Feminism and PsychologyAnalysis of a Half-Century of Researc.docx

Feminism and Psychology
Analysis of a Half-Century of Research on Women and Gender
Alice H. Eagly Northwestern University
Asia Eaton and Suzanna M. Rose Florida International
University
Stephanie Riger University of Illinois at Chicago
Maureen C. McHugh Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Starting in the 1960s, feminists argued that the discipline of
psychology had neglected the study of women and gender
and misrepresented women in its research and theories.
Feminists also posed many questions worthy of being ad-
dressed by psychological science. This call for research
preceded the emergence of a new and influential body of
research on gender and women that grew especially rap-
idly during the period of greatest feminist activism. The
descriptions of this research presented in this article derive
from searches of the journal articles cataloged by
PsycINFO for 1960–2009. These explorations revealed (a)
a concentration of studies in basic research areas investi-
gating social behavior and individual dispositions and in
many applied areas, (b) differing trajectories of research
on prototypical topics, and (c) diverse theoretical orienta-
tions that authors have not typically labeled as feminist.
The considerable dissemination of this research is evident
in its dispersion beyond gender-specialty journals into a
wide range of other journals, including psychology’s core
review and theory journals, as well as in its coverage in
introductory psychology textbooks. In this formidable body
of research, psychological science has reflected the pro-

found changes in the status of women during the last
half-century and addressed numerous questions that these
changes have posed. Feminism served to catalyze this
research area, which grew beyond the bounds of feminist
psychology to incorporate a very large array of theories,
methods, and topics.
Keywords: gender, women, psychological science, femi-
nism
The dawning of the 20th century’s second wave offeminist
activism in the 1960s brought exceptionalattention to the
discipline of psychology. In The
Feminine Mystique (Friedan, 1963), an opening salvo of
the new social movement, Friedan laid some of the blame
for women’s disadvantaged status on the influence of Freud
and his followers. Although Friedan did not analyze the
specifics of the wider content of psychological science, she
condemned the entire social science endeavor: “Instead of
destroying the old prejudices that restricted women’s lives,
social science in America merely gave them new authority”
(Friedan, 1963, p. 117). As Friedan and other feminists
denounced the limits that society had placed on women’s
lives, they not only critiqued the discipline of psychology
as part of the problem but also raised a host of issues that
could potentially be addressed by psychological research.
In this article, we examine the extent to which psycholog-
ical research has addressed many of these issues.
Feminist psychologists soon extended Friedan’s
(1963) analysis by arguing that psychology had contributed
to women’s disadvantage by failing to study women and
gender and by producing biased science in the sparse
efforts that it had put forth. The first widely read indictment
of psychology’s understanding of women written by a

psychologist was Weisstein’s (1968, 1971) cogent, much-
reprinted essay that ridiculed prominent psychologists’
characterizations of women as childlike, dependent, unas-
sertive, and interested only in finding a husband and bear-
ing children. Weisstein’s examples included, for example,
Bettelheim’s (1965, p. 15) statement that “We must start
with the realization that, as much as we want women to be
good scientists or engineers, they want first and foremost to
be womanly companions of men and to be mothers.” In
such analyses, women’s motivations did not extend beyond
marriage and childrearing. Other feminist voices soon
joined Weisstein—for example, Shields (1975) wrote about
the “social myths” such as maternal instinct that psychol-
ogists had promulgated.
This article was published Online First February 27, 2012.
Alice H. Eagly, Department of Psychology, Northwestern
Univer-
sity; Asia Eaton and Suzanna M. Rose, Department of
Psychology,
Florida International University; Stephanie Riger, Department
of Psychol-
ogy and Department of Gender & Women’s Studies, University
of Illinois
at Chicago; Maureen C. McHugh, Department of Psychology,
Indiana
University of Pennsylvania.
This research was supported by grants from the Society for the
Psychology of Women (Division 35 of the American
Psychological As-
sociation) and the Institute for Policy Research of Northwestern
Univer-
sity. The authors are members of the Feminist Transformations
Task

Force of the Society for the Psychology of Women.
We thank Anne Nash, Sarah Thomas, Samantha O’Connor, and
Jeonghye Kim for research assistance; the PsycINFO staff for
information
about the database; Jessica Kohout, former director of the
Center for
Workforce Studies of the American Psychological Association,
for help
with psychology workforce statistics; and Kathryn Anderson,
Kay Deaux,
Janet Hyde, Laurie Rudman, Cheryl Travis, Jacquelyn White,
Wendy
Wood, and Janice Yoder for comments on a draft of this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Alice
H. Eagly, Department of Psychology, Northwestern University,
Evanston,
IL 60208. E-mail: [email protected]
211April 2012 ● American Psychologist
© 2012 American Psychological Association 0003-
066X/12/$12.00
Vol. 67, No. 3, 211–230 DOI: 10.1037/a0027260
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The crux of the 1960s and 1970s feminist criticisms of
the content of scientific psychology was that researchers
had committed errors of omission and commission. Spe-
cifically, feminists argued that the neglect of women and
gender had produced largely “womanless” knowledge
(Crawford & Marecek, 1989, p. 147) and that sexism
plagued much of the theory and research that had been
produced (e.g., McHugh, Koeske, & Frieze, 1986; Sherif,
1979). Many feminists argued that this bias followed in
large part from psychology’s neglect of the social context
of women’s lives in favor of emphasis on women’s intrin-
sic nature, thus implying that women’s deficits of societal
power and status are inevitable. In Weisstein’s (1968, p.
75) words, “One must understand the social conditions
under which women live if one is going to attempt to
explain the behavior of women. And to understand the
social conditions under which women live, one must be
cognizant of the social expectations about women.”
Feminists did acknowledge a few bright spots in psy-
chology’s history, especially research by two early 20th-
century feminists, Woolley (1910) and Hollingworth
(1914), whose research challenged common assumptions
about women’s intellectual inferiority (see Shields, 1975).
In the period between this first wave of feminist activism
and its second wave of mid- to late-20th century activism,
research was sparse. The rare reviews that appeared (e.g.,
Maccoby, 1966; Miles, 1935) revealed few theoretical de-
velopments and left enormous room for speculation about
gender-relevant phenomena and their causes.
The criticisms by second-wave feminist psychologists
reverberated throughout scientific psychology, calling for
efforts to fill in the missing science and to develop theories
and methods that would be free of the biases that feminists
maintained had compromised most of the earlier efforts

(for review, see Chrisler & McHugh, 2011; Marecek, Kim-
mel, Crawford, & Hare-Mustin, 2003; Rutherford &
Granek, 2010). Therefore, our task is to evaluate the
changes in scientific psychology that are relevant to this
feminist critique. We consider the extent to which the
content of psychological science has changed to incorpo-
rate research on gender and women and in this article do
not address issues of methodology and epistemology raised
by feminists.
As we demonstrate in this article, much has changed
in psychology since the 1960s. Not only has a distinctively
feminist psychology developed, but also a large and diverse
research concentration on the psychology of women and
gender has emerged. These research efforts are varied and
certainly not always guided by feminism even though the
emergence of such a research field is generally consistent
with feminist goals. Research regarded as feminist directly
or indirectly reflects endorsement of the goal of achieving
equality between women and men. Indeed, the concept of
gender equality is the core of common-language definitions
of feminism as “Belief in the social, political, and eco-
nomic equality of the sexes” and “the movement organized
around this belief” (Feminism, 2007). In most of the re-
search that we discuss, authors have not explicitly ad-
dressed this gender equality goal, nor have they labeled
their research as feminist. Nonetheless, the gender-equality
goals of feminism have no doubt led many researchers to
investigate topics such as sexism, sexual harassment, and
violence against women that implicitly or explicitly relate
to feminist goals. Such value-directed choices do not in-
validate the research, given that all scientific research
stands or falls according to the replicability of its findings
and the critical scrutiny of communities of researchers.

This article first catalogs the growth of this research
on gender and women, its distribution across the various
areas of psychology, and its attention to social categories in
addition to gender. Next, we illustrate some of the unique
contributions of this research by describing investigations
of six prototypical topics. Finally, we discuss the theoret-
ical orientations accompanying this research and examine
its spread across psychology journals and into popular
introductory psychology textbooks. To foreshadow our
findings, these analyses reveal not only the considerable
growth of this research area but also its movement from the
periphery of the discipline toward its center, where it now
exists as one of the many methodologically and theoreti-
cally diverse content emphases of contemporary psycho-
logical science.
Growth and Focus of Research on
Women and Gender
As this article will demonstrate, the study of women and
gender has become a major focus of psychological science,
rising dramatically from receiving almost no attention to a
position of considerable popularity. Even superficial obser-
vation of the content of psychological research of the last
half-century reveals not only disciplinary shifts of focus
(e.g., the cognitive revolution; Proctor & Vu, 2006) but
Alice H. Eagly
212 April 2012 ● American Psychologist
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also the intertwining of psychology with societal changes
including the feminist and civil rights movements. Under
the influence of these social movements, some researchers
took note of the issues raised and deployed the methods of
psychological science to address them. Although the in-
crease in empirical research on gender and women cannot
in simple fashion be ascribed to feminism, its initial rise
coincided with feminist activism in the societies in which
this research emerged. This activism accompanied the
broad socioeconomic changes that propelled large numbers
of women into the labor force in the United States and other
Western industrialized nations in the second half of the
20th century.
To demonstrate the overall growth of research on
women and gender, we have engaged in the straightforward
exercise of counting relevant journal articles. All of these
data derive from the PsycINFO database accessed on the
PsycNET platform of the American Psychological Associ-
ation. This database is very broad, encompassing approxi-
mately 2,500 journals, 32% of which are published in the
United States and 68% in other nations (PsycINFO staff,
personal communication, February 14, 2011). Psychology
journals are typically indexed cover-to-cover, and articles
in journals from neighboring fields such as medicine and
sociology are indexed only if deemed to have psychologi-
cal relevance or importance to psychology. Our various
analyses counted journal articles from 1960, which pre-
dated all but a small amount of relevant research, through
the end of 2009, the most recent year for which complete
data were available in PsycINFO when we conducted our

