your pardon," said Harry, with humility, "but I don't think the
distance was quite so great as you imagine. Though we have walked
back through Kingston, we made a short cut in going, for I took the
liberty of taking the boys across the river in the ferry-boat."
This was the last straw, and for some moments Mrs. Bickersteth was
practically speechless with indignation. Then with a portentous
inclination of her yellow head, "It was a liberty," said she; "a very
great liberty indeed, I call it! I requested you to take them for a
walk. I never dreamt of your risking their lives on the river. Have the
goodness to understand in future, Mr. Ringrose, that I strongly
disapprove of the boys going near the river. It is a most undesirable
place for them—most unsootable in every way. Excessively angry I
am!"
This speech might have been heard over half the house, and by the
end Harry was fairly angry himself. But for his mother, and for a
resolution he had made not to take Mrs. Bickersteth seriously, but to
put up with all he possibly could, it is highly probable that the
Hollies, Teddington, would have known Harry Ringrose for twenty-
four hours only. As it was he maintained a sarcastic silence, and,
when the wrathful lady had quite finished, left her with a bow and
the assurance that what had happened should not occur again; he
merely permitted himself to put some slight irony into his tone.
And, indeed, the insulting character of a reprimand which was not,
however, altogether unmerited, worried him far less in early
retrospect than the inexplicable manner of Gordon Lowndes on Ham
Common. What did he know about the school? What could have
brought that odd look back to his face? And why in the world should
the master of an excellent temper have lost it on provocation so
ludicrously slight? These were the questions that kept Harry
Ringrose awake and restless in the still small hours of the Sabbath
morning.
CHAPTER XVIII.
MR. SCRAFTON.
In the basement was a good-sized but ill-lighted room where three
long tables, resting on trestles, were sufficiently crowded on the four
days of the week when the day-boys stayed to dinner. On the two
half-holidays only one table was in use, and the boarders scarcely
filled it, with Miss Maudsley and Mr. Ringrose in state at either end.
But on Sundays all meals were in the big schoolroom, and were
graced by the presence of Mrs. Bickersteth's City sons, who brought
with them a refreshing whiff of the outside world, besides
contributing to Harry's enjoyment in other ways. He never forgot
those Sunday meals. He was fond of describing them to his friends
in after years.
At breakfast on his first Sunday he was quite sure that Mrs.
Bickersteth had heard of the death of a near relative. Her face and
voice were those of a chief mourner, and she appeared to be
shedding tears as she heard the boys their Collect at the breakfast
table, rewarding those who knew it with half a cold sausage apiece.
The boys were by no means badly fed, but that half-sausage was
their one weekly variant from porridge and bread-and-butter for
breakfast, and they used to make pathetically small bites of it. Mrs.
Bickersteth, however, scarcely broke her fast, but would suffer all
day, and every Sabbath, from what Harry came to consider some
acute though intermittent form of religious melancholia. Towards the
end of breakfast the sons would come down in wool-work slippers, a
little heavy after "sleeping in," and it was not at this meal that they
were most entertaining.
The next hour was one of the few which Harry had entirely to
himself. Most days he was on duty from eight in the morning to half-
past eight at night, but the hour between Sunday breakfast and
morning service was the new master's very own, and he spent it in a
way which surely would have made Mrs. Bickersteth's remarkable
hair stand straight on end. Even Sunday letter-writing was forbidden
in her Sabbatarian household, and yet Harry had the temerity to
spend this hour in composing vulgar verses for the Tiddler. He had
discovered that contributions for the Saturday's issue must reach the
office on the Monday, and it is to be feared that the consequent
urgency of the enterprise led him into still more reprehensible
excesses. What he could not finish in his bedroom he would mentally
continue in church, whither it was his duty to take the majority of
the boys, while the rest accompanied the Bickersteths to chapel.
The dinner that followed was what Harry enjoyed. It was an
excellent dinner, and all but Mrs. Bickersteth were invariably in the
best of spirits. This lady used to stand at the head of her table and
carve the hissing round of secular beef with an air of Christian
martyrdom quite painful to watch. Not that it affected her play with
the carving-knife, which was so skilful that Harry Ringrose used to
wonder why the schoolmistress must needs lap a serviette round
either forearm, and a third about her ample waist, for the better
protection of her Sunday silk. This, however, was a trick of the whole
family, who might have formed the nucleus of a Society for the
Preservation of Sunday Clothes. Thus Reggie, the younger and more
dapper son, used to appear on these occasions in a brown velvet
coat and waistcoat, with his monogram on every button, but would
mar the effect by tucking his table-napkin well in at the neck and
spreading it out so as to cover as much as possible of his person.
Lennie, the elder and more sedate, though he had no such grandeur
to protect, nevertheless took similar precautions; while the good-
natured Baby used to pull off a pair of immensely long cuffs, the
height of a recent fashion, and solemnly place them on the table
beside her tumbler, before running any risks.
Water was the beverage of one and all, yet the spirits of the majority
would rise with the progress of the meal. Reggie, who was a very
facetious person, would begin to say things nicely calculated to
make the boys titter; the elder brother would air a grumpy wit of his
own; and Mrs. Bickersteth would shake the cap awry on her yellow
head and beg them both to desist. The good-hearted Baby would
add her word in vindication of the harmless character of her
brothers' jokes, and at the foot of the table the governess would
trim her sails with great dexterity, looking duly depressed when she
caught Mrs. Bickersteth's eye and coyly tickled on encountering
those of the gentlemen. Harry sat between Leonard Bickersteth and
a line of little boys, and facing the flaxen-haired Baby, who gave him
several kindly, reassuring smiles for which he liked her. The young
men also treated him in a friendly fashion; but he was quite as
careful as his fair colleague not to commit himself to too open an
appreciation of their sallies.
The boys were in Harry's charge for the afternoon, but it seemed
that on Sundays they never went for a walk for walking's sake.
Occasionally, as it turned out, he would be requested to take them
to some children's service; but on that first Sunday, and as a rule,
they spent the afternoon in the smaller school-room upstairs, where
some strictly Sabbatarian periodicals were given out for the day's
use, and only such books as Sunday Echoes in Week-day Hours, and
the stories of Miss Hesba Stretton, permitted to be read. Harry used
to feel sorry for little Woodman on these occasions. He would catch
the small boy's great eyes wandering wistfully to the shelf in which
his Mangnall's Questions and The Red Eric showed side by side; or
the eyes would stare into vacancy by the hour together, seeing
doubtless his Devonshire home, and all that his "very superior
people" would be doing there at the moment. Harry liked Woodman
the best of the boys, partly because he had a variety of complaints
but never uttered one. The new master was much too human, and
perhaps as much too unsuited by temperament for his work, not to
have favourites from the first, and Woodman and Gifford were their
names.
After tea they all went off to evening service, and after that came a
peaceful half-hour in the pretty drawing-room, where the boys sang
hymns till bed-time. There was something sympathetic in this
proceeding, the conduct of which was in Baby Bickersteth's kindly
hands. The young lady presided at the piano, which she played
admirably, and the boys stood round her in a semicircle, and each
boy chose his favourite hymn. Lennie and Reggie joined in from their
chairs, and Mrs. Bickersteth's lips would move as she followed the
words in a hymn-book. When the last hymn had been sung, the
schoolmistress read prayers; and when the boys said good-night she
kissed each of them in a way that quite touched Harry on the
Sunday evening after his arrival. He saw the boys to bed in a less
captious frame of mind than had been his all day, and when he
turned in himself he was rather ashamed of some of his previous
sentiments towards the schoolmistress. He had seen the pathos of
her pious depression, and he was beginning to divine the hourly
irritants of keeping school at Mrs. Bickersteth's time of life. Instead
of his cynical resolve not to take her seriously, he lay down
chivalrously vowing to resent nothing from a woman who was also
old. He seemed to have seen a new side of the schoolmistress, and
henceforth she had his sympathy.
Indeed there was a something human in all these people; they had
kind hearts, when all was said; and Harry Ringrose began to feel
that for a time at any rate, he need not be unhappy in their midst.
He had still to encounter the master spirit of the place.
When all the boys were standing round the long dining-table next
morning, having taken turns in reading a Chapter aloud, Mrs.
Bickersteth made an announcement as she closed her Testament.
"This term," said she, "Mr. Scrafton is coming at half-past ten instead
of at eleven, and those boys who are to go to him will be in their
places in the upper schoolroom at twenty-five minutes past ten each
morning."
A list followed of the boys who were promoted to go to Mr. Scrafton
that term; it ended with the name of little Woodman. Harry
happened to be engaged in the background in the intellectual task of
teaching a tiny child his alphabet. He could not help seeing some
ruddy cheeks turn pale as the list was read; but Woodman, with a
fine regardlessness, was reading a letter from Devonshire behind
another boy's back.
Punctually at ten-thirty a thunderous knock resounded from the front
door, and Harry was sorry that he had not been looking out of the
window. He saw Mrs. Bickersteth jump up and bustle from the room
with a most solicitous expression, and he heard a loud voice greeting
her heartily in the hall. Heavy feet ran creaking up the stairs a few
minutes later, and Mrs. Bickersteth returned to her task of hearing
tables and setting sums.
Meanwhile Harry was devoting himself to the very smallest boys in
the school, mites of five and six, whose nurses brought them in the
morning and came back for them at one o'clock. About eleven,
however, Mrs. Bickersteth suggested that these little men would be
the better for a breath of air, and would Mr. Ringrose kindly take
them into the back-garden for ten minutes, and see that they did not
run on the grass? Now, Harry's pocket was still loaded with a missive
addressed to the editor of Tommy Tiddler, which obviously must be
posted by his own hand, and might even now be too late. He
therefore asked permission to go as far as the pillar-box at the
corner, in order to post a letter; and Mrs. Bickersteth, who was
luckily in the best of tempers, not only nodded blandly, but added
that she would be excessively obliged if Mr. Ringrose would also post
some letters of hers which he would find upon the hall-table. So
Harry sallied forth, with an infant in sailor-clothes holding each of his
hands, and whom should he find loitering at the corner but Gordon
Lowndes?
"Why, Ringrose," cried he, "this is well met indeed! I was just on my
way to have a word with you. I was looking for the house."
The hearty manner and the genial tone would have been enough for
Harry at an earlier stage of his acquaintance with this man; but now
instinctively he knew them for a cloak, and he would not relinquish
the small boys' hands for the one which he felt was awaiting his,
though his eyes had never fallen from Lowndes's spectacles.
"I am not sure that you would have been able to see me," was his
reply. "I am on duty even now. What was the point?"
"Is it impossible for me to have a word with you alone?"
Harry told the little boys to walk on slowly to the pillar. "It will
literally have to be a word," he added pointedly. Yet his curiosity was
whetted. What could the man want with him here and now?
"Very well—very well," said Lowndes briskly. "I merely desire to
apologise for my—my hastiness when we met on Saturday. I fear—
that is, my daughter tells me—but indeed I am conscious myself—
that I quite misunderstood your meaning, Ringrose, on a point in
itself too trifling to be worth naming. You may remember, however,
that you asked me if I knew anything about a person of whose very
existence I had just exposed my ignorance?"
"I remember," said Harry. "A mere slip of the tongue, due to my
curiosity about the man."
"And is your curiosity satisfied?" inquired Lowndes, becoming
suddenly preoccupied in wiping the dust from his eye-glasses.
"Well, I haven't seen him yet, though he is in the house."
"Ah!" said Lowndes, as though he had not listened. "Well, Ringrose,
all I wanted was to tell you frankly that I didn't mean to be rude to
you on Saturday afternoon; so I took the train on here before going
to the City; and now I've just time to catch one back—so good-bye."
"It was hardly worth while taking so much trouble," said Harry dryly;
for he knew there was some other meaning in the move, though as
yet he could not divine what.
"Hardly worth while?" said Lowndes. "My dear boy, that's not very
kind. I have always been fond of you, Ringrose, and for your own
sake as well as on every other ground I should be exceedingly sorry
to offend you. Things are looking up with the Company, you know,
and I can't afford to quarrel with our future Secretary!"
And with that cunning unction he walked away laughing, but Harry
knew there was no laughter in his heart, and that every word he had
spoken was insincere. What then was the meaning? To keep friendly
with him, doubtless; but why? And such were the possibilities of
Gordon Lowndes, and such the imagination of Harry Ringrose, that
the latter took his little boys back to the school with the very wildest
and most far-fetched explanations surging through his brain.
In the hall he heard a strident voice raging in the schoolroom
overhead. He could not help going a little way upstairs to discover
whether anything serious was the matter. And outside the
schoolroom door stood one of the biggest boys, crying bitterly, with
his collar torn from its stud, and one ear and one cheek as crimson
as though that side of his face had been roasted before a fire.
At one o'clock the whole school went for a walk before dinner, and it
was then that Harry at last set eyes on the formidable Scrafton, as
he came downstairs in his creaking shoes, with his snuff-box open in
his hand, and his extraordinary head thrown back to take a pinch.
There are some faces which one has to see many times before one
knows them, as it were, by heart; there are others which one passes
in the street with a shudder, and can never afterwards forget; and
here was a face that would have haunted Harry Ringrose even
though he had never seen it but this once.
A magnificent forehead was its one fine feature; the light blue eyes
beneath were spoilt by their fiery rims, and yet they gleamed with a
fierce humour and a keen intelligence which lent them distinction of
a kind. These were the sole redeeming points. The rest was either
cruel or unclean or both. The creature's skin was very smooth and
yellow, and it shone with an unwholesome gloss. Abundant hair, of a
dirty iron-grey, was combed back from the forehead without a
parting, and gathered in unspeakable curls on the nape of a happily
invisible neck. A long, lean nose, like a vulture's beak, overhung a
grey moustache with a snuffy zone in the centre, and lost pinches of
snuff lingered in a flowing beard of great length. The man wore a
suit of pristine black, now brown with age and snuff, and Harry
noticed a sallow gleam between his shoes and his trousers as he
came creaking down the stairs. In warm weather he wore no socks.
"This is the new master of whom I spoke to you," said Mrs.
Bickersteth, who was waiting in the hall to introduce Harry to Mr.
Scrafton.
"That a master?" bellowed Scrafton. "Why, I thought it was a new
boy!" And he let out a roar of laughter that left his blue eyes full of
water; then he strode across the hall with a horrible hand out-
stretched; the long nails had jagged, black rims, and in another
moment Harry was shuddering from a clasp that was at once
clammy and strong.
"What's your name?" asked Mr. Scrafton, grinning like a demon in
Harry's face.
"Mr. Ringrose," said Mrs. Bickersteth.
"What name?" roared Scrafton. He had turned from Harry to the
schoolmistress. Harry saw her quail, and he took the liberty of
repeating his surname in a very distinct voice.
"Where do you come from?" demanded Scrafton, turning back to
Harry, or rather upon him, with his red-rimmed eyes glaring out of
an absolutely bloodless face.
Harry answered the question with his head held high.
"Son of Henry Ringrose, the ironmaster?"
"I am."
"I thought so! A word with you, ma'am," cried Scrafton—and himself
led the way into Mrs. Bickersteth's study.
CHAPTER XIX.
ASSAULT AND BATTERY.
Harry was left alone in the hall. The boys were in the basement,
putting on their boots. There were high words in the study, and yet
Scrafton seemed to be speaking much below his normal pitch. Harry
sauntered into the deserted schoolroom to avoid eavesdropping. And
as if in spite of him, the voices rose, and this much reached his ears:
"I tell you it will ruin the school!"
"Then let me tell you, Mr. Scrafton, that the school is mine, and I
have done it with my eyes open."
"The son of a common swindler! I know it to my cost——"
To his cost! How could he know it to his cost, this suburban
schoolmaster? Harry had shut the door; he stood against it in a
torment of rage and shame, his fingers on the handle, only listening,
only waiting, for that other door to open. So in the end the two
doors opened as one, and the two masters met in the hall and
glared in each other's faces without a word.
"Mr. Ringrose!" cried Mrs. Bickersteth hastily.
Harry turned from the baleful yellow face in a paroxysm of contempt
and loathing, and was next moment closeted with a trembling old
woman whose pitiable agitation was another tribute to the terrible
Scrafton.
Mrs. Bickersteth's observations were both brief and broken. She had
just heard from Mr. Scrafton what indeed was not exactly new to her.
The name was uncommon. Her sons had recalled the case on the
arrival of Harry's application for the junior mastership. They had not
painted the case quite so black as Mr. Scrafton had done, and they
had all agreed that the—the sin of the father—should not disqualify
the son. She had not meant to let Mr. Ringrose know that she knew
(Harry thanked her in a heartfelt voice), but she had hoped that
nobody else would know: and Mr. Scrafton knew for one.
"Do you want to get rid of me?" asked Harry bluntly.
The lady winced.
"Not unless you want to go. No—no—I have neither the inclination
nor the right to take such a course. But if, after this, you would
rather not stay, I—I would not stand in your way, Mr. Ringrose."
Harry saw how it was with Mrs. Bickersteth. She did not want to be
unjust, she did not want to give in to Scrafton, but oh! if Mr.
Ringrose would save the situation by going of his own accord!
"Will you give me the afternoon to think it over?" said he.
"Certainly," said Mrs. Bickersteth. "I wish you to consult your own
feelings only. I wish to be just, Mr. Ringrose, and—and to meet your
ideas. If you are going to town, any time before ten o'clock will be
time enough for your return."
Harry expressed his gratitude, and said that in that case it would be
unnecessary for him to absent himself before the close of afternoon
school; nor did he do so; for he was not going to town at all.
He was going straight to Richmond Hill, to put the whole matter
before Gordon Lowndes, and to beg the explanation he felt certain
the other could give. Why should Scrafton have lost his colour and
his temper at the bare mention of the name of Ringrose? Was it true
that he knew that name already "to his cost"? Then how did he
know it to his cost, and since when, and what was the subtle
connection between Mr. Ringrose and this same Scrafton? Was
Lowndes aware of any?
Yes, there was something that Lowndes knew, something that he
had known on the Saturday afternoon, something to account for his
surprise on learning to what school Harry had gone as master. He
had indignantly denied all knowledge of Scrafton, but Harry could no
longer accept that gratuitous and inexplicable repudiation. It was the
very fact that he did know something about Scrafton, something
which he wished to keep to himself, that had made him angrily
disclaim such knowledge.
Harry was coming back to his old idea that Lowndes had been more
deeply implicated in his father's flight than anybody supposed. He no
longer suspected foul play—that was impossible in the face of the
letter from Dieppe—but he did suspect complicity on the part of
Lowndes. What if Lowndes had swindled wholesale in the
ironmaster's name, and what if Scrafton were one of his victims?
