European Integration of Western Balkans: From Reconciliation To European Future

Lucia Vesnic-Alujevic
European
Integration of
Western Balkans:
From Reconciliation To
European Future

CREDITS
Centre for European Studies
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3
European Integration of Western Balkans:
From Reconciliation To European Future
About the CES
The Centre for European Studies (CES), established in
2007, is the political foundation of the European People’s
Party (EPP). The CES embodies a pan-European mindset,
promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded
political values. It serves as a framework for national political
foundations linked to member parties of the EPP, with 21
foundations currently members. The CES takes part in the
preparation of EPP political platforms and programmes. It
organises seminars and training on EU policies and on the
process of European integration.
The CES also contributes to formulating EU and national
public policies. It produces research studies and books,
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European View journal. Its research activities are divided into
six clusters: party structures and EU institutions, economic
and social policies, EU foreign policy, environment and
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Through its papers, conferences, authors’ dinners and
website, the CES offers a platform for discussion among
experts, politicians, policymakers and the European public.

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Table of Contents
Executive summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Historical overview. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Disputed issues. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
The EU approach to Western Balkans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Europeanisation: definition and application to
the Western Balkans region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
The Balkan turn towards Europe: the EU’s imposition
of dialogue in the region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Conclusions and possible orientations for EU policies. . 40
Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
About the author. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

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Executive Summary
The dissolution of Yugoslavia at the beginning of the
1990s gave birth to seven independent states. After the wars
that followed the initial proclamation of independence in
several of these countries, a period of consolidation ensued,
along with European integration as well as reconciliation
efforts.
The principal goal of this paper is to explain the reasons
that led to the wars in Western Balkans, the main issues
that remained in the 2000s and the EU initiatives that were
supposed to help in resolving these problematic issues and
to facilitate the accession of the countries of the region to
the European Union.
Despite the effort jointly performed by the EU as well as
countries from the region, this article shows that a lot of
work will still have to be done before all of the countries
become sufficiently mature in a political, economic and
societal sense to become members of the European Union.
Keywords:
Western Balkans – European integration – Dialogue –
Initiatives – Reconciliation

6
Introduction
The roots of the European idea and the creation of the
European community after the Second World War lie in the
desire to prevent further war between European nations.
One of the main goals of the original idea of European
integration is defined as preserving peace in the Member
States.1
In this paper, we argue that the same concept
should be applied to the territory of Western Balkans,
that is, that the European integration of the region could
help to preserve peace in the region while also providing
stability and, consequently, political and economic growth.
Furthermore, we note the growing need for interdependence
amongst all of the European nations and states on different
political and societal levels.2
Moreover, as the main goal of
the process of European integration is twofold—consisting
of stabilisation as well as accession—we critically assess
the relative value of the European Union applying either a
regional or individual approach to the respective countries in
the process of accession.
In order to stress the regional approach, in 1996 the
European Union made a differentiation between the two
terms ‘South-East (SE) Europe’ and ‘Western Balkans’.
‘SE Europe’ refers to all of the countries from the Gulf of
Trieste to the Black Sea, while Western Balkans consists of
all of the former Yugoslavian states except Slovenia, plus
Albania. For the purpose of this study, we use the term
‘Western Balkans’ without referring to Albania. We make
this exception because Albania was not a part of the former
Yugoslavia, had no direct conflict with any of the former
1
As stated in the Schuman Declaration of 1950.
2
D. Trenchov, ‘The Future of the Western Balkans Integration within the EU’, Analytical
Journal 4/2 (2012), 1–12.

7
Yugoslavian states and has relatively good relations with all
of the other Western Balkans states (except Serbia because
of the status of Kosovo). Albania is thus not relevant for this
study.
Overall, it could be said that the relations between the
EU and the Western Balkans countries are developing and
that the European Union has adopted a good approach
to the region because it has brought progress as well
as cooperation between the conflicted countries. This is
especially evident in the bilateral and multilateral meetings
organised by or with the support of the European Union
where presidents, ministers or members of parliaments
gather and take common decisions that are valuable for
the whole region. However, we notice that more should be
done on the level of civil society, where efforts would have
a direct impact on citizens. Another problem might be the
often noticed difference in discourse chosen by politicians
depending on whether they are addressing domestic or
international audiences.
As we will further see, the main argument of this study is
that the chosen EU method of imposing political dialogue
in the region is correct and should be further developed.
Saying this, we emphasise that the countries that emerged
from the former Yugoslavia are relatively small countries
that need mutual support in many different policy areas as
well as in the process of EU accession. Besides the value
derived from cooperation at the official level, the citizens
of these countries will accrue further benefits by working
together, cooperating in the fields of culture, education and
business. This is particularly pertinent given that the majority
of the Western Balkans countries have similar languages and
can understand each other without resorting to translating
services or a common lingua franca.

8
Historical Overview
The Socialist Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia was
constituted after the Second World War as the
successor of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Although it
was a Communist country, it was different from other
East European Communist states. In contrast to these
countries, after Stalin’s expulsion of Yugoslavia from
the Communist Information Bureau in 1948, Yugoslavia
tended to be both independent and socialist. It tried to
strike a balance between East and West and maintained a
policy of openness with regard to the two Cold War blocs.
Within the United Nations, Yugoslavia led an independent
political course enabling it to secure both Western and
Soviet support on some issues. Beginning in the 1950s,
it began the implementation of economic, political and
cultural development and reforms and as of the 1960s
opened its borders. This provided Yugoslavian citizens with
the possibility to move freely and to go abroad to travel
and even work and study, which was impossible in other
Communist states. By the 1970s, over one million citizens
had moved abroad.3
The central idea in Yugoslav social
policy was brotherhood and unity.
However, after Tito’s death in 1980, movements of
national revival emerged throughout the region. These
developments helped bring Slobodan Milosevic to power in
Serbia and later led to the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia.
He mobilised masses and made credible threats against the
governments in Slovenia and Croatia. He put his followers
in power in three out of Yugoslavia’s eight political units:
3
M. Baskin and P. Pickering, ‘The Former Yugoslavia and Its Successors’, in S. Wolchik
and J. Curry (eds.), Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy
(Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010), 281–313.

