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Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey

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Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey

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Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey
Diversity and Society Sixth Edition
This book is dedicated to my mother, Alice T. Healey. May she rest in peace. —Joe To Shari, Catherine, Jennifer, and JT with deep gratitude for your unwavering love and companionship. To the undergraduates reading this book: Be open and curious, be critically skeptical, work hard, and have faith. You are our hope for the future. —Andi
Diversity and Society Race, Ethnicity, and Gender Sixth Edition Joseph F. Healey Christopher Newport University Andi Stepnick Belmont University
FOR INFORMATION: SAGE Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 E-mail: order@sagepub.com SAGE Publications Ltd. 1 Oliver’s Yard 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 India SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd. 18 Cross Street #10-10/11/12 China Square Central Singapore 048423 Copyright © 2020 by SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. Except as permitted by U.S. copyright law, no part of this work may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. All third-party trademarks referenced or depicted herein are included solely for the purpose of illustration and are the property of their respective owners. Reference to these trademarks in no way indicates any relationship with, or endorsement by, the trademark owner. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-5063-8905-9 This book is printed on acid-free paper. 19 20 21 22 23 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Acquisitions Editor: Jeff Lasser Editorial Assistant: Tiara Beatty Production Editor: Andrew Olson Copy Editor: Erin Livingston Typesetter: C&M Digitals (P) Ltd. Proofreader: Laura Webb Indexer: Maria Sosnowski Cover Designer: Candice Harman Marketing Manager: Will Walter
CONTENTS Preface xvii Acknowledgments xxiv PART 1 • AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES 1 Chapter 1 • Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts 3 Chapter 2 • Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics 49 PART 2 • THE EVOLUTION OF DOMINANT– MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES 101 Chapter 3 • The Development of Dominant–Minority Group Relations in Preindustrial America: The Origins of Slavery 103 Chapter 4 • Industrialization and Dominant–Minority Relations: From Slavery to Segregation and the Coming of Postindustrial Society 139 PART 3 • UNDERSTANDING DOMINANT– MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES TODAY 183 Chapter 5 • African Americans: From Segregation to Modern Institutional Discrimination and Modern Racism 185 Chapter 6 • Native Americans: From Conquest to Tribal Survival in a Postindustrial Society 249 Chapter 7 • Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves 295 Chapter 8 • Asian Americans: Model Minorities? 347
PART 4 • CHALLENGES FOR THE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE 397 Chapter 9 • New Americans, Assimilation, and Old Challenges 399 Chapter 10 • Minority Groups and U.S. Society: Themes, Patterns, and the Future 451 References 465 Glossary 515 Index 521 About the Authors 541
DETAILED CONTENTS Preface xvii Acknowledgments xxiv PART 1 • AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES 1 Chapter 1 • Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts 3 Minority Groups: Trends and Questions 6 Increasing Diversity 6 What’s in a Name? 7 — — Questions for Reflection 9 Questions About the Future, Sociology, and the Plan of This Book 10 What Is a Minority Group? 10 — — Questions for Reflection 14 Patterns of Inequality 14 Theoretical Perspectives 14 Minority Group Status and Stratification 18 Visible Distinguishing Traits: Race and Gender 19 Race 19 Gender 25 — — Questions for Reflection 29 Key Concepts in Dominant–Minority Relations 29 — — Applying Concepts 30 Prejudice 31 — — Questions for Reflection 34 — — Applying Concepts 35 Discrimination 39 Ideological Racism 39 Institutional Discrimination 40 A Global Perspective 41 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Immigration and Globalization 41 Conclusion 44 Main Points 44
Review Questions 45 Group Discussion 46 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 46 Internet Learning Resources 46 Notes 47 Chapter 2 • Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics 49 Assimilation 51 Types of Assimilation 51 The Traditional Perspective on Assimilation: Theories and Concepts 52 — — Questions for Reflection 57 Pluralism 57 Types of Pluralism 58 — — Questions for Reflection 59 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Language and Assimilation 59 Other Group Relationships 61 From Immigrants to White Ethnics 62 Industrialization and Immigration 64 European Origins and Conditions of Entry 65 Chains of Immigration 71 The Campaign against Immigration: Prejudice, Racism, and Discrimination 72 — — Questions for Reflection 76 Patterns of Assimilation 76 The Importance of Generations 76 Ethnic Succession 79 Continuing Industrialization and Structural Mobility 83 — — Questions for Reflection 83 Variations in Assimilation 84 Degree of Similarity 84 Religion 84 Social Class 85 Gender 86 Sojourners 88 — — Questions for Reflection 88 The Descendants of the Immigrants Today 88 Geographical Distribution 88 Integration and Equality 90 The Evolution of White Ethnicity 91 The Twilight of White Ethnicity? 92 — — Questions for Reflection 94 Contemporary Immigrants: Does the Traditional Perspective Apply? 94 — — Questions for Reflection 95
Implications for Examining Dominant–Minority Relations 95 — — Comparative Focus: Immigration and Ireland 96 — — Questions for Reflection 97 Main Points 98 — — Applying Concepts 98 Review Questions 99 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 100 Group Discussion 100 Internet Learning Resources 100 Note 100 PART 2 • EVOLUTION OF DOMINANT–MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES 101 Chapter 3 • The Development of Dominant–Minority Group Relations in Preindustrial America: The Origins of Slavery 103 The Origins of Slavery in America 104 The Labor Supply Problem 107 The Contact Situation 107 The Creation of Slavery in the United States 111 — — Questions for Reflection 112 Paternalistic Relations 112 Chattel Slavery 112 — — Questions for Reflection 115 The Dimensions of Minority Group Status 115 Power, Inequality, and Institutional Discrimination 115 — — Questions for Reflection 122 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Slavery and Indentured Servitude Today 122 The Creation of Minority Status for Native Americans and Mexican Americans 123 Native Americans 123 — — Applying Concepts 124 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 125 — — Questions for Reflection 127 — — Comparative Focus: Hawaii 128 Mexican Americans 129 — — Questions for Reflection 132 Comparing Minority Groups 132 — — Comparative Focus: Mexico, Canada, and the United States 133 — — Questions for Reflection 135 Main Points 135 Review Questions 136
Group Discussion 136 Internet Learning Resources 136 Notes 137 Chapter 4 • Industrialization and Dominant–Minority Relations: From Slavery to Segregation and the Coming of Postindustrial Society 139 Industrialization and the Shift from Paternalistic to Rigid Competitive Group Relations 142 The Impact of Industrialization on the Racial Stratification of African Americans: From Slavery to Segregation 143 Reconstruction (1865 to the 1880s) 143 De Jure Segregation 144 — — Comparative Focus: Jim Crow Segregation and South African Apartheid 147 — — Questions for Reflection 148 — — Questions for Reflection 149 The Great Migration (Early 1900s to 1970s) 150 Life in the North 150 Competition with White Ethnic Groups 150 The Origins of Black Protest 152 The Dimensions of Minority Group Status 153 Acculturation and Integration 153 Gender and Race 153 — — Questions for Reflection 154 Industrialization, the Shift to Postindustrial Society, and Dominant–Minority Relations: General Trends 155 Urbanization 155 Occupational Specialization 155 Bureaucracy and Rationality 156 Growth of White-Collar Jobs and the Service Sector 156 The Growing Importance of Education 158 A Dual Labor Market 159 Globalization 159 Postindustrial Society and the Shift from Rigid to Fluid Competitive Relationships 160 — — Questions for Reflection 161 Gender Inequality in a Globalizing, Postindustrial World 162 — — Questions for Reflection 162 Jobs and Income 163 — — Comparative Focus: Women’s Status in Global Perspective 165 — — Questions for Reflection 167 Modern Institutional Discrimination 167 The Continuing Power of the Past 167 Affirmative Action 170
— — Questions for Reflection 173 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Hate Crimes 173 — — Questions for Reflection 178 Social Change and Minority Group Activism 178 Main Points 178 Review Questions 179 Group Discussion 180 — — Applying Concepts 180 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 182 Internet Learning Resources 182 Note 182 PART 3 • UNDERSTANDING DOMINANT–MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES TODAY 183 Chapter 5 • African Americans: From Segregation to Modern Institutional Discrimination and Modern Racism 185 The End of De Jure Segregation 188 Wartime Developments 189 The Civil Rights Movement 189 — — Questions for Reflection 194 Developments outside the South 194 De Facto Segregation 194 Urban Unrest 195 The Black Power Movement 196 Protest, Power, and Pluralism 198 The Black Power Movement in Perspective 198 Gender and Black Protest 199 — — Questions for Reflection 200 Black–White Relations Since the 1960s: Issues and Trends 201 — — Comparative Focus: Race in Another America 201 — — Questions for Reflection 202 Continuing Separation 203 The Criminal Justice System and African Americans 208 Increasing Class Inequality 212 Modern Institutional Discrimination 215 The Family Institution and the Culture of Poverty 218 Mixed Race and New Racial Identities 221 — — Questions for Reflection 223 Prejudice and Modern Racism 223 Assimilation and Pluralism 227 Acculturation 227
Secondary Structural Assimilation 228 Primary Structural Assimilation 238 — — Questions for Reflection 240 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Does the Election of President Obama Mean That America Is Post-Racial? 240 Is the Glass Half-Empty or Half-Full? 242 Main Points 244 — — Applying Concepts 245 Review Questions 245 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 246 Internet Learning Resources 247 Note 247 Chapter 6 • Native Americans: From Conquest to Tribal Survival in a Postindustrial Society 249 Size of the Group 251 Native American Cultures 253 Agriculture, Views on Nature, and Land Ownership 254 Gender and Social Structure 255 — — Questions for Reflection 256 Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s 256 Reservation Life 257 The Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) 259 The Termination Policy 260 Relocation and Urbanization 261 Self-Determination 262 Protest and Resistance 263 Early Efforts 263 Red Power 264 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Were Native Americans the Victims of Genocide? 265 Protest and Preservation of Native American Cultures 268 — — Questions for Reflection 269 Contemporary Native American–White Relations 270 Natural Resources 270 Attracting Industry to the Reservation 270 — — Comparative Focus: Australian Aborigines and Native Americans 271 — — Questions for Reflection 273 Broken Treaties 275 Gaming and Other Development Possibilities 275 Prejudice and Discrimination 277 — — Questions for Reflection 279
Assimilation and Pluralism 279 Acculturation 279 Secondary Structural Assimilation 281 Primary Structural Assimilation 286 — — Questions for Reflection 287 Comparing Minority Groups 287 Progress and Challenges 288 Main Points 290 — — Applying Concepts 291 Review Questions 291 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 292 Internet Learning Resources 293 Notes 294 Chapter 7 • Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves 295 Mexican Americans 300 Cultural Patterns 300 Immigration 301 — — Questions for Reflection 310 Developments in the United States 310 Mexican Americans and Other Minority Groups 315 — — Questions for Reflection 316 Puerto Ricans 316 Migration (Push and Pull) and Employment 316 Transitions 318 Puerto Ricans and Other Minority Groups 319 — — Questions for Reflection 320 Cuban Americans 320 Immigration (Push and Pull) 320 Regional Concentrations 321 Socioeconomic Characteristics 322 Cuban Americans and Other Minority Groups 325 — — Questions for Reflection 325 Prejudice and Discrimination 325 Assimilation and Pluralism 326 Acculturation 327 Secondary Structural Assimilation 328 — — Comparative Focus: Immigration around the World versus the United States 332 — — Questions for Reflection 333 Primary Structural Assimilation 339
— — Questions for Reflection 340 Assimilation and Hispanic Americans 341 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Hispanic Americans and the Evolution of the American Racial Order 341 Main Points 344 — — Applying Concepts 344 Review Questions 345 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 346 Internet Learning Resources 346 Chapter 8 • Asian Americans: Model Minorities? 347 Origins and Cultures 351 — — Questions for Reflection 353 Contact Situations and the Development of the Chinese American and Japanese American Communities 353 Chinese Americans 353 Japanese Americans 358 — — Questions for Reflection 363 — — Comparative Focus: Japan’s “Invisible” Minority 364 — — Questions for Reflection 366 Comparing Minority Groups 366 — — Questions for Reflection 366 Contemporary Immigration from Asia 367 — — Questions for Reflection 369 Prejudice and Discrimination 370 Assimilation and Pluralism 373 Acculturation 373 Secondary Structural Assimilation 375 Primary Structural Assimilation 386 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: How Successful Are Asian Americans? At What Price? 387 Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining Asian American Success 389 Asian Americans and White Ethnics 389 Asian Americans and Colonized Racial Minority Groups 390 Main Points 392 — — Applying Concepts 393 Review Questions 394 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 395 Points to Consider 395 Internet Learning Resources 396 Note 396
PART 4 • CHALLENGES FOR THE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE 397 Chapter 9 • New Americans, Assimilation, and Old Challenges 399 Current Immigration 401 — — Questions for Reflection 403 New Hispanic Groups: Immigrants from the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, and Colombia 403 Three Case Studies 405 Non-Hispanic Immigrants from the Caribbean 407 Two Case Studies 408 Contemporary Immigration from Asia 409 Four Case Studies 410 Middle Eastern and Arab Americans 413 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Detroit’s Arab American Community 416 9/11 and Arab Americans 418 Immigrants from Africa 420 Modes of Incorporation 421 Immigrants and the Primary Labor Market 421 Immigrants and the Secondary Labor Market 421 Immigrants and Ethnic Enclaves 422 Summary 422 — — Questions for Reflection 422 — — Comparative Focus: The Roma: Europe’s “True Minority” 423 — — Questions for Reflection 424 Immigration: Issues and Controversies 424 The Attitudes of Americans 424 The Immigrants 427 — — Questions for Reflection 428 Costs and Benefits 428 DREAMers 433 — — Questions for Reflection 434 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Birthright Citizenship 435 Is Contemporary Assimilation Segmented? 436 The Case for Segmented Assimilation 437 The Case for Traditional Assimilation Theory 441 Summary 443 — — Questions for Reflection 444 Recent Immigration in Historical and Global Context 444 New Immigrants and Old Issues 445 Main Points 446 — — Applying Concepts 447
Review Questions 448 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 448 Internet Learning Resources 449 Chapter 10 • Minority Groups and U.S. Society: Themes, Patterns, and the Future 451 The Importance of Subsistence Technology 451 The Importance of the Contact Situation, Group Competition, and Power 453 The Importance of Intersectionality 456 Assimilation and Pluralism 457 Minority Group Progress and the Ideology of American Individualism 461 A Final Word 462 Summary 463 Note 464 References 465 Glossary 515 Index 521 About the Authors 541
xvii PREFACE Of the challenges confronting the United States today, those relating to diversity continue to be among the most urgent and the most daunting. Discrimination and the rejection of “others” are part of our national heritage. Along with equality, freedom, and justice, prejudice, racism, and sexism are some of our oldest values. Every part of our society, and virtually every item on the national agenda—welfare and health care reform, policing, crime and punishment, family, education, defense, foreign policy, and terrorism—have some connection with dominant–minority relations. This textbook contributes to our ongoing national discussion by presenting informa- tion, raising questions, and deeply examining relevant issues. Our intent is to help you increase your knowledge, improve your understanding of the issues, and clarify your thinking about social inequalities related to race, ethnicity, gender, and class. We’ve writ- ten for undergraduate students—sociology majors and nonmajors alike. We make few assumptions about students’ knowledge of history or sociological concepts, and we try to present the material in a way that you will find accessible and relevant. For example, we use a unified set of themes and concepts throughout the text. Our analysis is consistent and continuous, even as we examine multiple sociological perspec- tives and different points of view. We introduce most of the conceptual framework in the first four chapters. Then, we apply these concepts and analytical themes to a series of case studies of racial and ethnic minority groups (e.g., African Americans, Native Americans). Finally, we review and summarize our main points and bring our analysis to a conclusion in the last chapter, where we also speculate about the future. Our analysis is, generally, macro and comparative. That is, we focus on large groups and social structures—such as social institutions and stratification systems—and we systematically compare and contrast the experiences and situations of America’s many minority groups over time. The book follows in the tradition of conflict theory, but it is not a comprehensive statement of that tradition. We introduce and apply other perspec- tives, but we don’t attempt to give equal attention to all current sociological paradigms, explain everything, or include all possible analytical points of view. It couldn’t be done! Rather, our goals are (a) to present the sociology of minority group relations in a way that you’ll find understandable and intellectually challenging and (b) to address the issues (and tell the stories behind the issues) in a way that is highly readable and that demon- strates the power and importance of sociological thinking. Although the text maintains a unified analytical perspective, we offer a wide vari- ety of perspectives in our online resources. For example, we offer Current Debates for Chapters 1 through 9 (available at http://edge.sagepub.com/diversity6e). The debates focus on an issue taken from the chapter but present the views of scholars and analysts from a variety of disciplines and viewpoints. Without detracting from the continuity of the main analysis, these debates reinforce the idea that no one has all the answers
xviii   Diversity and Society (or, for that matter, all the questions), and they can be used to stimulate discussion, bring additional perspectives to the classroom, and suggest topics for further research. Additionally, every chapter (except the last) presents personal experiences that com- pellingly and dramatically foreshadow the material that follows. These introductions include the experiences and thoughts of a wide variety of people: immigrants, writers, politicians, racists, slaves, and “regular” people, among others. Also, each chapter (except the last) includes a section called Focus on Contemporary Issues that addresses a specific issue in American society that readers will find current and relevant. In addition to examining diversity across minority groups (e.g., Native Americans and Hispanic Americans), we stress the diversity of experiences within each minority group (e.g., Puerto Ricans and Cubans). We use an intersectional perspective that explores the ways race, ethnicity, social class, and gender influence one another, creating ever-shifting constellations of dominance and subordination. We focus on American minority groups. However, we’ve included a considerable amount of comparative, cross-national material. For example, the Comparative Focus features explore group relations in other societies. Finally, we stress the ways American minority groups are inseparable from the American experience—from the early days of colonial settlements to tomorrow’s head- lines. The relative success of our society is due to the contributions of minority groups as well as those of the dominant group. The nature of the minority group experience has changed as society has changed. To understand America’s minority groups is to under- stand some elemental truths about America. To raise the issues of difference and diversity is to ask what it means, and what it has meant, to be an American. People’s feelings about these issues can be intense, and controversy, indifference, and bitterness can overshadow objective analysis and calm reason. We have little hope of resolving our nation’s dilemmas until we address them openly and honestly. This book explores topics that involve conflict between groups. That history is tinged with pain. We discuss topics that can be challenging to learn. And, at times, we quote directly from sources that use language that may be offensive or painful to hear. We have included these elements because we cannot understand (or change) the things we do not face. FEATURES • Chapters 1–4 provide a broad conceptual and historical overview of minority groups, dominant–minority group relations, and immigration to the United States. • Chapters 5–8 focus on major U.S. racial and ethnic groups: African Americans, Native Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans. • Chapter 9 focuses on issues of diversity and inequality for “new Americans” from Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and the Caribbean. • Opening Vignettes foreshadow the chapter content in a personal way to generate student interest.
Preface  xix • Questions for Reflection help students analyze the material, identify key points, and recognize areas needing additional study. • Applying Concepts activities provide students opportunities to use key chapter ideas. • Comparative Focus boxes look at group relations outside the United States. • Focus on Contemporary Issues boxes address current and relevant issues (e.g., modern slavery, hate crimes). • This book uses an intersectional approach that offers a more complex view of diversity within the U. S. and within each minority group. In particular, we focus on how race, ethnicity, social class, and gender statuses combine with each other to produce unique experiences and oppressions. • Main Points summarize key ideas from each chapter and Review Questions give students a chance to assess their understanding. • Group Discussion questions provide teachers and students with a way to collectively explore ideas and questions. CHANGES IN THIS EDITION • Chapter content has been thoroughly updated from more than 500 new sources, allowing students to learn about the latest research. Expanded content emphasizes current events and applicability of concepts and theories to contemporary social problems (e.g., racial bias in the criminal justice system, immigration issues), including international ones. New examples emphasize an intersectional approach and highlight dominance, oppression, and the distribution of power. Additionally, we emphasize historical trajectory and past-in-present discrimination as much as possible. For example, students can’t understand what happened in Ferguson, Missouri without understanding the historical context (1992 Los Angeles riots, 1965 Watts Rebellion). • More than 80 new and updated tables, maps, and figures • Updates or additions to the Comparative Focus features in Chapters 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 • Updates or additions to the Focus on Contemporary Issues features in Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, and 9 • New or revised Opening Vignettes in Chapters 3 and 5 • Revised or expanded Questions for Reflection, Review Questions, or Group Discussion questions in each chapter
xx   Diversity and Society • We’ve thoroughly revised the text to make it fresher, more relevant, more approachable, and even easier to understand. For example, we’ve simplified the writing and sentence structure. Additionally, we’ve taken steps to highlight social actors and processes by using active voice and by making other changes in language. For example, when possible, we use “enslaved people” instead of “slaves” because the former emphasizes that individuals, through the system of slavery, put humans in bondage. The latter is a social status that hides this important reality. Some of the new and expanded topics in this edition include the following: Chapter 1 • The changing social construction of race in the U.S. census Chapter 2 • Theories of Assimilation (e.g., critiques of unidirectional models, intersectional and bidimensional models) • The Holocaust (e.g., recent research about Americans’ decreasing awareness, the role “everyday people” played, and documentation of more than 40,000 sites such as work “camps”) • Anti-Semitism (the relationship between the Old and New Worlds; European pogroms; and recent increases in anti-Semitic groups, attitudes, and hate crimes) Chapter 3 • The origins of slavery (e.g., indentured servitude, first laws, widespread acceptance, and ideology) • Modern theories of acculturation (e.g., multi-directional models) • Regional variations in the system of slavery (e.g., Deep South states and widespread ownership, use, or benefits for whites) • The experiences of enslaved women (e.g., division of labor, ideologies of “true womanhood”) Chapter 4 • Hate crimes (expanded explanation and examples such as the Tree of Life synagogue shooting as well as data about LGBTQIA and Muslim Americans) • Social control of African Americans (e.g., sharecropping and Black Codes during de jure segregation) • Educational inequalities (e.g., racially segregated, underfunded K–12 public schools) and their influence on college preparedness and competitiveness in the workforce
Preface  xxi Chapter 5 • The perception of African Americans as “other” (e.g., “Living While Black”— police being called about African Americans doing “everyday things” in “white spaces”) • Rosa Parks and other pioneers of the civil rights movement • The War on Drugs and inequalities in the criminal justice system (e.g., disparate sentencing) • Police-related shootings of African Americans • Increasing white supremacy, including the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, VA • Debates about Confederate monuments and confederate-era symbols (including the “battle flag” and its history) Chapter 6 • Native Americans’ views on nature and land ownership • Native Americans’ views on gender (including two-spirit people and gender fluidity) and how gender organized social life • The 2016 Dakota Access Pipeline protest • Similarities with Aboriginal people from Australia Chapter 7 • Changes in immigration patterns (e.g., increases in unaccompanied minors and people from Central America) • Changes to immigration policy (e.g., ICE, Homeland Security budgets, family separation) • Hispanic American immigrant women workers • DREAMers • Historical information about Cuba and Puerto Rico • Measuring the effects of Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico • Chicanas in El Movimento (Dolores Huerta, Lopez De La Cruz, Maria Luisa Rangel Juanita Valdez) Chapter 8 • The role of labor unions in the 19th-century Anti-Chinese movement (e.g., Dennis Kearney of the Workingman’s Party, Anti-Coolie Act) • WWII detention centers for Japanese (and other) Americans as well as the demand for meaningful redress and National Day of Remembrance
xxii   Diversity and Society • Japan’s “invisible” minority: The Barakumin • The model minority myth and its effects ANCILLARIES SAGE edge™ (http://edge.sagepub.com/diversity6e) SAGE edge offers a robust online environment featuring an impressive array of tools and resources for review, study, and further exploration, keeping both students and instructors on the cutting edge of teaching and learning. SAGE edge content is open access and available on demand. Learning and teaching have never been easier! SAGE edge for Students SAGE edge for Students provides a personalized approach to help students accom- plish their coursework goals in an easy-to-use learning environment. • Mobile-friendly eFlashcards strengthen students’ understanding of key terms and concepts. • Mobile-friendly practice quizzes allow for independent assessment by students of their mastery of course material. • An online action plan includes tips and feedback on progress through the course and materials, which allows students to individualize their learning experience. • Learning objectives reinforce the most important material. • Internet Activities encourage students to apply chapter concepts to the “real world” via oral history archives, online art exhibits, YouTube videos, TED Talks, and more. • Carefully selected chapter-by-chapter video links and multimedia content enhance classroom-based explorations of key topics. • The Current Debates resource presents two or more opposing statements from scholars and analysts on controversial questions raised in the chapters (Are Indian sports team mascots offensive?). • Public sociology assignments encourage students to go beyond the classroom and engage with people, organizations, and resources in their local communities to learn more about minority groups and issues. • For further reading lists useful books and articles for additional study on minority groups and intergroup relations. • Exclusive access to full-text SAGE journal articles provides students with carefully selected articles designed to support and expand on the concepts presented in each chapter.