analyses. Our efforts thereby encompass exactly a half-
century of psychological literature.
Quantity of Research
To reflect the ambiguities of the boundaries of research on
gender and women, we implemented three different criteria
for selecting relevant journal articles. Our search method
used PsycINFO thesaurus index terms because of their
greater consistency in identifying articles’ major themes,
compared with authors’ own keywords and titles (Ameri-
can Psychological Association, 2011). Index terms are ap-
plied to each article by a staff that has been trained to
assign these terms in a consistent manner. Index terms were
joined by the OR Boolean operator so that articles classi-
fied by more than one of the relevant index terms were
counted only once. These searches were limited to studies
with human population groups reported in journal articles
(excluding case histories, reprinted articles, and articles
announcing awards). Articles in all languages were ac-
cepted, as were articles in all journals.
Because PsycINFO staff classify all research that fo-
cuses on comparisons of women and men or girls and boys
under the index term human sex differences, our first count
selected only articles identified by this index term. These
articles, which concern female–male comparison as one
theme but not necessarily the only one, are embedded in a
great range of specific research topics. Many investigations
pertain to cognitive abilities and personality traits, and
others to attitudes, socialization, sexual behavior, health,
and interpersonal processes and behaviors. These articles
may report sex-related differences or similarities or may
focus on moderators that produce variability in the results
of sex comparisons.

Our second count broadened our definition by supple-
menting the human sex differences index term by adding
index terms that PsycINFO uses to classify articles on
gender topics, which do not necessarily have comparison of
the sexes as a major theme: sex discrimination, sex role
attitudes, sex roles, sexism, gender identity, gender identity
disorder, femininity, masculinity, and androgyny. Our third
count broadened the definition further by including wom-
en-oriented index terms, which encompassed many studies
of women only. This expansion added all index terms
pertaining to (a) women (psychology of women, working
women, human females, female attitudes, female criminals,
female delinquency); (b) mothers (mothers, adolescent
mothers, expectant mothers, mother absence, mother child
communication, mother child relations, schizophrenogenic
mothers, single mothers, unwed mothers); and (c) feminism
(feminism, women’s liberation movement, feminist psychol-
ogy, feminist therapy). In summary of these three defini-
tions of the psychology of women and gender, the first
encompassed articles classified by the index term human
sex differences, the second added index terms pertaining
to the psychology of gender, and the third added women-
oriented index terms pertaining to women, mothers, and
feminism. Figures 1 and 2 display articles classified by
these three definitions. In this article, we use the term
psychology of women and gender to refer to the research
area defined by the third, or broadest, of these three
definitions.
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Although our search strategies were not expected to
locate every article that addressed the psychology of
women and gender, they captured the great majority of
these articles. For example, our third and broadest defini-
tion identified 89% of the articles that have been published
in the Psychology of Women Quarterly and Sex Roles.
More complex research strategies that added authors’ own
keywords and titles encompassed more articles, but more
of these did not have gender and women as central themes.
Nevertheless, all of the several alternative search strategies
that we tried out produced trends closely resembling those
shown in Figures 1 and 2.
Figure 1, displaying the yearly frequencies of articles,
shows growth in the amount of research on gender and
women, with our third, or broadest, definition yielding the
steepest rise. These results suggest that psychological re-
search is no longer womanless. To provide more direct
evidence of this generalization, we performed a simpler
analysis by counting the numbers of articles classified in
PsycINFO by the index terms human females compared
with human males. These index terms are defined not
merely by studies’ sex of participants but also by their
content emphasis on understanding the psychology of one
sex or the other, specifically, “when sex is pertinent to the
focus of the study” (American Psychological Association,
2011). Excluding articles classified by both of these index

terms, the female-to-male ratio of articles’ content focus
for 1960–2009 was 3.14. This difference in favor of
women was present in the 1970s (ratio of 2.27) and has
increased over time (ratio of 3.59 for the 2000s). Thus, in
contemporary psychology, when there is an explicit content
focus on the psychology of one sex, that sex much more
Figure 1
Annual Frequency of Articles on the Psychology of Sex
Differences, Gender, and Women in PsycINFO by
Three Definitions
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commonly is females than males. Yet, this analysis would
underestimate the attention to men if, as some feminists
have argued, the psychology of men sometimes masquer-
ades as the general psychology of humans in articles that do
not explicitly focus on men (e.g., McHugh et al., 1986;
Riger, 1992).
Part of the growth of research on gender and women

displayed in Figure 1 reflects the increase in the total
amount of research and publication in psychology. To
account for this expansion of psychology, Figure 2 displays
articles indexed relative to the total number of articles on
human psychology appearing yearly in PsycINFO. The
difference between the sheer number of articles on women
and gender and the number relative to all article production
in psychology can be seen by comparing Figures 1 and 2.
The relative trends of Figure 2 thus reveal a peak in 1979,
toward the end of the period of greatest feminist activism in
the United States. The defeat of the Equal Rights Amend-
ment in 1982 brought an ebbing of feminist protest (Mans-
bridge, 1986) and coincided with the ebbing of research.
Nonetheless, the scientific interest in women and gender
had taken root in psychology and continued to flourish.
Thus, the early 1980s’ decline in this research was fol-
lowed by a subsequent rise or stabilization, and a decline in
the 2000s (see Figure 2).
Research on women and gender, relative to all psy-
chological research cataloged by PsycINFO, appears to be
somewhat less popular in the most recent years. This shift
in part reflects the enlargement and changes in the compo-
sition of PsycINFO, given that the database has added
1,206 journals since 2000 (PsycINFO staff, personal com-
munication, February 22, 2011). In particular, more jour-
nals not published in the United States have been added. In
addition, more neuroscience and physiological psychology
journals have been added, and, as the next subsection of
this article shows, this area of psychology has a smaller
Figure 2
Annual Frequency of Articles on the Psychology of Sex
Differences, Gender, and Women by Three Definitions,
Relative to All Human Psychology Articles in PsycINFO

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concentration of gender research than many other areas.
Moreover, because of the sheer increase in PsycINFO
coverage, some other research areas also have decreased in
relative size, especially the area identified by PsycINFO as
human experimental psychology. In addition, sociopolitical
factors that may have dampened research interest in gender
and women include the postmillennial stalling of gender-
egalitarian social change (Blau, Brinton, & Grusky, 2006;
England, 2010) and a degree of backlash against some of
the changes that have occurred (e.g., Okimoto & Brescoll,
2010; Rudman & Fairchild, 2004). Nevertheless, the area
remains active by our narrow, broader, and broadest defi-
nitions: in 2009, 24, 31, and 65 articles per 1,000, respec-
tively. However, this initial look at the considerable invest-
ment of researchers in the psychology of women and
gender does not reveal much about its content. We there-
fore examine this content in more detail.
Distribution of Research Across the Areas of

Psychology
One straightforward way to reveal the broad contours of
research on gender and women is to examine its distribu-
tion across the areas into which psychology is commonly
organized both within universities and in its journals. Fa-
cilitating this analysis, the Content Classification Codes of
PsycINFO provide a set of 22 general categories (e.g.,
developmental psychology, physiological psychology and
neuroscience), each of which has 1 to 27 subcategories
(American Psychological Association, n.d.). We classi-
fied the entire group of gender articles from 1960 on-
ward, as defined by the broadest of our three definitions,
into the 22 general categories, each of which encom-
passed its subcategories.
Figure 3 displays these data as the percentage of all
articles on women and gender that appear in each of the
major areas of psychology. The area with the largest per-
centage of these articles is social processes and social
Figure 3
Percentage of All Articles on the Psychology of Sex
Differences, Gender, and Women in PsycINFO Content
Code Classifications (1960–2009)
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issues (e.g., social structure and organization, marriage and
family, political processes and issues). Given that one of
this area’s subcategories is sex roles and women’s issues
(e.g., gender roles, masculinity, femininity, feminist ideol-
ogy), it is not surprising that this area ranks first. Ranking
next in order of decreasing concentration of research on
women and gender are developmental psychology, person-
ality psychology, social psychology, sport psychology and
leisure, psychological and physical disorders, industrial
and organizational psychology, and military psychology.
These data show that the psychology of women and
gender is distributed across many areas of psychology and
has attained at least moderate representation in several
specialty areas. Yet, some areas offer little relevant content,
including psychometrics, statistics, and methodology; hu-
man experimental psychology; general psychology; and
intelligent systems. Instead, research on women and gender
is most concentrated in the basic research areas concerned
with development, social behavior, and individual person-
ality dispositions, as well as in numerous applied areas.
The existence of these Classification Codes within
PsycINFO yields some power to gauge the magnitude of
article production on the psychology of women and gender,
which by our broadest definition is 52,824 articles in 2000–
2009. We compare this output of articles to the entire
output in each of several other fields. Specifically, for
2000–2009, with fields defined by their Classification
Codes, developmental psychology yields 31,147 articles,
personality psychology yields 17,428 articles, social psy-