9
Kosovo, Vojvodina, Montenegro. He thus had half of the
state in his hands. At the same time and in congruence with
Milosevic’s politics, in 1986 the Serbian Academy of Science
published a Memorandum with a nationalist programme. In
this way, nationalist views acquired legitimacy.
At the end of 1980s, Slovenian and Croatian elites were
in favour of a looser federation between the Yugoslav states
as well as political and economic reforms. Furthermore,
neither Slovenia nor Croatia wanted to participate in Serbia’s
repression of troubled Kosovo. These and other differences
led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, although in that period,
after the initial economic crisis at the beginning of the 1980s,
Yugoslavia was at its economic peak and was close to
joining the European Community.
The beginning of the 1990s brought Slovenian and
Croatian independence and also the transformation of
reserve defence forces into armies (as the majority of
members of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) consisted
of Serbs). The JNA was expelled from Slovenia several
days after the proclamation of independence with only
52 deaths in total. However, the situation was more
complicated in Croatia, which had a huge Serbian minority.
The international community in Europe and abroad failed
to prevent war, first in Croatia and later in Bosnia and in
Kosovo.
In Croatia, the most violent armed conflicts took place
in 1991 in the city of Vukovar. Serbian forces from Serbia
joined with the Serbian minority in Croatia that declared
independence from the rest of Croatia. Serbian troops
occupied a considerable part of Croatia during the war.
In the following four years, the international community
supported various negotiators and plans, for instance
Cyrus Vance’s plan, Lord Owen’s and others. They were all

10
rejected. In 1995, the Croatian army (with US support) led
two main offensives in order to regain control over the whole
territory of Croatia. A large part of the Serbian population,
fearing for its destiny, moved to Serbia. During the war, over
20,000 people died.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the armed conflict started
in 1992, after the breakup of the coalition government that
consisted of Muslims, Serbs and Croats, the three major
constitutive ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Independence was declared on 1 March 1992. During the
next three years, according to some estimations, between
200,000 and 300,000 people died in the conflict. The
most violent episode was the Srebrenica genocide in July
1995. The war ended with the Dayton Peace Conference
in November 1995. According to the final agreement,
Bosnia and Herzegovina remained one country with two
separate entities: Republika Srpska, with its majority
Serbian population, and Bosnian-Croat Federation, with
its predominantly Muslim population and Croats. The
conflict was also characterised by the late intervention of
international bodies, especially in the case of Srebrenica,
where UN forces failed to prevent the genocide.
Another conflict occurred in Kosovo, an autonomous
region in Serbia (just like Vojvodina in the north of Serbia)
whose status granted it almost equal membership in the
Yugoslav federation. However, Serbia tried to limit Kosovo’s
autonomy (both political and cultural) at the end of 1980s.
As a response, the Albanian movement for autonomy and
independence, as well as the Kosovo Liberation Army, were
born. Several actions against Serbian police forces in 1997
provoked a response from the Serbian side which was
violent and led not only against the Kosovo Army but also
against civilians. NATO forces subsequently reacted and
launched their military bombing operation of Serbian military

11
positions throughout Serbia from the end of March until
the beginning of June 1999. The operation ended with UN
Security Council Resolution 1244. The Resolution authorised
and established the UN Interim Administration Mission in
Kosovo (UNMIK), which led to Kosovo’s proclamation of
independence in 2008.
In total, the dissolution of Yugoslavia and resultant inter-
ethnic conflicts caused at least 140,000 deaths (some
authors estimate 200,000 to 300,000) and mass population
transfers (voluntary or forced): over 300,000 displaced
persons, 120,000 refugees and 14,000 still unaccounted
for. It is estimated that 4.5 million people were displaced at
some point during the wars.
Disputed Issues
The transformation of political elites in Western Balkans
during the 1990s presents an interesting phenomenon. Both
former Communist leaders as well as former democratic
dissidents became nationalists in the newly formed states.
The wars were used by former Communist leaders in
order to stay in power. They also delayed the political
democratisation of the former Yugoslav states.4
State
building within the states of the former Yugoslavia coincided
with the post-conflict transition as well as the transition to
post-Communist rule, which made the situation difficult. The
foundations of democracy, the rule of law, political dialogue
and human rights are still being established in these
countries. At the same time, these are all criteria posed
4
Baskin and Pickering, ‘The Former Yugoslavia and Its Successors’.

12
by the European Union for countries seeking to become
members, which is the goal of all Western Balkans countries.
Presently, they are all declaratively representative
democracies showing higher or lower levels of applied
democratisation. However, there are many bilateral issues
between neighbouring countries within the region. The
relations between these states are still burdened by the
past wars. The major issues that these countries need to
deal with in order to advance bilateral relations, but also
in order to gain access to the European Union, are border
issues between the respective countries and the problem
of refugees and internally displaced people. Another issue
related to the past wars is the problem of the residual
emotional trauma still being confronted by the citizens of
these states.
The problem with borders appeared in the context of the
question of whether the post-Second World War borders
should be kept or whether the situation was to be returned
to the period before the Second or even the First World War,
that is, before the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats
and Slovenians in 1918. Countries are raising these issues
because of potential profit to be gained from it in terms of, for
instance, access to the open sea, roads, maritime roads, and
so on.
The issue of refugees and displaced people emerged
during the wars in Western Balkans and seems to have
remained intractable, although countries now cooperate to a
considerably greater extent than 10 or more years ago.
Table 1 shows the areas of dispute remaining between
countries. Between Croatia and Serbia, the main problems
are the disputed part of the border and missing persons, as
well as refugees and displaced persons and mutual enmity.
The improvement in the relations between the two states

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Table 1 Disputed Bilateral Issues
B= border, DP= displaced persons, R= refugees, MP= missing persons,
G= Genocide lawsuits
B&H Croatia Kosovo The former
Yugoslav
Republic of
Macedonia
Monte-
negro
Serbia Others
B&H - DP - - B, DP B, MP,
DP
-
Croatia DP - - - B B, MP,
G, DP
-
Kosovo - - - - - B, R,
DP
-
The former
Yugoslav
Republic of
Macedonia
- - - - - - Name
dispute
with
Greece
Montenegro B, DP B - - - B -
Serbia B, MP B, MP,
G, DP
B, R - B - -
is mainly due to the good relations between the Presidents
of the respective countries, Ivo Josipovic and Boris Tadic.
In 1999, Croatia filed a lawsuit for genocide against Serbia
before the International Court of Justice based on the
war crimes that took place in Vukovar in 1991. Belgrade
answered with a countersuit in January 2010 based on the
Croatian military operation ‘Storm’ in 1995. Many observers
have suggested that if the two countries do not withdraw
their lawsuits, the court will soon do so because there is no
legal justification for the application of the term ‘genocide’ in
either case. Recently, the Croatian Minister of Foreign and
European Affairs, Vesna Pusic, mentioned the possibility of
withdrawing the suit should the Serbs and Croats resolve
the problems between them concerning missing persons,
stolen properties and war crimes. Problems also remain
regarding the status of the Serbs that left Croatia in 1995
and their property in Croatia. Some of them returned, while
others decided to stay in Serbia.