Preface  xxiii SAGE edge for Instructors SAGE edge for Instructors supports teaching by making it easy to integrate quality content and create a rich learning environment for students. • Test banks provide a diverse range of pre-written options as well as the opportunity to edit any question and/or insert your own personalized questions to effectively assess students’ progress and understanding. • Sample course syllabi for semester and quarter courses provide suggested models for structuring your courses. • Editable, chapter-specific PowerPoint® slides offer complete flexibility for creating a multimedia presentation for your course. • Carefully selected chapter-by-chapter video links and multimedia content enhance classroom-based explorations of key topics. • Chapter outlines follow the structure of each chapter, providing an essential reference and teaching tool. • Tables & Figures from the printed book are available in an easily downloadable format for use in papers, handouts, and presentations. • Photo essay ideas and suggestions are provided, along with tips for instructors who assign photo essays in their classrooms. • The Current Debates resource presents two or more opposing statements from scholars and analysts on controversial questions raised in the chapters (Are Indian sports team mascots offensive? Should children be raised genderless?). • Public sociology assignments encourage students to go beyond the classroom and engage with people, organizations, and resources in their local communities to learn more about minority groups and issues. • Internet Research Projects refer students to selected public websites or direct them on guided Internet research in order to gather data and apply concepts from the chapter. • For further reading lists useful books and articles for additional study on minority groups and intergroup relations. • A common course cartridge includes all of the instructor resources and assessment material from the student study site, making it easy for instructors to upload and use these materials in learning management systems such as Blackboard, ™Angel, ®Moodle™, Canvas, and Desire2Learn™. Exclusive access to full-text SAGE journal articles provides instructors with care- fully selected articles designed to support and expand on the concepts presented in each chapter.
xxiv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It has been a great privilege to work on this edition with Andi Stepnick. She has strength- ened this text in countless ways and it has been an enormous pleasure to work with a coauthor who brings such unflagging professionalism, scholarship, and attention to detail. I also thank professors Edwin H. Rhyne and Charles S. Green, the teacher–scholars who inspired me as a student, and Eileen O’Brien, who has contributed enormously to the development of this project. Finally, I thank my colleagues, past and present, in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Christopher Newport University: Stephanie Byrd, Cheri Chambers, Robert Durel, Marcus Griffin, Mai Lan Gustafsson, Jamie Harris, Kai Heidemann, Michael Lewis, Marion Manton, Lea Pellett, Eduardo Perez, Iris Price, Virginia Purtle, Tracey Rausch, Andria Timmer, Linda Waldron, and Ellen Whiting. They have been unflagging in their support of this project, and I thank them for their academic, logistical, and intellectual assistance. —Joseph F. Healey I am grateful to Joe Healey for being such a thoughtful partner and for inspiring me with his passion for sociology and social justice. I owe thanks to many people for their support, wisdom, and humor throughout the years, especially while I was working on this book. I owe special thanks to my sister, Shari, who inspires me with her wisdom, kindness, loyalty, and tenacity. She supports me in ways too numerous to mention and keeps me going. I owe special thanks to Drs. Patricia Y. Martin and Irene Padavic for helping me to become a better sociological thinker, researcher, writer, and teacher. I thank my colleagues at Belmont University, especially Shelby Longard, Erin Pryor, and Ken Spring. Thanks also to Jerry Adams, Catherine Bush, Laura Carpenter, Cynthia Ann Curtis, Rory Dicker, Kris De Welde, Suzanne Feinstein, Jennifer Hackett, Jennifer James, Jen Levine, Wendy Marsh, and Jennifer Thomas. I appreciate the many kinds of support that my parents have given me over the years. My father, Robert J. Stepnick, deserves special attention for listening to countless project updates and for offering encouragement when the going got tough. Lastly, I am grateful for my students, who remind me why I do this work. —Andi Stepnick We both thank Jeff Lasser of SAGE for his invaluable assistance in the preparation of this manuscript, and Nathan Davidson, Dave Repetto, Ben Penner, and Steve Rutter, formerly of SAGE, for their help in the development of this project. Also, we thank Tiara Beatty for her editorial assistance. This text has benefited in innumerable ways from reviewers who offered valuable insights about the subject matter and about the challenges of college teaching. We thank
Acknowledgments  xxv them for their expertise and for their comments, which led to significant improvements in the scholarship and clarity of this textbook. We are responsible for the shortcomings that remain. SIXTH EDITION REVIEWERS Cheryl Renee Gooch, Cumberland County College George Wilson, University of Miami Walter Kawamoto, American River College Jessica Crowe, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale Ahoo Tabatabai, Columbia College Dayang Hajyrayati Awg Kassim, University of Malaysia, Sarawak Eric Jorrey, Central Ohio Technical College Michele Ponting, PACA Adult Learning FIFTH EDITION REVIEWERS Ronald Huskin, Del Mar College Roblyn Rawlins, The College of New Rochelle Fiona Hennah, Coleg y Cymoedd Kate D’Arcy, University of Bedfordshire Wen Wang, California State University, Northridge
Only when lions have historians will hunters cease to be heroes. —African Proverb Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced. —James Baldwin
1 PART ONE AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES Chapter 1. Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts Chapter 2. Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics The United States is a nation of groups as well as individuals. These groups vary in many ways, including their size, wealth, education, race, ethnicity, culture, reli- gion, and language. Some groups have been part of American1 society since colonial days, while others have formed recently. Questions of unity and diversity are among the most pressing issues facing the United States today. How should these groups relate to one another? Who should be considered American? Should we stress our diversity and preserve the many cultural heritages and languages that currently exist? Should we encourage everyone to adopt Anglo American culture and strive to become more similar? Or should we celebrate our differences? Is it possible to do both? We begin to address these questions and other related issues in Chapters 1 and 2. Our goal is to help you develop a broader, more informed understanding of the past and present forces that have created and sustained the groups that make up American society. We’ll sustain this focus throughout this book.
Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey
3 1 DIVERSITY IN THE UNITED STATES Questions and Concepts Who am I? . . . Where do I fit into American society? . . . For most of my 47 years,Ihavestruggledtofindanswerstothesequestions.IamanAmerican of multiracial descent and culture [Native American, African American, Italian American, and Puerto Rican]. In this aspect, I am not very different from many Americans [but] I have always felt an urge to feel and live the intermingling of blood that runs through my veins. American society has a way of forcing multiracial and biracial people to choose one race over the other. I personally feel this pressure every time I have to complete an application form with instructions to check just one box for race category. —Butch, a 47-year-old man2 Actually, I don’t feel comfortable being around Asians except for my family . . . I couldn’t relate to . . . other Asians [because] they grew up in [wealth- ier neighborhoods]. I couldn’t relate to the whole “I live in a mansion” [attitude]. This summer, I worked in a media company and it was kind of hard to relate to them [other Asians] because we all grew up in a different place . . . the look I would get when I say “Yeah, I’m from [a less affluent neighborhood]” they’re like, “Oh, oh” like, “That’s unfortunate for your parents, I’m sorry they didn’t make it.” —Rebecca, a 19-year-old Macanese-Chinese- Portuguese woman3
4   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States Yeah, my people came from all over—Italy, Ireland, Poland, and others too. I don’t really know when they got here or why they came and, really, it doesn’t matter much to me. I mean, I’m just an American. . . . I’m from everywhere . . . I’m from here! —Jennifer, a 25-year-old white American woman4 What do Butch, Rebecca, and Jennifer have in common? How do they differ? They think about their place in American society in very different ways. All are connected to a multitude of groups and traditions but not all find this fact interesting or important. One feels alienated from the more affluent members of her group, one seeks to embrace his multiple memberships, and one dismisses the issue of ancestry as irrelevant and is comfortable and at ease being “just an American.” Today, the United States is growing more diverse in culture, race, religion, and language. The number of Americans who identify as multiracial or who can connect themselves to different cultural traditions is increasing. Where will this increas- ing diversity lead us? Will our nation fragment? Could we dissolve into warring enclaves—the fate of more than one modern nation? Or can we find connection and commonality? Could we develop tolerance, respect, or even admiration for one another? Can we overcome the legacies of inequality established in colonial days? Can Americans embrace our nation’s increasing diversity and live out our motto, E Pluribus Unum (out of many, one)? This book raises many questions about the past, present, and future of group rela- tionships in America. For example, what historical, social, political, and economic forces shaped those relationships historically and how are they shaping contempo- rary group relations? How do racial and ethnic groups relate to each other today? What kind of society are we becoming because of immigration? What does it mean to be an American? What kind of society do we want to become and how can we move in that direction? America is a nation of immigrants and groups. Today, about 13.5% of the U.S. popula- tion was born in some other nation. The population of some states is more than one fifth foreign-born (e.g., California is 28% foreign-born), and some cities are more than one third foreign-born (e.g., New York is 37% foreign-born; U.S. Census Bureau, 2017c). Since the infancy of our society, Americans have been arguing, often passionately, about inclusion and exclusion and about unity and diversity. Every member of our society is,
Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    5 in some sense, an immigrant or the descendant of immigrants. Even Native Americans migrated to this continent, albeit thousands of years ago. We are all from somewhere else, with roots in other parts of the world. Some Americans came here in chains; others came on ocean liners, on planes, on busses, and even on foot. Some arrived last week, while others have had family here for centuries. Each wave of newcomers has altered our social landscape. As many have observed, our society is continually under construction and seems permanently unfinished. Today, America is remaking itself yet again. Large numbers of immigrants are arriving from around the world, and their presence has raised questions about what it means to be an American, who should be granted U.S. citizenship, and how much diversity is best for society. How do immigrants affect America? Are they bringing new energy and revital- izing the economy? Are they draining resources such as school budgets, health care, and jobs? Both? How do they affect African Americans, Native Americans, and other groups? Are they changing what it means to be an American? If so, how? In 2008, Americans elected Barack Obama to become our nation’s first African American president. To some, this victory suggested that the United States has finally become what people often claim it to be: a truly open, “color-blind” society where one succeeds based on merit. In 2016, Donald Trump became our country’s 45th president. Some see the rise of racist and xenophobic speech and actions that emerged during our most recent election season as a kind of backlash—not just against Democrats or the political system, but against the diversity initiatives that expanded under the Obama administration. Even as we debate the implications of immigration, other long-standing issues about belonging, fairness, and justice remain unresolved. Native Americans and African Americans have been a part of this society since its start, but they’ve existed largely as outsiders—as slaves, servants, laborers, or even enemies—to the mainstream, dominant group. In many ways, they haven’t been treated as “true Americans” or full citizens, either by law or custom. The legacies of racism and exclusion continue to affect these groups today and, as you’ll see in future chapters, they and other American minority groups continue to suffer from inequality, discrimination, and marginalization. Even a casual glance at our schools, courts, neighborhoods, churches, or corporate boardrooms—indeed, at any nook or cranny of our society—reveals pervasive pat- terns of inequality, injustice, and unfairness and different opportunities. So, which is the “real”5 America: the land of acceptance and opportunity or the one of insularity and inequity? Some of us feel intensely connected to people with similar backgrounds and identify closely with a specific heritage. Others embrace multiracial or multiethnic identities. Some people feel no particular connection with any group or homeland. Others are unsure where they fit in the social landscape. Group membership, including our race or ethnicity, gender, class, and sexual orientation, shape our experiences and, therefore, how we think about American society, the world, and ourselves. Additionally, group membership shapes the opportunities available to us and to others. How do we understand these contrasts and divisions? Should we celebrate our diver- sity or stress the need for similarity? How can we incorporate all groups while avoiding fragmentation and division? What can hold us together as a nation? The U. S. may be at a crossroads concerning these issues. Throughout this book, you’ll have an opportunity
6   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States to reexamine the fundamental questions of citizenship and inclusion in our society. This chapter reviews the basic themes to help you do that effectively. MINORITY GROUPS: TRENDS AND QUESTIONS Because our group memberships shape our experiences and worldviews, they also affect the choices we make, including those in the voting booth. People in different groups may view decisions in different ways due to their divergent group histories, experiences, and current situations. Without some knowledge of the many ways someone can be an American, the debates over which direction our society should take are likely to be unmeaningful or even misunderstood. Increasing Diversity The choices about our society’s future may feel especially urgent because the diversity of American society is increasing dramatically, largely due to high rates of immigration. Since the 1960s, the number of immigrants arriving in America each year has more than tripled and includes groups from around the world. People’s concerns about increasing diversity are compounded by other unresolved issues and grievances. For example, in Part 3, we document continuing gaps in income, poverty rates, and other measures of affluence and equality between minority and dom- inant groups. In many ways, the problems currently facing African Americans, Native Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and other minority groups are as for- midable as they were a generation (or more) ago. Given these realities, how can America better live out its promise of equality for all? Let’s consider the changing makeup of America. Figure 1.1 presents the percentage of the total U.S. population in each of the five largest racial and ethnic groups. First, we’ll consider this information at face value and analyze some of its implications. Then, we’ll consider (and question) the framing of this information, such as group names and why they matter. Figure 1.1 shows the groups’ relative sizes from 1980 through 2010 (when the gov- ernment last conducted the census) and it offers the projected relative sizes of each group through 2060. The declining numbers of non-Hispanic whites reflect the increasing diversity in the United States. As recently as 1980, more than 8 out of 10 Americans were non-Hispanic whites, but by the middle of this century, non-Hispanic whites will become a numerical minority. Several states (Texas, California, Hawaii, and New Mexico) already have “majority minority” populations. And for the first time in history, most babies born in the U. S. (50.4%) are members of minority groups (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b). Researchers predict that African American and Native American populations will increase in absolute numbers but will remain similar in relative size. However, Hispanic American, Asian American, and Pacific Islander populations will grow dramatically. Asian American and Pacific Islander groups together constituted only 2% of the pop- ulation in 1980, but that will grow to 10% by midcentury. The most dramatic growth,
Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    7 however, will be among Hispanic Americans. In 2002, this group surpassed African Americans as the largest minority group. Researchers expect it will be almost 30% of the U. S. population by 2060. Projections about the future are educated guesses based on documented trends, but they suggest significant change. Our society will grow more diverse racially and cul- turally, becoming less white and less European—and more like the world as a whole. Some people see these changes as threats to traditional white, middle-class American values and lifestyles. Other people view these demographic changes as part of the ebb and flow of social life. That is, society has changed ever since it began; this is merely another phase in the great American experiment. Which viewpoints are most in line with your own and why? What’s in a Name? The group names we used in Figure 1.1 are arbitrary, and no group has clear or definite boundaries. We use these terms because they are familiar and consistent with the labels used in census reports, much of the sociological research literature, and other sources of information. Although such group names are convenient, this doesn’t mean that they are “real” in any absolute sense or equally useful in all circumstances. These group names have some serious shortcomings. For example, they reflect social conventions whose meanings change over time and location. To underscore the social construction of racial and ethnic groups, we use group names interchangeably (e.g., blacks and African Americans; Hispanic Americans and Latinos). Nevertheless, issues remain. FIGURE 1.1 ■ U.S. Population by Race and Ethnicity, 1980–2060 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050 2060 10 0 Non-Hispanic Whites Non-Hispanic Blacks Hispanic Americans Asian and Pacific Islander Americans American Indians Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2017a). National Population Projections. https://www.census.gov/data/tables/ 2017/demo/popproj/2017-summary-tables.html Note: Hispanics may be of any race.
8   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States First, the race/ethnic labels suggest groups are homogeneous. While it’s true that peo- ple within one group may share some general, superficial physical or cultural traits (e.g., language), they also vary by social class, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and in many other ways. People within the Asian American and Pacific Islander group, for exam- ple, represent scores of different national backgrounds (Japanese, Pakistanis, Samoans, Vietnamese), and the categories of Native American or Alaska Native include people from hundreds of different tribal groups. If we consider people’s other social statuses such as age and religious affiliation, that diversity becomes even more pronounced. Any two people within one group (e.g., Hispanics) might be quite different from each other in some respects and similar to people from “different” racial/ethnic groups (e.g., whites). Second, people don’t necessarily use these labels when they think about their own identity. In this sense, the labels aren’t “real” or important for all the people in these racial/ ethnic groups. For example, many whites in the U. S. (like Jennifer, quoted in the chapter opening) think of themselves as “just American.” Many Hispanic Americans think of themselves in relation to ethnic origin, such as Mexican or Cuban (see Chapter 7). Or they may identify with a particular region or village in their homeland. For LGBTQIA6 group members, sexual orientation may be more important to their identity than their race or ethnicity. Thus, the labels don’t always reflect the ways people think about them- selves, their families, or where they come from. The categories are statistical classifications created by researchers and census takers to help them organize information and clarify their analyses. They don’t grow out of or always reflect people’s everyday realities. Third, although the categories in Figure 1.1 are broad, several groups don’t neatly fit into them. For example, where should we place Arab Americans and recent immigrants from Africa? These groups are relatively small (about 1 million people each), but there is no clear place for them in the current categories. Should we consider Arab Americans as “Asian,” as some argue? Should recent immigrants from Africa be in the same cate- gory as African Americans? Should we create a new group for people of Middle Eastern or North African descent? The point is that such classification schemes have somewhat ambiguous boundaries. Further, we can’t neatly categorize people who identify with more than one racial or ethnic group (like Butch, quoted in the chapter opening). The number of “mixed-group” Americans is relatively small today—about 3% of the total population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015a). However, between 2000 and 2016, the number of people who chose more than one racial or ethnic category on the U.S. census increased by 33% (from 2.4% to 3.2% of the total population) (Jones & Bullock, 2012; U.S. Census Bureau, 2017b). This trend is likely to continue increasing rapidly because of the growth in interracial marriage. To illustrate, Figure 1.2 shows dramatic increases in the percentage of “new” marriages (couples that got married in the year prior to the survey date) and all marriages that unite members of different racial or ethnic groups (Livingston & Brown, 2017). Obviously, the greater the number of mixed racial or ethnic marriages, the greater the number of mixed Americans who will be born of such partnerships. One study estimates that the percent- age of Americans who identify with two or more races will more than double between 2014 (when it was 2.5%) and 2060 (when it will be 6.2%; Colby & Ortman, 2015, p. 9). Finally, we should note that group names are social constructions,7 or ideas and perceptions that people create in specific historical circumstances and that reflect partic- ular power relationships. For example, the group “Native Americans” didn’t exist before
Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    9 the European exploration and colonization of North America. Before then, hundreds of separate indigenous societies, each with its own language and culture, lived across North America. Native Americans thought of themselves primarily in terms of their tribe and had little awareness of the many other groups spread across the vast expanse of the North American continent. However, European conquerors constructed them as one group: the enemy. Today, many Americans see Native Americans as one group. This reflects their historical defeat and domination by white European colonists, which led to Native Americans’ current status as a minority group in a largely white society. Likewise (although through different processes), African, Hispanic, and Asian Americans came to be seen as separate groups as the result of their unequal interactions with white Americans. These group labels have become real because people believe they are real. We use these familiar group labels to facilitate our discussion of complex topics, but they don’t reflect some unchangeable truth or reality regarding racial or ethnic groups. FIGURE 1.2 ■ Interracial and Interethnic Marriages in the United States, 1967–2015 1967 0 5 10 Percentage 15 20 1975 1983 1991 1999 2007 2015 Newlyweds All married people 3 3 10 17 Source: Livingston and Brown (2017). QUESTIONS FOR REFLECTION 1. If asked about your group membership, which of the groups in Figure 1.1 would you choose, if any? Do you feel that you belong to one group or several? How much does your group membership shape your circle of friends, your experiences, and your worldview? How important is your group membership to your self-identity? (Continued)
10   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States QUESTIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE, SOCIOLOGY, AND THE PLAN OF THIS BOOK At our country’s inception, the law recognized only white Anglo-Saxon Protestant men of elite classes as full citizens deserving of specific rights (e.g., voting) and opportuni- ties (e.g., education). Most of us would agree that this definition of American is far too narrow. Given the changing U.S. population (Figure 1.1), you may wonder who should count as American. What does it mean to be an American? Does diversity threaten soci- etal cohesion? Likewise, what problems might come from narrow definitions of what it means to be an American? We’ve raised several complex questions in these first few pages. The answers aren’t obvious or easy to come by. There is no guarantee that we, as a society, will be willing or able to resolve all the issues related to intergroup relations. However, the issues won’t disappear or resolve themselves if we ignore them. We’ll never make progress unless we address the issues honestly and with an accurate base of knowledge and understanding. We hope this book helps you develop thoughtful, informed positions on these issues. Throughout our inquiry, we’ll rely on sociology and other social sciences for concepts, theories, and information to gain a greater understanding of the issues. The first two chapters introduce many of the ideas that will guide our investigation. Part 2 explores how relations between the dominant group and minority groups have evolved over time. Part 3 analyzes the current situation of U.S. racial and ethnic minority groups. Finally, Part 4 explores many of the challenges facing our society (and the world) and offers conclusions from our inquiry. WHAT IS A MINORITY GROUP? A common vocabulary will help us understand and discuss the issues with greater clarity. The mathematical connotation of the term minority group implies that minority groups are small. However, they can be quite large—even a numerical majority. For example, 2. Savannah is a white, 27-year-old woman who was raised in Georgia but now lives in South Dakota. She is an Episcopalian, has a degree in computer science, and makes $60,000 a year. She is married to Tom, her college sweetheart. Winona is a 40-year-old woman and a member of the Lakota nation. She was raised in South Dakota but moved to California to pursue her career as a pharmacist. She is married to Robert and they have one child. Although the census would classify Savannah and Winona as belonging to different racial/ethnic groups, they are similar in many ways. In what ways are their similarities more significant than their differences? 3. Over the past 5 to 10 years, what signs of increasing diversity have you seen in your community? What benefits and challenges have come with that increasing diversity? 4. What does it mean to be American? If you asked Americans, a popular answer might be freedom. What does that mean to you—freedom to do what? Or freedom from what? How do you think people of other countries or generations might respond? (Continued)
Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    11 most sociologists consider women a minority group, although they are a numerical major- ity of the U.S. population. Whites are a numerical minority in South Africa, accounting for less than 10% of the population (Central Intelligence Agency, 2017). However, they’ve been the most powerful and affluent group in that nation’s history. Despite the end of apartheid (a state-sanctioned racial inequality) in South Africa, whites keep their advantage in many ways (e.g., economically, politically). Therefore, sociologists would consider them the dominant group. Sociologists define minority status in terms of the distribution of resources and power. We use the definition of minority group developed by Wagley and Harris (1958) that emphasizes these characteristics: 1. Minority group members experience a pattern of disadvantage or inequality. 2. Minority group members share a visible trait or characteristic that differentiates them from other groups. 3. Minority group members are aware of their shared status with other group members. 4. Group membership is usually determined at birth. 5. Members tend to form intimate relationships (close friendships, dating partnerships, and marriages) within the group. Next, we briefly explain these five characteristics. Because inequality and visibility are the most important characteristics of minority groups, we’ll examine them in even more detail later in the chapter. 1. Inequality. The first and most important defining characteristic of a minority group is its inequality (some pattern of disadvantage). The degree of disadvantage varies over time and location and includes such slight irritants as a lack of desks for left-handed students or a policy of racial or religious exclusion at an expensive country club. (Note, however, that you might not agree that the irritant is slight if you’re a left-handed stu- dent awkwardly taking notes at a right-handed desk or if you’re a golf aficionado who happens to be African American or Jewish American.) The most significant inequalities include exploitation, such as slavery and genocide (the intentional killing of a group, such as the mass execution of Jews, Slavs, Roma, gays and lesbians, and others under Nazi rule in Germany). Whatever its scope or severity, whether it affects people’s ability to gain jobs, housing, wealth, political power, police protection, health care, or other valued resources, the pat- tern of disadvantage is the key characteristic of a minority group. Because the group has less of what society values, some people refer to minority groups as subordinate groups. The pattern of disadvantage members of the minority group experience results from the actions of another group that benefits from and tries to sustain the inequality. This advantaged group is the dominant group. We use the latter term most frequently because it reflects the patterns of inequality and the lack of power experienced by minority groups. Keep in mind that the inequalities we see today were established in the past, sometimes centuries ago or more. Privilege exists even when the beneficiaries are unaware of it.
12   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States 2. Visibility. The second defining characteristic of a minority group is some visible trait or characteristic that sets members apart and that the dominant group holds in low esteem. The trait can be cultural (e.g., language, religion, speech patterns, or dress styles), physical (e.g., skin color, stature, or facial features), or both. Groups defined primarily by their cultural characteristics such as Irish Americans and Jewish Americans are ethnic minority groups. Groups defined primarily by their physical characteristics, such as African Americans and Native Americans, are racial minority groups. These categories overlap. So-called ethnic groups may also have what some people see as distinguishing physical characteristics (e.g., the stereotypical Irish red hair or “Jewish nose”). Racial groups may also have (or be thought to have) cultural traits that differ from the dominant group (e.g., differences in dialect, religious values, or cuisine). These distinguishing traits help identify minority group members and separate people into distinct groups. Thus, they help to maintain the patterns of disadvantage. That is, the dominant group has (or at one time had) enough power to create the distinction between groups and thus solidify a higher position for itself. These markers of group membership are crucial. Without visible signs, it would be difficult or impossible to identify who was in which group, and the system of minority group oppression would collapse. The characteristics marking the boundaries between groups usually aren’t signifi- cant in and of themselves. They are selected for their visibility and convenience and, objectively, may be trivial and unimportant. For example, scientists now conclude that skin color and other so-called racial traits have little scientific, evolutionary, medical, or biological importance (Gannon, 2016; Yudell, Roberts, DeSalle, Tishkoff, 2016). For example, darker skin color simply reflects the body’s response to sunlight. In areas with greater sunlight (closer to the equator), people’s bodies produce melanin, which screens out the sun’s ultraviolet rays and protects the skin. Skin color emerged as an important marker of group membership in our society through a complex and lengthy historical process, not because it has any inherent significance. Again, these markers of minority group membership become important because people give them significance (e.g., superiority, inferiority). 3. Awareness. A third characteristic of minority groups is that the members are aware of their differentiation from the dominant group and their shared disadvantage. This shared social status can provide a sense of solidarity and serve as the basis for strong intragroup bonds. As noted earlier, minority and dominant groups can experience life differently. Thus, minority group members may have worldviews that are markedly dif- ferent from those of the dominant group and from other minority groups. For example, public opinion polls often show sizeable group differences about the seriousness and extent of discrimination in America. Figure 1.3 shows persistent and sizeable gaps in the percentage of nationally representative samples of whites and blacks who agree that blacks and whites have equal job opportunities. Given their different group histories, experiences, and locations in the social hierarchy, it may not surprise you that black Americans see more racial inequality than whites. Even after President Obama’s election in 2008, the percentage of black Americans who believed equal opportunity exists was about half the rate of white Americans. Both groups have become more pessimistic about equal opportunity in recent years. A 2016 national poll showed that only 71% of Americans believed black children
Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    13 have the same opportunity as white children to get a good education. This is the lowest percentage on record since Gallup began asking that question in 1962, less than a decade after the Supreme Court voted to desegregate public schools in Brown v. the Board of Education (1954). Only 70% believe black Americans have equal opportunities to get housing, which is the lowest rating on this question since 1989 (J. M. Jones, 2016). 4. Ascription. A fourth characteristic of minority groups is that, generally, member- ship is an ascribed status given to them, often at birth. The traits that identify minority group membership are typically hard to change. Thus, minority group status is usually involuntary and for life. 5. Intimate Relationships. Finally, minority group members tend to form emotionally close bonds with people like themselves, for example, as close friends, dating partners, and legal spouses or cohabitational partners. (Members of the dominant group do this, too.) Pervasive racial and ethnic segregation of neighborhoods, schools, and other areas of American society influence who one meets or spends time with on a regular basis. In some cases, the dominant group dictates this pattern. For example, many states outlawed interracial marriages until the U.S. Supreme Court declared laws against miscegenation unconstitutional in the 1967 case, Loving v. Virginia (Bell, 1992). The Wagley and Harris (1958) multipart definition of a minority group encompasses “traditional” minority groups such as African Americans and Native Americans but we can apply it to other groups. For instance, women as a group fit the first four criteria, and we can analyze their experience with many of the same concepts and ideas that guide our analysis of racial and ethnic minority groups. Similarly, we can apply this concept to Americans who are gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender; to Americans with disabilities; FIGURE 1.3 ■ Do Black Americans Have the Same Chances as White Americans to Obtain the Same Level of Employment? 1963–2016 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Percentage 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 0 Blacks Whites Source: Gallup (2017a).
Exploring the Variety of Random Documents with Different Content
be found on board our steamers, but the pursuits of a naturalist rarely seem to call forth the slightest show of interest. Our departure was fixed for two p.m., but in fact we did not move till past seven, long after dark at this season. On getting out to sea we found a moderate swell running from the southward, and moved slowly, as coal was economized. On the following morning we found ourselves rather far from land, and, although the weather was moderately clear, we had only a few distant glimpses of the coast during the day. The barometer fell slowly about two-tenths of an inch from morning to night, and it seemed evident that we were about to bid farewell to the bright skies of Central Chili. We were to take in coal for the voyage to Europe at Lota, about two hundred and fifty nautical miles south of Valparaiso. That distance could be easily accomplished, even by the Rhamses, in twenty-four hours; but as there was no object in arriving before morning, we economized fuel and travelled slowly. Heavy rain fell during the entire night, and ceased only when, on the morning of May 31, we entered the harbour of Lota. Lota is a place which, although not marked on Stanford’s latest map of South America, has within a short time risen to considerable importance, owing to the discovery of extensive deposits of lignite of excellent quality. I have heard various estimates of its value as steam coal, the lowest of which set five tons of Lota coal as equal to four of Welsh anthracite. The seams appear to be of considerable thickness, and the underground works have now extended to a considerable distance from the shore. All the ocean steamers returning to Europe now call here for their provision of fuel, and in addition the proprietor has established extensive works for smelting copper and for making glass. The owner of this great property is a lady, the widow of the late Mr. Cousiño, whose income is rated at about £200,000 a year. About 2500 people are constantly employed, who, with their families, inhabit a small town of poor appearance which has grown up on the hill overlooking the harbour.