What if Lowndes could tell him where his father lay in hiding abroad!
The thought brought a happy moment and an hour of bitterness; no,
it were better they should never know; better still if he were dead.
And the bitter hour that followed was the last and the loveliest of a
warm September day; and Harry Ringrose spent it in walking across
Ham Common and through Richmond Park, in the mellow sunset, on
his way to Richmond Hill.
When he got there it was dusk, and two men were pacing up and
down the little garden in front of Lowndes's house. Harry paused at
the gate. The men had their heads close together, and were
conversing so earnestly that they never saw him. They were
Lowndes and Scrafton.
Harry stepped back without a sound. All his suppositions had been
built upon the hypothesis that these two were enemies; it had never
entered his head that they might be friends. To find them together
was the last thing he had expected, and the discovery chilled him in
a way for which he could not instantly account. He knew there was
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    ISBN 92-64-19943-8 91 200301 1 P Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices Beyond Rhetoric: Adult Learning Policies and Practices Adults with busy lifestyles, whatever their education level or employment situation, may well ask why they should resume learning. The reality is that the changing requirements of knowledge-based societies, skill shortages and the increasing importance of civil participation and social cohesion drive the need to continually update adults’ skills and knowledge. Yet those who are most in need are often precisely the ones who participate least in adult learning and training programmes. This publication aims to identify what works in the policy and practice of adult learning, drawing on the experience of nine OECD countries: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom (England). It defines the features of a desirable system of adult learning, including ways to motivate adults to learn and methods to deliver appropriate services. Some countries rely more on individual incentive mechanisms; others use national strategies and public supply; still others apply measures to encourage the private market. This book will be indispensable to policy makers and those involved in the practice of adult learning. www.oecd.org -:HSTCQE=V^^YX^: « OECD's books, periodicals and statistical databases are now available via www.SourceOECD.org, our online library. This book is available to subscribers to the following SourceOECD themes: Education and Skills Employment Social Issues/Migration/Health Ask your librarian for more details of how to access OECD books online, or write to us at [email protected]
  • 6.
    © OECD, 2003. ©Software: 1987-1996, Acrobat is a trademark of ADOBE. All rights reserved. OECD grants you the right to use one copy of this Program for your personal use only. Unauthorised reproduction, lending, hiring, transmission or distribution of any data or software is prohibited. You must treat the Program and associated materials and any elements thereof like any other copyrighted material. All requests should be made to: Head of Publications Service, OECD Publications Service, 2, rue André-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France.
  • 7.
    Beyond Rhetoric ADULT LEARNING POLICIESAND PRACTICES ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT
  • 8.
    ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMICCO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT Pursuant to Article 1 of the Convention signed in Paris on 14th December 1960, and which came into force on 30th September 1961, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) shall promote policies designed: – to achieve the highest sustainable economic growth and employment and a rising standard of living in Member countries, while maintaining financial stability, and thus to contribute to the development of the world economy; – to contribute to sound economic expansion in Member as well as non-member countries in the process of economic development; and – to contribute to the expansion of world trade on a multilateral, non-discriminatory basis in accordance with international obligations. The original Member countries of the OECD are Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States. The following countries became Members subsequently through accession at the dates indicated hereafter: Japan (28th April 1964), Finland (28th January 1969), Australia (7th June 1971), New Zealand (29th May 1973), Mexico (18th May 1994), the Czech Republic (21st December 1995), Hungary (7th May 1996), Poland (22nd November 1996), Korea (12th December 1996) and the Slovak Republic (14th December 2000). The Commission of the European Communities takes part in the work of the OECD (Article 13 of the OECD Convention). Publié en français sous le titre : AU-DELÀ DU DISCOURS POLITIQUES ET PRATIQUES DE FORMATION DES ADULTES © OECD 2003 Permission to reproduce a portion of this work for non-commercial purposes or classroom use should be obtained through the Centre français d’exploitation du droit de copie (CFC), 20, rue des Grands-Augustins, 75006 Paris, France, tel. (33-1) 44 07 47 70, fax (33-1) 46 34 67 19, for every country except the United States. In the United States permission should be obtained through the Copyright Clearance Center, Customer Service, (508)750-8400, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923 USA, or CCC Online: www.copyright.com. All other applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or part of this book should be made to OECD Publications, 2, rue André-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France.
  • 9.
    3 © OECD 2003 FOREWORD In1999, the OECD’s Education Committee and the Employment, Labour and Social Affairs Committee launched a thematic review of adult learning. The review resulted from Ministries of education and employment reacting to calls for provision of lifelong learning for all, with special emphasis on improving employability in the labour market. The goal of the review was to analyse policy options within the different national contexts, specifically in terms of how to improve access to and participation in adult learning, and how an acceptable standard of quality and level of effectiveness could be ensured. Nine countries took part in the first round: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom (England). A number of countries have signed up for a second round of reviews, leading to a continuation of this activity. The term adult learning, as used in the review, defines all aspects of adult education and training, and all learning activities undertaken by adults. The thematic review favoured a holistic approach by analysing the variety of purposes that adult learning served, be it personal or professional, remedial or re-skilling. Similarly, the learners’ perspective was examined in terms of the different levels of opportunities which were available and supplied by any type of provider. This comparative report provides an overview of the adult learning policies and practices within the participating countries and concludes by identifying a range of desirable features that make for successful adult learning systems. It draws heavily on background reports and country notes as well as information gathered through country visits and is the final exercise of the first round of the thematic review. The methodology followed is similar to that adopted in other thematic reviews conducted on behalf of the OECD Education Committee. Countries were required to prepare a background report, following a common outline, describing their adult learning practices. OECD expert review teams then visited each country, after which a country note was prepared summarising the teams’ views and suggestions. These individual country documents and other relevant documents, can be found on the OECD Adult Learning website (www/oecd.org/edu/adultlearning). National co-ordinators from each country, listed in Annex 4, and national steering committees were vital to the organisation of the country visits and the writing of the background reports. Their efforts were key to the success of this activity. Equally essential to the thematic review process, with their hard work and insights, were the OECD expert review teams, and especially the rapporteurs (also listed in Annex 4). They contributed to broad discussions during country visits and prepared the country notes. From the OECD Secretariat, Ms. Beatriz Pont, Ms. Anne Sonnet, and Mr. Patrick Werquin were authors of this report, with editorial assistance from Mr. Randy Holden. Statistical assistance was provided by Ms. Sophie Vayssettes and administrative assistance by Ms. Dianne Fowler. The project was carried out under the supervision of Mr. Abrar Hasan, Head of the Education and Training Division, and the late Mr. Norman Bowers and Mr. Raymond Torres, Head of the Employment Policy and Analysis Division. This report is published under the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD.
  • 10.
    5 © OECD 2003 TABLEOF CONTENTS HIGHLIGHTS....................................................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................... 15 1.1. Purpose of the thematic review....................................................................................................................... 16 1.2. Organisation and process................................................................................................................................. 16 1.3. Structure ............................................................................................................................................................. 19 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 20 Chapter 2. ISSUES IN ADULT LEARNING....................................................................................................................... 21 2.1. An old issue brought up to date...................................................................................................................... 22 2.2. Defining adult learning..................................................................................................................................... 23 2.3. Why adult learning is important...................................................................................................................... 26 2.4. Key issues .......................................................................................................................................................... 32 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 36 Chapter 3. PATTERNS OF PARTICIPATION AND PROVISION: ASSESSING NEEDS.............................................. 37 3.1. Profiles of participation in adult learning....................................................................................................... 38 3.2. The supply of adult education: different modes of provision..................................................................... 55 3.3. Trends, needs and priorities ........................................................................................................................... 63 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 66 Chapter 4. OVERVIEW OF COUNTRY POLICIES AND PRACTICES ............................................................................. 69 4.1. A diversity of objectives for public intervention in adult learning............................................................. 70 4.2. Country policy approaches to adult learning ................................................................................................ 71 4.3. Features of policy design and implementation ........................................................................................... 86 4.4. Adult learning and policy making ................................................................................................................... 91 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 102 Chapter 5. STRENGTHENING THE INCENTIVES AND MOTIVATION FOR ADULTS TO LEARN.......................... 105 5.1. Covering learning needs – the challenge....................................................................................................... 106 5.2. Employment-related training.......................................................................................................................... 125 5.3. Public training programmes............................................................................................................................. 146 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 157 Chapter 6. IMPROVING THE DELIVERY OF LEARNING TO ADULTS........................................................................ 161 6.1. Learning methods specific to adults............................................................................................................... 162 6.2. Delivery mechanisms to suit the learner ....................................................................................................... 180 6.3. Outlook on delivery .......................................................................................................................................... 194 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 197 Chapter 7. PROMOTING BETTER INTEGRATION OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND........................................................ 199 7.1. The diversity of provision of adult learning................................................................................................... 200 7.2. The functioning of the adult education and training market....................................................................... 205 7.3. New directions for guidance, counselling and support services ................................................................ 208 7.4. Key aspects for promoting better integration............................................................................................... 212 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 214
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    6 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 Chapter 8. DESIRABLE FEATURES OF ADULT LEARNING SYSTEMS ...................................................................... 215 8.1. The increasing policy-relevance of adult learning........................................................................................ 215 8.2. The challenges ahead: improving equity and efficiency in provision........................................................ 216 8.3. Addressing the challenges: key features of an integrated approach to adult learning policies ............ 217 8.4. In conclusion....................................................................................................................................................... 222 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................................. 224 Annex 1. Comparable Sources of Data on Adult Learning ...................................................................................... 225 Annex 2. Data for Figures .............................................................................................................................................. 227 Annex 3. National Co-ordinators and Review Team Members............................................................................... 239 Annex 4. Country Codes Used in Tables and Charts................................................................................................. 249 Annex 5. Acronyms .......................................................................................................................................................... 251 Tables 3.1. Adult learners by type of learning undertaken ...................................................................................................... 48 3.2. Differences in training paid for or provided by the employer ............................................................................. 53 3.3. Adult learners by mode of provision ....................................................................................................................... 56 3.4. Supply of adult learning ............................................................................................................................................ 56 4.1. Costs of training courses in enterprises .................................................................................................................. 85 4.2. Different country approaches to adult learning ..................................................................................................... 93 5.1. Public training programmes ...................................................................................................................................... 148 Figures 2.1. Literacy levels in selected countries .................................................................................................................... 28 2.2. Ageing of the population........................................................................................................................................ 31 2.3. Younger generations are more educated............................................................................................................. 31 3.1. Participation in adult learning by gender............................................................................................................. 39 3.2. Participation and average days of training........................................................................................................... 40 3.3. Participation in adult learning by age groups...................................................................................................... 42 3.4. Adult learning by educational attainment ........................................................................................................... 44 3.5. Adult learning by literacy levels............................................................................................................................ 45 3.6. Adult learning by residence situation .................................................................................................................. 46 3.7. Reasons for adult learning...................................................................................................................................... 47 3.8. Adult learning by labour force status.................................................................................................................... 49 3.9. Adult learning by occupation................................................................................................................................. 50 3.10. Training enterprises and type of training............................................................................................................. 52 3.11. Adult learning by firm size ..................................................................................................................................... 54 4.1. Sources of adult learning financing by labour force status ................................................................................ 83 5.1. Self-assessment of reading skills by prose literacy level .................................................................................. 108 5.2. Prose literacy level by self-assessment of reading skills ................................................................................... 108 5.3. Prose literacy level by response to whether reading skills limit opportunities at work................................ 109 5.4. Prose literacy level by self-assessment of reading skills in selected countries ............................................. 110 5.5. Learners and non-learners by educational attainment...................................................................................... 117 5.6. Linking individual financial assistance and individual level of qualification.................................................. 118 5.7. Unsatisfied demand for learning........................................................................................................................... 119 5.8. Unsatisfied demand for training by educational attainment............................................................................. 120 5.9. Reasons for not participating in adult learning activities................................................................................... 123 5.10. Return to training by initial educational attainment .......................................................................................... 144 5.11. New participants in public training programmes................................................................................................ 148 6.1. The pedagogical triangle........................................................................................................................................ 165 6.2. Households with access to a home computer and the Internet........................................................................ 191
  • 12.
    7 © OECD 2003 HIGHLIGHTS Adultlearning has taken on a much higher profile in the last decade, as OECD economies and ageing societies are increasingly knowledge-based. High unemployment rates among the unskilled, the increased and recognised importance of human capital for economic growth and social development – together with public interest in improving social and personal development – make it necessary to increase learning opportunities for adults within the wider context of lifelong learning. Depending on the country and context, these opportunities may be related to employment, to the need for basic skills or upskilling, or may respond to social and civic preoccupations. At the same time however, there are strong inequities in terms of access and provision. It is therefore time to go beyond rhetoric and consider concrete policy answers to expand learning opportunities for all adults. The purpose of this publication is precisely to document the experiences of nine countries in this field. Participation in adult learning Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning according to different reference periods Note: Period of reference is one year for Switzerland in both surveys. Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate for IALS data. Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98) and Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001). 70 % 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS) Finland Denmark Sweden Norway United Kingdom Canada Switzerland Portugal Spain 70 % 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS) Finland Denmark Sweden Norway United Kingdom Canada Switzerland Portugal Spain
  • 13.
    8 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 The problems What is adult learning? The concept of adult learning adopted in this publication encompasses all education and training activities undertaken by adults for professional or personal reasons. It includes general, vocational and enterprise based training within a lifelong learning perspective. Throughout the nine OECD countries participating in this study there is a broad range of possibilities provided by the public and the private sector, education institutions, firms, commercial organisations, NGOs and other community organisations. Participation in adult learning varies considerably across countries. In the Nordic countries, the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Canada, at least one out of every three adults participates in some training activity throughout the year (IALS). Similarly, in most of the Nordic countries and the United Kingdom at least one in five adults participated over a one-month period (ELFS). Spain and Portugal have lower participation rates. Moreover, participation in adult learning is highly unequal among specific population subgroups. Younger adults, those with higher educational attainment, those with jobs or those employed in high- skilled occupations take greater advantage of or have greater access to learning opportunities than others. Age is important, as adults’ rates of return to learning have been found to diminish with age and thus act as deterrent to learning. In most countries those aged 25-29 participate most, but active participation does continue until around age 50, at which point there is a considerable drop. The persons who especially benefit from adult learning are those who have higher educational attainment levels – the higher educated continue learning throughout life. They are aware of the benefits, of the need for upgrading and reskilling, and are perhaps more motivated because of the potential returns. In short, learners are in most cases already convinced of the value of learning. Adult learning by educational attainment Ratio of participation rates at each educational level to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old, 2000 Note: Period of reference is four weeks except for Canada and Switzerland, where it is one year. Source: Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey data except for Canada (1997 AETS data). 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 High C a n a d a Medium Low D e n m a r k F i n l a n d N o r w a y P o r t u g a l S p a i n S w e d e n S w i t z e r l a n d U n i t e d K i n g d o m 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 High C a n a d a Medium Low D e n m a r k F i n l a n d N o r w a y P o r t u g a l S p a i n S w e d e n S w i t z e r l a n d U n i t e d K i n g d o m
  • 14.
    9 Highlights © OECD 2003 Ahigh proportion of adult learning focuses on professional upgrading, as the enterprise is one of the main catalysts of training. More than 50% of those who trained did so with employer’s support, and employers tend to choose investments from which they expect a high return. Thus training tends to concentrate on workers who are already qualified and enjoy relatively high professional status in large companies. This leaves out low-skilled or older workers, those in small companies, and those on temporary contracts. Larger firms train more, as do firms in the service sector, primarily social and personal services, financial intermediation and real estate. There are different reasons for low and unequal participation rates. Time constraints are the reasons adults cite most for not being able to undertake learning, especially for non-vocational training. Reflecting work and family commitments, it is difficult to find time to engage in learning courses, especially for those unconvinced of the benefits of learning. Financial constraints are also mentioned as a barrier to undertake training. Yet another reason is the fact that often, those adults most in need of education and training are also those least aware of that need or the benefits. Many low educated or low-skilled individuals believe their skills are good or excellent and thus do not see any need to improve. One of the important challenges ahead for policy makers, then, is to assist in revealing the benefits of learning and making learning easy and accessible for adults, especially for the low-skilled. Even though there is some investment in adult learning from the public and private sectors, it is not enough. Even in the case of highly skilled workers, the return on investment for companies is risky; bearing in mind the possibility of “poaching” skilled labour in imperfect labour markets, companies often prefer to “buy in” skilled labour rather than invest in training. The lack of visibility of the benefits of training outcomes to companies or workers may also be an important factor. Overall, there are barriers to participation in learning for adults. There is some evidence of unmet demand, with the existence of waiting lists for adult basic education courses in some countries Self-assessment of reading skills by prose literacy level Percentage of population 25-64 years old at each self-assessment level by prose literacy level, 1994-98 Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98). % % 100 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 Respondents’ self-assessment levels: Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5 Excellent Good Moderate Poor No response High Low Prose literacy levels % % 100 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 Respondents’ self-assessment levels: Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5 Excellent Good Moderate Poor No response High Low Prose literacy levels
  • 15.
    10 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 visited. Hidden unmet demand is not as evident: people with low skills and low levels of education, populations living in distant or rural areas, people with psychological barriers to participation do not make their needs heard. Furthermore, there are institutional barriers: fragmented provision of learning opportunities means that there is a complex diversity of institutions – firms, trade associations, the public education system and private institutions – that provide learning but not in a transparent or coherent manner. There is a range of learning opportunities, but supply is fragmented and there are not enough incentives in place to reach those most in need. The solutions OECD Member countries have recognised the need for public intervention in this market, for equity and efficiency reasons. Overall, countries agree on the long-run goals, which include economic and non-economic reasons: the need to target low educational attainment and to intervene for social cohesion and economic growth, to reduce unemployment and for personal and social development. The development of democratic values and the improvement of skills to participate in the economy and labour market are all stated as vital reasons for government participation in adult learning. Many countries mobilise a variety of resources to support the development of adult learning at different levels. Most have specific adult basic education to provide opportunities for higher educational attainment. There is a wide array of vocational training programmes to improve adults’ ability to obtain employment. There are also efforts geared toward training for workers in companies by way of legislation, financial incentives and contractual agreements. The non-profit or community-based organisations are also important suppliers of learning opportunities for adults. Countries have recently adopted a variety of approaches to target adult learning. These range from general action plans to increase learning opportunities for all adults to more specific programmes designed to upgrade skills, target particular adult sub-groups of the population, or increase training opportunities for those in the labour force. A number of these reforms are also geared towards improving the performance and results of adult learning in a more integrated or holistic approach that is learner-centred. Efforts have been made towards greater system efficiency through providing general frameworks for policy development, improving co-ordination among different (including social) partners, rationalising existing supply, focusing on cost-effectiveness, and taking greater account of individual needs. Decentralisation has been an important aspect of this process. Policy responses vary according to a country’s economic and social contexts, the historical development of its education systems, and the political structures and systems in place. The key: access and participation Adopting an integrated approach to adult learning policies can address a diversity of issues concurrently. A comprehensive strategy can help OECD governments to improve adult learning opportunities, to raise the efficiency and quality of adult learning provision and ensure better coherence in the delivery of learning. The publication documents in depth desirable features that can shape an integrated approach to adult learning policies. Under the five key ingredients listed below some of the different policy approaches possible are provided. 1. Measures and approaches directed towards making learning more attractive to adults can help increase participation. As already shown, motivation is one of the key issues: learning has to be made attractive to adults. Specific desirable elements can be highlighted: • The use of pedagogical methods suited to adults rather than to the young. This implies learning that is learner centred and contextualised to make it relevant to adults’ experiences. The craft school workshops, trade schools and employment workshops in Spain are a good example. Courses offered by Migros “club schools”, a private initiative, play an important role in attracting adults back into learning in Switzerland.