14
5
G. Limantzakis, ‘A New Page on Serbian-Croatian Bilateral Relations and the Danube
Border Dispute’, Europe’s World (2010), accessed at http://www.europesworld.org/
NewEnglish/Home_old/PartnerPosts/tabid/671/PostID/1548/language/en-US/Default.aspx
on 15 January 2010.
Another issue, which is less well known, is the border
between Serbia and Croatia over the river Danube. This
is neither a mountainous region with low stakes nor a
coastal area where the definition of territorial waters can be
significant in terms of access to the open sea. In this case,
the dispute concerns control of navigation on the Danube.
This is significant because the Danube functions as the
economic lifeline of the countries through which it passes.
Moreover, as the second largest river basin in Europe, it
represents an important international waterway.5
Serbia
wants the border to extend down the middle of the river,
while Croatia is asking for acknowledgment of the borders
established by the cadastre of communities before the war
that embraced both banks of the Danube.
The main issues between Serbia and Bosnia and
Herzegovina are missing persons and a border dispute.
The problematic border has been placed in the area of
the northern and middle parts of the Drina River. Clear
demarcation between the two states is still lacking.
There are still some unresolved issues regarding the
property that belonged to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s legal
entities in Serbia before the escalation of conflict. The
relations between Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are
difficult because Serbia participated in the war by supporting
a local Serbian ethnic group. Serbia continues to favour only
one part of the state, Republika Srpska, in its relations with
Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, citizens of other
parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina are discriminated against
in Serbia. The problem of succession is still not progressing
and the juridical treatment of cases of war crimes, which

15
is not under the jurisdiction of the International Court of
Justice, faces substantial problems.
The normalisation of relations between the two states still
needs a lot of effort from both sides.
After the beginning of the wars and the separation of the
different former Yugoslav states, Serbia and Montenegro
stayed together under the name Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, because Montenegro’s government was
offering strong support to Milosevic’s regime. However,
Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, who first
supported Milosevic’s regime, was strongly opposed to
the signing in 1996 of the Dayton Treaty—seen as an anti-
Serb treaty—and consequently withdrew his support for
Milosevic. He won the presidential elections in 1998 over his
former ally and party colleague Miomir Bulatovic. Although
initially opposed to the idea, after the NATO bombing of
Serbia in 1999, Djukanovic started to advocate openly for
an independent state. In 2003, the federation changed to a
more decentralised union with the name changed to Serbia
and Montenegro. Montenegro proclaimed its independence
in 2006; since then, relations between Serbia and
Montenegro have stagnated. The first Serbian ambassador
to Montenegro arrived in 2008. After Montenegro recognised
Kosovo’s independence, relations between the two states
declined again.
Other problems include the disputed part of the border
between Serbia and Montenegro in the Sandzak region, dual
citizenship issues, and the regulation of the ethnic minority
status of Serbs in Montenegro, as they represent almost one
third of the total Montenegrin population.
Serbia and Kosovo have still not normalised relations
between them. The European Union insists on dialogue,
but all of the talks have been temporary and have not led to

16
any final solution or decision. The major problem is Serbian
unwillingness to recognise the independence of Kosovo.
There is a need for dialogue regarding the Serbian minority
in the north of Kosovo, the resolution of technical issues, the
freedom of movement deal that collapsed in 2011, border
control, and so on. An almost constant air of tension and
instability remains, especially in the northern part of Kosovo,
where Serbs have received promises of protection from
Serbian authorities in Serbia. Serbian propaganda among
citizens living in the north of the country is still considerable,
preventing them from participating in the life of the state of
Kosovo. The security issues are the most significant for the
stabilisation of the region.
After the independence proclaimed in 1991, the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia kept good bilateral
relations with all of the other former Yugoslavian states.
However, there are often minor disputes with Serbia over the
Macedonian Orthodox Church, which is not recognised by
the Serbian Orthodox Church.
Relations between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina
are constantly progressing. However, there is a dispute
over the coastal border. Although both countries signed an
agreement regarding the border, it was not ratified by the
Croatian parliament because Croatia disputes possession of
two cliffs that now belong to Bosnia and Herzegovina. There
is also a problem concerning a bridge that the Croats plan
to build between Komarne and Peljesac, which would bloc
Bosnia and Herzegovina’s access to the open sea.
A similar sea border dispute exists between Croatia and
Montenegro over Prevlaka peninsula, at the mouth of Kotor
Bay. The leaders of both countries agreed to solve the
dispute by allowing the International Court of Justice to act
as an intermediary. Otherwise, relations between Croatia
and Montenegro are stable and continually improving.

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From a general point of view, the major problem effecting
relations between the countries remains the public discourse
on wars, which is still segregated according to partisan
perspectives. Every party has its own ‘truth’ concerning
interpretation of the conflict, which makes the establishment
of good relations between neighbours difficult. Instead, it
provides the source of hatred and conflict. The relativity
of ‘truth’ has already been discussed in the work of many
scholars (e.g., Bush and Fogler,6
Cloke,7
Connolly8
) who
compare it to the systems of morality and value held by all
individuals. In the face of everyday insecurities, identities
need to consolidate themselves by recognising the
existence of different surrounding identities. The difference
that cannot be accepted turns into an ‘otherness’ that can
be perceived as a threat and must therefore be eliminated to
re-establish a sense of harmony and security.9
Although the situation is much better than 10 to 15 years
ago and negative feelings are slowly being overcome, public
opinion surveys show that national populations still consider
neighbouring nations their biggest enemies. The major
hatreds exist between Serbs and Croats, Serbs and Kosovo
Albanians and Serbs and Muslims. Encouraging news is
to be seen in the establishment of Croatian businesses in
Serbia and vice versa, Croatian artists performing in Serbia,
Serbs holidaying in Croatia, and so on. Ethnic reconciliation
should be the first indicator of the increasing democratic
maturity of Western Balkans societies. Nonetheless, there
6
R. Bush and J. Fogler, The Promise of Mediation: Responding to Conflict Through
Empowerment and Recognition (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1994).
7
K. Cloke, Mediating Dangerously: The Frontiers of Conflict Resolution (San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass Publishers, 2001).
8
W. Connolly, Identity/Difference: Democratic Negotiations of Political Paradox (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1991).
9
O. Weinberg, ‘Transformative Approach To Mediation: Radical Insight Or Pie In The Sky?’
Canadian Forum on Civil Justice (2003), accessed at http://cfcj-fcjc.org/clearinghouse/
drpapers/2003-dra/weinberg.pdf on 15 February 2012

18
is still negative news, as witnessed by extremist sport
fans whose racial, nationalist and religious hatred finds full
expression. The hate speech often heard during sports
matches (most recently during the European handball
championship at the beginning of 2012) reinforces a sense
of fear and mutual mistrust among a large part of the
population. The results of opinion polls document the reality
of inter-ethnic relations and the extent to which the different
initiatives to promote reconciliation do not reach citizens,
but remain on the level of political elites in every country.
Consequently, the relationship with the past is still the key
topic and a remaining obstacle on the road to good relations.
The EU Approach to Western
Balkans
Today, the majority of the Western Balkans states
waiting to be integrated into the EU could be referred to as
contested or ‘unfinished’. This term has been used by Veton
Surroi10
in order to show the problems these countries still
face: problems such as Kosovo waiting to be recognised
by Serbia and five remaining EU Member States; Bosnia
and Herzegovina waiting for a constitution; Serbia trying
to establish internationally acceptable borders (Kosovo,
Republika Srpska); the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia waiting for recognition of its national identity and
name.
10
V. Surroi, ‘The Unfinished State(s) in the Balkans and the EU: The Next Wave’, in J.
Rupnik (ed.), The Western Balkans and the EU: ‘The Hour of Europe’, Chaillot Papers
(Paris: Institute for Security Studies, 2011), 111–20.