COAL DEPOSITS OF LOTA. I was courteously invited to the house of Mr. Squella, a relation of Madame Cousiño, who has the direction of this great establishment, and there had the pleasure of again meeting my former travelling companion, Mr. H——, and also Captain Simpson, an officer of the Chilian navy of English extraction, who, while commanding a ship on the southern coast, has rendered some services to science. The conversation was carried on chiefly in English, which has decidedly become the lingua franca of South America, but was shortened by my natural anxiety to turn to the best account the short time at my disposal. I had a choice between three alternatives—a descent into the coal mine, a visit to the works above ground and the miners’ town, or a ramble through the so- called park, which occupies the promontory stretching westward which forms the natural harbour of Lota, and covers a great portion of the precious deposit to which the place owes its new-born importance. I naturally preferred the latter, feeling that my limited experience as a geological observer would not allow me to profit much by a subterranean excursion. I made inquiry, however, as to the vegetable remains found in the lignite, and I was told that they are abundant, although the few specimens which I saw showed but slight traces of vegetable structure. I was led to believe that a collection of specimens had been sent to Europe to my late lamented friend, Dr. Oswald Heer, but I am not aware that he has left any reference to such a collection, or even that it ever reached his hands. The parque of Lota, to which I directed my steps, has rather the character of an extensive pleasure-ground than of what we call a park; but the surface is so uneven, and the outline so irregular, that I could not estimate its extent. The numerous fantastic structures in questionable taste that met the eye in every direction create at the first moment an unfavourable impression, but the charms of the spot are so real that this is soon forgotten. The variety and luxuriance of the vegetation, and the diversified views of the sea and the rocky
shores, were set off by occasional bursts of bright sunshine, in which the drops that still hung on every leaflet glittered like jewels of every hue. The trees here were of very moderate dimensions, the largest (here called roble) being of the laurel family, which, for want of flower or fruit, I failed to identify. The Spaniards in South America have given the name roble, which properly means “oak,” to a variety of trees which agree only in having a thick trunk and spreading branches. The shrubs were very numerous, partly indigenous and partly exotic, and a peculiar feature which I have not noticed in any other large garden is the number of parasites living on the trunks and branches of the trees and shrubs. Ferns were very numerous and grow luxuriantly, showing a wide difference of climate between this coast and that of the country two or three degrees further north. But the great ornament of this place is the beautiful climber, Lapageria rosea, now producing in abundance its splendid flowers, which so finely contrast with its dark-green glossy foliage. The specific name rosea is unfortunate, as the colour of the flowers is bright crimson, verging on scarlet. THE PARQUE OF LOTA. One of the special features of this garden was the abundance of humming-birds that haunted the shrubs and small trees, and darted from spray to spray with movements so rapid that to my imperfect vision their forms were quite indistinguishable. Whenever I drew near in the hope of gaining a clearer view, they would dart away to another shrub a few yards distant, and I am unable to say whether the bright little creatures belonged to one and the same or to several different species. At one place where the garden is only some twenty feet above the beach, I scrambled down the rocks, and was rewarded by the sight of two or three plants characteristic of this region. The most attractive of these is one of the many generic types peculiar to the Chilian flora, allied to the pine-apple. The long stiff leaves, edged with sharp teeth and radiating from the lower part of the stem, are
coloured bright red along the centre and at the base, forming, when seen from a distance, a brilliant, many-rayed red star. Another novelty was Francoa sonchifolia, which also clings to the rocks by the sea. It has somewhat the habit of a large crucifer, but the structure of the flower and fruit is widely different. It was regarded by Lindley as the type of a distinct natural family, but has been, with one other Chilian genus (Tetilla), classed as a tribe of the saxifrage family. Time passed quickly in such an interesting spot, and the hour appointed for returning to the ship had nearly arrived, when Mr. Reilly, the gardener who has the management of the parque, invited me to see his house. He came, as I learned, from Wexford, in Ireland, had had some training in the Royal Gardens at Kew, when his fortunate star led him to Chili. I found him installed in a very pretty and comfortable house, charmingly situated, in as full enjoyment of one of the most beautiful gardens in the world as if he were its absolute owner. This was only one more instance of the success which so often attends my countrymen when removed to a distance from their native land. Freed from the evil influences that seem indigenous to the soil of that unfortunate island, they develop qualities that are too rarely perceptible at home. The arguments for emigration are commonly based only on the economical necessity for relieving the land of surplus population; to my mind it may be advocated on other and quite different grounds. For every Irishman who is carried to a distant land there is a strong probability of a distinct gain to the world at large. CAUTIOUS SEAMANSHIP. I left the parque at Lota with my memory full of pictures of a spot which, along with Mr. Cooke’s famous garden at Montserrat, near Cintra, and that of M. Landon in the oasis of Biskra, I count as the most beautiful garden that I have yet seen. A rather large island—Isla de Sta. Maria—lies off the Chilian coast to the west of Lota, and is separated on the southern side
from the promontory of Lavapie by a channel several miles wide. But as this is beset with rocks, the rule of the German steamers is to avoid the passage, excepting in clear weather by day. In deference, therefore, to this cautious regulation, we set our helm to the north on leaving Lota, two or three hours after sunset, and only after keeping that course for some ten miles, and running past the small port of Coronel, steered out to seaward, and finally resumed our proper southerly direction. Our sleep was somewhat disturbed by the heavy rolling of the ship during the night, and the morning of the 1st of June broke dimly amid heavy lowering clouds, just such a day as one might expect at the corresponding date (December 1) on the western coast of Europe. Although the sea was running high, there was little wind. The barometer at daybreak stood at 29·98, having risen a tenth of an inch since the previous evening, and the temperature was about 52° Fahr. In our seas one would suppose that a gale must have recently prevailed at no great distance, but I believe the fact to be that in the Southern Pacific high seas prevail during a great part of the year, even where no strong winds are present to excite them. Gales are undoubtedly common in the zone between the fiftieth and sixtieth degrees of south latitude, and the waves habitually run higher there than they ever do in the comparatively confined area of the Atlantic. The disturbances are propagated to great distances, modified, of course, by winds, currents, and the form of the coasts when they approach the land; but the smooth waters that extend more than thirty degrees on either side of the equator are rarely encountered in higher latitudes. The skies brightened as the day wore on, and the sun from time to time broke through the clouds; but we were out of sight of land, and the only objects in view during the day were the sea, the sky, and the numerous sea-fowl that followed the ship. The incessant rolling made it difficult to settle down to any occupation. We were now abreast of that large tract of Chili which has been left in the possession of its aboriginal owners, the Araucanian Indians, extending about one hundred miles from north to south, and a rather greater distance from the coast to the crest of the
Cordillera. It is unfortunate that so little is known of the Araucanians, as, in many respects, they appear to be the most interesting remaining tribe of the aboriginal American population. For nearly two centuries they maintained their independence in frequent sanguinary encounters with the Spaniards, which are said on Chilian authority to have cost the invaders the loss of 100,000 men. Since the establishment of Chilian independence, the policy of the republic has been to establish friendly relations with this indomitable people. The territory between the Bio-Bio river to the north and the Tolten to the south was assigned to them, and small annual donations were made to the principal chiefs on condition of their maintaining order amongst the tribesmen. During the last forty years, however, white settlers have trespassed to a considerable extent on the Indian territory, both on the north and south sides, but have generally contrived to keep up friendly intercourse with the natives, while Chilian officials, established at Angol on the river Mallego, exercise a species of supervision over the entire region. ARAUCANIAN INDIANS. The present Araucanian population is somewhat vaguely estimated at about 40,000, and it is a question of some interest whether, like most native races in contact with those of European descent, they will ultimately be improved out of existence, or be gradually brought within the pale of civilization and fused with the intrusive element. The soil is said to be in great part fertile; they raise a large quantity of live stock, and some of the chiefs are said to have amassed wealth, and to have begun to show a taste for the comforts and conveniences of civilized life. While at Santiago, I made some inquiry as to the language of the Araucanian tribes. I was informed that in the seventeenth century the Jesuit missionaries published a grammar of the language, of which only two or three copies are known to exist. About the beginning of this century a new edition, or reprint, of this
work appeared at Madrid, but, as I was assured, has also become extremely rare, and copies are very seldom to be procured. On the evening of the 1st the barometer had risen about a tenth of an inch, but by the following morning had returned to the same point (very nearly thirty inches) as on the previous day, without any change in the state of the weather; but we enjoyed more sunshine, and the proceedings of the birds that ceaselessly bore us company afforded us constant occupation and amusement. Two species were predominant. One of these was the well-known cape pigeon (Daption capensis), familiar to all mariners in the southern hemisphere. This is a handsome bird, much larger than a pigeon, exhibiting a considerable variety of plumage in what appeared to be adult individuals. In all the ground colour is white, and the tips of the spreading tail feathers are dark brown or nearly black. The upper surface of the wings sometimes showed a somewhat tesselated pattern of white and dark brown, but more commonly were marked by two transverse dark bands, with pure white between. They were very numerous, as many as from fifty to a hundred being near the ship at the same time, keeping close company, and often swooping over the deck a few feet over our heads; but, although seemingly fearless, they never were induced to take a piece of meat from a man’s hand, though the temptation was often renewed. The next in frequency—called on this coast colomba—is nearly as large as the cape pigeon, with plumage much resembling that of a turtle dove. This also approached very near. Both of these birds seemed to feel fatigue, as, after circling round the ship for half an hour at a time, they would rest on the surface of the water, dropping rapidly astern, but after some minutes resume their flight and soon overtake the ship. More interesting to me were the two species of albatross, which I had never before had an opportunity of observing. These were more shy in their behaviour, never, I think, approaching nearer than seventy or eighty yards, and usually following the ship with a slow, leisurely flight still farther astern. The common, nearly white, species (Diomedea exulans) is but a little larger than the dark- coloured, nearly black species, which I supposed to be the
Diomedea fuliginosa of ornithologists. 31 If, as is probable, the same birds followed us all day, we saw but two of the latter, which are, I believe, everywhere comparatively scarce. In both species I was struck by the peculiar form of the expanded wing, which is very narrow in proportion to its great length. BIRDS OF THE SOUTHERN OCEAN. The moment of excitement for the birds, as well as for the lookers-on, was when a basket of kitchen refuse was from time to time thrown overboard. It was amusing to watch the rush of hungry creatures all swooping down nearly at the same point, and making a marvellous clatter as they eagerly contended for the choice morsels. It did not appear to me that the smaller birds showed any fear of the powerful albatross, or that the latter used his strength to snatch away anything that had been secured by a weaker rival. About noon on the 2nd of June we were abreast of the northern part of the large island of Chiloe, but were too far out to sea to get a glimpse of the high land on the west coast. At the northern end the island is separated from the mainland by a narrow channel (Canal de Chacao) only two or three miles in width; but on the east side the broad strait or interior sea between Chiloe and the opposite coast is from thirty to forty miles in breadth, and beset by rocky islets varying in size from several miles to a few yards. Another unquiet night ushered in the morning of the 3rd of June. This was fairly clear, with a fresh breeze from the south-west, which, as the day advanced, rose nearly to a gale. The sea did not appear to run higher than before, but the waves struck the ship’s side with greater force, and at intervals of about ten minutes we shipped rather heavy seas, after which the deck was nearly knee-deep in water, and a weather board was needed to keep the saloon from being flooded. The barometer fell slightly, and the temperature was decidedly lower, the thermometer marking about 50° Fahr. Some attempts at taking exercise on the hurricane deck were not very
successful, my friend, Mr. H——, being knocked down and somewhat bruised, and we finally retired to the saloon, and found the state of things not exhilarating. We saw nothing of the Chonos Archipelago, consisting of three large and numerous small islands, all covered with dense forest, and separated from the mainland by a strait, yet scarcely surveyed, about a hundred and twenty miles in length, and ten to fifteen in breadth. Darwin, writing nearly fifty years ago, anticipated that these islands would before long be inhabited, but I was assured that no permanent settlement has ever been established. Parties of woodcutters have from time to time visited the islands, but no one has been tempted to remain. The excessive rainfall, which is more continuous in summer than in winter, makes them unfit for the residence of civilized man; but it seems probable that Fuegians transported there would find conditions favourable to their constitution and habits of life. It is another question whether the world would be any the better for the multiplication of so low a type of humanity. HEAVY SEAS OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. In the afternoon, as the sea was running very high, the captain set the ship’s head to the wind. We saw him but once, and perceived an anxious expression on his usually jovial countenance. It afterwards came out that he apprehended the continuance of the gale, in which case he might not have ventured to put the helm round so as to enter the Gulf of Peñas. At nightfall, however, the wind fell off, and by midnight the weather was nearly calm, though the ship gave us little rest from the ceaseless rolling. During all this time sounds that issued at intervals from the cabin of the Peruvian lady and her children showed that what was merely a bore to us was to them real misery. I have often asked myself whether there is something about a sea-voyage that develops our natural selfishness, or whether it is because one knows that the suffering is temporary and has no bad results, that one takes so little heed of the really
grievous condition of travellers who are unable to bear the movement of the sea. A voyage with sea-sick passengers, especially in bad weather, when one is confined to the saloon, is a good deal like being lodged in one of the prisons of the Spanish inquisition while torture was freely applied to the unhappy victims; and yet persons who are not counted as hard-hearted seem to bear their position with perfect equanimity, if not with something of self- satisfaction. The morning of the 4th of June was so dark that we supposed our watches to have gone astray. Of course, the days were rapidly growing shorter as we ran to the southward, but the dim light on this morning was explained when we sallied forth. The wind had veered round to the north, and in these latitudes that means a murky sky with leaden clouds above and damp foggy air below. The change, however, was opportune. We were steering about due south-east, entering the Gulf of Peñas, with the dim outline of Cape Tres Montes faintly seen on our larboard bow. I have already alluded to the peculiar conformation of the south- western extremity of the South American continent, which, from the latitude of 40° south to the opening of the Straits of Magellan, a distance of about nine hundred miles, exhibits an almost continuous range of high land running parallel to the southern extremity of the great range of the Andes. At its northern end this western range, under the names Cordillera Pelada and Cordillera de la Costa, forms part of the mainland of Chili, being separated from the Andes by a broad belt of low country including several large lakes, those of Ranco and Llanquihue being each about a hundred miles in circuit. South of the Canal de Chacao the range is continued by the island of Chiloe and the Chonos Archipelago, and then by the great mountainous promontory whose southern extremity is Cape Tres Montes. Here occurs the widest breach in the continuity of the range, as the Gulf of Peñas is fully forty miles wide. To the southward commences the long range of mountainous islands that extend to the Straits of Magellan, between which and the mainland lie the famous channels of Western Patagonia. It is worthy of note
that, corresponding to the elevation of this parallel western range, the height of the main chain of the Andes is notably diminished. Of the summits that have hitherto been measured south of latitude 42° only one—the Volcano de Chana—attains to a height of eight thousand feet, and there is reason to believe that numerous passes of little more than half that elevation connect the eastern and western slopes of the chain. RANGE OF THE ANTARCTIC FLORA. Another point of some interest is the northern extension of the so-called antarctic flora throughout the whole of the western range, many of the characteristic species being found on the Cordillera Pelada close to Valdivia, which does not, I believe, much exceed three thousand feet in height. It is true that a few antarctic species have been found in the higher region of the Andes as far north as the equator, just as a few northern forms have travelled southward by way of the Rocky Mountains and the highlands of Mexico and Central America; and Professor Fr. Philippi has lately shown that many southern forms, and even a few true antarctic types, extend to the hills of the desert region of Northern Chili, where the constant presence of fog supplies the necessary moisture. 32 The true northern limit, however, of the antarctic flora may be fixed at the Cordillera Pelada of Valdivia. We crept on cautiously into the gulf, anxiously looking out for some safe landmark to secure an entrance into the northern end of Messier’s Channel. Soon after midday we descried a remarkable conical hill, which is happily placed so as to distinguish the true opening from the indentations of the rocky coast. As we advanced the air became thicker and colder, as drizzling rain set in; but the practised eyes of seamen are content with indications that convey no meaning to an ordinary landsman, and just as the night was closing in almost pitch dark, the rattle of the chain cable announced that we had come to anchor for the night in Hale Cove.
WILD CELERY. The weather had become very cold. At two p.m. in the gulf the thermometer stood at 42°, and after nightfall it marked only a few degrees above freezing-point, so that, even in the saloon, we sat in our great coats, not at all enjoying the unaccustomed chilliness. All rejoiced, therefore, when the captain, having quite recovered his wonted cheerfulness, announced that a stove was to be set up forthwith in the saloon, and a tent erected on deck to give shelter from the weather. The stove was a small, somewhat rickety concern, and we fully understood that it would not have been safe to light it while the ship was labouring in the heavy seas outside; but it was especially welcome to me, as I was anxiously longing for the chance of getting my botanical paper thoroughly dry. As we enjoyed a cheerful dinner, two of the officers pushed off in one of the ship’s boats into the blackness that had closed around. After some time a large fire was seen blazing a few hundred yards from the ship, and, amid rain and sleet, we could descry from the deck some moving forms. They had succeeded, I know not how, in getting the damp timber into a blaze, and were good-naturedly employed in gathering whatever they could lay hands upon to contribute to my botanical collection. Not much could be expected under such conditions, but everything in this, to me, quite new region was full of interest. Dead branches covered with large lichens introduced me to one of the most characteristic features of the vegetation. The white fronds, four or five inches wide, and several feet in length, enliven the winter aspect of these shores, and possibly supply food to some of the wild animals. Among the plants which had been dragged up at random were several roots of the wild celery of the southern hemisphere. It is widely spread throughout the islands of the southern ocean, as well as on the shores of both coasts of Patagonia, and was described as a distinct species by Dupetit Thouars; but in truth, as Sir Joseph Hooker long ago remarked in the “Flora Antarctica,” there are no structural characters by which to distinguish it from the common wild celery of Europe, which is likewise essentially a maritime plant. Growing in a region where it is little exposed to sunshine, it has less
of the strong characteristic smell of our wild plants, and the leaves may be eaten raw as salad, or boiled, which is not the case with our plant until the gardener, by heaping earth about the roots, diminishes the pungency of the smell and flavour. One thought alone troubled me as I lay down in my berth to enjoy the first quiet night’s rest. If the weather should hold on as it now fared, there was but a slight prospect of enjoying the renowned scenery of the channels, or of making much acquaintance with the singular vegetation of this new region. It was therefore with intense relief and positive delight that I found, on sallying forth before sunrise, a clear sky and a moderate breeze from the south. Snow had fallen during the night, and was now hard frozen; and in the tent, where my plants had lain during the night, it was necessary to break off fragments of ice with numbed fingers before laying them in paper. We weighed anchor about daybreak, and the 5th of June, my first day in the Channels, will ever remain as a bright spot in my memory. Wellington Island, which lay on our right, is over a hundred and fifty miles in length, a rough mountain range averaging apparently about three thousand feet in height, with a moderately uniform coast-line. On the other hand, the mainland presents a constantly varying outline, indented by numberless coves and several deep narrow sounds running far into the recesses of the Cordillera. In the intermediate channel crowds of islets, some rising to the size of mountains, some mere rocks peeping above the water, present an endless variety of form and outline. But what gives to the scenery a unique character is the wealth of vegetation that adorns this seemingly inclement region. From the water’s edge to a height which I estimated at fourteen hundred feet, the rugged slopes were covered with an unbroken mantle of evergreen trees and shrubs. Above that height the bare declivities were clothed with snow, mottled at first by projecting rocks, but evidently lying deep upon the higher ridges. I can find no language to give any impression of the marvellous variety of the scenes that followed in quick succession against the bright blue background of a cloudless sky,
and lit up by a northern sun that illumined each new prospect as we advanced. At times one might have fancied one’s self on a great river in the interior of a continent, while a few minutes later, in the openings between the islands, the eye could range over miles of water to the mysterious recesses of the yet unexplored Cordillera of Patagonia, with occasional glimpses of snowy peaks at least twice the height of the summits near at hand. About two o’clock we reached the so-named English Narrows, where the only known navigable channel is scarcely a hundred yards in width between two islets bristling with rocks. The tide rushed through at the rate of a rapid river, and our captain displayed even more than his usual caution. Some ten men of the crew were posted astern with steering gear, in readiness to provide for the possible breakage of the chains from the steering-house. It seemed unlikely enough that such an accident should occur at that particular point, but there was no doubt that if it did a few seconds might send the ship upon the rocks. THE ENGLISH NARROWS. One of the advantages of a voyage through the Channels is that at all seasons the ship comes to anchor every night, and the traveller is not exposed to the mortification of passing the most beautiful scenes when he is unable to see them. When more thoroughly known, it is likely that among the numerous coves many more will be found to offer good anchorage; but few are now known, and the distance that can be run during the short winter days is not great. We were told that our halt for the night was to be at Eden Harbour, less than twenty miles south of the English Narrows, and to my great satisfaction we dropped anchor about 3.30 p.m., when there was still a full hour of daylight. Our good-natured captain put off dinner for an hour, and with all convenient speed I went ashore with Mr. H—— and two officers of the ship. Eden Harbour deserves its name. A perfectly sheltered cove, with excellent holding-ground, is enclosed by steep forest-clad
slopes, culminating to the north in a lofty conical hill easily recognized by seamen. The narrow fringe between the forest and the beach is covered with a luxuriant growth of ferns and shrubby plants, many of them covered in summer with brilliant flowers, blooming in a solitude rarely broken by the passage of man. After scrambling over the rocks on the beach, the first thing that struck us was the curious nature of the ground under our feet. The surface was crisp and tolerably hard, but each step caused an undulation that made one feel as if walking on a thick carpet laid over a mass of sponge. Striking a blow with the pointed end of my ice-axe, it at once pierced through the frozen crust, and sank to the hilt over four feet into the semifluid mass beneath, formed of half-decomposed remains of vegetation. At every step plants of this region, never before seen, filled me with increasing excitement. Several were found with very tolerable fruit, and there were even some remains of the flowers of Desfontainea spinosa and Mitraria coccinea. The latter beautiful shrub appears to have been hitherto known only from Chiloe and the Chonos Archipelago. In those islands it is described as a tall climber straggling among the branches of trees. Here I found it somewhat stunted, growing four or five feet high, with the habit of a small fuchsia. Neither of these is a true antarctic species. Like many Chilian plants, they are peculiar and much-modified members of tribes whose chief home is in tropical America. Everything else that I saw was characteristically antarctic. Three small coniferous trees peculiar to this region; a large-flowered berberry, with leaves like those of a holly, growing six or eight feet high, still showing remains of the flower; and two species of Pernettya, with berries like those of a bilberry, and which replace our Vaccinia in the southern hemisphere, were among the new forms that greeted me. VEGETATION OF EDEN HARBOUR. A few minutes’ stumbling over fallen timber brought us to the edge of the forest, and it was soon seen that, even if time allowed, it
would be no easy matter to penetrate into it. The chief and only large tree was the evergreen beech (Fagus betuloides of botanists). This has a thick trunk, commonly three or four feet in diameter, but nowhere, I believe, attains any great height. Forty feet appeared to me the outside limit attained by any that I saw here or elsewhere. But perhaps the most striking, and to me unexpected, feature in the vegetation was the abundance and luxuriance of the ferns that inhabit these coasts. From out of the stiff frozen crust under our feet a profusion of delicate filmy ferns (Hymenophylla) grew to an unaccustomed size, including several quite distinct species; while here and there clumps of the stiff fronds of Lomaria magellanica, a couple of feet in height, showed an extraordinary contrast in form and habit. As Sir Joseph Hooker long ago remarked, the regular rigid crown of fronds issuing from a thick rhizome, when seen from a little distance, remind one forcibly of a Zamia. It was to me even more surprising to find here in great abundance a representative of a genus of ferns especially characteristic of the tropical zone. The Gleichenia of these coasts differs sufficiently to deserve a separate specific name, but in general appearance is strikingly like that which I afterwards saw growing in equal abundance in Brazil. This continent, with its thousands of miles of unbroken coast- line, and its mountain backbone stretching from the equator to Fuegia, has offered extraordinary facilities for the diffusion of varied types of vegetation. As I have already remarked, some species of antarctic origin travel northward, and some others, now confined to the equatorial Andes, are most probably modified descendants from the same parent stock; while a small number of tropical types, after undergoing more or less modification, have found their way to the extreme southern extremity of the continent. By a vigorous use of my ice-axe, which is an excellent weapon for a botanist, I succeeded in uprooting a good many plants from the icy crust in which they grew; but the minutes slipped quickly by, daylight was fading in this sheltered spot, shut out from the north and west by steep hills, and too soon came the call to return to the ship. On the beach I picked up the carapace of a crab—bright red
and beset with sharp protuberances—evidently freshly feasted on by some rapacious animal. The whole of the body and the shell of the under part as well as the claws had disappeared, leaving nothing but the carapace, which I presume had been found too hard and indigestible. Darwin informs us that the sea-otter of this region feeds largely on this or some allied species of crab. A RED CRAB. The cold was sufficient to make the little stove in the saloon of the steamer very acceptable, but at no time throughout the voyage could be called severe. Between noon and three p.m. on the 5th of June the thermometer in the open air stood about 40° Fahr., and fell at night only two or three degrees below freezing-point. The barometer was high, gradually rising from 30 inches to 30·3, at which it stood on the following day. Everything promised settled weather, and it was therefore disappointing to find the sky completely covered when I went on deck early in the morning of the 6th. A light breeze from the north raised the temperature by a few degrees and brought the clouds. The scenery throughout the day was even of a grander character than before, and the absence of sunshine gave it a sterner aspect. At times, when passing the smaller islands, I was forcibly reminded of the upper lake of Killarney, the resemblance being much increased by the appearance of the smaller islets and rocks worn down and rounded by floating ice. On this and the following days I frequently looked out for evidences of ice-action on the rocky flanks of the mountains. These were at some points very perceptible up to a considerable height; but all that I could clearly make out appeared to be directed from south to north, and nearly or quite horizontal. I failed to trace any indication on the present surface of the descent in a westerly direction of great glaciers flowing from the interior towards the coast. Before midday we passed opposite the opening of Eyre Sound, one of the most considerable of the numerous inlets that penetrate