  • 16.
    11 Highlights © OECD 2003 •Flexibility in provision to suit adults’ circumstances and schedules. The creation of modular systems, as has been done in Denmark, Switzerland and initiated in Portugal, can assist adults to study at their own pace. ICT and distance education can be effective tools to reach those hardest to reach in a flexible manner. The Mentor Programme in Spain is organised in local centres that provide anytime computer-based, audio-visual and telecommunication resources for adult learning. • Outreach policies to reach adults who otherwise might not consider learning, or who have little motivation to learn. The availability of pertinent, up-to-date information, sound advice and guidance suited to the individual needs of adults is key to success. Adult Learners’ Week in the United Kingdom, Learnfestival in Switzerland or Opintoluotsi open search service in educational information in Finland are good examples of outreach efforts. Community Access Programme sites throughout Canada are designed to provide adults with access to the information available on the Web. • Recognition of prior learning. Assessing and giving credit for knowledge and skills acquired in work, home or community settings can ensure that adults do not waste time relearning what they already know. Portugal’s national system for the recognition, validation and certification of school attainment and personal experience is a good practice in this respect. 2. As learning is largely related to employment, measures to stimulate employment-related training, in enterprises, for workers and for the unemployed are important. It may imply acting on several levels to overcome barriers, such as arranging and financing training, reconciling production time and training time, and putting the gains from training to profitable use. Among different key elements to be emphasised are: • Practices to help workers overcome some of the barriers to training, including time and costs (through, e.g., flexible time management). The rights to education or training leave from work in Finland and Norway are an important incentive for workers to undertake learning. • Ensuring access to skills assessment and the possibility of skills development in firms for groups at risk – such as workers who are victims of restructuring, who did not have a proper initial education, or older workers. The Skandia company individual learning accounts initiative in Sweden is worth noting: workers payments into the accounts are matched by Skandia, and are tripled in the case of employees over 45 years old who do not have a higher secondary diploma. Other good practices have been found in enterprises in all visited countries. • Public employment services that operate flexible models of public training programmes. Modules, tailor-made programmes, continuous admission and certification have been applied successfully in the public employment service in Norway or through the Vaggeryd-model for labour market training (named after the municipality where it was originally developed) in Sweden. • Avoiding the sole criteria of quantitative results when financing training for the unemployed. It may lead to creaming in skills training, since the objective is immediate placement. Quality criteria must also be included in the call for tender. 3. Enhancing the financial incentives to invest in the human capital of adults, at the individual and enterprise levels. Financing of adult learning systems is a complex issue. Funding comes from both public and private sources in all the countries under review. And indeed the consensus seems to be that responsibility for financing should be shared among all partners, exploring co-operative financing mechanisms. In some cases, making individuals participate in the financing, if they can afford it, can also be applicable as a return on the benefits that they receive from participation. Different policy avenues are possible to enhance incentives to invest: • The introduction of individual incentive mechanisms such as loans, grants or individual learning accounts. In Canada, some of these mechanisms have been used to stimulate adults
  • 17.
    12 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 to undertake learning opportunities. In the United Kingdom there is a broad range of financial support to encourage individuals to undertake learning throughout the country. In Finland, Norway and Sweden there are individual income support allowances complementary to free provision. • Offering entitlements for learning or study leave during working hours. Alternation leave in Finland, for example, has a twofold purpose: employees can have leave from work, and unemployed job seekers can obtain work experience. • The introduction of subsidies to private suppliers or to individuals. Compensation for part of the opportunity costs can help to attain an appropriate level of training. The Danish taximeter system, tax exemptions and subsidies for employer-financed training can be viewed in this light. Financial incentives can also be increased by allowing training to be treated as an investment for taxation purposes rather than an expenditure. • The establishment of enterprise training levies or the setting up of national or sectoral training funds under specific conditions. The Development of Labour Promotion Act in Quebec, Canada to boost workers’ qualifications, skills and performance through continuing training is a measure of the “train or pay” kind. 4. Approaches to improve the quality of adult learning can greatly contribute to increase access and participation. A number of these can focus on quality control and measurement of outcomes. Improvement can be achieved, for example, through better monitoring and evaluation; through improving statistical systems; through better accreditation systems; through better performance evaluation at the institution level; and through better monitoring of student outcomes and graduate destinations. Research in this field is imperative. Different elements may be highlighted: • The introduction of quality assurance systems. The programmes EduQua in Switzerland and the Programme for Certification of Training Institutions (QUALFOR) in Portugal are interesting examples of monitoring. Many countries have also created institutes in charge of evaluating the quality of education and training, devoted exclusively to adult learning (such as the Norwegian Institute for Adult Education in Norway) or more broadly to all kinds of learning (such as the Danish Evaluation Institute in Denmark). • Setting standards for service delivery and publicly certifying of the achievement of these standards. The Investors in People (IiP) label is awarded to companies that make a recognised training effort in the United Kingdom. • Including evaluation as an integral part of policy design. Unfortunately, most evaluation of adult learning policies is limited to the measurement of the number of students taught and funding spent, with use of surveys to measure change and learning profiles. Broader evaluation tools to measure effectiveness of policies are not present in many country adult learning policies. • Providing better support of policy choices requires research and analysis. National efforts in statistical and homogeneous data collection on participation and spending, and research and sharing of best practices at a national as well as an international level can contribute to improve quality of policies and programmes. 5. Adopting a co-ordinated approach to adult learning, by bringing the relevant partners together. Co-ordinating the activities of the different actors can help to rationalise scarce resources and contribute to more efficient public spending. Partnerships are useful tools, as is an outcomes- based approach. Countries are grappling with ways to develop comprehensive and integrated policy frameworks for adult learning. In contrast to the fragmented approach that can be observed in many countries, a holistic approach – encompassing both formal and informal learning as well as general education, vocational education and enterprise training – requires co-ordination. Key ingredients to a co-ordinated policy are:
  • 18.
    13 Highlights © OECD 2003 •Developing a co-ordinated approach in the public adult learning system. Countries have worked towards increasing supply at different levels, rationalise and give coherence to the diversity of offerings, and co-ordinate the different actors involved. In most of these cases, that implies free or near-free provision of formal adult education or other educational opportunities. This is the case with the reforms introduced by Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden, and efforts undertaken by Spain and Portugal. • Co-ordination within government, as well as between government and a wide range of non- government actors such as employers, trade unions, private and public educational institutions, and community groups. Examples of specific institutions to help co-ordinate adult learning policies include ANEFA in Portugal and the Learning and Skills Council in the United Kingdom. • A balanced interaction between a top-down approach – in which governments define structures and financing procedures – and a bottom-up approach that enables local actors to provide feedback on the problems they face and the innovative solutions that they have found. The Adult Education Initiative in Sweden is an excellent example of this approach. Monitoring the implementation process of reforms is also essential. • The promotion of partnerships. They have appeared in a number of countries as a means of co-operation and co-ordination. Examples are those developed in Canada or in the Economic Development Agency of La Rioja in Spain. • Policy processes that co-ordinate well across the sectors and among the many actors involved, that incorporate rational funding mechanisms, and that build monitoring and evaluation into policy development all make systems more effective. These are the aims of the recent adult education and training reform in Denmark. Such integrated policy frameworks also need to place the individual and the enterprise at the centre – in shaping incentives to participate; in funding mechanisms; in the design of adult learning programmes; and in determining outcomes. They need to make explicit the relative responsibilities of individuals, enterprises and governments within an overall framework. As in initial education, they need to balance goals of economic development with equity goals and social and personal development. They need to recognise the reality that many adults in OECD countries have at best completed lower secondary education; that they often have low levels of basic skills; and that many have been away from formal learning for some years. Overall, countries are moving in the right direction – but there is still a great deal of work to be done.
  • 19.
    15 © OECD 2003 Chapter1 INTRODUCTION 1. It should be understood that while throughout the report references are made to the United Kingdom, the thematic review in fact covered only England. With the evolution toward knowledge-based societies, adult learning has taken on a much higher profile in the last decade. High unemployment rates, the increased and recognised importance of human capital for economic growth and social development, and changing economic contexts – together with public interest in improving social and personal development – have spurred an increase in learning opportunities for adults within the wider context of lifelong learning. There are broad learning opportunities in different contexts and countries for employment or personal purposes, for upskilling or for remedial purposes – but there are also strong inequities in terms of access and provision. This publication analyses means for improving access to and participation in adult learning as well as its quality and effectiveness. It does so by reviewing current learning opportunities, the reasons for non-participation, and the different policies and approaches in place to improve both access and participation. It is based on information from nine countries that participated in this OECD thematic review on adult learning: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom (England).1
  • 20.
    16 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 1.1.Purpose of the thematic review Education and labour ministers had recognised the importance of lifelong learning opportunities for all. The thematic review process began at the January 1996 meeting of OECD education ministers, who at that time argued that far-reaching changes were needed to make lifelong learning a reality for all: “Strategies for lifelong learning need a wholehearted commitment to new system- wide goals, standards and approaches, adapted to the culture and circumstance of each country.” Recognising that adults encounter particular problems in participating in lifelong learning, the ministers called on the OECD to “review and explore new forms of teaching and learning appropriate for adults, whether employed, unemployed or retired”. In October 1997, OECD labour ministers expanded on the message, adding a note of heightened importance. Identifying the adverse labour market consequences that can and do arise due to the lack of access to lifelong learning opportunities, they “underlined the importance of ensuring that lifelong learning opportunities are broadly accessible to all persons of working age, in order to sustain and increase their employability”. A cross-country thematic review would be of great value in analysing lessons from national experiences. In 1998, the OECD and the US Department of Education co-organised an international conference, “How Adults Learn”, to review recent research results and practices with regard to teaching and learning adapted to the needs of adults (OECD and US Department of Education, 1999). One of the conclusions from the conference was that a cross-country thematic review had valuable potential for identifying and analysing the lessons from different national experiences with adult learning, and for understanding how the policy and institutional environment could be made more supportive. At the end of 1998 the OECD Education Committee launched the Thematic Review on Adult Learning (TRAL) and, at its meeting in Spring 1999, the Employment, Labour and Social Affairs Committee requested that the TRAL be carried out as a joint activity of the two committees. The result was the thematic review on adult learning. The purpose of the thematic review is to analyse policy options in different national contexts for improving access to and participation in adult learning, as well as its quality and effectiveness. The review examines whether learning opportunities for adults are adequate and how adult education and training should respond to the labour market. The following are among the key issues covered by the review: • Patterns of participation and non-participation in adult learning. • Diagnoses of the problems that arise because of these patterns. • Policy programmes and institutional arrangements used by countries for expanding learning opportunities for adults. • Options that can be regarded as “good practices” under diverse institutional circumstances and how these can be applied more widely within and across countries. 1.2. Organisation and process Nine countries volunteered to participate in the review… A meeting of national representatives was held in June 1999 in Paris to discuss the proposed terms of reference and identify the countries interested in participating. Nine countries volunteered. The first visit was in December 1999 and the last one in November 2001.
  • 21.
    17 1. Introduction © OECD2003 … which involved a five-step procedure. At the meeting of national representatives an agreement was reached concerning the framework, scope and procedure of the review, and major policy issues for investigation were identified. The methodology involves the analysis, in a comparative framework, of country-specific issues and policy approaches to adult learning. A five-step procedure used for other thematic reviews in education was adopted:2 • Preparation by the country of a background report. • Preliminary one- or two-day visit to the country by the OECD Secretariat. • A visit to the country by the review team. • Preparation of a country note. • Preparation of a comparative report. Background reports provided a state-of-the- art overview of policy and provision in each country beforehand. Each participating country has prepared a background report on the basis of a common outline and data questionnaire. These reports provide a concise overview of the country context, current adult learning policies and provision, major issues and concerns, and available data. The preparation of the background report was managed by a national co-ordinator or team of co-ordinators, and guided by a steering committee that brought together experts and officials from both education and labour. The reports were written either by government officials or by commissioned authors. By providing a state-of-the-art overview and description of policy and provision in each participating country, the background reports have been important outputs of the review process. In several countries, it was the first time that such information had been brought together in one comprehensive document. Some of these reports have been published as such in the country. Their main purpose was to brief the expert reviewers prior to their country visit. As a consequence, they are designed to be descriptive; the analytical work is performed by the review team. Visiting teams then met with a wide range of education and labour market stakeholders in each country. Following the preparation of the background report and a visit by the OECD Secretariat to prepare the programme for the full visit, each participating country hosted a multinational team of two OECD Secretariat members and three reviewers (including the rapporteur in charge of co-ordinating the preparation of the country note) for a one- to two-week review visit. The visits, which were organised by government officials in co-operation with the OECD Secretariat, enabled the experts to study both education and labour market issues related to adult learning. The background report formed the basis for analysis, and the visiting teams discussed the issues with a wide range of stakeholders: government representatives, senior policy makers, officials in education and employment, trade unions, employers, representatives of training institutions, education professionals, non-governmental organisations and members of the research community. Usually there were field visits to institutions and organisations. A total of 27 external experts from 18 countries and four members of the OECD Secretariat took part in the nine review visits. This wide range of participants – with varied backgrounds in fields such as economics, education, political sciences and sociology – furnished a rich set of perspectives for analysing 2. TRAL is the fourth thematic review of this sort. It follows similar studies undertaken on different subjects such as tertiary education (OECD, 1998), school-to-work transition (OECD, 2000) and early childhood education and care policy (OECD, 2001). Other thematic reviews currently in process are analysing attracting, retaining and developing effective teachers and the role of national qualification systems in promoting lifelong learning.
  • 22.
    18 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 countries’ experiences, while also facilitating cross-national discussions of policy lessons. The details of the national co-ordinators and members of the review teams are provided in Annex 4 and in the country notes. Following these visits the review teams prepared country notes drawing together their analyses. After each visit, the review team prepared a country note drawing together observations and analyses of country-specific policy issues. The qualitative assessments of the review teams have been supplemented by statistics and documents supplied by participating countries and the OECD. Data sources include the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS), Labour Force Surveys (LFS), and Continuing Vocational Training Surveys (CVTS) (Annex 1 for more information on data sources). The country notes provide insights into current adult learning policy contexts, identify the major issues arising from the visit, and propose suggestions to improve policy and practice. In addition, each note highlights examples of innovative approaches with the goal of promoting cross-national exchange of good practice. The descriptions and analysis included throughout this publication draw heavily upon the background reports and country notes. These reports are not individually cited in the text (unless directly quoted), but they can be found on the adult learning thematic review website together with other relevant material (www.oecd.org/edu/adultlearning). They offer rich contextual material on each of the participating countries; the country notes provide the review teams’ assessments and policy suggestions. This resulting publication does not rank countries but speaks of differences, similarities and implications. This publication is the final output of the first round of this activity. In order to respect the diversity of policy approaches to adult learning, it does not attempt to compare countries in terms of better/worse or right/wrong, or to rank countries. Instead, the report seeks to analyse the nature of and reasons for similarities and differences in policy approaches across the nine participating countries, and to identify some of the possible implications for policy makers. Adult learning is a very complex field for at least two reasons. First of all, there is no universally accepted definition of who is an adult learner or what is adult learning. In comparison with tertiary education or early childhood education, for example, the age range is very wide and the nature of the provision piecemeal. In this domain, the very concept of learning is itself complex. The second source of complexity has to do with the wide number of stakeholders, who sometimes have competing interests. This factor has made the tasks of the review team and the authors of this publication difficult. If the thematic review has been able to address different sets of issues in an integrated manner, it is because the process entailed having specialists from education and employment work together, both in the OECD Secretariat and in the participating countries. The collaborative process has in fact encouraged knowledge and data sharing among all participants. The comparative methodology has encouraged those charged with making decisions regarding adult learning to reflect upon their own policy approaches and to be informed of successful policy initiatives in other countries or other regions of the same country. For instance, the project gave different government departments and ministries with responsibility for adult learning the opportunity to work together and exchange information and perspectives. It has also promoted collaboration and consultation between policy officials and other stakeholders in the field. The OECD Secretariat has worked closely with country authorities during the
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    19 1. Introduction © OECD2003 course of the review in preparing the reports, selecting the members of review teams, and developing the programmes for the review visits. The intention of this report is to provide illustrative material and insight into relevant policy issues. The intention of the comparative report has not been to provide carefully controlled data for in-depth research, but to provide illustrative material and insights into policy issues and trends identified in country reports and other sources. The collection of cross-national data in a short time frame has allowed for lessons from country experiences to be considered before national circumstances have changed. The short time frame, however, was not sufficient to address rather broad policy changes that occurred after the visits in some of the participating countries, particularly those visited toward the beginning of the review process (end of 1999 and beginning of 2000). These recent major policy changes demonstrate the growing importance accorded to adult learning in some of the participating countries, and even hint that the OECD review team’s visits may well have contributed to moving the policy agenda forward. 1.3. Structure Chapter 2 of this report provides the definitions and framework for the review and the rationale for the focus on adult learning. It lists the key issues that will be addressed in the subsequent chapters. Chapter 3 identifies patterns of participation in adult learning and assesses the needs and gaps in provision. Chapter 4 provides a summary of the general policies and priorities currently under way in adult learning in the nine participating countries. Chapter 5 analyses barriers to participation and different practices and incentives that can enhance motivation for learning in the labour market and other areas. Chapter 6 examines measures that can improve the quality of learning and outcomes through the use of appropriate pedagogy and modes of learning provision, teacher preparation and quality control. Chapter 7 analyses policy options to address problems of fragmented provision of services and inadequacies of delivery infrastructures. Chapter 8 provides a general overview of findings, key elements and features of a desirable adult learning system.