chology yields 11,226 articles, and industrial and organi-
zational psychology yields 29,223. In fact, for 2000–2009
the article count for the psychology of women and gender
exceeds that for all Classification Code areas except
for psychological and physical disorders, which yields
147,870 articles, and health and mental health treatment
and prevention, which yields 128,027 articles. Therefore,
even though the psychology of women and gender accounts
for a (small) percentage of article production within each of
these fields of psychology (see Figure 3), the conclusion is
inescapable that the total gender/women research field,
which is dispersed across many areas of psychology, has a
relatively large total production of articles.
Representation of the Diversity of Gender
Another way to examine the content of research on women
and gender is to assess its representation of other social
category memberships along with female and male, an
issue labeled by the term intersectionality in feminist writ-
ing (Cole, 2009; Landrine & Russo, 2010; Shields, 2008).
Although Black feminists raised this issue in the 1970s
(e.g., Torrey, 1979), it has become a particular focus of
attention during the contemporary phase of feminism
sometimes identified as its third wave, which followed the
second wave of the 1960s through the early 1980s (see
Gillis, Howie, & Munford, 2007). Third-wave feminists
criticized psychologists’ emphasis on women as a social
category because it did not take account of the heteroge-
neity of women within this category. As Fine and Gordon
(1989, p. 147) wrote, “Gender always braids with social
class, race/ethnicity, age, disability (or not), and sexual
orientation, as well as social context to produce socially
and historically constituted subjectivities.” Moreover, re-
search on gender and women, like other psychological
research, disproportionately represents educated members

of Western, industrialized, rich, and democratic societies
(Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010).
To examine researchers’ attention to the heterogeneity
of gender, we identified articles on gender and women by
our broadest definition and counted within this category the
articles that also addressed race or ethnicity, social class or
poverty, or sexual orientation. These articles were identi-
fied by index terms denoting race or ethnicity (e.g., Asians,
Blacks, Latinos/Latinas, racial and ethnic attitudes); social
class or poverty (e.g., income level, middle class, poverty,
socioeconomic status); or sexual orientation (e.g., homo-
sexuality, transsexualism, lesbianism, sexual orientation,
bisexuality).
These three analyses appear in Figure 4 in articles per
1,000 within our broadest definition of the psychology of
gender and women. These findings suggest that only a
minority of these articles have included the diversity of
gender as a salient theme. The strongest temporal increase
is for articles combining gender with race or ethnicity, with
the gain in 1990–2003 likely reflecting the emphasis on
intersectionality in feminism’s third wave. Consistent with
critiques of psychological research as neglecting social
class and poverty (Lott & Bullock, 2007; Reid, 1993), this
emphasis has so far remained relatively uncommon. Al-
though gender research that includes sexual orientation
displays a weak upward trend, attention to this form of
intersectionality has been quite limited (see Lee & Craw-
ford, 2007). Intersectionality thus remains a theme deserv-
ing greater attention.
Research on Prototypical Topics
To probe the substance of research on women and gender,
we examined themes and historical trends for several topics

that illustrate the types of investigations that emerged sub-
sequent to the feminist call for research. Although our
choices of topics are to some extent arbitrary, we selected
six topics with an eye to distributing them across relevant
areas of psychology. Also, to illustrate variability in the
relationship of research on women and gender to what
might be considered psychology’s “mainstream,” we chose
some topics that fit readily into traditional research areas
and some that did not. Three topics thus emerged within
broader research areas that were well established prior to
second-wave feminism: gender stereotypes and sex role
attitudes, gender and depression, and work–family issues.
To analyze these topics, researchers initially deployed con-
cepts already present within relevant areas, thus easing the
initiation of research. As contrasts to these three topics, we
chose an additional three topics that were not positioned
within traditional areas and that reflect feminists’ activist
agenda for social change: intimate partner violence, abor-
tion, and sexual harassment.
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For all six topics, we located relevant research by
searching PsycINFO from 1960 through 2009 with appro-
priate index terms. Figures 5 and 6 present these data.

Adding Gender to Existing Research Areas
Research on the three topics that added gender to exist-
ing research areas shows a trend of increasing popular-
ity, but with a dramatic early rise and fall in research on
gender stereotypes and sex role attitudes (see Figure 5).
In contrast, gender and depression and work–family
issues show more consistent but gradual increases. Each
of these three research topics has a unique history.
Gender stereotypes and sex role atti-
tudes (index terms � sex role attitudes, sexism1). Given
the traditional emphasis of social psychology on attitudes
and stereotypes as causes of behavior, gender research
using these concepts fit smoothly into the field (Biernat &
Deaux, 2012), speeding the topic’s rapid early rise in
popularity. In research on the cultural stereotypes that
people commonly hold about women and men in general,
two dimensions, one masculine and the other feminine,
consistently emerged (e.g., Broverman, Vogel, Broverman,
Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1972; Williams & Best, 1990),
with researchers often applying Bakan’s (1966) agency and
communion terms to describe their content (see review by
Wood & Eagly, 2010). Despite decline in the amount of
gender stereotyping research, recent experiments on stereo-
type threat have attracted attention by revealing that ste-
reotypes portraying one’s own sex unfavorably can lower
performance on stereotype-relevant tasks (see Nguyen &
Ryan, 2008; Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002).
In an attitudinal context, gender prejudice became
known as sexism. Innovative measures emerged (Spence
& Helmreich, 1972; Swim, Aikin, Hall, & Hunter, 1995;
see review by McHugh & Frieze, 1997). Research re-

vealed that attitudes toward women are both positive, or
benevolent, and negative, or hostile (Glick & Fiske,
2001). Implicit measures have become increasingly pop-
ular and further established the pervasiveness of sexism
and gender stereotyping (e.g., Rudman, Greenwald, &
McGhee, 2001).
Gender and depression (index terms � 13
terms containing the word depression such as major de-
pression, postpartum depression, recurrent depression,
Beck Depression Inventory; also, dysthymic disorder). Ini-
tial forays into this topic suggested that women’s life
situations, especially the homemaker role, created vulner-
ability to mental illness (e.g., Gove & Tudor, 1973). As
subsequent research found that the higher incidence of
depression in women begins in adolescence and is not
confined to homemakers (Radloff, 1975), researchers
turned to more proximal variables. Among these more
1 Because these index terms did not select for most research on
stereotype threat, we departed from our exclusive use of index
terms by
adding the following: Index term � human sex differences AND
key-
words � “stereotype threat.” Most gender stereotype research is
indexed
with “sex roles attitudes.”
Figure 4
Annual Frequency of Articles Addressing Race and Ethnicity,
Social Class, or Sexual Orientation, Relative to All
Articles on the Psychology of Sex Differences, Gender, and
Women in PsycINFO

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fine-grained analyses were studies examining the learned
helplessness that can be associated with women’s life sit-
uations (Seligman, 1975).
Efforts to integrate existing findings ensued (e.g., No-
len-Hoeksema, 1987), followed by an increase in the num-
ber of articles. Some of this research implicated individual
factors such as genes (Eley et al., 2004), hormones (Cyra-
nowski, Frank, Young, & Shear, 2000), ruminative cogni-
tive style (Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus, 1994), and person-
ality variables relevant to emotional processes (Kendler,
Neale, Kessler, Heath, & Eaves, 1993). Depression in
women was also related to negative life experiences such as
sexual abuse and peer harassment (Kendler, Kuhn, &
Prescott, 2004), troubled interpersonal relationships (Shih,
Eberhart, Hammen, & Brennan, 2006), body image dissat-
isfaction and objectification (Grabe, Hyde, & Lindberg,
2007), and the stresses that can follow from caregiving
(Cyranowski & Frank, 2006). Given the many variables
that predict depression’s higher incidence in women, re-
searchers proposed broad theories in which affective, bio-
logical, and cognitive proclivities of individuals interact
with negative life events to produce greater female vulner-
ability (e.g., Hankin & Abramson, 2001; Hyde, Mezulis, &
Abramson, 2008).