the mountains on the side of the mainland. This is said to extend for forty or fifty miles into the heart of the Cordillera, and it seems certain that one, or perhaps several, glaciers descend into the sound, as at all seasons masses of floating ice are drifted into the main channel. We did not see them at first, as the northerly breeze had carried them towards the southern side of the inlet; but before long we found ourselves in the thick of them, and for about a mile steamed slowly amongst floating masses of tolerably uniform dimensions, four or five feet in height out of the water, and from ten to fifteen feet in length. At a little distance they looked somewhat like a herd of animals grazing. Seen near at hand, the ice looked much weathered, and it may be inferred that the parent glacier reaches the sea somewhere near the head of the sound, and they had been exposed for a considerable time before reaching its mouth. ORIGIN OF THE GLACIERS. The existence of great glaciers descending to the sea-level on the west coast of South America, one of which lies so far north as the Gulf of Peñas, about 47° south latitude, is a necessary consequence of the rapid depression of the line of perpetual snow on the flanks of the Andes, as we follow the chain southward from Central Chili to the channels of Patagonia. The circumstance that permanent snow is not found lower than about fourteen thousand feet above the sea in latitude 34°, while only 8° farther south the limit is about six thousand feet above the sea-level, has been regarded as evidence of a great difference of climate between the northern and southern hemispheres, and more especially of exceptional conditions of temperature affecting this coast. It appears to me that all the facts are fully explained by the extraordinary increase of precipitation from the atmosphere, in the form of rain or snow, which occurs within the zone where the rapid depression of the snow-line is observed. So far as mean annual temperature of the coast is concerned, the diminution of heat in receding from the equator is less than the normal amount, being not quite 5° Fahr. for
7° of latitude between Valparaiso and Valdivia. But the annual rainfall at Valdivia is eight times, and at Ancud in Chiloe more than nine times, the amount that falls at Santiago. Allowing that the disproportion may be less great between the snowfall on the Cordillera in the respective latitudes of these places, we cannot estimate the increased fall about latitude 40° at less than four times the amount falling in Central Chili. When we further recollect that in the latter region the sky is generally clear in summer, and that the surface is exposed to the direct rays of a sun not far from vertical, while on the southern coast the sun is constantly veiled by heavy clouds, it is obvious that all the conditions are present that must depress the snow-line to an exceptional extent, and allow of those accumulations of snow that give birth to glaciers. When a comparison is drawn between South Chili and Norway, it must not be forgotten that at Bergen, where the Norwegian rainfall is said to be at its maximum, the annual amount is sixty-seven inches, or exactly one-half of that registered in Chiloe. It is a confirmation of this view of the subject that in going southward from the parallel of 42° to Cape Froward in the Straits of Magellan, through 12° of latitude, while the fall of mean yearly temperature must be reckoned at 8° Fahr., the depression of the snow-line cannot exceed three thousand feet. 33 Of course, we have no direct observations of rainfall in the Channels or on the west side of the Straits of Magellan, but there is no doubt that it diminishes considerably in going southward. To the south of Eyre Sound the main channel opens to a width of four or five miles, and is little encumbered by rocky islets, so that we kept a direct course a little west of south, and in less than two hours reached the southern extremity of Wellington Island, and gained a view of the open sea through a broad strait which is known as the Gulf of Trinidad. Now that this has been well surveyed, it offers an opportunity for steamers bound southward that have missed the entrance to the Gulf of Peñas to enter from the Pacific,
and take the course to the Straits of Magellan through the southern channels. INTRICACY OF THE CHANNELS. We had now accomplished the first stage in the voyage through the Channels. Many local names have been given to the various passages open to navigation on this singular coast; but, speaking broadly, the northern portion, between Wellington Island and the mainland, is called Messier’s Channel; the middle part, including a number of distinct openings between various islands, is known as the Sarmiento Channel; and the southern division, between Queen Adelaide Island and the continent, is Smyth’s Channel. Facing the Pacific to the south of Wellington Island are three of large size— Prince Henry Island, Madre de Dios, and Hanover Island, besides countless islets which beset the straits that divide these from each other; and the course followed by the steamers lies between the outer islands and another large one (Chatham Island) which here rose between us and the mainland. In the afternoon the north wind freshened; as a result, the weather became very thick, and rain set in, which lasted throughout the night. Our intended quarters were in a cove called Tom Bay; but our cautious captain, with a due dislike to “dirty weather,” resolved to halt in a sheltered spot a few miles farther north, known as Henderson’s Inlet. Both these places afford excellent shelter, but the bottom is rocky, and ships are much exposed to lose their anchors. Although we arrived some time before sunset, the evening was so dark, and the general aspect of things so discouraging, that no one suggested an attempt to go ashore. Although we were quite near to land, I could make out very little of the outlines; and, indeed, of this middle portion of the voyage I have retained no distinct pictures in my memory. It struck me as very singular that, with a moderately strong breeze from the north, the barometer should have stood so high, remaining through the day at about 30·3 inches, and marking at
nine p.m. 30·28. The temperature, as was to be expected, was higher than on the previous day, being about 40° during the day, and not falling at night below 35°. Although the morning showed some improvement in the appearance of the weather, the sky was gloomy when, after a little trouble in raising the anchor, we got under way early on the 7th of June. The clouds lifted occasionally during the day, and I enjoyed some brief glimpses of grand scenery; but the only distinct impression I retained was that of hopeless bewilderment in attempting to make out the positions of the endless labyrinth of islands through which we threaded our way. In spite of all that has been done, it seems as if there remained the work of many surveying expeditions to complete the exploration of these coasts. As to several of the eminences that lie on the eastern side of the channel, it is yet uncertain whether they are islands or peninsulas projecting from the mainland. It was announced that our next anchorage was to be at Puerto Bueno, there being no other suitable place for a considerable distance, and we were led to expect that we should probably find there some Fuegians, as the place is known to be one of their favourite haunts. PUERTO BUENO. We dropped anchor about half-past two, in a rather wide cove, or small bay, opening into the mainland a few miles south of Chatham Island. The shores are comparatively low, and enclosed by a dense forest of evergreen beech, which in most parts descends to the water’s edge. The place owes its good repute among mariners to the excellent holding-ground; but it did not appear to me as well sheltered as the other natural harbours that we visited, and as the bottom shelves very gradually, we lay fully a mile off the shore. Fortunately the weather had improved somewhat; a moderate breeze from the north brought slight drizzling rain, but gave no further trouble. A boat was soon ready alongside, and we pulled for the shore, with three of the ship’s officers armed with fowling-
pieces, intended partly to impress the natives with due respect, but mainly designed for the waterbirds that abound along the shores of the inlet. We were correctly steered for the right spot, as, on scrambling ashore and crossing the belt of spongy ground between the water and the edge of the forest, we found evident tokens that the Fuegian encampment had not been long deserted. The broken remains of a rude canoe and fragments of basket-work were all that we could find, and we judged that a small party, perhaps no more than ten or a dozen, had left the place a few weeks before our arrival. These wretched Fuegians are said to go farther south, and to keep more to the exposed coasts during winter, because at that season animal life is there more abundant. After exchanging sundry jokes about the general disappointment in failing to behold the wilde fräulein in their natural home, the party separated, two of the officers proceeding in the boat towards the upper part of the inlet in quest of water-fowl. For nearly an hour we heard the frequent discharge of their guns, and much ammunition must certainly have been expended; but when they returned their report was that the birds were too wild, and no addition was made to the ship’s larder. The general character of the vegetation at Puerto Bueno was the same as that at Eden Harbour, but there were some indications of a slight increase in the severity of the climate. Mitraria coccinea and a few other representatives of the special flora of Chili were no longer to be found, while some antarctic types not before seen here first made their appearance. The most prominent of these was a bush from three to five feet high, in general appearance reminding one of rosemary, but at this season abundantly furnished with the plumed fruits characteristic of a composite. This plant, nearly allied to the genus Olearia, whose numerous species are confined to Australia, New Zealand, and the adjoining islands, is known to botanists as Chiliotrichium amelloides, and is one of the characteristic species of this region. It is plentiful in Fuegia and on the northern shores of the Straits of Magellan. Sir Joseph Hooker, in the “Flora Antarctica,”
remarks that this is the nearest approach to a tree that is made by the meagre native vegetation of the Falkland Islands. PATAGONIAN CONIFERS. My attention had already been directed at Eden Harbour to the peculiar coniferous plants of this region, and I here found the same species in better condition. The most conspicuous, a small tree with stiff pointed leaves somewhat like an araucaria, here produced abundant fruit, which showed it to be a Podocarpus (P. nubigena of Lindley). Another shrub of the same family, but very different in appearance, is a species of Libocedrus, allied to the cypress of the Old World, which tolerates even the inclement climate of Hermite Island, near Cape Horn. The distribution of the various species of this genus is not a little perplexing to the botanical geographer. This and another species inhabit the west side of South America, two are found in New Zealand, one in the island of New Caledonia, one is peculiar to Southern China, and one to Japan, while an eighth species belongs to California. The most probable supposition is that the home of the common ancestor of the genus was in the circumpolar lands of the Antarctic Circle at a remote period when that region enjoyed a temperate climate; but the processes by which descendants from that stock reached such remote parts of the earth are not easily conjectured. It was nearly dark when the unsuccessful sportsmen returned with the boat, and but for the ship’s lights we should have scarcely been able to make out her position. Some of the many stories of seamen cast away in this inclement region came into my mind during the short half-hour of our return, and, in the presence of the actual scenes and conditions, my impressions assumed a vividness that they had never acquired when “living at home at ease.” In the evening I observed that the barometer had fallen considerably from the usually high point at which it stood up to the 6th, and throughout the night and the following day (June 8) it varied little from 29·9 inches. When we came on deck on the
morning of the 8th, the uniform remark of the passengers was, “What a warm day!” We had become used to a temperature of about 40°, and a rise of 5° Fahr. gave the impression of a complete change of climate. It is curious how completely relative are the impressions of heat and cold on the human body, and how difficult it is, even for persons accustomed to compare their sensations with the instrument, to form a moderately good estimate of the actual temperature. We paid dearly, however, for any bodily comfort gained from the comparative warmth in the thick weather that prevailed during most of the day. We had some momentary views of grand scenery, but, as on the preceding day, these were fleeting, and I failed to carry away any definite pictures. It would appear that in such weather the navigation amid such a complete maze of islands and channels must be nearly impossible, but the various surveying- expeditions have placed landmarks, in the shape of wooden posts and crosses, that suffice to the practised eyes of seamen. About ten a.m. we reached the end of the Sarmiento Channel, opposite to which the comparatively broad opening of Lord Nelson Strait, between Hanover Island and Queen Adelaide Island, leads westward to the Pacific, and before long entered on the third stage of our voyage, which is known as Smyth’s Channel. This name is used collectively for the labyrinth of passages lying among the smaller islands that fill the space between Queen Adelaide Island and the mainland of South-western Patagonia; but to distinguish the openings between separate islands various names have been given, with which no one not a navigator need burthen his memory. Perhaps the thick weather may have been the cause, but we all noticed the comparative rarity of all appearance of animal life on this and the previous day. A large whale passing near the ship gave the only occasion for a little momentary excitement. As we ran southward, and were daily approaching the winter solstice, the successive days became sensibly shorter, and it was already nearly dark when, soon after four p.m., we cast anchor in an opening between two low islands which is known as Mayne Channel.
SMYTH’S CHANNEL. It was impossible not to experience a sense of depression at the persistence of such unfriendly weather during the brief period of passing through a region of such exceptional interest, an opportunity, if once lost, never to be recovered. With corresponding eagerness the hope held out by a steady rise of the barometer was greeted, especially when I found that this continued up to ten p.m., and amounted since morning to a quarter of an inch. We were under way some time before daylight on June 9, and great was my delight when, going on deck, I found a cloudless sky and the Southern Cross standing high in the firmament. It was a morning never to be forgotten. We rapidly made our way from amid the maze of smaller islands, and glided over the smooth water into a broad channel commanding a wide horizon, bounded a panorama of unique character. As the stars faded and daylight stole over the scene, fresh features of strangeness and beauty at each successive moment came into view, until at last the full glory of sunshine struck the highest point of Queen Adelaide Island, and a few moments later crowned the glistening summits of all the eminences that circled around. The mountainous outline of Queen Adelaide Island, on the right hand, which anywhere else would fix attention, was somewhat dwarfed by the superior attractions of the other objects in view. We had reached the point where Smyth’s Channel widens out into the western end of the Straits of Magellan, and right in front of us rose the fantastic outline of the Land of Desolation, as the early navigators styled the shores that bound the southern entrance to the Straits; and as we advanced it was possible to follow every detail of the outline, even to the bold summit of Cape Pillar, forty miles away to the westward. Marking as it does the entrance to the Straits from the South Pacific, that headland has drawn to it many an anxious gaze since steam navigation has made the passage of the Straits easy and safe, and thus avoids the hardship and delay of the inclement voyage round Cape Horn.
The coast nearest to us was at least as attractive as any other part of the panorama. The southern extremity of the continent is a strange medley of mountain and salt water, which can be explained only by the irregular action of elevatory forces not following a definite line of direction. Several of the narrow sounds that penetrate the coast are spread out inland into large salt-water lakes, and all the shores along which we coasted between Smyth’s Channel and Sandy Point belong to peninsulas projecting between fifty and one hundred miles from the continuous mainland of Patagonia. The outline is strangely varied. Bold snow-covered peaks alternate with lower rocky shores, and are divided by channels of dark blue water penetrating to an unknown distance into the interior. From amidst the higher summits flowed several large ice-streams, appearing, even from a distance, to be traversed by broad crevasses. I did not see any of these glaciers actually reach the sea, but one, whose lower end was masked by a projecting forest-clad headland, must have approached very near to the beach. STRAITS OF MAGELLAN. I have called the scene unique, and, in truth, I believe that nothing like it is to be found elsewhere in the world. The distant picture showing against the sky under the low rays of the winter sun is probably to be matched by some that arctic navigators bear in their memory; but here, below the zone of snow and ice, we had the striking contrast of shores covered by dense forest and clothed with luxuriant vegetation. Not much snow can have fallen, as up to a height of about twelve hundred feet above the sea, as far as the forest prevails, none met the eye. On the Norwegian coast, where one might be tempted to look for winter scenes somewhat of the same character, the forest is composed of coniferous trees, which have a very different aspect, and at the corresponding season they are, I imagine, usually so laden with snow that they can give little relief to the eye.
I was struck by the fact that, although we had travelled southward five and a half degrees of latitude (nearly four hundred English miles) since entering the Gulf of Peñas, the upper limit of the forest belt was so little depressed. I could not estimate the average depression at more than from two to three hundred feet. As we advanced into the main channel, and were drawing near to the headland of Cape Tamar, where the Straits of Magellan are narrowed between that and the opposite coast of the Land of Desolation, we noticed that what seemed from a distance to be a mere film of vapour lying on the surface of the sea grew gradually thicker, rose to a height of about one hundred feet, and quite abruptly, in the space of two or three ship’s lengths, we lost the bright sky and the wonderful panorama, and were plunged in a fog that lasted through the greater part of the afternoon. The one constant characteristic of the climate of this region is its liability at all seasons to frequent and abrupt change, especially by day. It is, as I learned, a rare event when a day passes without one or two, or even more frequent, changes of the wind, bringing corresponding changes of temperature, rain, or snow, or clear sky; but, as a rule, the weather is less inconstant in winter than at other seasons. A short experience makes it easy to understand the extreme difficulty of navigation in the Straits for sailing ships, and the expediency of preferring the less inviting course of rounding Cape Horn. BORYA BAY. Several times during the day the fog cleared away for a while, and gave us grand views of the coast on either hand. That of the Land of Desolation especially attracted my attention. Captain Willsen pointed out to me, as we stood on the bridge, to which I had free access, the opening of a narrow sound which has lately been ascertained to penetrate entirely through what used to be considered a single island. The expressive name must, indeed, be abandoned, for, if I am not mistaken, the Land of Desolation of our maps is already known to consist of three, and may possibly form
many more islands, divided from each other by very narrow channels. Our cautious commander resolved once again to anchor for the night, and selected for the purpose Borya Bay, a small sheltered cove some distance east of Port Gallant, a harbour often visited by the English surveying-expeditions. Daylight had departed when, about half-past five, we reached our anchorage; but the sky was again quite clear, and we enjoyed the weird effects of moonlight illumination. The scenery is very grand, and was more wintry in aspect than at any other point in our voyage. A mountain at the head of the cove rose steeply to a height of at least two thousand feet, and cast a dark shadow over the ship as we lay very near the shore. The shores were begirt with the usual belt of forest, but this did not extend far, and the declivities all around were clad with snow, which lay rather deep. It appeared to me that a rather large glacier descended to within a few hundred feet of the shore, but, seen by the imperfect light, I felt uncertain as to the fact. Since entering the Straits, I had noticed that on the steeper slopes facing the south, where the surface can receive but little sunshine at any season, the forest ascends but a short distance above the sea-level. Above that limit in such situations I observed only a scanty covering of bushes, and higher up the surface at this season appeared quite bare. As Borya Bay is one of the customary haunts of the Fuegians, the steam-whistle was sounded on our arrival as an invitation to any natives who might be encamped there. This always suffices to attract them, with the hope of being able to gratify their universal craving for tobacco. The appeal was not answered, as the people were doubtless on the outer coasts, and we were not destined to see anything of the most miserable of all the races of man. As the weather remained bright, the anchor was raised soon after midnight, and by one a.m. we were on our way, steering south- east, to round the southern extremity of the mainland of America. Awaking to the disappointment of having missed a view of one of the most interesting portions of the Straits, I hurried on deck, and found a new change in the aspect of the skies. The night had been
cold, with a sharp frost; but in the morning, soon after daybreak, the air felt quite warm, with the thermometer marking 39° Fahr. A northerly breeze had set in, and as an inevitable result brought thick weather. I again noticed, however, that the barometer on these coasts seems to be very slightly affected by changes in the wind’s direction. It stood last night at 30·16 inches, and on the morning of the 10th, with a complete change of weather, had fallen only eight- hundredths of an inch. MOUNT SARMIENTO. The southern end of the continent is shaped like a broad wedge, whose apex is Cape Froward, laying in south latitude 53° 54′. We passed it early in the forenoon, giving the headland, which we saw dimly to the north, a broad berth, so that we about touched the 54th parallel. If we compare this with the climate of places in about the same latitude, as, for instance, with that of the Isle of Man, we are apt to consider the climate as severe; but we habitually forget how far the condition of Western Europe is affected by exceptional circumstances; and if we look elsewhere in the northern hemisphere, taking, for instance, the Labrador coast, the south of Kamschatka, or even the coast of British Columbia, we must admit that the Straits of Magellan afford no confirmation to the prevalent ideas respecting the greater cold of the climate of the southern hemisphere. Soon after this turning-point of the voyage the sky partially cleared to the southward, and we were fortunate enough to enjoy one of the most impressive scenes that my memory has recorded. The broad sound that divides Clarence Island from the main island of Tierra del Fuego lay open before us, flanked on either hand by lofty snow-clad summits. In the background, set as in a frame, rose the magnificent peak of Mount Sarmiento, the Matterhorn of this region, springing, as it appeared, from the shore to a height of seven thousand feet. 34 Sole sovereign of these antarctic solitudes, I know of no other peak that impresses the mind so deeply with the sense of wonder and awe. As seen from the north, the eastern and
western faces are almost equally precipitous, and the broad top is jagged by sharp teeth, of which the two outermost, one to the east, the other to the west, present summits of apparently equal height. At a distance of about twenty-five miles the whole mass seemed to be coated with snow and ice, save where some sharp ridges and teeth of black rock stood out against the sky. I remained for some time utterly engrossed by the marvellous spectacle, and at last bethought myself of endeavouring to secure at least an outline of the scene; but before I could fetch a sketch-book, a fresh change in the weather partly obscured, and, a few minutes later, finally concealed from my eyes a picture that remains vividly impressed on my memory. It was impossible not to speculate on the origin and past history of this remarkable peak. Admitting that there is evidence to show that the larger part of the rocks of this region are of volcanic origin, it appeared to me evident not only that Mount Sarmiento is not a volcanic cone, but that the rock of which it is composed is not of volcanic origin. Whether its real form be that of a tower, or that of a ridge with precipitous sides seen in profile, no volcanic rocks elsewhere in the world can retain slopes so nearly approaching to the vertical. It is, I believe, a portion of the original rock skeleton that formed the axis of the Andean chain during the long ages that preceded the great volcanic outbursts that have covered over the framework of the western side of South America. Like most peaks of a similar form, I am disposed to believe that in the course of gradual upheaval the flanks have been carved by marine action to the nearly vertical form which impresses the beholder. Although snow-covered mountains suffer a certain limited amount of denudation in the channels through which glaciers flow, there is reason to hold that they are far less subject to degradation than those which are not protected from the main agencies that wear away rocky surfaces. It is by alternations of temperature, by frost, and the action of running water, that rocks are rapidly eaten away, and from these a snow- covered mountain is to a great extent secured.
CHANGE OF SCENERY. A few miles east of Cape Froward the coast of the mainland trends nearly due north for a distance of fully sixty miles, and a marked change is perceived in the aspect of the shores. Instead of the bold outlines to which our eyes had become accustomed, the coastline lay low, fringed with forest on the side of the mainland, which now lay to our west, and on the other hand showing bare flats, here and there flecked with fresh snow. The land on that side at first belonged to Dawson Island; but later in the day, as we approached our destination, the dreary flats formed part of Northern Tierra del Fuego. ISOLATION OF SANDY POINT. The weather was thick as we passed Port Famine, and there was little to attract attention until we drew near to Sandy Point, a place that was to me the more interesting as I intended to make it my home until the arrival of the next English steamer. The belt of forest rose over low swelling hills near the sea, and in the distance a loftier range, from two to three thousand feet in height, showed a nearly horizontal line against the cloudy sky. As we approached, several structures of painted wood became visible, and for the first time since we left Lota we beheld human dwellings. Sandy Point, known to the natives of South America by the equivalent name Punta Arenas, is certainly one of the most isolated of inhabited spots to be found in the world. Since the scramble for Africa has set in, it is, I suppose, only on the Australian coast that one would find any settlement so far removed from neighbours or rivals. On the side of Chili the nearest permanent habitations are in the island of Chiloe, fully seven hundred miles distant in a straight line, and considerably farther by the only practicable route. On the side of Argentaria there is a miserable attempt at a settlement at the mouth of the river Santa Cruz, where the Argentine Government has thought it expedient to hoist their flag in order to assert the rights of sovereignty of the Confederation over the dreary wastes of South-
eastern Patagonia. This was described to me as a group of half a dozen wooden sheds, where a few disconsolate soldiers spend a weary time of exile from the genial climate of Buenos Ayres. By the sea route it is about four hundred miles from Sandy Point, but no direct communication between the two places is kept up. For all practical purposes, the nearest civilized neighbours to Sandy Point are the English colonists in the Falkland Islands, where, in spite of inhospitable soil and climate, some of our countrymen have managed to attain to tolerable prosperity, chiefly by sheep-farming. But with an interval of nearly five hundred miles of stormy ocean mutual intercourse is neither easy nor frequent.
CHAPTER V. Arrival at Sandy Point—Difficulties as to lodging—Story of the mutiny—Patagonian ladies—Agreeable society in the Straits of Magellan—Winter aspect of the flora— Patagonians and Fuegians—Habits of the South American ostrich—Waiting for the steamer—Departure—Climate of the Straits and of the southern hemisphere—Voyage to Monte Video—Saturnalia of children—City of Monte Video —Signor Bartolomeo Bossi; his explorations— Neighbourhood of the city—Uruguayan politics—River steamer—Excursion to Paisandu—Voyage on the Uruguay —Use of the telephone—Excursion to the camp—Aspect of the flora—Arrival at Buenos Ayres—Industrial Exhibition— Argentine forests—The cathedral of Buenos Ayres— Excursion to La Boca—Argentaria as a field for emigration. The time had come for parting with my genial fellow-traveller, Mr. H ——, with our excellent captain, and with the officers of the Rhamses, to all of whom I felt indebted for friendly aid in my pursuits; and on entering the boat that was to take me ashore I was introduced to the captain of the port, an important official of German origin. Of his various excellent qualities, the only one that I at first detected was a remarkable gift of taciturnity, rarely interrupted by a single monosyllable. I was aware that accommodation for strangers at Sandy Point is extremely limited, but I consoled myself with a belief that, if it came to the worst, the letter which I carried to the governor from the minister for foreign affairs at Santiago would help me through any preliminary difficulties. On reaching the shore, my luggage was without further question carried to a house close by,
which is at this place the sole representative of a hotel. The accommodation available for strangers consists of a single room of fair dimensions, and this, as I soon learned, was occupied by a stranger. A glance at the multitudinous objects scattered about made me feel sure that the visitor must be a brother naturalist, but did not help me to solve the immediate difficulty. As I stood at the entrance, a dark-haired person, speaking pretty good English, proposed to take me to the house of the English vice-consul, and in his company I had the first view of the settlement of Sandy Point. As the ground rises very gently from the beach, few houses are seen from the sea, and the place is not so inconsiderable as it at first appears. Though rather to be counted as a village than as a town, it has the essential privilege of a Spanish city in the possession of a plaza, not yet quite surrounded by houses. The buildings are small, and nearly all built of wood painted outside. ARRIVAL AT SANDY POINT. The next piece of information received was unfavourable to my prospects. An Argentine corvette had reached Sandy Point a few days before, and the vice-consul had been invited, along with the governor and other notabilities, to a luncheon, which was likely to last for some time. I was fortunately provided with a note of introduction to Dr. Fenton, the medical officer of the settlement, which I now proceeded to deliver. Being somewhat unwell, he had not joined the marine entertainment, and I was at once cordially received. Not many minutes were needed to discover in my host a fellow-countryman, one of a family in the county of Sligo, with which I had some former acquaintance. Possessing in large measure the national virtue of hospitality, Dr. Fenton might have perhaps been satisfied with even a slighter claim; but, as it was, I from that time continued during my stay to receive from him the utmost kindness and attention. The first short conversation made me much better acquainted with the history of the settlement than I was before my arrival.