19
The European Union opted for a regional approach in this
part of Europe in order to achieve greater stability among the
conflicted states and a normalisation of relations between
them. Its role is predominantly stabilising, as each country
has applied for, or expressed interest in, acceptance into the
EU. Expressing the desire to avoid further possible conflicts
and promote regional cooperation, former Commissioner for
Enlargement, Olli Rehn, said that ‘the region needs a clear
European perspective’.11
Multi lateral political dialogue within the region is usually
organised at a high level, through the organisation of
common meetings with heads of state or at a ministerial
level. Although the agenda for the countries of the Western
Balkans and the EU is clear, there are still numerous
challenges and dilemmas facing the region.
After the accession of Slovenia into the EU in 2007 as
the first former Yugoslav state, Croatia expects the same
in July 2013. It has already concluded the negotiations and
signed the EU Accession Treaty, which is now being ratified
by the Member States. As can be seen in Table 2, other
countries are also on a good path towards the EU. Bosnia
and Herzegovina is on the way to reforming its electoral
system and needs to implement three pieces of legislation
that will clear the way for entry into force of the Stabilisation
and Association Agreement (for the explanation of the
Agreement, see below). The former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia has been an EU candidate country since 2005,
but because of a dispute over its name, Greece is blocking
the beginning of the accession negotiation process.
After beginning negotiations with Kosovo under EU
pressure, at the end of February 2012 Serbia succeeded
11
European Commission, ‘Enlargement Newsletter’ (2011), accessed at ec.europa.eu/
enlargement/press_corner/newsletter/081120_en.htm on 15 February 2012.

20
in obtaining candidacy status and can expect to begin
the negotiation process by the end of the year. However,
tensions with Kosovo remain a major challenge, as does the
demonstration of strong neighbourly relations, which are
conditions of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement
(SAA). For the moment, the EU has acknowledged Kosovo’s
clear EU perspective; however, the process towards
candidature cannot start because of a lack of recognition of
Kosovo’s independence by five EU Member States.
Table 2 Accession of Western Balkans Countries to the EU
Association/ac-
cession to the EU
Country
Bosnia &
Herzego-
vina
Croatia Kosovo The former
Yugoslav
Republic of
Macedonia
Montene-
gro
Serbia
Feasibility study 18/11/2003 24/5/2000 (forthco-
ming)
16/6/1999 25/4/2005 25/4/2005
Beginning of
negotiations with
EC
25/11/2005 24/11/2000 5/3/2000 10/10/2005 10/10/2005
SAA signature 4/12/2007 14/5/2001 24/11/2000 15/3/2007 7/11/2007
Application for
candidate status
21/2/2003 22/3/2005 15/12/2008 22/12/2009
Council gives
candidate status
18/6/2004 17/12/2005 17/12/2010 1/3/2012
SAA comes into
force
1/2/2005 1/4/2004 1/5/2010
Beginning of
negotiations for
accession
3/10/2005 (EC re-
commends
opening of
negotiation
in 10/2009)
6/2012
Signing the
accession treaty
9/12/2011

21
Europeanisation: Definition
and Application to the Western
Balkans Region
As we have already seen, the 1990s were especially
difficult for the Western Balkans region and gave birth to
a polarised ‘patchwork’ of nation states, as expressed by
Demetropolou.12
According to many experts in the region,13
the Balkans represents the least integrated and the most
unstable region in Europe. In this context, the intention
of the European Union to integrate the region as soon as
possible, and to make this a priority, is quite understandable
and warranted. Many agree that political elites in the region
of Western Balkans have appeared ineffective, corrupt or
illegitimate. Another problem is seen in the limited reserves
of human capital, especially because the phenomenon of
brain drain continues even after the change of the parties
in power in the majority of Western Balkans states. Public
administrations are still very large and inept and civil society
continues to fail to react properly to the changes that have
been generated from abroad.14
This is why integration is
needed.
Europeanisation is a broad notion; it embraces the
application of EU policy and politics and the repercussions
this policy has on national systems. It represents the
penetration of a European dimension into national arenas of
12
O. Anastasakis, ‘The Europeanization of the Balkans’, Brown Journal of World Affairs
12/1 (2005), 77–88.
13
L. Demetropolou, ‘Europe and the Balkans: Membership Aspirations, EU Involvement
and Europeanization Capacity in South East Europe’, Southeast European Politics 3/2–3
(2002), 87–106.
14
Anastasakis, ‘The Europeanization of the Balkans’, 84.

22
politics and policy15
in every country. As such, the process
of Europeanisation is much broader than the formation and
integration of EU policy, although this is an integral part.
According to Radaelli, Europeanisation represents
‘a process of (a) construction (b) diffusion and (c)
implementation of formal and informal rules, procedures,
policy paradigms, styles, “ways of doing things”, and shared
beliefs and norms which are first defined and consolidated in
the EU policy process and then incorporated in the logic of
domestic discourse, identities, political structures and public
policies’.16
It explains and helps to incorporate EU political,
social, economic and cultural systems into a country’s
domestic discourse, identity and political structures. It
embraces the formation of new identities and European
public policy. Europeanisation further leads to cultural
change, the formation of new identities, policy change, the
transformation and modernisation of economies, polities
and societies. It also affects national systems through
EU decisions. Policy change and its Europeanisation are
very important for countries applying for EU membership.
Therefore, before a country becomes an EU member, it
needs to go through a systematic Europeanisation process.
Similarly, Papadimitriou and Gateva argue that the
concept of Europeanisation can have different meanings. It
can be seen as the following: (1) dynamics, (2) the nature of
interactivity between European and national levels, (3) the
mechanisms of impact on domestic politics, (4) the impact
of the EU beyond its geographical borders—enlargement
eastwards.17
In this study, we concentrate on the last
15
C. Radaelli, ‘Whither Europeanization? Concept Stretching and Substantive Change’,
European Integration Online Papers 4/8 (2000), accessed at http://eiop.or.at/eiop/
texte/2000-008a.htm on 15 February 2012.
16
Ibid., 4.
17
D. Papadimitriou and E. Gateva, ‘Between Enlargement-led Europeanisation and Balkan
Exceptionalism: An Appraisal of Bulgaria’s and Romania’s Entry into the European Union’,
Perspectives on European Politics and Society 10/2 (2010), 152–66.