Work–family issues (index terms � family
work relationships, dual careers2). With the growth of the
labor force participation of women, especially of moth-
ers, in the 1970s and 1980s (U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 2010), psychologists initiated research on em-
ployed mothers and dual-earner couples (e.g., T. W.
Martin, Berry, & Jacobsen, 1975). Studies monitored the
division of labor within the family (e.g., Benin & Ed-
wards, 1990), along with family members’ perceptions
of its fairness (e.g., Sanchez, 1994). Many investigations
centered on the effects of maternal employment on mar-
riages (e.g., Chassin, Zeiss, Cooper, & Reaven, 1985),
on children’s adjustment and academic achievement
(e.g., Goldberg, Prause, Lucas-Thompson, & Himsel,
2008; Vandell & Ramanan, 1992), and on women them-
selves, including their stress and well-being (e.g., Raver,
2003).
This research area also includes studies of the health
consequences of work–family stress (van Steenbergen, &
Ellemers, 2009) and of organizational policies that can
influence this stress (Galinsky & Stein, 1990). Workplace
discrimination against mothers also received attention
(Crosby, Williams, & Biernat, 2004). In addition, an earlier
focus on work–family conflict (e.g., Loerch, Russell, &
Rush, 1989) has given way to a more positive focus on
work–family facilitation (Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Green-
haus & Powell, 2006).
In summary of these three prototypical topics, the
especially rapid growth of research on gender stereotypes
and attitudes is notable. This topic caught the wave not
only of feminism but also of the growing interest in ste-

2 In a departure from our usual strategy, identifying most
articles on
work–family issues required the addition of some paired index
terms:
division of labor AND employment status; mothers AND
employment
status; family relations AND working women; husbands AND
wives AND
occupations; employee benefits AND family; role conflicts
AND working
women.
Figure 5
Annual Frequency of Articles on Three Gender Topics Related
to Traditional Research Areas, Relative to All
Human Psychology Articles in PsycINFO
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reotyping among social cognition researchers. In contrast,
research on gender and depression and work–family issues
grew more slowly, reflecting the complexity of understand-
ing gender within these traditions. Beginning in the mid-
1990s, gender and depression became the most popular of
these three research topics.

Addressing Feminism’s Activist Agenda
Feminist activists drew attention to the multiple ways in
which women’s disadvantage is maintained. This activism
centered on ameliorating these problems through legisla-
tion (e.g., forbidding sexual harassment), judicial decisions
(e.g., legalizing abortion), community organizing (e.g., es-
tablishing shelters for battered women), and individual
skills training (e.g., self-defense classes, assertiveness
training). To represent such topics, which did not fit easily
into pre-existing frameworks, we examined research on
intimate partner violence, abortion, and sexual harassment.
Feminists intended that such research not only contribute to
knowledge but also inform and support activists and foster
progressive social change through legislation and other
means.
As shown in Figure 6, these three areas, especially
intimate partner violence, have shown growth. This in-
crease appeared earlier for abortion, with activity peaking
around the time of the 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court
decision. Research on intimate partner violence and sexual
harassment was rare until the 1980s, with sexual harass-
ment peaking in the 1990s and intimate partner violence in
the late 1990s and the 2000s. Each of these research topics
has a distinctive history.
Intimate partner violence (index terms �
battered females, partner abuse, domestic violence, inti-
mate partner violence). After early research exposed the
prevalence of physical aggression in marriages (e.g., D.
Martin, 1976), researchers focused mainly on battered
women—that is, the victims of unilateral, severe physi-
cal aggression perpetrated by husbands against their
wives. Studies investigated cyclical patterns of violence
(Walker, 1979), the characteristics of batterers (e.g.,

Gondolf, 1988), and the coping of female victims of
male violence (e.g., Koss, Bailey, Yuan, Herrera, &
Lichter, 2003). The research broadened to include phys-
ical and psychological abuse in other relationships, in-
cluding those of dating teens and gay and lesbian indi-
viduals (e.g., Tjaden, Thoennes, & Allison, 1999;
Wekerle & Wolfe, 1999).
Some researchers emphasized the similar overall in-
cidence of aggression by female and male partners (e.g.,
Archer, 2000; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980). Feminist
researchers have debated the meaning of these incidence
data and have suggested that different models may be
needed to understand female and male intimate partner
violence (Frieze, 2008; McHugh, Livingston, & Ford,
2005). In one approach, Johnson (1995) distinguished be-
tween patriarchal terrorism and common couple violence.
Recent reviews (e.g., McHugh, 2005) indicate a lack of
theoretical consensus but substantial progress in under-
standing the forms and interpersonal contexts of intimate
partner violence.
Abortion (index terms � abortion {attitudes to-
ward}, induced abortion). The legalization of abortion was
Figure 6
Annual Frequency of Articles on Three Novel Gender Topics,
Relative to All Human Psychology Articles in
PsycINFO
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an important goal of the second-wave feminist movement,
which emphasized the importance of reproductive freedom
(Smyth, 2002). Early studies focused on understanding
emotions, cognitions, attitudes, and behaviors related to
abortion (e.g., Adler & Tschann, 1993; Rosen, Werley,
Ager, & Shea, 1974) and its psychiatric antecedents and
consequences (e.g., Pfeiffer, 1970). Later research has re-
flected the goal of improving women’s lives through inter-
ventions that support their reproductive decisions (e.g.,
Littman, Zarcadoolas, & Jacobs, 2009) and ensure their
access to reproductive choices and safe abortions (Baiden,
2009; Jones & Weitz, 2009).
A review evaluating the mental health implications of
abortion compared with completion of an unwanted preg-
nancy concluded that the majority of women who terminate
pregnancies do not experience negative mental health con-
sequences (Major et al., 2009). Although these authors
called for research on the antecedents of unwanted preg-
nancy and abortion, this research area has never received
more than modest attention in psychological research.
Given the continuing political conflict about abortion, fu-
ture research will no doubt reflect multiple perspectives on
individual rights, gender issues, social relationships, and
human life (e.g., Shrage, 1994).
Sexual harassment (index term � sexual ha-
rassment). It was not until the 1970s that unwanted sexual
behavior was labeled sexual harassment and became a

focus of feminist activism. Researchers have examined the
prevalence, organizational context, and impact on victims
of sexual harassment, as well as policies designed to pre-
vent it (Fitzgerald, 1993; Riger, 1991). Research initially
focused on men abusing positions of power and broadened
to examine harassment from peers and subordinates as well
as superiors. Large-scale surveys of the federal workforce
provided data on the incidence of harassment (e.g., U.S.
Merit Systems Protection Board, 1995), and other studies
examined harassment in educational settings (Hill & Silva,
2005).
The handling of sexual harassment in the legal system
has been another focus of research (e.g., Wright & Fitzger-
ald, 2009). The codification of sexual harassment in law
and organizational guidelines appears to have lessened
agitation for prohibitions against harassment and in turn
probably accounts for the some of the decline of research
activity.
Multiple theoretical perspectives have framed sexual
harassment research (O’Leary-Kelly, Bowes-Sperry, Bates,
& Lean, 2009; Tangri, Burt, & Johnson, 1982), ranging
from a focus on individual differences (Pryor, 1987) to
organizational dynamics and culture (Gutek & Morasch,
1982; Timmerman & Bajema, 2000). In general, the
research supports the view that harassment is best un-
derstood in terms of a confluence of psychological and
social determinants.
In summary, these three research topics illustrate ef-
forts to understand phenomena that feminists regarded as
barriers to gender equality. None of these topics became
extremely popular in psychological research, and in recent
years only intimate partner violence retains substantial

research productivity.
Theoretical Orientations of Research
on Women and Gender
Despite the rise of psychological research on women and
gender along with the second-wave feminist movement,
this research is often not recognizably feminist in theoret-
ical orientation. The women’s movement awakened inter-
est in gender issues, spawned feminist psychology, and
originated numerous concepts that guided some psycholog-
ical research (e.g., sexism, sexual harassment). As illus-
trated in the prior section of this article, some of this
research has explicitly supported feminism’s activist goals,
but most research on women and gender cannot be so
identified. Consistent with this spreading of interest in
gender and women well beyond feminist psychology, a
large and diverse assortment of theories underlie this
research.
Explicitly Feminist Orientation
One consideration is the extent to which research on
women and gender has been feminist in the sense of in-
voking ideas or theories inspired by or consistent with
feminist ideology. Capturing such articles is difficult, given
the fuzzy boundaries of theoretical orientations and, in the
case of feminist theory, its internal diversity in terms of
approaches and assumptions (Chrisler & McHugh, 2011;
Gergen, 2000). Moreover, authors who consider their work
feminist often do not explicitly apply this label to it.
In an admittedly highly imperfect approach to estimat-
ing the prevalence of explicitly feminist theory, we counted
feminist articles within the psychology of women and
gender. The index terms of feminism, feminist psychology,
feminist therapy, or women’s liberation movement identi-

fied only 3.4% of the articles within our broadest definition
of the psychology of women and gender for the years
1960–2009, with an increasing trend from 1969 onward.
Overtly feminist identification of journal articles in psy-
chology is thus relatively rare and remained so even with
an alternative, maximally inclusive search encompassing
keywords, titles, and abstracts.
Multiple Theories of Gender
Because articles on gender and women are extremely di-
verse in theoretical orientation, it is not in general feasible
to classify them by theory. Many authors refer descrip-
tively to variables as causal but do not frame their analyses
in terms of a distinct psychological theory. Within specific
research topics such as sexual harassment, a wide range of
phenomenon-specific theories have flourished to account
for the complexity of the phenomenon (see O’Leary et al.,
2009). Many authors considered more than one general or
phenomenon-specific theory within a single article.
Theories most easily recognized as feminist feature
situational factors that produce female disadvantage—for
example, sexist attitudes, salient gender role norms, and
power structures that subordinate women. Although some
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of these theories have a strong social constructionist em-
phasis (e.g., West & Zimmerman, 1987), others capture the
interactions of situational and individual causes (e.g.,
Deaux & Major, 1987), and still others blend situational,
personality, and biological causes (Eagly & Wood, 2012;
Hyde et al., 2008; for review, see Wood & Eagly, 2010).
Because the overriding theme of social psychology is
the power of the situation to produce psychological phe-
nomena, it is not surprising that many social psychological
theories not mainly concerned with gender have been ef-
fectively applied to understand gender in the situationalist
terms preferred by many feminist psychologists (e.g.,
Weisstein, 1968). Social psychology has provided theoret-
ical vocabularies for analyzing situational influences. For
example, social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978) has yielded a
useful framework for understanding sex discrimination
(Schmitt, Spoor, Danaher, & Branscombe, 2009) and fem-
inist collective action (van Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears,
2008). Expectation states theory (Correll & Ridgeway,
2003) has spawned considerable research that focuses on
the implications of men’s generally higher status for the
behavior of women and men (Ridgeway & Bourg, 2004).
System justification theory (Jost, Banaji, & Nosek, 2004)
has provided insight into gender stereotyping and ideology
and its effects on behavior (Jost & Kay, 2005). In other
subfields of psychology as well, general theories have been
applied to gender issues. For example, developmental re-
search has featured the social cognitive theory of develop-
ment (Bussey & Bandura, 2004), stage theories of devel-
opment (e.g., Torges, Stewart, & Duncan, 2008), and many
other theories (see review by Blakemore, Berenbaum, &
Liben, 2009). Personality theories examining gender have