In 1843 the Chilian Government decided on establishing a penal settlement in the Straits of Magellan, and selected for its position Port Famine, which had been frequently visited by early navigators. After a few years’ experience that place was abandoned, and the settlement was transferred to Sandy Point. This was partly preferred on account of a deposit of lignite of inferior quality, which lies little more than a mile from the shore. A considerable number of convicts were maintained at the station, and as there was little risk of escape they were allowed considerable liberty. At length, in 1877, the injudicious severity of the governor of that day provoked a revolt among the convicts. They speedily overcame the keepers, and the officials and peaceable inhabitants had no resource left but to fly to the forest. The convicts proceeded to set fire to the houses. Dr. Fenton lost his house, furniture, and books, and, in addition, the record of ten years’ meteorological observations. By a fortunate accident, a Chilian war-vessel reached Sandy Point just when disorder was at its height; the insurgents were speedily overpowered, and several of the ringleaders executed. The weather was unusually mild, and the refugees, amongst whom were many ladies and young children, suffered less than might have been expected in such a climate. Nearly all the houses seen by me had been hastily erected since the outbreak, and, as was natural, were on a scale barely sufficing for the wants of the inmates. STORY OF THE MUTINY. I fully understood that no amount of hospitable intentions could enable Dr. Fenton to give me quarters in his house, and he assured me that the governor, Don Francisco Sampayo, was no less restricted as to accommodation. One resource, however, seemed available: the German consul, Herr Meidell, had returned for a visit to Europe, and it was thought that, on application to his partner, a room might certainly be obtained in his house. My dark-haired friend, who had reappeared on the scene, and who turned out to be a native of Gibraltar, kindly undertook to arrange the matter, and, after an early

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Diversity and Society: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender 6th Edition Joseph F. Healey

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  • 7. This book is dedicated to my mother, Alice T. Healey. May she rest in peace. —Joe To Shari, Catherine, Jennifer, and JT with deep gratitude for your unwavering love and companionship. To the undergraduates reading this book: Be open and curious, be critically skeptical, work hard, and have faith. You are our hope for the future. —Andi
  • 8. Diversity and Society Race, Ethnicity, and Gender Sixth Edition Joseph F. Healey Christopher Newport University Andi Stepnick Belmont University
  • 9. FOR INFORMATION: SAGE Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 E-mail: [email protected] SAGE Publications Ltd. 1 Oliver’s Yard 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 India SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd. 18 Cross Street #10-10/11/12 China Square Central Singapore 048423 Copyright © 2020 by SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. Except as permitted by U.S. copyright law, no part of this work may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. All third-party trademarks referenced or depicted herein are included solely for the purpose of illustration and are the property of their respective owners. Reference to these trademarks in no way indicates any relationship with, or endorsement by, the trademark owner. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-5063-8905-9 This book is printed on acid-free paper. 19 20 21 22 23 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Acquisitions Editor: Jeff Lasser Editorial Assistant: Tiara Beatty Production Editor: Andrew Olson Copy Editor: Erin Livingston Typesetter: C&M Digitals (P) Ltd. Proofreader: Laura Webb Indexer: Maria Sosnowski Cover Designer: Candice Harman Marketing Manager: Will Walter
  • 10. CONTENTS Preface xvii Acknowledgments xxiv PART 1 • AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES 1 Chapter 1 • Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts 3 Chapter 2 • Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics 49 PART 2 • THE EVOLUTION OF DOMINANT– MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES 101 Chapter 3 • The Development of Dominant–Minority Group Relations in Preindustrial America: The Origins of Slavery 103 Chapter 4 • Industrialization and Dominant–Minority Relations: From Slavery to Segregation and the Coming of Postindustrial Society 139 PART 3 • UNDERSTANDING DOMINANT– MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES TODAY 183 Chapter 5 • African Americans: From Segregation to Modern Institutional Discrimination and Modern Racism 185 Chapter 6 • Native Americans: From Conquest to Tribal Survival in a Postindustrial Society 249 Chapter 7 • Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves 295 Chapter 8 • Asian Americans: Model Minorities? 347
  • 11. PART 4 • CHALLENGES FOR THE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE 397 Chapter 9 • New Americans, Assimilation, and Old Challenges 399 Chapter 10 • Minority Groups and U.S. Society: Themes, Patterns, and the Future 451 References 465 Glossary 515 Index 521 About the Authors 541
  • 12. DETAILED CONTENTS Preface xvii Acknowledgments xxiv PART 1 • AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES 1 Chapter 1 • Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts 3 Minority Groups: Trends and Questions 6 Increasing Diversity 6 What’s in a Name? 7 — — Questions for Reflection 9 Questions About the Future, Sociology, and the Plan of This Book 10 What Is a Minority Group? 10 — — Questions for Reflection 14 Patterns of Inequality 14 Theoretical Perspectives 14 Minority Group Status and Stratification 18 Visible Distinguishing Traits: Race and Gender 19 Race 19 Gender 25 — — Questions for Reflection 29 Key Concepts in Dominant–Minority Relations 29 — — Applying Concepts 30 Prejudice 31 — — Questions for Reflection 34 — — Applying Concepts 35 Discrimination 39 Ideological Racism 39 Institutional Discrimination 40 A Global Perspective 41 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Immigration and Globalization 41 Conclusion 44 Main Points 44
  • 13. Review Questions 45 Group Discussion 46 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 46 Internet Learning Resources 46 Notes 47 Chapter 2 • Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics 49 Assimilation 51 Types of Assimilation 51 The Traditional Perspective on Assimilation: Theories and Concepts 52 — — Questions for Reflection 57 Pluralism 57 Types of Pluralism 58 — — Questions for Reflection 59 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Language and Assimilation 59 Other Group Relationships 61 From Immigrants to White Ethnics 62 Industrialization and Immigration 64 European Origins and Conditions of Entry 65 Chains of Immigration 71 The Campaign against Immigration: Prejudice, Racism, and Discrimination 72 — — Questions for Reflection 76 Patterns of Assimilation 76 The Importance of Generations 76 Ethnic Succession 79 Continuing Industrialization and Structural Mobility 83 — — Questions for Reflection 83 Variations in Assimilation 84 Degree of Similarity 84 Religion 84 Social Class 85 Gender 86 Sojourners 88 — — Questions for Reflection 88 The Descendants of the Immigrants Today 88 Geographical Distribution 88 Integration and Equality 90 The Evolution of White Ethnicity 91 The Twilight of White Ethnicity? 92 — — Questions for Reflection 94 Contemporary Immigrants: Does the Traditional Perspective Apply? 94 — — Questions for Reflection 95
  • 14. Implications for Examining Dominant–Minority Relations 95 — — Comparative Focus: Immigration and Ireland 96 — — Questions for Reflection 97 Main Points 98 — — Applying Concepts 98 Review Questions 99 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 100 Group Discussion 100 Internet Learning Resources 100 Note 100 PART 2 • EVOLUTION OF DOMINANT–MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES 101 Chapter 3 • The Development of Dominant–Minority Group Relations in Preindustrial America: The Origins of Slavery 103 The Origins of Slavery in America 104 The Labor Supply Problem 107 The Contact Situation 107 The Creation of Slavery in the United States 111 — — Questions for Reflection 112 Paternalistic Relations 112 Chattel Slavery 112 — — Questions for Reflection 115 The Dimensions of Minority Group Status 115 Power, Inequality, and Institutional Discrimination 115 — — Questions for Reflection 122 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Slavery and Indentured Servitude Today 122 The Creation of Minority Status for Native Americans and Mexican Americans 123 Native Americans 123 — — Applying Concepts 124 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 125 — — Questions for Reflection 127 — — Comparative Focus: Hawaii 128 Mexican Americans 129 — — Questions for Reflection 132 Comparing Minority Groups 132 — — Comparative Focus: Mexico, Canada, and the United States 133 — — Questions for Reflection 135 Main Points 135 Review Questions 136
  • 15. Group Discussion 136 Internet Learning Resources 136 Notes 137 Chapter 4 • Industrialization and Dominant–Minority Relations: From Slavery to Segregation and the Coming of Postindustrial Society 139 Industrialization and the Shift from Paternalistic to Rigid Competitive Group Relations 142 The Impact of Industrialization on the Racial Stratification of African Americans: From Slavery to Segregation 143 Reconstruction (1865 to the 1880s) 143 De Jure Segregation 144 — — Comparative Focus: Jim Crow Segregation and South African Apartheid 147 — — Questions for Reflection 148 — — Questions for Reflection 149 The Great Migration (Early 1900s to 1970s) 150 Life in the North 150 Competition with White Ethnic Groups 150 The Origins of Black Protest 152 The Dimensions of Minority Group Status 153 Acculturation and Integration 153 Gender and Race 153 — — Questions for Reflection 154 Industrialization, the Shift to Postindustrial Society, and Dominant–Minority Relations: General Trends 155 Urbanization 155 Occupational Specialization 155 Bureaucracy and Rationality 156 Growth of White-Collar Jobs and the Service Sector 156 The Growing Importance of Education 158 A Dual Labor Market 159 Globalization 159 Postindustrial Society and the Shift from Rigid to Fluid Competitive Relationships 160 — — Questions for Reflection 161 Gender Inequality in a Globalizing, Postindustrial World 162 — — Questions for Reflection 162 Jobs and Income 163 — — Comparative Focus: Women’s Status in Global Perspective 165 — — Questions for Reflection 167 Modern Institutional Discrimination 167 The Continuing Power of the Past 167 Affirmative Action 170
  • 16. — — Questions for Reflection 173 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Hate Crimes 173 — — Questions for Reflection 178 Social Change and Minority Group Activism 178 Main Points 178 Review Questions 179 Group Discussion 180 — — Applying Concepts 180 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 182 Internet Learning Resources 182 Note 182 PART 3 • UNDERSTANDING DOMINANT–MINORITY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES TODAY 183 Chapter 5 • African Americans: From Segregation to Modern Institutional Discrimination and Modern Racism 185 The End of De Jure Segregation 188 Wartime Developments 189 The Civil Rights Movement 189 — — Questions for Reflection 194 Developments outside the South 194 De Facto Segregation 194 Urban Unrest 195 The Black Power Movement 196 Protest, Power, and Pluralism 198 The Black Power Movement in Perspective 198 Gender and Black Protest 199 — — Questions for Reflection 200 Black–White Relations Since the 1960s: Issues and Trends 201 — — Comparative Focus: Race in Another America 201 — — Questions for Reflection 202 Continuing Separation 203 The Criminal Justice System and African Americans 208 Increasing Class Inequality 212 Modern Institutional Discrimination 215 The Family Institution and the Culture of Poverty 218 Mixed Race and New Racial Identities 221 — — Questions for Reflection 223 Prejudice and Modern Racism 223 Assimilation and Pluralism 227 Acculturation 227
  • 17. Secondary Structural Assimilation 228 Primary Structural Assimilation 238 — — Questions for Reflection 240 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Does the Election of President Obama Mean That America Is Post-Racial? 240 Is the Glass Half-Empty or Half-Full? 242 Main Points 244 — — Applying Concepts 245 Review Questions 245 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 246 Internet Learning Resources 247 Note 247 Chapter 6 • Native Americans: From Conquest to Tribal Survival in a Postindustrial Society 249 Size of the Group 251 Native American Cultures 253 Agriculture, Views on Nature, and Land Ownership 254 Gender and Social Structure 255 — — Questions for Reflection 256 Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s 256 Reservation Life 257 The Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) 259 The Termination Policy 260 Relocation and Urbanization 261 Self-Determination 262 Protest and Resistance 263 Early Efforts 263 Red Power 264 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Were Native Americans the Victims of Genocide? 265 Protest and Preservation of Native American Cultures 268 — — Questions for Reflection 269 Contemporary Native American–White Relations 270 Natural Resources 270 Attracting Industry to the Reservation 270 — — Comparative Focus: Australian Aborigines and Native Americans 271 — — Questions for Reflection 273 Broken Treaties 275 Gaming and Other Development Possibilities 275 Prejudice and Discrimination 277 — — Questions for Reflection 279
  • 18. Assimilation and Pluralism 279 Acculturation 279 Secondary Structural Assimilation 281 Primary Structural Assimilation 286 — — Questions for Reflection 287 Comparing Minority Groups 287 Progress and Challenges 288 Main Points 290 — — Applying Concepts 291 Review Questions 291 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 292 Internet Learning Resources 293 Notes 294 Chapter 7 • Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves 295 Mexican Americans 300 Cultural Patterns 300 Immigration 301 — — Questions for Reflection 310 Developments in the United States 310 Mexican Americans and Other Minority Groups 315 — — Questions for Reflection 316 Puerto Ricans 316 Migration (Push and Pull) and Employment 316 Transitions 318 Puerto Ricans and Other Minority Groups 319 — — Questions for Reflection 320 Cuban Americans 320 Immigration (Push and Pull) 320 Regional Concentrations 321 Socioeconomic Characteristics 322 Cuban Americans and Other Minority Groups 325 — — Questions for Reflection 325 Prejudice and Discrimination 325 Assimilation and Pluralism 326 Acculturation 327 Secondary Structural Assimilation 328 — — Comparative Focus: Immigration around the World versus the United States 332 — — Questions for Reflection 333 Primary Structural Assimilation 339
  • 19. — — Questions for Reflection 340 Assimilation and Hispanic Americans 341 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Hispanic Americans and the Evolution of the American Racial Order 341 Main Points 344 — — Applying Concepts 344 Review Questions 345 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 346 Internet Learning Resources 346 Chapter 8 • Asian Americans: Model Minorities? 347 Origins and Cultures 351 — — Questions for Reflection 353 Contact Situations and the Development of the Chinese American and Japanese American Communities 353 Chinese Americans 353 Japanese Americans 358 — — Questions for Reflection 363 — — Comparative Focus: Japan’s “Invisible” Minority 364 — — Questions for Reflection 366 Comparing Minority Groups 366 — — Questions for Reflection 366 Contemporary Immigration from Asia 367 — — Questions for Reflection 369 Prejudice and Discrimination 370 Assimilation and Pluralism 373 Acculturation 373 Secondary Structural Assimilation 375 Primary Structural Assimilation 386 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: How Successful Are Asian Americans? At What Price? 387 Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining Asian American Success 389 Asian Americans and White Ethnics 389 Asian Americans and Colonized Racial Minority Groups 390 Main Points 392 — — Applying Concepts 393 Review Questions 394 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 395 Points to Consider 395 Internet Learning Resources 396 Note 396
  • 20. PART 4 • CHALLENGES FOR THE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE 397 Chapter 9 • New Americans, Assimilation, and Old Challenges 399 Current Immigration 401 — — Questions for Reflection 403 New Hispanic Groups: Immigrants from the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, and Colombia 403 Three Case Studies 405 Non-Hispanic Immigrants from the Caribbean 407 Two Case Studies 408 Contemporary Immigration from Asia 409 Four Case Studies 410 Middle Eastern and Arab Americans 413 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Detroit’s Arab American Community 416 9/11 and Arab Americans 418 Immigrants from Africa 420 Modes of Incorporation 421 Immigrants and the Primary Labor Market 421 Immigrants and the Secondary Labor Market 421 Immigrants and Ethnic Enclaves 422 Summary 422 — — Questions for Reflection 422 — — Comparative Focus: The Roma: Europe’s “True Minority” 423 — — Questions for Reflection 424 Immigration: Issues and Controversies 424 The Attitudes of Americans 424 The Immigrants 427 — — Questions for Reflection 428 Costs and Benefits 428 DREAMers 433 — — Questions for Reflection 434 — — Focus on Contemporary Issues: Birthright Citizenship 435 Is Contemporary Assimilation Segmented? 436 The Case for Segmented Assimilation 437 The Case for Traditional Assimilation Theory 441 Summary 443 — — Questions for Reflection 444 Recent Immigration in Historical and Global Context 444 New Immigrants and Old Issues 445 Main Points 446 — — Applying Concepts 447
  • 21. Review Questions 448 — — Answers to Applying Concepts 448 Internet Learning Resources 449 Chapter 10 • Minority Groups and U.S. Society: Themes, Patterns, and the Future 451 The Importance of Subsistence Technology 451 The Importance of the Contact Situation, Group Competition, and Power 453 The Importance of Intersectionality 456 Assimilation and Pluralism 457 Minority Group Progress and the Ideology of American Individualism 461 A Final Word 462 Summary 463 Note 464 References 465 Glossary 515 Index 521 About the Authors 541
  • 22. xvii PREFACE Of the challenges confronting the United States today, those relating to diversity continue to be among the most urgent and the most daunting. Discrimination and the rejection of “others” are part of our national heritage. Along with equality, freedom, and justice, prejudice, racism, and sexism are some of our oldest values. Every part of our society, and virtually every item on the national agenda—welfare and health care reform, policing, crime and punishment, family, education, defense, foreign policy, and terrorism—have some connection with dominant–minority relations. This textbook contributes to our ongoing national discussion by presenting informa- tion, raising questions, and deeply examining relevant issues. Our intent is to help you increase your knowledge, improve your understanding of the issues, and clarify your thinking about social inequalities related to race, ethnicity, gender, and class. We’ve writ- ten for undergraduate students—sociology majors and nonmajors alike. We make few assumptions about students’ knowledge of history or sociological concepts, and we try to present the material in a way that you will find accessible and relevant. For example, we use a unified set of themes and concepts throughout the text. Our analysis is consistent and continuous, even as we examine multiple sociological perspec- tives and different points of view. We introduce most of the conceptual framework in the first four chapters. Then, we apply these concepts and analytical themes to a series of case studies of racial and ethnic minority groups (e.g., African Americans, Native Americans). Finally, we review and summarize our main points and bring our analysis to a conclusion in the last chapter, where we also speculate about the future. Our analysis is, generally, macro and comparative. That is, we focus on large groups and social structures—such as social institutions and stratification systems—and we systematically compare and contrast the experiences and situations of America’s many minority groups over time. The book follows in the tradition of conflict theory, but it is not a comprehensive statement of that tradition. We introduce and apply other perspec- tives, but we don’t attempt to give equal attention to all current sociological paradigms, explain everything, or include all possible analytical points of view. It couldn’t be done! Rather, our goals are (a) to present the sociology of minority group relations in a way that you’ll find understandable and intellectually challenging and (b) to address the issues (and tell the stories behind the issues) in a way that is highly readable and that demon- strates the power and importance of sociological thinking. Although the text maintains a unified analytical perspective, we offer a wide vari- ety of perspectives in our online resources. For example, we offer Current Debates for Chapters 1 through 9 (available at http://edge.sagepub.com/diversity6e). The debates focus on an issue taken from the chapter but present the views of scholars and analysts from a variety of disciplines and viewpoints. Without detracting from the continuity of the main analysis, these debates reinforce the idea that no one has all the answers
  • 23. xviii   Diversity and Society (or, for that matter, all the questions), and they can be used to stimulate discussion, bring additional perspectives to the classroom, and suggest topics for further research. Additionally, every chapter (except the last) presents personal experiences that com- pellingly and dramatically foreshadow the material that follows. These introductions include the experiences and thoughts of a wide variety of people: immigrants, writers, politicians, racists, slaves, and “regular” people, among others. Also, each chapter (except the last) includes a section called Focus on Contemporary Issues that addresses a specific issue in American society that readers will find current and relevant. In addition to examining diversity across minority groups (e.g., Native Americans and Hispanic Americans), we stress the diversity of experiences within each minority group (e.g., Puerto Ricans and Cubans). We use an intersectional perspective that explores the ways race, ethnicity, social class, and gender influence one another, creating ever-shifting constellations of dominance and subordination. We focus on American minority groups. However, we’ve included a considerable amount of comparative, cross-national material. For example, the Comparative Focus features explore group relations in other societies. Finally, we stress the ways American minority groups are inseparable from the American experience—from the early days of colonial settlements to tomorrow’s head- lines. The relative success of our society is due to the contributions of minority groups as well as those of the dominant group. The nature of the minority group experience has changed as society has changed. To understand America’s minority groups is to under- stand some elemental truths about America. To raise the issues of difference and diversity is to ask what it means, and what it has meant, to be an American. People’s feelings about these issues can be intense, and controversy, indifference, and bitterness can overshadow objective analysis and calm reason. We have little hope of resolving our nation’s dilemmas until we address them openly and honestly. This book explores topics that involve conflict between groups. That history is tinged with pain. We discuss topics that can be challenging to learn. And, at times, we quote directly from sources that use language that may be offensive or painful to hear. We have included these elements because we cannot understand (or change) the things we do not face. FEATURES • Chapters 1–4 provide a broad conceptual and historical overview of minority groups, dominant–minority group relations, and immigration to the United States. • Chapters 5–8 focus on major U.S. racial and ethnic groups: African Americans, Native Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans. • Chapter 9 focuses on issues of diversity and inequality for “new Americans” from Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and the Caribbean. • Opening Vignettes foreshadow the chapter content in a personal way to generate student interest.
  • 24. Preface  xix • Questions for Reflection help students analyze the material, identify key points, and recognize areas needing additional study. • Applying Concepts activities provide students opportunities to use key chapter ideas. • Comparative Focus boxes look at group relations outside the United States. • Focus on Contemporary Issues boxes address current and relevant issues (e.g., modern slavery, hate crimes). • This book uses an intersectional approach that offers a more complex view of diversity within the U. S. and within each minority group. In particular, we focus on how race, ethnicity, social class, and gender statuses combine with each other to produce unique experiences and oppressions. • Main Points summarize key ideas from each chapter and Review Questions give students a chance to assess their understanding. • Group Discussion questions provide teachers and students with a way to collectively explore ideas and questions. CHANGES IN THIS EDITION • Chapter content has been thoroughly updated from more than 500 new sources, allowing students to learn about the latest research. Expanded content emphasizes current events and applicability of concepts and theories to contemporary social problems (e.g., racial bias in the criminal justice system, immigration issues), including international ones. New examples emphasize an intersectional approach and highlight dominance, oppression, and the distribution of power. Additionally, we emphasize historical trajectory and past-in-present discrimination as much as possible. For example, students can’t understand what happened in Ferguson, Missouri without understanding the historical context (1992 Los Angeles riots, 1965 Watts Rebellion). • More than 80 new and updated tables, maps, and figures • Updates or additions to the Comparative Focus features in Chapters 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 • Updates or additions to the Focus on Contemporary Issues features in Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, and 9 • New or revised Opening Vignettes in Chapters 3 and 5 • Revised or expanded Questions for Reflection, Review Questions, or Group Discussion questions in each chapter
  • 25. xx   Diversity and Society • We’ve thoroughly revised the text to make it fresher, more relevant, more approachable, and even easier to understand. For example, we’ve simplified the writing and sentence structure. Additionally, we’ve taken steps to highlight social actors and processes by using active voice and by making other changes in language. For example, when possible, we use “enslaved people” instead of “slaves” because the former emphasizes that individuals, through the system of slavery, put humans in bondage. The latter is a social status that hides this important reality. Some of the new and expanded topics in this edition include the following: Chapter 1 • The changing social construction of race in the U.S. census Chapter 2 • Theories of Assimilation (e.g., critiques of unidirectional models, intersectional and bidimensional models) • The Holocaust (e.g., recent research about Americans’ decreasing awareness, the role “everyday people” played, and documentation of more than 40,000 sites such as work “camps”) • Anti-Semitism (the relationship between the Old and New Worlds; European pogroms; and recent increases in anti-Semitic groups, attitudes, and hate crimes) Chapter 3 • The origins of slavery (e.g., indentured servitude, first laws, widespread acceptance, and ideology) • Modern theories of acculturation (e.g., multi-directional models) • Regional variations in the system of slavery (e.g., Deep South states and widespread ownership, use, or benefits for whites) • The experiences of enslaved women (e.g., division of labor, ideologies of “true womanhood”) Chapter 4 • Hate crimes (expanded explanation and examples such as the Tree of Life synagogue shooting as well as data about LGBTQIA and Muslim Americans) • Social control of African Americans (e.g., sharecropping and Black Codes during de jure segregation) • Educational inequalities (e.g., racially segregated, underfunded K–12 public schools) and their influence on college preparedness and competitiveness in the workforce
  • 26. Preface  xxi Chapter 5 • The perception of African Americans as “other” (e.g., “Living While Black”— police being called about African Americans doing “everyday things” in “white spaces”) • Rosa Parks and other pioneers of the civil rights movement • The War on Drugs and inequalities in the criminal justice system (e.g., disparate sentencing) • Police-related shootings of African Americans • Increasing white supremacy, including the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, VA • Debates about Confederate monuments and confederate-era symbols (including the “battle flag” and its history) Chapter 6 • Native Americans’ views on nature and land ownership • Native Americans’ views on gender (including two-spirit people and gender fluidity) and how gender organized social life • The 2016 Dakota Access Pipeline protest • Similarities with Aboriginal people from Australia Chapter 7 • Changes in immigration patterns (e.g., increases in unaccompanied minors and people from Central America) • Changes to immigration policy (e.g., ICE, Homeland Security budgets, family separation) • Hispanic American immigrant women workers • DREAMers • Historical information about Cuba and Puerto Rico • Measuring the effects of Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico • Chicanas in El Movimento (Dolores Huerta, Lopez De La Cruz, Maria Luisa Rangel Juanita Valdez) Chapter 8 • The role of labor unions in the 19th-century Anti-Chinese movement (e.g., Dennis Kearney of the Workingman’s Party, Anti-Coolie Act) • WWII detention centers for Japanese (and other) Americans as well as the demand for meaningful redress and National Day of Remembrance
  • 27. xxii   Diversity and Society • Japan’s “invisible” minority: The Barakumin • The model minority myth and its effects ANCILLARIES SAGE edge™ (http://edge.sagepub.com/diversity6e) SAGE edge offers a robust online environment featuring an impressive array of tools and resources for review, study, and further exploration, keeping both students and instructors on the cutting edge of teaching and learning. SAGE edge content is open access and available on demand. Learning and teaching have never been easier! SAGE edge for Students SAGE edge for Students provides a personalized approach to help students accom- plish their coursework goals in an easy-to-use learning environment. • Mobile-friendly eFlashcards strengthen students’ understanding of key terms and concepts. • Mobile-friendly practice quizzes allow for independent assessment by students of their mastery of course material. • An online action plan includes tips and feedback on progress through the course and materials, which allows students to individualize their learning experience. • Learning objectives reinforce the most important material. • Internet Activities encourage students to apply chapter concepts to the “real world” via oral history archives, online art exhibits, YouTube videos, TED Talks, and more. • Carefully selected chapter-by-chapter video links and multimedia content enhance classroom-based explorations of key topics. • The Current Debates resource presents two or more opposing statements from scholars and analysts on controversial questions raised in the chapters (Are Indian sports team mascots offensive?). • Public sociology assignments encourage students to go beyond the classroom and engage with people, organizations, and resources in their local communities to learn more about minority groups and issues. • For further reading lists useful books and articles for additional study on minority groups and intergroup relations. • Exclusive access to full-text SAGE journal articles provides students with carefully selected articles designed to support and expand on the concepts presented in each chapter.
  • 28. Preface  xxiii SAGE edge for Instructors SAGE edge for Instructors supports teaching by making it easy to integrate quality content and create a rich learning environment for students. • Test banks provide a diverse range of pre-written options as well as the opportunity to edit any question and/or insert your own personalized questions to effectively assess students’ progress and understanding. • Sample course syllabi for semester and quarter courses provide suggested models for structuring your courses. • Editable, chapter-specific PowerPoint® slides offer complete flexibility for creating a multimedia presentation for your course. • Carefully selected chapter-by-chapter video links and multimedia content enhance classroom-based explorations of key topics. • Chapter outlines follow the structure of each chapter, providing an essential reference and teaching tool. • Tables & Figures from the printed book are available in an easily downloadable format for use in papers, handouts, and presentations. • Photo essay ideas and suggestions are provided, along with tips for instructors who assign photo essays in their classrooms. • The Current Debates resource presents two or more opposing statements from scholars and analysts on controversial questions raised in the chapters (Are Indian sports team mascots offensive? Should children be raised genderless?). • Public sociology assignments encourage students to go beyond the classroom and engage with people, organizations, and resources in their local communities to learn more about minority groups and issues. • Internet Research Projects refer students to selected public websites or direct them on guided Internet research in order to gather data and apply concepts from the chapter. • For further reading lists useful books and articles for additional study on minority groups and intergroup relations. • A common course cartridge includes all of the instructor resources and assessment material from the student study site, making it easy for instructors to upload and use these materials in learning management systems such as Blackboard, ™Angel, ®Moodle™, Canvas, and Desire2Learn™. Exclusive access to full-text SAGE journal articles provides instructors with care- fully selected articles designed to support and expand on the concepts presented in each chapter.