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    Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices 20 © OECD 2003 BIBLIOGRAPHY OECD (1998), Redefining Tertiary Education, Paris. OECD (2000), From Initial Education to Working Life: Making Transitions Work, Paris. OECD (2001), Starting Strong: Early Childhood Education and Care, Paris. OECD and US DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION (1999), “How Adults Learn”, Proceedings of the Conference held 6-8 April 1998, Georgetown University, Washington.
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    21 © OECD 2003 Chapter2 ISSUES IN ADULT LEARNING Adult learning is not a new idea, but one that has been evolving for centuries. Efforts are now under way to examine the issues in a lifelong learning perspective. The different views of what adult learning involves – including formal, informal and non-formal learning, learning for personal and professional reasons, full time or part time – make the analysis challenging. Taking account of all that adult learning implies is an important issue in public policy making because of the wide range of needs to be addressed and the range of actors and policy areas that are involved. This chapter describes the policy rationale and presents the key issues that were analysed for the comparative report – issues having to do with strengthening the incentives and motivation for adults to learn, improving the delivery of adult learning, and promoting a better integration of the supply and demand.
  • 26.
    22 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 2.1. An old issue brought up to date Retaining knowledge and acquiring further knowledge are concerns dating back to Condorcet. Education should be universal, that is to say extended to every citizen. It should, in its various degrees, embrace the entire system of human knowledge and provide people, throughout their lives, with the ability to retain the knowledge they have and acquire more. People will be taught about new laws, agricultural observations and economic methods that they need to be aware of: they will be shown the art of educating themselves (Condorcet, 1792). Condorcet’s speech to the French National Assembly soon after the 1789 Revolution proves that lifelong learning is not a new idea – far from it.1 Nor is adult learning. Key issues of concern to modern-day researchers and policy makers are mentioned in this speech, which dates back over two centuries: retaining knowledge, which is often associated with the idea that information and skills become obsolete when left unused, and acquiring further knowledge. Folk high schools are an early example of adult learning based on demand. It was in Denmark in the mid-19th century that adult learning was put into practice on a larger scale. Based on the ideas developed by N. Grundtvig and C. Kold, folk high schools2 were set up in local communities based on demand. This was an example of a service launched in response to a more or less explicit need on the part of users. In those days small farmers were becoming increasingly important to the economy, and the folk high schools were designed to raise their political awareness. The idea gradually spread through northern Europe, and Grundtvig’s precepts are still very much alive today in other countries. There are folk high schools throughout Norway and Sweden; they are the direct legacy of the schools founded in Denmark over a century and a half ago, in spite of some differences in the role they now play and in the way they operate.3 “Lifelong learning” has evolved into a holistic vision that accords greater weight to adult learning… It was in the early 1970s that the notion of lifelong learning first came to be clearly and universally formalised (UNESCO, 1972; OECD, 1973). This work marked a turning point in adult learning4 policy, since it recognised for the first time the need for periods of learning to take place throughout people’s lives, not just in the early years. By the early 1970s the idea of lifelong learning was already a major advance on recurrent education. The first explicitly integrates education into a person’s life cycle, whereas the second is sporadic and is merely for remedial purposes. Twenty years later (UNESCO, 1996; OECD, 1996), the concept of lifelong learning was further refined. The 1970s vision had emphasised adult learning at the expense of other phases of lifelong learning. The 1990s view established a holistic view of education and learning as a truly lifelong process (“from cradle to grave”) that is, as stated, multidimensional. Adult learning, while a major feature of lifelong learning with which it is often confused, has long been the “poor relation” compared with other major domains, particularly formal education (primary, secondary and higher). 1. The reference is to “education in life” made in Plato’s Republic. 2. Folkehøjskole in Danish, Folkhögskola in Swedish and Folkehøgskole in Norwegian. In English this is translated as folk high schools, but a more appropriate translation might be adult schools for liberal studies. 3. These adult education schools are described in Chapter 3. 4. Adult learning and adult education and training are used interchangeably throughout this publication.
  • 27.
    23 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 … but to what extent has that vision been realised? Precisely because Condorcet’s speech is so relevant to the modern world, it is also rather worrying. It shows that little has changed, and that many countries are probably still at the stage of mere rhetoric. In fact, one of the recurring comments heard during the review visits to individual countries was that the arguments developed over the past 25 years had not changed a great deal, in either substance or form. Major tasks of the thematic review, therefore, are to distinguish between rhetoric and genuine progress and to identify the ways to achieve further progress. 2.2. Defining adult learning No consensus on a single definition Lack of agreement on definitions can lead to a lack of comparable data… Finding accurate definitions for “adult learning” and “adult learners” is not an easy task, for several reasons. One is that it is hard to define who an adult learner is – or, for that matter, what learning is. The definitions vary in terms of coverage, settings and age according to the country and, sometimes, to the regional authority or the type of programme (Box 2.1). As an example, formal learning is always included in the definition but non-formal and (especially) informal learning are less often so. The minimum age for defining the adult learner also varies: the lowest in some definitions is 16 if employed, for example in Spain and Portugal. In some other cases, it could be 17.5, 18, 19 or 25. Countries also differ in their coverage of non-vocational learning: Switzerland, for example, is preparing a law on adult learning that deals with vocational training only. … which can in turn hinder policy making. The lack of consensus on a single definition is a problem of deeper significance. There are insufficient comparable statistical data on adult learning, largely due to the lack of a coherent definition across countries or even within a country. One example comes from Canada, where no single definition is applicable in all provinces. The participation rate in adult learning in 1998 was 27.7%, according to the Adult Education and Training Survey (AETS). That same year, however, the New Approach to Lifelong Learning Survey (NALL) revealed that 96.7% of Canadians feel that they engage in some sort of informal learning in their everyday life. Another example: some countries provide a breakdown of participation by age, but the key information for definitional purposes of whether or not a person is returning to learning or is still in the initial system may be missing. Available data on adult learning are very patchy and not easily comparable across countries, which can hinder policy making (Annex 1 contains information on data sources). Different forms of adult learning Some of the definitional problems stem from the variety of forms and settings of adult learning. For the purposes of this report, and to take the debate forward with a view to developing policy recommendations, three major, non-mutually exclusive distinctions need to be made: • Whether or not learning is formal – to some extent this entails defining what learning is. • Whether it is undertaken for personal or professional reasons. • Whether it is on a full-time or part-time basis.
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    24 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 Box 2.1. Institutional definitions of adult learning in the nine countries of the thematic review Canada: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education. Age and time spent since leaving initial education and training are the main criteria, but these vary according to the province, ministry and programme. There is no reference to the type of learning. However, situations differ from one province to another. Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Ontario, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia do not have an official definition for adult learners. Four provinces (Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Manitoba and the Northwestern Territories) state that they do. Denmark: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal, non-formal and informal learning. All adult learning activities are defined in contrast to initial education and training, which is confined to youth. There is no one definition of adult learning, but all facilities providing adult education courses are clearly identified; adult learners therefore can be said to be those who are enrolled there. There is mention of age especially in two respects: 1) general adult education at lower secondary level and preparatory adult education at an even lower level (18 years is the minimum entry age for basic general adult education, corresponding to the age at which schooling in the initial system at that level is no longer open to participants); and 2) adult vocational education and training (VET) and basic adult (vocational) education (25 years is established as the minimum entry age to post-compulsory vocational education and training, so as to avoid having financial income or student recruitment efforts play the dominant role in education decisions). 17½ years is the minimum age for entering a “folk high school”. Finland: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal and non- formal learning. The definition of adult learning was contingent on the nature of the host institution and education/training provision rather than on the learner’s profile. Until recently, learning has to be organised specifically for adults to be viewed as adult learning. Nowadays the definition is more based on learners’ profile and also takes informal learning into account, for those 25 and over. Norway: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal, non-formal and informal learning. The definition therefore encompasses all the settings, whether formal or not, in which learning can occur. On the age side this generally means 19 and over, 19 being the age limit for students in secondary education and not enrolled in a higher education facility. Portugal: Adult learning covers vocational training and general education as well as formal, non- formal and informal learning. However, the ministries of education and labour do not use the exact same definition even if the two jointly set up the National Agency for Adult Education and Training (ANEFA). The agency’s definition initially covered those over 18 but now includes those aged 16 and over in work. Spain: Adult learning covers people over 18 who have left initial education and training, and those over 16 who are in work. It includes vocational training and general education, which are defined in relation to provision and individual situations. Adult basic education refers to education for basic skills to function in today’s society. Training is related to work and comprises initial regulated vocational training provided by the ministry of education, occupational training for the unemployed arranged by the public employment services, and continuing training to qualify and requalify workers. Sweden: Adult learning is defined in relation to education/training provision rather than individuals. An adult learner is therefore someone who participates in some form of education organised and provided in an adult facility (e.g. municipal learning centre, folk high school, learning circle, jobseeker scheme, etc.), regardless of age. On the other hand, self-learners and those who learn in the workplace or at university, for instance, are not covered by the definition. 20 would appear to be the threshold age. Switzerland: Adult learning covers any learning process that enables adults to develop their skills, increase their knowledge and upgrade their general and vocational qualifications, or to switch to a new form of employment better matched to their own needs and those of society. There is little or no scope for non-vocational learning. In Swiss law and in practice, learning is virtually synonymous with vocational training, even if the term “general training” appears in some places. There is no mention of age. United Kingdom (England): An adult learner is a person engaged in education and training outside the formal initial education system. Policy tends to target those aged 19 and over. The type of learning concerned includes formal education or training leading to a qualification and a range of informal learning opportunities that can be significant sources of skill or knowledge development. The focus is now broadening to encompass informal (as well as formal) learning and non-vocational (as well as vocational) learning. Source: Definitions are taken from the country background reports (www.oecd.org/edu/adultlearning).
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    25 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 Formal, non-formal and informal learning Formal, non-formal and informal learning are terms that have emerged from work by UNESCO on lifelong education and the knowledge society, which culminated in the report Learning to Be: The World of Education Today and Tomorrow (UNESCO, 1972). To simplify matters, this report uses the most recently developed definitions, adopted for European Union work (Bjørnåvold, 2000 and 2001): • Formal learning is defined as taking place in an organised, structured setting. It is clearly identified as a learning activity. One example is formal instruction – i.e. primary, secondary and higher education – or vocational training. This kind of learning, by its very nature, leads to certification, by the ministry of education, a professional branch, or another ministry (usually labour, social affairs, industry, agriculture or defence). • Non-formal learning refers to organised activities that are not explicitly identified as learning activities but that have a major learning component. This means, for instance, that it does not lead to qualifications or certification. It may occur within the workplace or outside. This type of learning supplements more formal learning. • Informal learning occurs by chance or during everyday activities (work, family life, leisure, etc.). Another term used is experiential learning (learning through experience). It is not provided through any formal structure. Typically, self-learners using new ICTs, television or radio, for instance, participate in informal learning if these activities do not constitute part of an organised course or programme. It may be useful, for the purposes of policy making or argument, to break down informal learning into planned and unplanned learning. In the former, people set aside time for informal learning, whereas in the latter they are not conscious of acquiring knowledge. Informal learning is sometimes presented as the only real process of active lifelong learning. Learning for personal or professional purposes The personal/ professional distinction applies particularly when the decision to learn is taken Another major distinction further complicates the picture. A number of different factors (e.g. the types of funding available) often make it necessary to clarify whether the training is for professional or personal reasons. This distinction does not necessarily hold over time, but it is relevant when the decision to learn is taken. Initial motivation for non-professional reasons could well eventually lead to interest in a particular career or facilitate access to a specific job. Learning for private, social and/or recreational purposes or for reasons not directly related to work is an important facet of lifelong learning, and falls within the scope of this thematic review. It also adds something to earlier concepts such as recurrent or remedial education, which is heavily influenced by the idea of making up for initial underachievement. The background reports and country notes drawn up for the review and country visits reveal that non-vocational aspects, including learning related to citizenship,5 democracy and general well-being are much in evidence. 5. Citizenship is here taken to mean entitlement to social goods created by the state and institutions, for the benefit of all. These include education, learning and health care.
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    26 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 It should be remembered that while people are learning all the time, not all types of learning can receive equal attention from those who provide adult learning. For roughly the same reason, not all forms of learning can be addressed in this report. Informal learning in particular will only be viewed through examples because of lack of data or focus on those issues during the review visits. Full- or part-time learning Part-time learning interferes less with lifestyles, and so is the more common avenue for adults. This third and final distinction is very significant and raises many issues important to adult learning. Full-time learning, the basis for many of the calculations used to measure return(s) to investment in education and/or training, requires that adults take time off from other activities – mainly employment, which means not earning wages. It generally involves adults returning to formal education, normally higher education or specialisation courses. Part-time learning is more compatible with other life situations, such as working. Adults thus do not need to cease to earn wages, but have to find time in their schedules to arrange for learning. Part-time learning is a more common avenue for adults, as the investment is not as time- or resource- intensive and is more compatible with working. The adopted definition: resumption of learning There may well be no point in reaching agreement on one single definition. However, the review’s terms of reference define potential adult learners as adults aged 25 to 64 who have left initial education and training. This definition serves for comparison, throughout this publication, when statistics or figures are available in the countries concerned. When analysing policy issues and measures within a country, on the other hand, there is no real need to adopt a precise, universal definition.6 The important point is that the adults in question returned to some kind of learning activities at some point after having left initial education and training. 2.3. Why adult learning is important Describing objectives is simpler than defining terms. As seen above, there is considerable complexity in pinpointing a comprehensive and agreed definition of adult learning. The objectives that adult learning policies pursue, on the other hand, can be described easily in broad terms: they must ensure high levels of adult participation in education and training activities while preserving equity among individuals and subgroups of the population, with high-quality programmes that are efficiently resourced. There are several reasons why, in recent years, adult learning has become an important item on the policy agenda. Education and training contribute to the human capital of individuals and make them more efficient workers as well as better-informed citizens in a knowledge society. More specifically, the increased interest can be put down to a number of factors. In the economic domain there are possible benefits of increased employability, greater productivity and improved-quality employment. In the social domain, one can include individual well-being and increased social returns such as 6. For instance, 16 and 19 would be more relevant ages in the United Kingdom and Norway, respectively. In addition, Portugal opted for a review of the issues involved with low-qualified individuals only.
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    27 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 better health, lower incidence of crime, etc. There are as well the political benefits of improved civic participation and a strengthening of the foundations of democracy. All these aspects are closely linked, and described in greater detail below. The rest of the chapter will then describe the main policy issues examined in this report. Before turning to the main issues, it is worth noting that the general context is provided by the wide range of adult learning needs, whether those of the employers, workers, or simple citizens. A wide range of needs The market alone has not been able to meet a wide range of complex needs. Adult learning cannot be understood or approached in the same way as initial learning. The range of needs is wider and more complex. Historically, the system of adult learning can only be described as highly fragmented and an inadequate response to problem areas and needs that have not often been explicitly articulated. Adult learning has involved public intervention, mainly because some of those needs are not always met by the market. As a consequence there are many gaps in adult learning provision, partly due to market failures. It is important, as a starting point, to keep the range of adult learning needs in mind: • Vocational training needs in the workplace. These may relate to cutting-edge technology for highly skilled workers – a field not covered by the thematic review – or more classic needs to update knowledge and know-how. Although there are no fully reliable data, there is evidence that employers provide most of the training of this type, compared with the public or non-governmental organisations. • Basic education needs (reading, writing and arithmetic). This refers mainly to “second-chance” or recurrent education, for those who have left the initial education system without basic skills (Levels 1 and 2 in Figure 2.1). Clearly, the lack of basic literacy skills can severely limit an individual’s civic participation and ability to reap benefit from the opportunities society has to offer. • Special needs of low-paid workers. Research evidence shows that workers with average or above salaries have good access to training opportunities, as have the unemployed through public training systems. Workers at the lowest wage level tend to be overlooked. • Workers in small firms do not receive as many training opportunities as workers in larger firms, as it is usually difficult to arrange and to cover workers who are training. Similar situations occur for workers in insecure and short-term contracts. • Immigrants as a group have specific needs, especially with regard to language training and cultural adaptation. • Other target groups. Some countries visited have substantial native populations, such as the Lapps in northern Europe or First Nations in Canada, whose education and training needs are not readily met by the general system of provision because that system does not cater to the many special problems of these groups.7 7. The very notion of pedagogy or a cognitive process among members of Canada’s First Nations has very little to do with what those terms mean in relation to groups of European origin.
  • 32.
    28 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 • Disabled workers. Their needs cannot be easily met by a general- purpose system of provision either. • The training needs of women and men, may as a group, also differ. This issue requires further analysis however, as evidence shows that in a number of countries, women participate slightly more in learning activities than men. • Geographical variables also impact on the diversity of learning. In some cases, training needs outside major urban centres are not readily met except by distance learning. In almost half of the countries visited during the review, there was a severe demographic imbalance of training provision owing to, e.g., climatic factors and a highly dispersed population (Canada, Finland, Norway and Sweden). Designing a comprehensive system of adult learning is complex mostly because the needs are so diverse for different sections of the population. At the same time, learning needs can vary within a given group of the population. Hence, it is difficult to identify the type of provision needed simply in terms of the broad characteristics of the population groups. Developing a good and detailed knowledge base on population subgroups is, therefore, one of the key requirements for policy making. Adult learning contributes to human capital and to economic growth Human capital plays an important role in the process of economic growth… One aspect of the importance of adult learning is its contribution to human capital. While the size of the contribution of human capital to economic growth is the subject of considerable debate, there is little question that human capital is a key factor. An OECD study (2000) sets the Figure 2.1. Literacy levels in selected countries Percentage of population aged 25-64 at each prose literacy level, 1994-98 Note: Countries are ranked in increasing order, by the proportion of the population in Levels 1 and 2. Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98). % % Literacy levels: Sweden 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 Norway Finland Canada Denmark United Kingdom Switzerland Portugal Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5 % % Literacy levels: Sweden 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 Norway Finland Canada Denmark United Kingdom Switzerland Portugal Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4/5
  • 33.