included the five-factor model of personality (Costa, Ter-
racciano, & McCrae, 2001), models of emotional intelli-
gence (Joseph & Newman, 2010), and theory based on
schematic information processing (Bem, 1981).
Evolutionary psychology emerged in the 1980s,
thereby bringing a new group of psychologists to the study
of gender. The roots of this research lie not in feminism,
but in sociobiological theorizing (Wilson, 1975), which in
turn emerged from earlier Darwinian theory (Darwin,
1871). The perspective has gained visibility, especially as a
theory of sex differences in dispositions and behaviors
(Buss, 1999). To gauge the imprint of evolutionary psy-
chology on the psychology of sex differences, we used two
methods to determine the percentage of evolutionary psy-
chology articles among all of the articles cataloged by
PsycINFO as addressing human sex differences. The first
method, which counted articles by all index terms contain-
ing evolutionary concepts (e.g., evolutionary psychology,
theory of evolution, natural selection), identified only
0.71% of the articles classified by the index term human
sex differences in the prior decade, 2000–2009. A second
method supplemented these index terms by including all of
the articles on human sex differences published in journals
containing evolutionary terms in their titles (e.g., Evolution
and Human Behavior; Sexualities, Evolution, and Gender),
regardless of whether PsycINFO had classified the arti-
cles by evolutionary index terms. Even this more inclu-
sive method identified only 1.25% of all articles classi-
fied by the human sex differences index term, 2000 –
2009. Thus, it is clear that evolutionary psychology does
not dominate the production of research that considers
human sex differences.
Although a feminist contingent exists within the evo-

lutionary science of human behavior (e.g., Gowaty, 2003;
Hrdy, 2009; Vandermassen, 2011), many feminist psychol-
ogists have remained critics of evolutionary psychology
because of its emphasis on the differing innate natures of
men and women and its lack of attention to active, con-
structive cultural processes (e.g., Eagly & Wood, 1999,
2011; Travis, 2003). Despite such criticisms, evolutionary
psychology has considerable visibility and has spawned
intense debates about how nature and nurture combine in
producing the phenomena of gender observed in contem-
porary societies (Gangestad & Simpson, 2007). For exam-
ple, the journal Sex Roles devoted an entire 2011 special
issue to evolutionary psychology (Smith & Konik, 2011).
Diffusion of Research on the
Psychology of Gender and Women
Gender research would be more influential and central to
psychology to the extent that it has diffused throughout
psychological science. In describing the content of this
research, we have already indicated that it is concentrated
in the basic research areas that address social behavior and
individual dispositions (developmental, personality, and
social) as well as in health-related and other applied areas
of psychology. This dissemination within these areas might
nonetheless have been limited by a concentration of pub-
lication in journals specializing in gender research. Alter-
natively, most research on gender and women instead
might have been published in a wide range of journals
defined by the traditional areas of psychology (e.g., clini-
cal, social, industrial–organizational, educational) as well
as in gender-specialty journals. Also, regardless of where
gender research is published, it may or may not be well
represented in psychology’s core review and theory jour-
nals. Furthermore, one route for the dissemination of psy-
chological science to the broader public is through psychol-
ogy textbooks, especially those written for the large

introductory psychology market. We surveyed all of these
forms of the diffusion of research on gender and women.
Diffusion Across Journals
We first examined the extent to which research on the
psychology of women and gender might be relegated to
specialty journals that limit their content to gender re-
search. Therefore, the journals in which the articles on
women and gender have appeared were classified into two
categories: gender specialty and all others. The specialty
journals consist of the 52 journals listed in PsycINFO that
have sex, gender, or feminism terms in their titles (e.g.,
Feminism & Psychology; Gender, Work, and Organiza-
tions; Psychology of Women Quarterly; Sex Roles; Wom-
en’s Studies International Forum). According to our broad-
est definition of research on women and gender, only 9.1%
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of the articles selected by this definition appeared in gen-
der-specialty journals. Because the number of such journals
increased over the years, it is also notable that only 11.5%
of these articles appeared in these specialty journals in
2000–2009. Also, the wide dispersion of research on gen-

der and women across a great range of journals in psychol-
ogy and related fields is consistent with our determination
that the 10 nonspecialty journals publishing the largest
number of these articles (e.g., Psychological Reports, Child
Development) together accounted for only 9.0% of the
articles on women and gender appearing in nonspecialty
journals. Therefore, research on the psychology of women
and gender is not strongly concentrated in journals devoted
to women and gender topics or in a narrow range of
nonspecialty journals.
Another index of diffusion considers the extent to
which articles on gender and women have appeared in
psychology’s most influential review and theory journals.
We therefore identified 15 such journals, defined as the
highest impact journals not presenting mainly primary re-
search or methodological articles. With Five-Year Impact
Factors3 ranging from 23.5 to 4.6 (Thomson Reuters,
2011), these journals, in descending order, are Behavioral
and Brain Sciences, Annual Review of Psychology, Psy-
chological Bulletin, Trends in Cognitive Science, Psycho-
logical Review, Annual Review of Clinical Psychology,
Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, American
Psychologist, Perspectives on Psychological Science, Per-
sonality and Social Psychology Review, Psychological In-
quiry, Clinical Psychology Review, Neuropsychology Re-
view, Educational Psychology Review, and Current
Directions in Psychological Science.
By our broadest definition of the psychology of
women and gender, articles in this area accounted for 3.5%
(1960–2009) and 3.6% (2000–2009) of all articles in these
prominent theory and review journals. The highest rep-
resentation in any of these journals in this most recent
decade is 5.4% in Psychological Bulletin, psychology’s
most elite review journal. Among these articles 37.9%

are meta-analyses classified by the index term human sex
differences.
It is useful to place these values for representation in
elite journals in the context of the total article production in
the psychology of women and gender, which by our broad-
est definition is 7.5% (1960–2009) and 7.6% (2000–2009)
of all articles with human populations cataloged by Psy-
cINFO. Despite the smaller representation in these elite
journals than in all journals, it seems fair to conclude that
the psychology of gender and women has become moder-
ately represented in psychology’s most influential theory
and review journals.
Representation in Introductory Psychology
Textbooks
Introductory psychology textbooks are important for com-
municating psychological science to the broader public.
Psychology is a very popular undergraduate major, yield-
ing 94,271 bachelor’s degrees in 2008–09 (National Cen-
ter for Education Statistics, 2010). The introductory course
is also taken by many students who have other college
majors. Therefore, if gender research is to reach a broader
public, introductory psychology textbooks constitute one of
the important routes. Therefore, we examined the extent to
which the psychology of gender and women is included in
the current textbooks.
Table 1 portrays the inclusion of research on women
and gender in the 10 top-selling introductory psychology
textbooks (Bowker, 2010), examined in their longer ver-
sion for those books published in a shorter and longer
edition. To produce these data, two of the authors of this
article independently inspected all pages of a printed copy
of each book. To avoid counting the same content more

than once, these coders excluded material outside of the
core textbook content, including prefaces, chapter outlines,
chapter and section summaries or recaps, epilogues, quiz-
zes and postchapter exercises, appendices, references, and
glossaries. Material elaborating core content but placed in
“boxes” was coded.
In a first phase, the two coders independently noted
the pages containing any instance of the basic gender and
women terms: gender, sex, women/woman, mother(s),
girl(s), female(s), and feminine as well as synonyms for
these terms. The coders also noted terms pertaining to the
six topics discussed in the section “Research on Prototyp-
ical Topics.” Intercoder agreement was high (Cohen’s
kappa � .96), and (the few) errors were corrected in
comparing the two sets of codings.
In a second phase, the two coders independently de-
cided which of the pages noted as containing one or more
relevant terms should be included in the final count. Their
rule was that pages were retained only if the textbook
authors used the terms in the context of research or theory
on gender or women in humans, including male–female
comparisons and information about particular groups of
women (i.e., working mothers). Statements pertaining only
to sexuality (e.g., sexual intercourse) were excluded unless
they were explicitly connected to gender issues such as
male–female comparisons of sexual behavior or attitudes
toward sexuality. Terms used in a manner unrelated to
research on gender and women were not counted—for
example, “Some get by with 3 or 4 hours of sleep, and one
healthy 70-year-old woman slept only about 1 hour per
night” (Kalat, 2011, p. 355). Statements possibly implying
gender stereotypes such as “In 1966, a young man named
Charles Whitman killed his wife and mother and then
climbed to the top of a tower at the University of Texas and