  • 29. xxiv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It has been a great privilege to work on this edition with Andi Stepnick. She has strength- ened this text in countless ways and it has been an enormous pleasure to work with a coauthor who brings such unflagging professionalism, scholarship, and attention to detail. I also thank professors Edwin H. Rhyne and Charles S. Green, the teacher–scholars who inspired me as a student, and Eileen O’Brien, who has contributed enormously to the development of this project. Finally, I thank my colleagues, past and present, in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Christopher Newport University: Stephanie Byrd, Cheri Chambers, Robert Durel, Marcus Griffin, Mai Lan Gustafsson, Jamie Harris, Kai Heidemann, Michael Lewis, Marion Manton, Lea Pellett, Eduardo Perez, Iris Price, Virginia Purtle, Tracey Rausch, Andria Timmer, Linda Waldron, and Ellen Whiting. They have been unflagging in their support of this project, and I thank them for their academic, logistical, and intellectual assistance. —Joseph F. Healey I am grateful to Joe Healey for being such a thoughtful partner and for inspiring me with his passion for sociology and social justice. I owe thanks to many people for their support, wisdom, and humor throughout the years, especially while I was working on this book. I owe special thanks to my sister, Shari, who inspires me with her wisdom, kindness, loyalty, and tenacity. She supports me in ways too numerous to mention and keeps me going. I owe special thanks to Drs. Patricia Y. Martin and Irene Padavic for helping me to become a better sociological thinker, researcher, writer, and teacher. I thank my colleagues at Belmont University, especially Shelby Longard, Erin Pryor, and Ken Spring. Thanks also to Jerry Adams, Catherine Bush, Laura Carpenter, Cynthia Ann Curtis, Rory Dicker, Kris De Welde, Suzanne Feinstein, Jennifer Hackett, Jennifer James, Jen Levine, Wendy Marsh, and Jennifer Thomas. I appreciate the many kinds of support that my parents have given me over the years. My father, Robert J. Stepnick, deserves special attention for listening to countless project updates and for offering encouragement when the going got tough. Lastly, I am grateful for my students, who remind me why I do this work. —Andi Stepnick We both thank Jeff Lasser of SAGE for his invaluable assistance in the preparation of this manuscript, and Nathan Davidson, Dave Repetto, Ben Penner, and Steve Rutter, formerly of SAGE, for their help in the development of this project. Also, we thank Tiara Beatty for her editorial assistance. This text has benefited in innumerable ways from reviewers who offered valuable insights about the subject matter and about the challenges of college teaching. We thank
  • 30. Acknowledgments  xxv them for their expertise and for their comments, which led to significant improvements in the scholarship and clarity of this textbook. We are responsible for the shortcomings that remain. SIXTH EDITION REVIEWERS Cheryl Renee Gooch, Cumberland County College George Wilson, University of Miami Walter Kawamoto, American River College Jessica Crowe, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale Ahoo Tabatabai, Columbia College Dayang Hajyrayati Awg Kassim, University of Malaysia, Sarawak Eric Jorrey, Central Ohio Technical College Michele Ponting, PACA Adult Learning FIFTH EDITION REVIEWERS Ronald Huskin, Del Mar College Roblyn Rawlins, The College of New Rochelle Fiona Hennah, Coleg y Cymoedd Kate D’Arcy, University of Bedfordshire Wen Wang, California State University, Northridge
  • 31. Only when lions have historians will hunters cease to be heroes. —African Proverb Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced. —James Baldwin
  • 32. 1 PART ONE AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES Chapter 1. Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts Chapter 2. Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics The United States is a nation of groups as well as individuals. These groups vary in many ways, including their size, wealth, education, race, ethnicity, culture, reli- gion, and language. Some groups have been part of American1 society since colonial days, while others have formed recently. Questions of unity and diversity are among the most pressing issues facing the United States today. How should these groups relate to one another? Who should be considered American? Should we stress our diversity and preserve the many cultural heritages and languages that currently exist? Should we encourage everyone to adopt Anglo American culture and strive to become more similar? Or should we celebrate our differences? Is it possible to do both? We begin to address these questions and other related issues in Chapters 1 and 2. Our goal is to help you develop a broader, more informed understanding of the past and present forces that have created and sustained the groups that make up American society. We’ll sustain this focus throughout this book.
  • 34. 3 1 DIVERSITY IN THE UNITED STATES Questions and Concepts Who am I? . . . Where do I fit into American society? . . . For most of my 47 years,Ihavestruggledtofindanswerstothesequestions.IamanAmerican of multiracial descent and culture [Native American, African American, Italian American, and Puerto Rican]. In this aspect, I am not very different from many Americans [but] I have always felt an urge to feel and live the intermingling of blood that runs through my veins. American society has a way of forcing multiracial and biracial people to choose one race over the other. I personally feel this pressure every time I have to complete an application form with instructions to check just one box for race category. —Butch, a 47-year-old man2 Actually, I don’t feel comfortable being around Asians except for my family . . . I couldn’t relate to . . . other Asians [because] they grew up in [wealth- ier neighborhoods]. I couldn’t relate to the whole “I live in a mansion” [attitude]. This summer, I worked in a media company and it was kind of hard to relate to them [other Asians] because we all grew up in a different place . . . the look I would get when I say “Yeah, I’m from [a less affluent neighborhood]” they’re like, “Oh, oh” like, “That’s unfortunate for your parents, I’m sorry they didn’t make it.” —Rebecca, a 19-year-old Macanese-Chinese- Portuguese woman3
  • 35. 4   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States Yeah, my people came from all over—Italy, Ireland, Poland, and others too. I don’t really know when they got here or why they came and, really, it doesn’t matter much to me. I mean, I’m just an American. . . . I’m from everywhere . . . I’m from here! —Jennifer, a 25-year-old white American woman4 What do Butch, Rebecca, and Jennifer have in common? How do they differ? They think about their place in American society in very different ways. All are connected to a multitude of groups and traditions but not all find this fact interesting or important. One feels alienated from the more affluent members of her group, one seeks to embrace his multiple memberships, and one dismisses the issue of ancestry as irrelevant and is comfortable and at ease being “just an American.” Today, the United States is growing more diverse in culture, race, religion, and language. The number of Americans who identify as multiracial or who can connect themselves to different cultural traditions is increasing. Where will this increas- ing diversity lead us? Will our nation fragment? Could we dissolve into warring enclaves—the fate of more than one modern nation? Or can we find connection and commonality? Could we develop tolerance, respect, or even admiration for one another? Can we overcome the legacies of inequality established in colonial days? Can Americans embrace our nation’s increasing diversity and live out our motto, E Pluribus Unum (out of many, one)? This book raises many questions about the past, present, and future of group rela- tionships in America. For example, what historical, social, political, and economic forces shaped those relationships historically and how are they shaping contempo- rary group relations? How do racial and ethnic groups relate to each other today? What kind of society are we becoming because of immigration? What does it mean to be an American? What kind of society do we want to become and how can we move in that direction? America is a nation of immigrants and groups. Today, about 13.5% of the U.S. popula- tion was born in some other nation. The population of some states is more than one fifth foreign-born (e.g., California is 28% foreign-born), and some cities are more than one third foreign-born (e.g., New York is 37% foreign-born; U.S. Census Bureau, 2017c). Since the infancy of our society, Americans have been arguing, often passionately, about inclusion and exclusion and about unity and diversity. Every member of our society is,
  • 36. Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    5 in some sense, an immigrant or the descendant of immigrants. Even Native Americans migrated to this continent, albeit thousands of years ago. We are all from somewhere else, with roots in other parts of the world. Some Americans came here in chains; others came on ocean liners, on planes, on busses, and even on foot. Some arrived last week, while others have had family here for centuries. Each wave of newcomers has altered our social landscape. As many have observed, our society is continually under construction and seems permanently unfinished. Today, America is remaking itself yet again. Large numbers of immigrants are arriving from around the world, and their presence has raised questions about what it means to be an American, who should be granted U.S. citizenship, and how much diversity is best for society. How do immigrants affect America? Are they bringing new energy and revital- izing the economy? Are they draining resources such as school budgets, health care, and jobs? Both? How do they affect African Americans, Native Americans, and other groups? Are they changing what it means to be an American? If so, how? In 2008, Americans elected Barack Obama to become our nation’s first African American president. To some, this victory suggested that the United States has finally become what people often claim it to be: a truly open, “color-blind” society where one succeeds based on merit. In 2016, Donald Trump became our country’s 45th president. Some see the rise of racist and xenophobic speech and actions that emerged during our most recent election season as a kind of backlash—not just against Democrats or the political system, but against the diversity initiatives that expanded under the Obama administration. Even as we debate the implications of immigration, other long-standing issues about belonging, fairness, and justice remain unresolved. Native Americans and African Americans have been a part of this society since its start, but they’ve existed largely as outsiders—as slaves, servants, laborers, or even enemies—to the mainstream, dominant group. In many ways, they haven’t been treated as “true Americans” or full citizens, either by law or custom. The legacies of racism and exclusion continue to affect these groups today and, as you’ll see in future chapters, they and other American minority groups continue to suffer from inequality, discrimination, and marginalization. Even a casual glance at our schools, courts, neighborhoods, churches, or corporate boardrooms—indeed, at any nook or cranny of our society—reveals pervasive pat- terns of inequality, injustice, and unfairness and different opportunities. So, which is the “real”5 America: the land of acceptance and opportunity or the one of insularity and inequity? Some of us feel intensely connected to people with similar backgrounds and identify closely with a specific heritage. Others embrace multiracial or multiethnic identities. Some people feel no particular connection with any group or homeland. Others are unsure where they fit in the social landscape. Group membership, including our race or ethnicity, gender, class, and sexual orientation, shape our experiences and, therefore, how we think about American society, the world, and ourselves. Additionally, group membership shapes the opportunities available to us and to others. How do we understand these contrasts and divisions? Should we celebrate our diver- sity or stress the need for similarity? How can we incorporate all groups while avoiding fragmentation and division? What can hold us together as a nation? The U. S. may be at a crossroads concerning these issues. Throughout this book, you’ll have an opportunity
  • 37. 6   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States to reexamine the fundamental questions of citizenship and inclusion in our society. This chapter reviews the basic themes to help you do that effectively. MINORITY GROUPS: TRENDS AND QUESTIONS Because our group memberships shape our experiences and worldviews, they also affect the choices we make, including those in the voting booth. People in different groups may view decisions in different ways due to their divergent group histories, experiences, and current situations. Without some knowledge of the many ways someone can be an American, the debates over which direction our society should take are likely to be unmeaningful or even misunderstood. Increasing Diversity The choices about our society’s future may feel especially urgent because the diversity of American society is increasing dramatically, largely due to high rates of immigration. Since the 1960s, the number of immigrants arriving in America each year has more than tripled and includes groups from around the world. People’s concerns about increasing diversity are compounded by other unresolved issues and grievances. For example, in Part 3, we document continuing gaps in income, poverty rates, and other measures of affluence and equality between minority and dom- inant groups. In many ways, the problems currently facing African Americans, Native Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and other minority groups are as for- midable as they were a generation (or more) ago. Given these realities, how can America better live out its promise of equality for all? Let’s consider the changing makeup of America. Figure 1.1 presents the percentage of the total U.S. population in each of the five largest racial and ethnic groups. First, we’ll consider this information at face value and analyze some of its implications. Then, we’ll consider (and question) the framing of this information, such as group names and why they matter. Figure 1.1 shows the groups’ relative sizes from 1980 through 2010 (when the gov- ernment last conducted the census) and it offers the projected relative sizes of each group through 2060. The declining numbers of non-Hispanic whites reflect the increasing diversity in the United States. As recently as 1980, more than 8 out of 10 Americans were non-Hispanic whites, but by the middle of this century, non-Hispanic whites will become a numerical minority. Several states (Texas, California, Hawaii, and New Mexico) already have “majority minority” populations. And for the first time in history, most babies born in the U. S. (50.4%) are members of minority groups (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b). Researchers predict that African American and Native American populations will increase in absolute numbers but will remain similar in relative size. However, Hispanic American, Asian American, and Pacific Islander populations will grow dramatically. Asian American and Pacific Islander groups together constituted only 2% of the pop- ulation in 1980, but that will grow to 10% by midcentury. The most dramatic growth,
  • 38. Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    7 however, will be among Hispanic Americans. In 2002, this group surpassed African Americans as the largest minority group. Researchers expect it will be almost 30% of the U. S. population by 2060. Projections about the future are educated guesses based on documented trends, but they suggest significant change. Our society will grow more diverse racially and cul- turally, becoming less white and less European—and more like the world as a whole. Some people see these changes as threats to traditional white, middle-class American values and lifestyles. Other people view these demographic changes as part of the ebb and flow of social life. That is, society has changed ever since it began; this is merely another phase in the great American experiment. Which viewpoints are most in line with your own and why? What’s in a Name? The group names we used in Figure 1.1 are arbitrary, and no group has clear or definite boundaries. We use these terms because they are familiar and consistent with the labels used in census reports, much of the sociological research literature, and other sources of information. Although such group names are convenient, this doesn’t mean that they are “real” in any absolute sense or equally useful in all circumstances. These group names have some serious shortcomings. For example, they reflect social conventions whose meanings change over time and location. To underscore the social construction of racial and ethnic groups, we use group names interchangeably (e.g., blacks and African Americans; Hispanic Americans and Latinos). Nevertheless, issues remain. FIGURE 1.1 ■ U.S. Population by Race and Ethnicity, 1980–2060 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050 2060 10 0 Non-Hispanic Whites Non-Hispanic Blacks Hispanic Americans Asian and Pacific Islander Americans American Indians Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2017a). National Population Projections. https://www.census.gov/data/tables/ 2017/demo/popproj/2017-summary-tables.html Note: Hispanics may be of any race.
  • 39. 8   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States First, the race/ethnic labels suggest groups are homogeneous. While it’s true that peo- ple within one group may share some general, superficial physical or cultural traits (e.g., language), they also vary by social class, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and in many other ways. People within the Asian American and Pacific Islander group, for exam- ple, represent scores of different national backgrounds (Japanese, Pakistanis, Samoans, Vietnamese), and the categories of Native American or Alaska Native include people from hundreds of different tribal groups. If we consider people’s other social statuses such as age and religious affiliation, that diversity becomes even more pronounced. Any two people within one group (e.g., Hispanics) might be quite different from each other in some respects and similar to people from “different” racial/ethnic groups (e.g., whites). Second, people don’t necessarily use these labels when they think about their own identity. In this sense, the labels aren’t “real” or important for all the people in these racial/ ethnic groups. For example, many whites in the U. S. (like Jennifer, quoted in the chapter opening) think of themselves as “just American.” Many Hispanic Americans think of themselves in relation to ethnic origin, such as Mexican or Cuban (see Chapter 7). Or they may identify with a particular region or village in their homeland. For LGBTQIA6 group members, sexual orientation may be more important to their identity than their race or ethnicity. Thus, the labels don’t always reflect the ways people think about them- selves, their families, or where they come from. The categories are statistical classifications created by researchers and census takers to help them organize information and clarify their analyses. They don’t grow out of or always reflect people’s everyday realities. Third, although the categories in Figure 1.1 are broad, several groups don’t neatly fit into them. For example, where should we place Arab Americans and recent immigrants from Africa? These groups are relatively small (about 1 million people each), but there is no clear place for them in the current categories. Should we consider Arab Americans as “Asian,” as some argue? Should recent immigrants from Africa be in the same cate- gory as African Americans? Should we create a new group for people of Middle Eastern or North African descent? The point is that such classification schemes have somewhat ambiguous boundaries. Further, we can’t neatly categorize people who identify with more than one racial or ethnic group (like Butch, quoted in the chapter opening). The number of “mixed-group” Americans is relatively small today—about 3% of the total population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015a). However, between 2000 and 2016, the number of people who chose more than one racial or ethnic category on the U.S. census increased by 33% (from 2.4% to 3.2% of the total population) (Jones & Bullock, 2012; U.S. Census Bureau, 2017b). This trend is likely to continue increasing rapidly because of the growth in interracial marriage. To illustrate, Figure 1.2 shows dramatic increases in the percentage of “new” marriages (couples that got married in the year prior to the survey date) and all marriages that unite members of different racial or ethnic groups (Livingston & Brown, 2017). Obviously, the greater the number of mixed racial or ethnic marriages, the greater the number of mixed Americans who will be born of such partnerships. One study estimates that the percent- age of Americans who identify with two or more races will more than double between 2014 (when it was 2.5%) and 2060 (when it will be 6.2%; Colby & Ortman, 2015, p. 9). Finally, we should note that group names are social constructions,7 or ideas and perceptions that people create in specific historical circumstances and that reflect partic- ular power relationships. For example, the group “Native Americans” didn’t exist before
  • 40. Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    9 the European exploration and colonization of North America. Before then, hundreds of separate indigenous societies, each with its own language and culture, lived across North America. Native Americans thought of themselves primarily in terms of their tribe and had little awareness of the many other groups spread across the vast expanse of the North American continent. However, European conquerors constructed them as one group: the enemy. Today, many Americans see Native Americans as one group. This reflects their historical defeat and domination by white European colonists, which led to Native Americans’ current status as a minority group in a largely white society. Likewise (although through different processes), African, Hispanic, and Asian Americans came to be seen as separate groups as the result of their unequal interactions with white Americans. These group labels have become real because people believe they are real. We use these familiar group labels to facilitate our discussion of complex topics, but they don’t reflect some unchangeable truth or reality regarding racial or ethnic groups. FIGURE 1.2 ■ Interracial and Interethnic Marriages in the United States, 1967–2015 1967 0 5 10 Percentage 15 20 1975 1983 1991 1999 2007 2015 Newlyweds All married people 3 3 10 17 Source: Livingston and Brown (2017). QUESTIONS FOR REFLECTION 1. If asked about your group membership, which of the groups in Figure 1.1 would you choose, if any? Do you feel that you belong to one group or several? How much does your group membership shape your circle of friends, your experiences, and your worldview? How important is your group membership to your self-identity? (Continued)
  • 41. 10   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States QUESTIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE, SOCIOLOGY, AND THE PLAN OF THIS BOOK At our country’s inception, the law recognized only white Anglo-Saxon Protestant men of elite classes as full citizens deserving of specific rights (e.g., voting) and opportuni- ties (e.g., education). Most of us would agree that this definition of American is far too narrow. Given the changing U.S. population (Figure 1.1), you may wonder who should count as American. What does it mean to be an American? Does diversity threaten soci- etal cohesion? Likewise, what problems might come from narrow definitions of what it means to be an American? We’ve raised several complex questions in these first few pages. The answers aren’t obvious or easy to come by. There is no guarantee that we, as a society, will be willing or able to resolve all the issues related to intergroup relations. However, the issues won’t disappear or resolve themselves if we ignore them. We’ll never make progress unless we address the issues honestly and with an accurate base of knowledge and understanding. We hope this book helps you develop thoughtful, informed positions on these issues. Throughout our inquiry, we’ll rely on sociology and other social sciences for concepts, theories, and information to gain a greater understanding of the issues. The first two chapters introduce many of the ideas that will guide our investigation. Part 2 explores how relations between the dominant group and minority groups have evolved over time. Part 3 analyzes the current situation of U.S. racial and ethnic minority groups. Finally, Part 4 explores many of the challenges facing our society (and the world) and offers conclusions from our inquiry. WHAT IS A MINORITY GROUP? A common vocabulary will help us understand and discuss the issues with greater clarity. The mathematical connotation of the term minority group implies that minority groups are small. However, they can be quite large—even a numerical majority. For example, 2. Savannah is a white, 27-year-old woman who was raised in Georgia but now lives in South Dakota. She is an Episcopalian, has a degree in computer science, and makes $60,000 a year. She is married to Tom, her college sweetheart. Winona is a 40-year-old woman and a member of the Lakota nation. She was raised in South Dakota but moved to California to pursue her career as a pharmacist. She is married to Robert and they have one child. Although the census would classify Savannah and Winona as belonging to different racial/ethnic groups, they are similar in many ways. In what ways are their similarities more significant than their differences? 3. Over the past 5 to 10 years, what signs of increasing diversity have you seen in your community? What benefits and challenges have come with that increasing diversity? 4. What does it mean to be American? If you asked Americans, a popular answer might be freedom. What does that mean to you—freedom to do what? Or freedom from what? How do you think people of other countries or generations might respond? (Continued)
  • 42. Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    11 most sociologists consider women a minority group, although they are a numerical major- ity of the U.S. population. Whites are a numerical minority in South Africa, accounting for less than 10% of the population (Central Intelligence Agency, 2017). However, they’ve been the most powerful and affluent group in that nation’s history. Despite the end of apartheid (a state-sanctioned racial inequality) in South Africa, whites keep their advantage in many ways (e.g., economically, politically). Therefore, sociologists would consider them the dominant group. Sociologists define minority status in terms of the distribution of resources and power. We use the definition of minority group developed by Wagley and Harris (1958) that emphasizes these characteristics: 1. Minority group members experience a pattern of disadvantage or inequality. 2. Minority group members share a visible trait or characteristic that differentiates them from other groups. 3. Minority group members are aware of their shared status with other group members. 4. Group membership is usually determined at birth. 5. Members tend to form intimate relationships (close friendships, dating partnerships, and marriages) within the group. Next, we briefly explain these five characteristics. Because inequality and visibility are the most important characteristics of minority groups, we’ll examine them in even more detail later in the chapter. 1. Inequality. The first and most important defining characteristic of a minority group is its inequality (some pattern of disadvantage). The degree of disadvantage varies over time and location and includes such slight irritants as a lack of desks for left-handed students or a policy of racial or religious exclusion at an expensive country club. (Note, however, that you might not agree that the irritant is slight if you’re a left-handed stu- dent awkwardly taking notes at a right-handed desk or if you’re a golf aficionado who happens to be African American or Jewish American.) The most significant inequalities include exploitation, such as slavery and genocide (the intentional killing of a group, such as the mass execution of Jews, Slavs, Roma, gays and lesbians, and others under Nazi rule in Germany). Whatever its scope or severity, whether it affects people’s ability to gain jobs, housing, wealth, political power, police protection, health care, or other valued resources, the pat- tern of disadvantage is the key characteristic of a minority group. Because the group has less of what society values, some people refer to minority groups as subordinate groups. The pattern of disadvantage members of the minority group experience results from the actions of another group that benefits from and tries to sustain the inequality. This advantaged group is the dominant group. We use the latter term most frequently because it reflects the patterns of inequality and the lack of power experienced by minority groups. Keep in mind that the inequalities we see today were established in the past, sometimes centuries ago or more. Privilege exists even when the beneficiaries are unaware of it.
  • 43. 12   Part 1 ■ An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States 2. Visibility. The second defining characteristic of a minority group is some visible trait or characteristic that sets members apart and that the dominant group holds in low esteem. The trait can be cultural (e.g., language, religion, speech patterns, or dress styles), physical (e.g., skin color, stature, or facial features), or both. Groups defined primarily by their cultural characteristics such as Irish Americans and Jewish Americans are ethnic minority groups. Groups defined primarily by their physical characteristics, such as African Americans and Native Americans, are racial minority groups. These categories overlap. So-called ethnic groups may also have what some people see as distinguishing physical characteristics (e.g., the stereotypical Irish red hair or “Jewish nose”). Racial groups may also have (or be thought to have) cultural traits that differ from the dominant group (e.g., differences in dialect, religious values, or cuisine). These distinguishing traits help identify minority group members and separate people into distinct groups. Thus, they help to maintain the patterns of disadvantage. That is, the dominant group has (or at one time had) enough power to create the distinction between groups and thus solidify a higher position for itself. These markers of group membership are crucial. Without visible signs, it would be difficult or impossible to identify who was in which group, and the system of minority group oppression would collapse. The characteristics marking the boundaries between groups usually aren’t signifi- cant in and of themselves. They are selected for their visibility and convenience and, objectively, may be trivial and unimportant. For example, scientists now conclude that skin color and other so-called racial traits have little scientific, evolutionary, medical, or biological importance (Gannon, 2016; Yudell, Roberts, DeSalle, Tishkoff, 2016). For example, darker skin color simply reflects the body’s response to sunlight. In areas with greater sunlight (closer to the equator), people’s bodies produce melanin, which screens out the sun’s ultraviolet rays and protects the skin. Skin color emerged as an important marker of group membership in our society through a complex and lengthy historical process, not because it has any inherent significance. Again, these markers of minority group membership become important because people give them significance (e.g., superiority, inferiority). 3. Awareness. A third characteristic of minority groups is that the members are aware of their differentiation from the dominant group and their shared disadvantage. This shared social status can provide a sense of solidarity and serve as the basis for strong intragroup bonds. As noted earlier, minority and dominant groups can experience life differently. Thus, minority group members may have worldviews that are markedly dif- ferent from those of the dominant group and from other minority groups. For example, public opinion polls often show sizeable group differences about the seriousness and extent of discrimination in America. Figure 1.3 shows persistent and sizeable gaps in the percentage of nationally representative samples of whites and blacks who agree that blacks and whites have equal job opportunities. Given their different group histories, experiences, and locations in the social hierarchy, it may not surprise you that black Americans see more racial inequality than whites. Even after President Obama’s election in 2008, the percentage of black Americans who believed equal opportunity exists was about half the rate of white Americans. Both groups have become more pessimistic about equal opportunity in recent years. A 2016 national poll showed that only 71% of Americans believed black children
  • 44. Chapter 1 ■ Diversity in the United States    13 have the same opportunity as white children to get a good education. This is the lowest percentage on record since Gallup began asking that question in 1962, less than a decade after the Supreme Court voted to desegregate public schools in Brown v. the Board of Education (1954). Only 70% believe black Americans have equal opportunities to get housing, which is the lowest rating on this question since 1989 (J. M. Jones, 2016). 4. Ascription. A fourth characteristic of minority groups is that, generally, member- ship is an ascribed status given to them, often at birth. The traits that identify minority group membership are typically hard to change. Thus, minority group status is usually involuntary and for life. 5. Intimate Relationships. Finally, minority group members tend to form emotionally close bonds with people like themselves, for example, as close friends, dating partners, and legal spouses or cohabitational partners. (Members of the dominant group do this, too.) Pervasive racial and ethnic segregation of neighborhoods, schools, and other areas of American society influence who one meets or spends time with on a regular basis. In some cases, the dominant group dictates this pattern. For example, many states outlawed interracial marriages until the U.S. Supreme Court declared laws against miscegenation unconstitutional in the 1967 case, Loving v. Virginia (Bell, 1992). The Wagley and Harris (1958) multipart definition of a minority group encompasses “traditional” minority groups such as African Americans and Native Americans but we can apply it to other groups. For instance, women as a group fit the first four criteria, and we can analyze their experience with many of the same concepts and ideas that guide our analysis of racial and ethnic minority groups. Similarly, we can apply this concept to Americans who are gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender; to Americans with disabilities; FIGURE 1.3 ■ Do Black Americans Have the Same Chances as White Americans to Obtain the Same Level of Employment? 1963–2016 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Percentage 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 0 Blacks Whites Source: Gallup (2017a).
  • 45. Exploring the Variety of Random Documents with Different Content
  • 46. be found on board our steamers, but the pursuits of a naturalist rarely seem to call forth the slightest show of interest. Our departure was fixed for two p.m., but in fact we did not move till past seven, long after dark at this season. On getting out to sea we found a moderate swell running from the southward, and moved slowly, as coal was economized. On the following morning we found ourselves rather far from land, and, although the weather was moderately clear, we had only a few distant glimpses of the coast during the day. The barometer fell slowly about two-tenths of an inch from morning to night, and it seemed evident that we were about to bid farewell to the bright skies of Central Chili. We were to take in coal for the voyage to Europe at Lota, about two hundred and fifty nautical miles south of Valparaiso. That distance could be easily accomplished, even by the Rhamses, in twenty-four hours; but as there was no object in arriving before morning, we economized fuel and travelled slowly. Heavy rain fell during the entire night, and ceased only when, on the morning of May 31, we entered the harbour of Lota. Lota is a place which, although not marked on Stanford’s latest map of South America, has within a short time risen to considerable importance, owing to the discovery of extensive deposits of lignite of excellent quality. I have heard various estimates of its value as steam coal, the lowest of which set five tons of Lota coal as equal to four of Welsh anthracite. The seams appear to be of considerable thickness, and the underground works have now extended to a considerable distance from the shore. All the ocean steamers returning to Europe now call here for their provision of fuel, and in addition the proprietor has established extensive works for smelting copper and for making glass. The owner of this great property is a lady, the widow of the late Mr. Cousiño, whose income is rated at about £200,000 a year. About 2500 people are constantly employed, who, with their families, inhabit a small town of poor appearance which has grown up on the hill overlooking the harbour.