    29 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 average long-term impact of one year’s additional education on per capita output at between 4 and 7%. This is still a wide range, which is partly due to the lack of consensus on how best to measure investment in human capital; most studies focus on the growth effect of initial education, rather than on the possible contribution of adult learning. However, despite the divergences in the methods of measurement used and the orders of magnitude of the impact, there is consensus that human capital plays an important role in the process of economic growth. … and adult learning is undeniably part of human capital. Adult learning is also part of human capital, and there are grounds for expecting that it will contribute to human capital accumulation and growth. Individuals who have left the initial education and training system can strengthen their human capital through adult learning in all sort of settings, whether formal or not. Adult learning may help improve workers’ skills and productivity, especially useful in periods of rapid technological change. Also, it is often argued that adult learning enhances employability and workers’ ability to cope with job loss. In other words, investment in the human capital of workers may help mobilise labour resources, thereby supporting the growth process (OECD, 2002b). The necessary reliance on human capital in all economic sectors in the nine countries under review calls for a good understanding of how human capital is acquired and kept alive. Research on the contribution of adult learning to human capital could certainly help governments in their investment decision processes. All adults are potential workers… if properly qualified Considering that economic growth and employment creation is at the forefront of the preoccupations of all governments, it is of paramount importance to ensure that the largest possible share of the population is available for work. Adult learning programmes can increase the size of the available pool. This is especially important because the large fraction of the population that is not working (young people, retired people, other non- participants in the labour market) or not always working full time (unemployed, part-time workers) is likely to increase for at least two reasons: the strengthening of the knowledge economy and the ageing of the population. Basic skills are once again necessary to enter the knowledge economy’s labour market. The knowledge economy has once again made basic skills a necessary condition to cope with everyday life in general and to enter the labour market in particular. The International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) shows that the level of basic skills needed to function well in today’s societies is greater than generally thought. Even in countries with better results for prose literacy for instance, one-quarter of the population does not reach the basic required level of attainment, which has been defined as Level 3 (Figure 2.1). The cross-country comparison of average scores from the IALS shows considerable diversity in how adult skills are distributed among country populations. On the one hand, countries like Canada have high average levels of literacy but also a wide spread of literacy skills around the average score. Other countries, like Denmark or Norway, exhibit a narrow spread around the average score. These differences in literacy patterns across populations are closely linked to differences in the models of education and training of these countries (OECD and Statistics Canada, 2000).
  • 34.
    30 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 Some skill shortages concern the lack of potential workers and some the lack of workers with appropriate skills. In some countries, the knowledge economy has also caused severe skill shortages in some sectors of the economy. Shortages can be of two types.8 In the first case, the employer demand for labour is not met; there is an insufficient supply. In the second case, the employer cannot find the appropriate characteristics among the available supply as the level of qualification may not be optimal for an individual firm or the economy as a whole. Adult learning policies can contribute to an improvement of the situation in the labour market by addressing both types of shortages at the same time – in the former case by helping non-participants in the labour market to find a job, and in the latter case by providing appropriate education and training to meet the requirements of enterprises. There are solid arguments for adult learning… The necessary training or retraining of the labour force goes far beyond the need to fight against skill shortages. There is a need for adult learning throughout the economy and the population to improve countries’ human capital, prepare for the knowledge economy, and curb the side-effects of the ageing of the population. This provides a good rationale for adult learning. … relating to human capital, the knowledge economy and the ageing of the population. In regard to ageing of the population, data show that the size of older populations is increasing in all the countries under study and will continue to increase (Figure 2.2). It is clear that an important segment of the general population and the workers concerned have left initial education and training a long time ago, a period that increases with the ageing of the population. This underlines the need for retraining policies, on the grounds that educational attainment was lower at the time of that initial departure. It is also argued that knowledge and skills deteriorate if not used, and that technological progress entails an updating (Figure 2.3). Retraining of populations and individuals for economic change Adult learning policies can help address the phenomena of multiple job and career changes… Unemployment affects low-skilled or low-qualified individuals to a greater extent than it does other workers. This fact provides one more rationale for adult learning policies that can aim to improve skills and the qualifications of potential workers. Unemployment is not, however, the only rationale for adult education and training. Technological change presents the labour force9 with a challenge. The very notion of a career is changing: job tenure has decreased and temporary employment has grown in a considerable number of OECD countries in the past two decades (OECD, 2002a). Education and training is needed to cope with multiple job and career changes by providing new skills that contribute to greater versatility and mobility of workers. There are also those individuals who want to change jobs, occupations and/or professions for reasons of personal choice and career advancement. 8. Skill shortage is here defined as the scarcity of certain skills among workers who ought to carry out particular tasks and/or master specific techniques, whether relating to manual know-how or cognitive knowledge. This is a commonly accepted definition that does not cover, for instance, what Oliver and Turton (1982) have shown to be characteristics that employers refer to as skills, namely reliability, autonomy and stability. 9. Those who are in work, looking for work, or both.
  • 35.
    31 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 Figure 2.2. Ageing of the population Evolution of the 45-64 year-olds as proportion of total population, 1950-2020 Source: United Nations (2001). 1950 34 32 30 28 26 24 22 18 16 20 34 32 30 28 26 24 22 18 16 20 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020 Spain Canada Sweden Denmark Switzerland Finland United Kingdom Norway Portugal % of total population % of total population 1950 34 32 30 28 26 24 22 18 16 20 34 32 30 28 26 24 22 18 16 20 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020 Spain Canada Sweden Denmark Switzerland Finland United Kingdom Norway Portugal % of total population % of total population Figure 2.3. Younger generations are more educated Percentage of adults with at least upper secondary education by age group, 1999 Source: OECD (2001b). % % S w e d e n N o r w a y F i n l a n d C a n a d a D e n m a r k U n i t e d K i n g d o m S w i t z e r l a n d P o r t u g a l Ages 55-64 Ages 25-34 100 90 80 70 40 30 20 10 0 60 50 100 90 80 70 40 30 20 10 0 60 50 S p a i n % % S w e d e n N o r w a y F i n l a n d C a n a d a D e n m a r k U n i t e d K i n g d o m S w i t z e r l a n d P o r t u g a l Ages 55-64 Ages 25-34 100 90 80 70 40 30 20 10 0 60 50 100 90 80 70 40 30 20 10 0 60 50 S p a i n
  • 36.
    32 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 … help furnish the potential for innovation… Yet another rationale for high levels of participation in adult learning is the probability that many of the occupations that will appear over the next 15 years are not yet invented. Innovation of this type might be encouraged if the population at large – those in as well as out of the labour force – were to attain a certain level of skills. There is, of course, no certainty that cutting- edge and/or specific vocational training alone is conducive to innovation. However, a general increase in skills attainment might create a conducive environment in which innovation could thrive. … and help refit the labour force as traditional skills and structures disappear. In any event, the erosion or complete disappearance of some occupations – with technical change and industrial restructuring – is already making it necessary to retrain workers and adapt their skills. Adult learning policies are the only tools available to refit the existing adult labour force to the changing skill requirements of the economy. Even in the more durable occupations, new work patterns and practices are leading to the introduction of periods of learning to allow people to adapt to new skills; these may not often top the list of hiring criteria, but they do in fact figure into final hiring decisions (OECD, 2001a, Chapter 4). Learning for functioning in today’s society It can help society benefit from the new technologies… The challenges are not confined to the workforce, because in the nine countries under review, technology has clearly become part and parcel of individuals’ everyday lives. Using interactive television, cash dispensers, Internet or email, for instance, requires skills that most adults have not been taught, particularly during their initial education. In addition, new ICTs have rendered writing skills more necessary than during the age of the telephone, for example. … and even make for a better society. Adult learning also receives attention because it can affect every facet of one’s life. It raises issues ranging from individual welfare and betterment to citizenship and democracy. There is evidence, for instance, that some find it hard to administer the right dose of medication to a child because they cannot correctly read the label on a bottle or calculate the dosage. There are also interesting correlations between political variables (such as women in parliament) and literacy proficiency (OECD and Statistics Canada, 2000). Many surveys have shown that one reason why adults, or pensioners, return to learning is to help their children or grandchildren with their schoolwork. 2.4. Key issues Patterns of participation and provision To set the context for examining the key issues, it is useful to describe the existing situation in terms of the basic characteristics of the participants, providers and the mode of provision. Chapter 3 offers an overview of existing patterns in the countries reviewed. With regard to patterns of participation, some of the key questions addressed in that chapter are: • Is there imbalance in the participation rates in terms of gender, age, country of origin, occupational status? • What are the patterns of participation? What are the main reasons individuals have for learning? • What are the characteristics of the training provided by the employers?
  • 37.
    33 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 When dealing with the mode of provision, the key questions are: • What are the types of provision and providers? What are the respective roles of providers? • Is classroom-based teaching still the prevalent way of teaching adults? • Is the learning enterprise a reality? • What is the private/public breakdown in terms of adult learning providers? • To what extent is distance learning a solution? Is it widely used? Countries’ policies and practices The patterns described in Chapter 3 do not appear in a vacuum but are closely related to existing policies and practices. Chapter 4 presents an overview of country policies and practices, including the degree to which adult learning is important for the policy agenda at the national level. The chapter addresses, among others, the following questions: • What are the policy approaches to adult learning across the nine reviewed countries? • Are there general strategies to increase learning opportunities? • What are the tools of these policy strategies? For example, what reliance is placed on national qualification systems, quality assurance, financing mechanisms, use of benchmarks such as upper secondary level? • What is the division of roles between the national level and decentralised levels in the development and implementation of policies? • How is co-operation and partnership among different actors and stakeholders organised? Strengthening the incentives and motivations to learn Existing literature on adult learning has identified the inadequacy of incentives and lack of motivation to learn as key barriers to participation in adult learning. Chapter 5 addresses these issues from two perspectives, the more general situation applying to all training and the more specific context of the labour market, for employed and unemployed adults. The enterprise is a significant provider of training and it is essential to assess how incentives can be improved in this context. Hence the following relevant questions: • Has the perceived value of learning been sufficient to generate adequate levels of participation – i.e. social values and citizenship on one hand and economic benefits (better employability and increased productivity) on the other? • What specific mechanisms have been shown to work well in practice, and which specific approaches have not worked well: training levy schemes, a legal obligation for companies to finance training, loans or grants, allowing time for training within the enterprise, general training programmes for the unemployed? • What approaches have proved efficient in public employment service training programmes? General rather than targeted, incorporating on- the-job components in training? Which good practices have been found to reach the long-term unemployed?
  • 38.
    34 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 • What incentives and motivations have proved useful in improving participation in adult learning: better information about learning opportunities; wider room for personal fulfilment; opportunities for collective self-help; greater autonomy in decision making; wider civic involvement; a wider range of cultural activities? • What specific barriers need to be removed in order to increase participation (poor scheduling, lack of daycare centres for children, inadequate financing, inadequate support from the employer or the family)? • What is the experience with approaches providing new incentives such as right to study leave and the options of individual learning accounts? • How can incentives be tailored to meet the population segments most in need: target groups within non-learners, groups at risk, workers in SMEs, unemployed people? Improving the delivery of learning to adults Incentive and motivation are two keywords in the field of adult learning. While Chapter 5 analyses those issues in general and in the labour market, Chapter 6 deals with one specific approach to motivating individuals to learn: improving delivery. It outlines different dimensions of delivery that are key to the interests of the learner and the smooth functioning of the adult learning system. Delivery here is taken in a broad sense, embracing all the components of the adult learning system, including the enterprise and the teacher. A comprehensive approach is essential in ensuring a conducive environment to adult learning. To assess how well such an approach is being put into practice, the chapter addresses the following questions: • How can the learning and teaching methods be tailored to meet the specific needs of adults? If there is a specific pedagogy that is suitable, what are its key features? Is it possible to create or invent adult learning activities that are really learner-centred? How can education and training be made useful to the participants? • How can a conducive general environment be created (infrastructure, targeted approach)? Under what conditions do non-vocationally oriented learning activities improve accessibility to vocational activities? Is sufficient effort given to investigating how particular groups of adults learn most effectively? • How can appropriate co-ordination be ensured between research findings and their use by the policy makers? Can routine assessment of programmes – before, during and after – help in spotting inefficient or ineffective learning activities? • How effective are some of the tools most often used: recognition of prior learning, flexible organisation such as modularisation, certification of current learning? Have some specific ways of delivering learning proven useful: distance learning, e-learning, non-classroom- based learning? Promoting a better integration of supply and demand Providing a coherent and transparent system is an important step in creating an environment conducive to adult learning. Another element that
  • 39.
    35 2. Issues inAdult Learning © OECD 2003 needs to be considered is better integration of supply and demand, which is taken up in Chapter 7. In all the countries visited for the thematic review, there is a broad range of providers of adult learning activities. One of the key barriers for adults to resume learning activities after a long gap is the lack of simplicity and/or transparency of the system. On the other hand, a certain degree of complexity is sometimes made necessary by the wide range of needs. In this case, a good system of information and guidance is also required. What can be done: • To reduce fragmented provision of adult learning services and increase support infrastructure? • To take fuller account of learners’ needs and enable would-be learners to come forward and participate in learning programmes? • To make institutions work together? To encourage partnerships at all levels? • To regulate education and training markets so as to take account of the demand for learning? • To ensure that would-be learners have easy access to complete and reliable information and guidance on the full range of learning opportunities? • To use the system and the infrastructure (support services, for example) to reduce inequalities (by educational attainment for instance) and extend opportunities to those adults hard to reach? Adult education and training is a subject that raises important topics for international debate, because of the diversity of individual country experiences and policies. Even if not all experiences are transposable beyond national borders, it is always instructive to see what works elsewhere, how it works and why. The following chapters review major policy issues and solutions in each of the nine countries visited. More exhaustive national analysis can be found in the individual country notes. It goes without saying that it is particularly hard to take the full measure of all the problems during just a short visit, however intensive and well organised. The real problem is to put into perspective everything seen and heard, and then accurately weigh all the views and arguments in order to describe and analyse as faithfully as possible the actual situation on the ground. Clearly, people learn everywhere, all the time. This report consequently had to focus on the most obvious advances in fields where some formalisation is possible. Questions such as the recognition of prior learning and informal learning could not be dealt with thoroughly here, but will be addressed specifically in the OECD thematic review on national qualification systems. Going beyond the rhetoric, it is likely that learning deficits will persist. In fact, the chapters that follow attempt to describe how countries are trying to overcome such deficits. But they are also to some extent analytical, in that they try to see why, and in what settings, innovative solutions work.
  • 40.
    Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices 36 © OECD 2003 BIBLIOGRAPHY BJØRNÅVOLD, J. (2000), “Making Learning Visible: Identification, Assessment and Recognition of Non-formal Learning in Europe”, CEDEFOP, Thessaloniki, July. BJØRNÅVOLD, J. (2001), Assessment and Recognition of Non-formal Learning in Europe: Main Tendencies and Challenges, Communication prepared for the OECD-KRIVET International Conference on Adult Learning Policies, 5-7 December, Seoul, Korea. CONDORCET (1792), “Rapport à l’Assemblée nationale” (Report to the National Assembly), Paris. OECD (1973), Recruitment Education: A Strategy for Lifelong Learning, Paris. OECD (1996), Lifelong Learning for All, Paris. OECD (2000), OECD Economic Outlook, Vol. 68, December, Paris. OECD (2001a), Education Policy Analysis – Education and Skills, Paris, April. OECD (2001b), Education at a Glance – OECD Indicators, Paris. OECD (2002a), OECD Employment Outlook, July. OECD (2002b), “Supporting Economic Growth through Continuous Education and Training – Some Preliminary Results”, ELS working paper, OECD, Paris. OECD and STATISTICS CANADA (2000), Literacy in the Information Age, Final Report of the International Adult Literacy Survey, Paris and Ontario. OLIVER, J. and J. TURTON (1982), “Is there a Shortage of Skilled Labour?”, British Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 20, pp. 195-200. UNESCO (1972), Learning to Be: The World of Education Today and Tomorrow, Report of the Commission chaired by E. Faure, Paris. UNESCO (1996), “Learning: A Treasure Within”, Report to UNESCO of the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century, Paris. UNITED NATIONS (2001), “World Population Prospects 1950-2050 (The 2000 revision)”, Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, New York.
  • 41.
    37 © OECD 2003 Chapter3 PATTERNS OF PARTICIPATION AND PROVISION: ASSESSING NEEDS This chapter offers an overview of patterns and profiles of participation and provision in adult learning across the countries included in the thematic review. It shows how adults who follow learning activities do it mostly for employment-related reasons and in short training spells. Learning concentrates in specific subgroups of the population, such as those with higher educational attainment, employed in white-collar high-skilled occupations or working in larger firms or those at the forefront of the knowledge-based economy. The broad range of adult learning providers includes private, public and quasi non-governmental institutions, with enterprises playing a vital role in the process. There are similar patterns of participation across countries – and therefore similar gaps in provision for specific groups of adults who might require further learning opportunities.
  • 42.
    38 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 3.1. Profiles of participation in adult learning Issues of definition make it difficult to render a clear picture of adult participation in learning. Providing a clear picture of adult participation in learning activities is quite challenging. Not only do perceptions differ with regard to what can be considered learning within and across countries, but participation itself can be measured in different ways. Some surveys might focus on vocational training, or on training provided by enterprises; others include learning for personal reasons, some may also include informal learning. The differences in reference periods for learning activities also render the analysis difficult. Learning can cover different periods – a week, a month or throughout the whole year – and so not be comparable across countries. The definition of an adult learner also varies. It is a matter of who is considered an adult in different countries, and whether adults who have not left the education system are included as adult learners or not (Table 2.1 reviews different country definitions). Some surveys might also focus on the supply side, that providies data on courses and participants, while others offer information about people following training. These issues of definition and methodology are important for a chapter that provides a profile of participation. The different sources available will be used to provide a general picture of adult learning in as comparable a manner as possible across countries1 (Annex 1 for details on sources used for this publication). Participation rates vary greatly across countries. Adults participate in learning processes in all countries, although the percentages differ significantly (Figure 3.1). According to the International Adult Literacy Survey, more than one in two adults participated in Finland, Denmark, and Sweden. In Norway, the United Kingdom and Switzerland participation ranged from 48 to 40%. In Canada it was more than one in three. Portugal had the lowest rate of the countries that participated in this survey.2 It is important to note here that the survey was taken between 1994 and 1998, depending on the country, and participation rates may have varied since then due to economic and socio-demographic factors such as those listed in Chapter 2. The participation rates registered by the European Union Labour Force Survey (ELFS) are generally lower (ranging between 3 and 24%) than those from the IALS, mainly due to a difference in reference periods – four weeks for the former and one year for the latter. In Sweden, the United Kingdom, Denmark and Finland, one in five adults has received training in the month prior to the survey. The distribution of countries in the ELFS follows a ranking similar to that in the IALS with the exception of the United Kingdom. The Nordic countries, Sweden, Denmark and Finland, have the highest and similar participation rates, followed by Norway. The United Kingdom’s higher ranking could be due to increased efforts in training undertaken in recent years with 1. A number of efforts are under way at the OECD to harmonise this information. The working party on employment and unemployment statistics has already tried to assemble an overview of the data variations and establish a framework for harmonisation of training statistics (OECD, 1998). The INES network launched a project to develop an International Continuing Education and Training Module (OECD-Module) in April 2001 and work is in progress to try to achieve comparability of data across OECD countries on adult learning and training statistics. 2. Spain was the one country among those in the thematic review that did not participate in the IALS.