shot 38 people” (Myers, 2010, p. 501) were not counted
unless the authors explicitly associated them with informa-
tion about gender issues. Intercoder agreement for this
second phase of the coding was high (Cohen’s kappa �
.87), and disagreements were resolved by discussion.
As shown in Table 1, our count of pages containing
basic concepts related to the psychology of gender and
3 The Five-Year Impact Factor is “the average number of times
articles from the journal published in the last five years have
been cited”
in a given year (Thomson Reuters, 2009).
Th
is
d
oc
um
en
t i
s c
op
yr
ig
ht
ed
b

y
th
e
A
m
er
ic
an
P
sy
ch
ol
og
ic
al
A
ss
oc
ia
tio
n
or
o
ne

o
f i
ts
a
lli
ed
p
ub
lis
he
rs
.
Th
is
a
rti
cl
e
is
in
te
nd
ed
so

le
ly
fo
r t
he
p
er
so
na
l u
se
o
f t
he
in
di
vi
du
al
u
se
r a
nd
is

n
ot
to
b
e
di
ss
em
in
at
ed
b
ro
ad
ly
.
women, as appearing in the context of research or theory on
gender or women, indicated variable representation across
the texts. The mean representation across the 10 books was
20.9% of pages containing at least some material on gender
or women. In the four textbooks with a separate chapter on
sex and gender issues, this content was concentrated in that
chapter.
Our counts of the number of pages addressing each of

the six topics that we chose as prototypical of research on
gender and women also appear in Table 1. The textbooks’
coverage varied from four to six of these topics. The topic
given by far the most emphasis was gender stereotypes and
sex role attitudes, covered in all books, with the number of
pages mentioning this issue ranging from 4 to 23. Material
related to gender and depression and to intimate partner
violence was also covered in every book, although on
fewer pages. The least popular topics were sexual harass-
ment and abortion. Each of these two topics appeared in
only 4 of the 10 books, typically with their relevance to
women’s rights noted. For example, King (2011) noted, “In
the United States, sexual harassment is an illegal form of
sexual discrimination that violates Title VII of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964” (p. 479). Wade and Tavris (2011)
wrote about attitudes toward abortion reflecting “your
premises about when meaningful human life begins, what
rights an embryo has, and what rights a woman has to
control her own body” (p. 315).
In summary, it is clear that research on the psychology
of women and gender is being conveyed to the broader
public through these popular introductory psychology text-
books. The amount of attention in some texts (e.g., Myers,
2010; Wade & Tavris, 2011) is seemingly generous, in
view of the great range of topics covered in such textbooks.
Within this considerable coverage, textbook authors some-
times presented sex-related differences with little attention
to causal interpretations. Because more than one interpre-
tation is often plausible, this engaging area of science
offers textbook authors the opportunity to contrast relevant
theories in ways that can inspire students to think critically.
Conclusion
Psychological science has been continually transformed,
not only in response to its internal dynamics of discovery

and theory development, but also in reaction to the ques-
tions posed by social changes ongoing in society. Femi-
nism as a social movement thus posed psychological ques-
tions about a myriad of aspects of gender, and activists
called for research to support social action and legislative
and other reforms. Researchers in psychology then rapidly
escalated their commitment to research on gender and
women. Viewed in raw counts of articles (see Figure 1),
this growth has continued unabated. Viewed relative to the
growth in all research on human psychology (see Figure 2),
gender research peaked in the late 1970s, reflecting the
period of maximum feminist activism, and peaked again
around 2000. This second peak and the continuing popu-
larity of gender research suggest that, although feminism
planted the seeds of this research by asking provocative
questions, these seeds took root and yielded long-termTa
b
le
1
Re
pr
es
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ta
tio
n
of
th
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Ps
yc
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scientific investment. This attention on the part of many
researchers effectively transformed the content of psycho-
logical research in a half-century that saw momentous
social change affecting gender relations. Moreover, consis-
tent with greater change in the social roles of women than
men, the psychology of women has received a greater
amount of explicit scientific attention than the psychology
of men.
As our analyses show, the psychology of gender and
women has been investigated within many specific research
areas and is not especially concentrated into gender-spe-
cialty journals. It has attained at least moderate represen-
tation in psychology’s core research journals as well as
variable amounts of inclusion in introductory psychology
textbooks. This scholarship has thus moved from its tenta-
tive beginnings on the margins of psychology in the 1960s
to its secure place among other central emphases of con-
temporary psychological science.
Most of the analyses that we present in this article are
dependent on the superb shared resource of PsycNET,
which is maintained by an expert staff employed by the
American Psychological Association. Therefore, the clas-
sifications of articles that we have reported and cumulated
are at root the product of human judgments by these indi-
viduals, who inspect each document that appears in
PsycINFO. Human judgment is of course subject to biases,
but we find it difficult to develop hypotheses about biases
of the PsycINFO staff, who are highly motivated to be
accurate. Moreover, the results of their classification deci-
sions are public and can be inspected at any moment by
authors and anyone else with access to the database. Also,
in contrast to most other research based on coding, these

classifications are independent of the authors of any article
in which they are cited.
To summarize our views about the history of research
on gender and women, we believe that this research gained
from feminist ideology but has escaped its boundaries. In
this garden, many flowers have bloomed, including some
flowers not widely admired by some feminist psycholo-
gists. Many, if not most, psychologists who self-identify as
feminist researchers continue to endorse a focus on situa-
tional causation, as Weisstein (1968) advocated. For exam-
ple, Greene (2010, p. 445) wrote, “In feminist psychology
. . . there is an explicit mandate to situate behavior in a
social context of power differentials and to not treat it as an
entity that occurs in isolation or as a defect in the person.”
However, without necessarily abandoning this emphasis,
the psychology of gender and women has broadened to
include a wide range of variables that are not situational,
although they can of course be influenced by situational
factors. Popular emphases now include hormonal pro-
cesses, encompassing their organizational and activational
effects (Haselton, Mortezaie, Pillsworth, Bleske-Rechek, &
Frederick, 2007; Hines, 2009; Jordan-Young, 2010; Taylor
& Master, 2011), cognitive and affective processes (e.g.,
Roberts & Pennebaker, 1995; Shields, 2005), temperament
and personality (e.g., Costa et al., 2001; Else-Quest, Hyde,
Goldsmith, & Van Hulle, 2006), and cognitive and other
abilities (Else-Quest, Hyde, & Linn, 2010; Halpern et al.,
2007). Increasingly, gender researchers have realized that
understanding the intertwining of nature and nurture
through which gender phenomena emerge requires a large
tool kit of psychological and biological variables (Wood &
Eagly, 2010).
Although some feminist researchers continue to be

ambivalent about research that compares the sexes (e.g.,
Marecek, 2001), many have come to appreciate the effect-
size continua that have largely replaced traditional differ-
ence–similarity labeling and to understand the scientific
yield of this research (e.g., Hyde, 2005; Hyde & Grabe,
2008). Other feminists have called for framing this research
in terms of the traditional feminist emphasis on social
context, considered at the interpersonal, organizational, and
societal levels of analysis (Yoder & Kahn, 2003). Further-
ing interest in the comparative method are the 299 meta-
analyses pertaining to sex comparisons (1978–2009) that
are cataloged in PsycINFO. In addition, heightened enthu-
siasm for sex-comparison research has emerged among
feminist advocates for women’s health who argue that sex
differences have been wrongly ignored in medical research,
treatment, and social policy (Epstein, 2009), including re-
search on mental health (Sigmon et al., 2007). In response
to this neglect, the Society for Women’s Health Research
founded the Organization for the Study of Sex Differences,
which “works to enhance the knowledge of sex/gender
differences by facilitating interdisciplinary communication
and collaboration among scientists and clinicians of diverse
backgrounds” (Organization for the Study of Sex Differ-
ences, n.d.).
Feminist psychologists generally maintain that re-
search should contribute to social action and social justice
as well as to knowledge (e.g., Riger, 1992). From this
perspective, the discipline of psychology would potentially
transform society to produce gender equality (Kahn &
Yoder, 1989). Although imagining a single academic dis-
cipline as the critical engine of social change suggests a
certain hubris concerning the power of this one branch of
knowledge, psychological science has surely contributed to
gender equality on many fronts. An analysis of these ef-
fects is beyond the scope of this article, but we note a few

examples.
Consider the successful use of psychological research
on gender stereotypes in court cases on employment dis-
crimination (e.g., Fiske, Bersoff, Borgida, Deaux, & Hei-
lman, 1993). Research on work–family issues has served as
the basis for progressive changes in organizational person-
nel policies (e.g., Bailyn, 2006). Also, psychological re-
search has been the lynchpin in several U.S. Supreme Court
cases regarding reproductive rights. For instance, in the
case of Thornburgh v. American College of Obstetricians
and Gynecologists (1986), a research-based amicus brief
by the American Psychological Association (Bersoff, Mal-
son, & Ennis, 1985) helped to overturn the Pennsylvania
state law that required physicians to inform women con-
templating an abortion of potential detrimental physical
and psychological effects. Similarly, research on sexual
harassment has been influential in a variety of contexts,
including court cases and the formulation of government
Th
is
d
oc
um
en
t i
s c
op
yr