  • 47. COAL DEPOSITS OF LOTA. I was courteously invited to the house of Mr. Squella, a relation of Madame Cousiño, who has the direction of this great establishment, and there had the pleasure of again meeting my former travelling companion, Mr. H——, and also Captain Simpson, an officer of the Chilian navy of English extraction, who, while commanding a ship on the southern coast, has rendered some services to science. The conversation was carried on chiefly in English, which has decidedly become the lingua franca of South America, but was shortened by my natural anxiety to turn to the best account the short time at my disposal. I had a choice between three alternatives—a descent into the coal mine, a visit to the works above ground and the miners’ town, or a ramble through the so- called park, which occupies the promontory stretching westward which forms the natural harbour of Lota, and covers a great portion of the precious deposit to which the place owes its new-born importance. I naturally preferred the latter, feeling that my limited experience as a geological observer would not allow me to profit much by a subterranean excursion. I made inquiry, however, as to the vegetable remains found in the lignite, and I was told that they are abundant, although the few specimens which I saw showed but slight traces of vegetable structure. I was led to believe that a collection of specimens had been sent to Europe to my late lamented friend, Dr. Oswald Heer, but I am not aware that he has left any reference to such a collection, or even that it ever reached his hands. The parque of Lota, to which I directed my steps, has rather the character of an extensive pleasure-ground than of what we call a park; but the surface is so uneven, and the outline so irregular, that I could not estimate its extent. The numerous fantastic structures in questionable taste that met the eye in every direction create at the first moment an unfavourable impression, but the charms of the spot are so real that this is soon forgotten. The variety and luxuriance of the vegetation, and the diversified views of the sea and the rocky
  • 48. shores, were set off by occasional bursts of bright sunshine, in which the drops that still hung on every leaflet glittered like jewels of every hue. The trees here were of very moderate dimensions, the largest (here called roble) being of the laurel family, which, for want of flower or fruit, I failed to identify. The Spaniards in South America have given the name roble, which properly means “oak,” to a variety of trees which agree only in having a thick trunk and spreading branches. The shrubs were very numerous, partly indigenous and partly exotic, and a peculiar feature which I have not noticed in any other large garden is the number of parasites living on the trunks and branches of the trees and shrubs. Ferns were very numerous and grow luxuriantly, showing a wide difference of climate between this coast and that of the country two or three degrees further north. But the great ornament of this place is the beautiful climber, Lapageria rosea, now producing in abundance its splendid flowers, which so finely contrast with its dark-green glossy foliage. The specific name rosea is unfortunate, as the colour of the flowers is bright crimson, verging on scarlet. THE PARQUE OF LOTA. One of the special features of this garden was the abundance of humming-birds that haunted the shrubs and small trees, and darted from spray to spray with movements so rapid that to my imperfect vision their forms were quite indistinguishable. Whenever I drew near in the hope of gaining a clearer view, they would dart away to another shrub a few yards distant, and I am unable to say whether the bright little creatures belonged to one and the same or to several different species. At one place where the garden is only some twenty feet above the beach, I scrambled down the rocks, and was rewarded by the sight of two or three plants characteristic of this region. The most attractive of these is one of the many generic types peculiar to the Chilian flora, allied to the pine-apple. The long stiff leaves, edged with sharp teeth and radiating from the lower part of the stem, are
  • 49. coloured bright red along the centre and at the base, forming, when seen from a distance, a brilliant, many-rayed red star. Another novelty was Francoa sonchifolia, which also clings to the rocks by the sea. It has somewhat the habit of a large crucifer, but the structure of the flower and fruit is widely different. It was regarded by Lindley as the type of a distinct natural family, but has been, with one other Chilian genus (Tetilla), classed as a tribe of the saxifrage family. Time passed quickly in such an interesting spot, and the hour appointed for returning to the ship had nearly arrived, when Mr. Reilly, the gardener who has the management of the parque, invited me to see his house. He came, as I learned, from Wexford, in Ireland, had had some training in the Royal Gardens at Kew, when his fortunate star led him to Chili. I found him installed in a very pretty and comfortable house, charmingly situated, in as full enjoyment of one of the most beautiful gardens in the world as if he were its absolute owner. This was only one more instance of the success which so often attends my countrymen when removed to a distance from their native land. Freed from the evil influences that seem indigenous to the soil of that unfortunate island, they develop qualities that are too rarely perceptible at home. The arguments for emigration are commonly based only on the economical necessity for relieving the land of surplus population; to my mind it may be advocated on other and quite different grounds. For every Irishman who is carried to a distant land there is a strong probability of a distinct gain to the world at large. CAUTIOUS SEAMANSHIP. I left the parque at Lota with my memory full of pictures of a spot which, along with Mr. Cooke’s famous garden at Montserrat, near Cintra, and that of M. Landon in the oasis of Biskra, I count as the most beautiful garden that I have yet seen. A rather large island—Isla de Sta. Maria—lies off the Chilian coast to the west of Lota, and is separated on the southern side
  • 50. from the promontory of Lavapie by a channel several miles wide. But as this is beset with rocks, the rule of the German steamers is to avoid the passage, excepting in clear weather by day. In deference, therefore, to this cautious regulation, we set our helm to the north on leaving Lota, two or three hours after sunset, and only after keeping that course for some ten miles, and running past the small port of Coronel, steered out to seaward, and finally resumed our proper southerly direction. Our sleep was somewhat disturbed by the heavy rolling of the ship during the night, and the morning of the 1st of June broke dimly amid heavy lowering clouds, just such a day as one might expect at the corresponding date (December 1) on the western coast of Europe. Although the sea was running high, there was little wind. The barometer at daybreak stood at 29·98, having risen a tenth of an inch since the previous evening, and the temperature was about 52° Fahr. In our seas one would suppose that a gale must have recently prevailed at no great distance, but I believe the fact to be that in the Southern Pacific high seas prevail during a great part of the year, even where no strong winds are present to excite them. Gales are undoubtedly common in the zone between the fiftieth and sixtieth degrees of south latitude, and the waves habitually run higher there than they ever do in the comparatively confined area of the Atlantic. The disturbances are propagated to great distances, modified, of course, by winds, currents, and the form of the coasts when they approach the land; but the smooth waters that extend more than thirty degrees on either side of the equator are rarely encountered in higher latitudes. The skies brightened as the day wore on, and the sun from time to time broke through the clouds; but we were out of sight of land, and the only objects in view during the day were the sea, the sky, and the numerous sea-fowl that followed the ship. The incessant rolling made it difficult to settle down to any occupation. We were now abreast of that large tract of Chili which has been left in the possession of its aboriginal owners, the Araucanian Indians, extending about one hundred miles from north to south, and a rather greater distance from the coast to the crest of the
  • 51. Cordillera. It is unfortunate that so little is known of the Araucanians, as, in many respects, they appear to be the most interesting remaining tribe of the aboriginal American population. For nearly two centuries they maintained their independence in frequent sanguinary encounters with the Spaniards, which are said on Chilian authority to have cost the invaders the loss of 100,000 men. Since the establishment of Chilian independence, the policy of the republic has been to establish friendly relations with this indomitable people. The territory between the Bio-Bio river to the north and the Tolten to the south was assigned to them, and small annual donations were made to the principal chiefs on condition of their maintaining order amongst the tribesmen. During the last forty years, however, white settlers have trespassed to a considerable extent on the Indian territory, both on the north and south sides, but have generally contrived to keep up friendly intercourse with the natives, while Chilian officials, established at Angol on the river Mallego, exercise a species of supervision over the entire region. ARAUCANIAN INDIANS. The present Araucanian population is somewhat vaguely estimated at about 40,000, and it is a question of some interest whether, like most native races in contact with those of European descent, they will ultimately be improved out of existence, or be gradually brought within the pale of civilization and fused with the intrusive element. The soil is said to be in great part fertile; they raise a large quantity of live stock, and some of the chiefs are said to have amassed wealth, and to have begun to show a taste for the comforts and conveniences of civilized life. While at Santiago, I made some inquiry as to the language of the Araucanian tribes. I was informed that in the seventeenth century the Jesuit missionaries published a grammar of the language, of which only two or three copies are known to exist. About the beginning of this century a new edition, or reprint, of this
  • 52. work appeared at Madrid, but, as I was assured, has also become extremely rare, and copies are very seldom to be procured. On the evening of the 1st the barometer had risen about a tenth of an inch, but by the following morning had returned to the same point (very nearly thirty inches) as on the previous day, without any change in the state of the weather; but we enjoyed more sunshine, and the proceedings of the birds that ceaselessly bore us company afforded us constant occupation and amusement. Two species were predominant. One of these was the well-known cape pigeon (Daption capensis), familiar to all mariners in the southern hemisphere. This is a handsome bird, much larger than a pigeon, exhibiting a considerable variety of plumage in what appeared to be adult individuals. In all the ground colour is white, and the tips of the spreading tail feathers are dark brown or nearly black. The upper surface of the wings sometimes showed a somewhat tesselated pattern of white and dark brown, but more commonly were marked by two transverse dark bands, with pure white between. They were very numerous, as many as from fifty to a hundred being near the ship at the same time, keeping close company, and often swooping over the deck a few feet over our heads; but, although seemingly fearless, they never were induced to take a piece of meat from a man’s hand, though the temptation was often renewed. The next in frequency—called on this coast colomba—is nearly as large as the cape pigeon, with plumage much resembling that of a turtle dove. This also approached very near. Both of these birds seemed to feel fatigue, as, after circling round the ship for half an hour at a time, they would rest on the surface of the water, dropping rapidly astern, but after some minutes resume their flight and soon overtake the ship. More interesting to me were the two species of albatross, which I had never before had an opportunity of observing. These were more shy in their behaviour, never, I think, approaching nearer than seventy or eighty yards, and usually following the ship with a slow, leisurely flight still farther astern. The common, nearly white, species (Diomedea exulans) is but a little larger than the dark- coloured, nearly black species, which I supposed to be the
  • 53. Diomedea fuliginosa of ornithologists. 31 If, as is probable, the same birds followed us all day, we saw but two of the latter, which are, I believe, everywhere comparatively scarce. In both species I was struck by the peculiar form of the expanded wing, which is very narrow in proportion to its great length. BIRDS OF THE SOUTHERN OCEAN. The moment of excitement for the birds, as well as for the lookers-on, was when a basket of kitchen refuse was from time to time thrown overboard. It was amusing to watch the rush of hungry creatures all swooping down nearly at the same point, and making a marvellous clatter as they eagerly contended for the choice morsels. It did not appear to me that the smaller birds showed any fear of the powerful albatross, or that the latter used his strength to snatch away anything that had been secured by a weaker rival. About noon on the 2nd of June we were abreast of the northern part of the large island of Chiloe, but were too far out to sea to get a glimpse of the high land on the west coast. At the northern end the island is separated from the mainland by a narrow channel (Canal de Chacao) only two or three miles in width; but on the east side the broad strait or interior sea between Chiloe and the opposite coast is from thirty to forty miles in breadth, and beset by rocky islets varying in size from several miles to a few yards. Another unquiet night ushered in the morning of the 3rd of June. This was fairly clear, with a fresh breeze from the south-west, which, as the day advanced, rose nearly to a gale. The sea did not appear to run higher than before, but the waves struck the ship’s side with greater force, and at intervals of about ten minutes we shipped rather heavy seas, after which the deck was nearly knee-deep in water, and a weather board was needed to keep the saloon from being flooded. The barometer fell slightly, and the temperature was decidedly lower, the thermometer marking about 50° Fahr. Some attempts at taking exercise on the hurricane deck were not very
  • 54. successful, my friend, Mr. H——, being knocked down and somewhat bruised, and we finally retired to the saloon, and found the state of things not exhilarating. We saw nothing of the Chonos Archipelago, consisting of three large and numerous small islands, all covered with dense forest, and separated from the mainland by a strait, yet scarcely surveyed, about a hundred and twenty miles in length, and ten to fifteen in breadth. Darwin, writing nearly fifty years ago, anticipated that these islands would before long be inhabited, but I was assured that no permanent settlement has ever been established. Parties of woodcutters have from time to time visited the islands, but no one has been tempted to remain. The excessive rainfall, which is more continuous in summer than in winter, makes them unfit for the residence of civilized man; but it seems probable that Fuegians transported there would find conditions favourable to their constitution and habits of life. It is another question whether the world would be any the better for the multiplication of so low a type of humanity. HEAVY SEAS OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. In the afternoon, as the sea was running very high, the captain set the ship’s head to the wind. We saw him but once, and perceived an anxious expression on his usually jovial countenance. It afterwards came out that he apprehended the continuance of the gale, in which case he might not have ventured to put the helm round so as to enter the Gulf of Peñas. At nightfall, however, the wind fell off, and by midnight the weather was nearly calm, though the ship gave us little rest from the ceaseless rolling. During all this time sounds that issued at intervals from the cabin of the Peruvian lady and her children showed that what was merely a bore to us was to them real misery. I have often asked myself whether there is something about a sea-voyage that develops our natural selfishness, or whether it is because one knows that the suffering is temporary and has no bad results, that one takes so little heed of the really
  • 55. grievous condition of travellers who are unable to bear the movement of the sea. A voyage with sea-sick passengers, especially in bad weather, when one is confined to the saloon, is a good deal like being lodged in one of the prisons of the Spanish inquisition while torture was freely applied to the unhappy victims; and yet persons who are not counted as hard-hearted seem to bear their position with perfect equanimity, if not with something of self- satisfaction. The morning of the 4th of June was so dark that we supposed our watches to have gone astray. Of course, the days were rapidly growing shorter as we ran to the southward, but the dim light on this morning was explained when we sallied forth. The wind had veered round to the north, and in these latitudes that means a murky sky with leaden clouds above and damp foggy air below. The change, however, was opportune. We were steering about due south-east, entering the Gulf of Peñas, with the dim outline of Cape Tres Montes faintly seen on our larboard bow. I have already alluded to the peculiar conformation of the south- western extremity of the South American continent, which, from the latitude of 40° south to the opening of the Straits of Magellan, a distance of about nine hundred miles, exhibits an almost continuous range of high land running parallel to the southern extremity of the great range of the Andes. At its northern end this western range, under the names Cordillera Pelada and Cordillera de la Costa, forms part of the mainland of Chili, being separated from the Andes by a broad belt of low country including several large lakes, those of Ranco and Llanquihue being each about a hundred miles in circuit. South of the Canal de Chacao the range is continued by the island of Chiloe and the Chonos Archipelago, and then by the great mountainous promontory whose southern extremity is Cape Tres Montes. Here occurs the widest breach in the continuity of the range, as the Gulf of Peñas is fully forty miles wide. To the southward commences the long range of mountainous islands that extend to the Straits of Magellan, between which and the mainland lie the famous channels of Western Patagonia. It is worthy of note
  • 56. that, corresponding to the elevation of this parallel western range, the height of the main chain of the Andes is notably diminished. Of the summits that have hitherto been measured south of latitude 42° only one—the Volcano de Chana—attains to a height of eight thousand feet, and there is reason to believe that numerous passes of little more than half that elevation connect the eastern and western slopes of the chain. RANGE OF THE ANTARCTIC FLORA. Another point of some interest is the northern extension of the so-called antarctic flora throughout the whole of the western range, many of the characteristic species being found on the Cordillera Pelada close to Valdivia, which does not, I believe, much exceed three thousand feet in height. It is true that a few antarctic species have been found in the higher region of the Andes as far north as the equator, just as a few northern forms have travelled southward by way of the Rocky Mountains and the highlands of Mexico and Central America; and Professor Fr. Philippi has lately shown that many southern forms, and even a few true antarctic types, extend to the hills of the desert region of Northern Chili, where the constant presence of fog supplies the necessary moisture. 32 The true northern limit, however, of the antarctic flora may be fixed at the Cordillera Pelada of Valdivia. We crept on cautiously into the gulf, anxiously looking out for some safe landmark to secure an entrance into the northern end of Messier’s Channel. Soon after midday we descried a remarkable conical hill, which is happily placed so as to distinguish the true opening from the indentations of the rocky coast. As we advanced the air became thicker and colder, as drizzling rain set in; but the practised eyes of seamen are content with indications that convey no meaning to an ordinary landsman, and just as the night was closing in almost pitch dark, the rattle of the chain cable announced that we had come to anchor for the night in Hale Cove.
  • 57. WILD CELERY. The weather had become very cold. At two p.m. in the gulf the thermometer stood at 42°, and after nightfall it marked only a few degrees above freezing-point, so that, even in the saloon, we sat in our great coats, not at all enjoying the unaccustomed chilliness. All rejoiced, therefore, when the captain, having quite recovered his wonted cheerfulness, announced that a stove was to be set up forthwith in the saloon, and a tent erected on deck to give shelter from the weather. The stove was a small, somewhat rickety concern, and we fully understood that it would not have been safe to light it while the ship was labouring in the heavy seas outside; but it was especially welcome to me, as I was anxiously longing for the chance of getting my botanical paper thoroughly dry. As we enjoyed a cheerful dinner, two of the officers pushed off in one of the ship’s boats into the blackness that had closed around. After some time a large fire was seen blazing a few hundred yards from the ship, and, amid rain and sleet, we could descry from the deck some moving forms. They had succeeded, I know not how, in getting the damp timber into a blaze, and were good-naturedly employed in gathering whatever they could lay hands upon to contribute to my botanical collection. Not much could be expected under such conditions, but everything in this, to me, quite new region was full of interest. Dead branches covered with large lichens introduced me to one of the most characteristic features of the vegetation. The white fronds, four or five inches wide, and several feet in length, enliven the winter aspect of these shores, and possibly supply food to some of the wild animals. Among the plants which had been dragged up at random were several roots of the wild celery of the southern hemisphere. It is widely spread throughout the islands of the southern ocean, as well as on the shores of both coasts of Patagonia, and was described as a distinct species by Dupetit Thouars; but in truth, as Sir Joseph Hooker long ago remarked in the “Flora Antarctica,” there are no structural characters by which to distinguish it from the common wild celery of Europe, which is likewise essentially a maritime plant. Growing in a region where it is little exposed to sunshine, it has less
  • 58. of the strong characteristic smell of our wild plants, and the leaves may be eaten raw as salad, or boiled, which is not the case with our plant until the gardener, by heaping earth about the roots, diminishes the pungency of the smell and flavour. One thought alone troubled me as I lay down in my berth to enjoy the first quiet night’s rest. If the weather should hold on as it now fared, there was but a slight prospect of enjoying the renowned scenery of the channels, or of making much acquaintance with the singular vegetation of this new region. It was therefore with intense relief and positive delight that I found, on sallying forth before sunrise, a clear sky and a moderate breeze from the south. Snow had fallen during the night, and was now hard frozen; and in the tent, where my plants had lain during the night, it was necessary to break off fragments of ice with numbed fingers before laying them in paper. We weighed anchor about daybreak, and the 5th of June, my first day in the Channels, will ever remain as a bright spot in my memory. Wellington Island, which lay on our right, is over a hundred and fifty miles in length, a rough mountain range averaging apparently about three thousand feet in height, with a moderately uniform coast-line. On the other hand, the mainland presents a constantly varying outline, indented by numberless coves and several deep narrow sounds running far into the recesses of the Cordillera. In the intermediate channel crowds of islets, some rising to the size of mountains, some mere rocks peeping above the water, present an endless variety of form and outline. But what gives to the scenery a unique character is the wealth of vegetation that adorns this seemingly inclement region. From the water’s edge to a height which I estimated at fourteen hundred feet, the rugged slopes were covered with an unbroken mantle of evergreen trees and shrubs. Above that height the bare declivities were clothed with snow, mottled at first by projecting rocks, but evidently lying deep upon the higher ridges. I can find no language to give any impression of the marvellous variety of the scenes that followed in quick succession against the bright blue background of a cloudless sky,
  • 59. and lit up by a northern sun that illumined each new prospect as we advanced. At times one might have fancied one’s self on a great river in the interior of a continent, while a few minutes later, in the openings between the islands, the eye could range over miles of water to the mysterious recesses of the yet unexplored Cordillera of Patagonia, with occasional glimpses of snowy peaks at least twice the height of the summits near at hand. About two o’clock we reached the so-named English Narrows, where the only known navigable channel is scarcely a hundred yards in width between two islets bristling with rocks. The tide rushed through at the rate of a rapid river, and our captain displayed even more than his usual caution. Some ten men of the crew were posted astern with steering gear, in readiness to provide for the possible breakage of the chains from the steering-house. It seemed unlikely enough that such an accident should occur at that particular point, but there was no doubt that if it did a few seconds might send the ship upon the rocks. THE ENGLISH NARROWS. One of the advantages of a voyage through the Channels is that at all seasons the ship comes to anchor every night, and the traveller is not exposed to the mortification of passing the most beautiful scenes when he is unable to see them. When more thoroughly known, it is likely that among the numerous coves many more will be found to offer good anchorage; but few are now known, and the distance that can be run during the short winter days is not great. We were told that our halt for the night was to be at Eden Harbour, less than twenty miles south of the English Narrows, and to my great satisfaction we dropped anchor about 3.30 p.m., when there was still a full hour of daylight. Our good-natured captain put off dinner for an hour, and with all convenient speed I went ashore with Mr. H—— and two officers of the ship. Eden Harbour deserves its name. A perfectly sheltered cove, with excellent holding-ground, is enclosed by steep forest-clad
  • 60. slopes, culminating to the north in a lofty conical hill easily recognized by seamen. The narrow fringe between the forest and the beach is covered with a luxuriant growth of ferns and shrubby plants, many of them covered in summer with brilliant flowers, blooming in a solitude rarely broken by the passage of man. After scrambling over the rocks on the beach, the first thing that struck us was the curious nature of the ground under our feet. The surface was crisp and tolerably hard, but each step caused an undulation that made one feel as if walking on a thick carpet laid over a mass of sponge. Striking a blow with the pointed end of my ice-axe, it at once pierced through the frozen crust, and sank to the hilt over four feet into the semifluid mass beneath, formed of half-decomposed remains of vegetation. At every step plants of this region, never before seen, filled me with increasing excitement. Several were found with very tolerable fruit, and there were even some remains of the flowers of Desfontainea spinosa and Mitraria coccinea. The latter beautiful shrub appears to have been hitherto known only from Chiloe and the Chonos Archipelago. In those islands it is described as a tall climber straggling among the branches of trees. Here I found it somewhat stunted, growing four or five feet high, with the habit of a small fuchsia. Neither of these is a true antarctic species. Like many Chilian plants, they are peculiar and much-modified members of tribes whose chief home is in tropical America. Everything else that I saw was characteristically antarctic. Three small coniferous trees peculiar to this region; a large-flowered berberry, with leaves like those of a holly, growing six or eight feet high, still showing remains of the flower; and two species of Pernettya, with berries like those of a bilberry, and which replace our Vaccinia in the southern hemisphere, were among the new forms that greeted me. VEGETATION OF EDEN HARBOUR. A few minutes’ stumbling over fallen timber brought us to the edge of the forest, and it was soon seen that, even if time allowed, it
  • 61. would be no easy matter to penetrate into it. The chief and only large tree was the evergreen beech (Fagus betuloides of botanists). This has a thick trunk, commonly three or four feet in diameter, but nowhere, I believe, attains any great height. Forty feet appeared to me the outside limit attained by any that I saw here or elsewhere. But perhaps the most striking, and to me unexpected, feature in the vegetation was the abundance and luxuriance of the ferns that inhabit these coasts. From out of the stiff frozen crust under our feet a profusion of delicate filmy ferns (Hymenophylla) grew to an unaccustomed size, including several quite distinct species; while here and there clumps of the stiff fronds of Lomaria magellanica, a couple of feet in height, showed an extraordinary contrast in form and habit. As Sir Joseph Hooker long ago remarked, the regular rigid crown of fronds issuing from a thick rhizome, when seen from a little distance, remind one forcibly of a Zamia. It was to me even more surprising to find here in great abundance a representative of a genus of ferns especially characteristic of the tropical zone. The Gleichenia of these coasts differs sufficiently to deserve a separate specific name, but in general appearance is strikingly like that which I afterwards saw growing in equal abundance in Brazil. This continent, with its thousands of miles of unbroken coast- line, and its mountain backbone stretching from the equator to Fuegia, has offered extraordinary facilities for the diffusion of varied types of vegetation. As I have already remarked, some species of antarctic origin travel northward, and some others, now confined to the equatorial Andes, are most probably modified descendants from the same parent stock; while a small number of tropical types, after undergoing more or less modification, have found their way to the extreme southern extremity of the continent. By a vigorous use of my ice-axe, which is an excellent weapon for a botanist, I succeeded in uprooting a good many plants from the icy crust in which they grew; but the minutes slipped quickly by, daylight was fading in this sheltered spot, shut out from the north and west by steep hills, and too soon came the call to return to the ship. On the beach I picked up the carapace of a crab—bright red
  • 62. and beset with sharp protuberances—evidently freshly feasted on by some rapacious animal. The whole of the body and the shell of the under part as well as the claws had disappeared, leaving nothing but the carapace, which I presume had been found too hard and indigestible. Darwin informs us that the sea-otter of this region feeds largely on this or some allied species of crab. A RED CRAB. The cold was sufficient to make the little stove in the saloon of the steamer very acceptable, but at no time throughout the voyage could be called severe. Between noon and three p.m. on the 5th of June the thermometer in the open air stood about 40° Fahr., and fell at night only two or three degrees below freezing-point. The barometer was high, gradually rising from 30 inches to 30·3, at which it stood on the following day. Everything promised settled weather, and it was therefore disappointing to find the sky completely covered when I went on deck early in the morning of the 6th. A light breeze from the north raised the temperature by a few degrees and brought the clouds. The scenery throughout the day was even of a grander character than before, and the absence of sunshine gave it a sterner aspect. At times, when passing the smaller islands, I was forcibly reminded of the upper lake of Killarney, the resemblance being much increased by the appearance of the smaller islets and rocks worn down and rounded by floating ice. On this and the following days I frequently looked out for evidences of ice-action on the rocky flanks of the mountains. These were at some points very perceptible up to a considerable height; but all that I could clearly make out appeared to be directed from south to north, and nearly or quite horizontal. I failed to trace any indication on the present surface of the descent in a westerly direction of great glaciers flowing from the interior towards the coast. Before midday we passed opposite the opening of Eyre Sound, one of the most considerable of the numerous inlets that penetrate