  • 43.
    39 3. Patterns ofParticipation and Provision: Assessing Needs © OECD 2003 the establishment of learning participation targets (7% reduction in non- learners between 1998 and 2002) since the ELFS refers to the year 2000 and IALS data for the United Kingdom refer to 1996. Norway has a slightly lower participation rate than other Nordic countries. Spain and Portugal have the lowest rates. Country rankings do not vary widely according to sources. Country rankings remain similar according to different data sources and reference periods. The Nordic Countries and the United Kingdom are followed by Switzerland and Canada. In these countries, at least one out of every three adults participates in some training activity throughout the year according to the IALS, while the ELFS shows that at least one in five participates in training over a one-month period. Spain and Portugal show lower participation rates. Not every country shows an increase in participation. Participation rates seem to have generally increased from 1995 to 2000, but this does not hold for all countries. According to the ELFS, in Finland, Denmark, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, adult learning has increased by 15% while in Norway and Sweden there has been a downturn in the past year. Portuguese participation rates have remained stable (data not Figure 3.1. Participation in adult learning by gender Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning by gender according to different reference periods Note: Period of reference is one year for Switzerland in both surveys. Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate for ELFS data. Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98); Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001). 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 % Switzerland Sweden United Kingdom Denmark Finland Norway Spain Portugal Canada Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS) Women Men Total 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 % Switzerland Sweden United Kingdom Denmark Finland Norway Spain Portugal Canada Past year (IALS) Past 4 weeks (ELFS) Women Men Total
  • 44.
    40 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 shown). Canada experienced a decreasing tendency from 1991 through 1997 (Statistics Canada and Human Resources Development Canada (2001). The number of learning hours received varies less. There is less variation across countries in learning hours received than in the rate of participation. The number of hours per participant according to IALS data ranged from around 135 in Switzerland and the United Kingdom to 190 in Finland and Norway, to over 200 in Canada and Denmark. According to OECD Secretariat data available for the thematic review, more than half of participants in Finland, Canada and Norway took courses that lasted less than 50 hours each, while between 10 and 15% took courses that were over 200 hours. In general, this would indicate that the majority of adult learning focuses on short learning processes. There are extensive and intensive models of training. Some differences are visible when employment-related training is considered. Figure 3.2, based on the results of the Third European Survey on Working Conditions in 2000, shows the average number of training days financed or arranged by the employer during the last twelve months. This number ranges from 30 days in Spain to 9 days in Finland. A comparison of the participation rates and average training days reveals two models of investment in training: an extensive model, which provides a fairly low volume of training to a large number of workers (Denmark, Finland, Sweden and the United Kingdom); and an intensive model, which concentrates more training efforts on a smaller number of people (Portugal and Spain). This Figure 3.2. Participation and average days of training Percentage of people in training and average days of training, 2000 Source: European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, Third European Survey on Working Conditions, 2000. 0 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Spain Days Days Portugal 6-country average Sweden Denmark United Kingdom Finland Participation (%) 0 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Spain Days Days Portugal 6-country average Sweden Denmark United Kingdom Finland Participation (%)
  • 45.
    41 3. Patterns ofParticipation and Provision: Assessing Needs © OECD 2003 contrast has already been noted by the OECD in a study (1999) which also placed Norway among countries with the extensive model, and Switzerland and Canada somewhere between the two. The sections that follow examine different trends in participation in adult learning. The analysis shows some common patterns, particularly a tendency for learning to be concentrated among certain groups and inequalities of access across the board. The implication is that efforts have to be undertaken to increase the opportunities for others who do not have access to learning. The rest of the chapters in this publication provide an analysis of the different country approaches to increasing these opportunities for their populations. No substantial gender imbalances Gender differences in participation are minor. There are no substantial gender differences in participation in adult learning (Figure 3.1). According to the ELFS data, women train at slightly higher rates than men, except in Switzerland, especially unemployed and younger women (not shown). Similar patterns were found in the IALS data, with higher participation by women in Nordic countries in Sweden, Denmark and Finland, slightly higher for men in Canada, Norway and the United Kingdom and much higher in Switzerland for men. There seem to be differences when comparing sources of financing for training but they vary according to the survey. In the IALS, employers are found to be the leading sources of this support for men, while self and family were the most common sources of funding reported for women (OECD and Statistics Canada, 2000). This could be because there are more women undertaking learning for personal reasons or adult basic education, as was evidenced throughout country visits. However, according to a different source, the European Survey on Working Conditions, training paid for by the employer had higher female representation in most countries (Table 3.2). Younger adults train more Participation rates are lower for older population. Younger cohorts participate in learning more than older cohorts (Figure 3.3). In all countries, but especially in Portugal and Spain, adults aged 25 through 29 have the highest participation rates. For the 30-49 age groups, training rates decrease across countries. After age 50 there is a considerable decrease in participation, with the lowest rates for those 60 to 64 years old. Data gathered through the thematic review show that adults over 65 also undertake training, although the rates are quite low.3 In Canada, Norway and Switzerland, between 6 and 16% of those 65 through 69 years old receive some kind of training. In fact, countries are making greater efforts to increase adult education for retired people. Different universities and institutions are creating special programmes for the elderly, as presented in the next section. To some extent the post-50 decrease is a question of economic returns. The decline in participation rates after age 50 is partly explained by economic returns to learning. A recent OECD study that analyses investment in human capital through post-compulsory education and training (OECD, 2002) concludes that for younger people there are strong labour market benefits and high rates of return to investments in training. For older adults, 3. OECD Secretariat questionnaire on Adult Learning.
  • 46.
    42 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 Figure 3.3. Participation in adult learning by age groups Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning by age according to different reference periods Note: Period of reference is one year for Canada and Switzerland in both surveys. Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98); Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001) except for Canada (1997 AETS data). 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % Canada Dernière année (IALS) 4 dernières semaines (ELFS) Danemark Finlande Norvège Portugal Espagne Suède Suisse Royaume-Uni 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 25-29 25-29 30-39 30-39 40-49 40-49 50-59 50-59 60-64 60-64 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 75 50 25 0 0 25 50 75 % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % Canada Dernière année (IALS) 4 dernières semaines (ELFS) Danemark Finlande Norvège Portugal Espagne Suède Suisse Royaume-Uni
  • 47.
    43 3. Patterns ofParticipation and Provision: Assessing Needs © OECD 2003 on the other hand, there are certain disincentives to pursue post-compulsory education and training. The opportunity costs of forgone earnings will be significantly higher for older adults if education requires time out of work. Furthermore, the eventual return in the form of higher earnings from formal education or training at older ages may be subject to uncertainty. It may require changing employers, which might cause a loss of seniority benefits or employer-specific skills. Another disincentive is the fact that the remaining length of working life implies a shorter period of time to amortise the investment costs for the training programmes, and it might even eliminate all financial gains from such investment. The effects of some of these factors may not, however, be large as expected. These are indeed important reasons for adults not to undergo learning, but the fact is that most of adult learning programmes do not focus on formal post-secondary education. Figure 3.1 and Figure 3.2 present evidence that most of adult learning is short in duration and that it focuses on professional or career upgrading. Less than 20% of those who train do so to obtain a university degree or college or vocational diploma. Furthermore, findings from the thematic review show that adult learning processes may be organised around working schedules or within working hours by the employers, so that they do not normally conflict with work or other life situations. Therefore, the opportunity costs for older adults may not be as high as the above study estimates: learning does not imply taking a long period off from work, and there are financial assistance arrangements to overcome the potential high opportunity costs. High educational attainment/literacy and training are complementary Those with highest educational attainment train most and vice versa. The level of education reached is one of the most relevant variables in relation to adult learning. Those with highest educational attainment train most, except in Portugal (Figure 3.4). Similarly, in each country, people with the lowest levels of educational attainment have the lowest learning participation rates. Patterns of participation are similar across countries except for Portugal and Spain. In these two countries, those with secondary- and tertiary-level education have learning rates much higher than the average. Those with low levels have the least learning opportunities in all countries, but especially in Canada, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. These patterns suggest that education and adult learning are complementary. Those who are more educated receive more training, participate in employment that requires high skills use, and therefore have the chance to reinforce their training (OECD, 1999). The same pattern holds in relation to literacy levels, again suggesting a virtuous circle. The same pattern holds when analysing participation in training and literacy levels (Figure 3.5). Rates are much higher for people with higher literacy levels. Again, there is a virtuous circle. An analysis of education and literacy levels of knowledge workers4 showed that those who are either highly 4. Described as those who are participating in the knowledge-based economy. This definition, developed with IALS data, refers to those who are employed in white- collar high-skilled occupations and perform a set of tasks that revolve around creating and processing information. For more information see Box 4.2 in OECD (2001a) for different definitions of knowledge workers.
  • 48.
    44 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 educated or highly literate may well acquire the necessary skills and competencies to become knowledge workers through means other than formal education. Knowledge workers were found to participate in training more than all other workers, revealing that participation in training can be viewed as both a result and a cause of being a knowledge worker. Growing migratory pressures and learning Learning for immigrants has now been accorded a higher priority. Growing migration rates spurred by globalisation and skills shortages in a number of OECD countries may have helped to raise the importance of learning for immigrants. A number of countries visited for the thematic review have developed vocational training programmes designed especially for immigrants. Data for training by citizenship or place of birth show some differences across countries; all but the United Kingdom have higher participation in learning by national populations. Among the countries for which there is such statistical information, Switzerland and Spain show the largest differences between immigrant and native-born populations (Figure 3.7). A different analysis of immigrants and native-born people with difficulties in their reading abilities in 20 IALS participating countries showed that the training Figure 3.4. Adult learning by educational attainment Ratio of participation rates at each educational level to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1 2000 1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate; a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate. Note: Period of reference is four weeks except for Canada and Switzerland, where it is one year. Source: Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey data except for Canada (1997 AETS data). 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 High C a n a d a Medium Low D e n m a r k F i n l a n d N o r w a y P o r t u g a l S p a i n S w e d e n S w i t z e r l a n d U n i t e d K i n g d o m 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 High C a n a d a Medium Low D e n m a r k F i n l a n d N o r w a y P o r t u g a l S p a i n S w e d e n S w i t z e r l a n d U n i t e d K i n g d o m
  • 49.
    45 3. Patterns ofParticipation and Provision: Assessing Needs © OECD 2003 rate of the immigrants at risk was higher than for the native-born population (NORD, 2001). However, immigrant populations tend to be heterogeneous and there are strong variations in their educational attainment and social and employment situation. Some countries have a large share of highly educated people among immigrant populations, so learning opportunities may vary according to need and other factors. Learning for personal or professional reasons? Most reasons for undertaking adult learning are employment-related… One of the strongest links to adult learning is the world of work. Among the different reasons stated for undertaking adult learning, most are employment-related. On average, according to most surveys, three out of four people who learn participate in job-related education and training in some form or another. This implies that labour market considerations weight heavily in individuals’ decisions to undertake learning. … although many learners in Finland, Sweden and Switzerland cite other reasons. The IALS shows that learning is mostly for career or job-related reasons; more that 60% of adult learners are in this category (Figure 3.6). Data for Canada also showed that at least 70% of training was job-related.5 There are, however, a number of countries in which high proportions of the Figure 3.5. Adult learning by literacy levels Percentage of population 25-64 years old in adult learning by document literacy levels, 1994-98 Note: Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate. Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98). 100 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 90 0 100 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 90 % % F i n l a n d e D a n e m a r k S u è d e N o r v è g e R o y a u m e - U n i S u i s s e C a n a d a P o r t u g a l Taux de participation totale Niveau 1 Niveau 2 Niveau 3 Niveau 4/5 100 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 90 0 100 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 90 % % F i n l a n d e D a n e m a r k S u è d e N o r v è g e R o y a u m e - U n i S u i s s e C a n a d a P o r t u g a l Taux de participation totale Niveau 1 Niveau 2 Niveau 3 Niveau 4/5 5. The Adult Education and Training Survey (AETS).
  • 50.
    46 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 population undertake training for personal or other reasons: in Finland, Sweden and Switzerland, this type of learning may be closely linked to goals of personal development, active citizenship and democratic values. It is also the case that people who are pursuing remedial education, a basic literacy level or primary or secondary education can state they are doing so for personal reasons. Data from the ELFS (not shown) also reveal differences in reasons for participation, although they cannot be compared to IALS data. From a diversity of listed reasons, adapting to technological change, obtaining a promotion and upgrading acquired skills were the three main ones for learning for more than one in two adults in Denmark, Finland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. Learning for general interest was given high priority in Spain, Portugal and Sweden. In those first two countries and Denmark, the proportions in initial education or training were also high. Actually, the divide of personal/professional motivation is not so clear-cut. However, a number of issues need to be considered for a clearer understanding of the reasons for taking training. It can be difficult to distinguish between what is job-related education and training and what is not. Language courses, for example, might be followed for personal reasons while the skills obtained are useful for professional purposes. The divide of personal/professional motivation is not so clear-cut, e.g. in the case of training Figure 3.6. Adult learning by residence situation Ratio of participation rates by residence situation to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1 2000 1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate; a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate. Source: OECD Secretariat questionnaire on Adult Learning. See Annex 1 for details. 1.20 1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0 0 1.20 1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 National Foreigner Canada Finland Spain Switzerland United Kingdom 1.20 1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0 0 1.20 1.00 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 National Foreigner Canada Finland Spain Switzerland United Kingdom
  • 51.
    47 3. Patterns ofParticipation and Provision: Assessing Needs © OECD 2003 to adapt to technological change, such as learning to use the Internet or other technological software for work or personal reasons. Learning designed to increase employability can also increase individual confidence and willingness to engage actively in society. Also, training for personal reasons can affect one’s position in the labour market, and give individuals the capacity to influence their own opportunities at work. In fact, some studies have found that general knowledge courses have a stronger impact on firm productivity than firm-specific training (Barrett and O’Connell, 1999). Furthermore, most surveys focus on job-related training, and the questions specifically relate to those opportunities. There is also the issue of what people recognise as learning; they may not include some learning processes that could be considered as such. Few learners are enrolled in adult basic education courses, although that could be due to lack of availability. An analysis of the enrolment patterns of adult learners can help clarify that issue. According to the IALS, at least half the training participants were involved in learning for professional or career upgrading (Table 3.1). In the countries for which data are available, only between 5 and 10% of the people who received training were seeking a university degree or college diploma, and vocational diplomas or apprenticeships presented even smaller rates. The goal of an elementary school diploma ranked lowest, with rates of less than 3% in most countries. It should be noted here that in some of the countries there were nonetheless waiting lists for adult basic education Figure 3.7. Reasons for adult learning Percentage distribution of adult learners 25-64 years old by reason, 1994-98 Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98). 100 90 80 70 60 50 0 40 30 20 10 0 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 % % Career- or job-related purposes Personal interest Canada Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom Other Denmark Sweden 100 90 80 70 60 50 0 40 30 20 10 0 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 % % Career- or job-related purposes Personal interest Canada Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom Other Denmark Sweden
  • 52.
    48 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 courses. That could imply that if there are not many people following these courses, it could be because of lack of availability. Finally, there was a high proportion of survey respondents who noted they were taking “other” types of courses in Sweden and the United Kingdom. Learning depends largely on adults position in the labour force. As the major reason for participation in adult education and training is job-related, the individuals’ situation with respect to the labour force is extremely significant. The incidence of training depends on whether people work or not, what sector of the economy they work in, their occupation, and the nature of the employment or the enterprise they work for. Most active labour market policies are geared to training of the labour force so as to improve productivity, assist the unemployed in finding work and help those in the low wage groups to raise their skills and wage opportunities. Firms are aware of the benefits of human capital. The benefits of human capital, which includes formal initial education as well as adult learning, in the labour force, have been highlighted in a large number of studies. Firms use training as a means to obtain higher worker and firm productivity, as a large number of research evidence has proved (Finegold and Mason, 1996, Barret and O’Connell, 1999, Lounds, 1999, Dearden, Reed and van Reenen, 2000). Firms also use training to adapt to technological changes (Dybowski, 1998, Kiley, 1999), or to introduce changes in workplace practices and adapt workers’ skills to new requirements (Green, Ashton and Felstead, 2001; Osterman, 1995). Adults also benefit from training, as it may improve their employability, reduce the risk of unemployment, and may contribute to greater mobility or higher wages. In most countries, both the employed and unemployed participate more than those who are out of the labour force. Different patterns emerge from the analysis of learning incidence by labour force situation (Figure 3.8). What is most evident is that both the employed and unemployed have higher training rates than those who are out of the labour force in most countries, except for Sweden. While there are similar participation patterns across countries included in the IALS, there are cross-country variations according to the ELFS. In Canada, Finland, Switzerland and the United Kingdom the employed have the highest training rates, followed by the unemployed and by those out of the labour force. In Denmark, Portugal, Sweden and Spain the ratio is higher for the unemployed as well as for those not in the labour force, rather than the employed. In Norway, the employed and unemployed have similar participation patterns. Table 3.1. Adult learners by type of learning undertaken Percentage distribution of adult learners 25-64 years old by type of learning, 1994-98 Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98). University College Trade-vocational or apprenticeship Elementary or secondary school Professional or career upgrading Other Canada 6.7 3.6 6.6 2.4 61.2 19.4 Denmark 2.0 2.5 3.5 0.2 68.7 23.0 Finland 4.5 0.9 1.4 0.5 77.2 15.6 Norway 2.8 3.4 1.4 0.2 82.1 10.1 Sweden 5.4 2.1 2.4 0.3 . . 89.8 Switzerland 2.0 0.2 7.7 . . 54.8 35.4 United Kingdom 2.9 2.3 5.3 1.9 22.6 65.1
  • 53.
    49 3. Patterns ofParticipation and Provision: Assessing Needs © OECD 2003 Targeted active labour market policies may account for differences across training rates of the unemployed. These differences across training rates of the unemployed can be due to the impact of targeted active labour market policies or different policies geared towards increasing training for the unemployed. In general, employment and unemployment rates have changed since 1994 and labour market training programmes or others might have played a role at different periods of the economic cycle. There are also differences according to data sources, especially in time frames, which might have affected training rates by labour force status: the IALS took place between 1994 and 1998 for different countries, and the ELFS in the second trimester of the year 2000. The high ratio of participation for out of the labour force populations’ reveals that countries may have chosen policies geared towards personal development, active citizenship and democracy. Also, Denmark, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden have devoted major efforts to raising the educational level of adult populations through adult basic education programmes. Figure 3.8. Adult learning by labour force status Ratio of participation rates by labour force status to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1 2000 1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate; a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate. Notes: Countries are ranked in descending order of total participation rate of employed population for ELFS data. Period of reference is one year for Switzerland in both surveys. Source: International Adult Literacy Survey (1994-98); Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001). 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 Switzerland Finland Norway United Kingdom Denmark Portugal Sweden Spain Canada Participation in past year (IALS) Participation in past 4 weeks (ELFS) Employed Unemployed Not in labour force 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.5 0 0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 Switzerland Finland Norway United Kingdom Denmark Portugal Sweden Spain Canada Participation in past year (IALS) Participation in past 4 weeks (ELFS) Employed Unemployed Not in labour force
  • 54.