se
r a
nd
is
n
ot
to
b
e
di
ss
em
in
at
ed
b
ro
ad
ly
.
regulations (see Greathouse, Levett, & Kovera, 2009). Re-
search establishing women’s progressive and effective
leadership styles has been widely distributed in advocacy

efforts to improve women’s access to corporate leadership
positions (e.g., Desvaux, Devillard-Hoellinger, & Baum-
garten, 2007).
Providing context for the changes in the content of
psychological science documented in this article is the
spectacular change in the sex composition of psychology
in the United States. In 1960, women constituted 17.5%
of PhDs awarded in psychology (Burrelli, 2008) and in
2009, 75.4% of PhDs and 78.8% of PsyDs (Michalski,
Kohout, Wicherski, & Hart, 2011). Also, in 1977, the
earliest year for which faculty data are available, women
constituted 20.5% of full-time tenured or tenure-track
psychology faculty in colleges or universities, compared
with 46.2% of these faculty in 2006 (Burrelli, 2008),
including 44.8% of faculty in graduate departments of
psychology in 2009 (Wicherski, Mulvey, Hart, & Ko-
hout, 2011). Although the women who now populate
psychology have not necessarily achieved equality with
their male counterparts in status and monetary compen-
sation (see Kite et al., 2001), the demographic change in
the discipline is very great. Just as feminists have ac-
cused the men who once dominated psychological re-
search of ignoring gender and studying “topics of inter-
est to themselves” (Chrisler & McHugh, 2011, p. 37), a
portion of the women who are now very well represented
in research not surprisingly have favored, among their
many interests, topics of special importance to women
(Eagly, in press). These women, together with those men
who have also addressed the psychology of women and
gender, have produced a psychology that encompasses
understanding of the mind and behavior of both sexes,
clearly a major advance for psychological science.
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Th
is
d
oc
um
en
t i
s c
op
yr
ig
ht

nd
is
n
ot
to
b
e
di
ss
em
in
at
ed
b
ro
ad
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Econ 4650, Spring 2019
Assignment 1
Introduction
Welcome to Assignment 1!
It is suggested you do the following before attempting this
assignment*
• Read the appropriate textbook chapters (Chapter 1 & Chapter
2 in the Custom Text;
Chapter 17 & Chapter 1 in the full text)
• Read the Econ_4650_Sprin_2019_Intro_to_R.pdf in Module
1.a
• Install the software R
• Read OrdinaryLeastSquares pdf in Module 1.b
• Take a deep breath!
*Note, You may also watch the Module 1 video tutorials, but

this is not required. Also, please note that
there have been adjustments to the number of assignments and
the structure of the course since the time the
videos were made.
Definitions for Annual Consumption of Chicken Data
Y = per capita chicken consumption (in pound) in a given year
PC = the price of chicken (in cents per pound) in a given year
PB = the price of beef (in cents per pound) in a given year
YD = U.S. per capita disposable income (in hundred of dollars)
in a given year
Assignment 1
[1] Download the data file CHICK6.csv from Assignment 1.
[2] Load the CHICK6.csv data into R and rename it so that it
includes your own name or initials (for example,
we might name our dataset JunfuCHICK6 ).
[3] Generate the mean and the standard deviation for the
variables Y, PC, PB, and YD from the CHICK6.csv
data set.
[4] You are going to run a regression (in [5]) where Y is the
dependent variable, and PC, PB, and YD are
the independent variables. Discuss whether you think the
independent variable PB will have a negative or
positive effect on the dependent variable. In your decision, try
to use as much economic theory as you can –
theory is what motivates what variables are included in a model
and what sign we anticipate for the model’s

estimates.
[5] Estimate the model in R and present the results.
[6] Interpret the results for the coefficient PB from your model.
Make sure to include whether or not the
result aligned with your expectations.
1
IntroductionDefinitions for Annual Consumption of Chicken
DataAssignment 1
Encyclopedia of Gender in Media
Stereotypes
Contributors: Rachel E. Silverman
Edited by: Mary Kosut
Book Title: Encyclopedia of Gender in Media
Chapter Title: "Stereotypes"
Pub. Date: 2012
Access Date: January 15, 2019
Publishing Company: SAGE Publications, Inc.
City: Thousand Oaks
Print ISBN: 9781412990790

Online ISBN: 9781452218540
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781452218540.n155
Print pages: 373-375
© 2012 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
This PDF has been generated from SAGE Knowledge. Please
note that the pagination of the online
version will vary from the pagination of the print book.
javascript:void(0);
http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781452218540.n155
Stereotypes are overly simplified conceptions, images, or
beliefs about individuals and specific social groups.
Popular stereotypes rely on assumptions, are often mistaken for
reality, and usually have negative connota-
tions. The term stereotype was first coined in 1798 in the field
of typography. It originally meant “duplicate
impression” and described the process of casting a print mold.
In 1922, American journalist Walter Lippmann
redefined the term as a perpetual “picture in our heads.” The
power of the image in our heads is its ability to
perpetuate without change. Unfortunately, that image, the
stereotype, is usually negative and constricts indi-
vidual identities to preconceived group characteristics.
Theories of Stereotypes
Perspectives on the development of stereotypes vary; views
range from a belief that stereotypes help to frame
an individual's experience with different groups of people to a

belief that stereotypes are patterns of com-
munication that are, by definition, inaccurate representations
and projections of one to another. Early studies
suggested that stereotypes were used only by repressed
authoritarians as a form of prejudicial thinking. More
recent theories acknowledge the complexity of stereotypes and
stereotyping and conclude that both are com-
monplace.
Social psychologists attribute the stereotyping process to the
human need for mental categorizing. There are
two generally agreed-upon perspectives about stereotypes and
how they operate. The first perspective sug-
gests that stereotypes are automatic (subconscious) and explicit
(conscious). Automatic stereotyping is the
stereotyping everyone does without notice and is accompanied
by an explicit stereotype, which creates more
concrete ideas in the mind. In this case, stereotypes act first as
mental categories with which to contain new
information (people, groups, places, and so forth) and then as a
set of perceptions about the new information.
For example, the stereotype of people from New Jersey as loud
and obnoxious, with a taste for ostentatious
clothing and usually Italian-American, will cast all state
residents in such a light even though the state's pop-
ulation is quite diverse. The power of stereotypes is reinforced
when the stereotype is mass-produced in the
media, as in shows like The Real House Wives of New Jersey,
The Jersey Shore, and Jerseylicious.
The second perspective on stereotypes relies on the notion of
in-groups and out-groups. In-groups are per-
ceived as normal and thus the superior group of which to be a
member, whereas out-groups are simply all
other, less desirable groups. In this second perspective on
stereotypes, the members of the in-group are not

stereotyped because they are seen as normal individuals with
distinct identities. Members of the out-group
are treated en masse and are ascribed few discernible or notable
differences. In the United States, heterosex-
uals are an in-group, leaving all other sexual orientations to be
stereotyped as deviant. There are no stereo-
types about heterosexuals, because heterosexuality is the
nonste-reotypical in-group.
In general, stereotypes are constructed for people and groups of
people with whom individuals have little to
no contact. Lack of familiarity encourages the lumping together
of unknown people. Most often, the lack of
distinction combined with the lack of specific knowledge results
in stereotypes that are largely negative as-
sumptions about a group or individual person within that group.
However, social scientists and psychologists
tend to agree that stereotypes help humans manage the
complexities of other people as individuals. Even
though stereotyping can be problematic, it is an efficient way to
organize large blocks of information. The need
to categorize is an essential human characteristic that allows
people to simplify and operate within the world.
By assigning general traits to members of groups, humans are
more apt to avoid processing new information
and are better able to predict the social world in a general
sense.
A very different view of stereotypes suggests that the reason
people stereotype is that they need to feel good
about themselves. Stereotypes enhance self-esteem and protect
people from feelings of anxiety by desig-
nating one's own group as normal and superior and making all
other groups abnormal and inferior. In other
words, stereotypes can help provide people with a sense of
worth and pride in their identity. It is important to

note that groups that are negatively stereotyped can, over time,
enact the labels that are placed on them and
SAGE
Copyright © 2012 by SAGE Publications, Inc
SAGE Reference
Page 2 of 6
assume, even if subconsciously, that a negative stereotype
applied to them by a dominant group is a norm
to emulate. Furthermore, stereotypes can prevent or discourage
members of an in-group from forming any
emotional identification with members of an out-group, leading
to erroneous judgments and scapegoating.
Characteristics subject to stereotyping range from age and
gender to race and religion, always with the idea
that there is one ideal way to be and all other identities can be
lumped together and stereotyped.
In media, the recognizable nature of stereotypes has assured
their use in contemporary advertising and com-
edy. Moreover, throughout history, literature and art have relied
on stereotyped stock characters. Storytellers
have used clichéd or predictable characters and situations in
order to quickly connect with readers and audi-
ences.
Gender and Sexual Stereotypes
Stereotypes about gender and sexuality are the most prolific
form of stereotyping. Stereotypes about sexuality

work to maintain society's strict notion of a gender binary. That
is, male and female stereotypes perpetuate the
idea that only male and female genders exist. Common gender
stereotypes claim that men are promiscuous
whereas women are sexually repressed, men are aggressive and
brutish whereas women are demure and
passive, and men are insensitive and detached whereas women
are naturally caring and nurturing. These
stereotypical gender roles place women at home, raising
children and completely satisfied by their husbands,
and men away at work, with few emotional ties to their families
and eyes for every woman who passes them
by. Gender stereotypes assume that all men must act
stereotypically male, all women must act stereo-typ-
ically female, and any deviation from the norm is intensely
problematic. Living up to sexual stereotypes is
damaging for people and creates ideas about one gender being
better than another, leading to the notion of
one person being better simply because of the person's
biological reproductive capabilities or genitalia.
Sexual stereotypes also affect how we conceive of hetero-,
homo-, and bisexuality. Heterosexuality is often
considered the norm, or in-group, which causes all other sexual
orientations to be stereotyped as out-groups
and thus deviant and abnormal. Sexual stereotypes are damaging
to nonheterosexual people and often result
in the denial or limitation of civil rights, as well as violence and
discrimination. Some sexual stereotypes sug-
gest that lesbians are unrefined, unattractive, and overweight
(similar to heterosexual men) and that gay men
are stereotypically thin, effeminate, and vain (similar to
heterosexual women).
Racial and Ethnic Stereotypes