23
two meanings, especially on the last one, the process of
EU enlargement. Therefore, the European Union should
represent a reference model for modernisation which would
embrace such processes as democratisation, marketisation
and stabilisation with the final goal of inclusion in the EU
institutional edifice.
Although the Balkan region has always been a part
of Europe, the situation in the region is often described
as complicated and controversial. Thus, the process of
Europeanisation in the Balkans would mean the structural
transformation, modernisation and adjustment to the
advanced European models in the areas mentioned above
as well as higher levels of security and prosperity.18
It also
represents desirable modernising changes for the region.19
For the moment, accession to the EU is at the top of
the agenda in all Western Balkans countries. That means
that the governments of these respective states are in
principle ready to accept the EU conditions, objectives
and criteria. However, there are still many issues that
need to be dealt with. Also, we have seen that the legacy
of the Yugoslav wars, manifested above all in extreme
nationalism, is still present in some countries if not all. The
level of Europeanisation is different in different countries,
which speaks in favour of the suggestion that they will not
all be able to access the European Union at once. Although
the process of joining the EU needs to be transparent and
stimulating, as well as relevant to the Western Balkans
political elites, attention should be paid to the way
integration is presented in the Member States because of
the negative attitudes regarding the further enlargement of
the EU.20
18
Anastasakis, ‘The Europeanization of the Balkans’, 84.
19
Ibid. 77–88.
20
J. Rupnik, ’The Balkans as a European Question’, in J. Rupnik (ed), The Western Balkans
and the EU: ‘The Hour of Europe’, 17–30.

24
Up to 1999, the European Union was not very involved
in the promotion of Europeanisation in the Balkans. It was
then realised that integration could be a good solution for
the instability of the region. Since the Thessaloniki Summit
in 2003, the EU agenda is clearly focused on providing the
Western Balkans countries with the possibility of entering
the EU. Despite the obstacles that Croatia, as the Western
Balkans country closest to accession, faced,21
which
slowed its accession down considerably, the European
Commission set the framework for reconsidering and
accelerating the enlargement process in 2010. Intensification
of the enlargement process is necessary to increase EU
credibility in the region, stability and security. This in turn is
of relevance to the European Union, given that the Western
Balkans region is in its neighbourhood.
Today, the EU accession process in the majority of
Western Balkans states is in the hands of moderate
nationalists.22
It is important to stress, moreover, that their
perspective is clearly European. Experts hope that every
new country from the region that enters the EU will act as
a force of regional stability and advocate their neighbour’s
accession. Nevertheless, we saw that Croatia had problems
with Slovenia, slowing down the accession process
because of the border dispute, even though these countries
were never in a real conflict. The question then becomes
whether, for example, Croatia will do the same to Serbia.
The EU should create a mechanism to avoid these kinds of
obstructions in the accession process. According to Carl
Bildt, this mechanism should ensue automatically from the
negotiation framework, as was previously the case, because
21
First the lack of cooperation with the Hague tribunal and later the border dispute with
Slovenia.
22
Rupnik, ‘The Balkans as a European Question’.

25
bilateral issues should be separated from the accession
process and not misused for blocking a multilateral
process.23
The Balkan Turn Towards Europe:
the EU’s Imposition of Dialogue in
the Region
As noted above regarding the Western Balkans region,
the European Union emphasises the importance of regional
cooperation. Cooperation has been stressed in numerous
European Commission and European Council documents as
it was in the most recent Enlargement Strategy, published
by the European Commission DG Enlargement and General
Affairs Council at the end of 2011. Progress regarding
regional cooperation is assessed in the annual progress
report of every (potential) candidate country.
Drawing upon the European Council conclusions on the
former Yugoslavia made in February 1996, the European
Union established a Stabilisation and Association Process
(SAP) for those countries that did not conclude the
association agreement with the EU prior to 1996. Slovenia
was the only country from the region that succeeded in
catching the European Association Agreement ‘train’ before
the establishment of SAP, and subsequently became a
candidate for EU membership.
23
HINA News Agency, ‘Bildt: EU gubi strpljenje zbog slovenske blokade hrvatskih
pregovora’, Slobodna Dalmacija, 7 March 2009.

26
The Stabilisation and Association Process represents a
comprehensive policy framework that was proposed by the
European Commission in 1999. It draws upon the regional
approach of the EU towards six countries of Western
Balkans, namely: Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia,
Montenegro, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,
Albania and Kosovo. Despite this broad approach, the
speed and rate of success on the road to the European
Union depends on every country individually. The EU
maintains direct contract with each country and monitors
the progress made in the area of political stability, economic
development and cooperation between the countries in
the region, with neighbouring countries and with the EU.
Consequently, the EU proceeds with an individual approach
to each country based on the situation in each of them.
One important aspect for improving the conditions of a
specific country is the willingness of every country to work
towards consolidating peace, respecting human rights, the
rights of minorities and democratic principles. Because of
the legacy of past wars, the EU places particular emphasis
on cooperation with neighbours. It consists of the free
movements of goods and persons and the provision of
services and the development of cross-border projects of
common interest. However, it is important to emphasise that
this project should not be seen as an attempt to reconstitute
the former Yugoslavia.24
The Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) is
comprised of three aims which represent the framework
for the negotiations between the European Union and the
Western Balkans countries. These are
24
European Council, ‘Council Conclusions on the Former Yugoslavia’ (1996), accessed at
http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/gena/028a0001.
htm on 10 February 2012.

27
25
European Commission, ‘Stabilization and Association Process’, accessed at http://
ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/how_does_a_
country_join_the_eu/sap/index_en.htm on 15 January 2012.
1. stabilisation of the region and transition to a market
economy,
2. promotion of regional cooperation, and
3. possible membership in the EU.25
The Stabilisation and Association Process, which
consists of stabilisation and association agreements, EU
financial assistance and autonomous trade measures
represents a long-term commitment. Political effort as well
as financial and human resources must be invested in the
process. The central part of the process is the conclusion
of a Stabilisation and Association Agreement. It entails the
establishment of a contractual relationship between the
EU and a Western Balkans country, with mutual rights and
obligations. The agreement has high political value and will
lead to the establishment of a free trade area and to reforms
for harmonising national standards with those of the EU. A
signature on the agreement also means that a country has
chosen to become a member of the EU.
Before the country is offered to sign the Stabilisation
and Association Agreement, there is a preparation period.
Formal mechanisms and agreed upon benchmarks from the
SAA allow individual countries to implement the reforms and
thus comply with EU standards. The reforms are shaped
according to EU models. Its key parts are connected to the
democratic principles and the EU single market. Through the
SAA, the EU guides and monitors the progress of a country
towards the EU. The SAA is not a simple bilateral process
between the EU and an individual country, but promotes
good neighbourly relations and the active development of
regional cooperation as a part of the contract as well. The

28
regional component is accentuated also through CARDS
(Community Assistance for Reconstruction, Development
and Stabilisation), a financial assistance program for
Western Balkans.
This regional approach advises Western Balkans
countries on how to work well with each other, in a manner
similar to the approach adopted by EU Member States
among themselves.26
It also helps in the establishment
of a network of bilateral free trade agreements and in
reintegration into infrastructure networks (TENS). One of
the areas where cooperation is essential is in combating
common threats in connection to organised crime, illegal
immigration and human trafficking. Connections between
states contribute to political stability and economic
prosperity.
During the wars of the 1990s, the European Union
preferred not to take sides too openly within Western
Balkans, especially because of the difficulties in
reaching unanimity with regard to the region. When it
came to the three most powerful EU states at the time,
Germany traditionally supported Slovenian and Croatian
independence, while both the UK and France saw Serbia as
an ally in the Balkans, reasoning that it would have obtained
hegemony over the other former Yugoslav states and thus
offered a single country to deal with. Consequently, they
decided not to get involved in the conflicts.27
The European
Community pledged to support the territorial integrity of
Yugoslavia and decided at first not to recognise Slovenia
and Croatia. However, after several months and the first
military attack on Slovenia by the Yugoslav People’s Army
26
D. Lopandić, ‘Reforma Evropske Unije, Zapadni Balkan i Srbija- zakasnela integracija’
(Reform of the European Union, Western Balkans and Serbia—Belated Integration),
(Beograd: Evropski centar za mir i razvoj, 2007).
27
D. Marolov, ‘The EU Policy Towards the Dissolution of Yugoslavia: Special Emphasis on
the EU Policy towards the Republic of Macedonia’, Analytical Journal 4/2 (2012), 1–22.