    50 Beyond Rhetoric: AdultLearning Policies and Practices © OECD 2003 Higher-skilled occupations and service sector employment receive more training Participation rates are highest for workers in white-collar high-skilled occupations. In almost all countries, participation rates are highest for workers in white-collar high-skilled occupations, normally those that require higher education attainment levels. They include legislators, senior officials and managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals. Together with white-collar low-skilled occupations, which include clerks and service workers, they make up for the largest proportion of training of the employed labour force (Figure 3.9). Within blue-collar occupations, adult participation rates in training are higher for high-skilled than low-skilled jobs in all countries except Portugal and Spain, where the reverse is the case. The strongest inequalities in participation are found in those two countries and Switzerland. Workers in service sector jobs have higher probabilities of receiving training. The ratio of participation by economic sectors of activity (data not shown) reveals that workers in service sector jobs have higher probabilities of receiving training than workers in other sectors. Within the service economy, adults working in social and personal services, financial intermediation and real estate sector, followed closely by the electricity, water and gas supply sector participate more than others. Figure 3.9. Adult learning by occupation Ratio of participation rates by occupation to the total participation rates for population 25-64 years old,1 2000 1. A ratio superior to 1 implies that the proportion of persons in adult learning in the specific category is above the average country participation rate; a ratio between 0 and 1, below the average rate. Note: Period of reference is four weeks except for Switzerland, where it is one year. Source: Eurostat, European Union Labour Force Survey (2001). 2.00 1.75 1.50 1.25 0 1.00 0.75 0.50 0.25 2.00 1.75 1.50 1.25 0 1.00 0.75 0.50 0.25 Portugal Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom Denmark Sweden Blue-collar low-skill Blue-collar high-skill White-collar low-skill White-collar high-skill Spain Index of relative intensity Index of relative intensity 2.00 1.75 1.50 1.25 0 1.00 0.75 0.50 0.25 2.00 1.75 1.50 1.25 0 1.00 0.75 0.50 0.25 Portugal Finland Norway Switzerland United Kingdom Denmark Sweden Blue-collar low-skill Blue-collar high-skill White-collar low-skill White-collar high-skill Spain Index of relative intensity Index of relative intensity
  • 55.
    Exploring the Varietyof Random Documents with Different Content
  • 56.
    "More story-books!" criedshe. "I have a good mind to confiscate them. I do not approve of the number of books his parents encourage him to read. If you ever catch him reading up here, Mr. Ringrose, I must ask you to report the matter instantly to me, as I regret to say that he has given trouble of that kind before." Harry bowed obedience. "Little Woodman," continued the schoolmistress, "though sharp enough when he likes, is, I am sorry to say, one of our most indolent boys. He would read all day if we would let him. However, he is going to Mr. Scrafton this term, so he will have to exert himself at last! And now, if you like your room, Mr. Ringrose, I will leave you to put on your slippers, and will take you into the schoolroom when you come downstairs." The schoolroom was long and bare, but unconventional in that a long dining-table did away with desks, and the boys appeared to be shaking off their depression when Harry and his employer entered five minutes later. They were making a noise through which the same angry but ineffectual voice could be heard threatening a hundred lines all round as the door was thrown open. The noise ceased that moment. The governess rose in an apologetic manner; while all the boys wore guilty faces, but one who was buried in a book, sitting hunched up on the floor. Like most irascible persons, however, the schoolmistress had her moments of conspicuous good- temper, and this was one. "These are the little men," said she. "Children, this is your new master. Miss Maudsley—Mr. Ringrose." And Harry found himself bowing to the lady with the voice, a lady of any age, but no outward individuality; even as he did so, however, Mrs. Bickersteth beckoned to the governess; and in another moment Harry was alone with the boys.
  • 57.
    The new masterhad never felt quite so shy or so self-conscious as he did during the next few minutes; it was ten times worse than going to school as a new boy. The fellows stood about him, staring frankly, and one in the background whispered something to another, who told him to shut up in a loud voice. Harry seated himself on the edge of the table, swung a leg, stuck his hands in his pockets (where they twitched) and asked the other boys their names. "James Wren," said the biggest, who looked twelve or thirteen, and was thickly freckled. "Ernest Wren," said a smaller boy with more freckles. "Robertson." "Murray." "Gifford." "Simes." "Perkins." "Stanley." "And that fellow on the floor?" "Woodman," said James Wren. "I say, Woodman, don't you hear? Can't you get up when you're spoken to?" Woodman shut his book, keeping, however, a finger in the place, and got up awkwardly. He was one of the smallest of the boys, but he wore long trousers, and beneath them irons which jingled as he came forward with a shambling waddle. He had a queer little face, dark eyes and the lightest of hair; and he blushed a little as, alone among the boys, but clearly unconscious of the fact, he proceeded to shake hands with the new master.
  • 58.
    "So you areWoodman?" said Harry. "Yes, sir," said the boy. "Have you come instead of Mr. Scrafton, sir?" "No, I have come as well." At this there were groans, of which Harry thought it best to take no notice. He observed, however, that Woodman was not among the groaners, and to get upon safe ground he asked him what the book was. "One of Ballantyne's, sir. It's magnificent!" And the dark eyes glowed like coals in what was again a very pale face. "The Red Eric," said Harry, glancing at the book. "I remember it well. You're in an exciting place, eh?" "Yes, sir: the mutiny, sir." "Then don't let me stop you—run along!" said Harry, smiling; and Woodman was back on the floor and aboard his whaler before the new master realised that this was hardly the way in which he had been instructed to treat the boy who was always reading. But he went on chatting with the others, and in quite a few minutes he felt that, as between the boys and himself, all would be plain sailing. They were nice enough boys—one or two a little awkward— one or two vocally unacquainted with the first vowel—but all of them disposed to welcome a man (Harry thought) after the exclusive authority of resident ladies. Traces of a demoralising rule were not long in asserting themselves, as when Robertson gave Simes a sly kick, and Simes started off roaring to tell Mrs. Bickersteth, only to be hauled back by Harry and given to understand (evidently for the first time) that only little girls told tales. The bigger boys seemed to breathe again when he said so. Then they all stood at one of the windows in the failing light, and Harry talked cricket to them, and even mentioned his travels, whereat they clamoured for adventures;
  • 59.
    but the newmaster was not such a fool as to play all his best cards first. They were still at the window when the gate opened and in walked a squat silk-hatted gentleman with a yellow beard and an evening paper. "Here comes old Lennie!" exclaimed Gifford, who was the one with the most to say for himself. "Who?" said Harry. "Lennie Bickersteth, sir—short for Leonard," replied Gifford, while the other boys laughed. "But you mustn't speak of him like that," said Harry severely. "Oh, yes, I must!" cried Gifford, excited by the laughter. "We all call him Lennie, and Reggie Reggie, and Baby Baby; don't we, you fellows? Bicky likes us to—it makes it more like home." "Well," said Harry, "I know what Mrs. Bickersteth would not like, and if you say that again I shall smack your head." Which so discomfited and subdued the excitable Gifford that Harry liked him immensely from that moment, and not the less when he discovered that the boy's incredible information was perfectly correct. Mrs. Bickersteth was a widow lady with three grown-up children, whom she insisted on the boys addressing, not merely by their Christian names, but by familiar abbreviations of the same. Leonard and Reginald were City men who went out every morning with a bang of the big front door, and came home in the evening with a rattle of their latch-keys. Both were short and stout like their mother, with beards as yellow as her hair, while Leonard, the elder, was really middle-aged; but it was against the rules for the boys to address or refer to them as anything but Lennie and Reggie, and only the governess and Harry were permitted to say "Mr.
  • 60.
    Bickersteth." As forthe baby of the family, who was Baby still to all her world, she was certainly some years younger; and the name was more appropriate in her case, since she wore the family hair down to eyes of infantile blue, and had the kind of giggle which seldom survives the nursery. She knew no more about boys than any other lady in the house, but was a patently genuine and good-hearted girl, and deservedly popular in the school. When Harry went to bed that night he smelt the smoke of a candle, though he carried his own in his hand. Woodman was apparently fast asleep, but, on being questioned, he won Harry's heart by confessing without hesitation or excuse. He had The Red Eric and a candle-end under his pillow, and the wax was still soft when he gave them up. Harry sat on the side of his bed and duly lectured him on the disobedience and the danger of the detected crime, while the criminal lay with his great eyes wide open, and his hair almost as white as the pillow beneath it. When he had done the small boy said — "If they had spoken to me like that, sir, last time, sir, I never should have done it again." "You shouldn't have done it in any case," said Harry. "You've got to promise me that it's the last time." "It's so hard to go asleep the first night of the term, sir," sighed Woodman. "You keep thinking of this time yesterday and this time last week, sir." Harry's eye was on the little irons lying on top of the little heap of clothes, but he put on the firmest face he could. "That's the same for all," he said. "How do you know I don't feel like that myself? Now, you've got to give me your word that you won't ever do this again!" "But suppose they say what they said before, sir?"
  • 61.
    "Give me yourword," said Harry. "Very well, sir, I never will." "Then I give you mine, Woodman, to say nothing about this; but mind—I expect you to keep yours." The great eyes grew greater, and then very bright. "I'll promise not to open another book this term, sir—if you like, sir," the little boy cried. But Harry told him that was nonsense and to go to sleep, and turned in himself glowing with new ideas. If he could but influence these small boys as Innes had influenced him! The thought kept him awake far into his first night at Teddington. His life there had begun more happily than he could have dared to hope. Morning brought the day-boys and work which was indeed within even Harry's capacity. It consisted principally in "hearing" lessons set by Mrs. Bickersteth; and it revealed the educational system in vogue in that lady's school. It was the system of question and answer, the question read from a book by the teacher, the answer repeated by rote by the boy, and on no condition to be explained or enlarged upon by extemporary word of mouth. Harry fell into this error, but was promptly and publicly checked by the head-mistress, with whom some of the elder boys were studying English history (from the point of view of Mrs. Markham and her domestic circle) at the other end of the baize-covered dining-table. "It is quite unnecessary for you to enter into explanations, Mr. Ringrose," said Mrs. Bickersteth down the length of the table. "I have used Little Steps for very many years, and I am sure that it explains itself, in a way that little people can understand, better than you can explain it. Where it does not go into particulars, Little Arthur does; so no impromptu explanations, I beg." Whereafter Harry received the answers to the questions in Little Steps to Great Events without comment, and was equally careful to
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    take no explanatoryliberties with Mangnall's Questions or with the Child's Guide to Knowledge when these works came under his nose in due course. Saturday was, of course, a half-holiday; nor could the term yet be said to have begun in earnest. It appeared there were some weekly boarders who would only return on the Monday, while Mr. Scrafton also was not due until that day. Meanwhile an event occurred on the Saturday afternoon which quite took the new master's mind off the boys who were beginning to fill it so pleasantly: an event which perplexed and distracted him on the very threshold of this new life, and yet one with a deeper and more sinister significance than even Harry Ringrose supposed.
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    CHAPTER XVII. AT FAULT. Harryhad been requested to put on his boots in order to take the elder boys for a walk. He was to keep them out for about an hour and a half, but nothing had been said as to the direction he should take, and he was indiscreet enough to start without seeking definite instruction on the point. "Do you always walk two-and-two?" he asked the boys, as they made for the High Street in this doleful order. "Yes, sir," said two or three. "But we needn't if you give us leave not to," added the younger Wren, with a small boy's quickness to take advantage. "No, you must do as you always do, at any rate until we get out of the village," said Harry as they came to the street. "Now which way do you generally go?" The boys saw their chance of the irregular, and were not slow to air their views. Bushey Park appeared to be the customary resort, and the proverbial mischief of familiarity was discernible in the glowing description which one boy gave of Kingston Market on a Saturday afternoon and in the enthusiasm with which another spoke for Kneller Hall. Richmond Park, said a third, would be better than Bushey Park, only it was rather a long walk. To Harry, however, who had come round by Wimbledon the day before, it was news, and rather thrilling news, that Richmond Park was within a walk at all. The boys told him it would be near enough when they made a bridge at Teddington.
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    "There's the ferry,"said one; and when Harry said, "Oh, there is a ferry, then?" a little absently, his bias was apparent to the boys. "The ferry, the ferry," they wheedled, jumping at the idea of such an adventure. "It's splendid over Ham Common, sir." "The ferry, sir, the ferry!" Of course it was very weak in Harry, but the notion of giving the boys a little extra pleasure had its own attraction for him, and his only scruple was the personal extravagance involved. However, he had some silver in his pocket, and the ferryman's toll only came to pennies that Harry could not grudge when he saw the delight of the boys as they tumbled aboard. One of them, indeed, nearly fell into the river—which caused the greatest boy of them all his first misgivings. But across Ham fields they hung upon his arms in the friendliest and pleasantest fashion, begging and coaxing him to tell them things about Africa; and he was actually in the midst of the yarn that had failed on paper, when there occurred on the Common that which was to puzzle him in the future even more than it startled him at the moment. A lady and gentleman strolled into his ken from the opposite direction, and that instant the story ceased. "Go on, sir, go on! What happened then?" "I'll tell you presently; here are some friends of mine, and you fellows must wait a moment." He shook them off and stepped across the road to where his friends were passing without seeing him. Thus his back was turned to the boys, who fortunately could not see how he blushed as he raised his hat. "It's Mr. Ringrose!" cried Fanny Lowndes.
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    "The deuce itis!" her father exclaimed. "Why, Ringrose, what the blazes are you doing down here, and who are your young friends?" "I'm awfully sorry I didn't let you know," said Harry, "but the whole thing was so sudden. As I told you when you came to see us, Miss Lowndes, I have been trying for a mastership for some time; and just as I had given it up——" "You have got one!" "Yes, quite unexpectedly, at the beginning of this week." The girl looked both glad and sorry, but her father's nose was twitching with amusement and his eyes twinkling in their gold frames. "You did well to take what you could get," said he, lowering his voice so that nothing could be heard across the road. "Writing for your living means writing for your life, and that's no catch; but by Jove, Ringrose, you ought to get off some good things with such a capital safety-valve as boys always on hand! When you can't think of a rhyme, run round and box their ears till one comes. When you get a rejected manuscript, try hammering their knuckles with the ruler! Where's the school, Ringrose, and who keeps it?" Harry hung his head. "I am almost ashamed to tell you. It's a dame's school—at Teddington." "A dame's school at Teddington! Not Mrs. Bickersteth's?" "Yes—do you know it?" Harry had looked up in time to catch the other's expression, and it was a very singular one. The lad had never seen such a look on any other face, but on this face he had seen it once before. He had seen it in the train, during the journey back to London, on the day that he
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    could never forget.It was the look that had afterwards struck him as a guilty look, though, to be sure, he had never thought about it from the moment when he took up his father's letter, and saw at a glance that it was genuine, until this one. "Do I know it?" echoed Lowndes, recovering himself. "Only by repute —only by repute. So you have gone there!" he added below his breath, strangely off his guard again in a moment. "Come," said Harry, "do you know something against the school, or what?" "Oh, dear, no; nothing against it, and very little about it," replied Lowndes. "Only the school is known in these parts—people in Richmond send their boys there—that is all. I have heard very good accounts of it. Are you the only master?" "No, there's a daily pedagogue, named Scrafton, who seems to be something of a character, but I haven't seen him yet. Do you know anything about him?" The question was innocently asked, for Harry's curiosity had been aroused by the repeated necessity of preventing the boys from opening their hearts to him about Mr. Scrafton. If he had stopped to think, he would have seen that he had the answer already—and Lowndes would not have lost his temper. "How should I know anything about him?" he cried. "Haven't I just asked you if you were the only master? Either your wits are deserting you, Ringrose, or you wish to insult me, my good fellow. In any case we must be pushing on, and so, I have no doubt, must you." Harry could not understand this ebullition, which was uttered with every sign of personal offence, from the ridiculously stiff tones to the remarkably red face. He simply replied that he had spoken without thinking and had evidently been misunderstood, and he turned
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    without more adoto shake hands with Miss Lowndes. The father's goodwill had long ceased to be a matter of vital importance to him; but it went to his heart to see how pale Miss Fanny had turned during this exchange of words, and to feel the trembling pressure of that true friend's hand. It was as though she were asking him to forgive her father, at whose side she walked so dejectedly away that it was not pure selfishness which made Harry Ringrose long just then to change places with Gordon Lowndes. The whole colloquy had not lasted more than two or three minutes; yet it had ended in the most distinct rupture that had occurred, so far, between Harry and his parents' friend; and that about the most minute and seemingly insignificant point which had ever been at issue between them. The boys found their new master poor company after this. He finished his story in perfunctory fashion, nor would he tell another. He not only became absent-minded and unsociable, but displayed an unsuspected capacity for strictness which was really irritability. More than one young wiseacre whispered a romantic explanation, but the majority remembered that it was to the gentleman old Ring-o'-ring- o'-roses had chiefly addressed himself; and the general and correct impression was that the former had been "waxy" with old Ring-in- the-nose. Harry's nickname was not yet fixed. Those, however, with whom he had been "waxy" in his turn had a satisfaction in store for them at the school, where Mrs. Bickersteth awaited them, watch in hand, and with an angry spot on each fresh- coloured cheek. She ordered the boys downstairs to take their boots off, and in the same breath requested Mr. Ringrose to speak to her in the study, in a tone whose significance the boys knew better than Harry. "I was under the impression, Mr. Ringrose, that I said an hour and a half?" began the lady, with much bitter-sweetness of voice and manner.