In the United States, some of the longest-held and potentially
most detrimental stereotypes are those about
African Americans. Stereotypes about African American people
date back to the colonial years of settlement,
particularly after slavery became a racial institution. Blacks
have been stereotyped as lazy, primitive, reli-
gious, and violent. They have been depicted as loving fried
chicken, Kool-Aid, and watermelon. The arche-
typal African American image comes primarily from the
minstrel shows of the 19th century. In these shows,
white people wore blackface makeup and performed African
Americans as buffoonish and ignorant charac-
ters. Some of the most well-known black stereotypes are the
Sambo (a trickster), the Mammy (a large, dark-
skinned woman who raises white folks' babies), the Uncle Tom
(an African American man who acquiesces in
everything white people want), the Magical Black Man (a
character who saves white people from their own
mistakes), and the Welfare Queen (an African American woman
who has babies only to get money from the
government). In news media today, the stereotype of angry,
violent black men and women has led to some
of the most racist images seen in American culture. Sports are
the one place where African American stereo-
types are somewhat positive, but the assumption that all black
people are natural-born athletes can still be
damaging and limiting: The more positive image is only made
negative by the resulting stereotype that as-
sumes that black communities place a low priority on education.
SAGE
SAGE Reference
Page 3 of 6

Similarly, Hispanics are cast as a group of people uninterested
in education. Rather, the stereotypical Hispan-
ic person cares only for his or her family and having more and
more children—especially because the most
prominent stereotype of Hispanic people is that they all hail
from a common country of origin. In the United
States, Hispanic and Latino people are incorrectly given racial
identities and are often depicted as part of one
homogeneous culture or ethnic group with no defining
characteristics. If a country of origin is specified, it is
invariably Puerto Rico or Mexico, regardless of an individual's
actual home country.
Recently, a rise in stereotypes about Middle Eastern, Arab, and
Muslim people has occurred. Although a fas-
cination with the Near East has long existed in literature and
film and characters have long been depicted as
billionaires on camels or belly dancers in tents, the more
common stereotype today is of a bomber or terrorist.
After the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade
Center in New York City, a wave of anti-Arab im-
ages and stereotypes emerged. Racial profiling done at airports
has become a common form of stereotyping
and another example of the ways in which out-groups are
demeaned and degraded by stereotypes.
Stereotyping people from “the Orient” has long been a cultural
fascination of Americans. A major stereotype
of East Asia is its exotic and mysterious nature compared to the
bland, ordinary aspect of Western culture
and customs. An interestingly detrimental effect of the East's
mystique places all Asian cultures in a perpetual

state of ancient timelessness, whereas the West is seen as
constantly emerging, innovating, and reconstruct-
ing itself. In the late 19th century, a fear of the “Yellow Peril”
overwhelmed Western countries, including the
United States, where anti-Asian sentiments were readily
expressed on the West Coast as Chinese, Japanese,
and other Asians began immigrating to America. Since then,
Asians have been stereotyped as the “model
minority;” that is, positive traits have been ascribed to all Asian
individuals as part of their stereotype. Asians
are seen as studious, productive, intelligent, and inoffensive
people who have elevated their social standing
through diligence and hard work. Asians are also stereotyped by
their choice of professions: as dry cleaners,
grocery store owners, and scientists. When Asians are not
performing a stereotypical job or operating as part
of an ideal minority, then they fall into one of these even more
limiting roles: the Fu Manchu (an evil, Satan-
like character), the Charlie Chan (a “good” Asian who has good
manners), the Dragon Lady (a hypersexual
woman manifested in the war bride as well as the prostitute),
and the China Doll (a subservient maiden).
Another minority that has been subjected to both positive and
negative stereotypes are Jews. Throughout the
centuries, Jewish people have been made scapegoats for a
multitude of societal problems. However, they
are also praised for their ability to survive and be successful.
Jews have been cast as greedy, cheap, loud,
and obnoxious. They are often depicted counting money or
diamonds. Jewish female stereotypes include
guilt-inflicting mothers and spoiled, materialistic daughters (the
Jewish American “princess”). Caricatures of
Jews show them as having curly hair, large hook noses, thick
lips, and olive-brown skin. Usually somewhere
in the picture is also an image of a bagel, yarmulke, or menorah,

and the character is often playing the violin,
haggling with a customer, or undergoing circumcision. One of
the most famous Jewish stereotypes is William
Shakespeare's character Shylock from The Merchant of Venice.
Shylock is a moneylender who insists on be-
ing repaid in full and attempts to claim his “pound of flesh”
when Antonio (the lead character and clearly a
member of society's in-group) is unable to repay him with
money.
The gendered specificity of ethnic and cultural stereotypes adds
a layer to the process whereby groups are
belittled through stereotypes. In the United States, because the
ideal in-group woman displays the character-
istics of attractive, demure, and nurturing, stereotypes of
nonwhite women are the opposite. For example, the
African American Mammy may take care of children, but they
are not her own and she is usually depicted as
obese and thus unattractive. The China Doll may be demure, but
too much so; white men cannot take her
seriously enough to consider her worthy of marriage. Nonwhite
stereotypical women are never pretty and al-
most always overly sexual if not completely asexual. Likewise,
the stereotypical nonwhite male is also always
“too much” or “not enough;” he is either too weak, like the
Uncle Tom; too aggressive, like the Fu Manchu; too
smart and cunning, like the Jewish Shylock; or too lazy and
unintelligent, like African American and Hispanic
men. Particularly damaging nonwhite male stereotypes have
marked many minority males as not only defec-
tive but also completely nonhuman, as animals to be handled.
SAGE
SAGE Reference

of 6
Because stereotypes affect at least one aspect of everyone's
identity, the potential damaging or limiting im-
pact of stereotyping is endless. However, awareness of and
education about stereotypes, and of how they
are proliferated in various media depictions, can work to
mitigate, if not fully correct, that damage. With
that awareness and a fuller personal experience with people
different from ourselves, how we as individuals
choose to use stereotypes—whether as guides and mental
frameworks about large quantities of information
or as distinctive and determinative knowledge about individuals
in groups—is up to us.
• stereotypes
• stereotypes and stereotyping
• gender stereotypes
• ethnic stereotypes
• African Americans
• mammy
• caucasians
Rachel E. SilvermanEmbry Riddle Aeronautical University
See also
• Affirmative Action
• Class Privilege
• Cultural Politics
• Diversity
• Empowerment

• Gender and Femininity: Motherhood
• Gender and Femininity: Single/Independent Girl
• Gender and Masculinity: Black Masculinity
• Gender and Masculinity: Fatherhood
• Gender and Masculinity: Metrosexual Male
• Gender and Masculinity: White Masculinity
• Hegemony
• Heterosexism
• Homophobia
• Identity
• Ideology
• Intersectionality
• Minority Rights
• Misogyny
• Patriarchy
• Prejudice
• Queer Theory
• Racism
• Sexism
• Social Construction of Gender
• Transgender Studies
• Tropes
Further Readings
Foxman, Abraham.Jews and Money: The Story of a
Stereotype.New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
SAGE
SAGE Reference
Page 5 of 6

http://origin-sk.sagepub.com/reference/genderinmedia/n2.xml
Lee, Stacey J.Unraveling the “Model Minority” Stereotype:
Listening to Asian American Youth.New York:
Teachers College Press, 2009.
Macrae, C. N., C.Stangor, and M.Hewstone, eds. Stereotypes
and Stereotyping.New York: Guilford Press,
1996.

Said, Edward.Orientalism.New York: Pantheon Books, 1978.
Steele, Claude M.Whistling Vivaldi: How Stereotypes Affect Us
and What We Can Do.New York: W. W. Nor-
ton, 2011.
Turner, Patricia A.Ceramic Uncles and Celluloid Mammies:
Black Images and Their Influence on Culture.New
York: Anchor Books, 1994.
SAGE
SAGE Reference
Page 6 of 6
Encyclopedia of Gender in MediaStereotypes

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