  • 63. the mountains on the side of the mainland. This is said to extend for forty or fifty miles into the heart of the Cordillera, and it seems certain that one, or perhaps several, glaciers descend into the sound, as at all seasons masses of floating ice are drifted into the main channel. We did not see them at first, as the northerly breeze had carried them towards the southern side of the inlet; but before long we found ourselves in the thick of them, and for about a mile steamed slowly amongst floating masses of tolerably uniform dimensions, four or five feet in height out of the water, and from ten to fifteen feet in length. At a little distance they looked somewhat like a herd of animals grazing. Seen near at hand, the ice looked much weathered, and it may be inferred that the parent glacier reaches the sea somewhere near the head of the sound, and they had been exposed for a considerable time before reaching its mouth. ORIGIN OF THE GLACIERS. The existence of great glaciers descending to the sea-level on the west coast of South America, one of which lies so far north as the Gulf of Peñas, about 47° south latitude, is a necessary consequence of the rapid depression of the line of perpetual snow on the flanks of the Andes, as we follow the chain southward from Central Chili to the channels of Patagonia. The circumstance that permanent snow is not found lower than about fourteen thousand feet above the sea in latitude 34°, while only 8° farther south the limit is about six thousand feet above the sea-level, has been regarded as evidence of a great difference of climate between the northern and southern hemispheres, and more especially of exceptional conditions of temperature affecting this coast. It appears to me that all the facts are fully explained by the extraordinary increase of precipitation from the atmosphere, in the form of rain or snow, which occurs within the zone where the rapid depression of the snow-line is observed. So far as mean annual temperature of the coast is concerned, the diminution of heat in receding from the equator is less than the normal amount, being not quite 5° Fahr. for
  • 64. 7° of latitude between Valparaiso and Valdivia. But the annual rainfall at Valdivia is eight times, and at Ancud in Chiloe more than nine times, the amount that falls at Santiago. Allowing that the disproportion may be less great between the snowfall on the Cordillera in the respective latitudes of these places, we cannot estimate the increased fall about latitude 40° at less than four times the amount falling in Central Chili. When we further recollect that in the latter region the sky is generally clear in summer, and that the surface is exposed to the direct rays of a sun not far from vertical, while on the southern coast the sun is constantly veiled by heavy clouds, it is obvious that all the conditions are present that must depress the snow-line to an exceptional extent, and allow of those accumulations of snow that give birth to glaciers. When a comparison is drawn between South Chili and Norway, it must not be forgotten that at Bergen, where the Norwegian rainfall is said to be at its maximum, the annual amount is sixty-seven inches, or exactly one-half of that registered in Chiloe. It is a confirmation of this view of the subject that in going southward from the parallel of 42° to Cape Froward in the Straits of Magellan, through 12° of latitude, while the fall of mean yearly temperature must be reckoned at 8° Fahr., the depression of the snow-line cannot exceed three thousand feet. 33 Of course, we have no direct observations of rainfall in the Channels or on the west side of the Straits of Magellan, but there is no doubt that it diminishes considerably in going southward. To the south of Eyre Sound the main channel opens to a width of four or five miles, and is little encumbered by rocky islets, so that we kept a direct course a little west of south, and in less than two hours reached the southern extremity of Wellington Island, and gained a view of the open sea through a broad strait which is known as the Gulf of Trinidad. Now that this has been well surveyed, it offers an opportunity for steamers bound southward that have missed the entrance to the Gulf of Peñas to enter from the Pacific,
  • 65. and take the course to the Straits of Magellan through the southern channels. INTRICACY OF THE CHANNELS. We had now accomplished the first stage in the voyage through the Channels. Many local names have been given to the various passages open to navigation on this singular coast; but, speaking broadly, the northern portion, between Wellington Island and the mainland, is called Messier’s Channel; the middle part, including a number of distinct openings between various islands, is known as the Sarmiento Channel; and the southern division, between Queen Adelaide Island and the continent, is Smyth’s Channel. Facing the Pacific to the south of Wellington Island are three of large size— Prince Henry Island, Madre de Dios, and Hanover Island, besides countless islets which beset the straits that divide these from each other; and the course followed by the steamers lies between the outer islands and another large one (Chatham Island) which here rose between us and the mainland. In the afternoon the north wind freshened; as a result, the weather became very thick, and rain set in, which lasted throughout the night. Our intended quarters were in a cove called Tom Bay; but our cautious captain, with a due dislike to “dirty weather,” resolved to halt in a sheltered spot a few miles farther north, known as Henderson’s Inlet. Both these places afford excellent shelter, but the bottom is rocky, and ships are much exposed to lose their anchors. Although we arrived some time before sunset, the evening was so dark, and the general aspect of things so discouraging, that no one suggested an attempt to go ashore. Although we were quite near to land, I could make out very little of the outlines; and, indeed, of this middle portion of the voyage I have retained no distinct pictures in my memory. It struck me as very singular that, with a moderately strong breeze from the north, the barometer should have stood so high, remaining through the day at about 30·3 inches, and marking at
  • 66. nine p.m. 30·28. The temperature, as was to be expected, was higher than on the previous day, being about 40° during the day, and not falling at night below 35°. Although the morning showed some improvement in the appearance of the weather, the sky was gloomy when, after a little trouble in raising the anchor, we got under way early on the 7th of June. The clouds lifted occasionally during the day, and I enjoyed some brief glimpses of grand scenery; but the only distinct impression I retained was that of hopeless bewilderment in attempting to make out the positions of the endless labyrinth of islands through which we threaded our way. In spite of all that has been done, it seems as if there remained the work of many surveying expeditions to complete the exploration of these coasts. As to several of the eminences that lie on the eastern side of the channel, it is yet uncertain whether they are islands or peninsulas projecting from the mainland. It was announced that our next anchorage was to be at Puerto Bueno, there being no other suitable place for a considerable distance, and we were led to expect that we should probably find there some Fuegians, as the place is known to be one of their favourite haunts. PUERTO BUENO. We dropped anchor about half-past two, in a rather wide cove, or small bay, opening into the mainland a few miles south of Chatham Island. The shores are comparatively low, and enclosed by a dense forest of evergreen beech, which in most parts descends to the water’s edge. The place owes its good repute among mariners to the excellent holding-ground; but it did not appear to me as well sheltered as the other natural harbours that we visited, and as the bottom shelves very gradually, we lay fully a mile off the shore. Fortunately the weather had improved somewhat; a moderate breeze from the north brought slight drizzling rain, but gave no further trouble. A boat was soon ready alongside, and we pulled for the shore, with three of the ship’s officers armed with fowling-
  • 67. pieces, intended partly to impress the natives with due respect, but mainly designed for the waterbirds that abound along the shores of the inlet. We were correctly steered for the right spot, as, on scrambling ashore and crossing the belt of spongy ground between the water and the edge of the forest, we found evident tokens that the Fuegian encampment had not been long deserted. The broken remains of a rude canoe and fragments of basket-work were all that we could find, and we judged that a small party, perhaps no more than ten or a dozen, had left the place a few weeks before our arrival. These wretched Fuegians are said to go farther south, and to keep more to the exposed coasts during winter, because at that season animal life is there more abundant. After exchanging sundry jokes about the general disappointment in failing to behold the wilde fräulein in their natural home, the party separated, two of the officers proceeding in the boat towards the upper part of the inlet in quest of water-fowl. For nearly an hour we heard the frequent discharge of their guns, and much ammunition must certainly have been expended; but when they returned their report was that the birds were too wild, and no addition was made to the ship’s larder. The general character of the vegetation at Puerto Bueno was the same as that at Eden Harbour, but there were some indications of a slight increase in the severity of the climate. Mitraria coccinea and a few other representatives of the special flora of Chili were no longer to be found, while some antarctic types not before seen here first made their appearance. The most prominent of these was a bush from three to five feet high, in general appearance reminding one of rosemary, but at this season abundantly furnished with the plumed fruits characteristic of a composite. This plant, nearly allied to the genus Olearia, whose numerous species are confined to Australia, New Zealand, and the adjoining islands, is known to botanists as Chiliotrichium amelloides, and is one of the characteristic species of this region. It is plentiful in Fuegia and on the northern shores of the Straits of Magellan. Sir Joseph Hooker, in the “Flora Antarctica,”
  • 68. remarks that this is the nearest approach to a tree that is made by the meagre native vegetation of the Falkland Islands. PATAGONIAN CONIFERS. My attention had already been directed at Eden Harbour to the peculiar coniferous plants of this region, and I here found the same species in better condition. The most conspicuous, a small tree with stiff pointed leaves somewhat like an araucaria, here produced abundant fruit, which showed it to be a Podocarpus (P. nubigena of Lindley). Another shrub of the same family, but very different in appearance, is a species of Libocedrus, allied to the cypress of the Old World, which tolerates even the inclement climate of Hermite Island, near Cape Horn. The distribution of the various species of this genus is not a little perplexing to the botanical geographer. This and another species inhabit the west side of South America, two are found in New Zealand, one in the island of New Caledonia, one is peculiar to Southern China, and one to Japan, while an eighth species belongs to California. The most probable supposition is that the home of the common ancestor of the genus was in the circumpolar lands of the Antarctic Circle at a remote period when that region enjoyed a temperate climate; but the processes by which descendants from that stock reached such remote parts of the earth are not easily conjectured. It was nearly dark when the unsuccessful sportsmen returned with the boat, and but for the ship’s lights we should have scarcely been able to make out her position. Some of the many stories of seamen cast away in this inclement region came into my mind during the short half-hour of our return, and, in the presence of the actual scenes and conditions, my impressions assumed a vividness that they had never acquired when “living at home at ease.” In the evening I observed that the barometer had fallen considerably from the usually high point at which it stood up to the 6th, and throughout the night and the following day (June 8) it varied little from 29·9 inches. When we came on deck on the
  • 69. morning of the 8th, the uniform remark of the passengers was, “What a warm day!” We had become used to a temperature of about 40°, and a rise of 5° Fahr. gave the impression of a complete change of climate. It is curious how completely relative are the impressions of heat and cold on the human body, and how difficult it is, even for persons accustomed to compare their sensations with the instrument, to form a moderately good estimate of the actual temperature. We paid dearly, however, for any bodily comfort gained from the comparative warmth in the thick weather that prevailed during most of the day. We had some momentary views of grand scenery, but, as on the preceding day, these were fleeting, and I failed to carry away any definite pictures. It would appear that in such weather the navigation amid such a complete maze of islands and channels must be nearly impossible, but the various surveying- expeditions have placed landmarks, in the shape of wooden posts and crosses, that suffice to the practised eyes of seamen. About ten a.m. we reached the end of the Sarmiento Channel, opposite to which the comparatively broad opening of Lord Nelson Strait, between Hanover Island and Queen Adelaide Island, leads westward to the Pacific, and before long entered on the third stage of our voyage, which is known as Smyth’s Channel. This name is used collectively for the labyrinth of passages lying among the smaller islands that fill the space between Queen Adelaide Island and the mainland of South-western Patagonia; but to distinguish the openings between separate islands various names have been given, with which no one not a navigator need burthen his memory. Perhaps the thick weather may have been the cause, but we all noticed the comparative rarity of all appearance of animal life on this and the previous day. A large whale passing near the ship gave the only occasion for a little momentary excitement. As we ran southward, and were daily approaching the winter solstice, the successive days became sensibly shorter, and it was already nearly dark when, soon after four p.m., we cast anchor in an opening between two low islands which is known as Mayne Channel.
  • 70. SMYTH’S CHANNEL. It was impossible not to experience a sense of depression at the persistence of such unfriendly weather during the brief period of passing through a region of such exceptional interest, an opportunity, if once lost, never to be recovered. With corresponding eagerness the hope held out by a steady rise of the barometer was greeted, especially when I found that this continued up to ten p.m., and amounted since morning to a quarter of an inch. We were under way some time before daylight on June 9, and great was my delight when, going on deck, I found a cloudless sky and the Southern Cross standing high in the firmament. It was a morning never to be forgotten. We rapidly made our way from amid the maze of smaller islands, and glided over the smooth water into a broad channel commanding a wide horizon, bounded a panorama of unique character. As the stars faded and daylight stole over the scene, fresh features of strangeness and beauty at each successive moment came into view, until at last the full glory of sunshine struck the highest point of Queen Adelaide Island, and a few moments later crowned the glistening summits of all the eminences that circled around. The mountainous outline of Queen Adelaide Island, on the right hand, which anywhere else would fix attention, was somewhat dwarfed by the superior attractions of the other objects in view. We had reached the point where Smyth’s Channel widens out into the western end of the Straits of Magellan, and right in front of us rose the fantastic outline of the Land of Desolation, as the early navigators styled the shores that bound the southern entrance to the Straits; and as we advanced it was possible to follow every detail of the outline, even to the bold summit of Cape Pillar, forty miles away to the westward. Marking as it does the entrance to the Straits from the South Pacific, that headland has drawn to it many an anxious gaze since steam navigation has made the passage of the Straits easy and safe, and thus avoids the hardship and delay of the inclement voyage round Cape Horn.
  • 71. The coast nearest to us was at least as attractive as any other part of the panorama. The southern extremity of the continent is a strange medley of mountain and salt water, which can be explained only by the irregular action of elevatory forces not following a definite line of direction. Several of the narrow sounds that penetrate the coast are spread out inland into large salt-water lakes, and all the shores along which we coasted between Smyth’s Channel and Sandy Point belong to peninsulas projecting between fifty and one hundred miles from the continuous mainland of Patagonia. The outline is strangely varied. Bold snow-covered peaks alternate with lower rocky shores, and are divided by channels of dark blue water penetrating to an unknown distance into the interior. From amidst the higher summits flowed several large ice-streams, appearing, even from a distance, to be traversed by broad crevasses. I did not see any of these glaciers actually reach the sea, but one, whose lower end was masked by a projecting forest-clad headland, must have approached very near to the beach. STRAITS OF MAGELLAN. I have called the scene unique, and, in truth, I believe that nothing like it is to be found elsewhere in the world. The distant picture showing against the sky under the low rays of the winter sun is probably to be matched by some that arctic navigators bear in their memory; but here, below the zone of snow and ice, we had the striking contrast of shores covered by dense forest and clothed with luxuriant vegetation. Not much snow can have fallen, as up to a height of about twelve hundred feet above the sea, as far as the forest prevails, none met the eye. On the Norwegian coast, where one might be tempted to look for winter scenes somewhat of the same character, the forest is composed of coniferous trees, which have a very different aspect, and at the corresponding season they are, I imagine, usually so laden with snow that they can give little relief to the eye.
  • 72. I was struck by the fact that, although we had travelled southward five and a half degrees of latitude (nearly four hundred English miles) since entering the Gulf of Peñas, the upper limit of the forest belt was so little depressed. I could not estimate the average depression at more than from two to three hundred feet. As we advanced into the main channel, and were drawing near to the headland of Cape Tamar, where the Straits of Magellan are narrowed between that and the opposite coast of the Land of Desolation, we noticed that what seemed from a distance to be a mere film of vapour lying on the surface of the sea grew gradually thicker, rose to a height of about one hundred feet, and quite abruptly, in the space of two or three ship’s lengths, we lost the bright sky and the wonderful panorama, and were plunged in a fog that lasted through the greater part of the afternoon. The one constant characteristic of the climate of this region is its liability at all seasons to frequent and abrupt change, especially by day. It is, as I learned, a rare event when a day passes without one or two, or even more frequent, changes of the wind, bringing corresponding changes of temperature, rain, or snow, or clear sky; but, as a rule, the weather is less inconstant in winter than at other seasons. A short experience makes it easy to understand the extreme difficulty of navigation in the Straits for sailing ships, and the expediency of preferring the less inviting course of rounding Cape Horn. BORYA BAY. Several times during the day the fog cleared away for a while, and gave us grand views of the coast on either hand. That of the Land of Desolation especially attracted my attention. Captain Willsen pointed out to me, as we stood on the bridge, to which I had free access, the opening of a narrow sound which has lately been ascertained to penetrate entirely through what used to be considered a single island. The expressive name must, indeed, be abandoned, for, if I am not mistaken, the Land of Desolation of our maps is already known to consist of three, and may possibly form
  • 73. many more islands, divided from each other by very narrow channels. Our cautious commander resolved once again to anchor for the night, and selected for the purpose Borya Bay, a small sheltered cove some distance east of Port Gallant, a harbour often visited by the English surveying-expeditions. Daylight had departed when, about half-past five, we reached our anchorage; but the sky was again quite clear, and we enjoyed the weird effects of moonlight illumination. The scenery is very grand, and was more wintry in aspect than at any other point in our voyage. A mountain at the head of the cove rose steeply to a height of at least two thousand feet, and cast a dark shadow over the ship as we lay very near the shore. The shores were begirt with the usual belt of forest, but this did not extend far, and the declivities all around were clad with snow, which lay rather deep. It appeared to me that a rather large glacier descended to within a few hundred feet of the shore, but, seen by the imperfect light, I felt uncertain as to the fact. Since entering the Straits, I had noticed that on the steeper slopes facing the south, where the surface can receive but little sunshine at any season, the forest ascends but a short distance above the sea-level. Above that limit in such situations I observed only a scanty covering of bushes, and higher up the surface at this season appeared quite bare. As Borya Bay is one of the customary haunts of the Fuegians, the steam-whistle was sounded on our arrival as an invitation to any natives who might be encamped there. This always suffices to attract them, with the hope of being able to gratify their universal craving for tobacco. The appeal was not answered, as the people were doubtless on the outer coasts, and we were not destined to see anything of the most miserable of all the races of man. As the weather remained bright, the anchor was raised soon after midnight, and by one a.m. we were on our way, steering south- east, to round the southern extremity of the mainland of America. Awaking to the disappointment of having missed a view of one of the most interesting portions of the Straits, I hurried on deck, and found a new change in the aspect of the skies. The night had been
  • 74. cold, with a sharp frost; but in the morning, soon after daybreak, the air felt quite warm, with the thermometer marking 39° Fahr. A northerly breeze had set in, and as an inevitable result brought thick weather. I again noticed, however, that the barometer on these coasts seems to be very slightly affected by changes in the wind’s direction. It stood last night at 30·16 inches, and on the morning of the 10th, with a complete change of weather, had fallen only eight- hundredths of an inch. MOUNT SARMIENTO. The southern end of the continent is shaped like a broad wedge, whose apex is Cape Froward, laying in south latitude 53° 54′. We passed it early in the forenoon, giving the headland, which we saw dimly to the north, a broad berth, so that we about touched the 54th parallel. If we compare this with the climate of places in about the same latitude, as, for instance, with that of the Isle of Man, we are apt to consider the climate as severe; but we habitually forget how far the condition of Western Europe is affected by exceptional circumstances; and if we look elsewhere in the northern hemisphere, taking, for instance, the Labrador coast, the south of Kamschatka, or even the coast of British Columbia, we must admit that the Straits of Magellan afford no confirmation to the prevalent ideas respecting the greater cold of the climate of the southern hemisphere. Soon after this turning-point of the voyage the sky partially cleared to the southward, and we were fortunate enough to enjoy one of the most impressive scenes that my memory has recorded. The broad sound that divides Clarence Island from the main island of Tierra del Fuego lay open before us, flanked on either hand by lofty snow-clad summits. In the background, set as in a frame, rose the magnificent peak of Mount Sarmiento, the Matterhorn of this region, springing, as it appeared, from the shore to a height of seven thousand feet. 34 Sole sovereign of these antarctic solitudes, I know of no other peak that impresses the mind so deeply with the sense of wonder and awe. As seen from the north, the eastern and
  • 75. western faces are almost equally precipitous, and the broad top is jagged by sharp teeth, of which the two outermost, one to the east, the other to the west, present summits of apparently equal height. At a distance of about twenty-five miles the whole mass seemed to be coated with snow and ice, save where some sharp ridges and teeth of black rock stood out against the sky. I remained for some time utterly engrossed by the marvellous spectacle, and at last bethought myself of endeavouring to secure at least an outline of the scene; but before I could fetch a sketch-book, a fresh change in the weather partly obscured, and, a few minutes later, finally concealed from my eyes a picture that remains vividly impressed on my memory. It was impossible not to speculate on the origin and past history of this remarkable peak. Admitting that there is evidence to show that the larger part of the rocks of this region are of volcanic origin, it appeared to me evident not only that Mount Sarmiento is not a volcanic cone, but that the rock of which it is composed is not of volcanic origin. Whether its real form be that of a tower, or that of a ridge with precipitous sides seen in profile, no volcanic rocks elsewhere in the world can retain slopes so nearly approaching to the vertical. It is, I believe, a portion of the original rock skeleton that formed the axis of the Andean chain during the long ages that preceded the great volcanic outbursts that have covered over the framework of the western side of South America. Like most peaks of a similar form, I am disposed to believe that in the course of gradual upheaval the flanks have been carved by marine action to the nearly vertical form which impresses the beholder. Although snow-covered mountains suffer a certain limited amount of denudation in the channels through which glaciers flow, there is reason to hold that they are far less subject to degradation than those which are not protected from the main agencies that wear away rocky surfaces. It is by alternations of temperature, by frost, and the action of running water, that rocks are rapidly eaten away, and from these a snow- covered mountain is to a great extent secured.
  • 76. CHANGE OF SCENERY. A few miles east of Cape Froward the coast of the mainland trends nearly due north for a distance of fully sixty miles, and a marked change is perceived in the aspect of the shores. Instead of the bold outlines to which our eyes had become accustomed, the coastline lay low, fringed with forest on the side of the mainland, which now lay to our west, and on the other hand showing bare flats, here and there flecked with fresh snow. The land on that side at first belonged to Dawson Island; but later in the day, as we approached our destination, the dreary flats formed part of Northern Tierra del Fuego. ISOLATION OF SANDY POINT. The weather was thick as we passed Port Famine, and there was little to attract attention until we drew near to Sandy Point, a place that was to me the more interesting as I intended to make it my home until the arrival of the next English steamer. The belt of forest rose over low swelling hills near the sea, and in the distance a loftier range, from two to three thousand feet in height, showed a nearly horizontal line against the cloudy sky. As we approached, several structures of painted wood became visible, and for the first time since we left Lota we beheld human dwellings. Sandy Point, known to the natives of South America by the equivalent name Punta Arenas, is certainly one of the most isolated of inhabited spots to be found in the world. Since the scramble for Africa has set in, it is, I suppose, only on the Australian coast that one would find any settlement so far removed from neighbours or rivals. On the side of Chili the nearest permanent habitations are in the island of Chiloe, fully seven hundred miles distant in a straight line, and considerably farther by the only practicable route. On the side of Argentaria there is a miserable attempt at a settlement at the mouth of the river Santa Cruz, where the Argentine Government has thought it expedient to hoist their flag in order to assert the rights of sovereignty of the Confederation over the dreary wastes of South-
  • 77. eastern Patagonia. This was described to me as a group of half a dozen wooden sheds, where a few disconsolate soldiers spend a weary time of exile from the genial climate of Buenos Ayres. By the sea route it is about four hundred miles from Sandy Point, but no direct communication between the two places is kept up. For all practical purposes, the nearest civilized neighbours to Sandy Point are the English colonists in the Falkland Islands, where, in spite of inhospitable soil and climate, some of our countrymen have managed to attain to tolerable prosperity, chiefly by sheep-farming. But with an interval of nearly five hundred miles of stormy ocean mutual intercourse is neither easy nor frequent.
  • 78. CHAPTER V. Arrival at Sandy Point—Difficulties as to lodging—Story of the mutiny—Patagonian ladies—Agreeable society in the Straits of Magellan—Winter aspect of the flora— Patagonians and Fuegians—Habits of the South American ostrich—Waiting for the steamer—Departure—Climate of the Straits and of the southern hemisphere—Voyage to Monte Video—Saturnalia of children—City of Monte Video —Signor Bartolomeo Bossi; his explorations— Neighbourhood of the city—Uruguayan politics—River steamer—Excursion to Paisandu—Voyage on the Uruguay —Use of the telephone—Excursion to the camp—Aspect of the flora—Arrival at Buenos Ayres—Industrial Exhibition— Argentine forests—The cathedral of Buenos Ayres— Excursion to La Boca—Argentaria as a field for emigration. The time had come for parting with my genial fellow-traveller, Mr. H ——, with our excellent captain, and with the officers of the Rhamses, to all of whom I felt indebted for friendly aid in my pursuits; and on entering the boat that was to take me ashore I was introduced to the captain of the port, an important official of German origin. Of his various excellent qualities, the only one that I at first detected was a remarkable gift of taciturnity, rarely interrupted by a single monosyllable. I was aware that accommodation for strangers at Sandy Point is extremely limited, but I consoled myself with a belief that, if it came to the worst, the letter which I carried to the governor from the minister for foreign affairs at Santiago would help me through any preliminary difficulties. On reaching the shore, my luggage was without further question carried to a house close by,
  • 79. which is at this place the sole representative of a hotel. The accommodation available for strangers consists of a single room of fair dimensions, and this, as I soon learned, was occupied by a stranger. A glance at the multitudinous objects scattered about made me feel sure that the visitor must be a brother naturalist, but did not help me to solve the immediate difficulty. As I stood at the entrance, a dark-haired person, speaking pretty good English, proposed to take me to the house of the English vice-consul, and in his company I had the first view of the settlement of Sandy Point. As the ground rises very gently from the beach, few houses are seen from the sea, and the place is not so inconsiderable as it at first appears. Though rather to be counted as a village than as a town, it has the essential privilege of a Spanish city in the possession of a plaza, not yet quite surrounded by houses. The buildings are small, and nearly all built of wood painted outside. ARRIVAL AT SANDY POINT. The next piece of information received was unfavourable to my prospects. An Argentine corvette had reached Sandy Point a few days before, and the vice-consul had been invited, along with the governor and other notabilities, to a luncheon, which was likely to last for some time. I was fortunately provided with a note of introduction to Dr. Fenton, the medical officer of the settlement, which I now proceeded to deliver. Being somewhat unwell, he had not joined the marine entertainment, and I was at once cordially received. Not many minutes were needed to discover in my host a fellow-countryman, one of a family in the county of Sligo, with which I had some former acquaintance. Possessing in large measure the national virtue of hospitality, Dr. Fenton might have perhaps been satisfied with even a slighter claim; but, as it was, I from that time continued during my stay to receive from him the utmost kindness and attention. The first short conversation made me much better acquainted with the history of the settlement than I was before my arrival.
  • 80. In 1843 the Chilian Government decided on establishing a penal settlement in the Straits of Magellan, and selected for its position Port Famine, which had been frequently visited by early navigators. After a few years’ experience that place was abandoned, and the settlement was transferred to Sandy Point. This was partly preferred on account of a deposit of lignite of inferior quality, which lies little more than a mile from the shore. A considerable number of convicts were maintained at the station, and as there was little risk of escape they were allowed considerable liberty. At length, in 1877, the injudicious severity of the governor of that day provoked a revolt among the convicts. They speedily overcame the keepers, and the officials and peaceable inhabitants had no resource left but to fly to the forest. The convicts proceeded to set fire to the houses. Dr. Fenton lost his house, furniture, and books, and, in addition, the record of ten years’ meteorological observations. By a fortunate accident, a Chilian war-vessel reached Sandy Point just when disorder was at its height; the insurgents were speedily overpowered, and several of the ringleaders executed. The weather was unusually mild, and the refugees, amongst whom were many ladies and young children, suffered less than might have been expected in such a climate. Nearly all the houses seen by me had been hastily erected since the outbreak, and, as was natural, were on a scale barely sufficing for the wants of the inmates. STORY OF THE MUTINY. I fully understood that no amount of hospitable intentions could enable Dr. Fenton to give me quarters in his house, and he assured me that the governor, Don Francisco Sampayo, was no less restricted as to accommodation. One resource, however, seemed available: the German consul, Herr Meidell, had returned for a visit to Europe, and it was thought that, on application to his partner, a room might certainly be obtained in his house. My dark-haired friend, who had reappeared on the scene, and who turned out to be a native of Gibraltar, kindly undertook to arrange the matter, and, after an early