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    Harry pulled outhis own watch, and began apologising freely; he was some twenty minutes late. "When I say an hour and a half," continued the schoolmistress, "I do not mean two hours. I beg you will remember that in future. May I ask where you have been?" Harry said they had been to Richmond Park. The lady's eyes literally blazed. "You have walked my boys to Richmond Park and back? Really, Mr. Ringrose, I should have thought you would know better. The distance is much too great. I am excessively angry to hear they have been so far." "I beg your pardon," said Harry, with humility, "but I don't think the distance was quite so great as you imagine. Though we have walked back through Kingston, we made a short cut in going, for I took the liberty of taking the boys across the river in the ferry-boat." This was the last straw, and for some moments Mrs. Bickersteth was practically speechless with indignation. Then with a portentous inclination of her yellow head, "It was a liberty," said she; "a very great liberty indeed, I call it! I requested you to take them for a walk. I never dreamt of your risking their lives on the river. Have the goodness to understand in future, Mr. Ringrose, that I strongly disapprove of the boys going near the river. It is a most undesirable place for them—most unsootable in every way. Excessively angry I am!" This speech might have been heard over half the house, and by the end Harry was fairly angry himself. But for his mother, and for a resolution he had made not to take Mrs. Bickersteth seriously, but to put up with all he possibly could, it is highly probable that the Hollies, Teddington, would have known Harry Ringrose for twenty- four hours only. As it was he maintained a sarcastic silence, and,
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    when the wrathfullady had quite finished, left her with a bow and the assurance that what had happened should not occur again; he merely permitted himself to put some slight irony into his tone. And, indeed, the insulting character of a reprimand which was not, however, altogether unmerited, worried him far less in early retrospect than the inexplicable manner of Gordon Lowndes on Ham Common. What did he know about the school? What could have brought that odd look back to his face? And why in the world should the master of an excellent temper have lost it on provocation so ludicrously slight? These were the questions that kept Harry Ringrose awake and restless in the still small hours of the Sabbath morning.
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    CHAPTER XVIII. MR. SCRAFTON. Inthe basement was a good-sized but ill-lighted room where three long tables, resting on trestles, were sufficiently crowded on the four days of the week when the day-boys stayed to dinner. On the two half-holidays only one table was in use, and the boarders scarcely filled it, with Miss Maudsley and Mr. Ringrose in state at either end. But on Sundays all meals were in the big schoolroom, and were graced by the presence of Mrs. Bickersteth's City sons, who brought with them a refreshing whiff of the outside world, besides contributing to Harry's enjoyment in other ways. He never forgot those Sunday meals. He was fond of describing them to his friends in after years. At breakfast on his first Sunday he was quite sure that Mrs. Bickersteth had heard of the death of a near relative. Her face and voice were those of a chief mourner, and she appeared to be shedding tears as she heard the boys their Collect at the breakfast table, rewarding those who knew it with half a cold sausage apiece. The boys were by no means badly fed, but that half-sausage was their one weekly variant from porridge and bread-and-butter for breakfast, and they used to make pathetically small bites of it. Mrs. Bickersteth, however, scarcely broke her fast, but would suffer all day, and every Sabbath, from what Harry came to consider some acute though intermittent form of religious melancholia. Towards the end of breakfast the sons would come down in wool-work slippers, a little heavy after "sleeping in," and it was not at this meal that they were most entertaining. The next hour was one of the few which Harry had entirely to himself. Most days he was on duty from eight in the morning to half-
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    past eight atnight, but the hour between Sunday breakfast and morning service was the new master's very own, and he spent it in a way which surely would have made Mrs. Bickersteth's remarkable hair stand straight on end. Even Sunday letter-writing was forbidden in her Sabbatarian household, and yet Harry had the temerity to spend this hour in composing vulgar verses for the Tiddler. He had discovered that contributions for the Saturday's issue must reach the office on the Monday, and it is to be feared that the consequent urgency of the enterprise led him into still more reprehensible excesses. What he could not finish in his bedroom he would mentally continue in church, whither it was his duty to take the majority of the boys, while the rest accompanied the Bickersteths to chapel. The dinner that followed was what Harry enjoyed. It was an excellent dinner, and all but Mrs. Bickersteth were invariably in the best of spirits. This lady used to stand at the head of her table and carve the hissing round of secular beef with an air of Christian martyrdom quite painful to watch. Not that it affected her play with the carving-knife, which was so skilful that Harry Ringrose used to wonder why the schoolmistress must needs lap a serviette round either forearm, and a third about her ample waist, for the better protection of her Sunday silk. This, however, was a trick of the whole family, who might have formed the nucleus of a Society for the Preservation of Sunday Clothes. Thus Reggie, the younger and more dapper son, used to appear on these occasions in a brown velvet coat and waistcoat, with his monogram on every button, but would mar the effect by tucking his table-napkin well in at the neck and spreading it out so as to cover as much as possible of his person. Lennie, the elder and more sedate, though he had no such grandeur to protect, nevertheless took similar precautions; while the good- natured Baby used to pull off a pair of immensely long cuffs, the height of a recent fashion, and solemnly place them on the table beside her tumbler, before running any risks.
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    Water was thebeverage of one and all, yet the spirits of the majority would rise with the progress of the meal. Reggie, who was a very facetious person, would begin to say things nicely calculated to make the boys titter; the elder brother would air a grumpy wit of his own; and Mrs. Bickersteth would shake the cap awry on her yellow head and beg them both to desist. The good-hearted Baby would add her word in vindication of the harmless character of her brothers' jokes, and at the foot of the table the governess would trim her sails with great dexterity, looking duly depressed when she caught Mrs. Bickersteth's eye and coyly tickled on encountering those of the gentlemen. Harry sat between Leonard Bickersteth and a line of little boys, and facing the flaxen-haired Baby, who gave him several kindly, reassuring smiles for which he liked her. The young men also treated him in a friendly fashion; but he was quite as careful as his fair colleague not to commit himself to too open an appreciation of their sallies. The boys were in Harry's charge for the afternoon, but it seemed that on Sundays they never went for a walk for walking's sake. Occasionally, as it turned out, he would be requested to take them to some children's service; but on that first Sunday, and as a rule, they spent the afternoon in the smaller school-room upstairs, where some strictly Sabbatarian periodicals were given out for the day's use, and only such books as Sunday Echoes in Week-day Hours, and the stories of Miss Hesba Stretton, permitted to be read. Harry used to feel sorry for little Woodman on these occasions. He would catch the small boy's great eyes wandering wistfully to the shelf in which his Mangnall's Questions and The Red Eric showed side by side; or the eyes would stare into vacancy by the hour together, seeing doubtless his Devonshire home, and all that his "very superior people" would be doing there at the moment. Harry liked Woodman the best of the boys, partly because he had a variety of complaints but never uttered one. The new master was much too human, and perhaps as much too unsuited by temperament for his work, not to
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    have favourites fromthe first, and Woodman and Gifford were their names. After tea they all went off to evening service, and after that came a peaceful half-hour in the pretty drawing-room, where the boys sang hymns till bed-time. There was something sympathetic in this proceeding, the conduct of which was in Baby Bickersteth's kindly hands. The young lady presided at the piano, which she played admirably, and the boys stood round her in a semicircle, and each boy chose his favourite hymn. Lennie and Reggie joined in from their chairs, and Mrs. Bickersteth's lips would move as she followed the words in a hymn-book. When the last hymn had been sung, the schoolmistress read prayers; and when the boys said good-night she kissed each of them in a way that quite touched Harry on the Sunday evening after his arrival. He saw the boys to bed in a less captious frame of mind than had been his all day, and when he turned in himself he was rather ashamed of some of his previous sentiments towards the schoolmistress. He had seen the pathos of her pious depression, and he was beginning to divine the hourly irritants of keeping school at Mrs. Bickersteth's time of life. Instead of his cynical resolve not to take her seriously, he lay down chivalrously vowing to resent nothing from a woman who was also old. He seemed to have seen a new side of the schoolmistress, and henceforth she had his sympathy. Indeed there was a something human in all these people; they had kind hearts, when all was said; and Harry Ringrose began to feel that for a time at any rate, he need not be unhappy in their midst. He had still to encounter the master spirit of the place. When all the boys were standing round the long dining-table next morning, having taken turns in reading a Chapter aloud, Mrs. Bickersteth made an announcement as she closed her Testament. "This term," said she, "Mr. Scrafton is coming at half-past ten instead of at eleven, and those boys who are to go to him will be in their
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    places in theupper schoolroom at twenty-five minutes past ten each morning." A list followed of the boys who were promoted to go to Mr. Scrafton that term; it ended with the name of little Woodman. Harry happened to be engaged in the background in the intellectual task of teaching a tiny child his alphabet. He could not help seeing some ruddy cheeks turn pale as the list was read; but Woodman, with a fine regardlessness, was reading a letter from Devonshire behind another boy's back. Punctually at ten-thirty a thunderous knock resounded from the front door, and Harry was sorry that he had not been looking out of the window. He saw Mrs. Bickersteth jump up and bustle from the room with a most solicitous expression, and he heard a loud voice greeting her heartily in the hall. Heavy feet ran creaking up the stairs a few minutes later, and Mrs. Bickersteth returned to her task of hearing tables and setting sums. Meanwhile Harry was devoting himself to the very smallest boys in the school, mites of five and six, whose nurses brought them in the morning and came back for them at one o'clock. About eleven, however, Mrs. Bickersteth suggested that these little men would be the better for a breath of air, and would Mr. Ringrose kindly take them into the back-garden for ten minutes, and see that they did not run on the grass? Now, Harry's pocket was still loaded with a missive addressed to the editor of Tommy Tiddler, which obviously must be posted by his own hand, and might even now be too late. He therefore asked permission to go as far as the pillar-box at the corner, in order to post a letter; and Mrs. Bickersteth, who was luckily in the best of tempers, not only nodded blandly, but added that she would be excessively obliged if Mr. Ringrose would also post some letters of hers which he would find upon the hall-table. So Harry sallied forth, with an infant in sailor-clothes holding each of his
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    hands, and whomshould he find loitering at the corner but Gordon Lowndes? "Why, Ringrose," cried he, "this is well met indeed! I was just on my way to have a word with you. I was looking for the house." The hearty manner and the genial tone would have been enough for Harry at an earlier stage of his acquaintance with this man; but now instinctively he knew them for a cloak, and he would not relinquish the small boys' hands for the one which he felt was awaiting his, though his eyes had never fallen from Lowndes's spectacles. "I am not sure that you would have been able to see me," was his reply. "I am on duty even now. What was the point?" "Is it impossible for me to have a word with you alone?" Harry told the little boys to walk on slowly to the pillar. "It will literally have to be a word," he added pointedly. Yet his curiosity was whetted. What could the man want with him here and now? "Very well—very well," said Lowndes briskly. "I merely desire to apologise for my—my hastiness when we met on Saturday. I fear— that is, my daughter tells me—but indeed I am conscious myself— that I quite misunderstood your meaning, Ringrose, on a point in itself too trifling to be worth naming. You may remember, however, that you asked me if I knew anything about a person of whose very existence I had just exposed my ignorance?" "I remember," said Harry. "A mere slip of the tongue, due to my curiosity about the man." "And is your curiosity satisfied?" inquired Lowndes, becoming suddenly preoccupied in wiping the dust from his eye-glasses. "Well, I haven't seen him yet, though he is in the house."
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    "Ah!" said Lowndes,as though he had not listened. "Well, Ringrose, all I wanted was to tell you frankly that I didn't mean to be rude to you on Saturday afternoon; so I took the train on here before going to the City; and now I've just time to catch one back—so good-bye." "It was hardly worth while taking so much trouble," said Harry dryly; for he knew there was some other meaning in the move, though as yet he could not divine what. "Hardly worth while?" said Lowndes. "My dear boy, that's not very kind. I have always been fond of you, Ringrose, and for your own sake as well as on every other ground I should be exceedingly sorry to offend you. Things are looking up with the Company, you know, and I can't afford to quarrel with our future Secretary!" And with that cunning unction he walked away laughing, but Harry knew there was no laughter in his heart, and that every word he had spoken was insincere. What then was the meaning? To keep friendly with him, doubtless; but why? And such were the possibilities of Gordon Lowndes, and such the imagination of Harry Ringrose, that the latter took his little boys back to the school with the very wildest and most far-fetched explanations surging through his brain. In the hall he heard a strident voice raging in the schoolroom overhead. He could not help going a little way upstairs to discover whether anything serious was the matter. And outside the schoolroom door stood one of the biggest boys, crying bitterly, with his collar torn from its stud, and one ear and one cheek as crimson as though that side of his face had been roasted before a fire. At one o'clock the whole school went for a walk before dinner, and it was then that Harry at last set eyes on the formidable Scrafton, as he came downstairs in his creaking shoes, with his snuff-box open in his hand, and his extraordinary head thrown back to take a pinch. There are some faces which one has to see many times before one knows them, as it were, by heart; there are others which one passes
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    in the streetwith a shudder, and can never afterwards forget; and here was a face that would have haunted Harry Ringrose even though he had never seen it but this once. A magnificent forehead was its one fine feature; the light blue eyes beneath were spoilt by their fiery rims, and yet they gleamed with a fierce humour and a keen intelligence which lent them distinction of a kind. These were the sole redeeming points. The rest was either cruel or unclean or both. The creature's skin was very smooth and yellow, and it shone with an unwholesome gloss. Abundant hair, of a dirty iron-grey, was combed back from the forehead without a parting, and gathered in unspeakable curls on the nape of a happily invisible neck. A long, lean nose, like a vulture's beak, overhung a grey moustache with a snuffy zone in the centre, and lost pinches of snuff lingered in a flowing beard of great length. The man wore a suit of pristine black, now brown with age and snuff, and Harry noticed a sallow gleam between his shoes and his trousers as he came creaking down the stairs. In warm weather he wore no socks. "This is the new master of whom I spoke to you," said Mrs. Bickersteth, who was waiting in the hall to introduce Harry to Mr. Scrafton. "That a master?" bellowed Scrafton. "Why, I thought it was a new boy!" And he let out a roar of laughter that left his blue eyes full of water; then he strode across the hall with a horrible hand out- stretched; the long nails had jagged, black rims, and in another moment Harry was shuddering from a clasp that was at once clammy and strong. "What's your name?" asked Mr. Scrafton, grinning like a demon in Harry's face. "Mr. Ringrose," said Mrs. Bickersteth.
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    "What name?" roaredScrafton. He had turned from Harry to the schoolmistress. Harry saw her quail, and he took the liberty of repeating his surname in a very distinct voice. "Where do you come from?" demanded Scrafton, turning back to Harry, or rather upon him, with his red-rimmed eyes glaring out of an absolutely bloodless face. Harry answered the question with his head held high. "Son of Henry Ringrose, the ironmaster?" "I am." "I thought so! A word with you, ma'am," cried Scrafton—and himself led the way into Mrs. Bickersteth's study.
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    CHAPTER XIX. ASSAULT ANDBATTERY. Harry was left alone in the hall. The boys were in the basement, putting on their boots. There were high words in the study, and yet Scrafton seemed to be speaking much below his normal pitch. Harry sauntered into the deserted schoolroom to avoid eavesdropping. And as if in spite of him, the voices rose, and this much reached his ears: "I tell you it will ruin the school!" "Then let me tell you, Mr. Scrafton, that the school is mine, and I have done it with my eyes open." "The son of a common swindler! I know it to my cost——" To his cost! How could he know it to his cost, this suburban schoolmaster? Harry had shut the door; he stood against it in a torment of rage and shame, his fingers on the handle, only listening, only waiting, for that other door to open. So in the end the two doors opened as one, and the two masters met in the hall and glared in each other's faces without a word. "Mr. Ringrose!" cried Mrs. Bickersteth hastily. Harry turned from the baleful yellow face in a paroxysm of contempt and loathing, and was next moment closeted with a trembling old woman whose pitiable agitation was another tribute to the terrible Scrafton. Mrs. Bickersteth's observations were both brief and broken. She had just heard from Mr. Scrafton what indeed was not exactly new to her. The name was uncommon. Her sons had recalled the case on the arrival of Harry's application for the junior mastership. They had not
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    painted the casequite so black as Mr. Scrafton had done, and they had all agreed that the—the sin of the father—should not disqualify the son. She had not meant to let Mr. Ringrose know that she knew (Harry thanked her in a heartfelt voice), but she had hoped that nobody else would know: and Mr. Scrafton knew for one. "Do you want to get rid of me?" asked Harry bluntly. The lady winced. "Not unless you want to go. No—no—I have neither the inclination nor the right to take such a course. But if, after this, you would rather not stay, I—I would not stand in your way, Mr. Ringrose." Harry saw how it was with Mrs. Bickersteth. She did not want to be unjust, she did not want to give in to Scrafton, but oh! if Mr. Ringrose would save the situation by going of his own accord! "Will you give me the afternoon to think it over?" said he. "Certainly," said Mrs. Bickersteth. "I wish you to consult your own feelings only. I wish to be just, Mr. Ringrose, and—and to meet your ideas. If you are going to town, any time before ten o'clock will be time enough for your return." Harry expressed his gratitude, and said that in that case it would be unnecessary for him to absent himself before the close of afternoon school; nor did he do so; for he was not going to town at all. He was going straight to Richmond Hill, to put the whole matter before Gordon Lowndes, and to beg the explanation he felt certain the other could give. Why should Scrafton have lost his colour and his temper at the bare mention of the name of Ringrose? Was it true that he knew that name already "to his cost"? Then how did he know it to his cost, and since when, and what was the subtle connection between Mr. Ringrose and this same Scrafton? Was Lowndes aware of any?
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    Yes, there wassomething that Lowndes knew, something that he had known on the Saturday afternoon, something to account for his surprise on learning to what school Harry had gone as master. He had indignantly denied all knowledge of Scrafton, but Harry could no longer accept that gratuitous and inexplicable repudiation. It was the very fact that he did know something about Scrafton, something which he wished to keep to himself, that had made him angrily disclaim such knowledge. Harry was coming back to his old idea that Lowndes had been more deeply implicated in his father's flight than anybody supposed. He no longer suspected foul play—that was impossible in the face of the letter from Dieppe—but he did suspect complicity on the part of Lowndes. What if Lowndes had swindled wholesale in the ironmaster's name, and what if Scrafton were one of his victims? What if Lowndes could tell him where his father lay in hiding abroad! The thought brought a happy moment and an hour of bitterness; no, it were better they should never know; better still if he were dead. And the bitter hour that followed was the last and the loveliest of a warm September day; and Harry Ringrose spent it in walking across Ham Common and through Richmond Park, in the mellow sunset, on his way to Richmond Hill. When he got there it was dusk, and two men were pacing up and down the little garden in front of Lowndes's house. Harry paused at the gate. The men had their heads close together, and were conversing so earnestly that they never saw him. They were Lowndes and Scrafton. Harry stepped back without a sound. All his suppositions had been built upon the hypothesis that these two were enemies; it had never entered his head that they might be friends. To find them together was the last thing he had expected, and the discovery chilled him in a way for which he could not instantly account. He knew there was
  • 82.
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