29
(JNA), the governments of Germany and Italy raised the
question again, with the support of Austria and Hungary,
at the time countries outside of the EU. Greece, Spain and
the Netherlands decided to support the Franco-British
position, while Ireland and Denmark came closer to the
German stand point. While the Germans claimed that the
Serbs were responsible for the conflict, the French and
British thought that the guilt was to be apportioned equally.
Because of these unequal voices, the European Community,
later European Union, was unable to react in the Western
Balkans.
At that time, the European perspective was not
particularly accentuated. However, after the conflicts over
Kosovo at the end of 1990s, European Union policies
regarding the Western Balkans changed in a positive
direction. The EU leaders finally reached the consensus
that for more stability in the region and consequently in
Europe, there was a need for faster integration, which is why
support for the region started to grow. As Romano Prodi, at
that time the President of the European Commission, said
in 2003: ‘It is time to build bridges in the Western Balkans,
not to destroy them. To open borders, not to close them.
To restore relations and trade links, not to sever them’.28
So far, the SAA has been signed with Croatia, the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Albania and Montenegro,
while Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are still waiting for
ratification of the agreement.
One of the conditions for a country to sign the SAA
is strong neighbourly relations with other countries in
the region. Through conditioned political dialogue, the
EU supports democratic processes and their further
28
European Commission, The European Union and the Western Balkans (2004), accessed
at ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/financial.../cards/.../brochure_en.pdf on 15 February
2012.

30
development as well as EU values and principles. The
European Commission has affirmed in many documents
that ‘regional cooperation in Western Balkans is needed as
a crucial ingredient of stability; a catalyst for reconciliation,
good-neighbourliness and good political relations; about
helping to overcome nationalism and intolerance and
promoting mutual understanding and political dialogue in the
region’.29
The value of the Stabilisation and Association Process
is especially seen in enhancing political dialogue and
establishing bilateral agreements. Consequently, a positive
new atmosphere of neighbourliness and cooperation among
the former Yugoslavian states is being fostered. In addition
to the political stability and security issues that can be better
dealt with together, regional cooperation contributes to the
economic development of the region. Although according
to some politicians and political advisors, this should be
distinguished from neo-Yugoslav discourses. Tim Judah,
the Economist reporter for the former Yugoslavia during
the 1990s wars, states: ‘From Slovenia to the Macedonian
border with Greece, most people in the region still have a
lot in common, even if they do not talk about it too much.
Every day the bonds between them, snapped in 1990,
are being quietly restored. Yugoslavia is long gone; in its
place a Yugosphere is emerging’.30
The similar culture and
customs visible within the region is also apparent outside of
it, particularly in various European countries where people
with Balkan origins organise culture clubs and joint events.
However, we should keep in mind that the people who
gather and spend time together are not the average Western
29
European Commission, Regional Cooperation in Western Balkans: A Policy Priority for
the European Union (2005), 4, accessed at ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/nf5703249enc_
web_en.pdf on 15 February 2012.
30
T. Judah, ‘Entering the Yugosphere’ The Economist, 20 August 2009.

31
Balkans citizens, but typically the intellectual elites that left
their countries during the period of the wars.
As we can see below, through the SAP and other
initiatives whose overview is given in Table 3, the European
Union is attempting to connect countries in the region. The
intention is to force them to talk to each other, to reconcile
their difference and to cooperate, as well as to raise mutual
trust. Nevertheless, these declarations and high level
meetings are only the starting point and some of them are
not yet being applied in national legislation or in practical
initiatives. That slows down the process of accession to the
European Union as well as cooperation on a bilateral level.
Table 3 Overview of Initiatives
Name of the initiative Year Purpose
Thessaloniki Agenda 2003 Development of SAP
Sarajevo Declaration 2005 Refugees/displaced people
RECOM 2006 War crimes facts
MAARI regional forum 2007 Migration and trafficking
Brdo process 2010 Mutual support, bilateral issues
Istanbul declaration 2010 Common future through political
dialogue
others Advancement of bilateral cooperation
Upon conclusion of NATO’s intervention in 1999, the first
initiative was created. The Stability Pact for South Eastern
Europe was introduced as a long-term conflict prevention
strategy on the territory of SE Europe.31
It was created at the
initiative of the EU, with some other countries as supporting
partners. The Stability Pact partners included the Western
Balkans as well as some other neighbouring countries:
31
D. Ðukanović, ‘Zapadni Balkan: od sukoba do evrointegracija’ (Western Balkans: From
Conflict to Eurointegration), FPN Godišnjak (2009), 495–506.

32
Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Moldova,
Romania, Serbia, Montenegro and the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia. It was a strategy with the goal of
stabilising the region and helping its progress in the fields
of democratisation, human rights, economic reconstruction,
cooperation and development as well as security issues.
It had a complementary role to the stabilisation and
association process. Several summits, conferences,
declarations and processes have been organised since
this first initiative. Although we can see their goals and
purpose below, their effectiveness is quite low. Everything
remains on the level of the signatures of high state officials
who are not responsible for implementing the policies into
national political systems. Another problematic issue when
it comes to effectiveness is the fact that political elites tend
to leave public opinion out of their considerations of these
processes.
The Zagreb Summit was organised at the end of 2000.
Its success is seen in obtaining regional agreement to a
clear set of objectives and conditions. During the summit,
it was said that accession was to be made on the basis of
the Treaty on European Union and Copenhagen criteria.
The Stabilisation and Accession Agreement should be used
as a starting point for a perspective on accession to the
European Union.
The Thessaloniki Agenda32
for Western Balkans emerged
from the European Summit held in Thessaloniki in 2003.
Its role was to develop the Stabilisation and Association
Process that contributed to the promotion of stability from
1998 onwards. That is why the major issues and solutions
offered in it are very important for the Western Balkans region.
32
European Commission. ‘The Thessaloniki Agenda for Western Balkans’, accessed at
http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/how_does_a_
country_join_the_eu/sap/thessaloniki_agenda_en.htm on 23 February 2012.

33
At the Copenhagen European Council held in 2002, the
European perspective of the Western Balkans countries as
potential member countries was accentuated; it was stated
that the region was moving closer to the EU. During the
same meeting, the European Council pledged to consolidate
democracy, stability and to promote economic dialogue in
the region.
One important element of the Thessaloniki Agenda and
the progress towards European integration concerns political
and economic dialogue. It states that Western Balkans and
its preparation for future integration is a high priority for the
EU. In order to further advance progress in the region, the
EU should help in consolidating peace, promoting stability,
democracy and the rule of law. Respect for human and
minority rights, the peaceful resolution of conflicts as well as
regional cooperation should be supported, while terrorism,
violence and extremism need to be clearly condemned. In
that context, the EU should promote political dialogue and
cooperation in the area of a Common Foreign and Security
Policy. It also needs to encourage social cohesion, ethnic
and religious tolerance, multiculturalism and the return of
refugees to their home countries.
As a big source of concern to the EU, organised
crime and corruption are seen as the major obstacles
to democratic stability as well as to the establishment
of accountable institutions, rule of law and economic
development. The policies and instruments used in Western
Balkans countries to eradicate these phenomena should
incorporate the Justice and Home Affairs objectives of the
European Union.
During the Thessaloniki Summit, a high-level multilateral
political forum was launched. The idea is to establish a
forum between the EU and Western Balkans, that is, SAP

34
countries. The forum should periodically bring together
the heads of states or governments of the region and
their EU counterparts. In addition, annual meetings of
foreign ministers and the ministers responsible for justice
and home affairs should be held as appropriate. The aim
of creating such a forum is to signal the existence of a
privileged and inclusive relationship between the EU and
SAP countries. Through its existence, the objectives of SAP
could be achieved faster through support of the political
framework, regional cooperation could be enriched and
the understandings of the process of rapprochement and
accession could be deepened. The forum should also
provide a European framework for discussions of the key
issues.
According to the Thessaloniki Agenda, bilateral political
dialogue at the ministerial level was to have been organised
between the EU and Albania, Croatia, the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia, as well as Bosnia, Montenegro and
Serbia before the conclusion of the respective Stabilisation
and Association agreements.33
Besides contact at the
ministerial level, the European affairs committees of national
parliaments were to be in contact with the parliaments of the
member states.
Another area discussed in the Thessaloniki Agenda is
the efficiency of administration in the Western Balkans
countries. According to the terms of the Thessaloniki
Agenda, the instrument of twinning, a process that helps
countries to develop modern and efficient administrations, is
extended to all SAP countries.
The issue of refugees and internally displaced persons
is also mentioned in the Thessaloniki Agenda in terms of
33
In the Thessaloniki Agenda, Kosovo was not mentioned because the relevant conference
was held before Kosovo’s proclamation of independence.

35
34
Regional Ministerial Conference of Refugee Returns, ‘Declaration’, Sarajevo (January
2005), accessed at http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,EUROPE,,,451a5acc4,0.html
on 23 February 2012.

supporting their further return to their home countries and
support for such regional activities as the Migration, Asylum
and Refugee Regional Initiative.
The Thessaloniki Agenda also deals with the reconciliation
of Western Balkans countries in conflict. This goal is to
be promoted through education, social development
and culture, because these social forces are crucial in
overcoming the negative legacies of the past, changing
mentalities and shaping modern democratic societies.
The Regional Ministerial Conference on Refugee Returns
was held in Sarajevo at the beginning of 2005 and resulted
in the Sarajevo Declaration.34
It concerns the internally
displaced people and refugees that remained after the
end of the war in Bosnia in 1995. The conference gathered
ministers responsible for refugees and internally displaced
persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia
and Montenegro in order to establish a road map for solving
this issue. The declaration stated that it would resolve the
problem of the remaining displaced population by the end
of 2006 and facilitate the return of refugees and displaced
persons. It also affirmed that those people, as well as the
ones that had decided not to return, would be integrated
into the local communities without discrimination on the
basis of national legislation. It was also agreed that those
citizens should have the same rights and responsibilities as
others and that each country should develop its own action
plan to this end.
A subsequent gathering of regional leaders took place in
Sarajevo as well in 2007. The Migration, Asylum, Refugees

36
Regional Initiative (MAARI)35
Forum included ministers
from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro and
Serbia. Its goal was to enhance regional cooperation and
ownership as well as state capacities to develop migration
management. It deals with initiatives for combating irregular
migration, trafficking and smuggling in human beings and
visa facilitation. In that context, the cooperation between
governmental institutions and agencies is very relevant.
The forum discussed the readmission agreements, which
are important for approaching the EU and harmonising
visa policies and consular cooperation with the EU acquis
communautaire and EU standards.
The Brdo Process36
was held in 2010 in Slovenia and
represents one of the most important initiatives in the
region. The former Yugoslavian states gathered to bring
mutual support to each other and resolve bilateral issues.
The gathering was based on the successful experience of
solving the border dispute between Slovenia and Croatia.
For that occasion, the Slovenian prime minister stated that
the EU should back the resolution of all outstanding political,
economic and security issues between the countries of the
region before they join the EU.
The meeting made a link to the 2000 Zagreb Summit
as well as the 2003 Thessaloniki Agenda and agreed on
the regional perspective for EU membership as well as
European Union determination to support it. Consensus
on enlargement was already achieved in 2006 during a
meeting of the European Council. Besides the commitment
35
MAARI Regional Forum, ‘Declaration’, accessed at http://www.marri-rc.org/upload/
Documents/MARRI%20Main%20Documents/Sarajevo%20Declaration%2026%20
April%202007.pdf on 23 February 2012.
36
‘Together for the European Union: Contribution of the Western Balkans to the European
Future’, accessed at http://www.mzz.gov.si/fileadmin/pageuploads/Novinarsko_sredisce/
Sporocila_za_javnost/1003/Brdo_-_dekaracija_last_18.3.2010.pdf on 23 February 2012.

37
to join the EU, the countries of Western Balkans were to
make further efforts to meet the necessary requirements
and conditions by implementing the required reforms based
on EU standards, principles and values. In order to give
support to the region, the EU was to keep the enlargement
process high on the agenda. As a way of helping, it needs
to promote regional cooperation and its mechanisms as well
as to strengthen the process of integration. The countries
themselves should promote good neighbourly relations
through projects of common interest and by resolving
bilateral issues in the tolerant manner of ‘the European
spirit’. The Brdo Process concluded that the enhancement
of regional cooperation was of extreme importance for
the future development of the region. Finally, the meeting
concluded that according to the model of the Brdo Process,
regular meetings should be established where mutual
support could be given and experience shared.
Another regional initiative was initiated by Turkey in 2010.
The Istanbul Declaration37
was signed between Serbia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2010 with the goal of overcoming
historic differences and building a common future based
on tolerance and mutual understanding that would be
accomplished through political dialogue. The declaration
envisions a strategic approach to the region which would
maintain lasting peace and good neighbourly relations and
the sustainable return of refugees and displaced people.
It relies on a common vision of security issues, high level
political dialogue, economic interdependence as well as
mutual support for integration within the EU and international
organisations. In addition to cross-border cooperation, the
focus was put on the mutual protection of human rights as
well as on the cultural heritage of the two states.
37
South East European Cooperation Process, ‘Istanbul Declaration’, accessed at http://
www.seecp-turkey.org/icerik.php?no=60 on 23 February 2012.

38
Besides the official initiatives and projects, among
which we mentioned only the most important ones,
different initiatives on the level of civil society have also
been proposed. One of the most important is RECOM38
(Regional Commission for Establishing the Facts about the
War Crimes in the former Yugoslavia), which was founded
as a network for acknowledging war crimes. It represents
a coalition of NGOs from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia
and Serbia whose goal is to document all of the crimes and
acknowledge all of the victims in the former Yugoslavia.
An inter-state commission for establishing facts about the
victims and the major violations resulting from the conflicts
in the region in the period 1991–2001 has been established.
It tries to determine the truth about war crimes and human
rights violation in order to promote broader public debate
about war crimes, as this is needed for the faster restoration
of good neighbourly relations. As the civil sector in the
Balkans is neither supported by the state nor by the majority
of citizens in the region, these initiatives have unfortunately
tended to remain on a superficial level. In addition to this
committee, there are several other reconciliation committees
as well as civil society cross-border initiatives, although their
output and impact on society in general is small.
It is often said that the last several years have signalled
a transition to a new stage in the development of Western
Balkans that will lead the region into the European Union.
Some countries are closer to that goal, others are further
away, but ultimately they are all on the same road.
However, in order to complete the process of accession,
these countries need to cooperate among themselves and
establish good relations. In order to achieve that, besides
38
Documentia, ‘RECOM as Rescue for Post-Yugoslav Countries’, HRH Sarajevo (15
October 2009), accessed at http://humanrightshouse.org/Articles/12082.html on 23
February 2012.

39
the aforementioned initiatives and processes, countries are
also organising bilateral meetings, sometimes with the EU
as facilitator (as in the case of direct talks between Serbia
and Kosovo as of March 2011). The presidents of Croatia
and Serbia have already met several times during the last
couple of years; the Croatian prime minister went to Bosnia
and Herzegovina for his first official visit abroad in 2012; and
the Bosnian prime minister travelled to Serbia for his first
official visit abroad. This contributes to better cooperation
between the respective countries. High level politicians
have officially apologised for war crimes committed in their
nations’ names; they have commemorated the victims of
past wars and tried to solve border disputes. For example,
in 2000 Milo Djukanovic, President of Montenegro at that
time, apologised to Croatian President Stipe Mesic for
the siege of Dubrovnik by Montenegrin forces during the
war in Croatia. President Boris Tadic of Serbia apologised
for the Vukovar massacre during his visit to the memorial
in 2010. The Serbian parliament formally apologised for
the Srebrenica genocide in 2010. Croatian President Ivo
Josipovic apologised to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2010 for
Croatia’s devastating policies during the war as well as for
the Serbian victims during the war in Croatia.
However, ethnically segregated public discourse on
the war is still present in almost all of these countries
on a different level. The Council of Europe drafted a
recommendation in 2010 stating that the CoE needs to
provide assistance to schools of political studies to enable
political and other elites to engage in dialogue and to
intensify their efforts to foster multi-ethnic cooperation.
A joint history project of the Centre for Democracy and
Reconciliation in Southeast Europe should also encourage
debate on this subject.

40
Conclusions and Possible
Orientations for EU Policies
Despite the fact that war in the Western Balkans region
ended over 10 years ago, there are still tensions and
unsolved issues between countries in the region. These are
the primary reasons why the region has not progressed at
the pace it should. However, a certain amount of progress
can be seen, at least on the level of political elites.
Problems in the region emerged from a common history,
as all of the Western Balkans countries were member states
of one country. The shared transition from Communism and
the process of overcoming the conflicts of the 1990s are
often considered in conjunction with external difficulties.
As we have seen above, the main issues remain border
disputes, refugees and displaced persons as well as the war
crimes. All these issues are a part of the broader concept
of maintaining good neighbourly relations and ensuring the
stability that is still missing in the Western Balkans region.
Good relations among states should also be achieved
at the level of citizens. Despite their participation in diverse
conferences and the promising statements they make during
such conventions, the rhetoric of politicians often changes
in their home countries before their domestic audiences.
It usually does not contain a very positive opinion of other
countries from the region. In the best case, these countries
are presented as the main competitors in the region. The
media, both public and private, of these countries also play
a significant role in choosing to represent neighbouring
countries in a more negative than positive light.

41
While it is easier and more feasible for the European
Union to have an influence on political elites, it is more
difficult to influence the media and citizens. Nevertheless,
we think that the European Union should continue to assist
and to facilitate the relevant regional initiatives, both in the
governmental and the non-governmental sector. Through
these initiatives, the EU can put pressure on the countries
to develop and promote bilateral talks which could only be
beneficial for Western Balkans.
Despite the positive things that the regional approach
used by the EU brings, we oppose abandoning the individual
approach when it comes to the accession process of
individual countries to the European Union. In this way,
countries that are ahead in the process will not be required
to wait for those that are considerably behind. That would
cause unnecessary delays and the feeling that further efforts
are not required.
As there are still lots of problems linked to the past wars,
through the use of different instruments the EU should
attempt to foster shared views on past events. In this way,
a multiple perspective and segregated approach to the
public discourse on wars could become more integrated.
Programmes which promote dialogue on wars should be
promoted not only on the level of civil society but also within
the contexts of government and education. If conflicts were
considered from the same perspective at schools (as is the
case in teaching the Holocaust), future generations could
profit by acknowledging the events of the past and learning
to leave them behind. Citizens still need to feel closer to
each other. This is especially true of the young generations
that grew up during the war period learning xenophobia and
hatred of neighbouring nations. Education, both formal and
informal, is key to overcoming these problems.

42
Apart from promoting dialogue, especially regarding
issues from the past, helping citizens ‘to climb out of
the dark hole of ethno-nationalism’39
could be done by
supporting different grassroots movements and civil society
initiatives by making them more visible and more influential.
It is important for the EU to sustain further cross-border
projects. These initiatives should not be limited to dialogue
between political elites such as the inter-ministerial or inter-
parliamentary dialogue—something that is already being
undertaken to a certain extent—but also include those
related to ‘ordinary’ citizens, especially the young ones.
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47
About the Author
Lucia Vesnic-Alujevic obtained
her PhD in Communication Science
from Ghent University, after which she
became a Visiting Fellow at the Centre
for European Studies, where she is
currently working on several research
projects. Her research interests
include political communication, online
communication, EU politics, Western
Balkans and political participation. She has published
mainly in the area of political communication; she has also
participated in numerous conferences in the areas of both
political and communication sciences.

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